Encyclopaedia Homeopathica

BRADFORD Thomas Lindsley

Preface
In 1847, Dr. Constantine Hering, the Father of American Homoeopathy, published in the Hygea an article, entitled
"Requisites to a Correct Estimate of Hahnemann". In this he wrote that in order to worthily estimate the character
of this man, belonging to history, it would be necessary to mention the age in which he lived; to depict the life at
Meissen, the home life, the school days, the artist-father and the mother, the early training of the boy. After this
to describe the life and labors up to 1790, the year of the discovery of the New Law of Healing, and then:
"The foundation being thus laid, and the man presented to us in his daily life, his thoughts and his labors, his time and
his contemporaries, the second and most important part would be devoted to the consideration of his new opinions,
and a statement of the origin and gradual development, step by step, of Homoeopathy. From the note in Cullen's
"Materia Medica," through all his subsequent writings, and even through the successive editions of the "Organon,"
the materials must be industriously sought and carefully brought together down to the latest words of the expiring
stage.
"Through the whole of this, criticism should be silent, no partisanship should divert shallow readers with straight laced
conventionalities, the day-spring of the discoverer's thought should appear in its true primordial form, in its
progress and in its growth, exempt from all cavil.
"After his writings, after his published and his various unpublished correspondence and other productions, the inner
moral state of the man, the heart and feelings must be developed as the hidden spring of all. Here, where, for us as
for all men, lies the danger of error; yea, the greatest danger, that of being unjust-and where we would, least of all,
dare to be unjust-here the greatest watchfulness and most rigorous care are but requirements of the lowest and
commonest duty. Nothing in the shape of testimony should here be omitted, not, however, what others have said of
him, but what he has said of himself and of others.
"Next to this should be given his character, his mode of thought as they concerned domestic, civic and political life,
and his conduct as man, husband, father and citizen, and then his bearing as physician, preceptor, colleague and
controversialist. We are all the children of our parents-circumstances, moulded by our proximate relations in
proportion to their force and repetition-this consideration should not be without its weight in the present case.
"The multitude of calumnies against Hahnemann should not protract their brief existence by a place in such a volume.
Where, however, they chafed or roused their noble mark (for in his venerable age he was at times galled even to
tears) they might merit a passing notice.
"Thus should the historian accompany his hero to the time when a friendly beckoning hand withdraws him from things
without; his senses close to page and speech, unfold to sources of joy and hope, and he departs, at peace with
himself, with God and with the mantled world.
"Then let the estimate follow, not penned by the laborious biographer, but formed in the inmost soul of him who shall
have read and weighed the whole."
It has been the intention to follow Dr. Hering's advice and to permit Hahnemann to speak by means of his writings; to
avoid criticism of his motives and to be very chary of personal opinion; to narrate in a concise manner the romantic
story of his wanderings, his persecutions, his discoveries, his triumphs and his peaceful death, with the hope that
the reader may find in the letters and events of this long and remarkable existence reasons for correctly
understanding the expounder of a doctrine believed by so many to be founded upon an eternal law of God.
While much has been published in the past, it has all been fragmentary, and only by delving within the covers of many
rare and difficult volumes can it be found. It has been the aim to collect everything bearing any relation to the
career of Hahnemann in this book. The German, French and English literature have been thoroughly examined,
considerable of the matter being for the first time published in English.
The portrait of Hahnemann is taken from an oil painting now in the possession of the Hahnemann Medical College of
Philadelphia. Mr. Enoch Pratt, of Baltimore, to whom it formerly belonged, says of it: "I was in Paris in 1855, at the
request of Dr. Schmidt of this city (Baltimore), I found the widow of Dr. Hahnemann, who had, she considered, the
best original likeness of her husband painted in his lifetime; she consented to my having it copied, which was done by
Hathaway, a distinguished painter of that day, in her house, under her own supervision, and she pronounced it
perfect, saying she could distinguish no difference in them. I consider yours an original and very valuable."
This compilation has been made so that not only the younger physicians and students of our school but other readers
may readily gain access to the facts in the life of Hahnemann, brilliant chemist, learned physician, great reformer
and cultured man, and that they may become more familiar with the story of his marvelous career.
And at this time when the people are finding out that there is truth behind the doctrine of Homoeopathy, it is the
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hope of the compiler that this book may be accepted as a biographical monument to the memory of this man whose
teachings and influence have done so much to rob sickness of its terrors and to restore health to humanity.
1895

The life of Hahnemann

Meissen, the capital of misnia
In the days gone by, there was situated in Upper Saxony a beautiful town called Meissen; it was the capital of the
Margravate of Misnia, and was located on the little river Meisse, near its junction, with the stately Elbe, in a fertile
valley rich in corn and vineyards, and was about twelve miles northwest of the city of Dresden.
In the middle of the eighteenth century, the period of which we write, Meissen had about four thousand inhabitants,
many of whom were expert artists, chemists and painters. It was a town of importance, for it contained a branch of
the Electoral Academy of Sciences, various cloth factories, and a manufactory for the newly discovered and
wonderful "China-glass," or porcelain.
This porcelain factory was in the ruins of an ancient castle, which stood on the side of a mountain near by. The main
portion alone was standing; the wings, the former homes of the Burgraves of Saxony, had long been but a mass of
ruins. This central building, known as the Albertsburg, had been for many years occupied by the Saxon Margraves,
the rulers of the land, but when the Electoral Princes went to live in Dresden, this old and deserted palace of the
Prince Albrecht was turned into a manufactory for the beautiful and rare porcelain.
In the town there was a Cathedral church, having a very lofty spire of stone, and within its chapel reposed the bones of
the Saxon Princes, the descendents of Frederick the Warlike. An arched church belonging to the castle towered
above the steeple of the town church, while over beyond, was the mountain of St. Afra, having upon its side a
building that, until the middle of the sixteenth century, had been a Benedictine convent, but was now used as a
private school, and was called the "Afraneum" or School of St. Afra. There was also the town school which was
known as the "Franciscaneum."
At this time the new art of ornamenting the china-glass with colors, with gold, and with painted pictures, was a great
secret, and, as such, was jealously guarded. All the chemists and artists engaged in this work were sworn to secrecy,
and only men of well-tried integrity were employed.
Upon the outskirts of the village, not far from the old Albrecht Castle, stood a long, plain building of three stories in
height, that towered high above its neighbors, and was known as the Eck-haus. This house, on the 6th of April, 1753,
one Christian Gottfried Hahnemann bought from the master-smith Lohse, for the sum of 437 thalers, and set up his
household gods within its walls. He was a painter on porcelain, and had come to Meissen to adorn the dainty ware
made there. The Eck-haus stood at the junction of two streets, the Fleischstege and the Newmarket. On the ground
floor, in a corner room whose two large-shuttered windows looked out on the Market Place, there was born upon the
11th of April, 1755, to the wife of the painter Hahnemann, a son, whose wonderful fortunes in life are now to be
related. The baptismal register of Meissen contains the following record: * "Christian Friedrich Samuel Hahnemann,
born on the morning of the 11th of April, of 1755; baptized the thirteenth day of April of the same year, by M.
Junghanns. Father, Christian Gottfried Hahnemann, painter. Mother, Johanna Christiana, born Spiess." The worthy
pastor, M. Junghannes, was of the Lutheran faith, and the infant was baptized on the Sabbath after its birth
according to those tenets. The date of Hahnemann's birth has usually been given as the 10th, and not the 11th of
April. The town register gives the 11th, and at the celebration at Meissen, in 1855, of the hundredth birthday, the
11th was the day selected.
Fortunately we are enabled to obtain certain knowledge about the early days of this great man by means of his
autobiography.

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Story of the earlier days of Hahnemann, told by himself

I was born April 10, 1755, in the Electorate of Saxony, one of the most beautiful parts of Germany. This circumstance,
as I grew up to manhood, doubtless contributed a great deal to my veneration for the beauties of nature. My father,
Christian Gottfried Hahnemann, together with my mother, Johanna Christiana, born Spiess, for a pastime taught me
to read and write. My father died four years ago (1787.) Without being deeply versed in science (he was a designer
in a porcelain manufactory in his native place, and is the author of a brief treatise on painting in water colors) he had
the soundest ideas of what may be considered good and worthy, and he implanted them deeply on my mind.
To live and to act without pretence or show was his most noteworthy precept, and his example was even more
impressive than his words. He was always present, though often unobserved, in body and soul wherever any good was
to be done. In his acts he discriminated with the utmost nicety between the noble and the ignoble, and he did it with
a justness which was highly creditable to his tender feelings. In this respect, too, he was my preceptor. He seemed
to have ideas of the first principles of creation, of the dignity of humanity, and of its ennobling destiny, that were
not in the least inconsistent with his manner of acting. This gave direction to my moral training. To speak of my
mental training, I spent several years in the public school of Meissen so as to go thence, in my sixteenth year, to the
private school (Frstenschule), in the same place, and four years thereafter to attend the University of Leipsic.
There was nothing noteworthy respecting me at school, except that Master Muller, my teacher in ancient languages
and German composition, who besides living a great deal for the world and me, was rector of the Meissen private
school, and scarcely has had his equal in industry and honesty, loved me as his own child and allowed me liberties in
the way of study, which I am thankful for to this day, and which had a perceptible influence upon my subsequent
studies. In my twelfth year he entrusted to me to impact to others the rudiments of the Greek language. Moreover,
in his private classes with his boarders and myself, he listened attentively and lovingly to my critical exposition of
the old writers, and often preferred my meaning to his own. I was often overtaxed and became ill from study, and
was the only one who was excused from lessons at times unsuitable for me, and who was permitted to hand in written
exercises or other work performed subsequently, and to read foreign treatises on the lessons. I had free access to
him at all times of the day, and in many respects was given the preference in public to many others; and,
nevertheless, which is very strange, my fellow pupils loved me. All this together speaks volumes in praise of a Saxony
private school.
Here I was less solicitous about reading than about digesting what was read, and was careful to read little, but to read
correctly and to classify it in my mind before reading further. My father did not wish me to study at all; he
repeatedly took me from the public school for a whole year, so that I might pursue some other business more suited
to his income. My teachers prevented this by not accepting any pay for my schooling during the last eight years, and
they entreated him to leave me with them and thus indulge my propensity for learning. He did not resist their
entreaty, but could do nothing more for me. On Easter, 1775, he let me go to Leipsic, taking with me twenty thalers
for my support. This was the last money received from his hand. He had several other children to educate from his
scanty income, enough to excuse any seeming negligence in the best of fathers.
By giving instruction in German and French to a rich young Greek from Jassy, in Moldavia, as well as by translating
English books, I supported myself for the time, intending to leave Leipsic after a stay of two years.
I can conscientiously bear testimony that I endeavored to practice in Leipsic also, the rule of my father, never to be a
passive listener or learner. I did not forget here, however, to procure for my body, by outdoor exercise, that
sprightliness and vigor by which alone continued mental exertion can be successfully endured.
During this stay in Leipsic I attended lectures only at such hours as seemed best suited to me, although Herr Bergrath
Porner, of Meissen, had the kindness to furnish me with free tickets to the lectures of all the medical professors.
So I read by myself, unweariedly of course, but always only of the best that was procurable and only so much as I
could digest. My fondness for practicing medicine, as there is no medical school at Leipzig, led me to go to Vienna at
my own expense. But a malicious trick which was played upon me and which robbed me of my public reputation
acquired in Leipsic (repentance demands atonement, and I say nothing about names and circumstances) was
answerable for my being compelled to leave Vienna after a sojourn of three-fourths of a year. During these nine
months I had had for my support only sixty-eight florins and twelve kreutzers. To the hospital of Brothers of
Charity, in the Leopoldstadt, and to the great practical genius of the Prince's family physician, named Von Quarin, I
am indebted for my calling as a physician. I had his friendship, and I might also say his love, and I was the only one
of my age whom he took with him to visit his private patients. He respected, loved and instructed me as if I had
been the first of his pupils, and even more than this, and he did all without expecting to receive any compensation
from me.

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Autobiography, continued
My last crumbs of subsistence were just about to vanish when the Governor of Transylvania, Baron von Bruckenthal,
invited me under honorable conditions to go with him to Hermanstadt as family physician and custodian of his
important library. Here I had the opportunity to learn several other languages necessary to me, and to acquire some
collateral knowledge that was pertinent and still seemed to be lacking in me.
I arranged and catalogued his matchless collection of ancient coins as well as his vast library, practiced medicine in this
populous city for a year and nine months and then departed, although very unwillingly, from these honorable people
to receive at Erlangen the degree of doctor of medicine, which I was then able to do from my own attainments. To
the Privy Councillor, Delius, and Councillors Isenflamm, Schreber and Wendt, I am indebted for many favors and
much instruction.
Councillor Schreber taught me what I still lacked in Botany.
On August 10, 1779, I defended my dissertation, and, thereupon, received the honorable title of doctor of medicine.
The instinctive love of a Swiss for his rugged Alps cannot be more irresistible than that of a native of Saxony for his
fatherland.
I went thither to begin my career as a practicing physician in the mining town of Hettstadt, in Mansfield county. Here
it was impossible to develop either inwardly or outwardly, and I left the place for Dessau in the spring of 1781, after
a sojourn of nine months. Here I found a better and more cultured society. Chemistry occupied my leisure hours and
short trips made to improve my knowledge of mining and smelting filled up the yet quite large dormer windows in my
mind.
Towards the close of the year 1791 I received an insignificant call as physician to Gommern, near Magdeburg. The size
of the town being considerable, I looked for a better reception and business than I found in the two years and
three-fourths which I passed in this place.
There had lived as yet no physician in this little place to which I had removed, and the people had no idea concerning
such a person.
Now I began for the first time to taste the innocent joys of home along with the delights of business in the
companionship of the partner of my life, who was the step-daughter of Herr Haseler, an apothecary in Dessau, and
whom I married immediately after entering upon the duties of this position. Dresden was the next place of my
sojourn.
I played no brilliant rle here, probably because I did not wish to do so. However, I lacked here neither friends nor
instruction. The venerable Doctor Wagner, the town physician, who was a pattern of unswerving uprightness,
honoured me with his intimate friendship, showed me clearly what legal duties belonged to the physician (for he was
master in his art), and for a year delivered over to me on account of his illness, with the magistrate's consent, all of
his patients (in the town hospitals), a wide field for a friend of humanity. Moreover, the Superintendent of the
Electoral Library, Councillor Adelung, became very fond of me and, together with the Librarian, Dossdorf,
contributed a great deal towards making my sojourn interesting and agreeable. Four years thus elapsed, more
speedily to me in the bosom of my increasing family, than to the unexpected heir to great riches, and I went about
the time of Michaelmas, 1789, to Leipsic, in order to be nearer to the fountain of science. Here I quietly witness the
Providence which Destiny assigns to each of my days, the number of which lies in her hand.
Four daughters and one son, together with my wife, constitute the spice of my life. In the year 1791 the Leipsic
Economical Society, and on the second of August of the same year the Electoral Mayence Academy of Science
elected me a fellow member. Dated Leipsic, August 30, 1791. A footnote in the Hildesheim History reads: "Since
1792 Doctor Hahnemann has lived as foreign resident in the Province of Gotha. He afterwards established an
institute for the insane at Georgenthal in this province, but he soon gave it up again. He went to Pyrmont in 1794.
(3d volume, page 53, 5th edition of S. Meusel's 'Germany,' 1797.)" *

School days
The story of the early days of this wonderful man forms a key to all his future. The poor German lad, whose father
simply desired for his son the same upright, careful life, as had been his own, was impelled by that irresistible force
constituting genius to gain knowledge by every possible means, and to satisfy the demands of a mind eager to
understand the many wonders of the world before it. When Hahnemann was five years of age, his father had a habit
of giving his son what he called "thinking lessons." Dr. Hering mentions this several times in his writings. He says:
"Could the father have foreseen the future greatness of his son? But what was it that the father thought? It has
been made known to us. While he looked upon the son so much desired, this was the thought: 'If that boy is
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permitted to grow up, I will give him lessons in thinking.' As he thought and determined, so he acted. An old man in
Meissen, who had forgotten the son, when he heard of his fame, said, smilingly, 'Many a time have I taken a walk
with his father, and ever at the certain hour he would say: 'I must go home now, I have to give a lesson to my son
Samuel, a lesson in thinking that boy must learn to think.'" * And the childhood habit followed him through his
lifetime. It must have been a very earnest desire for knowledge, of which Hahnemann so modestly speaks in his
story, that would prompt the great men of the little German village to urge the unwilling father to grant the means
of education to his studious son; there must have been something vastly superior about the boy, when the village
teachers were desirous of imparting to him knowledge without payment. Imagine the delicate and slender boy of
twelve with his earnest and pure face, teaching the rudiments of the Greek language to the other children, or
talking enthusiastically about the "old writers," while his good master, the rector, "listened attentively and lovingly"
to him. During the days of his boyhood, Hahnemann was in the habit of taking frequent rambles over the hills of his
native town, and during this time, he also formed an herbarium of the plants of his beloved Saxony. It is also
related, that in his father's house he was accustomed to study at night, long after the rest of the household were in
bed, by means of a lamp fashioned from clay, so that the light was concealed. Albrecht says regarding this
circumstance, in a note to his Life of Hahnemann: "His father, says a reliable witness, tried to prevent him from
becoming deeply interested in reading and study, and probably may often have wished to frighten him from his
books. The boy would endeavor to hide, and would flee with his beloved books to the remotest nooks of the house.
The light there was not always sufficient, for we are told that he made for himself a lamp out of clay, with which to
study in these nooks, because he feared that his father might miss a light, and subsequently put a stop to his
cherished occupation." His studies while at Meissen, included Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and history, physics and botany.
His favorite study was medical science.
When he left the princely school of Afra he presented a thesis, written in Latin, upon the "Wonderful Construction of
the Human Hand."
During his student life at Meissen he did not enjoy very robust health, and was much favored by his teachers. It was at
Easter, 1775, that with his patrimony of twenty thalers and with letters from his teachers to the professors at the
University of Leipsic, he set out for that city. Regarding Hahnemann's going to Leipsic, Albrecht says: * "A more
accurate account comes from a well-informed source who says: His father at first put him in a grocery store at
Leipsic. So he was to become a merchant. But tending the store, however pleasant it might have been, was to the
intellectual lad something dreadful and unendurable. He stayed but a very short time. He left his employer without
any foolish reasons, merely following the inner impulse to a higher calling, and returned to his parents, although
dreading to meet his father. His mother, fearing the anger of his father, kept him hidden for several days, until she
had succeeded in softening his father's heart, and reconciling him to the wish of his son. With such difficulties
Hahnemann was compelled to make his own way at the University at Leipzig." A youth of twenty, born and educated
in a German village, yet with knowledge of several languages, with but twenty thalers with which to face the future,
and yet with an indomitable determination to succeed.

Life at leipsic and vienna

He began his student-life in Leipsic by attending lectures during the day and devoting his nights to translations from
the English into the German; he taught also German and French. His lectures in medicine were free, although it is
likely that his numerous literary occupations prevented him from attending them regularly. In the meantime he was
carefully saving his money, and preparing to go at the end of the two years to Vienna, where the advantages for
medical study were much greater. The small sum that he had saved was stolen from him, and it is to this that he
alludes as a "malicious trick" in his autobiography. But it is evident that he forgave, as he never disclosed the names
of the guilty parties, and says that "repentance demands forgiveness."
During the sojourn at Leipsic he translated the following books, all from the English: "John Stedtman's Physiological
Essays," "Nugent on Hydrophobia," "Falconer on the Waters of Bath," in two volumes; "Ball's Modern Practice of
Physic," in two volumes; this in addition to the study of medicine and teaching.
In a Leipsic Homoeopathic journal of 1865 was published a Latin poem composed by Hahnemann soon after his arrival at
Leipsic. It is addressed to the distinguished philologist, Professor Zeune, and bears date September 20, 1775, and
must have been composed in his twentieth year. It is as follows:
*"M. Joanni Carolo Zeunio
Professori recens creato
Vota faciunt
tres ejus auditorum
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Mich. Christ. Justus Eschenbach

Johannes Fridericus Eschenbach
Christianus Fridericus Samuel Hahnemann, Author.
Quid cessas hillari Pieridum choro
Misceri, Philyrae docta cohors? Age!
Celebrate modis hancce diem bonam.
Digni Calliope diem
Alumni; titulos qui debitos diu
Jam tandem senior (nobilis o pudor!)
Admittit, Capitum nostrae Academiae
Non ignobilium Decus.
Penna Fama, volans usque agit integra
Te Zeuni! Pietas cujus et ingeni
Dotes perpoliunt perpoliereque
Nostrum nive animum rudem.
Tu recludens opes et Latiae bonus
Et Grajae, juvenum languida melleo
Minervae recreans munere pectora,
Formas et Patriae et Deo.
A. D. XX Septembris, MDCCLXXV: Lepsiae.
Ex officina Buttneria."
Not so bad for a village youth of twenty years!
But the knowledge of medicine that he was able to obtain in Leipsic was not so extensive as he desired, and his
thoughts turned towards the great medical school at Vienna; and in the spring of 1777 he departed for that place. It
must have been soon after his arrival that he was robbed, or in some manner defrauded of his savings, so that for
nine months he was compelled to live on the small sum of sixty-eight florins.
In one quarter of Vienna, known as the Lepoldstadt, there was a very extensive hospital conducted by the Brothers of
Charity, and in this Hahnemann received instruction under the guidance of the celebrated doctor, Von Quarin.
Freiherr Von Quarin was body physician to Maria Theresa and the Emperor Joseph, he filled six times the post of
rector of the University of Vienna. * In fact, Von Quarin was so impressed by the ability of his student that he
made him his especial protege, taking him to visit private patients, a thing he had never before done. Throughout his
life Hahnemann spoke of Dr. Von Quarin with great friendship, and credited to his influence the fact that he had
been able to gratify his ambition and become a physician.
At Vienna he did no translating, but devoted himself entirely to acquiring the principles of medicine, and to his studies
in the hospital.
But his little hoard at last gave out, and he was reluctantly compelled to tell his benefactor of his inability to continue
his studies. As he so quaintly expresses it: "My last crumbs of comfort were just about to vanish." Nine months of
the delightful student-life had exhausted all his means. Then Von Quarin came to his aid and secured for him the
position of family physician and librarian to the Baron von Bruckenthal, who was the Governor of Siebenburgen and
who lived in the city of Hermanstadt.

Life at hermanstadt-graduation at erlangen-return to saxony-dessau

It must have been about the close of the year 1777 that Hahnemann went to Hermanstadt. Here he was far away from
everything that could distract his mind from study. He passed the greater portion of his time in the valuable library
of his patron. He gained some knowledge of numismatics, and classified and arranged the "matchless collection of
ancient coins" that he found there. He carefully catalogued Baron Bruckenthal's immense library of books and rare
manuscripts: It was during the quiet, scholarly days, in the secluded library at Hermanstadt, that he acquired that
extensive and diverse knowledge of ancient literature, and of occult sciences, of which he afterwards proved
himself to be a master, and with which he astonished the scientific world.
He learned also several languages, and must have given much time to philology. When he left Hermanstadt, at the age of
twentytwo years, he was master of Greek, Latin, English, Italian, Hebrew, Syriac, Arabic, Spanish, German, and some
smattering of Chaldaic. It is said that when he wished to understand anything in a language with which he was not
familiar he at once commenced the systematic study of that language. Here he was unwittingly preparing himself for
his great future.
He remained in this hospitable haven for one year and nine months, when he was able to gratify his desire to obtain the
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degree of physician.
In the spring of 1779 he bade a reluctant good-bye to his good friend, the Baron, and to the delights of his library, and
departed for the University of Erlangen. Here he attended the lectures of Delius, Isenflamm, Wendt and Schreber.
He expresses himself greatly indebted to Schreber for instruction in botany. *
He had been nearly ready to graduate, when his poverty compelled him to leave Vienna, and after listening for a few
months to the lectures of the above mentiond professors, he presented himself for graduation. He chose Erlangen
for his place of graduation because the fees were less than at Leipsic.
He defended his thesis successfully, on the 10th of August, 1779, receiving his degree as doctor of medicine. The
subject of this thesis was, "A Consideration of the Etiology and Therapeutics of Spasmodic Affections." It was
publshed at Erlangen in 1779, as a quarto of twenty pages.
After Hahnemann had obtained his medical degree his first thought was for the hills of his beloved Saxony, and
thither he at once journeyed.
He located in the little town of Hettstadt, on the river Whipper, situated nine miles from Eisleben, the capital of
Mansfield county, and devoted to copper mining. The place was very small, and the young doctor had but little to do
professionally, and remained but nine months, going thence in the spring of 1781 to Dessau. Hahnemann says in his
autobiography that he left Hettstadt in the spring time (Fruhling) of 1781, after a stay of nine months. He
graduated in August, 1779, and there is no account of his whereabouts from August, 1779, to the time of his arrival
at Hettstadt, which must have been in the summer of 1780. It is known that Hahnemann at this period of his life
practiced medicine for a time in several towns of Lower Hungary. On page 114, vol. 2 of the translation of Cullen's
Materia Medica, Hahnemann, in a footnote, speaking of the Intermittents of marshy countries, says: "Cullen is
wrong; he seems to have been unacquainted with the stubborn intermittents of hot, fenny countries. I observed
such in Lower Hungary, more particularly in the fortified places of that country, which owe their impregnability to
the extensive marshes around them. I saw such in Carlstadt, Raab, Gomorrn, Temeswar, Hermanstadt." May it not be
probable that the missing year was spent in these places? Dr. J. C. Burnett in "Hahnemann as a Man and as a
Physician," London, 1881, page 22, thinks the sojourn in Hungary was previous to graduation, and that he did not
remain for a year and nine months at Hermanstadt, but Hahnemann distinctly says that he did remain there for that
length of time. At Dessau, on the Mulda, Hahnemann met more congenial society, and also succeeded in gaining some
practice. Here he first turned his attention to chemistry, of which he was destined to become one of the most
skilful exponents, and of whose skill that greatest of chemists, Berzelius, afterwards said: "That man would have
made a great chemist, had he not turned out a great quack." He was also accustomed to take long geological walks; he
visited the mines in the vicinity and learned much about practical mining and smelting, that he afterwards used in his
writings on these subjects. As he so naively says: "I thus filled up the yet quite large dormer windows of my mind."
He became a regular visitor at the laboratory of the apothecary Haseler, where he was enabled to perfect himself in
practical pharmacy and chemistry. And here he met his future wife.

Marriage-life at gommern-uncertainty-first original work

Apothecary Haseler succeeded apothecary Kuchler in business at Dessau, and also married his widow, who was blessed
with a young and charming daughter; and the young doctor and chemist discovered in her the beloved "Elise" of many
long and trial-filled years. Hahnemann's term of endearment for his wife was the name Elise, and it frequently
occurs in his letters to her. But our young genius was poor, and in order that he might soon marry, he obtained the
position of parish doctor at Gommern, removing to that place in the latter part of 1781. Gommern is a small town,
only a few miles from Magdeburg, and Hahnemann was the first physician who had ever been settled there.
Hahnemann was married to Miss Kuchler in the latter part of 1782. The registry of St. John's church in Fessau
contains the following entry: * "On the 1st of December, 1782, Mr. Samuel Hahnemann, Dr. Med., Electoral Saxon
parish doctor in Gommern twentyeight years old, eldest legitimate son of Mr. Christian Gottfried Hahnemann,
artistic painter in the porcelain manufactory of Meissen, and of his wife, Johanna Christiana, was married to
spinster Johanna Henrietta Leopoldina Kuchler, nineteen years old, only legitimate daughter of the late Godfried
Henry Kuchler, and of his wife, Martha Sophia, in St. John's Church here."
He settled at once in Gommern and commenced the practice of his position. He had just been appointed to it at the
time of his marriage. He also resumed his literary work.
At the end of 1783 or the first of 1784 the eldest child, Henrietta, was born.
It was while living at Gommern that Hahnemann translated from the French, the chemist Demachy's Art of
Manufacturing Chemical Products. Demachy was one of the first chemists of the day, and the French Academy had
published his book in order that the people of France might learn the various processes of the manufacture of
chemical productions heretofore for the most part kept carefully as trade secrets by the manufacturers, especially
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by the Dutch. Hahnemann by his translations into the German, rendered a like service of his fellow-countrymen.
About the time he completed his translation a new one was issued by the chemist Struve, of Berne, with additions.
Hahnemann added Struve's additions or comments to his own translation, at the same time making copious and
original notes on them. Examination of the notes in this book reveals the marvellous chemical knowledge of the young
translator. He quotes exhaustively from many authors, in many cases corrects mistakes. He cites ten authors on the
preparation of the antimonials, quotes works on lead, quicksilver, camphor, succinic acid, * borax. Where Demachy
remarks that he knows no work on carbonification of turf, Hahnemann mentions six. Demachy quotes a French
analyst without giving his name, but Hahnemann gives not only the author's name, but also the name of his book.
Demachy mentions a celebrated German physician. Hahnemann gives his name, his book, and the particular passage in
question. On every page his notes appear. He gives new directions for making retorts; is well acquainted with the
manufacture of chemicals in the different countries; corrects the mistakes of Demachy regarding the use of alum in
Russia, Sweden, Germany, Italy, Sicily and Smyrna. He understands the use of pit coal in England and in the Province
of Saarbruck. He introduces many original chemical improvements and tests. Crell, in his Annalen, the chemical
journal of that day, says: "We can affirm that no more complete treatise exists on the subject of the manufacture
of chemicals than this work." This valuable book, in two volumes, was published in 1784, in Leipsic. In 1785 he
published, also at Leipsic, a translation of Demachy's Art of Distilling Liquor; also in two volumes. Westrumb, writing
in Crell's Annalen, in 1792, thus speaks of this book: "Few manufacturers have listened to my suggestions to arrange
their retorts as Demachy and Hahnemann describe. Distillers should entirely reject the old distillery apparatus and
should use the French arrangement, clearly described by Hahnemann."

While living at Gommern he also published some medical essays in the second volume of Kreb's Journal, and several
translations from the English and Latin in Weygand's Journal. Also an original book on the treatment of scrofulous
sores, published at Leipsic, in 1784.
This was his first original medical work. Even at this early period Hahnemann was not quite satisfied with the methods
of medical practice. He says in this book: "This much is true, and it may make us more modest, that almost all our
knowledge of the curative powers of simple and natural as well as artificial substances is mainly derived from the
rude and automatic procedures of the common people, and that the wise physician often draws conclusions from the
effects of the so-called domestic remedies which are of inestimable importance to him." The book was largely the
result of his experience in Transylvania, and he quite frankly says that his patients would probably have done better
without him. * At this time, when very little attention was paid to hygiene, Hahnemann devoted considerable space
to it. He recommends exercise and open air, the benefit of a change of climate and of the seashore, the value of
cold water as a remedial agent. In speaking of the treatment of a caries of one of the metatarsal bones he, after
giving the dressing he used, says: "I scraped the carious bone clean out, and removed all the dead part, dressed it
with alcohol and watched the result." This book was received with much praise by the profession.

Dissatisfaction with mode of practice-letter to hufeland-hufeland on

homoeopathy-medical anarchy of the time
Hahnemann remained at Gommern for two years and nine months. During this time his practice was not large nor did he
seem to make much effort to increase it, preferring to devote himself to his translations and studies. His position as
parish doctor, with his translations, supported him and his increasing family. But he was a sincere man and was
greatly dissatisfied with the vague and unsatisfactory medical knowledge of the day. Perhaps in no better way can
his feelings on the subject be described than by presenting a letter written to Hufeland regarding this period. This
letter is published in Lesser Writings under the title: "Letter to a Physician of High Standing on the Great
Necessity of a Regeneration in Medicine." * "It was agony for me to walk always in darkness, with no other light than
that which could be derived from books, when I had to heal the sick, and to prescribe, according to such or such an
hypothesis concerning diseases, substances which owed their place in the Materia Medica to an arbitrary decision. I
could not conscientiously treat the unknown morbid conditions of my suffering brethren by these unknown medicines,
which being very active substances, may (unless applied with the most rigorous exactness, which the physician
cannot exercise, because their peculiar effects have not yet been examined) so easily occasion death, or produce
new affections and chronic maladies, often more difficult to remove than the original disease. To become thus the
murderer or the tormentor of my brethren was to me an idea so frightful and overwhelming, that soon after my
marriage, I renounced the practice of medicine, that I might no longer incur the risk of doing injury, and I engaged
exclusively in chemistry, and in literary occupations. But I became a father, serious diseases threatened my beloved
children, my flesh and blood. My scruples redoubled when I saw that I could afford them no certain relief." He
continues in telling Hufeland his feelings regarding the uncertainty of medical practice, and says that he felt sure
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that God must have ordained some certain method of healing the sick. The Rev. Thos. Everest, in a letter to Dr. Rose
Cormack, says:
"After passing through the usual studies with great credit to himself he took his degree and began to practice as a
medical man. It soon struck me, he said to me, that I was called upon to admit in the practice of medicine a great
deal that was not proved. If I was called to attend a patient I was to collect his symptoms, and next to infer from
these symptoms that a certain internal condition of the organs existed, and then to select such a remedy as the
medical authorities asserted would be useful under such circumstances. But it is very evident that the argument is
most inconclusive and that room was thus left for many serious errors, and so I determined to investigate the whole
matter for myself from the very beginning."
Hufeland, whom Hahnemann calls the Nestor of Medicine, was always a friend to Hahnemann. He allowed him to publish
his new opinions in his Medical Journal. When, in 1826 and in 1830, Hufeland himself wrote an essay on Homoeopathy,
which he published in his journal, he was honest and fair to Hahnemann in his deductions. He says: * "I was first
induced to notice Homoeopathy, because I deemed it undignified to treat the new system with ridicule and
contempt. Besides I had a long time esteemed the author for his earlier productions, and for his sterling
contributions to the science of medicine; and I had also observed the names of several respectable men, who, in no
way blinded by prejudice, had recognized the facts of the science as true. I need only enumerate President Von
Wolf, of Warsaw; Medical Councillor Rau, of Giessen, and Medical Councillor Widmann of Munich. I then made several
successful experiments with Homoeopathic medicine, which necessarily still further excited my attention to the
subject, and favourably convinced me that Homoeopathia could not be thrown aside with contempt, but was worthy
of a rigid investigation."
Hufeland then in a dispassionate and careful manner discusses the question at length; predicts the gradual
amalgamation of the more liberal members of the two schools; and says in closing, that: "The peculiar and important
problem for Homoeopathy is to search for and find new specific medicines."
"At this period," says Rapou, "there was a complete anarchy in the domain of therapeutics. Theories
Hippocratico-vitalistic, Galenic, Mathematical, Chemical, Humoral, Electro-Galvanic, formed an inextricable tissue of
variable opinions. Hahnemann had abstained from a search for therapeutical indications in this mass of hazardous
theories. He had adopted a simple medication partly expectant, that corresponded more fully with his ideal of the
art of healing.

Gommern-life at dresden-literary work-the wine test-slumber song

Hahnemann now used only the remedies called "specifics," whose effects were in a measure known. Their physiological
action was, however, but little understood. The schools were not in accord. One school would prescribe for a given
disease a drug that another would unreservedly repudiate. It was known that a certain drug in a certain case would
produce a certain effect. But the combination of drugs in vogue prevented this property from being perfectly
ascertained. His dissatisfaction increased. He looked to the medical knowledge of the day for a reliable method of
curing his patients, and met nothing but doubt and disappointment. *
One can readily understand that to Hahnemann, the translator, the philologist, accustomed to the arbitrary rules
governing language, this laxity and confusion in the laws of medicine must have been a continual source of annoyance.
Let it be borne in mind that he was a thoroughly well-posted physician, skilled both in theory and practice, better read
in the various notions of the medical books of the time than most of his fellows. Besides, his position as
'Stadtphysikus" was an influential one. In Germany the pharmaceutical chemists are under the control and
supervision of a medical officer called the "Stadtphysikus," who must necessarily be a well-posted medical man. He
visits the chemists' shops and drug stores of his neighborhood at stated intervals to inspect the drugs. The fact of
his holding this position is proof enough of his ability as a physician.
He was also a surgeon; his treatment of necrosis by scraping the bone proves that. He was a prominent physician of the
time, and yet we find him honestly saying, so little confidence had he in the prevailing methods, that most of his
patients would have done as well without his aid.
The inconsistencies and fallacies of the day fell so far below his ideal of a possible healing art that he was loath to
continue in practice. He had dear ones depending upon his labors, and his position as health officer gave him a
certain means of support, and on the other hand, he was a conscientious man, and remembered the teachings of his
good father, never to accept anything in science until it had been proven to be true by investigation. After some
time of doubt his honesty won the battle, and he resolved to investigate for himself; to discover if God had not
indeed given some certain law by means of which the diseases of mankind could be cured with certainty.

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10

Although his heart was absorbed in the desire to do good, and his love for medical science was very great, his ideas of
right prevented him from continuing in practice.
Consequently he resigned his position at Gommern, in the autumn of 1784. He, in his autobiography, says that he located
at Gommern towards the close of the year 1781, and that he remained there for two and three quarter years,
marrying soon after entering upon his duties as town doctor. The parish register of Dessau gives December, 1782, as
the time of his marriage; Albrecht also mentions 1782, as the bridal year. According to this, Hahnemann must have
been at Gommern for some months before his wedding occurred. Living two years and nine months at Gommern, he
must have departed for Dresden in the fall of 1784.
It has been asserted that Hahnemann was compelled to relinquish at this time the practice of medicine, because he was
unable to earn a living. This, however, is not true. He had the important position of town physician, with its certain
income; he had also other practice until he absolutely refused to treat those who had long been his patients, and
besides this his translations brought him in a further sum. Had he wished he could have remained in Gommern, for
means for his ample living were assured. According to the statements made by his contemporaries and by himself, he
resigned his position, and left Gommern simply because he had become disgusted with the errors and uncertainties
of the prevalent methods of medical practice, and wished earnestly to seek for some better method. He reduced
himself and his family to want for conscience sake. *
Despite the perplexities of his professional life, Hahnemann enjoyed a happy home life; he had his young wife and his
little Henrietta to gladden his heart. That he was a tender and affectionate father, is well shown by the following
slumber song, or lullaby, which he composed for his baby, while living at Gommern. It may thus be translated, and
still retain all the sweetness and force of the original German:
Sleep daughter, gently!
The yellow bird chirps in the wood,
Lightly it jumps o'er the ice and the snow,
And quietly sleeps on bare branches-so,
Gently sleep. *
As has been stated, Hahnemann located at Dresden in the autumn of 1784; he remained in that city until the time of
Michaelmas (last of September), 1789. Dudgeon says that the latter portion of this time, he passed in the village of
Lockowitz, near Dresden.
The change from the dead and alive Gommern, whose inhabitants never before had a doctor and did not wish for one, to
magnificent Dresden, the home of the arts and sciences, must have been, to our scholar, very delightful. Dresden, at
this period, was a fortified city, the residence of the Elector of Saxony, and contained many handsome buildings,
among which were the Elector's palace; the great cathedral; the gallery of paintings, rich in the masterpieces of
Correggio; the Academy of Architecture, Sculpture and Painting; and many fine private mansions.
There was also a Japanese palace, which was a vast museum of valuable articles of virtu, among its treasures being a
collection of foreign and Saxon china and porcelain. The first and second stories of this palace were devoted to the
Electoral Library, that had been made up of several smaller collections and at the time of which we write contained
some 140,000 volumes. This library was one of the richest in Germany in historical and antiquarian works.
Dresden, with its wealth and culture, with its massive bridge spanning the swift-flowing Elbe and uniting the old and
new town-princely Dresden, gave to Hahnemann ample opportunity for the life of scholarly delights that he had so
greatly desired.
He did not practice medicine, but devoted himself to his translations from the French, English and Italian. He also
pursued with renewed zeal the study of his favorite chemistry. He became a very great friend of the town
physician, one Dr. Wagner, who gave him valuable assistance in the study of medical jurisprudence, introduced him to
the hospital, and, on account of his own illness, obtained magisterial consent to his appointment to the charge of the
town hospitals for a year, placing all the infirmaries under his charge. It must be remembered that the Hahnemann
who was chosen to take the place for the time of the highest medical officer in that country was not unknown to
young physician. He was well known to the world of medicine and of science; his chemical researches and his masterly
translations of scientific books had also spread his fame beyond his own country.
He also formed the friendship of the celebrated philologist, John Christopher Adelung, the superintendent of the
Electoral Library. There was much similarity of thought between these distinguished scholars. But a short time
before Adelung had resigned a position of honor at Erfurt for opinion's sake, as Hahnemann had for a like reason
just done at Gommern. * Like Hahnemann, Adelung was a man of great industry; he possessed a vast knowledge of
languages, had composed much, and was a close student, devoting himself, it is said, for fourteen hours daily to
study. To show the extent of his learning it may be mentioned that he was the compiler of a book in five large
volumes, Berlin, 1806-17, which is a history of all the known languages and dialects of the world, with an account of
all the books printed in or relating to them, it is known as the "Mithridates" of Adelung.
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The use of this extensive library, which his friend Adelung granted freely to Hahnemann, was of great benefit in his
studies. Dassdorf, the librarian, also became his friend and greatly assisted him. During this delightful literary life
Hahnemann met the author and experimentalist Blumenbach, and the brilliant but ill-fated chemist Lavoisier, who in
the reign of terror at Paris became a victim to the guillotine.
Happy in the congenial company of these talented men, at home in the quietness of the great library, with all his
desires for knowledge gratified, the four years of Dresden life passed very speedily.
His son Frederick was born in Dresden, in 1786; and his second daughter, Wilhelmina.
Here he made the following important translations:
In 1787, Demachy's "Art of Manufacturing Vinegar," from the French, in this giving many original notes and an original
appendix. The same year he made another French translation, on the "Detection of the Purity and Adulteration of
Drugs." by J. B. Van den Sande. Van den Sande was an apothecary at Brussels, who had in 1784, published a book with
the above title.
Hahnemann, in translating it into the German so added to, and amended it that the main part really was his work. All
Hahnemann's directions are as usual complete and careful. His tests for drugs are concise and correct. He
introduces many new discoveries and suggestions for the detection of adulteration. He shows also earnest efforts to
determine the limits of the activity of substances and their solubility. In all his suggestions he is exceedingly
accurate. He complains of the untrustworthiness of pharmaceutical preparations "which no conscientious doctor
could prescribe," and asks, "on what can a doctor rely?" He imparts many important chemical discoveries. It is in this
publication that he first gives his celebrated wine test. Wine was often sweetened by the addition of sugar of lead
which caused colics, emaciation and death. The Wirtemberg wine test, in use at this time, was very uncertain; and by
it iron and lead could not be distinguished. After exhaustively discussing the subject, he presents the following:
"Acidulated sulphureted hydrogen water precipitates arsenic, lead, antimony, silver, mercury, copper, tin and
bismuth, present in a suspected fluid. By the addition of the acid, metals of the iron group to be tested remain in
solution."
This is Hahnemann's wine test, and is today used in the laboratory of the chemist as a test for metals. With this he
detected lead in a solution of the proportion of 1 to 30,000. This test was greatly praised by the chemical and
scientific journals of the day. Trommsdorff's Journal of Pharmacy stated that ignorance of Hahnemann's Wine Test
was damning evidence of the incompetence of many apothecaries. *
In 1789 he translated the "History of the Lives of Abelard and Heloise" from the English of Sir Joseph Barrington.
This translation was mentioned by the critics as being correct and fluent, and of value to romantic history.

Life at dresden-original writings-chemical discoveries-soluble

mercury-departure for leipsic
Hahnemann, during his stay at Dresden, published also the following original books. In 1786, a masterly work on
"Poisoning by Arsenic. Its Treatment and Judicial Investigation." This book marked a new era in the analysis and
best modes of detection of arsenical poisoning. This he calls his firstling, and dedicates it "To the Majesty of the
good Kaizer Joseph."
In it he devotes space to discussion of the limit of the activity of the Arsenic. He opposes the unregulated sale of
Arsenic "fever powders," and advances plans for the prescription of poisons, that have since been adopted. He
suggests that there be a locked room for poisons in the drug store; that only the proprietor or some responsible
representative should have the key; that record should be kept in a book of the name and address of each
purchaser, who should also sign this record, which should be open to the inspection of a Board of Examiners, yearly.
In his patient research he quotes 861 passages from 389 different authors and books, in different languages and
belonging to different ages, and gives accurately both volume and page. *
By means of Hahnemann's book new and better modes of analyzing Arsenic were introduced into medical jurisprudence.
It received praise from the leading scientists of the day.
Hahnemann's opinion in regard to the medicine of the time is fully shown by the following statement published in the
preface of this book:
"A number of causes-I dare not to count them up-have for centuries been dragging down the dignity of that divine
science of practical medicine, and have converted it into a miserable grabbing after bread, a mere cloaking of
symptoms, a degrading prescription trade, a very God forgotten handiwork, so that the real physicians are
hopelessly jumbled together with a heap of befrilled medicine mongers. How seldom is it possible for a
straightforward man by means of his great knowledge of the sciences, and by his talents to raise himself above the
crowd of medicasters, and to throw such a pure, bright sheen upon the Healing Art at whose altar he ministers that
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it becomes impossible even for the common herd to mistake a glorious, benign evening star for mere vapoury skyfall.
How seldom is such a phenomenon seen, and hence how difficult it is to obtain for a purified science of medicine a
renewal of her musty letters of nobility." *
At this time he was greatly devoted to chemistry, and contributed, during the years 1787-88-89, the following
important essays to Crell's Annals of Chemistry. This journal was the first to be devoted to chemistry in Germany,
and Hahnemann was a contributor from 1787 to 1794. "On the Difficulty of Preparing Soda from Potash and Kitchen
Salt." At this time soda prepared by means of the methods known, cost nine shillings a pound. Hahnemann by means
of potash and by crystallization at different temperatures obtained it from salt much cheaper. "On the Influence of
Certain Gases in the Fermentation of Wine." The method for the rapid manufacture of vinegar, discovered in 1833,
and at this time in use, was to let alcohol rapidly run over chips of beech wood. In this essay Hahnemann announces
his discovery that the influence of the oxygen of the air will rapidly produce the desired result. He tried the effect
of three gases on wine. He prepared three bottles, each containing four ounces of wine. In one he placed oxygen gas;
in another, nitrogen; in the other, carbonic acid. He sealed them, kept them for two months at the same
temperature shaking each thirty times a day. Upon examination, he found that the wine in the oxygen bottle had
become strong vinegar. "On the Wine Test for Iron and Lead." "On Bile and Gall-Stones." In this he exposed the
fresh bile from a man who had been shot while in health, to the effect of certain salts, in order to test their value
in liver diseases. "Essay on a New Agent in the Prevention of Putrefaction." He found that lunar caustic is an
antiseptic in a solution of 1 to 1000, and observed antiseptic effects from a solution of 1 to 100,000. "Unsuccessful
Experiments." "Letter to Crell on Baryta," "Discovery of a New Constituent in Plumbago," "Observations on the
Astringent Principles of Plants."
We come now to another important treatise, the "Exact Mode of Preparing the Soluble Mercury, 1789. " Chemists had
for a long time been searching for a preparation of Mercury less corrosive than the sublimate, muriate or sulphate,
then in use. Hahnemann, by the use of nitric acid and iron, at last obtained the desired result. Gren, who had
previously attacked Hahnemann on his test for metals said of this: "The problem of Herr Macques to obtain a
preparation of Mercury which is at once very soluble in the acids present in the body, and yet free from corrosive
properties, is fully solved by Herr Hahnemann's Mercurius solubilis." This preparation has been greatly praised by
chemists and physicians.
"Instructions Concerning Venereal Diseases, Together with a New Mercurial Preparation." In this he gives instructions
concerning the use of Mercury, and treats of its effects on the body, known as "mercurial fever." This book was
written at Lockowitz, near Dresden, in 1788, and was published at Leipsic, in 1789. He also published several other
papers about this time on the subject of Mercury and its relation to syphilis.
But the insatiable thirst for extended knowledge still impelled Hahnemann, and in the latter part of September, 1789,
he removed to Leipsic "in order to be nearer to the fountain of science."
It is well to consider the next words of his autobiography very carefully: "Here I quietly witness the Providence which
Destiny assigns to each of my days, the number of which lies in her hand." Only ten years before he had received his
degree as physician, and during that time had become so dissatisfied with medical methods that he preferred to
devote all his time to literary life, continuing in the meantime his chemical labors and investigations. In this time he
had discovered very many valuable facts is chemistry, had translated several scientific books into the German, and
had given to the world a number of essays on important subjects. It is interesting in this connection to note the
effect of the life of the man during these ten years upon his future. It would seem that the days passed in the
library of Baron Bruckenthal, the practice in Hungary, the hours of doubt and uncertainty in sleepy Gommern, the
delightful intercourse in scholarly Dresden, all became means to develop and equip Hahnemann for the brilliant
discoveries that he was soon destined to make. The translation concerning the adulteration of drugs led him to
doubt the good faith of the pharmacists, and his knowledge gained while inspector of drugs, of their substitutions
and fraudulent practices probably went far in the future to favor his desire to prepare and dispense his own
medicines. And the hours of pains taking necessary in translating were the means of giving his mind the needful
exactness for the future mathematical law of healing God was to allow him to discover. How little did he yet
understand the "Providence that Destiny was to assign to his days;" The long years of persecution; the quiet of the
garden of Koethen; the luxury of life in the gayest city in the world; and the peaceful end with the knowledge that
he "had not lived in vain!"

Beloved leipsic-cullen's materia medica-first experiments with peruvian

bark-first provings upon the healthy
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Once more established in his beloved Leipsic, he resumed his translations. In 1790 he published a translation from the
English: "Ryan on Diseases of the Lungs," and the same year, from the Italian: "Fabbroni on the Art of Making Wine
on Rational Principles," adding, as was his custom, many notes. Crell's Annalen says: * "Well merited applause this
work has received. Besides the fact that this translation is faithful and successful, Herr Hahnemann has added
precious notes which expand and elucidate Fabbroni's principles; he has thus enhanced the value of the work."
We now come to the translation of a very important book, from which must be dated the discovery of the Law of the
Similars Cullen's "Materia Medica." It has been asked why Hahnemann at this time happened to translate this
particular book, and it has been asserted that he used it as a blind to foist on the world his particular theories. It is
not probable that when he commenced upon "Cullen" Hahnemann had any particular medical theories, but only a
growing disgust for the medical fallacies of the day. This is clearly evidenced by his writings at that time. It is not
to be wondered at that he should translate the work at that time. He was translating for money, for the booksellers
and publishers of Leipsic, and it is not likely that he selected the books which he was to translate.
Dr. Cullen was an authority on the subject of the Materia Medica of his day, an experienced lecturer, a talented
chemist, and a brilliant and popular teacher in Edinburgh. Naturally the Germans wished to learn of his new and
peculiar theories regarding disease, as well as to obtain the use of his Materia Medica, that at this time was a
standard work. *
Hahnemann was the most accomplished translator of medical works of the time, and what more natural than that the
task should be given to him. Cullen published the first edition of this book, in London, in 1773. Another edition was
issued in 1789 in two volumes, and it was this edition that Hahnemann used in translation. In this book, Volume II.,
Cullen devotes about twenty pages to Cortex Peruvianis (Peruvian Bark), giving its therapeutical uses in the
treatment of intermittent and remittent fevers, advises its use to prevent the chill, and gives minute directions for
the safest period of the disease in which to use it. Hahnemann was impressed with the use of this drug, with which
he as a physician had before been familiar. Something in the manner in which Cullen wrote decided Hahnemann to
experiment with it upon himself and to see what effect it would have upon a person in perfect health. The result of
this experiment will be given in Hahnemann's own words. In the translation of William Cullen's "Materia Medica,"
Leipsic, Schweikert, 1790, page 108 of Volume II, appears the following footnote by Hahnemann: "By combining the
strongest bitters and the strongest astringents, one can obtain a compound which, in small doses, possesses much
more of both these properties than the bark, and yet no specific for fever will ever come of such a compound. This
the author (Cullen) ought to have accounted for. This will, perhaps, not so easily be discovered for explaining to us
their action, in the absence of the Cinchona principle." "Substances which excite a kind of fever, as very strong
coffee, pepper, Aconite, Ignatia, Arsenic, extinguish the types of the fever. I took by way of experiment, twice a
day, four drachms of good China. My feet, finger ends, etc., at first became cold; I grew languid and drowsy; then
my heart began to palpitate, and my pulse grew hard and small; intolerable anxiety, trembling (but without cold
rigor), prostration throughout all my limbs; then pulsation in my head, redness of my cheeks, thirst, and, in short, all
these symptoms, which are ordinarily characteristic of intermittent fever, made their appearance, one after the
other, yet without the peculiar chilly, shivering rigor."
"Briefly, even those symptoms which are of regular occurrence and especially characteristic-as the stupidity of mind,
the kind of rigidity in all the limbs, but, above all the numb, disagreeable sensation, which seems to have its seat in
the periosteum, over every bone in the body-all these make their appearance. This paroxysm lasted two or three
hours each time, and recurred if I repeated this dose, not otherwise; I discontinued it, and was in good health." *
The next note, occurring but a few pages beyond, in the German translation, is as follows:
"Had he (Cullen) found traces in bark of a power to excite an artificial antagonistic fever, he certainly would not have
persisted so obstinately in his mode of explanation."
Further on Cullen says: "Although I would not rigorously insist on the employment of a single dose near to the time of
accession, yet I am strongly of opinnon, that the nearer the exhibition is brought to that time, it will be the more
certainly effectual. To explain this not commonly understood; we must remark, that the effects of the bark on the
human body are not very durable. I have had opportunities of observing that a considerable quantity of bark given,
was not sufficient to prevent a relapse in a few days after." Hahnemann makes the following footnote about this:
"How comes it that the effects of bark are so short lived, as is indeed the case, if it be not true that bark, besides
the astringent and tonic bitter propensities ascribed to it by writers, especially by the author, possesses another
power, (that of exciting fever of a peculiar kind)?"
A very graphic description of these experiments of Hahnemann is given in "Samuel Hahnemann, a Biographical Study," ?
as follows: "To judge of the physiological effect of bark he took several doses as prescribed by the profession for
ague. The result was that in his previously healthy system there occurred decided paroxysms resembling those of
ague. The experiment had carried him farther than he anticipated. It had taught him not only the exact
physiological effects of bark; it had shown him that those effects were apparently the same as the symptoms of the
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disease it was given with undeniable success to cure. Does Bark, then, he asked, produce the same symptoms as it
removes? Does it alike produce and cure Ague? It is called a Specific. * Is the Specific curing power of drugs
founded on such a principle? Do they all uniformly excite a counterfeit disease to that which they remedy? Drug
after drug, specific after specific was tested on himself and on healthy friends with one unvarying result-each
remedy of recognized specific power excited a spurious disease resembling that for which it was considered
specific. But many more symptoms than those diagnostic of any one disease resulted from almost every medicine,
and aroused a hope in the experimenter's mind of specifically treating a greater number of diseases than had ever
been so treated before. Besides discovering many valuable medicinal phenomena undreamt of, he verified his
discoveries and observations by ransacking the volumes of recorded experiments on Materia Medica and the whole
history of poisoning. The effect of his investigations was not, therefore, a blind leap from one false theory to
another which might be equally fallacious and more mischievous than the former one. Six years were expended in
proving drugs and verifying his principle before proclaiming it to the world."
Regarding these first experiments in proving drugs on the healthy, Everest says: "Inasmuch as the action of the
same substance varied according to the age, sex, and idiosyncrasy of the subject to whom it was administered, it
was not considered sufficient to experiment on a few individuals. His own family were all pressed into the service,
and each substance was tried in various doses on many different persons, under every possible variety of
circumstance, and beneath the immediate inspection of Hahnemann himself."

Poverty-continued literary labors-powers of peruvian bark-faith in god's

goodness
Hahnemann at this time, 1790, was poor; he had a growing family, and nothing to depend upon but his translations, to
which and to his chemical researches, he devoted all his time. The Rev. Mr. Everest, who was a personal friend of
Hahnemann during the latter years of his life, and who certainly knew from his own lips somewhat of his earlier
years, says: * "It was in the midst of poverty, in one little room which contained his whole family, in a corner,
separated from the rest of them by a curtain, under every discouragement, and with a hungry family to maintain by
hard drudgery, in the intervals of his own investigations, that he set himself to his task. It may, perhaps, give a
better idea of the man himself, if I mention, that, when I once asked him why he smoked he replied: 'Oh, it's an idle
habit, contracted when I had to sit up every other night, in order to get bread for my children, while I was pursuing
my own investigations by day.' I then learned on farther inquiry, that having resigned his practice as a medical man,
he was compelled to earn a living by translating for the booksellers, and had, to enable him to continue his
investigations, adopted the plan of sitting up the whole of every other night."
Thus it may be seen that Hahnemann was greatly in earnest to thus follow his new theory, and endeavor to find some
better and surer method of healing the sick than was at that time known. Certainly his self-denying life is sufficient
answer to the half lies of his detractors, ancient and modern. It was the effort of a single-minded and pure-hearted
man to discover the truth in the manner that his father had long before taught him in this maxim: "Never take
anything for granted, nor receive anything in any science as a truth, until you have investigated it for yourself."
During the year 1791, Hahnemann received honors from two important societies. He was elected a member of the
Oekonomische Gesellschaft of Leipzig, and also Fellow of the Academy of Sciences of Mayence.
His discoveries in chemistry, and his wonderful knowledge of medical subjects were attracting the attention of the
scientific men of his time.
During the year, 1791, he translated Grigg's "Advice to the Female Sex;" Arthur Young's "Annals of Agriculture," in
two volumes; Rigby's "Chemical Observations of Sugar;" Monro's "Medical and Pharmaceutical Chemistry," two
volumes, from the English; and Metherie's "Essay on Pure Air," from the French. *Crell, in mentioning this new
translation in the Annalen, says: "The translator is Dr. Hahnemann, a man who has rendered many services to science
both by his own writings on chemistry, and by his excellent translations of important foreign works. His services
have been already recognized, but deserve to be still more so."
He, also, during this year, wrote original articles for Crell's Annalen on "The Insolubility of Metals," and on the "Best
Means of Preventing Salivation, and the Destructive Effects of Mercury."
Monro in his "Chemico-Pharmaceutical Materia Medica," also mentions the Cortex Peruvianis, devoting to it about
twenty pages of the second volume, and Hahnemann again adds original notes as follows:
Monro having said: "I have seen people who within a month have taken from eight to ten ounces of it (Cortex Peruv.)
without the least good effect; but who on the other hand were cured when they took two ounces in a single day, and
kept up this dose for two or three days successively."
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To this Hahnemann made the following answer: "Nor is this quantity necessary. The patient is not overloaded, and an
equally good result is attained in regular intermittent fever if, shortly before the expected attack, one or two good
doses are administered; for instance, two hours and one hour before the approach of the paroxysm, from one and a
half to two drachms in each dose of good bark in substance. All previous doses given long before the attack are of
little or no avail in checking it. Should the first attack not appear, then let the same treatment be followed with
respect to the second, and reduce the dose to half at the time the third may be expected."
"If, as Cullen and others suppose, the anti-pyretic power of bark proceeded from its tonic properties, it would be more
to be depended on to cure intermittent fever in the first mode of exhibition than in the second, since the system
must be certainly more strengthened by taking ten ounces in a month than by taking one or two ounces in five or six
doses immediately before the attack; but this is not the case. If, however, my opinion, more circumstantially worked
out in the remarks on Cullen's 'Materia Medica,' be admitted, 'that the bark, besides its tonic property, overrules
and subdues intermittent fever by exciting a fever, peculiar to itself, and of short duration,' then it will not be
difficult to solve this paradox. All other substances which excite antagonistic irritability and artificial fever, check
intermittent fever, if administered shortly before the attack, as specifically as bark, only they are not so certain in
their operation. Of this kind are Ipecacuanha, taken dry, Ignatia, Arsenic, Pepper, Wine, and Brandy, a concentrated
infusion of several ounces of burnt coffee with lemon juice, and so on, none of which belong in the least to tonic
remedies. The first (Ipecacuanha) is even useful in cases where bark has been already tried in vain, or with injury to
the patient. Besides, there are medicines much more bitter and astringent than bark, for instance, the powder of
gall apples mixed with gentian root, and still the bark is preferred for checking intermittent fever; indeed, all bitter
plants excite, in large doses, some artificial fever, however small, and thus occasionally drive away intermittent
fever by themselves. I have stated my opinion on this subject and would add that this power to excite a peculiar
fever appears the more probable from the well-known fact that, in common with everything which stimulates the
action of the heart and arteries, it increases the heat, even in the mildest attacks, if administered during the hot
stage itself, especially where fullness of blood predominates."
The next remark on the bark disease can be found in the "Organon." There is also a note in the third volume of the
1825 edition of the Materia Medica Pura regarding the fever-exciting power of Cinchona.
It may be mentioned that Hahnemann was not the first to translate "Cullen's Materia Medica" into German. In 1781, Dr.
Geo. W. Chr. Consbruch made the translation: It was published in Leipzig by Weygand. A second edition was issued in
1790. *
So much has been written about this discovery of the intermittent fever producing powers of Quinine, and so many
misrepresentations made of Hahnemann's position in the matter that it has been deemed wise to make these
quotations at length. "Hahnemann never said that bark could produce intermittent fever in a healthy person, but
that the artificial, antagonistic fever produced by bark is attended with symptoms similar to those which appear in
the intermittent fever." **
In Hahnemann's proving of China the names of twenty-one of his pupils are mentioned as provers.
Hahnemann was not the first to try drugs on the healthy organism. Anton Stoerck, on June 23, 1760, rubbed fresh
Stramony on his hands to see if, as the botanists said, it would inebriate him. It did not, and he then rubbed some
in a mortar, and, sleeping in the same room, got a headache. He then made an extract, placing it on his tongue. He
wished to know if the drug could be safely used as a remedy. Stoerck says that if Stramonium disturbs the senses
and produces mental derangement in persons who are healthy, it might very easily be administered to maniacs for
the purpose of restoring the senses by effecting a change of ideas. Crumpe, an Irish physician, tried drugs on the
healthy, and published a book in London on the effects of Opium, in 1793, three years after the first experiments
of Hahnemann. Hahnemann refers in the "Organon" to the Danish surgeon, Stahl, who says: "I am convinced that
diseases are subdued by agents which produce a similar affection."
Haller, of the University of Gottingen, wrote: "In the first place the remedy is to be tried upon the healthy body,
without any foreign substance mixed with it; a small dose is to be taken; attention is to be directed to every effort
produced by it on the pulse, the temperature, the respiration, the secretions."
The first portion of the "Organon" is devoted by Hahnemann to citations from medical writers in whose experiments
the law of the similars is clearly foreshadowed. Several almost reached the practical deductions from this law.
Hahnemann alone possessed the necessary medical and chemical knowledge to follow out and develop the vague ideas
of his medical fathers. The years of study in the vast libraries were beginning to bear fruit. The law was there, had
been from the first; the mind to grasp that law was needed. Hahnemann always modestly said that his discovery was
God's gift to him for the benefit of mankind.
During the year 1792 Hahnemann published an article in Crell's Annalen on the "Preparation of Glauber's Salts," and
also on the "Art of Wine Testing." He also wrote the first part of the "Friend to Health." This consists of a series
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of short essays on hygienic subjects, and will well repay careful study at the present day. It may be found in the
"Lesser Writings."
He did not now practice medicine; his translations gave him but a meagre support; he had a growing family, and
sometime, probably in the year 1791, poverty compelled him to remove from Leipsic to the little village of
Stotteritz. Burnett says of this time: *"He there clad himself in the garb of the very poor, wore clogs of wood, and
helped his wife in the heavy work of the house, and kneaded his bread with his own hands."
His children fell sick; the future looked very dark to the honest seeker after truth. He had lost faith in medicine. Of
this time he writes: "Where shall I look for aid, sure aid? sighed the disconsolate father on hearing the moaning of
his dear, inexpressibly dear sick children. The darkness of night and the dreariness of a desert all around me; no
prospect of relief for my oppressed paternal heart."

Further experiments-insanity of klockenbring-asylum at georgenthal-gentle

methods with the insane
It is to be remembered that during the two years following the translation of Cullen, Hahnemann continued to
experiment upon himself and on his family and certain of his friends with different substances. But he had not as
yet tested the truth of his new principle on the sick. The insanity of Klockenbring gave him this opportunity.
In 1792 he went to Georgenthal, in the Principality of Gotha, to take charge of an asylum for the insane and to treat
Herr Klockenbring. There are several different accounts of this period of his life. Hartmann says: * "The
opportunity for confirming his opinion was soon afforded, especially in the hospital for the insane at Georgenthal.
This institution had been erected by Duke Ernst of Gotha, and was situated in one of the most beautiful portions of
the Principality of Gotha, at the foot of the Thuringian Forest, three leagues distant from Gotha, the capital city.
He was appointed manager by the Duke, and opened the institution in the beginning of August, 1792. Here he cured,
among others, the chancellor's private secretary, who had become insane."
There is some diversity of opinion as to whether this asylum was in operation before this time, or whether he was first
called to the Duke as his private physician. It is most likely that it was not opened until the insanity of Klockenbring
made it a necessity, and it also seems probable that he was the only patient treated there. Hahnemann himself says,
in his description of this gentleman's case: "After having been for several years much occupied with diseases of the
most tedious and desperate character in general, and of all sorts of venereal maladies, cachexies, hypochondriasis,
and insanity in particular, with the assistance of the excellent reigning Duke, I established three years ago a
convalescent asylum for patients afflicted with such disorders, in Georgenthal near Gotha."
In the Monthly Homoeopathic Review, London, 1887, the following account of this important episode in Hahnemann's
life is given. *
In the latter part of 1791 or the first part of 1792 a friend of Hahnemann, one R. Z. Becker, was the editor and
proprietor of a paper called the Reichanzeiger, which was, while Hahnemann lived in Gotha, called Der Anzeiger, and
was a newspaper used in discussions among physicians or in communicating the one with the other. It was afterwards
called Der Reichanzeiger, and in 1806 was called Der Allgemeine Anzeiger der Deutschen. Hahnemann frequently
wrote articles for its columns.
An article was published in this paper describing, at Hahnemann's suggestion, a model asylum for the treatment, by
gentle methods, of the insane of the higher classes of society. The wife of F. A. Klockenbring, the Hanoverian
Minister of Police, Secretary to the Chancellery of Hanover, saw this article and was by the editor referred to
Hahnemann. For about five years Klockenbring had, from his severe labors and his fast life, developed a great
eccentricity. In the winter of 1791-92 he became the subject of a lampoon by the German dramatist, Kotzebue, in
which he was named "Bahrdt with the iron forehead." On account of this he became violently insane and had been
treated by Dr. Wichmann, the Hanoverian Court Physician, whom Hahnemann calls "one of the greatest physicians of
our age," for sometime without benefit. Madame Klockenbring was so much impressed with this article and with an
interview with Hahnemann that she desired him to take charge of the case of her husband. To this he consented,
but as he had no place in which to treat this violent madman, and as no doubt the Duke of Gotha was also interested
in the cure of so distinguished a man as much as was Hahnemann himself, the following arrangement was made: The
Duke gave up to Hahnemann a wing of his hunting castle at Georgenthal, at the foot of the Thuringer Wald, nine
miles from Gotha, and caused it to be fitted up as an asylum.
Hahnemann in his description of this case speaks of the previous eccentricity of the patient, of its causes, and of the
effect of the lampoon, acting upon a mind already shaken. In the winter of 1791-2 the most fearful madness
developed itself. He was brought to the asylum toward the end of June, 1792, in a very melancholy state
accompanied by strong keepers. His face was covered with large spots, was dirty, and imbecile in expression. Day and
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night he raved. He was afflicted with strange hallucinations, imagining himself in many positions. Would recite in
Greek, recited, in the actual words of the Hebrew text, a Bible story to his keeper. His quotations from various
languages were exact. He lived on terms of amity with emperors and queens. He destroyed his clothing and bedding,
took his piano to pieces to discover the complementary tone of harmony, wrote at one time a prescription for his own
cure that seemed adapted to the treatment of insanity-in fact, exhibited the most perfect forms of excitable
mania.
Hahnemann remarks that for two weeks he watched him carefully before giving him any medicine. At the period of
which we write the usual treatment of all forms of insanity was by violence, by chains, abuse, whipping and dungeons.
Ameke says: "Physicians treated excitable and refractory maniacal patients like wild animals, corporal chastisement
and nauseating medicines were ordinary means used. Furious maniacs were strapped down on a horizontal board which
could be quickly turned on an axis to a vertical position, or put in a so-called rotating chair. 'It is shameful to
confess,' says Westphal, in 1880, 'what a short time has elapsed since the insane were shown to the Sunday visitors
of hospitals and workhouses as a sort of sport, and teased in order to amuse the visitors.'"
Hahnemann did not countenance such cruelty and used only the mildest of methods in his treatment of the insane. He
said: "I never allow an insane person to be punished either by blows or any other kind of corporal chastisement,
because there is no punishment where there is no responsibility, and because these sufferers deserve only pity and
are always rendered worse by such rough treatment and never improved."
Dudgeon in his biography of Hahnemann says: *"May we not then justly claim for Hahnemann the honor of being the
first who advocated and practiced the moral treatment of the insane? At all events he may divide the honor with
Pinel, for we find that towards the end of this same year, 1792, when Hahnemann was applying his principle of moral
treatment to practice, Pinel made his first experiment of unchaining the maniacs of the Bicetre." (At Paris.)
Klockenbring, as the result of his treatment, returned to Hanover cured in March, 1793. For this cure Hahnemann
received a fee of 1,000 thalers, about $ 750, in addition to the expenses of the board of the patient. There is no
record of any other patients in this asylum. H. A. O. Reichards in his autobiography says: * "On asking the witty
Judge of Georgenthal, W. H. Jacobs, how many mad people Hahnemann had at that time in his asylum, he dryly
answered, one, and that's himself."
In Hufeland's Journal, Vol. 2, p. 313, appears the following note: "An account of Hahnemann's treatment of the insanity
of Klockenbring is published in the Teutsch Monatschrift for February, 1796. "

Molschleben-letters to a patient-pyrmont-wolfenbuttel-konigslutter
In a little book, published about 1887, at Tubingen, by Dr. Bernhard Schuchardt of Gotha, are published a series of
letters written by Hahnemann, between the years 1793 to 1805 to a patient, and by means of their dates his
whereabouts during this time is quite exactly determined. A part of these letters were published in the Monthly
Homoeopathic Review for September, 1887. They are of interest, as by them can be traced the gradual changes in
his prescribing from the ordinary methods of the day to the more careful prescriptions of later years. This book and
story were made the subject of Dr. Dudgeon's Hahnemann Oration, delivered at the opening of the London
Homoeopathic Medical School, October 3, 1887.
Hahnemann left Georgenthal about the middle of May, 1793, going from there to Molschleben, a small village near
Gotha. Here he again devoted himself entirely to his literary pursuits. He continued work on the second part of the
"Friend to Health," and composed the first part of the "Pharmaceutical Lexicon," or "Apothecaries' Dictionary," as it
was also called. Ameke says: The subjects are arranged alphabetically, and it treats of everything which could be of
use to the apothecary in his work. The necessary utensils are carefully described. Each article shows how well
Hahnemann understood the subject. He often describes new apparatus invented by himself; the apothecary's
business of making up prescriptions and his laboratory work are accurately and clearly explained. He gives many
directions which have now become legal enactments. He mentions the rules for the sale of poisons, gives the most
minute directions for the care and preparation of drugs, gives the botanical description of remedies, their time of
flowering and rules for their collection, and refers to much literature upon this subject. He quotes from more than
one hundred works of botanists and zoologists. He recommends the preparation of tinctures from fresh plants, and
describes the medicinal uses of many drugs. This work appeared in numbers. It received the praise of all the
scientific physicians of the day, and became the standard work on pharmacy.
And yet it may be well to remember that this consummate chemist, botanist, and practical pharmacist, who bad been a
regular pharmaceutical examiner, who was competent to write an exhaustive work upon these subjects, and who was,
without doubt, the most qualified man of his time for such a task, was not, at a little later period, considered by the
physicians of Leipsic a proper person to prepare and dispense his own medicines.
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The most skillful chemist of his time forbidden to dispense drugs! And yet it is to be presumed that at the same time
the excuse of these doctors was that the people must be protected from irregular practitioners, as is in very
isolated cases the argument at the present day! At this time the following cure was made by Hahnemann:
"While living in the village of Molschleben, 'where my children enjoyed perfect health,' there were many children
affected with so-called milk crust, and to an unusual degree. As Hahnemann thought the disease could be
communicated, he endeavored to prevent intercourse between his own and the infected children belonging to the
village. One of the boys gained access to them. 'I saw him playing in close contact to them. I sent him away, but the
infection had already taken place. The complaint began in the first child kissed, and then spread to the other three
children.'" *
"I poured warm water over dry Hepar sulphuris (powdered oyster shells mixed with equal parts of Sulphur, and kept for
ten minutes at a white heat), and thus made a weak solution. I painted the faces of the two who had the eruption
worst with this every hour for two consecutive days. After the first application the complaint was arrested and
gradually got well."
Hahnemann's letters continue to be addressed from Molschleben until October 19, 1794, when he writes: "Pyrmont,
where I think I shall remain."
This place is situated in Westphalia, and was celebrated at that time for its extensive mineral springs, utilized for
bathing and drinking. He remained there but a short time, going thence in 1795, to Wolfenbuttel, a large fortified
place on the river Ocker, five miles from Brunswick, and the same year, 1795, again removing to Konigslutter, a small
town ten miles from Brunswick, and in the principality of Wolfenbuttel. There he remained until 1799, when he went
to Hamburg.
At Konigslutter, he wrote, the second part of the "Friend to Health," and finished the "Pharmaceutical Lexicon." He
also wrote articles on the Wirtemburg and Hahnemann Wine Test; on the Preparation of Cassel Yellow; on Crusta
lactea; Description of Klockenbring during his insanity; on the Pulverization of Ignatia Beans; and several other
articles. He translated from the French, Rousseau on the Education of Infants, under the title of "Handbook for
Mothers," from the English, the "New Edinburgh Dispensatory" in two volumes; and "Taplin's Veterinary Medicine."
The translation of the Dispensatory called forth from the chemists of Germany unstinted praise. As was his custom,
he enriched it with copious notes.

First essay on the curative power of drugs-"hufeland's journal."-enmity of

konigslutter physicians
It was during his residence at Konigslutter, in 1796, that Hahnemann first communicated to the world by means of the
public print his new discovery in medicine. In 1795 Hufeland renowned in all Germany, began to publish in Jena, a
medical journal called, Journal der practischen Arzneykunde und Wundarzneykunst. Hahnemann and Hufeland were
personal friends; Hufeland was at the time professor of physics at Jena. Hahnemann is quoted in the first volume;
his cure of Klockenbring is mentioned in the second volume. In this journal, volume two, parts three and four, (1796),
Hahnemann published the article, entitled: "Essay on a New Principle for Ascertaining the Curative Powers of Drugs."
* In this he reviews the condition of medicine at that time; argues that chemistry is not the proper exponent of the
curative action of drugs; that the experimentation on animals with poisons is of little use since many plants deadly to
man are innocuous to animals; that the true method of experimentation with drugs is by testing them on the healthy
body; says that the so-called specifics in common use are but the result of empirical practice, that the pure action
of each drug should be obtained on the human body by itself.
He presents his theory in the following words: "Every powerful medicinal substance produces in the human body a kind
of peculiar disease; the more powerful the medicine, the more peculiar, marked and violent the disease. We should
imitate nature which sometimes cures a chronic disease by superadding another, and employ in the (especially
chronic) disease we wish to cure that medicine which is able to produce another very similar artificial disease, and
the former will be cured; similia similibus."
Hahnemann very carefully argues the question of the new law; he adduces many results of poisonings by drugs, gives his
experience in the uses of medicines prescribed according to the law of similars, and records the symptoms that
certain medicines produced on himself and others. He brings example for every assertion and discusses the matter
in a calm and convincing manner.
This essay can be found in the various editions of the "Lesser Writings" of Hahnemann. To quote: "It displays to full
advantage the exceeding gentleness of Hahnemann's temper, the respect he entertained for the opinions of his
professional brethren, the modesty of the estimation in which he held his own, and the philosophical and
comprehensive grasp of his mind. Its tone was calm and impartial, its language clear and accurate, its reasoning
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convincing, its arguments forcible, and its assertions moderate. It bears no sign of prejudice, much less of acrimony.
We think its scientific mastery of a question confessedly among the most vexed in medicine, the best answer to
those who glibly charge its author with charlatanry and ignorance. Let them answer Hahneman's arguments, which
they have never done, before they abuse himself." *
It was the first essay by Hahnemann that appeared in Hufeland's Journal. After this he was a frequent contributor
until 1808, the last article being about a prophylactic for scarlet fever. In 1797 he published a cure of a case of
colicodynia after the usual means of cure had failed, by means of a medicine producing very similar morbid symptoms.
(Veratrum album.)
His next article was: "Are the Obstacles to Certainty and Simplicity in Practical Medicine Insurmountable?" In it he
argues in favor of simple, careful methods. He says: "Why should we complain that our science is obscure and
intricate when we ourselves are the producers of this obscurity and intricacy? Formerly I was infected with this
fever; the schools had infected me. The virus clung more obstinately to me before it came to a critical expulsion
than ever did the virus of any other mental disease. Are we in earnest with our art?
"Then let us make a brotherly compact, and all agree to give but one single simple remedy at a time for every single
disease, without making much alteration in the mode of life of our patients, and then let us use our eyes to see what
effect this or that medicine has, how it does good or how it fails. Is not this as simple a way of getting over the
difficulty as that of Columbus with the egg?"
At this time Hahnemann was habitually depending on the single remedy, and says in this essay that it has been a long
time since he has given more than one remedy at one time. He also prescribed according to the law of similars. He
was in the habit of preparing and dispensing his own medicines independent of the apothecaries. By all his writings at
this time he endeavored to induce his professional brethren to try the plan of simple remedies given according to a
precise law. But it was in vain, they became jealous of his success, for he was now engaged in active practice.
"And the physicians of Konigslutter incited the apothecaries to bring an action against him for interfering with them in
dispensing his own medicines. He appealed to the letter of the law regulating the business of the apothecary, and
argued that they had the sole privilege of compounding medicines, but that any man, especially any medical man, had
a right to either give or sell uncompounded drugs, which were the only things he employed, and which he also
administered gratuitously. But it was in vain, and Hahnemann, a past master of pharmaceutical art, was forbidden to
dispense his simple medicines." *
And now he must again think of leaving his home and finding a new one where he could practice his methods and
experiment in peace.
In a letter written to a patient, and dated March 14, 1799, he says:
"To-day I make you my confidant. Kindly give the enclosed letter as soon as you can to the Minister Von Frankenberg, if
he is still alive, but if Zigesar is in his place give it to him, but before doing so have the goodness to write the name
of the present First Minister in Latin characters on the envelope in the blank space. I was not quite sure if
Frankenberg is still living, otherwise I would have written his name myself. I am applying in this letter for Dr.
Buchner's post with the Duke, and would like to return to Gotha in that capacity, for I have always preferred Gotha
to Brunswick. But it is impossible for me to have an excuse for changing my abode unless I get an appointment of
this sort.
"But do not let anyone know a word about all this, in order that no intrigues may be set on foot, as would certainly
happen. But how will you manage to get this letter at once and with certainty into Frankenberg's hands? As it is, the
news of Buchner's death reached me a week than it ought, so I must now lose no time. Forgive me for the trouble I
am putting you to, and with best wishes I remain
"Your most devoted servant,
"Dr. Hahnemann."
The Dr. Buchner whom he mentions was the former physician in ordinary to the Duke, and had died a month before this.
It can plainly be understood that Hahnemann thought that could he become physician to the Duke of Gotha he would
be in a great measure freed from the persecution of the jealous physicians and apothecaries. But this appointment
he failed to procure.

Letter to patient on cheerful methods of life

The next letter to his patient, who was a tailor in Gotha and died at the age of ninety-two, is so filled with advice that
must be of benefit to every one in this age of haste that it is given here in full: *
"My Dear Mr. X-----:
"It is true that I am going to Hamburg, but that need not trouble you. If you do not grudge the few groschen a letter
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will cost you can still have my advice when I am there. Merely write my name, and Hamburg beneath it, and your
letter so addressed will find me.
"For the present I must say that you are on the fair road to health, and the chief sources of your malady cut off. One
source still remains, and it is the cause of your last relapse. Man (the delicate human machine) is not constituted for
overwork, he cannot overwork his powers or faculties with impunity. If he does so from ambition, love of gain, or
other praiseworthy or blameworthy motive, he sets himself in opposition to the order of nature, and his body
suffers injury or destruction. All the more if his body is already in a weakened condition; what you cannot accomplish
in a week you can do in two weeks. If your customers will not wait they cannot fairly expect that you will for their
sakes make yourself ill and work yourself to the grave, leaving your wife a widow and your children orphans. It is not
only the greater bodily exertion that injures you, it is even more the attendant strain on the mind, and the
overwrought mind in its turn affects the body injuriously. If you do not assume an attitude of cool indifference,
adopting the principle of living first for yourself and only secondly for others, then there is small chance of your
recovery. When you are in your grave men will still be clothed, perhaps not as tastefully, but still tolerably well.
"If you are a philosopher you may become healthy, you may attain to old age. If anything annoys you give no heed to it;
if anything is too much for you have nothing to do with it; if any one seeks to drive you go slowly and laugh at the
fools who wish to make you unhappy. What you can do comfortably that do; what you cannot do don't bother yourself
about.
"Our temporal circumstances are not improved by overpressure at work. You must spend proportionately more in your
domestic affairs, and so nothing is gained. Economy, limitation of superfluities (of which the hard worker has often
very few) place us in a position to live with greater comfort-that is to say, more rationally, more intelligently, more
in accordance with nature, more cheerfully, more quietly, more healthily. Thus we shall act more commendably, more
wisely, more prudently, than by working in breathless hurry, with our nerves constantly over-strung, to the
destruction of the most precious treasure of life, calmly happy spirits and good health.
"Be you more prudent, consider yourself first, let everything else be of only secondary importance for you. And should
they venture to assert that you are in honor bound to do more than is good for your mental and physical powers, even
then do not, for God's sake, allow yourself to be driven to do what is contrary to your own welfare. Remain deaf to
the bribery of praise, remain cold and pursue your own course slowly and quietly like a wise and sensible man. To
enjoy with tranquil mind and body, that is what man is in the world for, and only to do as much work as will procure
him the means of enjoyment-certainly not to excoriate and wear himself out with work.
"The everlasting pushing and striving of blinded mortals in order to gain so and so much, to secure some honor or other,
to do a service to this or that great personage-this is generally fatal to our welfare, this is a common cause of young
people ageing and dying before their time.
"The calm, cold-blooded man, who lets things softly glide, attains his object also, lives more tranquilly and healthily, and
attains a good old age. And this leisurely man sometimes lights upon a lucky idea, the fruit of serious original
thought, which shall give a much more profitable impetus to his temporal affairs than can ever be gained by the
overwrought man who can never find time to collect his thoughts.
"In order to win the race, quickness is not all that is required. Strive to obtain a little indifference, coolness and
calmness, then you will be what I wish you to be. Then you will see marvellous things; you will see how healthy you will
become by following my advice. Then shall your blood course through your blood vessels calmly and sedately, without
effort and without heat. No horrible dreams disturb the sleep of him who lies down to rest without highly strung
nerves. The man who is free from care wakes in the morning without anxiety about the multifarious occupations of
the day. What does he care? The happiness of life concerns him more than anything else. With fresh vigor he sets
about his moderate work, and at his meals nothing, no ebullitions of blood, no cares, no solicitude of mind hinders him
from relishing what the beneficent Preserver of Life sets before him. And so one day follows another in quiet
succession, until the final day of advanced age brings him to the termination of a well spent life, and he serenely
reposes in another world as he has calmly lived in this one.
"Is not that more rational, more sensible? Let restless, self-destroying men act as irrationally, as injuriously towards
themselves as they please; let them be fools. But be you wiser! Do not let me preach this wisdom of life in vain. I
mean well to you.
"Farewell, follow my advice, and when all goes well with you, remember.
"Dr. S. Hahnemann.
"P. S.-Should you be reduced to your last sixpence, be still cheerful and happy. Providence watches over us, and a lucky
chance makes all right again. How much do we need in order to live, to restore our powers by food and drink, to
shield ourselves from cold and heat? Little more than good courage; when we have that the minor essentials we can
find without much trouble. The wise man needs but little. Strength that is husbanded needs not to be renovated by
medicine."
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Epidemic of scarlatina-departure from konigslutter-accident on the

journey-complaint to the public-belladonna in scarlatina-altona-medical liberality
of the nineteenth century
During the summer of 1799, the last year of his sojourn in Konigslutter, an epidemic of scarlet fever occurred, during
which Hahnemann discovered the great value of Belladonna as a prophylactic against this serious disease. Hahnemann
says: * "At first small-pox came from the vicinity of Helmstadt to Konigslutter, spreading slowly around; the
eruption was small, warty looking, and it was accompanied with serious atomic symptoms. In the village it came from
scarlet fever was prevalent at the time, and, mixed up with the latter, the small-pox made its appearance in
Konigslutter. About the middle of the year the small-pox ceased almost entirely, and the scarlet fever then
commenced to appear more frequently and alone. This epidemic was exceedingly contagious; it extended through
families. If a single child was affected by it, not one of its brothers and sisters remained exempt, nor did it fail to
affect other children who came close to the patients or to things that had come in contact with their exhalations."
Hahnemann was very successful both in the prevention and treatment of this terrible scourge, but at this time did not
reveal the name of the remedy he used. No doubt this may have further embittered the physicians against him.
Despite the wishes of his numerous patients, who were grateful for his skill, the unjust opposition of the jealous
doctors was too powerful for him, and he had to again resume his wanderings.
Burnett says: "The vulnerable point with Hahnemann was this: At Konigslutter he gave his own medicines to his
patients, though gratuitously. The physicians of Konigslutter became jealous of his rising fame, and they incited the
apothecaries against him, and these brought an action at law against Hahnemann for dispensing his own medicines,
and thus encroaching upon their rights. It was decided against him; he was forbidden to give his own medicines, and
this, of course, rendered his further stay impossible."
He could not remain in Konigslutter, and in the autumn of 1799, with his family, he departed from the ungrateful city.
Dudgeon says: * "He purchased a large carriage or wagon, in which he packed all his property and family, and with a
heavy heart bade adieu to Konigslutter, where fortune had at length begun to smile upon him, and where he found
leisure and opportunity to prosecute his interesting discoveries. Many of the inhabitants, whose health he had been
instrumental in restoring, or whose lives he had even saved by the discoveries of his genius during that fatal
epidemic of scarlet fever, accompanied him some distance on the road to Hamburg, whither he had resolved to
proceed, and at length, with a blessing for his services, and a sigh for his hard lot, they bade him God speed. And
thus he journeyed on with all his earthly possessions, and with all his family beside him. But a dreadful accident
befell the melancholy cortege. Descending a precipitous part of the road the wagon was overturned, the driver
thrown from his seat, his infant son so injured that he died shortly afterwards, and the leg of one of his daughters
was fractured. He himself was considerably bruised, and his property much damaged by falling into a stream that ran
at the bottom of the road. With the assistance of some peasants they were conveyed to the nearest village
(Muhlhausen), where he was forced to remain upwards of six weeks on his daughter's account, at an expense that
greatly lightened his not very well filled purse."
It would seem that after the accident Hahnemann settled first in Altona, as he dates a letter from that place on
November 9th, 1799, while the letters dated from Hamburg occur in the year 1800.
Kleinert, in his "History of Homoeopathy," says he resided first at Altona. That he was here annoyed by people fond of
gratuitous advice is evidenced by the following letter that he caused twice to be inserted in the Reichanzeiger and
for which he had to pay one thaler and eight groschen.
"Complaint and Resolve" *
"Dear Public! It will scarcely be credited that there are people who seem to think that I am merely a private gentleman
with plenty of time on my hands, whom they may pester with letters, many of which have not the postage paid, and
are consequently a tax on my purse, containing requests for professional advice, to comply with which would demand
much mental labor and occupy precious time, while it never occurs to these inconsiderate correspondents to send any
remuneration for the time and trouble I would have to expend on answers by which they would benefit.
"In consequence of the ever-increasing importunity of these persons, I am compelled to announce:
"1. That henceforward I shall refuse to take in any letters which are not postpaid, let them come from whom they may.
"2. That after reading through even paid letters from distant patients and others seeking advice, I will send them back
unless they are accompanied by a sufficient fee (at least a Friedrich d'or) in a cheque or in actual money, unless the
poverty of the writer is so great that I could not withhold my advice without sinning against humanity.
"3. If lottery tickets are sent me I shall return them all without exception; but I shall make the post office pay for all
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the expenses of remission, and the senders will get them back charged with this payment.
"Samuel Hahnemann, Doctor of Medicine."
"Altona, by Hamburg, November 9, 1799. "
This announcement, compelling patients to pay for consultation by letter, being against the usual custom of the time,
aroused a very great amount of adverse criticism, and gave the doctors another opportunity for cavilling against
their successful rival.
His stay at Altona was short, and about the beginning of the year 1800 he removed to Hamburg.
The epidemic of scarlatina still claimed numerous victims, and Hahnemann's success at Konigslutter in the prevention
and treatment had been so great that the name of the remedy there used was demanded.
He now published a letter in the Reichanzeiger Journal for May 12, 1800 (Gotha), in which he stated that he was about
to issue a pamphlet giving a complete history of the Konigslutter epidemic, with an account of his treatment, and the
name and method of preparation of his prophylactic and remedy. But, he also stated, that before he could publish
this he must have 300 subscribers at one Friedrich d'or each, pledged to take the work, to each of whom he would
give a quantity of the remedy with full directions for its proper use.
He added, in the way of excuse, that he deserved something both from the public and from the Government for his
most important discovery.
This statement gained for him very few subscribers, but a vast amount of abuse and calumny. He was accused of
seeking to obtain money under false pretenses. The physicians declared that the substance he employed was a
violent poison that would profoundly affect the health, and that he dare not announce its name.
Hahnemann justified his course by saying that he wished the trial to be made by a medicine prepared carefully by his
own hands, and not in the careless manner in which drugs were so often prepared; that he had no intention of
keeping the truth from the profession, but considered himself entitled to some honorarium. This refutation he
published in December, 1800.
Again, in the Allgemeiner Anzeiger for February 7, 1801 (No. 32), he published the following article addressed to the
physicians of Germany:
"Considerations Upon the Liberality of the Medical Fraternity at the Commencement of the Nineteenth Century." *
He reviewed the professional jealousy of physicians; cited examples of the abuse that had in the past fallen on
discoverers, such as Wichmann, Hufeland, Tode, Sommering; recalled the attacks on himself after his chemical
discoveries regarding Mercury; the constant abuse of his New Principle of Healing.
"Now," he says, "once more, at the end of the century that has just expired, my zeal for the welfare of mankind misled
me to announce a prophylactic remedy for one of the most destructive of children's diseases, scarlet fever.
Scarcely a fourth part of the number I might have expected subscribed for it. This lukewarm interest shown for
such an important affair discouraged me, and I arranged that the subscribers should receive a portion of the
medicine itself, in order to satisfy them, in case my book on the subject should not be published. The subscribers
consisted chiefly of physicians who had epidemics of scarlet fever in their neighborhood. At least thirty of these,
whom I begged by letter to testify to the truth and to publish the result, be it what it might, in the
Reinchsanzeiger, made no reply."
Certainly not fair to Hahnemann after he had given the medicine, and had only asked, as he always did, for but a fair
trial. And with the fact before us, that Belladonna is by all now recognized as a valuable preventive of scarlet fever,
it becomes still more certain that this action on the part of the physicians did indeed arise from bigotry and envy, as
Hahnemann declared.
He continues in argumentative form regarding the use of Mercury and of the Belladonna, and its value in scarlet fever,
expostulates against the prejudice of one Dr. Jani, who at first published articles in favor and then against this
remedy, and declares that the common object which physicians must attain can only be gained by unity, mutual
intercommunication and brotherly friendship. And lastly, these words: "Physicians of Germany, be brothers, be fair,
be just!"
When we consider the fact that heretofore Hahnemann had always been willing to freely impart any and all of his
discoveries to his brethren; when in every book he had translated he had freely given of the treasure of his memory
and of his invention; when we remember that just as soon as he became satisfied of its truth he announced to the
world the discovery of the new law of similia, when we read his essay on that subject, with its wealth of careful
advice and argument, we certainly cannot for one moment think that he withheld the name of the Belladonna from
any sordid motive of concealing from the world a useful remedy.
Is it not more probable that by this plan he wished to ensure for his prophylactic fair treatment? He had but just been
driven from Konigslutter, where he had done so much good with this same medicine; he had been compelled to give up
his practice, to lose his child by an accident incident to his moving. He was poor. He wished some recompense as a
discoverer. He wished unbiased treatment.
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So very much has been written about Hahnemann as the dispenser of secret remedies, meaning this fact of the
Belladonna, that before judging him it is but just to examine carefully all the circumstances of the case. This is the
only time when he did not at once freely give to the world every discovery that he made. And judging the past and
the future of the man, is it not fairer to decide that he hid the name of this remedy for some good and sufficient
purpose, perhaps thinking that were the subscribers compelled to pay for the knowledge they would give it more
careful consideration.
The article on "Liberality" was the last that he wrote in a spirit of conciliation. After that he viewed his detractors
with disfavor and contempt. From this time he steadily and in a dignified way followed his medical researches and
discoveries, and responded but very seldom to the attacks of the doctors.
He did not wait for his three hundred subscribers, but in 1801 published the secret of the discovery of the
prophylactic properties of Belladonna in scarlet fever in a small pamphlet printed at Gotha. It was called: "Cure and
Prevention of Scarlet Fever." * In the preface he says that had he compiled a large book on scarlet fever he would
have gotten, through the usual channels of publication, as much of an honorarium as from the subscribers of the
pamphlet. But as he wished to interest the many, he adopted the more popular form of the small book. He gives a
history of the epidemic of small-pox reaching Konigslutter, the scarlet fever mixing with it; the final disappearance
of the small-pox and the spread of the scarlet fever.
The symptoms of the disease are carefully detailed, its great mortality, his treatment with small doses of Opium and
Ipecac, and then under the heading: "Prevention against Scarlet Fever," he gives the particulars of his discovery of
Belladonna.
He says: "The mother of a large family, at the commencement of July, 1799, when the fever was most prevalent and
fatal, had got a new counterpane made up by a seamstress who, without the knowledge of the former, had in her
small chamber a boy just recovering from scarlet fever. The mother received the counterpane and smelled it to be
sure that it contained no bad odors. She then laid it on the sofa pillow, and took a nap the same afternoon on the
same pillow. A week later she became ill with the sore throat. Her daughter, ten years old, soon after manifested
marked symptoms of scarlet fever." Hahnemann, judging from her symptoms, says: "My memory and my written
collection of the peculiar effects of some medicines furnished me with no remedy so capable of producing a
counterpart of the symptoms here present as Belladonna."
No guess work, only the application of the new law, and this valuable preventive was discovered.
He gave her the one four hundred and thirty-two thousandth part of a grain of Belladonna, with the result that in
about twenty four hours she became well. He next gave the remedy to other children, who did not take the disease
although exposed.
He writes: "I reasoned thus, a remedy that is capable of quickly checking a disease in its onset, must be its best
preventive; and the following occurrence strengthened me in the correctness of this conclusion: Some weeks
previously three children of another family lay ill of a very bad scarlet fever; the eldest daughter alone, who, up to
that period, had been taking Belladonna internally for an external affection on the joints of her fingers, to my great
astonishment did not catch the fever, although during the prevalence of other epidemics she had always been the
first to take them. This circumstance completely confirmed my idea. I now hesitated not to administer to the other
five children of this numerous family this divine remedy, as a preservative, in very small doses, and, as the particular
action of this plant does not last above three days, I repeated the dose every seventy two hours, and they all
remained perfectly well without the slightest symptoms throughout the whole course of the epidemic, and amid the
most virulent scarlatina emanations from the sisters who lay ill with the disease."
He then gives preparation for preparing the remedy and prescribes the quantity to be used.
This publication did not silence his enemies. They ridiculed his minute doses of Belladonna, and laughed at its power to
prevent the spread of scarlatina. Hahnemann, then, in Hufeland's Journal, Vol. 13, part 2, January, 1801, published
another essay on. "Small Doses of Medicine in General, and of Belladonna in Particular." In this he argues on the
divisibility of medicine and its increase of power by subdivision, and supports his doses of Belladonna as previously
given.
Afterwards many physicians bore testimony to the truth of this discovery. Hufeland testified to its value as a
prophylactic; articles appeared in his Journal regarding its virtues in May, 1812; November, 1824; November, 1825.
Hufeland himself wrote a work in 1825, entitled "The Prophylactic Power of Belladonna," and in this he justly gives
Hahnemann the credit of his discovery. He also adduces a great deal of testimony to prove this assertion. *
Twenty years later, while Hahnemann resided in Leipsic, certain of the physicians of that city recommended the use of
Belladonna as a prophylactic in scarlet fever, but did not mention the fact that Hahnemann had twenty years earlier
discovered this.

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Curious preface to thesaurus medicaminum-alkali

pneum-mollen-eilenburg-machern-dessau-torgau
In the year 1800 Hahnemann translated from the English the "Thesaurus Medicaminum," which was a collection of
medical prescriptions.
This translation was published anonymously, the notes by Hahnemann being signed "Y."
He, however, in a spirit of grim satire, wrote an original preface, in which he says: "I have translated the book entitled
'Thesaurus Medicaminum, a New Collection of Medical Prescriptions,' etc. If, as the preface to the original informs
me, even in London, medical frankness requires the aegis of anonymousness, in order to escape being chid; I need not
say a word as to its expediency for some time past in our own dear fatherland. * * * But how, it will be asked, did the
writer of the notes, no friend to compound medicines, come to edit this work? To which I answer, solely for that
very reason. I wished to show my countrymen that the very best prescriptions have a hitch somewhere, are
unnatural, contradictory and opposed to the object for which they are designed. This is a truth that should be
proclaimed from the housetops in our prescription-loving times."
He continues to argue against compound prescriptions and in favor of single remedies; says that two or more
substances mingled do not have the same effect as given singly, and, in fact, condemns the use of the book itself.
In the notes he denounces the body of the work. In one case where five remedies are given in one prescription, he
suggests including, also, the entire Materia Medica. He ridicules placing drugs antagonistic to each other in the same
prescription, and advises a return to the simple methods of Hippocrates.
As he did no more translating at this time, it is very probable that his suggestions did not enhance the sale of the book,
and that the bookseller for whom he worked was anything but satisfied with him.
In 1801 he published in Hufeland's Journal some observations on "Brown's Elements of Medicine," in which he again
pleads against the use of so many drugs in one prescription, and earnestly recommends simpler methods of
treatment.
With the exception of "Von Haller's Materia Medica," translated in 1806, this was the last of Hahnemann's
translations.
A circumstance that happened while Hahnemann lived in Hamburg has been extensively used by his detractors to
impeach his honesty. He announced the discovery of a new chemical salt that he called "Alkali Pneum." It was offered
for sale, but upon analysis it proved to be Borax.
According to the most reliable statements this must have been about the year 1800. Crell published an article about it
in that year, and the result of its analysis was given in 1801. When he first discovered it is not known, probably some
years earlier, when he was so deeply interested in chemical discovery.
This mistake his enemies have ever since been quoting as a proof that he not only sold secret remedies, but palmed off
under a new name a well-known substance. The "Alkali pneum" and the Belladonna secret have been mentioned in
every book that has been written against Hahnemann, and their number is many, in the last hundred years. In fact, it
is impossible for the gentlemen who denounce him and his system to find any other circumstance of his long life with
which, in the slightest manner, to assail his honesty. The facts of these two cases, to an unbiased person, do not
show any swerving from the strict honor by which his entire life was guided and influenced.
Ameke says: * "The chemists of that day were seeking new substances. Prof. Klaproth, one of the first chemists of the
day, discovered a new substance, 'diamond spar;' it was a mistake. Proust discovered 'sal mirabile perlatum,' a salt
of pearl, in the urine; it was supposed to be a combination of Soda with a new acid (pearl acid); it was found to be
the already known Phosphate of Soda.
"Van Ruprecht, a chemist, discovered Borbonium in baryta, Parthenum in chalk, Austrum in magnesia; the sedative salt
(Boracic acid) was supposed to have been reduced to a metal; on examination these discoveries were found to be
iron, probably derived from impure Hessian crucibles.
"Borax had long been an object of especial attention to chemists. Prof. Fuchs wrote, in 1784, a monograph on it, with a
historical account of the views as to its composition, which, in 1784, were still uncertain and contradictory. He says
in the preface: 'We know very little about borax, and are not yet agreed as to its composition, for one says it
contains this substance and another that.' Metherie gave the constituents of Boracic acid as atmospheric air,
inflammable gas, caloric and water.
"In 1800, 'Crell's Annalen' published an article of four pages entitled, 'Pneumlaugensalz, endeckt von Herrn Dr. Samuel
Hahnemann,' in which the latter describes the properties of a new kind of fixed alkali, called 'Alkali pneum' from its
property of swelling out to twenty times its size when heated to redness. This article was copied into other journals.
"Hahnemann had worked zealously as an amateur in the field of chemistry for twenty years, and with the most valuable
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results for chemistry and for the welfare of mankind. He never obtained any assistance from the State, or any
other source, and was not even able to fit up a proper laboratory, such as the apothecaries possessed. Disinterested
love of research and of science had made him go to great expense for a laboratory, costly reagents, etc. Thinking he
had made a very valuable discovery, he handed over his Alkali pneum to an agent in Leipsic, who sold it for a
Friedrichs d'or the ounce.
"Professors Klaproth, Karsten and Hermbstadt analyzed the new alkali, and found that it was Borax. Instead of
communicating their results to Hahnemann, who had given proofs enough that he was striving after the same objects
as themselves, and asking him for an explanation, they published their discovery in the Jenaer Literatur Zeitung,
1801, and called Hahnemann to account.
"Prof. Trommsdorff, who owned an apothecary shop, hastened to communicate this incident to a larger public in the
Reichanzeiger, the name then borne by the Allegemeine Anzeiger der Deutschen, and called Hahnemann's proceeding
'unexampled impudence.' Crell lamented Hahnemann's 'great mistake.'"
Hahnemann at once explained the matter in several journals, among others in Prof. A. N. Scherer's Journal der Chemie
(1801, p. 665).
He said: "I am incapable of wilfully deceiving. I may, like other men, be unintentionally mistaken. I am in the same boat
with Klaproth and his 'Diamond spar,' and with Proust and his 'Pearl salt.' I had before me some crude (probably
Chinese) Borax, supplied by J. N. Nahrmann, of Hamburg. A solution of Potash dropped into a filtered ley of Borax,
not yet crystalliazable, precipitated a large floury saline sediment. As authors assure us that pure Borax is rendered
uncrystallizable by the addition of Potash, is it wonderful that I took the new precipitate for some new substance?"
Hahnemann devoted some space to the explanation of this mistake, and adds that he had refunded all the money he
received from the sale of the substance.
Six years later he writes in the Allg. Anzieger der Deutsch: "If I once made an error in chemistry, for to err is human,
I was the first to acknowledge it as soon as I was better informed." *
Dr. Rummel, in his oration at the unveiling of Hahnemann's statue at Leipsic, in 1852, mentions this story as follows:
"The spirit of calumny raked up an incident that occurred in Hahnemann's past career, and repeatedly threw in his
teeth a mistake he had committed long ago, although he had made the most honorable reparation for it. In former
times he imagined he had discovered a new substance, namely, the Alkali pneum. It was afterwards found that he
had made a mistake, and that it was Borax. As soon as he became aware of this, he unhesitatingly repaid the money
he had received for it."
That Hahnemann maliciously offered the Borax for sale is in no manner probable; and yet his action has been called "an
imposition upon the public." If he had known that this substance was really not new, would he have dared to so
publish the discovery, even had he wished to defraud? There was nothing dishonorable about it, and in the state of
chemistry at that time, it was only the mistake of one self-taught chemist, when all chemists were also guilty of
mistakes.
Hahnemann remained at Hamburg until about the year 1802, when he went to the little town of Mollen, in the Duchy of
Lauenburg, fourteen miles from Lubeck. Here the old longing for the fatherland took possession of the wanderer,
and he journeyed to Eilenburg, in beloved Saxony. But he was not allowed to remain there; the medical health
officer, or physikus, of the place, drove him away, by his persecutions, in a very short time.
From thence he went to Machern, a small village about four leagues from Leipsic. He was very poor during this period of
his life.
Dudgeon writes: * "This anecdote, related me by a member of Hahnemann's family, conveys some idea of the poverty
they endured. During his residence at Machern, after toiling all day long at his task of translating works for the
press, he frequently assisted his brave-hearted wife to wash the family clothes at night, and, as they were unable to
purchase soap, they employed raw potatoes for this purpose. The quantity of bread he was enabled to earn by his
literary labors for his numerous family was so small that in order to prevent grumbling, he used to weigh out to each
an equal proportion. At this period one of his little daughters fell ill, and being unable to eat the portion of daily
bread that fell to her share, she carefully put it away in a box, boarding it up, childlike, till her appetite should
return. Her sickness, however, increasing, she felt assured that she should never recover to enjoy her store; so she
one day told her favorite, little sister that she knew she was going to die-that she should never be able to eat any
more, and solemnly made over to her as a gift the accumulated fragments of hard, dried-up bread, from which she
had anticipated such a feast had she recovered."
From Machern Hahnemann went to Wittenberg, departing soon after for Dessau. Here he lived for two years. The
exact time of his life in the above places is very uncertain. Hartmann, his pupil, frankly confesses that he does not
know.
It is probable that Hahnemann left Hamburg the last of 1801 or the beginning of 1802. He could not have remained long
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in any one place. He was poor and persecuted, driven from town to town. He spent about two years at Dessau, and by
the evidence of a letter written to the patient "X," he was settled at Torgau in June, 1805. This letter is dated
Torgau, June 21, 1805. *
He gave up practice when he left Hamburg and did not resume it until he reached Torgau. During this time he devoted
himself to his researches and writings. He resumed practice at Torgau, and continued it until the end of his life.
Hartmann and Rapou mention 1806 as the year of his removal to Torgau, but by this letter it would seem to have
been in 1805. He remained at Torgau until 1811, when he went to Leipsic.
As his essays in the medical journals only brought him opposition and obloquy from his confreres, Hahnemann ceased
writing for them, and after this published his articles in the Allgemeine Anzeiger der Deutschen, a magazine of
general literature and science.

Essay on coffee-medicine of experience-denial of false report about

scarlatina-aesculapius in the balance
Hartmann, in his "Life of Hahnemann," published in 1844, says: "Notwithstanding a multiplicity of inquiry and
research, it cannot be ascertained how long he resided at Eilenburg, nor is it even known how long he lived at
Machern, village situated four leagues from Leipsic and two from Wurtzen. We know, however, from definite sources
that the following works were the products of his mental activity during his sojourn of about two years in Dessau,
whither he had gone from Wittenberg, so as to devote more time to the elaboration of the homoeopathic method of
healing: "Coffee and Its Effects," published by Steinacker, Leipsic, 1803. "AEsculapius in the Balance," Leipsic, 1805.
"Medicine of Experience," Wittig, Berlin, 1805 (a highly intellectual treatise appearing as the fore-runner of his
"Organon," published in 1810). Also, "Fragmenta de viribus medicamentorum, positivis sive in sano corpore humano
observatis," 1805.
"He resided with the Medical Assessor named Hasler, who was at that time the owner of the apothecary shop, and he
lived by himself and in his study, laying aside all medical practice, which he resumed when he went to Torgau in 1806,
and again reminded the non-medical public of himself through brief articles published in the Reichs Anzeiger."
One of these articles is as follows (No. 191, July 21, 1806):
"Censure of an Unfounded Report."
"Five years ago a malicious report got into circulation among very young German physicians, and it has been revived in
many books and at most of the medical schools, that I (Dr. Samuel Hahnemann) have promulgated an alleged means,
or remedy, for preventing scarlet fever, and have thereby deceived the public, since experience has proved that
Belladonna is no preservative against scarlet fever.
"Besides being so revolting to my feelings as such an audacious and, as will be shown, unfounded accusation, must be,
because my character has been blameless during the whole of the thirty years of my literary and private life, to say
nothing of my being a cosmopolite and benefactor of all mankind, I regret exceedingly that so large a number of my
German fellow-citizens should circulate against me a false report, which might readily be considered by their
posterity as a slander, coming from me as a citizen. However, I, myself, will call this revolting report only an error,
and not a slander, because ignorance is the basis of it; and only an untruth intended to defame, and of the
groundlessness of which the promulgator is convinced, can be called a slander.
"But this malicious and widely spread error rests upon what the non-partisan public, in whose estimable presence I have
never knowingly asserted an untruth, will conclude from the following true, historical account of the matter.
"At the time that I made known the discovery that scarlet fever can be prevented with certainty by small doses of
Belladonna, there had broken out (in the year 1800), at a great distance from me in Central Germany, a new epidemic,
the malignant purple fever, against which physicians, just as if it were the old and real scarlet fever, did not
hesitate to use my remedy, and for the most part with fruitless results. This was perfectly natural, since they used
it against an entirely different disease. For the old true scarlet fever, with its bright, smooth, red blotches, has in
its actual signs, scarcely a remote resemblance to this new disease, which has so mysteriously appeared in the West
of Germany."
Hahnemann then continues in this article to explain the epidemic of the real scarlet fever, and to set himself aright
regarding his position as to the prophylactic uses of Belladonna.
The essay against the use of coffee was written at a time when the Germans considered it a favorite beverage,
especially the women, and the very poor people, as is tea with us to-day. It has been published in the "Lesser
Writings," and in many medical journals, and translated into several languages. * He says that in order to enjoy a long
and healthy life, man requires food and drinks containing nutritious, but not irritating, medicinal parts. He describes
medicinal substances, and then says that coffee is a purely medicinal substance. He describes at length its injurious
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effects, recommends cocoa unspiced, in its place; but commends its medicinal virtues for chronic ailments that bear
a great resemblance to its primary action.
While living at Dessau, he published in the Reichs Anzeiger (No. 71, 1803) an essay on a "Remedy for Hydrophobia."
In 1805 he published an important pamphlet called "AEsculapius in the Balance," in which he reviews his own state of
mind after he had become disgusted with the practice of the day. He shows the lack of certainty and progress in
the art of medicine, the ignorance of the physician in compounding, the fallacy of trusting to the druggist, who often
sends a different prescription from the chemically impossible one ordered by the physician, or substitutes one drug
for another; or again sends the erroneous compound as the doctor has written for it. He argues against the laws of
the time, forbidding the preparing or dispensing of medicine by the physician. He says that the preparation should
not be trusted to the apothecary who is not responsible, unless in rare cases, for the result, but that the physician
should understand how, and be compelled, to prepare his own medicines so that he may know exactly what he is giving
to his patient, and be certain that there has been no substitution nor mistake in the medicine given.
"I repeat," he says, "from the very nature of the thing, I repeat, the physician should be prohibited, under the
severest penalties, from allowing any other person to prepare the medicines required for his patients; he should be
required, under the severest penalties, to prepare them himself, so that he may be able to vouch for the result. But
that it should be forbidden to the physician to prepare his own instruments for the saving of life-no human being
could have fallen on such an idea a priori."
It must be remembered that the man who thus argues is not a man ignorant of the art of the apothecary, but one who
had but a short time before compiled and edited a very important book, giving in detail the principles and practice of
pharmacy. And yet Hahnemann was forbidden to prepare or dispense his own medicines, and was driven from place to
place because he attempted to do so. It is to be presumed that he really knew more about the business than most of
the members of the Worshipful Company of the Apothecaries, who persecuted him.
He continues in this treatise as follows: "It would have been much more sensible to prohibit authoritatively, Titian,
Guido Reni, Michael Angelo, Raphael, Correggio or Mengs from preparing their own instruments (their expressive,
beautiful and durable colors), and have ordered them to purchase them in some shop indicated. By the purchased
colors not prepared by themselves, their paintings, far from being the inimitable masterpieces they are, would have
been ordinary daubs and mere market goods. And even had they all become mere common market goods, the damage
would not have been so great as if the life of even the meanest slave (for he too is a man) should be endangered by
untrustworthy health instruments (medicines) purchased from and prepared by strangers. *

First collection of provings-the last translation-medicine of experience-the

organon-attacks upon its teachings
In 1805 Hahnemann published a very important book in two parts, written in Latin. It was called "Fragmenta de viribus
Medicamentorum positivis sive in sano corpore humano observatis."
Part I. contains the symptoms arranged carefully. Part II. is the Index, or Repertory. He gives the symptoms produced
by drugs on the healthy, and at the end of each remedy gives the effects recorded by previous observers in cases
of poisoning. The remedies given are: Aconitum napellus; Acris tinctura (Hahnemann's Causticum); Arnica montana;
Atropa belladonna; Laurus camphora; Lytta vesicatoria (Cantharis); Capsicum annuum; Chamomilla matricaria; Cinchona
officinalis et regia; Cocculus menispermum; Copaifera balsamum; Cuprum vitriolatum, Digitalis purpurea; Drosera
rotundifolia; Hyoscyamus niger; Ignatia amara; Ipecacuanha; Ledum palustre; Helleborus niger; Daphne mezereum;
Strychnos nux vomica l.; Papaver somniferum (Opium); Anemone pratensis (Pulsatilla); Rheum; Datura stramonium;
Valeriana officinalis; Veratrum album.
It is the first collection ever made of provings of medicines upon the healthy body, and contains the records of the
symptoms produced in this manner upon Hahnemann and his fellow provers.
In 1834 Dr. F. F. Quin, of England, edited this book and published it, in one volume, in London.
The next year, 1806, Hahnemann translated the Materia Medica of Albert von Haller, from the Latin. This was the last
book he translated.
The same year he published at Berlin a pamphlet entitled "The Medicine of Experience." This really was a forerunner of
the "Organon" It contains arguments in favor of the new system. He speaks of the helplessness of infant man; of
the powers that God has allowed to develop within him; of the great aid of nature in healing; he thinks that certainly
a benevolent God must have intended mankind to discover some method of healing the sick that is definitely
governed by law. He gives instruction in the proper manner to allow the patient to describe his disease, and
propounds certain "Maxims of Experience." There are also instructions regarding the choice and administration of
the proper remedy.
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He next wrote an article for the Reichs Anzeiger on the "Objection to a Substitute for Quinine, and to all Succedanea."
He published an article in Hufeland's Journal on the same subject.
During the years from 1805 to 1811, the time of his stay in Torgau, he published several articles in the Reichs
Anzeiger. They may all be found in Dr. Dudgeon's valuable translation of the "Lesser Writings."
In the Allegemeine Anzeiger for July 14, 1808, he published his "Letter to a Physician of High Standing on Reform in
Medicine." Some parts of this have been quoted elsewhere.
The physician to whom this was addressed was his old and always true friend, Dr. Christian Wilhelm Hufeland. This
letter is usually spoken of as the letter to Hufeland. In it he gives his own experience in the practice of medicine,
the reasons that led him to cease from practice, his efforts to discover some more certain and reliable method than
any known at that time. It is an analysis of his hopes and feelings. He declares that God must have designed that
mankind should be blessed with some certain method of healing. This belief can be found in many of Hahnemann's
writings; he always gave the praise to God, of whom he spoke reverently.
It was during his residence at Torgau that Hahnemann gave to the world his great book, "Organon der Rationellen
Heilkunde," or "Organon of Rational Healing." It was published in Dresden, by Arnold, in 1810.
In the Allgemeine Anzeiger for June 7, 1810, had appeared a resum of the forthcoming book, which was soon after
published.
Hearing says of the publication of the "Organon:" * "It required a grateful patient to print the 'Organon;' it was nine
years before the first edition was sold. It is disgusting to state how it was received; it was, and it remains forever,
an inexcusable meanness of the whole profession."
This is considered the most important of all Hahnemann's books by the members of the Homoeopathic profession, as in
its pages he has fully explained his law of cure. It has been called the "Bible of Homoeopathy." It contains a
complete and exhaustive exposition of Hahnemann's discoveries, experiments, and opinions, concerning the healing
of the sick.
The title page of the first edition bears the following motto from the poet Gellert:
"The truth we mortals need
Us blest to make and keep,
The All-wise slightly covered o'er,
But did not bury deep."
This motto is changed in the other editions to the words "Aude sapere;" and the title itself becomes: "Organon der
Heilkunst."
He says in the preface: "The results of my convictions are set forth in this book. It remains to be seen, whether
physicians, who mean to act honestly by their conscience and by their fellow creatures, will continue to stick to the
pernicious tissue of conjectures and caprice, or can open their eyes to the salutary truth.
"I must warn the reader that indolence, love of ease and obstinacy preclude effective service at the altar of truth, and
only freedom from prejudice and untiring zeal qualify for the most sacred of all human occupations, the practice of
the true system of medicine.
"The physician who enters on his work in this spirit becomes directly assimilated to the Divine Creator of the world,
whose human creatures he helps to preserve, and whose approval renders him thrice blessed."
The book consists of two parts: the introduction and the Organon proper. The introduction is first devoted to an
analysis of the imperfect and erroneous method, distinguishing the old school of medicine. This he calls: "A mode of
cure with medical substances of unknown quality, compounded together, applied to diseases arbitrarily classified and
arranged in reference to their materiality, called Allopathy."
The second part of the introduction is filled with examples from medical writings of cures unwittingly made by
physicians in accordance with the law of the similars. These quotations are made from the writings of the ancients,
from Hippocrates down through the great list of medical writers, with, as usual, careful references to each one.
It is as much a wonder of intimate research and acquaintance with the medical literature of the past, as is his essay on
Hellebore.
He concludes: "Thus far the great truth has more than once been approached by physicians. But a transitory idea was
all that presented itself to them; consequently the indispensable reform which ought to have taken place in the old
school of therapeutics, to make room for the true curative method, and a system of medicine at once simple and
certain, has, till the present day, not been effected."
The Organon proper is divided into paragraphs, each one of which contains one or more aphorisms in regard to the law
of Homoeopathy, and the way in which it should be practiced. He gives full and careful directions for preparing
medicines homoeopathically; states the proper size of the dose, expounds at length the doctrines of Homoeopathy;
explains why such small doses can, and do, cure quickly; gives full directions for proving: in fact it is a full exposition
of the new law, as Hahnemann understood it.
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To any one who wishes to become more familiar with the teachings of the "Organon" explained in a simple and plain
manner, it may be stated that this can be found in an article by Dr. Samuel Lilianthal, published in the California
Homoeopath, for March, April, May and June, 1889, under the title: "A Catechism of Samuel Hahnemann's Organon,"
and which was also published in the Homoepathic World, for June and July, 1889, as "The Essence of Samuel
Hahnemann's Organon." Its tenets may here be found in a nutshell.
The five editions of the Organon, that were published in Hahnemann's lifetime, differ somewhat from each other, the
first edition is not as full as is the fifth, but the teaching is the same; that the duty of the physician is to cure the
sick as easily and as speedily as possible.
It may be mentioned here that the Organon has been translated into English, French, Italian, Spanish, Hungarian,
Dutch, Polish, Russian, Danish and Swedish.
The publication of this was the signal for the commencement of a violent warfare against Hahnemann. He had raised his
hand against the traditions of many years; he had demonstrated to the minds of many, that the usual practice of
medicine was founded on nothing but the greatest uncertainty and empiricism; he had shown up the fallacies and
inconsistencies of the doctors, the mistakes and ignorance of many of the apothecaries.
In the place of all this doubt and confusion, he had clearly, and at length, proven that the system called by him that of
the similars, or the positive method of healing, was really based upon a fixed and unalterable law; that homoeopathic
medicines really would cure in a quicker and more easy way than any hitherto discovered.
He was attacked in the medical journals of the day, books and pamphlets were fulminated against him and his strange
doctrines. He was called a charlatan, a quack, an ignoramus. His minute doses were declared to be impossible. His
tests of medicines were pronounced simply ridiculous.
Especially bitter in attack was one Dr. A. F. Hecker, of Berlin, whose articles were published in the Annalen der
gesammten Medicin, Vol. 2. These reviews were so virulent that even Hahnemann's opponents condemned them.
Hahnemann did not under his own name answer them, in fact he never stooped to reply to his numerous calumniators.
His son, Frederick, however, published a Refutation, in a pamphlet in 1811.
The presumption is that Hahnemann himself and not the son wrote the Refutation to this bitter attack upon the
"Organon."
In 1889 Dr. R. E. Dudgeon published in the Homoeopathic World fifty-one letters written by Hahnemann, and extending
from the years 1811 to 1842. The first letter is one to Arnold, the publisher of his books. * By it, it will be seen that
Hahnemann was very desirous that the attack of Hecker upon the Organon should be answered. Dr. Dudgeon says in
the introduction to this letter: "Accordingly a Refutation was prepared, nominally by his son, but to those familiar
with the father's writings, it is easy to see who guided the junior Hahnemann's hand. * * * * As Frederick
Hahnemann was quite a young man when this masterly Refutation of Hecker was written, and had not yet graduated,
it is extremely doubtful if he had much to do with this learned anti-critique beyond lending his name to it, and
possibly writing it out to his father's dictation." *
The letter concerning the publication of this refutation is as follows:
My Dear Mr. Arnold:
"I wish you had read Hecker's abusive article against me; you would then think that the Refutation is only too
moderate. You cannot wish that no reply should have been made by my son to those shameful accusations. In such
cases every author should know best what answer he should make. You then returned the manuscript in order that
some alterations should be made. (Who was it marked these passages? Was it you or was it Rober? If the latter, he
must have already read the manuscript and considered the remainder faultless!) Look now-though the author did not
consider it necessary, yet to please you he altered and modified those passages. You could not desire more, nor could
you ask more. And when this is done, and yet your censor does not allow the manuscript to pass, it is not the author's
fault that it is not printed, and that you should have made no preparations for printing it, as the censure was not
justified.
"Moreover no censor can refuse to allow the printing of a defensive work in which the assailant is repulsed with actual
libels (which is not the case in this manuscript), for libels of private persons concern not the censor, but the author.
If there are personal libels in the book, it is not the censor, nor yet the publisher, but only the author, who can be
legally prosecuted. Consequently what Mr. Rober has written under the title is sham pretext for his refusal. The
true reason can be nothing else than the rough truths told of the medical art in the work. If calumnies could prevent
the printing of a book, then Hecker's abusive work would never have passed the censure. But we must take into
consideration the underhand, backbiting, sneaking ways for which Dresden is distinguished.
"The truths of universal utility respecting the medical art contained in this book, and which constitute its chief value,
would assuredly excite the opposition of the Leipsic professors, especially when they learn that its publication has
been refused in Dresden. The plain truth it contains would only bring upon my son annoyances from his teachers,
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under whom he still must remain for a short time, and by whom he will soon have to pass the examination for his
degree. As yet none of the professors have seen the manuscript, though they will hear of it.
"The best plan would be to have the manuscript printed in some small place where there does not exist any great
prejudice in favor of the traditional medicine, out of which there is no salvation; where such (truthful) denials of its
claims would not be thought so much of; or where the official doctor, if there is one, and he is inclined to be nasty,
may be bribed to keep quiet with a few dollars.
"If you will adopt this plan, and assure me that copies of the book shall not be issued until my son has taken his degree,
which he will do as soon as possible, then the manuscript of the Refutation is still at your service, and you shall then
get the Materia Medica.
"If it had been secretly printed in Dresden, without the veto of the Holy Inquisition, then my son would have already
got his degree before any particular notice had been taken of it in Leipsic.
"But now that so much fuss has been made about the thing in Leipsic, there is no other way to manage it but that which
I have proposed. Nor can a single word of the manuscript he altered.
"It is incredible that charges of heresy and the spirit of persecution could prevail, even in matters of science, and
exercise their despotism, but it is so, as we see in this case.
"But shall this miserable charge of heresy prevent the most salutary truths being said and printed? Freedom of action,
and liberty of the press, must prevail when grand new truths shall be communicated to the world. What could Luther
have done with his splendid ideas if he had not been able to get them printed? If he could not have sent his
outspoken, plain truths hot from his heart to the press of his dear, courageous friend, the bookseller and publisher,
Hans Luft, with all the hard words and abusive expressions he deemed useful for his object. Then everything was
printed that was necessary, and it was only so, and in no other way, that the salutary Reformation could be effected.
It is, of course, not necessary for me, like Luther, to abuse the Pope, and call him an ass in my writings, but I and my
son must be able to say salutary truths in order to bring about the much-needed reform in medicine. Hans Luft was
almost as indispensable an instrument of the Reformation as Luther himself.
"I, too, require for the good cause as warm, as hearty a friend of the truth for my publisher as Luft was for Luther.
"But if I experience such great resistance I cannot advance another step.
"It is just the same with the Materia Medica. If the enemies of truth are not either silenced or convinced and
instructed by this refutation of Hecker, my Materia Medica cannot make any way. The public can never be brought
to make any use of it if the malicious objections of Hecker and Company are not distinctly refuted. If Hecker and
opponents of his stamp remain unrefuted, I cannot with honor go on with the educational works I am projecting, and
even the Organon itself will cease to be respected. No one would believe the effect such mendacious
representations have on the public.
"If the Refutation should not appear, it will be thought that these calumnies against myself and my Organon are
unrefutable, and I would be, as it were, banished. No one would listen to what I said, even should I say the most
salutary things. The prejudiced statements and miserable accusations of this more than spiteful man must be
utterly smashed up, before I can go on with my educational work.
"This is the state of things. It is for you to determine whether you can interest yourself sufficiently in the truth and
the good cause as to remain my publisher. See if you can realize my present wishes. *
"Yours sincerely,
"April 24, (1811.)
"Dr. Hahnemann."
"I have just heard from Leipsic that pressure is to be put on my son to withdraw his Refutation. I beg Mr. Voigt to
immediately write and tell Magister Schubert that the manuscript business is already settled, and that he should
leave my son alone."
Burnett says: * "In all Hahnemann's checkered career nothing strikes me as showing more profound wisdom than his
letting his adversaries alone in their vile abuse; he might have hurled back their slanders, and defended himself and
his discovery with the eloquence of a Demosthenes; but, as Celsus remarks, 'Morbi non eloquentia sed remediis
curantur ('Diseases are not cured by eloquence, but by remedies'), and so he plodded on at his 'Materia Medica,' on
which much of his great glory must ever rest."
The books and pamphlets written against Homoeopathy at this time may be numbered by hundreds, and, in addition, the
journals of the dominant school were filled with articles. One Simon even published a journal called the
Anti-Homopathie Archiv., that extended through several volumes.
And Hahnemann, except in letters to his friends, and perhaps, in the above mentioned Refutation, replied to this hail of
abuse by not one word. It reminds one of the old fable of the gnat which perched on the back of the ox and asked
him if he hurt him much; and the good-natured ruminant answered that he did not know he was there.
But a fitting answer was given to the jealous horde in the year, 1811, when Hahnemann gave to the world the first
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volume of the "Materia Medica Pura." And during this period of abuse he also made many new converts to his mild
and successful system of healing.

Removal to leipsic-letters from sister charlotte-wish to establish a school of

homoeopathy-dissertation on hellebore-allopathic praise, lectures commenced
In the early part of the year 1811 Hahnemann removed to the great medical city of Leipsic, in order to engage more
actively in the propagation of his new system by means of didactic lectures.
What a marvellous variety of changes had compassed the life of this man since the time when he departed from the
great city a boy of twenty-two with the future all before him. Vienna, Hermanstadt, Erlangen, Dessau, Gommern,
Dresden; the momentous discovery at Leipsic; Georgenthal, the Wander-years afterwards, and Torgau with its
literary results, until now, with a name well-known in all Germany, with a new and superior system of medicine to his
credit, he, a man of fifty-six years, and as he called himself-cosmopolite-once more turns towards the scene of his
earlier student life.
Trial, sorrow, privation, malevolence, falsehood, all had followed him like shadows; yet had he gone patiently and
manfully on in the path he had determined to follow. Now he returned to Leipsic to teach to others the truths that
God had permitted him to discover; to disseminate a certain law of healing for the good of his fellow-men.
In this place two letters from his sister Charlotte may be of interest.
Charlotte was Hahnemann's favorite sister. For her first husband she married the Rev. A. B. Trinius, of Eisleben; after
his death she wedded General Superintendent Dr. Muller, of Eisleben. The younger son of whom she speaks in the
second letter, as seeing in the train of the Duchess Antoinette, of Wurtemberg, whose body physician he then was,
was Hahnemann's favorite nephew, Trinius, and he was greatly distinguished as a botanist, physician and poet. Some
further account of him may be found in the chapter concerning Hahnemann's family.
It is said of this lady: "Hahnemann's amiableness as a man is strikingly exemplified by the fact that he was dearly
beloved, not only by his pupils but by his relatives, and the expressed opinion of the latter is extremely valuable in
that connection; his eldest sister, the wife of the General Superintendent Muller, in Eisleben, deserves special
mention. She possessed a most estimable character, and was extremely pious, learned and benevolent, and her ripe
scholarship induced many young people to study more diligently. Hahnemann and his wife were her darlings. The
following letters written at a very important period of her life permit a glimpse into the depths of her mind and
heart:" *
"My Dear Brother: How much; O, how much, I should like to press thee and thine once more to my heart in this life! I
would have travelled round the world to have done it; but, unfortunately, all thy news makes all, yes all, impossible.
So then thou hast been right well, thou who hast been so mindful of me.
"Not a day passes that I do not offer a prayer for thee to God, who loves us all so much that in order to procure
everlasting happiness for us, and to confirm his own attributes, He assumed the person of Jesus Christ for us all.
Come all ye dear ones whom I would press to my heart at this solemn moment, and would greet with the greeting of
love, come. We should permit no day to pass in which we do not pray for help from the Holy Spirit to enable us to be
duly and truly thankful to the Father and His Eternal Son that He cares for us. How happy and well have I felt in the
midst of my pains and griefs during the last thirty-four years; for thus long has it been that Jesus Christ has been
my wisdom, righteousness, salvation and redemption.
"When you receive these lines I shall be on my way to where God called me, and where he caused manna to grow for me,
a poor woman destitute of all property, and where I shall still use the faculties with which he has endowed me.
"My sons have just learned through me that I am going to Curland.
"Count von Lieven has written me an extremely kind letter, and has provided me with a pass and travelling expenses.
"When I shall have been in Senten for a little while I will send you a true account of my condition.
"May Leipzic be the scene of all the earthly happiness that it is possible for thee to enjoy in this world.
"Alas, my dear brother, I cannot tell thee all that my soul would express.
"Thy loving sister,
"Ch. G. Muller.
"Edersleben near Eisleben, June 18, 1811. "
"Senten, October 17, 1811.
"My Dear Brother: I declare to thee that there passes scarcely a day that I do not think of thee, thy wife and
children, and think of thee so justly with love, too. What it has cost not to see once more you all whom I would press
to my heart from the eldest to the youngest that knows how to love, can be better felt than described. I had a
pleasant journey, which was without any important happenings; in fact, I was not seasick once during the twenty-four
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hours that we were crossing the Gulf of Curland.

"Three delightful stops, in Halle, Berlin, and Konigsberg, respectively-in all of which places there reside dear
acquaintances of mine-added pleasure to the journey. How kindly and kinsmanlike I was received! I met Count and
Countess von Lieven at the house of Herr von Sacken, the Countess's father. I rested there eight days, and then
went on with the Count's family to Senten. If thou wouldst understand my position, it is that of a loving mother.
"I have now been here three months, and can bear testimony of two kinds: one kind is that what I teach the Countess
is more like a pleasure than a burden; and the other, that no time is ever tedious here, for there are too many
changes. I had formed a different opinion of Curland.
"Almost everything here betokens prosperity, and I had supposed that the inhabitants were poor and wretched.
"The weddings of the serfs, or bondmen, here cost one, two, and three hundred thalers; and whoever is not in good
circumstances has himself to blame for it. Plenty prevails almost everywhere, and especially at the farm-houses.
Breakfast at our house here consists of white and black bread, butter, cheese, pickled salmon and herring, a kind of
sea fish called lamprey, sugared rum, liquor and orangeade. At the close of meals, however, there is no intoxication.
Permit me to say that I am frugal, and in good health.
"I saw my eldest son for a few hours in the forenoon before I reached Frauenburg. He almost got on his knees and
begged me to go live with him, and wished to share with me all that he had; but so long as I have my strength I will
not eat the bread of my children. If I do not utterly mistake I may be buried here at the Lieven homestead.
"I saw my youngest son in the cortge of the Duchess of Wurtemberg, on its way from the set baths to Witepsk, in
Russia.
"It seems as if God had allotted me a resting place for the remainder of my life here in this dear family, where I might
enjoy the most inspiring of all realities. Jesus Christ has made us unto wisdom, righteousness, salvation and
redemption. My heart lives therein, and I am happy and of good cheer.
"Thy Sister,
"Muller.
"She loves thee with her whole soul."
From the time of Hahnemann's settlement in Leipsic may be reckoned a new and important epoch in his life. Heretofore
he had been driven from place to place, by the jealousy and bigotry of the physicians, and their allies, the
apothecaries. He had endeavored by every possible means that an honest man could devise to persuade the doctors
to try the new and simple system. He had, in his writings, placed the matter in a temperate way before the reading
portion of the profession. He had carefully explained the path by which he reached certainty from the doubts of
the old and imperfect methods of practice.
It had been all in vain, and now he gave up all thoughts of argument and of kindliness; persecution had made him bitter.
From this time he became a most uncompromising foe to those who would not listen believingly to his doctrines.
He gave up the idea of modifying in the least degree the predetermined opinions of the older physicians. He turned to
the students and the younger doctors who, as yet, were not so firmly fixed in prejudice, and who were willing to
submit, with some degree of fairness, these new and startling theories of medicine to a reasonable test.
He soon collected from the students, congregated at Leipsic, a select coterie, to whom he commenced to teach his
doctrines.
His first desire had been to establish a college with a Homoeopathic hospital attached, but this he could not do, and
therefore he resolved to deliver lectures upon the principles of his beloved Homoeopathy.
Albrecht says: * "Hahnemann resolved to move to Leipsic to devote himself to instructing the pupils of the Medical
Department of the University. When he asked for the privilege of delivering lectures, Rosenmuller, who was then
the Dean of the Medical Faculty, told him that a doctor extraneus, although he is legally entitled to practice
medicine, has not for that reason the privilege of delivering lectures, but that he must first gain such a privilege by
the vindication of a dissertation with a respondent from the Medical Schools, and that he must pay to the Faculty a
fee of fifty thalers. Then he becomes a member of the Faculty and may announce his lectures both in the catalogue
of Lectors and by public posters."
In acordance with this regulation Hahnemann was now compelled to pay the usual fee, and to defend a thesis before the
Faculty of Medicine.
In defending a thesis according to the law of the Universities of that day, the candidate was obliged to present it
before a mixed body of scientists, and be prepared to defend it from criticisms and attacks that any one of his
medical listeners might make against its truth.
On the 26th of June, 1812, Hahnemann presented a Latin thesis, entitled "A Medical Historical Dissertation on the
Helleborism of the Ancients." *
His son Frederick acted as the respondent. The thesis was a marvel of research and erudition, concerning the white
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hellebore of the ancients, which he proved to be identical with the Veratrum album of the present.
He referred to many of the earlier writers, and in such a way as shows distinctly that he must have carefully studied
their writings.
In order to have written this he must have read in their original language, the works of Avicenna from the Arabic,
Galen, Pliny, Oribasius, Herodotus, Hippocrates, Ctesias the Coan, Theophrastus the Eresian, Haller, Scaliger,
Dioscorides, Murray, Pallas, Vicat, Lucretius, Celsus, Jacquinus, Salmatius, Antyllus, Grassius, Muralto, Gesner,
Bergius, Greding, Unter, Lorry, Reimann, Scholzius, Benevenius, Rodder, Lentilius, Strabo, Stephanus the Byzantine,
Rufus, AEtius the Amideman, Rasarius, Archigenes, Aretaeus of Cappadocia, Plistonicus, Diocles, Themison, Caelius
Aurelianus, Alexander of Tralles, Paulus of AEgina, Johannes, Massarius, Petri Belloni, Pzusanius, Mnesitheus, Rufus
the Ephesian, and many more.
The above medical writers are referred to in no superficial manner. Hahnemann must have read carefully each one of
their writings, in order to quote them in the manner he does. In the Latin pamphlet published at the time, there are
foot notes on every page, and these references are very circumstantial, both in regard to the subject, and also
concerning the writer. *
He often corrects mistakes in the old writings, stating carefully wherein each one is wrong. Thus on page 603 he says:
"Pliny is, however, wrong in her stating Phocian Anticyra to be an island for it was situated on the continent, half a
mile from the port. Pausanias has described its position." On page 613 he speaks of restoring a word in Sarrazin's
text of Dioscorides, and says that he is fully borne out by Avicenna's Arabic version. On page 615 he says: "AEtius is
wrong in saying that Johannes Actuarius was the first to allege that Hellebore acts without difficulty."
Of Mesne he enters into particulars on page 594: "He flourished in the reign of caliph Al Rashid, about the year 800, a
man of such celebrity that he was termed the evangelist of physicians."
From all these writers he culls, and refers to the book and passage in the writings of each in which any mention is made
of the Hellebore.
In order to do this their pages must have been all turned over, and he must have read in Hebrew, Greek, Latin, Arabic,
Italian, French, English and German.
It is needless to say that no one attacked this wonder of philological research. All his hearers were amazed. The Dean
of the Faculty publicly tendered his congratulations.
And yet, a few years later this master of medical learning was hounded out of Leipsic by physicians who said he was not
capable of preparing his own medicines; they even burnt those medicines, so great was their prejudice against the
man!
Albrecht tells the following anecdote to illustrate the effect that Hahnemann's scholarship had upon the physicians at
the time:
"A Dr. Huck, of Lutzen, a small city near Leipzic, writes thus to a friend in Penig: Dear Friend-Though I seldom talk to
any one about one of the greatest thinkers of all the centuries, yet I gladly write to you about the man who, by
evident proofs of his great ability, has in a short time wholly won over to himself self the unprejudiced portion of
the medical as well as the non-medical learned men of Leipzic. To hear Hahnemann, the keenest and boldest
investigator of nature, deliver a masterpiece of his intellect and industry, was to me a truly beatific enjoyment. I
returned home as if in a dream, and a wilderness seemed to surround me, as I was obliged to acknowledge to myself,
'You are not worthy to loose the latchets of his shoes.'
"He will deliver a private lecture at Michaelmas. I shall be a student next year again, and if unforeseen circumstances
do not prevent, will see what I can derive from this inconceivable source. If Hahnemann would stoop to act contrary
to his noble character and play the hypocrite, like so many other (seemingly) great men, even the most renowned
citizens of Leipzic would be obliged to lower their pretensions. Most of his opponents were so candid and courteous
as to acknowledge that they were wholly of his opinion, medically speaking, and they thought that any one in order to
say anything would be obliged to discuss the matter philologically. He covered himself with renown and remained
victor.
"Had it not been a very unsuitable time to look for him on that day, I would have gone to him, and would have voluntarily
and unconditionally betaken myself to his banner."
This letter is dated Lutzen, August 9, 1812. Albrecht adds in a note: "The physician, of whose letter this is an extract,
as a token of his high regard for Hahnemann, christened his son Luther Reinhard Hahnemann."
Hartmann says of this period of his life: * "With the year 1811, when Hahnemann chose Leipsic as his place of
residence, begins a new and very highly important era in his life. He doubtless moved to Leipsic to deliver lectures
and thus to make accessible to the young medical students his new system of medicine, as he well realised that it
would always remain a terra incognita to the physicians of the old school. For this purpose he became one of the
Faculty through his disputation, and also wrote his 'Historico-Medical Dissertation on the Helleborism of the
Ancients,' and publically vindicated the same on June 26,1812, having selected as his respondent his son, Frederick
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Hahnemann, then a Baccalaureate of Medicine. There was at that time but one opinion concerning his intellectual and
scholarly treatise, and Ludwig, then Dean of the Medical Faculty, publicly eulogized him for it."
In December, 1811, he had the following announcement inserted in the Reichanzeiger:
"Medical Institute"
"I feel that my doctrine enunciated in the 'Organon of Rational Healing' aroused the highest expectations for the
welfare of the sick, but by its very nature it is so new and striking, and not only opposes almost all medical dogmas
and traditional observations, but also deviates from them as widely as heaven from earth, that it cannot so readily
gain entrance among the otherwise educated physicians of my time, unless practical demonstration comes to its
assistance.
"In order to effect this object among my contemporaries, and thus show them by the evidence of sight that the truth
of this doctrine stands firmly upon an irrefutable basis in its whole extent, and that the Homoeopathic method of
healing, new as it is, is the only acceptable, the most consistent, the simplest, the surest and the most beneficent of
all earthly ways of healing human disease, I have decided to open here in Leipzic, at the beginning of April, an
Institute for Graduate Physicians.
"In this Institute I shall elucidate in every respect the entire Homoeopathic system of healing as taught in the
'Organon,' and shall make a practical application of it with patients treated in their presence, and thus place my
pupils in a condition to be able to practice this system in all cases themselves.
"A six months' course will be sufficient to enable any intelligent mind to grasp the principles of the Homoeopathic law
of cure."
Hahnemann thus announced his first course of lectures on the theory and principles of Homoeopathy, and said that in
them he would explain the principles of the "Organon." They were commenced in April, 1812.
He gave two lectures weekly, on Wednesday and Saturday afternoons, from 2 to 3 o'clock. These lectures were
continued semi-annually during his entire stay at Leipsic, from 1812 to 1821.
As an example of Hahnemann's method of selecting the remedy the following letter addressed to Stapf, in 1813, may
be interesting. It was first published by Dr. Hering, in the Homoeopathic News of Philadelphia, 1855, and then was
copied into the Zeitung for June 25, 1855. *
Stapf consulted Hahnemann about his own child. At this time the first part only of the Materia Medica had been
published. Stapf does not seem to have reported the symptoms very carefully, and he had mentioned as possible
remedies, Nux vomica, Chamomilla, Pulsatilla and China. In the original letter Hahnemann, in mentioning the
symptoms, calls them also by numbers.
"Notwithstanding that Nux vomica 795 produced perspiration standing on the forehead; 826, perspiration when moving,
830, in general, perspiration during sleep; Chamomilla, 826, perspiration especially about the head during sleep;
Pulsatilla, perspiration during sleep, disappearing when awaking; China, perspiration when moving (crying),
perspiration in the head especially (but also in the hair); there is more indication for Pulsatilla by the itching of the
eyes, which Pulsatilla has, especially with redness in the external corner of the eye after rubbing, and with
agglutination of them in the morning; if not, Ignatia would be preferable, which also cures itching and redness, but in
the internal corners with agglutination in the morning, in case the child's disposition is very changeable, now too
lively, and then peevishly crying, which Ignatia produces; and if there should be, at the same time, a great
sensitiveness to the daylight when opening the eyes in the morning, which also is caused by Ignatia; or, in case of a
mild disposition and a weeping mood in the evening, and a general aggravation of symptoms in the evening, Pulsatilla.
"The frequent awakening during the night indicates Ignatia more than Pulsatilla, the latter has more a late falling
asleep. The itching of the nose has been observed mostly from Nux vomica. Ignatia and Chamomilla have both, the
latter more-pain during micturition. Pulsatilla the most pain before urinating. The loud breathing has been observed
of China and Nux-from the latter especially during sleep.
"As these remedies correspond much with each other (China excepted), and one corrects the faults and bad effects of
the other (if only Ignatia does not follow Nux, or Nux is not given immediately after Ignatia as they are not well
suited to follow one another, on account of their too great medical similarity), you yourself can judge now, as to the
succession in which you may choose to employ Ignatia, Pulsatilla, Nux vomica, Chamomilla, if the first or one of the
others, should not alone prove sufficient. To give Chamomilla there ought to be more thirst at night than at present,
and more irritability. China has little or nothing for itself, and is therefore not to be chosen."
Hahnemann's lectures were attended both by students and physicians, old and young, nor were these confined to the
members of the medical profession; others, as in the case of Baron von Brunnow, who was a student of law, listened
to the new propaganda of this enthusiastic old man. The fame of his marvellous learning, the desire to understand
something of the new truth of medicine, and the wish, no doubt, to hear the man who was making such wonderful
cures, all were factors in attracting many to his lectures.
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We are indebted to Dr. Franz Hartmann, one of his pupils at that time, for very much that we know concerning his life
and teaching in Leipsic. He says that had Hahnemann not been so bitter in his abuse of the old school of medicine
and its adherents, he would have attracted more real followers.
One can readily understand the reasons for this bitterness on the part of this old man, for he was then nearly sixty
years of age; he had been driven from place to place, his statements laughed at, his knowledge scorned, his efforts
at conciliation met with calumny and lies.
He had long before this time ceased to use his former methods of temperate argument. He now exercised little
patience for the men who condemned his doctrines without investigation.
During this time he was working upon the "Reine Arzneimittellehre," or "Materia Medica Pura." The first volume was
published in Dresden by Arnold in 1811; the second and third volumes in 1816-17; the fourth in 1818; the fifth in
1819; and the sixth in 1821. A second edition was published by Arnold (1822 to 1827).
The "Materia Medica Pura" consists of a record of the symptoms obtained from different medical substances proven
upon the healthy body by Hahnemann and his disciples. In the preface to volume I, he says:
"I forbear writing a criticism of the existing systems and modes of preparation of remedial agents. Physicians imagine
that they can judge of the remedial virtues of medicinal agents by their color, taste and smell; they suppose they
can extract these virtues by distillation or sublimation in the shape of phlegma, ethereal oils, pungent acids and oils,
volatile salts, or from the caput mortuum, they imagine they can extract alkalies and earths almost by the same
processes, or agreeably to the modern method, they dissolve the soluble parts of those substances in different
liquids, inspissate the extracts, or add many kinds of reagents for the purpose of extracting resin, gum, gluten,
starch, wax and albumen, salts and earths, acids and alkaloids, or converting the substances into gases.
"In spite of all these violent transformations the medicinal substances never showed the remedial virtues which each
of them possesses, the material extracts did not embody the curative power of the respective medicinal substances.
That power cannot be presented in a tangible form but can only be recognized by its effects in the living organism.
"The day of the true knowledge of remedies and a true system of therapeutics will dawn when physicians shall abandon
the ridiculous method of mixing together large portions of medicinal substances whose remedial virtues are only
known speculatively or by vague praises, which is in fact not to know them at all."
In the prefaces to the several volumes he mentions the fallacies of polypharmacy, the advantage of prescribing
according to a simple and fixed law. He makes careful explanations of the experiments whose results are recorded,
gives the order in which the symptoms of the drugs are classified and arranged, with explanations of certain
obscure symptoms.
As a preface to volume IV, he publishes the essay: "How is it Possible That Small Homoeopathic Doses Should Have
Such great Power?"
In this he advances his theory that minute subdivision of a substance increases its power of medicinal action.
Under each remedy is first an introduction, giving its method of preparation and best limit of attenuation, with general
remarks on its action on the system; then follow the symptoms, classified according to the parts of the body.
In the German editions these symptoms are numbered. It was originally issued in six volumes, and contained the
provings of fifty-four remedies.
In 1813 he published in the Allgemeine Anzeiger, for March, an article on "The Spirit of the Homoeopathic Healing
Law." This was a rsum of the truths regarding the effects of remedies prescribed in accordance with the
Homoeopathic law. It has been many times republished. It is to be particularly noticed, as it was the first essay on
the subject of Homoeopathy printed in the United States. It was translated into imperfect English by Dr. Hans
Birch Gram, and published in New York city in 1825.

Correspondence with robbi-proving remedies-hahnemann to stapf, on

proving-hartmann's story of hahnemann's life at leipsic-hahnemann's students
Soon after Hahnemann commenced to lecture at Leipsic, one Dr. Robbi, a young Allopathic physician, succeeded in
ingratiating himself in his favor by feigned respect and admiration for his genius. He afterwards became one of the
foremost in ridiculing his system. Robbi's letter and Hahnemann's answer are both given in full, as illustrating the
kindliness of Hahnemann towards the man whom even then he must have mistrusted. Dr. Robbi writes as follows: *
"Noble and Honored Sir: A year ago I heard you deliver your lectures on the 'Organon of Healing' with much pleasure,
and how the scales fell from my eyes; much was clear to me, but there was much that was not clear, and therefore I
had almost decided, along with my late friend, Mr. Hannemann, to investigate more thoroughly a system by which we
might be able to attain to something more positive in medicine. My friend, H----- and I had incurred much enmity
among our colleagues through our vindication of your method of healing, and especially that of Dr. N-----.
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"My friend, Hannemann, died, and his death took me back to practice in the hospital, and finally the derangement of my
nervous system by a so-called typhus nosocomialis took me far from my beautiful goal. But, nevertheless, I studied
your 'Organon.' I have now taken a degree, and have no longer to spend so much on the symbolical books of the Ars
conjecturalis.
"I have taken the liberty to write to Prince Repnin, through his family physician, Dr. Bizzatti, who is my friend, about
the public benefit that would be derived from introducing your method of healing, and I hope to receive more
definite information about the matter in a few days.
"I should like very much to talk with you personally on some topics concerning your system. I have already gone twice to
the lectures in your department and was not admitted, so that I suppose that my visit is not agreeable to you, and I
must have recourse to writing.
"And, besides this, unfortunately, I have seen from one of your letters to Dr. Dienemann that you wholly misjudge me
and already consider me to be sunk in the mire of the old school. I shall not cast aside my method of healing until I
find a better one; and I shall by no means depend either on the prejudices of custom-that childish belief-and justify
or defend what is non-sensical; only I must first have clearness, for then only am I successful.
"I have thought of translating your 'Organon' into English or Italian; but as I cannot previously have a personal talk
with you about the matter, I think that it will scarcely be able to be done. There is no doubt that the publication of
such a system of medicine would produce no insignificant revolution among the learned in England and Italy, since the
unimportant system of the theory of contra-stimulation, which is nothing but a modification of Brown's theory of
stimulation, has already taken root in the whole of Italy. I can send you an Italian treatise on this system, if it would
be of interest to you, to make yourself acquainted with it.
"With profound esteem, I have the honor to be
"Your obedient servant,
"Dr. Heinrich Robbi.
"P. S.-Of your works, I have only the 'Organon' and the defence of your system against Hecker's silly attack. I must
procure for myself all the other books that you have written, and I therefore entreat you to furnish me with a
complete list of the same."
To this letter Hahnemann made the following dignified and kindly answer:
"Dear Dr. Robbi: Having taken your degree, you are now at liberty to think and act as you please-a desideratum of the
greatest importance to every artisan. You are now free to go on in the old way, or to adopt the new one now pointed
out.
"I am gratified to find that, though owing to my professional engagements, I was unable to converse with you at my
residence, I am now able to communicate my meaning to you in another and more permanent manner, by writing. The
tendency of my opinion is to warn you against the adoption of Homoeopathy. Listen to me!
"When we pursue a practical career in life we usually have a threefold purpose: 1st. To make ourselves generally beloved
by our mode of thinking and acting, to make no blunders, and to be corrupted by nobody. 2nd. To arrange our
business so as to transact it the most readily. 3rd. To earn as much as possible by this business.
"You can reach no one of these three purposes so well through Homoeopathy as through the way usually chosen. For you
think, since one is tolerated among his colleagues if he wishes to do nothing that is new, and immediately pursues the
same path as they do, that it commands respect not to raise yourself above them by introducing improvements, and
not to cast suspicion upon the belief of your ancestors by any innovations.
"Then one is your 'dear colleague,' and it comes into the mind of no one of these colleagues to undermine your good
name by defamation.
"If one is addicted to their way, to their belief-hallowed by time-honored opinions-in other words, does as they do, who
should then calumniate, harm, and persecute you? How can it come into the mind of anyone who has a conscientious
heart to do wrong to a brother of the same persuasion? By following this course you clearly see you secure goodwill
of your colleagues, and you perceive that no one will then rob you of the esteem and confidence which you command
among your patients. You remain without scruple a friend to their surrounding and in the most friendly understanding
with them. Is this of no significance?
"On the other hand, I need not remind you of what the Homoeopathist has to endure. Just recall what you have heard
with your own ears, or have read here and there. Would you court such martyrdom? I do not advise you to do so.
"The second purpose, the readier transaction of business, you cannot reach as certainly as by the usual way. There are
enough prescriptions of a prescribed form for all specified diseases, and if some disease has no name it is given a
prescribed name, and there is applied to it the medical formula given to it by the learned man who wrote on that
particular disease. Everything is at hand, and we have only to imitate, and if anyone censures or condemns the
treatment he is referred to the book. Then he must hold his tongue! How easy it is to incorporate in one's memory a
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certain number of formulas which one need only to recall to mind at the bedside of the patient in order to jot down
one thing or other on a slip of paper. This requires scarcely two minutes. The apothecary prepares the prescription
for us, and what a convenience!
"And then only a few questions to ask the patient, to see his tongue and to feel his pulse, in order to know what is the
ailment. In this way a dozen patients are prescribed for and got rid of in an incredibly short space of time; and then
one can have to himself almost the whole day! By this method the apothecary remains favorably inclined to us; and
who does not know how important and indispensable his favor is to the physician?
"How ill fares a Homoeopathic physician! He must take the trouble to inquire about all the circumstances or conditions
of the patient in order to be able to select a suitable remedy. This occasions a loss of time, at least at the first
visit, and in this time the ordinary physician can prescribe for three times as many patients; and then he gives a very
considerable number of glasses, jars and boxes. Sick people are accustomed to these, and they like to have many,
and of different kinds; but, on the other hand, the little that the Homoeopathist gives scarcely begets the
confidence of the sick. It would be foolish to reply that the Homoeopathic physician can have himself better paid,
because notwithstanding the loss of time in questioning and meditating, yet he helps the patient in a shorter time
than does the Allopath.
"And, besides all this, all the rest of the medical fraternity strive heartily and mightily to alienate their acquaintance
from him. I well, too, know the might of the innumerable lashing tongues which can proscribe one Homoeopathic
physician. My worldly wisdom protects me from this vituperation, and it will so continue to do.
"And as regards the seemingly trifling matter of conscience which the Homoeopathic physician awakens and develops by
his precise delineation of disease, by his selection of the exactly suitable remedy, and by the conviction that he
should conscientiously furnish the true remedy to the patient with his own hands and supply it, too, with the best
talent at his command, he ought to strive to keep it pure.
"But in this respect the Allopathist has to render an account to no one. He thinks, though, that it cannot be so bad and
sinful since there are so many others who do not do differently, and that if there is a future beyond the grave, and
an accountability is to be rendered there, I too will remain where those many thousands of physicians are; and he
may even question whether there is a future, since so many jovial brethren say, 'Eat, drink and be merry, for there
is no pleasure beyond the grave.' Though the conscience may sometimes permit itself to be set aside with the aid of
a glass of wine, this cannot but be bad.
"In fact, whoever has led for a few years the jovial, unconcerned and easy-going life of the ordinary practitioner of
medicine, will not long for a so-called conscientious, or at least painstaking, system of healing, such as is the
Homoeopathic. For what is more void of concern and more easy and comfortable than the usual method of healing?
"And the third purpose, earning a better livelihood, is wholly on the side of the ordinary physician. For we should bear
in mind that he remains pretty nearly in the customary groove, or rut of practice, and does not stumble upon any
innovation as regards his patients, and but little in respect to his colleagues and the apothecaries. And ought he ever
to lack customers? The apothecary mostly refers patients to the physician who gives plenty of prescriptions, and
the physicians do not advise against this, for the apothecary is of their way of thinking. And how many patients
there are who get three or four prescriptions daily.
"The more of such prescriptions, the more there is doing, and the greater are the receipts of the apothecary. He, too,
does not lack a good income; for the great quantity of prescriptions furnish it.
"If you wish to provide yourself as a matter of curiosity with what has been written by the man who at great personal
sacrifice, has dared to contradict all that has been done to improve the status of medicine for many centuries, I
respectfully refer you to the following few books:
"The 'Organon' describes the various diseases and the remedial virtues of medicines viewed from a new standpoint, and
applied very differently from what has been done hitherto.
"The 'Fragmenta de viribus Medicamentorum positivis,' two volumes, published by Ambr. Barth, Leipsic, 1805, describes
the few peculiar medicinal actions or effects that I have discovered, and without a knowledge of which I think that
we cannot use a medicine properly and rationally in any ailment.
"The 'Pure Materia Medica' is a continuation of the 'Fragmenta,' though treating of only a small part of the medicines.
The first volume of this was published in 1811 by Arnold, at Dresden, and by Bruder, at Leipsic. The publication of
the second part has been delayed by the dilatoriness of the publisher.
"The title of the book which you request me to send you is 'Treasury of Medicine' (Arzneischatz), published by
Wilhelm Fleischer, 1800. It contains some observations of mine.
"My contemporaries must resort to these few books, in order to make themselves familiar with Homoeopathy; for I
have not the time to tell to each personally what is requisite to become a Homoeopathist.
"However, if I can be of assistance to you in understanding some phases of the subject, I will gladly give you audience
any forenoon from 10-30 to 11 o'clock. My leisure time is very limited during the rest of the day.
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"S. Hahnemann."
What a quiet bit of meaning in Hahnemann's line concerning the Treasury of Medicine. "It contains some observations
of mine." This is the book of medical prescriptions for which Hahnemann wrote that famous preface ridiculing and
condemning the whole book. It certainly did contain some "observations!"
Robbi did not become a disciple. He entered the ranks of Hahnemann's detractors. It would seem that he did not
intend to honestly investigate, by the tenor of his letter.
Hahnemann's letter shows his opinion of Robbi; one reads between its lines that he never was altogether his dupe, but
exercised a certain forbearance towards that young hypocrite.
Hahnemann now had a number of devoted disciples who gladly and faithfully assisted him in testing the effects of
drugs upon their own healthy systems. This was a season of triumph and happiness for the old reformer; he was
busily engaged in his favorite studies, and he also had the satisfaction of knowing that at last he was educating
others to aid him in disseminating his new and beneficent law of medicine.
In connection with this epoch of proving, the following is an extract from a letter written to Stapf in September, 1813.
*
"You are right that the aggravation by any substance, or symptoms which are present, most probably indicates that the
medicine has the power of exciting these symptoms of itself. We must not, however, incorporate such symptoms in
the list of the positive effects of the medicine, at least not in writing.
"All we may do is to bear them in mind, so as to direct our attention to them specially, should they occur for the first
time during the use of the medicine.
"When I propose any substance for proving, I will take care that it is not one that is dangerous to the health, and so
prepared that it will not affect you too violently; for we are not entitled to do injury to ourselves. I send you along
with this some tincture of pure Helleborus niger, which I gathered myself. Each drop contains one-twentieth grain
of the root. Any day when you are well, and have no very urgent business, and have not eaten any medicinal substance
(such as parsley) at dinner, take one drop of this to eight ounces of water, and a scruple of alcohol (to prevent its
decomposition), shake it briskly, and take an ounce of it while fasting; and so every hour and a half or two hours
another ounce, as long as you are not too severely affected by what you take. But should severe symptoms set in,
which I am not afraid of, you may take some drops of tincture of Camphor in an ounce of water, or more if
necessary, and this will allay the symptoms.
"After all the effects of the Hellebore have subsided, I wish you to try the effects of Camphor alone (it is a divine
remedy). About two grains dissolved in a scruple of alcohol, and shaken with eight ounces of water, taken four or six
times a day, with similar precaution as the other.
"I thank you for the symptoms you sent me; many of them are very important. You must always strive to discover the
exact expression for your sensations, and the changes in your sensations, as well as the conditions under which they
are excited. My present scholars have a lighter task in this respect. Whenever they present me with such a list, I go
through the symptoms along with them, and question them right and left, so as to complete from their recollection
whatever requires to be more explicit, such as the time, conditions, etc., in which the changes were prescribed."
Stapf having suggested to Hahnemann the plan of inviting physicians to assist in proving medicines, he continues in the
same letter as follows: "But all this you must do for yourself; you must go through the written prescription in order
to find what has yet to be reported. In this respect yours is a harder task. From this strictness of mine for the
promotion of the truth, you will perceive that your plan, although very well meant, is quite impracticable. Which of
our everyday colleagues would undertake such laborious experiments? When he can tap upon his well-filled
receipt-book and say: 'Thou art my comfort; never can I be in doubt what to prescribe when I have thee at hand. It
may go with my patients as it likes; I am quite safe. These receipts of the learned masters, as long as I prescribe
them, no person can find fault with me.'
"I would be in vain to attempt to elevate the views of such people. Even if we had an eternity to expend upon them,
they never would resolve upon such careful experimentalism, since the common physician feels himself so
comfortable without observing, in the easy following of others in quoting 'authority for everything, in speculating
and assuming.
"No, no dismiss all such hopes. Such resolutions are not to be expected from such people. And what would the
accomplishment of their attempt be, suppose they made an attempt out of curiosity. Deceptions, imaginative stuff,
or positive falsehoods, with their irregular mode of life, their volatility and their deficiency in the spirit of
observation and integrity; may God keep the pure doctrine from such dross.
"No, it is only the young whose heads are not deluged to overflowing with a flood of everyday dogmas, and in whose
arteries there runs not yet the stream of medical prejudice; it is only such young and candid natures, on whom truth
and philanthropy have got a hold, who are open to our simple doctrine of medicine; it is only those who, impelled by
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their own natural impulse (as I gladly observe in my pupils) to restore to the light of day by their devotion to the
truth, those treasures of medicinal action-inestimable treasures which have been from of old allowed to lie unknown
in obscurity of self-complacent, false reasoning ingenuity; and I think some of them have made considerable
progress in the practice of observation, and so will the good spread, but only where it finds suitable ground and soil.
"One word more: no encomiums of me; I altogether dislike them, for I feel myself to be nothing more than an upright
man who merely does his duty. Let us express our regard for one another only in simple words and conduct indicating
mutual respect."
It should be remembered that Hahnemann had previously written in Hufeland's journal essays explaining his opinions,
and asking the aid of the profession in his plan for perfecting the Materia Medica. Dudgeon says of this: * "Alas! for
the boasted zeal and earnestness of the medical profession, Hahnemann's appeal met with nothing but derision and
contempt from his colleagues. None, not one, saw the utility of putting himself to inconvenience for the purpose of
ascertaining the powers of the instruments he was hourly called upon to use in cases of life and death. One and all
were perfectly satisfied with the traditional system they and their ancestors had practiced."
So, with his coterie of earnest students, Hahnemann quitely continued to experiment with medicines, and to note their
effects upon each healthy person until a great book filled with the provings was the glorious result; a book whose
teaching has since been the means of removing much suffering from humanity.
The story of the life of Hahnemann and his students in Leipsic has been told by one of them, Dr. Franz Hartmann. *
These events happened in 1814, and when Hartmann was eighteen years of age.
Hartmann says: "Hornburg was again my room-mate; after three months' residence there he introduced me to the
acquaintance of Hahnemann, and sought admission for me into the narrow circle of the friends of this great man.
Whoever has seen Hahnemann, has personally made his acquaintance and has heard him speak, were it but once, with
lofty enthusiasm and transporting eloquence, of his important discovery in the domain of practical medicine, will
surely think it by no means strange that a tyro in medicine should inwardly resolve to devote his whole life without
reserve to him and his doctrine. I am confident that every one who knew Hahnemann at that time agrees with me, or
surely does not blame my apparently extravagant praise of this venerable man endowed by nature with such a lofty
intellect, if I set him by the side of the greatest intellects in the profession in our time, and even declare him to be
the greatest of them all, since no physician has commenced such a gigantic work, and one so likely to endure the test
of time, nor brought it to such a pitch of perfection that it may not only be compared with former medical systems,
but is in many respects quite superior to them.
"This is readily admitted now, but even then, when I made Hahnemann's acquaintance, his fame was widespread, and he
performed cures which bordered on the incredible, and which established his reputation more and more permanently.
This was especially the case with those frequently recurring diseases from the undue use of medicines, the cure of
which was the more easy to him, as he always made it a rule in his inquiry into the physiological effects of drugs to
learn with accuracy the antidote of each one.
"I might have degenerated into a mere partisan if I had followed Hahnemann's advice to study nothing but his system,
which had a firm and substantial basis, while in the old system nothing was reliable-a suggestion which he made to all
his pupils, and which in many respects has been the occasion of great mischief, and has proved unfortunate to many
of his adherents. I observed the surprise expressed by Hahnemann's countenance when I asked him in return
whether it would answer well merely to be examined in Homoeopathy alone. The many evasions with which he used to
avoid answering this question quite convinced me of the danger and impracticability of his advice, and the matter
was never mentioned during the course of my studies with him; indeed he seemed purposely to avoid alluding to it in
the presence of the other young men, many of whom were studying with him at the same time, as if he perceived
how untenable was his position.
"He took pleasure in conversing with me on the sciences, and was always most enthusiastic when on the subject of
Materia Medica and therapeutics. I always took especial pains to add fuel to the fire, partly because his fiery zeal
was entertaining, and partly because I acquired thereby such a knowledge of Homoeopathy, and for many practical
observations upon Homoeopathy I am indebted to these explosions.
"It was, moreover, particularly interesting to see Hahnemann, a small, thick-set man, constrained in his gait and
bearing, with a bald head and a high, beautifully formed forehead; as the blood at such times crowded up to his head
the veins became turgid, the brow was flushed, his brilliant eyes sparkled, and he was obliged to take off his little
cap to admit the cool air to his heated head. It was usually only scientific subjects, and among these his new
doctrine especially which could excite him to such a degree as this, and could inspire him with the eloquence of an
apostle.
"It was an elevating sight for his pupils, thus to see the master in their midst; at such times everyone partook of his
enthusiasm, and resolved that in spite of every persecution, of which we had already experienced enough, that he
would persevere and aid in the great work, for which Hahnemann himself offered the best opportunities, since he
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requested everyone who was free from disease to engage in the proving of drugs. Unlearned as we yet were in
medicine, and still more unlearned in the proper method of proving drugs, there was nothing left for him but to
teach us first, and to instruct us minutely in the course we were to pursue, in every respect; this he did in a few
words, but in the clearest and most perceptible manner as follows:
"The human body, when it has attained a development nearly complete, is the least exposed to sickness from transient
influence, or from the deprivation of its accustomed food, because the powers of life existing in their integrity
overpower any injurious effects from such causes before they can make any progress; hence, in case of young
persons, a long preparatory course is not necessary before the proving of a drug; a resolute determination alone is
requisite to avoid everything which may tend to disturb the process.
"During such a proving he absolutely forbade coffee, tea, wine, brandy and all other heating drinks, as well as spices,
such as pepper, ginger, also strongly salted foods and acids. He did not forbid the use of the light white and brown
Leipsic beer.
"He cautioned us against close and continued application to study or reading novels, as well as against many games which
exercised not merely the imagination, but which required continued thought, such as hazard, cards, chess, or
billiards, by which observation was disturbed and rendered untrustworthy. He was far from considering idleness as
necessary, but advised moderate labor only, agreeable conversation, with walking in the open air, temperance in
eating and drinking, early rising, for a bed he recommended a mattress with light covering."

Hartmann's story continued-methods of proving-hahnemann's domestic

life-methods of prescribing
"The medicines which were to be proved he gave us himself; the vegetable in the form of essence or tinture-the others
in the first or second trituration. He never concealed from us the names of the drugs which were to be proved, and
his wish that we should in the future prepare all the remedies whose effects we had while students conscientiously
tried, fully convinced us that in this respect he had never deceived us.
"Since he for the most part had previously proved the drugs upon himself and his family, he was sufficiently acquainted
with their strength and properties to prescribe for each prover according to his individuality, the number of drops
or grains with which he might commence, without experiencing any injurious effects. The dose to be taken was
mixed with a great quantity of water, that it might come in contact with a greater surface than would be possible
with an undiluted drug; it was taken early in the morning, fasting, and nothing was eaten for an hour. If no effect
was experienced in three or four hours, a few more drops were to be taken; the dose might even be doubled, and the
reckoning of time was to begin from the last dose; the same was the case where the drug was to be taken for the
third time. If, upon the third repetition, no change was remarked, Hahnemann concluded that the organism was not
susceptible to this agent, and did not require the prover to make any further experiments with it, but after several
days gave him another drug to prove.
"In order to note down every symptom which presented itself, he required each one to carry a tablet and lead pencil
with him, which had this advantage, that we could describe with precision the sensation (pain) which we experienced
at the time, while this precision might be lost if these sensations were noted down at some subsequent period. Every
symptom that presented itself must be given in its connection, even though the most heterogeneous symptoms were
thus coupled together; but our directions were still more precise; after every symptom we must specify in brackets,
the time of its occurrence, which time was reckoned from the last dose. It was only when one or two days had
passed without the occurrence of any symptoms that Hahnemann supposed the action of the drug to be exhausted;
he then allowed the system a time to rest before another proving was undertaken.
"He never took the symptoms which we gave him for true and faithful, but always reviewed them once with us, to be
sure that we had used just the right expressions and signs, and had said neither too much nor too little. At first it
often happened that there were errors enough, but these became fewer with every proving, and finally there were
none at all. Peculiar care is needful to apprehend symptoms which do not make themselves so very prominent, for
these are frequently the most important, the most peculiar and the most characteristic, of much greater
significance than those which occur with violence. The former are most frequently elicited by the smaller and more
delicate doses, while the latter owe their origin to the larger.
"I could get no symptoms after the second or third dose if not from the first. If after the first dose symptoms
presented themselves even faintly, I could rely on more characteristic symptoms appearing every hour. Our old
Provers' Union consisted of Stapf, Gross, Hornburg, Franz, Wislicenus, Teuthorn, Herrmann, Ruckert, Langhammer,
and myself (Hartmann)."
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These, the first pupils and adherents of Hahnemann, were bound very closely to the master. Hartmann gives a short
sketch of the personality of each. * Franz, who had been cured by Hahnemann of a very serious disease, was older
than the others, and was his assistant. He was a good botanist and collected plants for the master. When it was in
Hahnemann's collection then no time was lost in preparing it as fast as possible for medicinal use. Both then labored
with diligence, "no one was ashamed to perform the humblest labor, the chemical laboratory was a sanctum from
which we were as difficult to drive as a fox from his burrow." Franz also arranged the symptoms of the provings,
according to the schema of Hahnemann, copying them many times.
Hartmann further says of this Provers' Union: "Their activity as drug provers began with Causticum and covered the
entire period from the second to the sixth part of the Materia Medica Pura, without, however, ceasing with
Stannum. But in other ways, a few years later, were they active factors in the development of Homoeopathy, at first
as medical practitioners successfully employed in every special field of labor; later as contributors to a literature
which was now aiming to construct, then to combat opposition, and which finally sought to gain proselytes among
professional men and among laymen."
Hartmann continues: "Hahnemann was an honorable man, and the peculiarities for which he was blamed were probably
due to the unpleasant situations of his life, to the mistaking of his character, the unfounded and malicious calumnies
and invectives, and his final withdrawal from all social intercourse.
"His only faults were mistrust and avarice, but so modified that only a long intercourse with him enabled them to be
discovered. *
"In his domestic circle he displayed an amiability that charmed every one, as I with others of his favorite students had
frequent opportunities for observing. There sat the silver-haired old man, with his high, arched, thoughtful brow,
his bright piercing eyes, and calm, searching countenance, in the midst of us, as among his children, who likewise
participated in those evening entertainments. Here he showed plainly that the serious exterior which he exhibited in
every day life, belonged only to his deep and constant search after the mark which he had fixed for himself, but was
in no respect the mirror of his interior, the bright side of which so readily unfolded itself on suitable occasions in
its fairest light, and the mirthful humour, the familiarity and openness, the wit that he displayed were alike
engaging.
"How comfortable the master felt in the circle of his beloved and his friends, among whom he numbered not only his
pupils but also the learned of other faculties, who did homage to his learning; how beneficial was the recreation
which he then allowed himself after eight o'clock in the evening seated in his arm chair, with a glass of light Leipsic
white beer. It was highly interesting at such times to see him become cheerful, as he related the procedure of the
older physicians at the bed of sickness, when with an animated countenance he shoved the little cap to and fro upon
his head, and puffed out clouds of tobacco smoke, which enveloped him like a fog; when he spoke of his deeply
affecting life and related circumstances of it, his pipe often went out, and one of his daughters was then instantly
required to light it again. He appeared displeased when in these hours his advice was sought in cases of disease. He
was then either laconic, or called out to the patient in a friendly way, 'tomorrow on this subject.'
"His hours of audience were from 9 to 12 in the morning, and from 2 to 4 in the afternoon. No person was permitted to
enter the hall who had not first passed the review, which function was performed every week alternately by one of
his daughters, and for which she placed herself like a warder at a little window next the hall door.
"His apartment was usually filled with patients. He examined accurately, and wrote down in his journal himself all the
symptoms of which the patient complained, even those apparently insignificant, to which he successively referred
previous to furnishing the medicine required, and which was obtained from another room. After the clock had struck
12 in the morning and 4 in the afternoon no visit from any quarter was received. At 12 to the minute he was called to
dinner, after which his attention was not easily called to anything else. At one time, in the warmth of conversation
having twice disregarded the call, at the third more earnest one from his wife, he similingly observed, 'This time I
shall get a gloomy look.' This expression several times heard from him convinced me that this great man, who had so
much influence over others, had to be placed under a guardian in his own house, which, however, he willingly endured,
and granted to his wife this slight triumph, since she watched with the greatest attention and punctuality all his
peculiarities, sought to gratify them, permitted him to want for nothing, and also undertook alone the bringing up of
his children, so that they might not disturb him in his numerous engagements.
"After the expiration of the time allotted to giving advice in the afternoon, it was the daily custom of himself and
family, in all weathers, to take an hour's ramble through the city, where he walked arm in arm with his wife in the
van, and several paces behind them came his three daughters, also arm in arm; sometimes a more extended jaunt to
Schleuzig, little Kuchengarden or Gohlis was undertaken.
"He sometimes invited us to supper; the food was temptingly savory, and instead of the usual white beer a good wine
was served. Hahnemann was on these occasions the happiest of men, and joined with the rest in the most
mischievous mirth, without, however, violating the dignity of his station or in any respect making of himself a target
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of wit.
"About 11 o'clock we took our leave of Hahnemann and banqueted long after on the recollection of those delightful
evenings."
It may be mentioned here that Hahnemann's residence in Leipsic was in the Burgstrasse, in a house known as the
"Goldenen Fahne."
The year of 1813 was one of triumph to Hahnemann. The contagious typhus fever, the typhus of the camps, prevailed
throughout the length of Germany. Hahnemann attended cases of this terrible disease with a success that silenced
his critics, and proved the superiority of the new method and of the truth of his principle. This malady was
introduced by the French in the retreat from Russia. Out of the great number treated by Hahnemann he lost but
two-an old man, and another who died from neglect in his diet.
In January, 1814, he published in the Allegemeine Anzeiger an article on the "Treatment of the Typhus or Hospital
Fever at Present Prevailing." In this he gives an account of his successes with Bryonia and Rhus tox.
In 1816 we find Hahnemann contrary to his usual customs, engaged in a battle of polemics with one Professor Dzondi, of
Halle, in regard to the right treatment of burns. Dr. Dzondi had, in the Anzeiger, recommended the use of cold
water, and Hahnemann mentions radiated heat and other warm applications. He published two articles on the subject.
*

Von brunnow's story-hahnemann's appearance-mode of life at his house-prince

schwartzenberg
At this period of his busy life Hahnemann did not leave his house to visit patients. His time was entirely devoted to his
lectures, his studies, and his consultations at home. He, however, in fine weather took a daily promenade with his
wife and children. Hartmann's narrative in the preceding chapter enables one to form a very distinct idea of his
home life.
He attracted to him others than medical men, many of whom were greatly impressed with the old philosopher, and, too,
became his followers.
The following interesting story was written by one of these, a young law student, the Baron von Brunnow: *
Ernst George von Brunnow was born at Dresden, April 6, 1796, and died there, May 5, 1845. He was of a noble Courland
family. Ill health prevented him from devoting himself to philosophy and law, and he cultivated lighter literature. He
became a convert to Hahnemann by whom he was greatly benefited in health. He translated the "Organon" into
French; assisted in the Latin translation of the "Materia Medica Pura," and was also the author of several novels.
He says: "It was on a clear spring day of the year 1816 that I, a young, newly enrolled student of law, sauntered with
some of my companions along the cheerful promenade of Leipsic. Among the teachers of the University were to be
found at that time many notables, and not a few originals. Many a professor and master stalked gravely along in the
old-fashioned dress of the former century, with peruque and bag, silk stockings, and buckles on his shoes, while the
pampered sons of the landed gentry swaggered about in hussar jackets and pantaloons ornamented with points, or in
leather breeches, with high dragoon boots and clinking spurs.
'"Tell me," said I to an older student than myself, who was walking with me, 'who is that old gentleman with so
extraordinarily intelligent a countenance, who walks respectfully arm in arm with his somewhat corpulent spouse, and
is followed by two pairs of rosy girls?'
"'That is the celebrated Doctor Hahnemann with his wife and daughters. He takes a walk regularly every afternoon
round the town with his wife and daugters,' was the reply.
"'What,' rejoined I, 'is there about this Hahnemann that makes him celebrated?'
"'Why he is the discoverer of the Homoeopathic system of medicine, which is turning old medicine topsy turvy,' replied
my acquaintance, who, like myself, was from Dresden and had also enlisted himself under the colors of Themis.
"My curiosity was excited and I wished to know something more about him. My companion belonged to the enthusiastic
admirers of Hahnemann who attended his lectures and gladly assisted in the proving of medicines. Everything he told
me about this remarkable man excited my interest in the highest degree. From my childhood I had been delicate and
a victim to physic, so that my confidence in medicine was very frail.
"Besides other grievances, I suffered especially from my eyes, which I required at that time most especially. Impelled
by hope I read the 'Organon,' and was more and more taken with Homoeopathy at every line.
"It was the first medical book I had had in my hand, so that it did not strike me at that time that doctrines which
appeared so clear, supported by reasoning so consistent, might be yet too exclusive in their character and have their
dark side. I was a zealous proselyte, and, like all neophytes, admitted no salvation beyond the pale of my own church.
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I made the resolution of putting myself under Hahnemann's treatment.

"Hahnemann at that time was in his sixty-second year. Locks of silver white clustered round his high and thoughtful
brow, from under which his animated eyes shone with piercing brilliancy. His whole countenance had a quiet,
searching, grand expression; only rarely did a gleam of fine humor play over the deep earnestness, which told of the
many sorrows and conflicts endured. His carriage was upright, his step firm, his motions as lively as those of a man
of thirty. When he went out his dress was of the simplest; a dark coat, with short small clothes and stockings. But in
his room at home he preferred the old household, gaily-figured, dressing gown, the yellow stockings and the black
velvet cap.
"The long pipe was seldom out of his hand, and the smoking was the only infraction he allowed himself to commit upon
his severe rules of regimen. His drink was water, milk, or white beer; his food of the most frugal sort. The whole of
his domestic economy was as simple as his food and dress. Instead of a writing desk he used nothing but a large plain
deal table, upon which there constantly lay three or four enormous folios, in which he had written the history of the
cases of his patients, and which he used deligently to turn up and write in while conversing with them. For the
examination of his patients was made with all the minuteness of which he has given an example in the 'Organon.'
"A very peculiar mode of life prevailed in Hahnemann's house. The members of his family, the patients and students of
the University, lived and moved only in one idea, and that was Homoeopathy; and for this each strove in his own way.
The four grown-up daughters assisted their father in the preparation of his medicines, and gladly took part in the
provings; and, still more, this was done by obliging students, whose names will be found carefully recorded in
connection with their individual observations in the 'Materia Medica Pura.' That these experiments were not at all
injurious to those engaged in them I can testify from personal observation.
"The patients enthusiastically celebrated the effects of Homoeopathy, and devoted themselves as apostles to spread
the fame of the new doctrine among unbelievers. All who adhered to Hahnemann were at that time the butt of
ridicule or the objects of hatred. But so much the more did the Homoeopathists hold together, like members of a
persecuted sect, and hung with more exalted reverence and love upon their honored head.
"After the day had been spent in labor, Hahnemann was in the habit of recruiting himself from eight to ten o'clock by
conversation with his circle of trusty friends. All his friends and scholars had then access to him, and were made
welcome to partake of his Leipsic white beer and join him in a pipe of tobacco. In the middle of the whispering circle
the old AEsculapius reclined in a comfortable arm chair, wrapped in the household dress we have described, with a
long Turkish pipe in his hand, and narrated by turns amusing and serious stories of his storm-tossed life, while the
smoke from his pipe diffused its clouds around him.
"Next to the natural sciences the condition of foreign nations formed a most favorite subject for conversation.
Hahnemann had a special fondness for the Chinese, and for this reason, that among them the children were educated
in the strictest obedience and respect for their parents, duties which in the civilized countries of Europe were
becoming more and more neglected. Indeed the family of Hahnemann presented a pattern of the old German system
of training children. The children displayed not only obedience, but the most hearty love towards their parents.
"Although living in luxurious and elegant Leipsic, yet the daughters of Hahnemann took no part in any public amusement;
they were clad in the simplest fashion, and undertook most cheerfully the humblest household services. Hahnemann
had but little satisfaction from his son, who led so foolish a life in the place where he was settled as to be obliged to
leave it. His father never mentioned him.
"From his pupils Hahnemann exacted not only intelligence and diligence, but the strictest propriety of life. I know of
one case in which he peremptorily closed the door against a young and talented medical student whom he discovered
to be living with a person of loose character.
"With regard to religion, Hahnemann, who belonged to the Lutheran confession, held aloof from all dogmatic creeds. He
was a pure Deist, but he was this with full conviction.
"'I cannot cease to praise and thank God when I contemplate his works,' he was accustomed to say.
"Strict as was the obedience Hahnemann demanded from his children, as a husband he was far from having the rule in
his own hands. His tall and stout wife, who, as Agnes Frei did to the noble painter, Albrecht Durer, gave him many a
bitter hour, exercised the most baneful influence upon him. It was she who cut him off from society and set him
against his medical colleagues. It was she who often caused dissension between himself and his most faithful pupils
if they did not treat the doctor's wife with the deepest respect. Notwithstanding this, Hahnemann was accustomed
to call this scolding Xantippe, who took pleasure in raising a storm in the house, 'the noble companion of his
professional life.'
"During my latter years at Leipsic Hahnemann's prospects were somewhat overclouded. His flourishing practice and
numerous adherents had become too alarming to his adversaries not to prompt them to take such active measures
for his suppression as lay within their power. The implement to effect this was, naturally enough, the laws against
his dispensing his own medicines. The matter was brought before the courts of medical jurisprudence, and from
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them Hahnemann appealed, and the decision was delayed.

"At this time one of the heroes of the German war of liberation, the Austrian Field Marshal, Prince Schwartzenberg,
had become affected, besides other complaints, with an apoplectic palsy of the right side, and for this he had tried
the skill of all the most eminent physicians in vain. Homoeopathy alone had not yet been tried, and to enable him to
get all the advantages of the new system he came to Leipsic, to place himself under Hahnemann's own eye. The first
consequence of this honorable tribute to Hahnemann was the suspension of the process the apothecaries had
commenced against him. Had Prince Schwartzenberg recovered, then had Homoeopathy enjoyed an immediate
triumph in Saxony, and even in all Germany; but every art has its limits. Hahnemann undertook the case as a
desperate one on which he could try the effects of Homoeopathy. To the astonishment of all, the patient felt
himself better from day to day; and he was seen driving about after a little time; but the powers of life had been
too much weakened to permit of his recovery.
"The former malady returned, and the Field Marshal died in the same town into which, in the same month of the year
1813, he had entered as a conqueror.
"Although the post-morten proved that no medical skill could by any possibility have been successful in the case, yet
the issue of it was very injurious to Hahnemann. The suspended process was immediately resumed, and it was
decided that Hahnemann must give up dispensing his own medicines."

Hahnemann's opinion of allopathy-new persecutions-appeal to the courts-the

leipsic apothecaries-treatment of field marshal schwartzenberg and his death
Quite a good idea of the relations of Hahnemann with the Allopathic school may be obtained by the following extract
from a letter written January 24, 1814, to his friend, Dr. Ernst Stapf: "I wish I could avoid reference to
Homoeopathy in all future anonymous writings so that we might get practitioners to make trials without their
knowing all at once how the cures they thus make are effected. They would afterwards learn that to their confusion.
For were they to know beforehand the rationale of the action of the remedies they would scorn to use them and
refuse to make a trial of them, as was recently done by a certain Dr. Riedel, of Penig, now dead, poor man, who had
much to do with the present epidemic of hospital fever, and sent many to their last home.
"When someone suggested to him a trial of my method, he exclaimed: 'I would die sooner than take Hahnemann's
medicines,' just as if I had other medicines than the rest of my fellow-worms. He caught the fever and died. I was
sorry for the poor, misguided man. We should feel compassion for those poor creatures. 'Father, forgive them, for
they know not what they do.'" *
At another time Hahnemann thus mentions the Allopathic system: "The small amount of medical instruction which there
is in the immense number of medical works consists in the cure, accidentally discovered, of two or three diseases
produced by a miasm of a constant character, as autumnal, intermittent, marsh fever, venereal diseases, and
cloth-worker's itch. To this may be added the accidental discovery of preservation from small-pox by vaccination.
Now these three or four cures are effected only in virtue of the principle similia similibus. Medicine has nothing
more of a positive character to offer us; since the time of Hippocrates the cure of all other diseases has remained
unknown."
The year 1819 proved to be one of great persecution to the Master. On December 16, 1819, the apothecaries of Leipsic
presented to the city council a memorial in which they complained of their rights being encroached upon by Dr.
Hahnemann's dispensing his own medicines. They still reserved the right to proceed at any time in the future against
his students who were also dispensing their own medicines.
On the 9th of February, 1820, he appeared before the Court of Aldermen of Leipsic to answer the charge, and
responded in an essay, entitled: * "Representation to a Person High in Authority."
It was a remonstrance addressed to the Chief Magistrate, and in it he argues the question at length. He says that the
objections of the apothecaries to his dispensing of medicines are not tenable; that his system of medicine has
nothing in common with the ordinary medical art; that the old system "makes use of complex mixtures of medicines,
each containing several ingredients in considerable quantity," and which require much time to compound as well as a
skill in the preparation that the physician does not always possess; that the right to dispense medicines was by law
conceded to the apothecary for these reasons; that wherever any royal decree occurred it referred to the
preparation of "compound medicinal formulas;" that the exclusive right of the druggist "is only to make up the
mixtures ordered in prescriptions containing several medicinal ingredients, and is not in the least degree interfered
with by the new method of treatment called Homoeopathy;" that Homoeopathy has no compound prescriptions for
the apothecary, but gives "in all cases of illness one single, simple medicinal substance in an unmedicinal vehicle;" that
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it therefore does not compound nor dispense, and "that its practice cannot be included in the prohibition to dispense
contained in the laws regarding medicine." He then pleads in favor of the new system of practice; of the
impossibility of the apothecary being of use; that if the Leipsic apothecary still persists in his demands it points to
some secret motive at work to throw obstacles in the way of the development of the new healing art.
At closing he says: "Finally, so far as my pupils are concerned, I am not in any way connected with them, and since they
are of different calibre I do not represent them. I consider no man my disciple who, next to an absolutely blameless
and thoroughly moral life, does not so practice the new art that the remedy which he administers to his patient in a
non-medicinal vehicle (sugar of milk and diluted alcohol) contains so small a dose of the medicinal substance that
neither the senses nor chemical analysis demonstrates the smallest amount of an absolutely harmful medicine or
even the smallest amount of a medicinal substance proper; this supposes a minuteness of doses of medicine which
absolutely does away with the necessity of exercising anything like official supervision and care on the part of the
authorities.
"Dr. Samuel Hahnemann,
"Member of several learned societies."
"Leipsic, February 14, 1820. "
The address was carefully and temperately arranged, but was of no avail. He was soon after publicly notified at his own
dwelling "that he would be held to the penalty of twenty thalers for the dispensation of each and every article of
medicine to any person whomsoever, lest he should give occasion to more severe measures." *
Nothing now seemed possible but that the old man again should be compelled to make for himself and his family another
home. But just as he was looking about for some future refuge from the persecutions of his enemies, a certain
circumstance happened that for a time stopped the opposition. Of this period Hartmann says:
"In the year 1820 an event occurred of the greatest importance to Homoeopathy, the arrival of the Austrian Field
Marshal von Schwartzenberg, who came to Leipsic to be treated homoeopathically, under the very eyes of
Hahnemann himself. Dr. Marenzeller, of Prague, a military surgeon, who had given some attention to Homoeopathy,
was the cause of Schwartzenberg's determination.
"Hahnemann had previously received a letter from the Marshal, asking him to visit Vienna, where he then resided, in
order to treat him. To this Hahnemann replied that his many literary and scientific labors would not permit so long
an absence from Leipsic, and that if he wished to consult him he must visit Leipsic.
"It was a great triumph for Hahnemann to see this celebrated man place himself under the Homoeopathic treatment,
but quite as great was the jealousy which our adversaries, especially the physicians of the old school, manifested in
many ways against Hahnemann and his new doctrine. The constant watch, or rather spying, of his patients, and, still
more, of his students, was practiced after this with much more rigor, and the extreme malignity with which it was
done excited the indignation even of those who were devoted to the old school. It was no scientific strife, but the
furious cry of enraged fanaticism. A quiet spectator must have compared their senseless doings to the tarantula
dance.
"All joined in an absolute war of extermination, and they were not ashamed to use the most reprehensible weapons. It
was a time of the greatest depression and persecution of Homoeopathy. It was easy to see that Hahnemann's
doctrine would prove a thorn in the flesh to physicians of the old school, since it threatened grievously to
compromise their pecuniary interests, for, although, as yet in its infancy, it had already shown itself superior to the
old system in many incurable diseases.
"This doctrine was not to be met with calumny, and some other method must be adopted for its overthrow. This was
found in accusations against the Homoeopathists for dispensing their own medicines, which was, in Hahnemann's
opinion, an indispensable requisite of the new doctrine.
"The medical treatment of Prince von Schwartzenberg put an end to these quarrels, as the Saxon government, out of
regard to the exalted patient, checked these unjust persecutions by an exercise of its sovereign authority. But to
ensure the destruction of Hahnemann, and since no time was to be lost, Hahnemann's pupils living at Leipsic, the
most of whom were, as yet, without the jus practicandi, were watched with the greatest rigor, so that they might
be attacked, should they attempt the treatment of the sick, with a double accusation-that of illegally practicing and
of dispensing their own medicines, though all medical students were in the habit of treating patients.
'Dr. Clarus, then Professor of Clinical Medicine, was very active in this opposition. It was by his instigation, also, that in
the year 1821 the Homoeopathic medicines were taken from the residence of Hornburg and Franz, on the part of
the Court of the University and the First Actuary, and by the aid of two beadles, and were burned in St. Paul's
churchyard, a transaction which would have hardly found an excuse in the Dark Ages.
"It was Dr. Clarus who, in 1821, at the head of thirteen Leipsic physicians, attacked Hahnemann in the Leipsic Journal,
to show that the prevalent purple rash, known as rother hund, was nothing else than scarlet fever and should be so
treated." *
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In a previous chapter may be found Hahnemann's refutation, published in 1806, of the report made by the physicians
that Belladonna was useless in the treatment of scarlet fever, in which he says that they confounded this disease
with the purpura miliaris, for which Belladonna was useless.
They had used Belladonna and then declared that it was of no value, when in fact they had used it not for scarlet fever,
but for a different disease. In 1821, Hahnemann wrote a short account for the Allgem. Anzeiger der Deutschen of
the proper treatment of the purpura miliaris. He says: "Almost all those, without exception, who are affected by the
red military fever (falsely called scarlet fever) that is so often fatal, will not only be rescued from death, but also
be cured in a few days, by Aconite given alternately with Tincture of raw coffee. * * * Besides this nothing should
be done or given to the patient-no venesection, no leeches, no Calomel, no purgative, no cooling or diaphoretic
medicine or herb-tea, no water compresses, no baths, no clysters, no gargles, no vesicatories, or sinapisms.
"The patients should be kept in a moderately warm room and allowed to adapt their bed coverings to their own feelings,
and to drink whatever they like, warm or cold, only nothing acid during the action of Aconite.
"But even should these remedies be prepared and administered as directed, where is the practitioner who would
refrain from giving something or another from his routine system, thus rendering the treatment nugatory?"
In a note to Paragraph 38 of the fifth edition of the "Organon," he says: "The true scarlet fever of Sydenham has
been very accurately described by Withering and Plenciz, and differs greatly from purpura, to which they often give
the name of scarlet fever."
Again in a note to Paragraph 73, he says: "Subsequent to the year 1801, a purple military fever came from the west of
Europe, which physicians have confounded with scarlet fever, although the signs of these two affections are
entirely different, and Aconite is the curative and preservative remedy of the first, and Belladonna of the second."
Now Schwartzenberg, who thus became a patient of Hahnemann, was a very distinguished general. During the war of
1813 against Napoleon he had held a large command in the great army of the Russian, Austrian and Prussian allies. His
command was estimated to consist of 200,000 men. After the three days' battle of Leipsic he had entered the city
as a conqueror and hero. He had followed with the grand army to France at the head of three hundred thousand men,
and in 1814, he was living in Paris as commander-in-chief of the allied armies. Such was the man, renowned all over
Europe, who in despair sought Hahnemann's medical aid. *
Hartmann continues: "Prince Schwartzenberg lived on an estate, known as Milchinsel, outside the city. When Hahnemann
visited him he always met the Prince's body physician, the Royal and Imperial Counsellor, Staff Surgeon, Dr. Von
Sax, and the Royal and Imperial Regimental Surgeon, Dr. Marenzeller. The disease at first assumed a very favorable
character, which had never been the case under any previous treatment. This was but temporary; his case soon
assumed an acute form. From the first the case was an incurable one, however, and the patient died in an apoplectic
attack on the 15th of October, 1820, after nearly six months' residence in Leipsic. Dr. Clarus conducted the
post-mortem and published the result, with his private opinion of Homoeopathy, in Hufeland's Journal, Vol. 51, part
4. Hahnemann was now derided on all sides. Yet he was so consciously proud of the knowledge that he had done his
duty that, to show his respect for his patient, as well as to show how little he cared for the ridicule of the people,
he accompanied the remains of the Prince to Leipsic on foot."
Ameke says: "Certainly the Field Marshal improved under Hahnemann's treatment; he was able to go out for regular
walks. Dr. Joseph Elder von Sax, and other Allopaths, declared that Hahnemann neglected to employ 'powerful
measures,' and that he was responsible for hastening the Prince's death. Sometime before the fatal termination of
the illness of Hahnemann visited the patient, accompained by Dr. Marenzeller, who had been sent from Vienna, and
found the Allopaths employed in making a venesection. After that he never visited the patient again, as Dr. Argenti
relates. The report of the post-mortem was signed by Clarus, Dr. von Sax, Dr. Samuel Hahnemann and Prosector Dr.
Aug. Carl Bock."

Prosecution of dr. franz-hahnemann's wish for peace-letter to dr.

billig-accusation against hartmann-invitation to coethen-letter to stapf-reasons
for leaving leipsic-dr. a. j. haynel
"After this death the persecutions were redoubled. Such of the pupils of Hahnemann as held no license to practice
were especially exposed to the bigotry. Dr. Franz was treating a lady who was ill with the consumption, and she,
wishing a change of physicians, called Dr. Clarus. He very violently assailed the treatment of Franz and proclaimed
him responsible for her death, although the case was incurable. Dr. Franz placed the matter in the hands of a lawyer
and retired from practice to his home at Plauen, where he was obliged to remain for six months. Although the
charges were not substantiated, yet he was obliged to pay costs.
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"Dr. Hornburg, on account of being a pupil of Hahnemann, was twice rejected by the professors; was continually
oppressed in his endeavors to practice; underwent a trial for unlicensed practice; was sentenced to two months'
imprisonment; the grief of this caused him to fall into a decline and he died soon after of consumption."
In 1821 Hahnemann sent to the authorities of the State another appeal regarding the personal dispensing of medicines
entitled: "The Homoeopathic Physician is prevented by no existing Laws relating to Medicine from himself
Administering his Medicines to his Patients." * Stapf first published this and the preceding address, in 1829, in his
collection of the "Lesser Writings of Hahnemann."
In 1825, he published in the Allgemeine Anzeiger still another article on this subject: "How can Homoeopathy be most
Certainly Eradicated?"
Hahnemann was now sixty-six years of age and had been practicing medicine for forty-two years; the report of his
wonderful cures attracted many from other countries to Leipsic, and all he wished was to be allowed to dispense the
simple medicines that he himself made and to teach his benign methods. It was all in vain. The apothecaries were
against him, and he must leave the old-time home where he had been a student, where he had lived in later years,
and where he had taught for ten busy years the principles of the law of Homoeopathy.
The Homoeopathic practitioners, and even their medicines, were wonderfully obnoxious at this time to the Allopathic
physicians and the apothecaries. And, much as at the present day, it was necessary to protect the innocent, the
guileless public from innovators and teachers of strange doctrines, and the task then, as now, fell on the benevolent
shoulders of the dominant school.
In 1851, Dr. Worthington Hooker, in one of the periodical fulminations for the destruction of Homoeopathy that have
appeared like locusts or cholera at certain dates, said, in relation to this opposition of the physicians and
apothecaries to Hahnemann's dispensing his own medicines: * "It is strange that no one of his adherents could be
found willing and competent to act as his apothecary."
Dr. Peters in his sketch of Hahnemann mentions this and says: "Hooker very innocently asks why Hahnemann did not
get one of his friends to act as his apothecary, not knowing that apothecaries in Germany are only allowed to follow
their art by special license; that only a certain number of apothecaries are allowed to each town, district or
population. A new one cannot get a license until the population increases to the required mark; that it is quite as
difficult to establish a new apothecary shop in Germany as it is to admit a new State into our Union."
The following letter, written to Dr. Billig while Hahnemann was undecided what to do, well explains his wish for only
some quiet place where he might be permitted to continue his researches in peace:
"Leipsic, 5th February, 1821.
"Most Worshipful Obr., Esteemed Friend:
"By the public proceedings directed against me by the Saxon medical men, you will have learned (I am sure with grief)
how bitterly my method of treatment and its author are persecuted in this country. This persecution has now
reached its climax, and I should be doing an injury to the beneficent art, and imperilling my own life, were I to
remain longer here and not seek protection in some foreign country.
"Some propositions of this sort have been made to me from Prussia, but I should much prefer to find the protection I
desire for the few remaining days I have to live (I am an old man of sixty-six) in the Altenburg country. In a country
that is so mildly governed as Altenburg is, and where, moreover, I can still meet with true Masons, I think I may be
most comfortably settled, especially as four and twenty years ago I enjoyed great distinction as physician to the
dear old Duke Ernst, in Gotha and Georgenthal. I do not wish to go to the town of Altenburg itself, to be in the way
of you, dearest friend, and of your colleagues.
"I only wish to be able to settle in some country town or market village, where the post may facilitate my connection
with distant parts, and where I may not be annoyed by the pretensions of any apothecary, because, as you know, the
pure practice of this art can only employ such minute weapons, such small doses of medicine, that no apothecary
could supply them profitably, and owing to the mode in which he has learnt and always carried on his business, he
could not help viewing the whole affair as something ludicrous, and, consequently, turning the public and the patients
into ridicule. For these and other reasons it would be impossible to derive any assistance from an apothecary in the
practice of Homoeopathy.
"I take this opportunity, my honored friend, of praying for such a reception in your country, and under your amiable
protection, and I should do all in my power to prove to you my gratitude and esteem. I beg you to remember me most
kindly to our worthy Obr. Hofrath Dr. Pierer.
"You will oblige me greatly if you will be so good as to speak of this matter to the President of Government, Von
Trutschler, to whom I have also applied.
"In the meantime accept a triple kiss from my esteem and love, as from your true friend and Obr. *
"Dr. S. Hahnemann."
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Dudgeon says: "The letters Obr. found in this letter and others written by Hahnemann probably refer to some title in
freemasonry." From them, and the manner in which he writes, it is likely that Hahnemann was a Mason.
Hartmann mentions his own treatment at this time. He had some time previously announced himself to the Dean of the
Medical Faculty, Counsellor Rosenmuller, Professor of Anatomy, as a foreign candidate for a higher degree. The Dean
died soon after, and he did not suppose a second announcement to the new Dean was necessary.
He says: "I found myself engaged in a practice by no means unprofitable, and with youthful presumption and
carelessness did not suppose that an obstacle could be laid in my way. But with all the caution which I exercised in
my practice, the then second surgeon at St. Jacob's Hospital, Dr. Kohlrusch, discovered that I attended one of his
patients, and lost no time in forwarding to the President of the Faculty a packet of my powders, and accusing me
before this Court so bitterly opposed to all Homoeopathists. I was summoned before Clarus, overwhelmed with
reproaches and threatened with the severest punishment if I dared to practice again before the Counsellor ordered
my examination."
Hartmann fearing to pass an examination before the prejudiced Leipsic Faculty, after some difficulty in other places,
on account of the hostility of the physicians, finally passed successfully in Dresden.
Hahnemann had now no longer a wish to remain in the ungrateful city of Leipsic; in fact, without the privilege of
practicing he could not remain. In the meantime certain of his friends and patients, influential citizens, had
addressed a petition to the King, and to the municipality of the city, for justice in behalf of the persecuted
physician. While this petition was yet unanswered, in the spring of 1821, his Highness, the Grand Duke Frederick, of
Anhalt-Coethen, extended to Hahnemann an invitation to accept the post of private physician to himself, with free
privileges of practice according to the feelings of his heart, within the limits of the Duchy. Hahnemann accepted
with thankfulness this honorable and advantageous offer, and, without waiting to see the outcome of the petitions in
his behalf, he went to Coethen.
Dr. Schwenke says that the reason why Hahnemann fixed upon Coethen as his residence, after the persecutions of the
jealous physicians and apothecaries had driven him from Leipsic, was as follows: *
"The Ducal Chief Chamberlain, von Sternegk, it was to whom the credit must be awarded of having first directed the
Duke's attention to Hahnemann. Von Sternegk had been cured by Homoeopathy of a complicated disease that had
defied all resources of Allopathic treatment, and he persuaded the Duke, who was a great sufferer, to consult
Hahnemann, and try the new method of treatment. The trial succeeded beyond expectation and prepossessed the
Duke in favor of Homoeopathy, so that at von Sternegk's suggestion Hahnemann requested from the Duke
permission to settle in Coethen, which was readily granted him."
In the circumstance in which Hahnemann was placed this permission, or invitation, of the Grand Duke Frederick was
very opportune. He was at once, appointed to a place of extreme honor as the Duke's physician in ordinary or private
physician. He was given the privilege to practice according to the dictates of his own conscience; everything that he
considered necessary to his new methods was granted to him. In a word, Coethen was offered to him and to his
system as a free city, a favor never previously granted by any crowned head. With joy be accepted this permission,
and left Leipsic early in May, 1821, never to return there to live. Many of his old pupils accompanied him for a
distance upon the road to Coethen.
Hartmann says: "I was not with them, having left Leipsic. Hahnemann took two of his pupils with him, Dr. Haynel and
Dr. Mossdorf. The latter afterwards became his son-in-law, but was subsequently separated from him; the cause I
never learned. Haynel, on the contrary, led the life of a true nomad; was at Berlin at the first invasion of the
cholera; then in Merseberg; finally visited me in 1830, in Leipsic, where he provided himself with a large stock of
Homoeopathic medicines with the intention of going to North America."
Dr. Hering says: * "Dr. A. J. Haynel died at Dresden, August 28, 1877, aet. 81. He was an inmate of Hahnemann's family
for more than ten years, and proved a number of remedies for him. About the year 1835 he came to America, and
resided first at Reading, Pa., then at Philadelphia. In 1845 he lived at New York, and still later in Baltimore, from
whence he returned to Europe several years previous to his death."
Dr. Gray says: "At Baltimore, Dr. Haynel, an original pupil of Hahnemann, established the new method on a firm basis
as early as 1838. "
About this time a contemporary wrote as follows: "Dr. Samuel Hahnemann, the discoverer of the Homoeopathic system,
is about to leave Leipsic and to take up his residence at Coethen. His Highness, the Duke of Anhalt-Coethen, having
been pleased to permit Dr. Hahnemann not only to reside there, but also to prepare and dispense his medicines
without the interference of apothecaries, the Board of Health at Coethen set a praiseworthy example of
impartiality and due regard to the progress of science.
"They did not consider it right to dispute the claim of the experienced philosopher to shelter and protection, nor of
the renowned chemist and professor of pharmacy to the right of preparing and dispensing his medicines; the more
so, as for a period of twenty years all apothecaries consulted his 'Pharmaceutical Dictionary.'
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"As the system of Homoeopathy is unavailing unless the medicines be prepared by the physician himself, many patients
whose medical treatment has been interrupted by the expulsion of Hahnemann from Leipsic will now be enabled to
gratify their feelings and follow their convictions, and the present liberal century is saved from the reproach of
having suppressed one of the most remarkable discoveries that ever blessed mankind, of having consciously
destroyed the soothing expectations of the suffering world." *

Act granting permission to practice homoeopathy in coethen-permission granted

dr. mossdorf to act as hahnemann's assistant-letter to stapf
Albrecht in his biography of Hahnemann has divided his life into five epochs: The Lehrjahre or years of apprenticeship,
the school days, extending from 1755 to 1792; the Prufungsjahre or trial-years, the wander-years from 1792 to
1811; the Kampfjahre or battle-years, the life of conflict in Leipsic from 1811 to 1821; the Meisterjahre or
master-years, the quiet life at Coethen from 1821 to 1835; the Glanzjahre des Alters or splendid years of old age,
the brilliant life in Paris and the peaceful end.
The story of the years of apprenticeship to knowledge, of the bitter days of wandering and adversity, has been told;
we have seen Hahnemann surrounded by his pupils in Leipsic, teaching his important doctrines to the world; proving
medicines and preparing their painstaking record for the Materia Medica Pura; we have seen jealousy and bigotry
drive him forth from the great city.
Now, after these battle-years necessary to the future existence of his system of healing, we follow him to the calm
and restful time at Coethen, during which he was the master and his students came from many parts to sit at his
feet and learn.
The little town of Coethen in the principality of Anhalt was, in Hahnemann's time, the capital of one of those small but
absolute kingdoms into which Germany was divided. It had its ruler, its own laws and customs, and the Grand Duke
Ferdinand, Hahnemann's protector, was supreme in his own territory. Hence for the persecuted old reformer it
became a veritable haven of rest, within whose borders he and his tenets were unmolested.
Coethen is situated upon the little river Zittau and is twelve miles southwest from Dessau, about ten miles from Halle,
and but a short journey from Leipsic. At the time of which we write it contained about 6000 inhabitants.
Dr. Peschier, of Geneva, who journeyed there upon a pilgrimage to Hahnemann in 1832, thus describes it: * "The route
from Leipsic to Coethen is neither very interesting nor agreeable, though it is necessary for the driver to be
familiar with it; my friend the Baron von Brunnow, who had set out with his sister, lost his way in a cross road and
there wandered more than three hours before he discovered the right way.
"The little village of Coethen is not lacking in charms; it lies in a valley through which flows a little river, which gives
freshness and beauty to the surrounding country. The streets are large and well laid out; the chateau of the reigning
Duke, beyond its splendor, offers nothing remarkable; it is situated in a garden open to the public, where many
varieties of rare flowers are cultivated with great care.
"The dowager Duchess Julie lives in a pretty house in the midst of gardens, with a lake in which there are swans, and
surrounded by all the pleasures of the country. It is situated near the gates of the town from which it is separated
by a promenade and a grove. I have said gates of the town because Coethen was formerly a little fortress, and the
same old walls, pierced with gates, still remain.
"The late Duke, having embraced the Roman Catholic faith, built a chapel adjoining his palace in which to worship
according to his creed; in this there is a beautiful portal, with columns."
Rapou fils, also describes a visit made in the same year. He says: "The railroad extending from Leipsic to Berlin
crosses the Duchy of Anhalt-Coethen and its little capital, noted for the generous hospitality with which it received
the chief of the new school. It is four years since my father and myself journeyed thither in the basket-work
carriages of the Prussian post, over a miserable road, broken and muddy, towards the modest home of Hahnemann,
which is today the principal point of convergence of the main railroads of northern Germany. In this borough,
peaceful and rural, where the silver tinkling of the clock in the Ducal chateau wafts itself in chimes to the cattle
coming from the pasture, the ardent reformer had found that salutary calm that he had lost after his great
discovery.
"He lived there, entirely devoted to his art, afar from contradictions, and from the discussions that his doctrines had
aroused throughout Germany. He was not, however, idle in his isolation. He carried on, with his partisans, a very
extended correspondence, answered their objections, aroused the indifferent, admonished his disciples, and
punished with reprobation those who transgressed his precepts."
The house in which Hahnemann lived from 1821 to 1835, the time of his sojourn in Coethen, is situated in the
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Wallstrasse and is now used as a Hahnemann museum. It is of two stories and stands upon the corner of the street.
Approaching it one sees a sloping roof like the two sides of a square; in the middle of each side of this roof a quaint
little dormer window appears, for all the world like a gigantic eyelid half open. The pavement before the house is of
large and square slabs of stone.
Over the windows of the front of the house is a tablet on which is inscribed: "Here Samuel Hahnemann lived from 1821
to 1835. "
In the rear of this house, in Hahnemann's time, there was a long and paved garden shut in by a grated door; at the end
was an arbor covered with vines.
We now reach a very interesting period in the varied life of the venerable reformer. Previous to this he had never
known freedom from persecution.
His discoveries had been hailed with ridicule by men who were infinitely beneath him in education and ability. He had
been by such men persecuted and forced to make his life one of wandering and poverty.
He had patiently sought to induce his fellow-physicians to try the new system he had discovered. He had been such a
prey to the pettiness of bigotry that his heart had become hardened. Here in this haven of quietness he was
destined to pass many years, only leaving this to enter the last epoch of his long and tempest-tossed life in the
luxurious, happy years at Paris.
Hahnemann lived a quiet and studious life at Coethen. Freed from the incessant irritation of the persecutions of his
enemies, with nothing to distract his mind, allowed perfect freedom of opinion and action, he now devoted himself to
his important studies. For some time he remained secluded from the world, seldom going out of his house except to
visit the Grand Duke professionally. His other patients were obliged to go to him. He passed much of his time in the
arbor in the garden at the back of the house. On every pleasant day he took a drive in his carriage into the
neighbouring country. It is related of him that one day a disciple was visiting him in this garden, and seeing its small
and narrow space, in which at the time he took all his exercise, said: "How small this much talked of garden of yours
is, Hofrath." Hahnemann responded: "Yes, it is narrow, but," pointing to the heavens, "of infinite height."
Among the State documents preserved in the Archives of the Duchy of Anhalt is the following: * "Acts relating to the
permission graciously awarded to Dr. Hahnemann, of Leipsic, to settle in this capital, and as a Homoeopathic
physician to dispense his own medicines.
"We hereby announce to the Commissioners of the State Administration that we have graciously accorded to Dr.
Hahnemann, upon his humble request, permission to settle here as a practicing physician, and to prepare the
remedies required for his treatment, and hence the Sections 15, 17 and 18, of the Medical Regulations of 1811, have
no application to him.
"In other respects Dr. Hahnemann is subject to all the rules and regulations of State and police, and to all the
regulations of our Medical Direction, and our Commissioners of the State Administration will arrange all that is
necessary, especially in regard to the Medical Direction.
"Coethen, April 12, 1821. "
Hahnemann was created Hofrath on May 13, 1822. The title Hofrath signifies Councillor to the Court. In a letter to Dr.
Croserio, dated at Coethen, February 6, 1835, he signs his name Samuel Hahnemann, counseiller aulique. This is a
French rendering of the same title. The term Hofrath is an honorary title given by princes to persons whom they
wish to especially distinguish.
On June 1 the following decree was promulgated: "Hofrath Dr. Hahnemann, having practiced the Homoeopathic method
here for a year, and no case of death or accident from this method having come to my knowledge, I having, on the
contrary, learned that many patients have been relieved and cured, I am confirmed that if Homoeopathy is not more
advantageous than Allopathy, it can at all events be considered as on a par with the latter. I therefore consider it
my duty as a ruler to maintain it for suffering humanity, especially for my subjects, and as none of the physicians of
the Dukedom has yet adopted the Homoeopathic system, and owing to the great age of Hofrath Dr. Hahnemann, it is
to be feared that his strength may not last very much longer, I have resolved to allow one of his most distinguished
disciples, Dr. Theodore Mossdorf, a native of Dresden, to settle in this country as a practicing Homoeopathic
physician, and to prepare and dispense the remedies required in his treatment. On condition that Dr. Mossdorf is
willing to render all assistance to Hofrath Dr. Hahnemann, he will not only receive a patent of naturalization, but also
be admitted as my subject.
"Dr. Mossdorf will be exempt from the usual examination, seeing that Homoeopathy is founded on quite different
principles from Allopathy, and hence it would be improper to subject a disciple of Homoeopathy to an Allopathic
examination, just as it would be improper to ascertain the suitability of a Protestant candidate by making him be
examined by a Catholic bishop. In other respects it is of course understood that Dr. Mossdorf has to submit to all
other State and police laws and regulations and has to obey the orders of my Medical Directors, from which,
however, like all my subjects, he can appeal to me. The Commissioner of the State administration has to do all that is
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required for carrying my resolution into effect, and to make it known to all whom it may concern."
Dr. Mossdorf afterwards married Hahnemann's youngest daughter Louise. He did not remain long at Coethen, as he and
Hahnemann could not agree. He received from the Duke a yearly salary of sixty thalers for medical attendance on
the Duke's servants.
After Hahnemann had been for six months quietly and happily living in Coethen, the petition to the Leipsic authorities
in regard to the self dispensing of medicines was answered favorably. On November 30, 1821, a royal decree was
promulgated, granting, to the Homoeopathic physician, under certain conditions, the right to dispense. This was a
formal recognition of the new method, and although life, now rendered possible in Leipsic, offered many advantages,
Hahnemann preferred the exercise of the more perfect liberty in the practice of his art that had been so
generously afforded him by the kind hearted Duke at Coethen.
The Leipsic patients of Hahnemann, of whom there were many, consulted him still at Coethen, sending often by express
for medicines to that town.
He soon became useful to his ducal protector, as is evidenced by the following letter dated March 9, 1824: * "Our most
serene Duke, who was suffering from a severe nervous attack, is now out of danger, thanks to the successful
exertions of Dr. Hahnemann, well-known for his new method of curing. When the discoverer of Homoeopathy took
shelter in a country whose sovereign generously supports every attempt for the improvement of science, he scarcely
foresaw that he was destined to save the life of his illustrious patron. Nor did our most gracious Duke imagine that
such would be the case when he extended his protection to a noble and oppressed cause for the purpose of
delivering it to the impartial judgment of posterity. Feelings of mutual gratitude cemented their union."
Duke Ferdinand and his wife, Julie, were always on the most cordial terms with their illustrious physician. The following
letters written when he had been but two years at Coethen will illustrate this.
"Coethen, January 29, 1823.
"My Dear Hofrath Hahnemann:
"While expressing to you my thanks for your medical help this year, and for the past two years, and assuring you of my
complete satisfaction, I wish you to accept the enclosed trifle as a slight recompense for your medicines and for
your services. May heaven preserve you in good health for many years to the benefit of suffering humanity.
"Ferdinand, Duke.
"My best thanks, my dear Hofrath, for your kind wishes for my birthday. I owe to your exertions one of the
pleasantest gifts on entering on a new year, improved health. I hope to preserve this to your praise and credit.
"With sincere pleasure,
"Yours very affectionately,
"Julie, Duchess of Anhalt."
This kindness on the part of his princely patrons was continued during Hahnemann's whole sojourn at Coethen.
Four years after Hahnemann had removed to Coethen he wrote the following letter to his friend, Dr. Stapf. It throws
some light upon his feelings during his persecutions in Leipsic, and his reasons for settling in Coethen.
"Coethen, July 16, 1825.
"Highly Esteemed Doctor:
"To many of my disciples it must have seemed very suspicious when, four years ago, after receiving a similar summons
from Dresden, I suddenly left the city and State and emigrated with all my family to this little principality at great
expense and loss; but I knew well the inflexibility of the judges at whose ears stood my medical enemies.
Remonstrances would avail naught, whatever the family doctor desires would take the form of a legal decision.
"But where is the prohibition of dispensing one's own remedies that applies to Homoeopathy? To the apothecary is, by
law, accorded the right that no one but himself shall dispense any medicament. But in no law relating to medical
affairs is a simple remedy understood by the words medicament and medicine, but always and without exception a
mixture of medicines to be compounded by the apothecary from a prescription, and prescriptions, in all the laws
relating to medical affairs, always imply the mingling of several drugs in a mixture.
"Therefore the candidate for a degree must show in his examination that he has attended lectures on the art of
prescribing and produce the certificates of the professor, or else he will not get the doctor's degree; for as
Senner, in the preface to his 'Art of Prescribing,' expressly declares: 'A simple remedy ordered to be taken is not a
prescription, that must contain several ingredients.' These mixtures and these prescriptions no one except the
apothecary is permitted to make up, his privilege is only in respect to these. What medicinal authority can deny this?
Who can hold a contrary opinion?
"A simple substance in a vehicle is not a medicine in the sense of the law relating to medical affairs, otherwise the
apothecary would be practicing medicine on his own account when he, without let or hindrance, sells to every
customer anise, sugar, peppermint drops and the like. He is not allowed to give on his own account, medicines,
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medicaments, mixtures of drugs.

"Hence it follows that the apothecary's privilege refers only to the making up of the mixtures of drugs, but not to the
giving of the simple substances of the Homoeopath in a vehicle. If you can make any use of these remarks without
mentioning my name, it will afford pleasure to
"Yours truly,
"Sam. Hahnemann." *
And again in another letter to Stapf, written October 17 of the same year, he says: "The honest opinion expressed by
the eminent lawyer Von Konen on my essay gave me pleasure. There was a point I did not allude to (and so he could
not know the truth of the matter), and that was why it was absolutely necessary that Homoeopaths should dispense
their medicines. It is, however, connected with the circumstance that the Apothecaries' Guild has recently
represented to the authorities that through their institution the safety of the public is best provided for, because
thus only on a real control be exercised.
"Naturally the authorities desire above all things to secure such safety, and it redounds to their honor that they put
this object before any other consideration. But control does not affect the apothecary in the least. The dishonest
apothecary will take good care that at the annual or semi-annual inspection he will show the medical inspector fresh
samples of the most expensive current articles, or small quantities of these things. But nobody sees what he has put
in, or allowed to be put in, the Allopathic mixtures of drugs, and the cleverest doctor cannot tell what is or is not in
the made up compound powders, electuaries, mixtures, etc. Still less can a Homoeopathic physician allow an
apothecary to put a minute globule impregnated with an extremely diluted medicine into a powder of milk sugar.
"In his (the physician's) absence he cannot know for certain whether the apothecary has or has not done it, or if he has
put in a globule moistened with some other medicine.
"He can never know this, or by subsequent examination of the powder convince himself on the subject, for the small
globule cannot be found in the milk sugar powder, or if found, it is impossible to tell if it contains the medicine
prescribed. Nay, more; if the physician has put it in himself, and has forgotten what it is, and has made no note of
what medicine he put in, he cannot afterwards find out what is in it by examination of the powder.
"He must make up the powder himself, and make a note of it in writing. He cannot, without being quite uncertain about
his treatment, allow it to be prepared by another. I request you to communicate this to Mr. Von Konen with my
respectful compliments, as it is the simple truth. The quintillionth or decillionth of a grain of any medicine can never
be pronounced dangerous by the apothecary, or be considered dangerous to life by the authorities.
"The Homoeopathic physician's peculiar advantage consists in this, that he gives the right medicine in the smallest
possible dose. No control is required here. In Allopathic practice the apothecary's intervention is almost
indispensable, for how can the practitioner give the time required to make the mixture himself or see that the
apothecary makes it?"
This law, by means of which Hahnemann was prevented from dispensing his medicines, and which was the cause of his
leaving Leipsic, was an obsolete statute raked up for the purpose of suppressing Homoeopathy. To, for a moment,
suppose that Hahnemann was not the superior of the apothecaries and the Doctors in the matter of preparing or
dispensing medicines is to forget that for twenty years his Apothecary-Lexicon had been a standard work upon that
very subject, in the hands of the same apothecaries. It was jealousy, nothing else, that banished Hahnemann from
Leipsic.

Literary work-editions of the "organon"-founding of the archiv-prefaces to the

"materia medica pura"
Hahnemann now devoted himself to literary work, especially to the elaboration of that great monument to his genius,
"The Chronic Diseases." With the exception of a number of pamphlets and short articles, this is the only original
work that he published after this time. While living in Coethen he published the 3rd, 4th and 5th editions of the
"Organon" and the 2nd and 3rd editions of the "Materia Medica Pura."
As has been mentioned, the first edition of the "Organon" was published in 1810, while Hahnemann was living at Torgau.
It is not as large as the later editions, nor does it contain as many notes.
Hahnemann first mentions the word Homoeopathy in the "Organon;" it is composed of two words from the
Greek-omoios, similar, and pathos, disease. He also used the word Allopath to designate the members of the
dominant school of medicine.
The growth of the doctrines of Homoeopathy can very plainly be traced in the mind of its discoverer in the different
editions. In them all the arguments are consistent and any anomalies are easily explainable. The third edition was
issued in 1824; the fourth in 1829; the fifth in 1833, all by Arnold of Dresden.
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In 1824 Baron von Brunnow translated it into French. His edition was published in Dresden. Of it Hahnemann says in the
preface to the third edition: * "A great help to the spread of the good cause in foreign lands is won by the good
French translation of the last edition, recently brought out at great sacrifice by that genuine philanthropist, my
learned friend Baron von Brunnow."
But five editions of the "Organon" were issued during the lifetime of the master, He left the notes for a sixth edition
at his death, which as yet has never been published.
Dr. Arthur Lutze, in 1865, issued an unauthorized edition that we repudiated by the profession. An account of this and
of the unpublished "Organon" is given in the chapter devoted to Madame Hahnemann.
In the Allgemeine Anzeiger der Deutschen, 1819, Hahnemann published a short article on "Uncharitableness Towards
Suicides." He mentions the epidemic prevalence of suicide, maintains that it is a form of insanity and says: * "This
most unnatural of all human purposes, this disorder of the mind that renders them weary of life, might always be
with certainty cured if the medicinal powers of pure gold for the cure of this sad condition were known. The
smallest dose of pulverized gold attenuated to the billionth degree, or the smallest part of a drop of an equally
diluted solution of pure gold, which may be mixed in his drink without his knowledge, immediately and permanently
removes this fearful state of the (body and) mind, and the unfortunate being is saved."
The Homoeopathic practitioner knows that this advice is as true at the present day as when Hahnemann gave it.
In 1821 Dr. Ernst Stapf established at Leipsic a journal devoted to the spread of Homoeopathy, which was issued three
times a year. It was called "Archiv fur die homoopathische Heilkunst" (Archives for Homoeopathic Healing). This was
the first magazine ever published in the interests of Homoeopathy. And now the followers of the Master had an
organ in which to present their truths to the world. On the reverse of the title of each number, and facing the
index, is the following quotation from Shakespeare's "Romeo and Juliet," act 1, scene 2:
"Tut, man, one fire burns out another's burning;
One pain is lessened by another's anguish;
Turn giddy and be holp by backward turning;
One desperate grief cures with another's languish.
Take thou some new infection to the eye,
And the rank poison of the old will die."
The initial number of this journal was issued in September, 1821. The first article was from the pen of Moritz Muller
on "The Critical Examination of Homoeopathy." Stapf published an essay upon Homoeopathy, some cases, some
aphorisms, a review of the sixth volume of the "Materia Medica Pura," and, in connection with Gross, certain provings
of Platina.
At this time, besides the immediate pupils-the members of the first Provers' Union-there were a number of recent
converts to Homoeopathy who were in independent practice of that system.
Among them Gross was at Juterbogk; Moritz Muller and Carl Haubold were settled in Leipsic, as well as the veterinary
surgeon Wilhelm Lux, who was to astonish the world with the remarkable nature of Isopathy.
Drs. C. F. Trinks and Paul Wolf were at Dresden. As early as 1819 Dr. Gossner had practiced Homoeopathy in
Oberhollabrun in Lower Austria and Dr. Mussek in Seefeld, a neighboring town. In Prague Dr. Marenzeller, military
staff surgeon and attending physician to his Imperial Highness, the Archduke John, was becoming interested in the
new system.
In Vienna, Veith was testing its virtues. Dr. Adam, who had met Hahnemann, was introducing it into Russia. In 1821 the
Austrian, Baron, Francis Koller, had carried the "Organon" to Naples, where a translation had been made under the
auspices of the Royal Academy, and where, in 1822, Dr. George Necker, a pupil of Hahnemann, also settled and soon
opened a dispensary for the poor.
In the meantime, in Coethen, Hahnemann was taking walks in his little garden, long drives into the surrounding country,
writing letters to his many friends and followers, pondering over his new doctrines, and preparing for the press the
second edition of the "Materia Medica Pura."
It does not seem that Hahnemann took any particular pains to assist his pupils before he left Leipsic or after he
settled at Coethen. Kleinert says: * "That Homoeopathy assumed defined shape and developed strength to live and
to overcome obstacles is much more the result of their (the students and disciples) labors than that of Hahnemann.
There is no doubt at all that at the beginning of the second decade of this century the tenacity of Hahnemann was
commencing to yield to advancing years and that he had long ceased to enjoy the thickest of the battle. With his
then strong inclination to dictate, and his more or less unwise tendency to isolate himself, there would have resulted
a standstill or a retrograde movement which would have lasted for at least one generation if the tact, zeal and
ability of these men had not made themselves felt everywhere.
"In spite of every species of adversity, not unfrequently proceeding from the master himself, they stood like
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beacon-lights of fidelity, and, when it became necessary, distinguished between the precious doctrine and its
prophet, between the jewel itself and the setting.
"It is impossible to find a single statement in print, or an authenticated verbal statement, to show that Hahnemann,
who was now blessed with a most profitable practice, ever spent upon his followers more than the spirit of his
doctrine, although he well knew their great perplexities and fully understood their academic afflictions increased in
proportion to their faithfulness to him. He left to their own fate two of his favorite disciples when they were on
trial for illegally practicing, although in this case neither his position, living nor fortune, but only his honor, was
involved. He well knew the schemes, plans, and doings of his opponents. We find his defence prepared by his pupils, in
most cases they were not even indorsed or seconded by him, but, on the contrary, were received with contempt,
suspicions and ridicule; he never took a hand in them!"
It would seem that Kleinert, and also Hartmann, thought that Hahnemann should have acted in a much different manner
towards them. That his one aim was first and always the advancement of Homoeopathy, no one who will carefully
read his writings can deny. And that by allowing his followers to fight their battles for themselves he made them
more bold, attracted the attention of the world more fully to the new system, and caused it to more quickly spread,
is now seen to be true.
And, too, he naturally thought that his pupils were the proper persons to continue the fight that he had maintained
singly for so many years.
Hahnemann took a great interest in the Archiv der Heilkunst from the first. In a letter to Stapf, written in 1826, he
says: * "I still continue to read works on other scientific subjects, but nothing medical except your Archiv. I have
not read even Hufeland's Journal for years, and, in my present isolation and severance from well-informed
physicians, I do not know where to get the loan of the number of Hufeland's Journal you refer me to. I am delighted
to receive the important information that the leader of all writers of complicated prescriptions, and of the most
material pathology of the ordinary stamp, has again bestowed a friendly glance on his antipode, who has in his
writings indicated him as the champion of antiquated medical nonsense, and mentioned him alone by name (in the
"Sources of the ordinary Materia Medica" at the beginning of the third volume of the "Materia Medica Pura").
"You would confer a favor on me if, when opportunity offers, you would make a short extract from his favorable
judgment.
"I am pleased with Gross's refutation of the Anti-Organon. Gross, in my opinion, is growing more valiant. My only regret
is that he has spent so much time and thought over that piece of sophistry.
"Believe me, all this senseless fighting against the manifest truth only exhausts the poor creatures, and does not stay
its progress, and we would do well to allow such trashy, spiteful lucubrations to pass unnoticed; they will without aid
sink into the abyss of oblivion and into their merited nothingness.
"I fear more the empirical contaminations of that society of half-Homoeopaths about which you write, which they had
sufficient prudence not to invite me to join, but of whose doings I have been pretty correctly informed by oral
communications. I fear that inaccuracy and rashness will preside over their deliberations, and I would earnestly beg
of you to do what you can to check and restrain them. For should our art once lose its attribute of the most
conscientious exactness, which must happen if the dii minorum gentium seek to push themselves into notoriety by
their so-called observations, then I tremble for the raising of our art out of the dust; then we shall lose all
certainty, which is of great importance to us.
"Therefore. I beg you will keep out of your Archiv all superficial observations of pretended successful treatment.
Admit only truthful, accurate, careful records of cases from the practice of accredited Homoeopaths; these must
be models of good Homoeopathic art. In spite of all precautions, some of these recorded cases of chronic maladies
will incur suspicion that they may not be permanent, when the eyes of medical men shall be opened on the subject of
the cure of chronic diseases by my book, which, after ten years' labor, is not yet ready, but is gradually approaching
completion.
"Yours very truly,
"Sam. Hahnemann.
"Coethen, March 13, 1826. "
And again: * "I thank you for the third number of the eighth volume of your Archiv. It has pleased me very much, and I
can find nothing censurable in it. We must endeavor to maintain its old value, so that it shall remain unsurpassed in
the estimation of the medical public. Gross, Rummel, and also Aegidi and Hartmann have acquitted themselves well. I
will soon make a search to see if I have any presentable provings of medicines."
In 1825 Hahnemann published in the Allgemeine Anzeiger an answer to an article that had been published in the same
journal entitled: "Information for the Truth Seeker in No. 165 of the Allgemeine Anzeiger der Deutschen." This
essay was published in 1827 as an introduction to Volume VI. of the second edition of the "Materia Medica Pura"
under the title: "How can Small Doses of such very Attenuated Medicines as Homoeopathy Employs still possess
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Great Power?"
In a preface to the fourth volume of the second edition of the "Materia Medica Pura," 1825, was published an article:
"Eine Erinnerung," to which Dudgeon gives the title: "Contrast of the Old and New Systems of Medicine." In this
Hahnemann speaks of the fallacy of prescribing according to a nosological and capricious name for disease, and the
ease of prescribing from a prescription pocket-book. He says: "But how did the prescriptions for these names of
diseases originate? Were they communicated by some divine revelation? My dear sir, they are either formulas
prescribed by some celebrated practitioner for some case or other of disease to which he has arbitrarily given this
nosological name, which formulas consist of a variety of ingredients known to him no doubt by name, that came into
his head and were put by him into an elegant form by the aid of that important art which is called the art of
prescribing, whereby the requirements of chemical skill and pharmaceutical observance were attended to, if not the
welfare of the patient; one or several receipts of this kind for the given case, under the use of which the patient at
least did not die, but, thanks to heaven and his good constitution!-gradually recovered.
"After three and twenty centuries of such criminal mode of procedure, now that the whole human race seems to be
awaking in order powerfully to vindicate its rights, shall not the day begin to dawn for the deliverance of suffering
humanity which has hitherto been racked with diseases, and in addition tortured with medicines administered
without rhyme or reason, and without limit as to number and quantity, for phantoms of diseases, in conformity with
the wildest notions of physicians proud of the antiquity of their sect?
"Shall the pernicious jugglery of routine treatment still continue to exist?
"Shall the entreaty of the patient to listen to the account of his sufferings, vainly resound through the air unheard by
his brethren of mankind, without exciting the helpful attention of the human heart?"
Hahnemann then shows the simpler, more certain method of healing in accordance with the Homoeopathic system, and
in conclusion says: "Do old antiquated untruths become anything better-do they become truths-by reason of their
hoary antiquity? Is not truth eternal, though it may have been discovered only an hour ago? Does the novelty of its
discovery render it an untruth? Was there ever a discover or a truth that was not at first novel?"
In the same volume (IV, second edition) is an article called "The Medical Observer." It shows the importance of the
most careful observations of the patient on the part of the physician, with the proper means to be adopted to
become a careful observer of disease. *

Hahnemann's great and varied knowledge-reimarus fragments-paper on

chemistry-advice to stapf-death of caspari
Hahnemann was not a man of one idea: he was more or less conversant with many branches of knowledge, and was
consulted upon many subjects besides that of medicine. He took a great interest in astronomy, and with his friend,
the Court Chancellor Schwabe, who had an observatory on his own premises. Hahnemann was accustomed to hold long
conversations. In his library among its other treasures was a large collection of maps, and he was well versed in
geographical studies, of which he was very fond. He also was a naturalist; he was a student of ancient history. In
addition to these pursuits, and to his large practice, he maintained a very extensive correspondence with his
disciples and friends. And, too, there was seldom a day passed when he did not entertain and instruct some disciple
who had journeyed from a distance to learn from the Master. At this time many who were weary of the old ways of
medicine, went to this prophet of a new dispensation to be taught.
Let us from his own letters form some idea of the multiple pleasures and pursuits of this old man, then over seventy
years of age.
Writing to his Fidus Achates, Stapf, in 1826, he says: * "The German translation from the Chinese of the writings of
Confucius, by Schott, has given me great pleasure. I have endeavored in vain to procure the French translation by
Deguignes. Now the first part of it has been published by Renger in Halle, and I will soon get it. There we read
Divine wisdom without miracle-fables and without superstition. It is a remarkable sign of the times that Confucius
can now be read by us. I myself will soon embrace, in the domain of blessed spirits, that benefactor of mankind who
led us by the straight path of wisdom and to God six centuries and a half before the arch-visionary."
Again, to Dr. Stapf in 1827 he says: * "The work on entomology you kindly sent me is a beautiful book, and I think it
would be difficult to give a better explanation of the mysterious, flight-like progression of spiders horizontally and
upwards in the air. If this single branch of natural history (entomology) does not show an infallible revelation of
God's wisdom, power, and goodness, in short, everything that should induce a well-disposed man to do His will as
conscience dictates; if true religion is not to be learned from it, then I am spiritually blind.
"Now about Wild's book. I beg him to inquire about the price, in order that I may settle the business with all speed. It
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is without doubt a hitherto unknown fragment of the illustrious Reimarus. Nothing of it is known to us except the
middle part describing the passage of Moses through the Red Sea. The Old Testament is justly estimated there.
"What has become of the Fragments which we are told were to have been published in 1817? I beg Mr. Wild to get
them for me, even though I have to pay a good price for them.
"O God! that truthfulness and impartiality should be so seldom met with, and that they should have to hide themselves
in the presence of the thoughtless swarm of worldlings who display their animal character to their last breath, and
yet try to sneak into everlasting happiness by a wrong road.
"Try and obtain for me, through Wild, all the Fragments, whatever they may cost."
Again, in September, 1827: "The books on entomology are excellent. I thank you for sending them to me. But they do
not solve the riddle respecting the spiders. To judge from my own experiments they appear to possess a power still
unknown to us to project themselves forward in the air-not on shot-out threads! In my experiments I made this
impossible, and I saw one suspended by its thread from my finger, first hover in the air in a horizontal position, then
dart obliquely upwards, where it disappeared from my sight."
The study of his old favorite, chemistry, was also continued. In a letter to Stapf, of February 20, 1829, he says: "The
enclosed paper is not suited for the Archiv or for any other medical periodical, as it is merely chemical. Moreover, it
is not only anonymous (no one is to know that it is written by me; on account of the prejudice that the doctors and,
along with them, the chemists, have for me and my doctrine, the chemical journalist would throw it aside), but it is
also a chemical heresy. I beg therefore that you would get this little essay copied at my expense, so that it may not
be lost, supposing the chemical journalist should be so uncivil as to refuse to let it appear in his periodical, and
should fail to send it back to me, but drop it into his waste basket or burn it for its heretical doctrines."
The essay was probably upon the chemical properties or preparation of Causticum, called in the "Fragmenta" Acris
tinctura.
The disposal of this paper on chemistry gave Hahnemann considerable trouble. In another letter dated July 14, 1829,
he says, presumably of this same paper: * "Von Bock has just undertaken to travel to Halle in order to have it out
with the professor of chemistry. This person has made no concealment of his resolution not to accept my article, as
its views are opposed to the traditional teaching. That is just what I feared! What annoyance, what opposition to
improvements must we not expect from the orthodox blockheads! But Von Bock pressed him so hard that he became
ashamed of himself, and has given his word to get it printed at once; and he promised to send Von Bock a copy. If
only he will keep his word, which time will soon show. I cannot publish the fourth part of my book, which contains
Causticum, until this article appears."
And again on August 18, 1829, he says: "Perhaps you have reason to be angry with Colonel von Bock. I know nothing
about it. At all events he did me a great service in travelling at his own expense from here to Halle to see Professor
Schweickert and Schweickert-Seidel, and when they scornfully refused to print my article, pressed them so hard
that at length they had to promise to print it immediately and to send him a copy to Brunswick, poste restante,
which they and the publishers did, with letters containing the condition that he should pay for the cost of printing
(3 thalers) to the bookseller Vieweg in Brunswick, and send to them in Halle the receipt, otherwise the article could
not be inserted in the Jahrbuch der Physik und Chemie, and so come before the public.
"I will leave you to judge of this behaviour, as also of the preface these Halle people have prefixed to the little article,
and for which, consequently, von Bock had also to pay. They seem, in the preface to regard my article as an offense
which requires to be apologized for, and with diplomatic punctiliousness, deny their responsibility for the printing of
it; just as if my article contained verbal inaccuracies which should not be laid to the charge of the editors. What
gross insults and calumnies!
"I send the article to you now, but beg you to return it when you have the opportunity. But I fear they have pocketed
the Colonel's three thalers and have not had the grace to insert the article in their periodical, whereby the whole
object of it will be frustrated.
"I therefore beg of you as soon as Mr. Remler or you receive the number of this periodical with the appended article,
to let me know immediately by letter, in order that I may make arrangements for the printing of the fourth part of
the Chronic Diseases, but I will not touch a pen before this is done. Good God! how tiresome and difficult and how
beset with hindrances is the work of bringing the truth before the world, and of conquering prejudice! If the good
did not itself reward the doers by approbation from above and from the depths of the left breast, then it must
assuredly remain undone. * * * I beg of you to keep it secret that I am the author of the Halle article, for if it is
known, sentence of death would be immediately pronounced against it, and no one would put it to the proof."
In 1828 he requests Stapf to: * "Ask Wild if he can procure for you the old edition of Lessing's "Contributions to
Literature and Art," without hinting that the principal Fragments are contained in it. I will willingly pay for it."
And in another letter also of 1828 he says to Stapf: "I am sorry that you should have so much trouble in procuring
the Fragments. Precisely that it is withheld from the view of mankind whence truth might beam into their eyes, and
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might divert their vision to themselves and to the grand universe in whose constant presence they would be obliged
to be perfectly good, for naught can deliver them from the hell of their conscience when, in the omnipresence of
their supreme Benefactor, they forget the purpose of their being, and prefer the satisfaction of their animal lusts
to His approbation.
"There cannot possibly be anything in rerum natura which can make the immoral happy (blessed). That is
self-contradictory, and woe to the seducers who delude the immoral by holding out the assured prospect of attaining
perfect felicity; they thereby only increase the number of human devils-they bring unspeakable, incalculable misery
on mankind. The all-good Deity who animates the infinite universe, lives also in us, and for our highest, inestimable
dowry, gave us reason and a spark of holiness in our conscience-out of the fullness of His own morality-which we only
need to keep kindled by constant watchfulness over our actions, in order that it may glow through our whole being,
and thus be visible in all transactions, that pure reason may with inexorable severity hold in subjugation our animal
nature, so that the end of our existence here below may be profitably fulfilled, for which purpose the Deity has
endowed us with sufficient strength.
"If you have an opportunity of informing dear Dr. Hering how highly I esteem him, please do so. He seems to be an
excellent young man."
All the letters of this period written by Hahnemann show that despite his age he kept himself fully in touch with
everything that was happening in the world of science and medicine. Dr. Stapf was his constant correspondent and
confidant.
The following letter to Stapf is of great interest as illustrating this *:
"Coethen, March 24, 1828.
"Dear Colleague:
"I thank you for sending me the Notizen (a charming paper) which I now return. The observations upon the movements
of spiders through the air are not only the best I have ever read on the subject, but they agree perfectly with my
own observations. He has, however, only made them on the very small species of spiders, which he calls AEronautica,
but I myself have done so on the very much larger kind, A. Diadema. Great are the natural wonderful works of the
Lord of creation, immeasurable His wisdom, power, and goodness!
"I hope, too, you will succeed in obtaining at Mohrenzoll's public sale of books the "Reimarus Fragments," which are
incorruptible by superstition. *
"I thank you also for Caspari's book, and with your leave I will keep it for a short time, as also Rau's book which I have
from you. May I keep it a little longer? Caspari's Opusculum Posthumum, Beweis, which Baumgartner has sent me, will
have pleased you. It is a thoroughly good book of instruction for the laity as to the great advantage of Homoeopathy
over Allopathy. He seems in it to wish to withdraw his previous injurious observations about me. I had long ago
forgiven him for those. But it would not be amiss to give an obituary notice of him in the Archiv, and to raise a sort
of appreciative memorial to him, whereby we will do honor to ourselves. But this I will leave entirely to you, and do
not wish to dictate.
"It seems to me that in Leipsic the Homoeopathic world are at loggerheads among themselves, and are being ruined by
cabals-evil passions destroy what, were it united by the beautiful art, should prosper and bear good fruit"'The seed of good grows out of the heart.-Haller.'
"The first number of the seventh volume, for which I thank you, is worthy of all honor. What Sch-t's article wants in
solidity he makes up for by his candor and honesty, and his confessions (he was for many years previously a zealous
Allopath), weigh heavily in the scale of Homoeopathy. He perceives the small value of Allopathy better than many old
proselytes.
"It is to confer too much honor on such muddle-heads as Anton Frolig and Co. to condescend to refute their silly
rubbish set forth in incomprehensible phraseology. I doubt if it were not better to pass over in silence such
wretched stuff. It is so unintelligible and so unimportant that without that it would sink into deserved oblivion and
be forgotten. The best of it is where the rascals confess (p. 150) that 'Homoeopathy has spread to an unaccountable
degree.' This confession is worth a great deal. We have no need to feel any further anxiety about the progress of
the dear child in the wide world. The work has already been done for its proper outfit, and those brave men, Stapf,
Gross, and some others, have helped to give the good child a sound and useful education, which will not fail to be
acknowledged by our posterity.
"I have now had leisure to read your Archiv with great attention, and can accord to you both the highest praise. You
have rendered great service to our beneficent art.
"But now endeavour to put your health (and that of your dear wife) into a better state. The extra medical serviceable
for this purpose which I can advise you is the following: Not to undertake work beyond your physical powers, nor
seek to get through it too quickly. It is for your advantage to combine the two dicta: Expende quid valeant humeri,
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quid ferre recusent, and festina lente. In this way you will accomplish your object better. Also anger and grief must
be expelled from the bosom of a wise man, he must not allow them to enter, aequam memento rebus in asperis
servare mentum-moriture. The wise man first provides for his own well-being so that he may be better able to
contribute to that of others.
"As regards medical matters, the first thing to be attended to with regard to your dreadful cough is, does Sulphur suit
your condition? If so, then, if for some time you have not taken any, I would advise you to take a small globule
charged with Tincture of sulphur (Spirits vini sulphuratus) and allow it to act for at least thirty days, this is to be
followed by the alternate use of Phosphorus 1x and Sepia 1x (whichever is most suitable to be taken first), which is
the best treatment for such a psoric cough.
"To be sure you have not got the second part of my book, but I shall soon have the proof sheets of both remedies,
which I will send you, but only for a short time, as I often require them for my own use. You will get rid of your
cough in this way.
"If what you write me about Austria is true, then I must say that Marenzeller is just the man for the situation. His
extreme boldness and self-confidence are just what is needed, as also his indefatigable zeal, his iron endurance, and,
when occasion demands, roughness and determination to administer a good box on the ear to anyone who comes
across his path. All this sort of thing is, I repeat, required in such a nest of crazy allopaths as Vienna is, to bring
into being and to conduct such an institution. *
"He will certainly not carry out the treatment with that extreme and requisite care which I exercise in selecting the
medicines, but it is, at all events, a commencement.
"The acute outbreaks of psora such as the facial erysipelas of your dear wife, the acute isolated (not epidemic or
sporadic) illnesses, pulmonary inflammations, and other similar inflammatory forms, are no doubt true explosions and
outbursts of latent psora; but for these acute conditions the slowly acting antipsorics are not suitable, they require
the other suitable non-antipsoric medicines for their cure in the meanwhile, after which the psora generally soon
returns to its latent state, and after its eruption Vesuvius only continues to smoke a little.
"Yours very truly,
"Samuel Hahnemann."
Dr. Dudgeon, who translated the above letter, says in regard to Dr. Caspari, in a note: "Caspari was actively engaged
in practice and in literary works in Leipsic when, in the beginning of the year 1828, he was attacked with smallpox,
which was then prevailing epidemically in that part of Germany. The attack was attended by delirium, and though
carefully nursed by attached friends and colleagues, he contrived to get hold of a loaded gun which no one knew was
in the room, with which he shot himself dead on February 15th. Hahnemann seems always to have disliked Caspari,
probably because in the first work he wrote after his conversion to Homoeopathy he blamed Hahnemann for having
separated himself so completely from the old school, and set himself to try to amalgamate the two schools. Caspari
afterwards saw that this amalgamation was impossible, and in his later works appears as a zealous and faithful
follower of Hahnemann. But Hahnemann could apparently not forget or forgive the opposition to his views contained
in the earlier work."
In a former letter Hahnemann alludes to the death as follows: "Though Caspari behaved in a very hostile manner to me,
that is very sad about him."
Thus from the years 1827 to 1830 we find this man who had lived his three score years and ten devoting himself not
only to his great work on the chronicity of disease, to watching carefully the growth of his favorite doctrines, to
encouraging his followers, but also taking an interest in all the new books, and doings of the medical men.
Think of an old man of seventy-five years of age interesting himself in the truth about the passage of the Red Sea, the
habits of spiders, and in preparing new books! In the history of the world they who have done this at an advanced
age are the world's great men, always. Here was no sere and yellow leaf, surely.
And, too, there was the home life, the evenings in which he went into the parlor in intervals of his work and listened,
while his good and faithful wife played upon the ancient harpischord in order to soothe the busy mind of the old
Reformer.

Total demolition of homoeopathy by the allopathic physicians-hahnemann's

answers
During all this time, from the appearance of the "Organon" in 1810 to the celebration of the Jubilee of Graduation, in
1829, a great many authors of the Allopathic school had been busy in demolishing this new doctrine of Homoeopathy,
and in writing Hahnemann down a fraud.
After Hecker had sought in a scurrilous and undignified review to destroy the truths in the "Organon;" when other
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more temperate pamphleteers had followed him; after Kranzfelder had written his "Symbola;" after the
apothecaries of Leipsic had discussed in their domestic circles and in the beer shops of their native town the
question of Hahnemann being allowed to dispense his own medicines; when Meissner anonymously wrote the "Works
of Darkness in Homoeopathy;" when Prof. Sachs of Konigsberg had compared Hahnemann to the devil; when Keiser
had confidently prophesied for his system but an ephemeral existence; when Steiglitz dubbed it a "monstrous
system;" when Heinroth, the editor of the Anti-Organon, a paper expressly established to destroy this "great
humbug," had already "accompanied it to its death-bed;" when Simon, in the "Anti-Homoeopathic Archives," called
Hahnemann "the same unreliable ignoramus;" and Elias had condemned the whole system, and had spoken of it as a
most "useless thing;" when the entire oligarchy of the Allopathic school had arisen to defend the universal habit of
bleeding and salivation, both of which little pastimes Hahnemann had denounced; when Fischer, of Dresden, had
arrayed this "monstrous theory of Homoeopathy at the judgment-seat of commonsense!" when Anonyma, despicable
and snake-like, had everywhere ventured her venom; when the inquisitors of the public press were preventing the
articles of the Homoeopathic physician from appearing in print; when Kovats in Pesth, called Homoeopathy "a system
of juggling and of deception, quackery, foolish bungling, an occupation for idle cobblers," illustrating himself by a
most ridiculous mythological fable about Hercules and the ubiquitous serpent; when Wetzler had already written of
"Homoeopathy at its last gasp;" when Bernstein, in Warsaw, had promised its downfall; and Fischer had explained at
length the reasons why it could not possibly exist in Berlin, France and England; when Sachs had settled the
momentous question by declaring "Homoeopathy has never appeared and does not exist;" when Steiglitz, the
physician to the King of Hanover, advised the members of the dominant school of medicine to "wait beside the open
grave of Homoeopathy, as the corpse would soon appear;" when another noble and scientific person advised that
Homoeopaths be burned as witches; when Puchelt, Jorg, Groh, Sprengel, Widerkind, Mulisch, Stachelworth and
Schmidt, and hosts of others were overwelming Germany with polemical pamphlets; journal-articles, and books,
against poor old Hahnemann and his terrible doctrine; * behold what Hahnemann, the old physician and philosopher,
looking out upon his enemies with eyes of three score years and ten, who was a physician before his villifiers were
born, and who had forgotten much more than the most of them had ever learned, behold what he said in a letter
written to Stapf, from his refuge at peaceful Coethen, on September 1, 1825:

"Do not be uneasy that such a quantity of big guns are at present being discharged at us; they never hit the mark; they
fall as light as feathers, and if we are true to ourselves they can do no harm to us nor injure the good cause in the
slightest, for what is good remains good.
"All this scribbling is forgotten in six or twelve months. The Homoeopath tosses it contemptuously aside after reading
it, and feels only pity for the blinded zealots. The Allopaths derive comfort from it in vain; their position is not
improved by it; and the public don't read it because they do not understand the incomprehensible stuff; they only
understand the abusive expressions, which are no refutation.
"I do not know why we should fret or get angry about it. What is true cannot be betrayed into untruth, even should a
privy councillor or an illustrious old professor write against it. * * * I laugh at it all. In a short time it will all be
forgotten, and the progress of our cause is not checked. All the numerous opposition writings are merely the last
shots of the enemy into the air before the ship sinks to the bottom."
In another letter of the same year he says: "The tissue of theoretical subtleties contained in Heinroth's
"Anti-Organon" (thank God I do not read such rubbish) does little harm; the readers will not understand it and will
pass it by. But it cannot be easily refuted, for the person who undertakes this task must first make the nonsense
comprehensible to his reader before he can refute it, and that is not worth the trouble.
"You are too much afraid of these libelous publications. The enemy is merely firing off in the air his last ammunition,
and the truth remains unharmed, and gains over more acceptance from people whose minds are unprejudiced. And
these are the only persons of any consequence to us. The truth which is so opposed to the old rubbish could not be
stated without exciting a violent reaction. They are quite cognizant of the existence of the well-laid mine which will
shatter their whole old edifice, and they are naturally beside themselves with rage. Their angry snorting and
impotent gnashing of teeth can be perceived far and near, but it will not help them. I remain quite well amid it all."
In another letter to Dr. Stapf he says:
"Esteemed Doctor:
"Do you really believe these wretched fellows do any harm to the good cause? You are mistaken. Their performances
are so bad, and bear their own condemnation on their face. So I have written Dr. Gross to request him to prevent
any Homoeopath taking the trouble to refute or answer them. Still it would not be amiss to say a few words to the
public about them. I wish you would transcribe what I have written on the enclosed leaf and send it to the editor of
the Anzeiger for insertion.
"This would, I know, be agreeable to the editor, who has more than a dozen such hostile articles against the good cause
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on his hands and does not know how to refuse them. But at my recommendation he would reject the most of them.
"I do not feel annoyed at the rubbish. It has gone to such lengths that it must now come to an end. They scream
themselves hoarse and lose their powers of speech. The reading public knows how to estimate their screaming, and
despises the rascals who among their neighbors pose as angels of light, as friends of mankind, and as gentle lambs;
but show by such invectives that they are raging wolves, and they must inevitably sink low in the estimation of their
neighbors.
"It is but natural that the thousands of such fellows who have their corns trod on by the new doctrine, should find
themselves in the greatest straits, and should utter malicious exclamations, but every rational person perceives
from these cries how important the matter is in reference to which they behave so extravagantly, and that they cry
out because they wish to cry down the better treatment which they are too lazy and too proud to adopt.
"The stuff they write is too evidently dictated by passion and too full of errors and falsehoods to impose on the public
and induce them to regard such bunglers as good judges of this important matter.
"The truth has already extended its rays too widely, and shines too brightly to admit of being eclipsed. *
"Yours very truly,
Coethen, Nov. 14, 1825. "
"Sam. Hahnemann.
And again in the same year he says: "Remember how when Jenner's cowpox inoculation had been adopted far and
near, quantities of disgraceful invectives were published against it in England-I once counted twenty such-now they
are not to be found, probably the paper on which they were printed is now used to wrap up cheese in a grocer's shop.
"And look how limited are the applications of Jenner's discovery compared with those of Homoeopathy. It puts to
shame many thousands of the Allopaths, most of whom feel that they are all too narrow-minded and stupid to tread
the new way with success. This makes many thousands malicious in the highest degree. They scatter broadcast,
venom and bile, and seek to overwhelm it with sophistry, misrepresentation, and calumnies. But what does it matter?
They injure themselves, not us. The truth continues to advance in silence, and sensible people think those who
indulge in abuse are in the wrong."
Neither did Hahnemann have a very high opinion of the scholarship of certain of his detractors and critics. In the
preface to Volume III of the first edition of the "Materia Medica Pura" (1817) he published an article called: "Nota
Bene for my Reviewers," in which he says: "I have read several false criticisms on the second part (vol.) of my 'Pure
Materia Medica,' especially on the essay at the beginning of it. entitled 'Spirit of the Homoeopathic Medical
Doctrine.' What an immense amount of learning do not my critics display! I shall only allude to those who write and
print 'homopathic' and 'homopathy' in place of Homoeopathic and Homoeopathy, thereby betraying that they are not
aware of the immense difference betwixt ????? and ?????, but consider the two to be synonymous. Did they never
hear a word about what the whole world knows, how the infinite difference betwixt ????? and ????? once split the
whole Christian church into two parts, impossible to be re-united? Do they not understand enough Greek to know
that (alone and in combination) ????? means common, identical, the same (e.g. ?????-Iliad), but that ????? only
means similar, resembling the object, but never reaching it in regard to nature and kind, never becoming identical
with it?
"The Homoeopathic doctrine never pretended to cure a disease by the same, the identical power by which the disease
was produced-this has been impressed upon the unreasonable opponents often enough, but, as it seems, in vain; no! it
only cures in the mode most consonant to nature, by means of a power never exactly corresponding to, never the
same as the cause of the disease, but by means of a medicine that possesses the peculiar power of being able to
produce a similar morbid state.
"Cannot those persons feel the difference betwixt 'identical' (the same) and 'similar?' Art they all 'homopathically'
laboring under the same malady of stupidity? Should not anyone who ventures to step forward as a reviewer of the
'Spirit of the Homoeopathic Medical Doctrine' have at least a rudimentary idea of the meaning of the word
Homoeopathy?
"Perversions of words and sense, incomprehensible palaver, which is meant to appear learned, abuse and theoretical
sceptical shakings of the head, instead of practical demonstrations of the contrary, seem to me to be weapons of
too absurd a character to use against a fact such as Homoeopathy is; they remind me of the little figures which
mischievous boys make with gunpowder and set on fire in order to tease people, the things can only fizz and splutter,
but are not very effective, are, on the whole, very miserable affairs.
"My respectable brethren on the opposition benches, I can give you better advice about overthrowing, if possible, this
doctrine which threatens to stifle your art, that is founded on mere assumption, and to bring ruin upon all your
therapeutic lumber. Listen to me! . . . The doctrine appeals not only chiefly, but solely to the verdict of
experience-'repeat the experiments,' it cries aloud, 'repeat them carefully and accurately and you will find the
doctrine confirmed at every step'-and it does what no medical doctrine, no system of physic, no so called
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therapeutics ever did or could do, it insists upon being 'judged by the result.'
"Here, then, we have Homoeopathy just where we wished to have it; here we can (come on, dear gentlemen, all will go on
nicely) give it the death blow from this side!"
Hahnemann then challenges his adversaries to test the truth of his system according to his own rules laid down in the
"Organon," using the same care as himself would, and then says: "If it does not give relief-speedy, mild and
permanent relief-then, by a publication of the duly-attested history of the treatment according to the principles of
the Homoeopathic system strictly followed out, you will be able to give a public refutation of this doctrine which so
seriously threatens the old darkness. But I pray you to beware of playing false in the matter."
He advises them "of the opposition benches" if they know any other way of "suppressing this accursed doctrine" to
continue after the usual fashion. "Continue then to exalt the commonplace twaddle of your school to the very
heavens with the most fulsome praise, and to pervert and ridicule with your evil mind what your ignorance does not
pervert; continue to calumniate, to abuse, to revile-and the unprejudiced will be able plainly to comprehend on whose
side truth lies.
"If you really wish to do as well as the practitioners of Homoeopathy, imitate the Homoeopathic practice rationally and
honestly!
"If you do not wish this-well then, harp away-we will not prevent you-harp away on your comfortless path of blind and
servile obedience in the dark midnight of fanciful systems, seduced hither and thither by the will-o'-the-wisps of
your venerated authorities, who, when you really stand in need of aid leave you in the lurch-dazzle your sight and
disappear.
"And if your unfortunate practice, from which that which you intended, wished and promised, does not occur,
accumulates within you a store of spiteful bile, which seeks to dissipate itself in calumniating your betters-well then,
continue to call the grapes up yonder, which party pride, confusion of intellect, weakness or indolence prevents your
reaching, sour, and leave them to be gathered by more worthy persons."
This delightful bit of satire is dated Leipzig. February, 1817, and is signed "Dr. Samuel Hahnemann." *

Public trials of homoeopathy-hering's conversion-letters to hering-accuracy of

hahnemann-his faith in the spread of homoeopathy
Up to the year 1835 there were six public and formal trials, undertaken by order of governments, made of
Homoeopathic practice: 1. At Vienna, in 1828, conducted by Dr. Marenzeller. 2. At Tulzyn, Russia, in 1827. 3. At St.
Petersburg, in 1829-30, by Dr. Hermann. 4. At Munich, in 1830-31, by Dr. Attomyr. 5. At Paris, in 1834, by Dr.
Andral, Jr. 6. At Naples, in 1835, by order of the King, by a mixed commission in the hospital of La Trinite.
These were all made by Allopathic physicians and were not considered by members of the Homoeopathic school as fairly
conducted.
Dr. Tessier, in 1849-51, made tests at Hospital Ste. Marguerite, deciding in favor of the Homoeopathic system. When
he presented his report to the Paris Academy he aroused a storm of protest for his fairness in admitting that there
was good in Homoeopathy.
It is worthy of mention that the Preface, "Nota Bene," quoted in the last chapter was the cause of Dr. Constantine
Hering becoming interested in Homoeopathy. C. Baumgartner, the founder of a publishing house in Leipsic, wanted
a book written against Homoeopathy. This was about the time that Hahnemann was driven from Leipsic, and it was
then supposed that such a book would quite finish the system.
Dr. J. H. Robbi, Hering's preceptor, was asked to write the book but refused and recommended his student, Hering, at
that time twenty years of age. The contract was made and the book, written during the winter of 1821-22, was
nearly completed, when, for the sake of making quotations, Hering was provided with Hahnemann's works. In the
third volume of the "Materia Medica Pura" he discovered this "Nota Bene for My Critics." It induced him to make
experiments.
The book was discontinued; Hering now endeavored to separate the true from the false that he yet thought must be in
this new and peculiar system. Against the advice of friends, patrons, and teachers he continued his investigations. In
two years he became convinced of the truth of Hahnemann's discovery. He now suffered persecutions, want, hunger,
and was obliged to postpone his examination for his degree.
In 1825 a younger brother offered to loan him money, and while inquiring at whch of Germany's thirty universities he
could get his degree the cheapest, he saw some notes taken from the lectures of the celebrated pathologist,
Schoenlein, of Wurzburg. He was so pleased that he took up his bundle and walked into Franconia to sit at the feet
of Schoenlein.
Copyright 2000, Archibel S.A.

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62

He would not deny his allegiance to Hahnemann, and therefore was obliged to pass a most rigorous examination. He
defended his thesis-"De Medicina Futura"-in which he acknowledged the Homoeopathic doctrines, on March 23,
1826. He had been in correspondence with Hahnemann long before this time. The following letters, written to him by
Hahnemann when he was yet a student of medicine, * show the kindly regard for the new convert, whom he had
never seen. It may be not amiss to mention that, though Hahnemann and Hering were friends from this time until
the death of the former, yet they never met. Hering almost at once after his graduation went to South America and
from thence sailed for Philadelphia, Hering did not receive his degree as doctor of medicine from the University of
Wurzburg until March 23, 1826, although he had for some years been a believer in the doctrines of Hahnemann. The
letters are as follows: *
"Dear Mr. Hering:
"Your active zeal for the beneficent art delights me, and I believe that every one who desires to render valuable
services to it must be animated by equal enthusiasm. The preparation you kindly sent me is, I perceive, pure iron in a
form divested of solidity and the metallic character, modern chemists would probably call it Hydrure de fer.
Dissolve a drachm of pure sulphate of iron in pure water, and precipitate it with spiritus salis ammoniaci vinosus,
wash the sediment several times with pure water and dry it in blotting paper, and then see if you do not obtain the
same iron powder. It is a fine discovery, and the Ostriz man deserves praise. It may be used with advantage.
"I regret that when your esteemed letter arrived the manuscript of the second edition of the second volume of my
'Materia Medica Pura' had already been sent to press; I was consequently unable to introduce the preparation of
iron or to avail myself of your offer to make trials of it. But I intend ere long to take advantage of your kind offer
for other substances. You make mention of your sister, is she with you in Leipsic? Do you also come from
Oberlausitz? What led you to study medicine?
"I would like to become better acquainted with you, and I pray you to continue to be a right, genuine, good man, as it is
impossible without virtue to be a true physician, a godlike helper of his fellow creatures in their distress.

Copyright 2000, Archibel S.A.