SPECULATIONS ON THE CULTURE HISTORY OF NORTHWESTERN MESOAMERICA J. Charles Kelley INTRODUCTION Some twenty years ago, when | began field work in Durango, Mexico, our knowledge of the archaeology of the northwestern peripheral zone of Mesoamerica was based on a mere handful of site descriptions, preliminary surveys, and minor excavations, widely dispersed over the area, Only in Sinaloa and Nayarit, and locally in Michoacén and Jalisco, was a reasonably firm cattery sequence known (Armillas 1948; Borbolla 1948; Ekholm 1942; Gifford 1950; Kelly 1938, 1939, 1945a, 1945b, 1947, 1949; Noguera 1948; Sauer and Brand 1932), and ‘it was the general impression that for most of the area the Mesoamerican occupation was almost entirely Post-Classic in age and cultural affiliation (Ekholm 1940). Only in the southern part of the area, in Coline Michoacén, and perhaps Jalisco and Nayarit, was there any real indication of a Classie occupation (Noguera 1944, 1948; Kelly 1948), while the Pre-Classio was known only from El Oped in Michoacén (Noguera 1942) and perhaps at Chupicuaro in southeastern Guanajuato (Porter 1948), During the last twenty years an ever increasing number of investigators and institutions have worked in the area, and the cumulative results have now revolutionized our thinking, Now we know that there was some Classic occupation of all the area except northern Sinaloa and pethaps northern Durango (Braniff de Torres 1966; Kelley and Abbott [Kelley] 1966; Kelley 1971: and others). Pre-Classic occupations are now known in Querétaro, Guanajuato, Jalisco, Michoacan, Colima, and Nayarit (Bell 1971; Braniff de Torres 1966; Chadwick 1971; Frierman ‘1969; Lister 1971; Meighan and Nicholson 1970; Mountjoy 1970; Noguera 1942; Porter 1956) while belated’ Pre-Classic occupation is known as far north as Zacatecas and southern Durango (Kelley and Abbott [Kelley] 1966; Kelley and Kelley 1971; Kelley 1971) (7). It is of even greater significance that we are now beginning to think of our data more and more frequently in terms of cultural ecology (Armillas 1964, 1969; Kelley 1956), processes (Furst 1965a, 1966; Kelley and Kelley 1971; Taylor 1970; Weigand 1968; for example), the diffusion of major cultural complexes and patterns throughout the area (Kelley and Winters 1960; Lister 1955), and questions of relationship of our area with Central Mesoamerica (Braniff de Torres 1966; Kelley and Abbott {Kelley} 1966; and others), Andean South America (Furst 1965, 1966; Meighan 1969; Mountjoy 1969), and the American Southwest (Ferdon 1955; Johnson 1958; Kelley 1956, 1960, 19660, Schroeder 1965, 1966; and others) (2). In this paper I wish to speculate on certain of these topics Not so much in the hope of providing definitive conclusions but rather suggesting possibilities and indicating profitable lines of investigation, some of which | intend to pursue further myself but others of which | will leave in the capable hands of my colleagues and students. THE NORTHWESTWARD MARCH OF MESOAMERICAN CULTURE It is now clear that a steady expansion of the Mesoamerican cultural occupation from Central Mexico toward the north and west continued from ca. 500 B.C. or earlier until about A.D. 1350, after which there occurred a considerable retraction of the Mesoamerican area southward to the Boundaries that existed in the Spanish contact period (Kirchoff 1943). During the period of expansion toward the north and west, Mesoamerican patterns and traits were introduced into the smbryonic sedentary cultures of the American Southwest. Out of the wealth of data and concepts regarding this northward expansion of Mesoemerica and its relations to the Southwest, a few shecific concepts may be considered here. 1920 i Questions of Cultural Process Detailed studies carried out in the general Chalchihuites Culture area in Zacatecas and § Durango (Kelley 1966a, 1971); Kelley and Abbott [Kelley] 1966; Kelley and Kelley 1974, Weigand 1968; and others), plus data from the work of colleagues to the south and west, provide g | basis for reasonably firm inferences as to the cultural history of the region and some of the | cultural processes involved in the expansion of Mesoamerican civilization through this area, Thus, | butte clear that there was “soft diffusion” of a minimal complex of basic agriculture; simply | buff, brown, red, and broad line red-on-brown ceramics; hamlet settlements (compounds) of | Perishable” houses built on low platforms; and almost certainly some basic ceremonial concepts | from central Mesoamerica, probably on an early Pre-Classic level (3), into resident “Deas | Culture” populations scattered thinly along the valleys, foothills, and uplands of the Sierra Madhe. | Occidental from its southern extremity into the American Southwest. Some of these "small tradi, | tion’ cultures such as the Loma San Gabriel manifestation in Durango (Kelley 1953, 1956, 1971) | later came uncler more direct Mesoamerican influences and, in fact, may well have provided a peas | ant sub-structure for the later “great tradition” cultures, Qut of such a mixed background almost i certainly developed, at least in part, the later Sierra ethnic groups such as. Cora, Huichol, Tepecano, Tepehuan (Riley and Winters 1963), and perhaps more northern groups es well. Early Mogolion and Hohokam (Gotam) cultures in the American Southwest may well represent only th, more northern extensions of this development. The importance of this upland chain of sub-Meso. | américan cultures and ethnic groups, speaking related languages, extending along the Sierra Made Occidental from the Rfo Grande de Santiago on the south to southern Arizona on the north and west is @ corridor and channel for subsequent “soft” and “hard” diffusion cannot be over-empha: sized (Kelley 1966; Romney 1957; Taylor 1961). Following rather closely this wave of “soft diffusion” along the western Sierran Salient came an advancing tide of settlement of the barrancas, river valleys, and related uplands; in northern Jalisco, Zacatecas, and southern Durango (Kelley 1956, 1971; Kelloy and Abbott [Kelley] 1966, Lister and Howard 1955; Mason 1937), This Mesoamerican expansion, which certainly began in the late Pre-Classic if not earlier, looks like a slow colonization northwestward by ethnic. groups bearing a peasant variant (or rather, variants) of Mesoamerican culture into territory already thinly settled by Chichimec hunters and gatherers, This wave of settlement had reached Chalchihuites, ov the Tropic of Cancer in western Zacatecas, by A.D. 200, perhaps as early as 100 B.C. the Guadiana Valley and the modern city of Durango by A.D. 550; and finally attained its maxigaume extent in an extremely dilute form near Zape (Brand 1939; Mason 1937) about A.D. 1000. This final phase of expansion may have represented "soft diffusion” in resident Loma San Gebrie! sub-Mesoamerican populations. Indeed, almost certainly, at various stages in the northwestward Mesoamerican expansion focal Chichimec populations, resident in the areas colonized, were incorporated into the advancing Mesoamerican ethnic tide. In cultural terms, using evidence largely derived from analysis of ceramic complexes, this nerthward colonization by Mesoamerican farmers may be characterized as follows (Figure 1) {rom a series of communities, sharing a basic Mesoamerican culture but showing local differences, scattered along an irregular frontier, small groups of farmers colonized adjacent lands to the north and west, probably by a process of budding-off of lineage groups. Each group took with it part but not all of the community's share of Mesoamerican culture (4). In such communities new cultural blends developed (analogous to incorporation of Tewa groups into Hopi, or various Puebloah sroups into Navajo) and some local changes occurred, so that the next wave of colonization carried. with it new variations of the basic Mesoamerican pattern, often with a reduction of the base.” cultural heritage plus additions from incorporated Chichimec cultures. Process-wise, we are clealing with phenomena of segregation-reduction, recombination, variation, and essentially cultural dri Meanwhile, in central Mesoamerica, cultural evolution continued and “soft diffusion” carried some of the new traits northwestward through the lengthening braided chain of frontier communt > ties. In addition, a supplementary process of “hard diffusion” was operative, implemented: | primarily by predecessors of the pochteca, or organized trading guilds, of Aztec times (se2 2 TIME 1500 YEARS PLUS =a 7 BI TAL BASIC MESOAMERICAN ITEMS | MMMM 2 (CTT 322272 4kSSS9 5 EEA EVOLVED MESOAMER. TRAITS 6 (S&E=] 7 BCE] 8 ===] 9 RIERA 1OSZEV LOCALLY DEVELOPED TRAITS || Gadaq 12@Z22113KXXM ETI 1S ESS5 NOTE IDENTITY OF TRAITS USED IN MODEL NOT SPECIFIED HERE Figure 1. Dynamics of Mesoamerican expansion northward,a i Sahagin, Florentine Codex, ““Book Nine, The Merchants,” in Anderson and Dibble 1959; alsg | Bernardino de Sahagtin, in Coon 1950: 443-445; Acosta-Saignes 1945)(5). Operating at first out of | the great centers of hearthland Mesoamerica and subsequently out of regional centers such as the | later Tarascan “empire” (6), these trading groups ranged far to the northwest, certainly into the | American Southwest. As DiPeso has pointed out (1968:29), the search for turquoise was one of | the principal objectives of this expanding trade. In their search for this sacred stone —and at a later | date probably craft products as well— and other valuable commodities, these groups carried | directly into the peripheral settlements the latest developments in the great urban areas of ‘the | south. In western Zacatecas, as Weigand (1968) has demonstrated, these activities led, around A.D, | 300, to exploitative colonization of a frontier area and the development of an aboriginal mining | economy on a fantastically large scale, Our understanding of this particular phenomenon ‘ig restricted by increasing knowledge of the magnitude of the exploitative activity off-set by almost | total ignorance of the nature of the raw materials mined. Far to the north in northwestern Chihuahua, and several centuries later, another such regional exploitation by pochteca groups has been demonstrated for the archaeological site of Casas Grandes, putatively the traditional city of Paquime (DiPeso 1959, 1966, 1968). Casas Grandes was originally an outpost of Southwestern culture in northern Mexico. During the Medio period (A.D, 1050-1310) this pueblo became a base of operations for a pochteca group. According to DiPeso § (1968: 29-30), “They operated under the basic rules of mercantilism, gleaning the borderlands of turquoise, copper, salt, peyote, slaves, and numerous other commodities. ... Exclusive quarters were retained for copper workers, shell jewelers, and others. Hundreds of macaws and turkeys were raised for their feathers, which were used in religious ceremonies of the Plumed Serpent cult. Millions of Gulf of California shells were carried across the Sierra Madre to Casas Grandes and made into jewelry, Serpentine mined near Silver City in New Mexico and meerschaum from southern Arizona were also brought to this center as raw materials. Slaves, skins, herbs and narcotics were gleaned and sold to fill the pockets of the pochteca.”” Undoubtedly, other such regional trading centers were established and a complex network of organized trade routes developed.’ The result of continuing “hard diffusion’ was the over-riding of an already reworked Pre-Classic Mesoamerican cultural tradition by successive waves of Classic and subsequently Post-Classic cultural traits, complexes, and patterns. In view of the operation of these processes, not surprising that such weird variations of the Mesoamerican tradition appear on occasion in northwestern Mesoamerica —and the American Southwest! Interaction Spheres Certain curious distributions of cultural traits or complexes in northwestern Mesoamerica may, perhaps be understandable in terms of the “hard diffusion” concept. An example is the distribu: tion of paint cloisonné ceramics .in the area (7) (see map, Figure 2; also Figure 3). In sites of the Chalchihuites Culture in Zacatecas and Durango; at La Quemada and other sites of the Malpaso- duchipila drainage in Zacatecas and Jalisco; at Totoate and other sites of the Rfo Bolafios drainage in Jalisco; and to the south at many sites in Jalisco, Michoacan, and immediately adjacent areas, vessels and sherds of related paint cloisonné wares occur in small quantities (relative to other decorated wares), usually in association with negative-painted pottery. This ceramic ware is an artistically and technologically sophisticated ceramic product with multicolored post-firing decora:_ tion in designs suggestive of the ceremonial art of central Mesoamerica (Kelley and Kelley 1971:159-169, Plates 47-49). In these various areas, the ware occurs in such small amounts and varies 50 much from other local wares that one is tempted to explain its presence everywhere a “trade ware.” Yet there is no known center where such a ware was the principal cerami¢ production, or even a major one, and the ware differs somewhat from area to area. In thé Chalchihuites archaeological zone, technological evidence indicates that the local Vista Paint Cloisonné ware had a different origin from other clearly indigenous decorated ceramics —but ther, was no detailed similarity in the paint cloisonné paste and temper from site to site and area t0 area. The region in which paint cloisonné ceramics occur is a zone of continuous and contiguous distribution, but this distribution of the ware over-rides local cultures of considerably different. t i i " 23 content. These phenomena may be interpreted 1 indicative of the existence of an “interaction sphere’” (8) dating ca. A.D, 200-600 throughout which members of one special group of travel- jing ceramic specialists traded, or produced jocally on demand, vessels of paint cloisonné pottery, clearly for some highly specialized use, perhaps primarily for service as mortuary ware (9). Other uses are possible, as discussed below. ‘Actually, ethnographic analogy is available in support of the interpretation suggested. Saha gin, discussing the activities of the pochteca, feported that: “... Likewise do they deal in precious cups of many different kinds and ma- terial adorned with diverse painted figures, and which are used in all the different dis- tricts...."" (Coon 1950:444), There is reason for believing that the footed cup or goblet is the oldest and most common form of paint cloisonné vessel. Sahagdn implies that the “pre- 7 cious cups” traded by the pachteca were used Figuré 2. Distribution of paint cloisonné ceramics in as drinking vessels for cocoa; it has also been Northwestern Mesoamerica. suggested that they were cups used in drinking puldue; in either case ceremonial drinking usage seems implicit, perhaps as part of the ritual accompanying the burial of exalted individuals (70). Inasmuch as the paint cloisonné cups of northwestern Mexico were in use primarily during the Classic Period there, between ca. A.D. 200 and 600, and did not survive later, they are not the actual “painted cups” of Sahagun. The latter were probably wooden cups (although Sahagiin says they were made of "diverse material”) decorated by the laquer technique, which Covarrubias (1957:96) believes derived from the paint cloisonné techniques. Notably, paint cloisonné ceramics have not been reported from the Sinaloa cultures, although Ekholm found gourds decorated in paint cloisonné technique at Guasave (Ekholm 1942:91-96). Either there was no Mesoamerican occupation of Sinaloa at that time, assuming that the negative evidence is reliable, or else this was not territory falling within the boundaries of the paint cloisonné interaction sphere, The latter alternative seems more probable, in view of the probable Classic age of the Early Chametla (Tierra del Padre phase) culture (Kelley and Winters 1960; Kelly 1938; Meighan 1971). At a later date, between ca, A.D, 1000 and 1350, the Aztatlan cultural horizon represented a similar interaction sphere extending from Jalisco through Nayarit and Sinaloa. Trace sherds found by DiPeso at Casas Grandes indicate strong contact with this Pan Sinaloa-Nayarit-Jalisco series of local cultures; the latter are tied together also by multiple traits of Central Mesoamerican derivation ~an almost incredible northwestern extension of the Mixteca-Puebla cult (Ekholm 1941, 1942). Almost certainly the pochteca group that established itself at Casas Grandes in Chihuahua is that which also founded the Guasave center in northern Sinaloa. Inferentially, their organized trade through component sites of the Aztatlin horizon Tepresents the cohesive processes which united these sites into another interaction sphere, com: pletely different in extent (map, Figure 4) from that represented by the distribution of paint Cloisonné ceramics (map, Figure 2) Although the roughly contemporaneous late Chalchihuites Culture of Durango (Rio Tunal and Calera phases, ca, A.D. 950-1350) was influenced slightly by the Aztatlén interaction sphere, it Seems to have been involved primarily in another parallel and rival interaction sphere marked by the widespread distribution of late white-on-red ceramics in the Nayar style (Figure 7a), characte- tized by the use of diagnostic design elements and lay-out patterns in thick white paint (Kelley and Kelley 1971: 149-151, Plates 44-46; Peithman 1961). The outlines of this sphere are not clearly24 Figure 3. Paint cloisonné goblet or footed cu k 1 footed cup. This specimen, now in a private collection in Durango, 1 Iv mas found with a burial the site of Ls Esconeida: northeast of Chalehinuten Zacatecas nae Part defined (map, Figure 5) but aside from an overlap in Nayarit and in Durango, it seems to have had an essentially different geographic distribution fi hs Grandes sphere. in from that represented by the Aztatlén-Casas hi Oehar such, Interaction spheres may be identifiable in Northwestern Mésoamerica and clearly. fie mote Obvious traits cuneie their unity as spheres will be supplemented by others when cae eseatlene oie — Consequently, if our interpretation of the significance of these eu Nea inferred that not one but several pochteca organizations were | Sone ee stern |Mesoamerica, with trading operations extending into the American Southwest, and that essentially these were rival groups representing different politcat-economk cultural centers to the southeast, Working out the patterns, distributions, affiliations, operation’ nctions of such interaction spheres in Mesoamerica promises to be a rewarding task for future investigations. 26 World Quarters, “Trees of Life,” and Voladores Riley. (1963) has pointed out the significance of directional color concepts in Mesoamerica and the Southwest, and elsewhere (Kelley 196Ga:98) | have emphasized the importance of the putative diffusion northwestward of world quarter concepts (77), especially as expressed in ceram- ic decoration and in the orientation of court-platform. architectural patterns. Here there exists a tremendous potential for future studies. Also, in a paper presented at the 31st Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology (Kelley 1966], | have discussed the plaza or court shrine, ilar and buried deity, and the Huichol fireplace god repository in Northwestern Mesoamerica and their relation to the plaza-kiva-sipapu complex in the American Southwest. The archaeological evidence with reference to these matters reinforces Strong's interpretation of Southwestern society snd ceremonialism in terms of a basic ceremonial house, fetish, and priest complex, presumably derived from Mesoamerica (Strong 1927). In recent years archaeological data have become available from Western Mexico which expand considerably the scope and significance of this group of related traits. | refer to the ceramic village models reportedly found in shaft tombs in southern Nayarit, near Ixtlan del Rio (von Winning 1969; 1968; 1969:66-67, 120-128, especially Plates 143-144, 155, and captions pp. 74-75; also Bell 1971:715-716, Figure 17; and Easby and Scott 1970:41,Figure 105), and in Colima (American Museum of Natural History; see Fig, 6d). The Nayarit models, like almost all of the shaft tomb figurines, are from looted tombs, but the evidence strongly suggests that they are authentic and that they are attributable to the Early Ixtlin culture (Gifford 1950). Although the dating of this culture is difficult, as a result of conflicting radiocarbon dates and differences in interpretation, there seems to be general agreement that the shaft-tomb complex is late Pre-Classic in age, Meighan and Nicholson (1970: 17-18) conclude that the Jalisco-Nayarit-Colima tomb figures date from the centuries just before and just after the beginning of the Christian era, surviving until ca. A.D. 500, or roughly 200 B.C, to A.D. 500. These models show villages of houses on platforms surrounding courts, or plazas, with an altar ‘or shrine in the court center, and with numerous figures of the occupants engaged in various activities, One of these village models from Nayarit (Figure Ga; see also von Winning 1969:Plates 143-144) has houses on four platforms, one on each side of a circular court. In the court center is a terraced circular altar. In totality this village layout is almost an exact replica of a circular court complex (Figure Gb) at the site of Totoate on the upper Rio Bolafios in extreme northern Jalisco. This Totoate structure was partially excavated by Hrdlika at the turn of the century (Frdli¢ka 4903:9:12) and partially re-excavated by a Southern Hilinois University expedition in 1963 (Kelley 1971:770-772, Figure 1a). As noted earlier, the Totoate court altar (Structure 2) was packed with cremated burials with paint cloisonné and negative-painted ceramic vessels as accompaniments, according to Hrdliéka (1903), although during our own excavations we found no traces of ‘cremated bones or of the ceramic types noted in this structure. The Totoate structure is evidence supporting the authenticity of the Nayarit models; the principal occupation of Totoate can be dated between ca. A.D. 200 and A.D. 900, Both structures have circular courts with platforms on each side, certainly supporting houses, and a terraced circular altar in the center. The Totoate court altar appears to have been used for ceremonial Purposes, in part as a tomb. Both uses may well be guessed for the Nayarit court altar, but it Probably’ was used in another way as well. Clearly visible in the surface of the Nayarit altar is a ‘central circular “scar” indicating that part of the model has been broken off and is missing. ‘Another Nayarit house model (Figure 6c; also von Winning 1969:Plate 155; Bell 1971:Plate 17c) provides evidence suggesting that a ceramic pole originally was attached to the altar top in the first model, inasmuch as such a pole is present in the center of the court of the second model. In “addition, a second arching pole rises from the court beside the central vertical pole in the latter “Model. One human figure lies on its abdomen on the central pole, while two other human figures ling to the second arching pole. Von Winning notes (1969:75): "Spectators surround the men on poles. It is not improbable that the scene portrays a ceremony (Juego del Volador) still practiced by Totonacs and Otomi, in which four men in bird costumes are tied to the top of a high pole. By26 | unwinding their ropes, they slowly descend, simulating the flight of birds, The underlying | symbolism is related to the fertility cult and expresses the divine provenance of the crops | {Krickeberg 1956:232). A similar ritual survives among the Huichol....”” Bell captions her ilustration of this village model (1971:715,Figure 17¢): “Game or ritual resembling the vola. | pal I Such an interpretation is quite plausible inasmuch as the voladores ritual was practiced by the Tarascans at the time of the Spanish conquest. Corona Nufiez (1957:67) quotes the Relacién de... Michoacan (1903:240): "... y lego al medio del patio a dormir con su lefia donde estaba el madero muy largo por donde descendian los Dioses del cielo!" According to Corona Nunez this large wooden pole was located in the temple of Querenda-angdpete (the name by which Curicauer) was known in the Tarascan village of Tzacapu) in Tzacapu. He further notes that the “Gods of the Sky’ who descended the pole were Curicaueri (god of fire, equivalent of Huehueteotl) and his four brothers, represented as five eagles; he equates this entire assemblage with the central figure (Curicaueri) who dances on top of the pole in the voladores ritual and the four men dressed as birds (the brothers of Curicaueri) who revolve around the pole until they reach the ground (a5 portrayed by Clavijero 1844; illustrated also in Mendoza 1959:350,Figure 28); see also Kurath and Marti 1964:158). In Guatemala the four voladores were dressed individually in bird costumes of red, white, black, and yellow, respectively, representing the four world quarters (Montilla Duarte 1963:31); Riley has pointed out (Riley 1963: Table 1,58-59;51-52) that among the Tarascans four priests were clad in white, yellow, red, and black, representing the colors of the clouds of the four cardinal directions; these were conceptualized as attendant goddesses to the chief goddess (of rain) Cuervaperi, suggesting that the same color-direction symbolism probably holds for the Tarascan voladores as well, 'f the Nayarit shaft-tomb village models in question depict the voladores performance, one must conclude that the ritual and its basic ceremonial concepts were in existence in Western Mexico at the beginning of the Christian era, if not before, Previously, the vo/adores ritual was known only from the Spanish contact period, and thereafter. If the ritual has indeed been Practiced for some two thousand years, or more, and was once widespread in Mesoamerica, it Figure 4. Distribution of the Aztatlén horizon and the equivalent interaction sphere in Northwestern Meso- america. Figure 5, Distribution of late white-on-red ceramics of the Nayar type in Northwestern Mesoamerica, - becomes important to explore in some depth its ceremonial matrix and significance. Clearly, it is a geremonial performance concerned with the cardinal directions, as may be inferred from the Giscussions above, As-performed today in Guatemala (Montilla Duarte 1963:34), the ritual involves use of a volador pole crowned by a wooden cylinder whose upper surface bears a design depicting the intersecting “lacider” cross (almost certainly derived from intertwined serpent depictions) with a sun symbol in its center, resembling the quadrate interior designs of several ottery types of Northwestern Mesoamerica (Kelley and Kelley 1971:Plates 18, 19, and 32). Mendoza (1959:348) notes that one of the specific rites enacted during the ceremonial perfor- mance was a salute to the winds of the cardinal directions following a sort of ceremonial cruciform circuit, proceeding from east to west and north to south, But world quarter symbolism of the ritual is only part of the story. Primarily the volador ritual is a solar observance, dedicated to the Sun (Mendoza 1959:348; Caso 1958:80-81). Probably it was performed originally at the beginning of each new 52-year calendrical cycle, presumably at mid-day on the day following the new fire ceremony initiating the new cycle. The voladores themselves represented, in one interpretation, the gods of the directions themselves; in another, they were dead warriors who accompanied the Sun to the zenith and then descended to earth, en route to their final destination, as macaws or eagles, birds sacred to the Sun. The four dancers in their whirling descent made thirteen revolutions each around the pole before touching the ground. Four dancers completing thirteen revolutions each symbolized the 52-year calendrical oycle, but the significance of this phase of the performance may be even greater, as discussed below. ‘Also, as stated, the voladores ritual was a fertility rite, in part through its relation to the deities of the four directions and with the clouds and rain of those areas, and in part as a gigantic phallic symbol of the penetration of the Earth by the Sun. In codex depictions of the four world quarters, the Sun is sometimes shown in the world center position (at zenith) but in others the deity represented here (at nadir) is Xiutecuhtli (or Huehueteot!) (72), God of Fire (Codex Fejervary Mayer, p. 1, reproduced in Burland 1950:1; also in Kurath and Marti 1964:201, Figure 130; and Nicholson 1967:94), This is in accord with general Mesoamerican belief; the Sun was the fire of the world above, opposed to Xiutecuhtli (or Huehueteot|, the old fire god) who was the fire of the world below (volcanism, also the hearth fire). Huichol ceremonial practice illustrates this literally by burying the figure of the god of fire of the world below beneath a stone disc on which they place the figure of the god of fire of the world above (Lumholtz 1902, Vol. 2:165-166)!_ In the volador ceremony we witness the descent of the gods to the world center, and into the underworld. Huichol, as indicated above, express this concept more directly; likewise the god buried-in-the-altar in the Chalchihuites archaeological culture must be the fire god of the world below. Clearly we have here the origins of the Southwestern sipapu ~-the hole in the floor of the ceremonial structure from which the gods emerge and into which they depart— a concept perhaps remotely derived from the volador complex of beliefs in Mesoamerical But full interpretation of the ceramic house models from Northwestern Mesoamerica and the volador ritual involves even greater ceremonial anc cosmological complexity. In a village model from Colima (Figure 6d), now in the American Museum of Natural History, the actual houses are hot shown, but on a circular ceramic disc a group of celebrants are portrayed dancing around a ceramic tree. The tree has two sets of four equal-armed branches; in each set the branches extend from the four sides of the tree, If the branches of the upper set are conceived of as pointing to the cardinal directions, those of the lower set point to the intermediate directions. Each branch on @ach set ends in a slightly curved cross arm, with the tip of the branch extending slightly beyond this point. Ceramic bird figures are “perched” on these terminal extensions of each branch, and a larger bird figure stands on the upper tip of the tree, which extends above the upper set of branches. Clearly, this ceramic tree in the Colima model is analagous to the ceramic volador post of the Nayarit models. However, it is also quite certainly the “tree of life” or “tree of heaven" portrayed in the codices (Burland 1950:1) and in Maya carvings (cf. Kubler 1969:32,39;Figures 5,27). In a famous codex scene (Fejervary Mayer, page 1, in Burland 1950), four such trees mark the28 Figure 6. a, Village model from Nayarit; Coll. Mr, & Mrs. Al , Villag ol fr rit; Coll. Mr 15. Alan Schwertz; b, Plan of circular structure at the archaeological site of Totoate; c, Nayarit village model showing men in various active positions on a central vertical pole, and a secondary arching pole, apparent! i ching pole, apparently an attempt to display the voladores ritual in a ceramic model; Call. Dr. & Mrs. George C. Kennedy; d, Colima ceramic model showing a group of dancers surrounding d ceramic pole topped by two sets of four armed branches, on which birds perch; The American Musoum of Natural History, photograph courtesy of the Museum 29 ordinal directions, in association with gods of the four direotions- Each tree is different, but each carr; with one set of branches extending out of opposite sides of the trees. With one exception, ith branch ends in a three-part section, very much Tike that of the Colima ceramic model, and a (atce bird, different in each world quarter, perche’ at the top center of the tree. The tree on the fant, representing the north according to Burland, rises out of the gaping jaws of the earth Te nster; the tree directly opposite, representing the south, has an odd split in its trunk, Burland teres (1950:3) “The Mexicans believed the present earth to be the fourth one created... . At the four corners were the four gods who upheld the heavens and four trees with four birds which jymbolized the powers and productions of the four natural regions of the world as the Mexicans Rhew it.” Nicholson notes {1967:30) ”. . . the gods decided that the heavens must be held up by Kaur giant figures called Falling Eagle; Serpent of Obsidian Knives; Reswtrection: and Thorny Hgwers. Quetzalcoat! and Tezcatlipoca also helped to prop up the heavens, the former becoming a Precious Tree, and the latter a Tree of Mirrors. It is difficult to be sure what the four pillars {ipporting heaven represent; but jt would appear that the Falling Eagle symbolizes the descent of si pavenly and activating principle into earth; and that the Serpent of Obsidian Knives is a principle of sacrifice needed for the process of incarnation "" Nicholson (1967:95) also Prontifies the gods standing at the four world quarters with the four Nahuan Tezeatlipocas and the four Mayan Bacabs. In this conceptualization we are concerned with four world-quarter trees and gods, and the trees have only one set of two branches each and one bird perched on each tree, whereas in the Colima house mode! there is one tree in the center with two sets of four branches and many birds. Novertheless, the scenes portrayed are analagous; essentially, the center tree portrays all the trees, hence the multiple branches and birds. In the codex scene the center is occupied by the god of fire; as we have discussed earlier this is precisely the ritual focus ‘of the volador ritual; hence the tree is the central tree —and all the trees. The association of a tree o” plant with world center is widespread; the Mixtec believed that their ancestors came from the earlier world below by jecending through the trunk of such a tree (Kubler 1969:32; scene portrayed in Codex Vindobo- femsis |, page 37, reproduced in Nowotny 1961: Tafel 54) and the split in the trunk of the tree representing the south in the Codex Fejervary Mayer may represent the same concept. The Mixtec ‘tree of heaven” has one set of two lateral branches, each ending in a cross branch with tufts at gach end and in the center. The roots of the tree are represented by the head of a god, face down, ghd there are no birds, Students of the native culture of the Southwest will immediately recognize, in thig Mixtec concept, the equivalent Pueblo-Navajo myth of ascent to the present world by dlimbing a sacred plant, made to grow by magical means, from the underworld through the world center. Again, the analogy of the sipapu clearly is involved Granting all of this, how can the Colima ceramic tree with its two vertically displaced sets of four branches ending in cross arms be equated with the actual volador performance? in the ethnographic present the volador pole was capped by a cylinder or small platform, beneath this Wes a square framework with one major cross piece (or with two diagonal ones crossing a¢ the enter), through the center of which passed the pole itself, leaving both the framework and the cylinder or platform above it free to revolve. The ropes supporting the four voladores are fastened {0 the vertical pole below the upper cylinder or platform and pass ove! the centers of the four Sides of the square framework, The cylinder above is fastened to this lower square framework 0 thee it also revolves, ‘The square frame which revolves with the descent of the voladores is clearly the equivalent of the lower set of four branches of the Colima ceramic tree, and represents logical evolution from it (73). One must conclude, then, that the upper framework is analagous with the upper smaller platform or cylinder. In the mocern performance one performer occupies this position, playing a flute, dancing, singing, and orating, as his position slowly rotates while the Voladores themselves swing toward the ground, As noted, Corona Nufiez identifies this position among the Tarascans with the principal priest of the fire god, and by inference with the Sun Rimself, emphasizing the importance of the position. As has been noted, a large bird occupies this Position in the Colima village model; inferentially this bird is the principal priest of the Sun, clad in a bird costume.30 Obviously, we have not so far fully exploited the significance of the many facets of the voladores ritual and the related “tree of heaven’ conceptualization. Here | wish to venture inty’ “far-out’’ speculation to offer a possible explanation of the origin and interrelation of both the voladores ritual and the “tree of heaven” concept, using the Colima and Nayarit village models as a basis. Originally, the volador pole was actually a tree, trimmed and placed in the village central} court; perhaps to begin with it was used only as a fertility symbol, becoming conceptualized later’ as a solar symbol representing a tie between earth and heaven, a connection between the Sun | above and the village hearth, hence the fire of the world below; truly a “tree of heaven""(74). Birds perched on the remaining branches of the tree and on the tip of its trunk, further stressing the tig. between earth and heaven. Perhaps at an early date, the village Sun-watcher climbed this tree to make his observations of the rising and setting of the Sun, the sequence of the solstices and the equinoxes (15), the related movements of Venus and the brighter stars and constellations. Empha. sizing his relation to the Sun in such a position, the Sun-watcher must have assumed the costume of the eagle or the macaw as these birds became associated with the Sun; to the villagers below he must have appeared as a great bird himself, perched on the tip of the heavenly tree. Perhaps then the upper branches of the tree, later to become the upper set of arms of the ceramic tree, were trimmed so that only four remained, so placed that they pointed to the cardinal directions, | Perhaps also the Sun priest then called upon helpers —also clad in bird costumes— to station themselves on the branches to help varying positions of the sun and stars with marks or pegs on the branches and cross arms of these Their duties completed, the man-bird-helpers swung downward on ropes to the court below while the Sun priest-bird himself perched on the tree top, playing the flute, singing, dancing, and orating to his following below, Then, | suggest, there arose the idea of recording the passage of time more concretely than by | making marks on the cross arms at the top of the “tree of heaven.” The upper directional branches | remained fixed, as a permanent record of the directions; the solstice and equinox points; the | positions of stars on the horizon. Below this a second set of cross arms was placed, so constructe that it could be made to rotate freely around the trunk of the tree, pulled into any desired position by the four bird-priest helpers on the ground below, using ropes attached to the four sides.) of the framework, while the Sun-priest observer perched above, directing their work. Then the | discovery must have been made that, as the frame was pulled around the central post, the ropes supporting it wound around the trunk itself, and that when the men below relaxed their pull, th frame turned of its own accord, reversing their actions. Perhaps then came the concept of binding | and recording time by such a means. If, in succession, each of the priest's helpers moved the lower frame one quarter turn each year in relation to the directionally oriented frame above, the years, themselves would be symbolically wound onto the pole, with the winding of the four tow ropes: After each became necessary to unwind —symbolically and actually— the 52 years of the old “‘century’’ so that binding and recording of the years could begin anew at mid-day of the first full day of the, new “century.” So —before the assembled villagers— the four bird-priests jumped simuitaneousl from the lower and movable frame on each world quarter, holding to their ropes and flying around. the pole as they spiraled thirteen times each around the pole to reach the ground, while th Sun-priest played, sang, and danced on the pole top to celebrate the completion of the “century and to assure the auspicious beginning of a new one. Over the years, the orientation function ony ‘the upper framework became subordinated to its function as a “pulpit” for the Sun-priest and | was reduced in size and made to rotate like the square frame below, which slowly evolved into itt present form. With the development of hieroglyphic writing and books elsewhere in Mesoamerica: ‘other means of binding and recording time and astronomical events came into being and the, volador pole lost its earlier function; the ceremony itself survived as a dramatic symbolization of | i: the relation between heaven and earth, the Sun and the hearth, men and the gods, enacted as the ancient past as a great communal rite of renewal to mark the beginning of the new “eenturys So conceptualized, the original volador pole and accessories, both living and inanimate, functioned as an astronomical observational, recording, and computing instrument —the oldest with his observations, marking their positions and the | st helper —or the successive occupants of these status positions— had made his pull | of the frame thirteen times, a full 52 years of time would have been wound onto the pole. It then 31 | Floure 7, 2, Nayar “from Durango. White-on-Red from Duran | A basket-handied pottery vessel (Neveria Red-on-Brown)32 New World’ computer— as well as point of religious focus and village solidarity. Clearly, this ig entirely speculation, and | know no way of supporting the speculation empirically nor can | suggest any means of testing it and hence bringing it to the level of hypothesis. Nevertheless, | suspect that something very much like this must actually have taken place and | recommend to my students and colleagues that they look further into the matter / | | \ I suspect also that the basic volador concepts spread at an early date into the American Southwest. Altogether too many Puebloan cereronials make use of poles or trimmed trees erected in the dance plaza; the concept of the sacred tree is too deeply imbedded in Pueblo thinking to be lightly passed over. And by Pueblo accounts, “the roots of the Pueblo” lie embedded in the center of the dance court (or in the house blocks surrounding the central court) (76), like the analagous | court sipapu, and must be nourished to assure the continued existence of the town. And perhaps the great pine log found lying across Kiva 7 (the “Aztec Church” of earlier recorders, and possibly the site of the Pecos undying fire) in the plaza at Pecos Pueblo ruin (Kidder 1958: 186, Figure 323) actually was a volador pole! I Heavenly Serpents Related to the series of concepts discussed above is the association of ceramic vessels equipped with basket-type handles representing double-headed serpents with world quarter symbolism, Sun worship, and astronomical mythology. My wife and | have recently described basket-handled pottery vessels (Figure 7b) from the Las Joyas and Rio Tunal phases of the Guadiana Branch of the Chalchihuites Culture in Durango, Mexico, and interpreted these specimens as representing double-headed serpent depictions involving a full-fledged complex of Mesoamerican ceremonialism (Kelley and Kelley 1971:108,115-119,Plates 34,35,and 37). We believe that these pots represent unitary expressions of a single cosmological conceptualization, repeated with only slight variation in innumerable individual vessels. In our interpretation, the double-headed serpent represents the path of the Sun, with the twin serpents representing a local equivalent of Quetzalcoatl in his guises of morning and evening stars and helper of the Sun. The figures of squirrels (see Note 14) and occasionally dogs shown entering ticked V-shaped openings in the design bands below the exterior of the vessel rims, and rarely on the handles, we interpret as representing Xolotls, or monster-twins of Quetzalcoat! ushering the Sun into the jaws of the Earth-monster at sunset. This particular ceramic expression (Neverfa Red-on-Brown) developed out of others in which the four world-quar- ters are shown as quadrate vessel interiors, complete with god-figures (and sometimes astronomical symbols) in the quadrants, and modified serpent bodies forming the dividers for the quadrants, just as they were pictured in the codices. Surprisingly, such serpent-hancled vessels appear in the Chihuahua Culture, and even in Pueblo pottery of the last century, where they occur on ceremonial bowls in association with terraced | world quarter figures on vessel sides (77). Overtones of the associated concepts appear in Pueblo. } mythology also, Again, we are dealing with fragmentary overt expressions of basic ceremonial | f | concepts and ritual and artistic practices that spread throughout Northwestern Mesoamerica and the Puebloan Southwest. World quarters, “trees-oflife,"’ voladores, and heavenly serpents are intimately interrelated; archaeologically and ethnologically they are like the tips of icebergs, whose great mass lies submerged and hidden, Relating these bits of surviving evidence, and many more similar items, and) searching out their hidden relations is @ task of great promise and correspondingly great difficulty that should reveal, once more or less accomplished, very much information about Mesoamerican and Puebloan cosmogony, ceremonial and ritual, and the processes of diffusion linking the respective culture areas. POSTSCRIPT | Clearly, ‘“time and space archaeology” properly related to ethnographic and ethnohistorical data and to relevant ecological factors still has a great potential for studies of cuttural process, even 33 tnough this approach has been more or less abandoned and largely “discredited” by the ""New Archacologists.”” Actually, as the better "New Archaeologists” will discover for themselves, a new [ehaeology comes with each generation, and what survives from generation to generation is the aiestion of good archaeology versus bad archaeology; archaeologists who work with ideas versus Grehaeologists who work only with artifacts and sites. Personally, | prefer to work with ideas nich | have derived from the data themselves, directly rather than by way of computer. And), as he last two clecades of archaeological work in Northwestern Mesoamerica have amply demon guated, there are still parts of the world in which the hard but immensely enjoyable work of the Saint archaeologist” must still be accomplished before ideas may be derived from data by methods gfeither “New” or "Old Archacology.” Fortunately, Northwestern Mesoamerica has ample room for all kinds of archaeology and archaeologists, inasmuch as almost everything yet remains to be fone there, Perhaps the ideas discussed in this paper may point out some profitable approaches fh may be followed up by both “New” and “Old archaeologists, each in his own way. whicl NOTES pation of the Chalchihuites zone in western Zacatecas, Pee- Class esoametica, The initial date for the beginning of this phase clear affiliations with the Pre-Classic of nuclear Mesoay The initial d 5 cet ons mrabte caution at Ga. A.D. 200, However, several raliocarbon dates clustering arounel the a oeeturies B.C, and lirst centuries A.D, have been obtained for components of the phase; hence, its beginning dole may prove to he somewhat earlier than estimated. 1. Tha Canutillo Phase, earliest known Mesoamerican ot ations are very old in the literature of Southwestern id articles are those by Haury 1944, 1945; Kelly 1944; ‘most definitive statement on Mesoamerican-South- 2. Spoculations regarding Mesoameriean-Southwest cel 1 chibalogy, Among, the outanding pro-1950 publish ene IGA; Grew 1944, Hauty's 945 paper is perhaps the Fiat alationships in print, even today. ici an open question, not answerable in torms of avaliable data. When the Chalehihuites Culture expanded sacar hearth re in western Zacatecas into central Durango around A.D. 500-550, the Loma San Gabriel Culture was already in occupation of the area, The simplicity. ‘of Loma ceramics suggests a derivation from a very, Cae eee Gone, itis aso conceivable that Loma ceramics wore dived after ca, A.D. 200 from sety Fre Cla ee ng Phase of the Suehil Branch of the Chelehihuites Culture in western Zocatecos 4. This process is beautifully and precisely illustrated in Anasazi archaeology and ethnology in the known movements of Hopi groups. 2 ec ame, are known with certainty only from the Late 5, 1am aware that the pochteca, as such and by that name, are known wit : Post-Classie where they appear 10 have been an internal development within Aztec culture, Nevertheless, cextidérable archaeologicel evidence exists for the presence of extensive trade networks beginning as early a the Pre-Classic. Certainly, by Teotihuacdn times, if not earlier, this trade network must have operated through organized institutions, probably centralized and controlled by the ruling hierarchy. In this instance, as in many Others, the Aztecs adopted for their own use an institution inherited from preceding cultures, 6 Around A.D, 1900 these Tarascan merchants were still very active, accorcling to Lumholtz (1902:367-370) ‘At that time they still traded as far as Mexico City on the east, Guadalajara on the west, and to Acapulco, Colima, and Tepi. Lumholtz had met a Tarascan trader as far north as a village of the northern Tepehuan (on the Durango-Chihuahua border), where he had married locally andl settled down (small-scale migration!) Lumholts notes: “In former times Tarasco merchants used to make their way as far north as the present faitltory of Now Mexico, and south into Guatemala and Yucatan.” During the past decade (1960-1970) | have personally observed itinerant merchants peddling hammered copper vessels, which were mde at Santa Clara de Cobre near Parzcuara, in the markets of Chalchihuites and Durango. 1 do not know whether or not these eddlers wore Tarascers, While digging in the El Vesuvio site near Chalchihuites we found two intact metates late bhe afternoon, and left them in place to be photographed the next day. Overnight they were stolen; our Workmen informed us that this wes because there was a considerable local shortage of metates. Until a few years atlie, traveling peddlers had brought metates into the area to sell; now they no longer appeared. 7. My colleague, Thomas Holien, is completing a detailed study of paint cloisonné, its ceramic milieu, and its Significance in Mesoamerican cultural history. Many of the data presented here have been supplied by Holien, Sut the interpretations given are my own. | wish to note that my discussion here is limited 1o paint cloisonné Géramies, The paint cloisonné decorative technique —with reference to the decoration of gourds, mirror backs, tc hag a much wider distribution, and is, | believe, another problem entirely. See also Castillo Tejero 1968. 8 As used here, the term “interaction sphere” refers to a geographic cluster of several diverse cultures “Participating a group in one or more activities which give them a degroe of unity not shared with other tultures, Thus, a series of more or less contiguous local archaeological cultures united by the shared presence of ‘one or more “horizon styles" may be said to form an “interaction sphere” in terms of the shared styles, the Sharing of which implies same degree of cultural interaction.34 9. Hrdligka (1903:391-394; see also Hedrick, Kelley, and Riley 1971:86-88) excavated a mound —actually g multi-walled or stepped circular altar in the center of a circular court which had masonry platforms attached on | four sides (see Kelley 1971:770-772, Figure 1a)~ in which he reported finding many cremated bodies, with associated decorated pottary. In his iilusirations the pottery depicted is paint cloisonne. In the Fall of 1971, m wife and | excavated at the ceremonial center of Alta Vista, near Chalchihuites, Zacatecas. Beneath the floor of the Hall of Columns a status burial was found, accompanied by five Vista Paint Cloisonné footed cups, of | goblets, among other offerings. Such finds suggest that paint cloisonné pottery was indeed used primarily as 3 mortuary ware, 10, The status burial found in our 1971 excavations at Alta Vista (see footnote 9), a ceremonial center of thy Canutillo and Alta Vista phases of the Suchil Branch of the Chalchihuites Culture, in an Alta Vista Phase (ca, ‘A.D, 300-500) context, consisted of one relatively intact skeleton covered by the Sorted and stacked bones of several young adults. A broken flute, decorated in paint cloisonné technique, lay at the top of the stack of bones and the midsection of a sacrificial knife of red obsidian lay a few feet away. Obviously human sacrifice ig indicated, probably in honor of Tezcatlipoca, in view of the flute, Four of the five Vista Paint Cloisonné goblets included ‘among the ceramic vessels which served as mortuary offerings in this burial had an almost identical design on the interior of their upper bowls, This design depicted a perching eagle; in all four goblets the eagle has a serpent in his beak, and in two bowls the eagle also grasps serpents in his claws. In his criginal excavations in the Hall of Columns, Gamio (1910:laminas 6 and 7; also Kelley and Kelley 1971:Plate 48) also found a [Vista] paint cloisonné goblet with an almost identical design of a perching eagle grasping a serpent in its beak in the upper bowl. Such designs in Mesoamerican ceremonial art usually signify human sacrifice (and/or war). Sag Burland 1950: 10; von Winning 1969: 238,249, Figure 345. 11. Caso (1958:11) states: “This fundamental idea of four cardinal points of the compass and the central direction {up [zenith], anc down [nadir] ) which mace the fifth or central region, is found in all of the religious OO er the old cultures of jesoamerica.”* 12 This codex leaf is also illustrated in Nicholson (1967:94). Nicholson, however, identifies the god of the center as Tepeyoliat!, “Heart of the Mountain, and one of the Lords of the Night ... also the god who caused earthquakes."” Burland (1950:7) also notes that above and back of the head of the central god figures is the jaguar car of Tepeyollotl, which he interprets as a symbol for “‘below’" in this context, identifying the god himself as the Old Fire God and the Hearth Fire. | believe that the tire-god identification is much more in keeping with the cosmological concepts represented. 13, 1 have made on operating model of the voladores performance, using a central pole with one fixed upper set of four branches and one frealy rotating lower framework of four branches. Using heavy lead fishing sinkers as 3 substitute for the voladares themselves, | have found that the model works quite well but that working out the proper ratio between pole height, frome diameter, and sinker weight, to Produce exactly thirteen revolutions before the weights struck the base of the model, was a very difficult matter —but one which presumably is solved in all the currently operating volador performances. Here, | wish to express my thanks to Thomas Holien for calling to my attention several of the crucial references to the volador ritual. He does not necessarily concur in my interpretations, but we do plan a joint paper on the topic, 14, According to Phil C. Weigand (personal communication), the Huicho! regard the squirrel as a sacred animal because it runs up and down the trunks of trees, providing thereby a means of communication between man ang the gods above, Lumholtz notes [1904:307}: “The grey squirrel... is one of the animals belonging to Father Sun, and a hero-god in Huichol mythology. |t defended the Sun and helped him when he set for the first time: therefore this animal is highly esteemed.” These data not only define the mythological significance of squirrels among the Huichol; they also establish the status of the tree in Huichol cosmogony, apparently a local expres: sion of a widely hele Mesoamerican concept. 15, Sun-Watchers among the Pueblo make their observations from traditional high points, such as " towers’! of high roof tops, or else from nearby rocky eminences, In the Mesoamerican villages of western Mexico the thatched and gable-roofed houses offered no such high points within the village, but a tree left standing in the court, or a post deliberately placed there, would serve the same purpose. 16. Parsons (1939:8) makes these points clear: “prayersticks of praver-feathers are buried in the middle of the court’... to represent the ‘roots of the town.’ To this spot, in Laguna terms, the people are “tied” The shrine i Nixed $0 there will always be people here.’ Nambe people say also that at their ‘earth navel,’ roots of the town, ‘if we keep up feeding the stones there, our pueblo will live forever,’ Jemez peaplt deposited eagle feathers in the various cardinal directions as “roots” (ibid.:8). At Oraibi the Powamu chief burié four prayer-sticks, called the “roots of the town,"" in each of the four quarters of the town (ibid.:8). | aq) indebted to Jonathan Reyman for calling to my aitention numerous ritual usages of trees or posts in the veriolt pueblos of the American Southwest. 17. Parsons, for example, reproduces altar scenes from Stevenson showing the use of basket-handled and tet: raced bowls in ritual context (Parsons 1939:Plates 1V and VI). 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