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510 views184 pagesGwyn A. Williams-Proletarian Order - Antonio Gramsci, Factory Councils and The Origins of Communism in Italy, 1911-21-Pluto Press (1975) PDF
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© © All Rights Reserved
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/ 184
th, wo arrve together at th
2d rovolsionaty ast. = noni
tenacious weed inthe.
es, but it has no pup, ~ Anionio
Gwyn A. Williams
Proletarian Order
Antonio Gramsci, Factory Councils
and the Origins of Italian Communism
1911-1921
Pluto, Ah Press First publhed 1975 by
Pte Pree Lire
{Uni 10- Spencer Court
Chale Road
London NW? SLi
CCopih © Pato Pres 1995
SBN 0 90281865 «paperback
ISBN 090288 5 x hardback
rnd Grst rain by
‘Brit Tpeseting Co Led
Barton Manor
SePalie Batak
Designed by Ricard Holts, Gr
(Cove potorrpbs: Caeeton Mor, Rone
Contents
Preface / 7
Structure: Italy inthe Age of Imperialism and Democracy
ory of Italian Ceptalism / 12
Italian Socialism / 22
“The Prodcamant ofthe Socialist Party) 28
Conjuncture: Yay inthe Crisis of
Imperialism and Democracy
‘The Seminal Crisis 1911-12 / 35
‘A.New Generation: Turin and Naples / 40
‘The Outbreak of War | St
‘The War and the Working Cis / 55
1917 and the Polarization ofthe PSI / $8
Biennio Rosso
Revol | 68
‘Tae Criss of Taian Socialism / 75
Italy's Petrosrad/ 85
LOrdine Nuovo | 90
LOrdine Nuovo and its dea
‘Tae Ebortion of an Argument / 96
‘The Gramseian Perspective: Mastr-themes | 99
‘The Gramseian Council: Into a Factory Freedom 103,
Comncls and Unions
‘The Programme of the Workshop Commisars /12¢
AA Working cass Moverneat: Climax and Crisis / 136
Council Communism and the Socialist Party
‘The Gramsian Party: into a Maxims Prison / 45
‘The Councils and th Pay / 155, a
‘The Critical Choice
‘Whats to be Done? / 169
Borda and Gramsci / 175
‘A Governing Party forthe Working Cass / 184
‘The April Strugale
“The Anarchosyndealist Challenge / 193,
‘The Closing of tho Tap / 199
‘The April Sek / 203,
‘The Angry Summer
Possmism of the Hatlignce: Defeat / 211
Pessimism of the Inteligence: Dissociation / 217
COptimirs of the Will: Towards the City of Man / 220
COpsimism of the Will: The Anarcho-sndieast Climax | 236
‘The September Crisis
Prolearian Order; The Occupation ofthe Factores / 262
“The Weak of the Grest Fear / 248
‘Three Daysin Milan / 256
‘The Old Fox and the Lie Foes / 262
Gideon's Army’
‘The Land of Polenta / 278,
‘The Bepining ofthe Communist Paty) 283,
‘TheEnd of Husion / 291
Into Gideon's Army 297
Epilogue
Patrimony: the Holy Ghost of Talian Communism
(Chronology / 309
Glossary: organizations / 322
iowa: individuals / 329
‘Some books / 334
References / 41
Index / 359
Preface
have writen this book in the hope that it wil prove of
secvive to the British working cass and marsst movements. The ex:
perlnces of communists inthe Hly of 1911-21 stem to me central
{o the historical patrimony of workers and revolutionary socials ~
in Europe generally nd in the Brits Isles in particular. One maior
purpose ofthe beak isto make as mich as possbe of that experience
rely available to comrade who we the English language
"The book is in no senses tera ata fll marxist ‘reading!
(shether innocent o eit, to quote comrade Als) ofthe cis.
"To borrow an expression from that old eurmudgeon Georges Sore,
the book is a ‘irempion’: a selection of essentials, which I hope i
vita and living even ifm trie coneadictery, in accordance withthe
spirit of its subject
"The foes i, of course, Antonio Gramsel and the Turin
council moverien. With Grams, the book begins, in elles with the
publication of LOrdine Nuovo in May 1919, when bis thinking be-
‘ume a hstrially operative force Imes no effort to examine his
favler thought, which requires g volume or volumes to itll. My
ftiend Stephen Overy, who is writing such a volume, bas helped me
het, asin many ater ways. [have, however, given almost as much
Iweiht to Amadeo Borda and his movement: they seem to me
‘ually important and require frther examination. Around thi om
‘munist core, the esay tres to sketch in enough ofthe peneral back
round, but, obvioly, whole areas ~ bourgeois polis generally,
fascism even other etre ofthe lef, fom refocmiss to synialits
are treated much les fully. The subject ofthe book, however, does,
1 think standin its own right, While there are reference ahead, I
thave done my best not to read back later writings inte those of
191520. T think it very important to remain imprisoned within a stiet |
chronology last at this stage, particularly wit Grameet's wings,
tut aio with Borda's
have tried tindiate my debe in the footnotes and bbior
Preface | 7 ‘apy. In English owe most tothe thesis of Martin N. Clark on the
Talian labour movement whieh opens up the dimensions of the rel
fand the practical and without which T could ot have writen 81
have. In aly, of cours, Paolo Spriano towers over the history of|
communism almost as tall as Benedetto Croce did once in another
‘word, I as bes a pleasure to read so much of im Ite probably
Lgl Cortes above all, who has most moved my mind often against
the grin, together withthe work of Andrsina de Clementi, Rost
Alcara and others associated withthe Rivitasorca del soeialime,
1 seems to me that thelr Work is a major maxis and communis
‘enterprise whose significance is Buropean~ and, braving the wzath of
sundry cohort of comrades ~ Europe inlides British
“The book began as 2 short introduction to a translation of
fone of Paolo Spriano’s and I am deeply grateful to Rishard Kuper
and Pluto Press fr sticism, horoism and generoity well beyond the
call.toNeilMiddletonand Allen Lane the Penguin Press fr tolerating
4 devition in the hope that it might prove utimatly productive, and
to Lawrence and Wishart for allowing me to quote extensively froma
Grams’ polial writings, Chie Mais, « comrade of the Com
‘unist Organization in the Beith Iles, was responsible for the re
‘markable Gramte| numbers ofthe New Edinburgh Review and ac-
cepted translations and crafts apparently withovt end, as well as
introducing me to Hamish Henderson, « Soelian dirmption in his
‘own right. My wife suffered in goting thi book out almost as mich
5 Pia Carena must have done in geting out L'Ordine Nuovo. Uhope
‘hey all ge heir reward ina beter world,
have taken the lberty of dedicating the book to an anarch
ist comrade of Grams’ in the Turin council movement. The dedi
tion comes from someone who is neither anarchist nor Italian but
who thinks (as I hope we all think that he knows a good contade
‘whea he ste one
(Gwyn A. Willams
York 197%
8 /Proltarian Order
To the memory of Pietro Ferrero of Turin, metabworker
tod anarchist, who wae a student atthe tudy cle ofthe Barrera
{4 Milano, who served as secretary tothe Turin section of FIOM, who
Ted in the April strugele and the Occupation of te Factories, whole
the resistance tothe referendum in Sepzmber 1920, who ld the las
sruggle of the councils in April 1821 and who was killed by the
fascists on 18 December 1922, 1. Structure: Italy in
the Age of Imperialism
and Democracy
1 neces, wit Bld pst ad in good conscience, to s8¥6
Cvizstion. We mist halt the lsaluten which coved nd
orapt the Toot of harasses. The Bare and bare es
an be made arse again
“Are we nt sendy?
Antonio Grams,» Suediian of 8 who had made his home
in the socalit movement of Turin, nervous, caustic, with a hunebed
‘ck and @ brain like a burnings, directed his summons to his
soci comrades on 15 May 1919, a fow weeks after groups of ex
cers and Ari shosk troops, inspired by Benito Mussolini, burned
the ofies ofthe socialist newspaper Avant in Milan,
Grams’ wae the mort dstntive voice to make self heard
ove the tumult of layin the erss which broke the liberal state and
the socialist movement. It i 4 voice histrially associated with the
‘evolutionary eounel movemeat ofthe Turin workers, itt perhaps
the most ditneive of all the council communis of Europe after
1917, Both te movement and the martism of Gram, whose pro
restive elaboration it accelerated and deeply influenced, form part
‘ofthe historia! patrimony ofthe revolutionary working-class move:
iment. They afe essential to that “usable pus? which the movement
must mobilize if itis ever to throw of the ‘corpses of the dead genera
tions to break the bourgeois hesemoay, as cmnipresnt as polio,
'A sense of catastrophe informs Grams’ writing ait does
that of so many others in these years, But the alan eis of 1919-20,
however catacyamic, is recognizably one of a series which seth
back at les o the shocks of 1911-12, which unhinged the system of|
Giovanni Gioliti. Gioliti, the Old Fox of Dronero, had contrived
te construct an efletive liberal and parllamentary ‘conseass" out of|
the congeries of interest sroups in politically inverebrate and nation
ally uniteprted Italy. He had presided over the decade which rei
{ered the decisive advance of modern industy inthe North n 191
12, the tightrope snapped. In June 1911, under pressure, Giolit
‘The Age of impels and Deosrney 11 introduced bi for ner-universl manhood sufage. The ‘amorp
‘ns masses whose threatening presenes loomid behind so much of
the poltal discourso of Ills, were to be inorporsted into the
political system Jn September, Italy went to war with Turkey forthe
Possession of Libya, a5 imperialism and chauvinism, ina variety of|
volustarst and anti-ationalst ideologies, etalished a hegemony
‘over the imagination and the intllct During 19112, the small bet
Aisproportonstlyinfuental Socialist Paty, which bad ete into
the Gioltian system, was self unbinged by a massive revolt of the
Jet, which purged the party, dstcated its nity and swept o leader:
ship its charismatic militant Bento Mustain In 1912, the anarcho-
sya founded their union federation, the Haan syndialit
‘union, UST, while in Naples, a young eagincering student, Amado
orig, himself charismatic gure among seals youth, began to
tse language and conceps which socialite later called Leninis.
‘The shocks of 1911-12 announeed the impact on macgial
Italy of European capitalism as it passed int its imperial phase. Ie
asthe impact of growth, quantitative and qualitative, which trans
formed social ile; of imperialist expansion, nance and monopoly
espitalism ; of new forms of technology and organization and of @
‘uliplcty of new ideologies which tied to asimilate the human
‘meaning of the change, Functionally inheret in this mutation of
‘capitalism was the process of mass socialization the incorporation
‘of much of the working population into evil society, into the nation
and nationalism ts technieal education and fragmentation, ts oxder-
ing ito democrats and parliamentary forms based on universal oF
ear-univeral manhood suleage even inthe authoritarian monarsh-
jes nits intensifying rises, this 'mass society’ encountered mass re-
been, whic ineeasingly by-passed seca demecracy disappearing
ito the absorbent new liberal democracy, and express isl in
ice action and ant:parlamentary response, invariants of snd
cals. This was the crisis, with World War ast lima, which nthe
seciaist world galled the passage from the Second tothe Third
International
‘The Trajectory of Italian Capitalism
{vas in 1899 that Fist (Fabrice tana Auomobil Tor.
mo) was funded in Turn, by the ingenious and enterprising Giovanni
12 | Proleasion Order
Apel. Lancia opened up there, Romeo and Bugatti in Milan; they
are fllowed by scores of othe’. By 1907, there were 40 motorcar
‘Bas, with capita! of 90 milion lie, 38 milion of it in Turis, The
aviomobile industry was a luxury est, the spors-car is prototype,
dramatic in its audacious technology and ambitious road-races, Work
ing out from the established enginesring sehools and industries of
‘Torin and Millan, Italians swiftly colonized this mow advanced sector
of European production, A severe slump eliminated the insecure and
by 1914 the industry was sublizng at 44 fms, 12000 employers and
sets of 67 milion lr. There were 2,000 eats on Italian roads, te
{ines the 1910 total, and over 3,000 «year were being exported. The |
War fered a colosal expansion. Preducton rose from some 9:00
ices in 1914 to 20000 in 1918. Thece was mass production of
Ulli vehicles and tracks, a move into aircraft, submarine engines,
allay material, machine guns lesser firms were absorbed, a Heel
and engineering experienced a paral and monstous growth. Tain
‘ns transformed into a clas indutrial manolth of a city. Fiat’
pital rose from 17 milion lire to 200 milion. After the war, it an
liza headlong collision with « mits and orginal working lass
‘movement which made Fiat. Centro the plot plant of the Occupation
‘ofthe Factories in September 1920, whe a despalsing Agnelli ofered
‘ctu the frm into a co-operative, Butt weathered the depression of
192021, rode the fasist destruction ofthe workingsass movement
and sted into the Mussolini regime, swallowing it rival and, with
its holding company IFLFiat, establishing a virtual monopoly by
son
Modeen enterprises, with thr highly-skilled cadres, mush
‘rwomed eu of the established but rextrited industrial complex of the
Nilan-Turia-Genoa triangle, in rexponse to the demands ofthe new
‘pitas, Typewriters became an Ilan specialism when Olivet
opened at Ivrea in 1908 and from 1906 the production of printing
presses and typesetting machines focused on Turin. Similarly cement
and coneret grew into & major sector ofthe buiing inde, eat
sowing in response to urbanization and expansion. The chemical
indusry, established and growing during the 190s, developed into
‘themonster Montecatini enterprise and stimulated the development of
dinamite production, photography and above all, rubber, ae Piel
and its kin moved into vehicle tyres and increasingly, into he supply
the fast-growing electrical Indust
‘The Age of Imperial and Democracy| 13 [Becricty was perhaps the most sing pioneering entes-
prise, The fist elsrs over sation in Europe was opened in Mian
fn 1664; ydcosietric plants were rapidly developed, Production
Jncreasd from some 100 milion kilowatt hous around 100 1 over
tree thousand mllios by 1914, easing the dependence on British coal.
Daring the War, production af this ‘white coal rose 1043 thousand
million kiowatt hours spawaing a cluster of subsidiary industries and
speeding the adoption of the electronic furnace. For around these
notel industries and interpenetating wi them, rose the whole com
plex of ste! - which having increased ita predvetion tweve-old be
tween 1896 and 1913, rose by 50 per ceat during the War-~ and laree
scale enginoerng, with is machine tools and enterprises of hh tech
icity. From 1896 al the graphs bepia to rs: they turn sharply up
wards during th fst decade of dhe twentieth cetury, to climax in
the stupendous growth ofthe War years. Inthe ten years Before the
‘War, Ili industrial prodtion, in farge measure based on the ost
recent technology, increased by 87 per cnt against a European aver
age of 56 pe cent. The vulnerable body of a elativly retarded society
suddenly sprouted & monstrous head”
In brief, the capitait made of production established is
lminance in Kaly during ite mot advanced phase, the pase Lenin,
ilferding, Loxemurs, Bukirin goto grips wih in socal theory.
Industries grounded ina frontier technology, instinct wit the dynamic
of trast and cartel, mushroomed in the north and north-west around a
firm but limited base and were {com birth enmeshed in banks and
inguance consortia, Saance eapitl, the sae, In vertical and hot
zontal expansion, trusts and nance industrial complexes interlocked
withthe ste appacatus. Northern Tal rapidly developed int a sec-
lor of European bourgeois civilization driving into revoitonary th
nical change, monopoly capitalism, imperil expansion and state inte:
‘ration
1c was driving abo into crit of ideology and the ntelet,
of popular mobilization and mas socialization, Is ris dislocated an
alia polity grounded ina plurality of modes of production, lacking
1 national popular intearalion and & boureois ‘ive sii. This was
2 polity held together by the exclusion ofthe peasint and much of
the working-
‘The Age of Imperialiso nd Dewoeaey | 27 unionized, it was the COL, with its disciplined, fancially sound,
strong cencral organization and elective co-erdnation, which was
the core power ofthe organized working clas. I let inmensurable
support to the reformist of the party. Both COL and PSI moved
‘ify into a postion which was deeply almost funetonaly fori
‘The Predicament of the Socialist Party
[tis important to realize, hen, that opposition toa quas-
traltional ‘anarchism’ was central to socalit ideniy, It was this
fundamental dena of the axarcoid which defined soca in Italy
Anarchists, syndiais, populist rebels, were identi with
4 ‘mindless futile revolt of ‘amorphous’ and unconscious masts,
inimical to socialist purpose and ultimately counter evolutionary,
This of course, was often a rude earieature of thai rival, particu
Ibry the sna. The anarcho-yndialit movement, permanently
‘revolutionary’, produced union militants and shop-stewards second
to mone, as Gramsci was wryly to dicove in his factory eounel, On
the other hand, tie movement was susceptible to Soren’ deviations,
1k was a hard core of sydicalins, rallying to Musoln in his war
interentonism, who put bone into the ist fascist organizations. And
the negative rection of the socialist unions was so deep-rooted as 10
be virtually sructora, The metalworkere union, FIOM (Feder.
scione Htaliana Operai Metallurg) in parculae, boil itself up in
hostile reaction to disastrous syaicalist or quas-eyndialit trikes in
Turin complex inthe years before the War. After the War, to
‘Tura, whose career was founded on the erucial break with anach
{mand to many even ofthe ‘marimalis union lenders, Balsovii’
in its Taian translation and the factory cousell movement, simply
seemed the perenial enemy in fashionable new guise,
By 1914, the socialist movement had $2 deputies in the
(Chamber and commanded «milion votes in elections It had won
control of 30 communes and four proves, It had but up 2 whole
apparatus of institutions ~ cooperatives, sredit institutions, defence
organizations. In Emilia, these were sbaping into slate within &
state, The parliamentary deputis~ the GPS ~ inevitably became the
leadership focus, and the whole movement was in fact steeped in
reformist practice, thinking ~ and perhaps more important, eformist
Instints. The party structure, however, a complex one, rising fom
28 | Prokeatan Onder
urban sections, with thls ward "ire, provincial federtions and
youth moverent 0 2 national courcl and s Dirctrate, gave con
{8 the right to elect that Directorate. The oficial Dizectorste, then,
tended to rect opinion in the local sections, which often fluctuated
vy in respons to the grinding reformism ofthe scl depts,
wnimunes and unions. The Directorate was theoretically the guardian
ofthe marxism and uhimate programme, the maximum programme
ofthe party, the socialization ofthe means of production and ex-
cangs, boing i oles destiny throvgh all the viiitudes of bour-
sis politics. In practice, the reeruitment of lading cadres was hap
hazard and undisipined, weak in marxist education and exposed to
the opportunism, careers and demagoay of middie cas individual:
Iss and déclasés In the ‘marvin? docade ofthe 1850s andthe “syn
Cals troubles before the War, leadership of the sovalit movement
site often seeved as a phase in he personal biographies of agile men
route to quite diferent destinations
For the pacty's leadership and even much of its active
membership, was intensely middleclass and intellectual. Criica
Sociale was alandzark inthe intellestual geography of Italian bour-
‘ois hilizaton. The leadership was quick t reapond to movements
fashion inthe university and intellectual world. Ie had precious
lil direct contact with working people (in sharp contrast othe CGL,
leidership). Its sphere tended to be propagandist ~ from the erudest
set level to sophisticated debate inthe journals and inercasingly
‘leroral. In the middle ofthe Giolitian deeads, wheres soialist
patty membership was about 70 percent working eat, socal par-
Lamentary representation and even local leadership was 80 per cent
middle cas. Periodically there were waves of warkingselass,ouvrer-
in protest against this condition endlees compas bout the pe
Aaty of lawyers (oecupational disease of parliamentary demmcesey)
erands for a purge of Freemasons (who played the oocult role
rope to them in Catholic couatres}** But the parliamentary pet=
spsstive of the PSI in the Giolitian era rooted leadership in the
riddle class, the intellects, the educated orator. Significantly, as
‘We PSI grew more working-
pense of most commited sozalit leaders. Fear of both the metor-
li ereatures who sed the socialist movement ae some kindof ite
‘of pasage and of the"amorphous mane ‘ouside, 0 prone to arch
‘oid impulse and yet so nscesary to socialist mobilization, was i=
‘rine, from Turati to Borda. Serzati was to denounce Grams’
council dhory in virtually the same tems as he had Mussolini's
Sorlan kinship with anarchists aeton.
11 was not only the ‘anarchic’ lft which had to be ted
down the permanent thret came from reformism and is molecular
inzorpration into bourgeis demosrati radicalism, with Giolit as
nesromance.in-hiel, Consequently a functional centiam became 8
‘permanent feature ofthe socialist Directorate. Periodically, waves of
‘epular discontent ‘outside’, provoking a ‘democrat’ response from
reformist, sired the lft into ‘marss protest. The Dizeetorte'
reqeated reaction was a reaffirmation of the maximum and revoli-
ticary programme of the party to curb the reformist a she
letwards to embrace the mutinous in a “evolutionary” recuperation
Which did notin fact seriously alfect the parliamentary, tade-unon
and reformist realty of party practice. This reaction was so regular
sto become 3 “tradition ~ an indication oft sructurl characte.
‘Tae clase socialist crisis of 1919-2, personified in the agony of
Saati (whose position in practice, as Bordign acutely pointed out in
2 ost ltter to Lenin, was close to that ofthe German Independent,
te USPD) while eicaly intense, was in a very real sense a=
dona. The fact that Serat id wltmatly and too late expel the
rerormiss and dio'« militant in the new communist party Is iat
tetimony tothe death ofa tration’
‘In hese circumstances, rymBollom came to carry excessive
wish in the socialist party, as defence agnnst the ‘betrayal in
herent in social democracy. An audience with the king was the kis of
ddesth, Bsolati was expelled even though he wore a soft hat and
lounge suit to restore his socialist Vievinity. The maximal ofthe
party Directorate tunded to acquire © distnedy symbol, myc
. The Age of Impeiaian and Demoeray [38 ‘aracer. Even Borda's bsteainian from paliamentaryelstons
‘had something ofthis quality. His zespose to a plural, intellect
ally polyglot italian society, witha socalit party harassed by loose-
lined Stentorells and moving inexorably ino a ieran reformat,
‘role, was total break with every bourgeois insttaton «rigid com
‘unlit party with a revolutionary programme and action which
‘nobody and norhng could Blur. Total abstention from elections, ke
{otal abstention from afcotol, was both a practical propotal with
purgative consequences and » Soreian myth of communist purity.
“The Healian Socialist Party was therefore trapped in a per
‘manent tension between the overpowering reformism mich was pro-
palling the movement seadily into bourgeois democracy, and the
pulses of popular discontent which it failed to channel and whose
explosions ousige the purty provoked en antireformist reaction
within. With the breaking of the imperain criss, the endless pas de
deux of the socialist Directocate suddenly became a ital re-dance,
34 | Protein Order
2. Conjuncture: Italy in
the Crisis of Imperialism
and Democracy
‘The Seminal Crisis of 1911-12
Inthe Tealian sector, the imperialist criss broke in 1911. In
st reformist asimiation into the Gioitin system, the PSI had woo
valuable gine in labour and social legislation, the establishment of
Jabour as recognized interest, the cvlizing of conflict and the grad
‘ual extension of ‘citizenship’ fo the working class, The main target
(of this fist phase of democratization remained universal male
tulrage. In the proses, however, the party had rn into stagnation.
From 1910 its membership started to decline; it fell by 2,000 to
around the 30,000 mark in 1911 and registered another fall to around
‘27000 by 1912. The COL which had achieved spectacular increases
Under i reformist leader Rigoa, reached its peak in 1911 with &
rerbersip of nearly 384,000 Inthe nent yer, it fll dramatically
by nearly 75,000, staged ony a limited recovery in 1912-13 and fll
ata, by 87,000, ducing the run-up to war in 1914-15. The synlealist
USE, however, founded in 1912, enrolled 150,000 very rapidly, half
the CGLs strength, and presentod a continuous challenge to the ou
break of war. Most ominous, perhaps was the decline in the ecu
on ofthe socialist organ Avani! which bad bullt up a national repu-
tatlon since its inception in 1896. By 1911, it had plammeted to
itd ove 10,00, under the editorship ofthe ultra-reformist Bissolatt
and the fist phase of that of the mare leftwving reformist Claudio
Treves?
‘A severe slump in 19078 provoked unrest, while the peren-
al tension in rural society worsened. The outbreak ofthe Libyan
var in 1911 sized all the Intent but deep antimtarism of the
prustat and working clases, imperfectly if at all integrated ito the
patil and nationalism which were universal among the middie
tnd lowersmiddle cies The consequent explorions of popu
protest were exploited by USK snd the anarchists rather than the CGL
and the Socialit Party. And the protests were vividly symptomatic
"The Cll of Imperato and Democracy | 5 Of relatively underdeveloped country in the throes of mast indus
\walzation, Almost simulaneousy, for exsmple the workers ofthe
‘eee pnts at Ela Prombino weat ito action, not primarily over
‘wages, although ination was a srin, but in miodere’ potest aguinst
the formation of a stes trast with tate suppor, while the ural pop
lation of Cosentino in the South, ravaged by cholera and totally
bereft of the most elementary heath servis, staged a communal
evoltslmost ‘medieval in its elemental character ~ and both were
hammered by police represion. To Turat, this simply re-inforced
the urgeney wit which he presed for plaaned economy in whi
4 mobilized and properly educated working clas in, manhood
suflage, would work forthe democratic remaking of Italy. Synical-
iss could call out a more immediate response?
A series of sandals had unseated Got; a suceesor min-
in file and in 2 syle which was typical of him, Gol installed
one of his own men, Luzztt as earetaker premier, while the ‘states
‘man of Dronero’ prepared a suitably spectacular cometmck, Laz.
‘zat proposed a urge bil which was so retictd that it drove the
‘socialist depuis into opposition. At that pont, in Jute 1911, iol
‘epped forward as saviour with a new del including vitally un
‘eral sufage embracing iterates, andthe nationalization of life
jurance He made a determined effort to incorporate the socialists
{nto his government. Bisolat actually had an audience withthe king
‘ough he ukimately reused ofice, The parliamentary group, the
‘GPS, however, saw no ofene and rallied behind the Gilt govern.
Within months, Gilt! took the country into imperialist
war with the anneration of Libya, Intndad a limited operation, it
in fact uneasied an explosion of nationalist and ehauvinisttreney
Which anticipated the ‘radiant days of Ma in 1915, mobilized the
middle and lowermide clases and split republito, radical and
‘yoda groups. It was widely suspected that univers sage had
been a brie to lure socialists nto a democratisimperialitconsoida
tion, In fact, Bislati proclaimed himself ‘not ent-clonial : the
sajority of scilit deputies votad for annexation and there were
plenty of voies onthe let otal ofa eiviizing and eace essentially
“ssialis’ mission in Afric, jost at ia 1915, many efits saw the
world war ass “evolutionary oseason. In 1911, it loked as ifthe
SI were finally about to cisappear into bourgeois democracy, Croce
36 | Proletarian Order
ie an exsy in February talked of the ‘death of sociation’; Gio
‘msl in Apel had said tat Karl Marx had been “banished tothe
Inesponse, there was 2 powerful revolt ofthe rank and fle
A fraction calling itself intansigent revolutionary bad formed in
(tober 1910; on 1 May 1911 i launched « new periodical La
Sofiia (The Aue) to ee-afizen marx. Lite concerned with
rmarxism in fac, it wasa spokesman for aris” setivism, The move:
ment spread; i won two deputies, 200 party sestions, eight wees.
eakivated a syle now in socialist circles, imple, direct, mobilizing
opinion around the cost of living, in competition withthe syndicate
election of the emergence ofa new generation of working-class
rita simpli, direct and efsctive, especially in Turin, Milan and
[Noples? ‘The outbreak of the Libyan War precipitated a general
strike, in which syndiatss joined Ie was only party eflective = the
owe of the ‘political ation’ was overweiming, but there was an
cplosion of verbal protest from every working-clse and many poate
sat centres and ripple of direct action. Muon the ring young
‘ccialit star ofthe Romagna, joined Piewo Neon, then a republics,
in tearing up ralway tracks, They turned prisoa into a sacramental
cepetience by reading Georges Sorel to eachother in their ell
At the Modena congress ofthe party in October 191 there
wis head-on collision When Cabrini publily hoped fora victory
or the fag of eur pooplein Liby, Seat broke int the Workers
yma, The intansigents were not powerfal enough to break the
‘opposition ~ they seored about 40 percent inthe voting - but the
reformist split, Turti and Treves holding out fr the independence
ofthe party, while Bissolati and his followers accepted the logic of
enocrtis and patriotic aflition. In consequence the Divecorate
1 nrgely divided between the two reformist groupe, the intransig-
nts pinned down tothe base and the PSI paralyzed. During 1912, a8
syndicate made the pace in mass actions mang the people and
sevialst membership continua to fall, fllowed now by that of the
(COL, Mussolini began to register on the youth movement aid the
party as a massorator of genius, and intransgent malts sat 10
work at grassroots level, At the congress of Reggio Emilia in uly
1512, they were strong enough to cary the day. In a dghtly-fougt
engress, with a powerful intervention from Mussolini, the party
fcally expelled the Bisoltt reformist, who promply formed &
‘The Cris of Impetalisn and Democracy | 37 ‘Reformist Socialist Party. A forther drive to exp Freemasons, how
eve, spl the intransigents and faled.*
"The inteansigents were infact a heterogeneous and incobier-
‘ent group ther only unity lyin opposition to reformiam and absorp
tion in democracy. The coup at Reggio Emilia, however, transformed
the character of the party.
For while, pralysie continued. The intansgents of the
Directorate were hamstrung by the persistent strength ofthe relorm-
nts, Bae, the new eter of Avant, now moved to Milan, Was &
stalking horse for Trove, Biot’ new Reformist Socialist Party
vasa challenge. It was to Win a sore of seats inthe 1913 eections
and Rigole intended to swing the CGL to is support. The reat wave
‘of popular unrest which broke over Rly as it eid moet of wertara
Europe in these years, was sill by:passng the seilist movernent. A
terrible strike of the un-unionized racked Turia for & couple of
mont early in 1912 and was taken over by the eyndialit; ite
failure was blamed on FIOM. The syedizaliss created USL in Nov-
ember. It enrolled 150,000 very rapidly. In 1913, its seeretary, de
/Ambri, was elected tothe Chamber witha half-dozen syndicate
snd independent revolutionaries.
‘Asa now generation of proletarian and some student mil:
tants entered left-wing politi, « poteatial source of strength was
‘Mentiied. How to tap it? Giacinto Menott Sezai who, with his
companion the Russian Italian Angelica Bslabanof, was developing
1 coherently marist radicalam, argued for toil ideological re
ecuipment ofthe party. Salvemial in is Und was already dsmising
the movement, ts yout in particular, as inteletally primitive. An
alternative was demagoaie deve 1 dspace the syndialas athe
voice of the masses. In a sense the partys choice was made for i.
Bacei gave up the editorship of Avant. Lazzri ied to ge Salve
to takeover, offered the journal to Serrt in vain. Desperate to re-
‘vivify the party, he proposed Mussolini, who took over in December.
‘The man from the Romagna immediatly stuck the right
frequency, with « confused but passionate ‘subversive’ propaganda
which deployed, in his customary vivid but jackdaw style, all the
fashionable acvist themes then current. He had connections with
the high-oned and ‘enereti’ nationalists of La Voee of Fozence:
the used Salverini ~ both anxious to rd Talla culture ofits ‘pr
initia’. Musolia's own wating was seeped ia psevdo-Sorlian
238) Proetaian Order
notions; itrtected Parcto's new theory of ‘liter’ He drew open the
journal to non-paty activists, the anal in particular: Labriola,
{Leone Lani. The democratization of Kal, argued Musso, had
been achieved reformists no longer bad any reason to exist. The
Libyan War and the massive srugales in industry presaged 2 new
sae of violent struggle against imperialist capitalism. alan socal
{sm had bshind Ie 20 Commune like te French, no years of legality
Tike the German, The Kalan proletariat needed to ‘lve a heroic and
historic day, He scorned ‘concretian’ and directed his fire aginst,
‘democracy, liberalism, Rigola and the “labours of the COL, He
projected 4 rebelious Utopia’ as an energizing myth?
"The immediate results were spectacular, A poise massere it
January 1913 brought Mussolini roaring out af Avant. A second
strogpe in Tori, Jed this time by FIOM, was vietorous and a re-
Imarkable display of cles solidarity transcending craft interests.
Savage strikes broke out in Milan, with the syndzalist Corsioni
prominent, Mossoin swung Avant to support for USL Ts attacks on|
fhe OGL were so merciless that they forced the temporary resigns
tion ofits leadership Inthe elections of 1913, Mussolini supported the
andidatre of an old Communard in Milan atthe head of a coalition
‘of eoilins, anarchists and syndicalit. By this time, the rapidly
‘rowing socialist youth movernet was his toa man and the lft made
hi aero. Tae circulation of Avanti rocketed, asi became a semi
‘insurrections journal
His weakness was the essentally wansent character of any
‘emtfeation of sosalism with mort of the populse actions be p-
ported, The reformist were soon in fuller agsinst him and many
‘other militants became alarmed. In July 1913, be offered his resigna-
‘ion to the Directorate. Thy called fr greater dicpline, but con
firmed him in ofe. The syndiclins in Milan were defeated and
Muon patched up a trace with the COL. Avant toned down its
catia. To find hie own voie asia, Mussolini launched a personal
fortighly, charactersialy called Utopia, i which he preached &
revolutionary revision of marsism, with x ses on revolution as an
‘act of faith’ by minority elites
"And by the Ancona congress of the PST in July 1916, the
‘Sreulation of Avani! was pasing the 60,000 mark, having doubled in
f year and a lf since is take-over by Mussolini and quintupled|
ince its move from Rome to Milan, Manbership of the party was
‘The Ces of Imperiale and Democracy| 39 passing the 50,000 mask. The yout federation, FGS, topped 10.000
for the frst time and was eeruiting abe militants, A the elections of
1913, the eile vote rose over the milion (a increase from 8 10
11 per cent) and 52 deputies were elected. In the lea eletions of
1914, an imporant sector ofthe national territory passed under the
sdministration of socialists asthe party won four provinces and 300
communes, Including Bologna, Cremona, Novara, Piombino and
‘Milan itself, where Musson gota seat.
Twat with immense stsaction that Muslin weote of the
‘Ancona cangret:“Ialian socialism becomes more and more pro
Jetarian and less and less populist more and more cass, ess and
dees democratic’
A New Generation: Turin and Naples
In the process which Mussolini exalted, the party had lost
through the defection of ultra-reformiss and syndealists, whole so.
tors of is midde-lass end lower middle-class leadership. There bad
‘ben a largely insinetive re assertion of ieolorcat rigour which, fer
nearly twenty yeuts of tsmersion in demoeraie action, ia the ele
toral experience of alliances and ‘bles, pasularly at the local evel,
in antleical and antimiitarit propaganda common to radical
‘groups, the purty was unprepared for. To oppo the relatively coer
tent demozratc ideology of the reformist andthe feat of transient
demagogues, there was litle but the ‘ninetenth-century ouvrerism’
fof such as Lazzac, The influx of tough, new proletarian miltants,
‘many of them women inthe north, did lite forthe party's ideoogieal
tnd cultural autonomy. ‘Culture’ tendod to be identified with re:
formist leadership and absorption into bourgcis sci.
In Turin, for example, to complains thatthe rei paper
1 Grio del Popol The Cry of the People) was beaming too spl
itseditor Masia Giadie, primary schoolteacher and an intrensigen,
replied: I Grido isnot yet simple enough, ey enoueh, clear enoueh
“Theories or no theories, when the masses ec! lke socialist, they
ul act ike svat’ The intansigent militants coming tothe fore
Jn Turin si apy srew into centre ofthe newer mass indir,
were similar in temper: Francesco Barberi, “tibune ofthe people’
Pietro Rabezana, who moved ote from the republicans and often
talked ikea syndialist, Giovanni Boer, with hie deep-rooted distrust
40 | Protetainn Order
oinellectuals Evra Zocca the women's leader who “came to sia
fn mainly though feeling... through tht instint for rebelion|
cammon 10 all members ofthe working clas. I was the perennial,
td perennially false, distinction between theory and ‘action’ which
‘Nuseoin as abe to expoit®
In fact, the Torin militants and their Kin elsewhere were
‘ising, allt in a negative manner, the equally perennial anc eriat
problem of any revolutionary sccalist movement in bourgeois weil,
te ped to achieve a soca identity and autonomy within the ove
pwering inteletual hegemony of capitalist society. An elementary
farm of marssm was by now widespread, but it quality was pathetic
‘ren bythe etandarée of the Second Ineratinal In many localities,
“marx was simply an economic gloss on democratic rhetoric, 08
tat pesty-bourgeois, strest-comer anticlercalim which was the
sockintrade of radicals, particularly after Gilt Gentlone Pact
with the catholics for the fist elections based on near manhood
sulleage in 1913
Furthermore, in sharp conirast to the ‘arse’ decade of
the 1890s, the stdent population was moving en mast int te newer
activi, antipostvs,etist styles students, a in vo many counties,
were unally the belligerent vanguard of nationalist demonstrations
which generally took on an anworking case charcter. Ampang the
stadent minority which rallied othe working clas, ‘marxism’ was the
rmschanists determinism ofthe Second Internationa’ ree, os in
‘he positivism prevalent outside ineletual circles, As Tasca said
shout the frst generation of self-aueht working lass intellectuals in
‘Trin: "In our great winity of Darwin, Spencer aad Mary, the later
tended to love vt
(On the other hand, many of the newer movements ofthe
Inet, which could be refreshment and Uberti in tems of pe
scnal psychology and formation, were being channelled into the pop
lar movement in ‘Soralin’ forms by the syniealt who offered the
allege of permanent rebeliousness. Any working sae intelectual
for stiadent committing himself to the proltariat was inevitably ex
pssed to them. The Torin youngsters were soon avid readers of
Prezolin's La Voce, Salvemin's L'Unia,enthusinstic supporters of
‘Mussolini, a process which siniisnlly ditaneed them from their
ster.
“The socialist youth federation, the FGS, was most seriously
"The Cis of Inpeialism and Democracy / 4 ected, a5 t formed the cadres who were to rejuvenate the party. Is
fston was manly and often here, particule agaist militarism,
‘where i responded promply tothe tough anti-war exlutions ofthe
‘Basle congres ofthe International in 1912 and to the vehement pro-
‘ganda of wuch as Gustave Hervé in France, But its own propaganda
In its joumal Avanguardia teaded tobe simplist and trai, com>
petng in radicalism with the syndicalists but essentially a protest
esi! the sheer sordid exploitation and corruption of the Gotan
‘ape. The South and its wrechod condition was a touchstone and
Salvemini, with his pasionate crusade, became 2 hero second only
to Mussolini. Ina srikng geste in Turin, Tarea and Otawo Pasoce
‘with the support of the young Grams, then entering palites very
‘much «Sardinian, offered Sslvemini x northern seat ater he'd been
Aefeated by Giolit’s unserupulous manipulation of eathoies and
southern clientele. When he refused, it as natufal to offer the seat
to Mosslii.*
In brit, the socials movement, in the democratic eure
ot ts leading gure, ard in the ‘ant-clture fits proletarian mili
tants, inthe contradictory ideologies ofits youth movement, even in
its rebellion, remained prisoner ofthe bourgeois inl.
‘The isue as brought tothe forefront in 1912 when Salve
‘mini denounced the quality of Avanguardia the poverty of is theo-
recical elaboration. Angelo Tasca in Turia, already luunched on is
serprise to ‘revivify" marssm through “modernization, broadly
agreed and, shedding Salvemin's ‘intelectual’, neventeles pro
posed a radical change in the nature of the youth pape. But ia a
slasic debate atte youth congress in Bologna in September 1912, he
was defeated by Amadeo Bordiga of Naples.
‘Borda, sald Giuseppe Bort who knew him well “bada
read page of Croce or Gentile nd boasted of i. And it was toe,
He found positivism inadequate and clumsy. 1¢ seemed to him that,
for philosptiy, marx largely sufced. This kind of comment on
‘Borda was made frequent. I view of ater distortion of is hink-
ing, itis important to sizes that his was in no Sease the‘ant-calture?
fof & Marla Giudice. What he was sskin, af fit in an inevtly
crude and clumsy manner, was the eeation, in combat, of a poletat>
fan marsst ‘culture’ in tral rupture withthe Bourgeois werld. In
his tal commitment toa totally cls, proletarian ation in every
field of human exporienc, he was ld, largely throvsh experience
2 | Proteavian Orr
ther than through study, 19 adopt rigorous positions, vstaly|
nique in Iely (though there were other examples elsewhere in
Europe, including Britain) which ater commentators would recognize
‘as ‘commune, indeed, in some sense "Lenni
Bordige's central theme was the inescapable nectsity of
political action in prolearian sutonomy, 0 mater what the immed
Ste content, His hammering on marks was periaps narrow and
‘could become sili, near-sectaran. But in the eieumstances of
Tialy, and of Neples in parol, this was probably 2 fusotional
necesty, It was certainly powerful consstont and historically fe:
tive Throush the turmoil of Italy in exss from 1912 onwards, it
carted him remorslesly to the leadership of anew communis party.
In 1912, he argued apninst Tasca that no efor a reform
could change the class basis of culture and education. Against the
“cultural ert’ of Tasca and Sulvemini, he posited the existence of &
uch desper eis of ideas and principles inherent inthe eis of|
2 capitalist eociety, a crisis which could be resolved only by the re
eaeration ofthe marxist consciousness of class and in struggle, The
‘aust of sorilist malaise were localism, particulars, craft and ade
‘soit, the absence of tity of elas purpore. In tis context "werk
Ing-clas culture’ could figure in s democratic programme but was of
litle ee i the necessarily “subversive action of socialism. He did not
‘mate joy with which the craftsman contemplate his creation.
‘Workers, I would lke to be the post ofthe general strike’ Ia fae,
the loyalty of the army and the poice had generally held, white
fuards had appeared at Bologna and eiewhers, and, inthe local
Election. reacionary candidates triumphed in Turin, Genoa and
Rome, The COL bad been appalled by the virulence ofthe rising and
fon 1 June intervened to call of the strike, an action which Musso-
Uni denounced asa “feony'."™
‘The reformist in Crea Sociale and the whole parliament:
sry group moved to an all-out attack on Mussolini aad his ‘etator-
thi, “The emancipation ofthe proletarit it no: to be achieved by
‘outburets by disorganized mobs declared the deputies. Claudio Treves
fczused Mutton of teachory and hooliganism. The Directorate was
trapped. Mussolini had in fet fellowed the ofl poicy ofthe party
leaderstip; bis ‘error lay in the intangible quality of syle. The
leadership once aguin confirmed him in his editorship and took a
rong anti-government line; even the OPS obstructed legislation.
‘But wit instinct fr unity and dogp suspicion of te sydicaliss,
the leadership shufed tothe right and subjected Mussolini to ds
plines!
Iwas. then, ona movernent whose loca miltants were being
hounded by the police and whose leadership had patched up an
inernal truce that he War eri broke The iret to react wat Musso
lini Down with wart” he wrote in Avanti on 26 July, ‘Nota maa!
[Not e penny!" The next ay Tura and Treves gathered the pari
mentary deputies in Miso, eafrmed suppor for absolute neutrality
‘and called on the Intemational, Balabanof and Morgariweat tothe
Iss desperate mertings of the International at Brases, The Director
se launched an antiwar manifesto op 28 July and held an extra
‘ordinary convention on 3 August attnded by the CGL, the auto-
‘nomous maritime and rallway unions and even USL This reared
solute neutrality but ominous symptom, added a condemnation of
the centzal powers.
“Lenin hailed the PSI asthe ‘happy exception’ to the dma
collapse ofthe Second International. Tis i tu, in the sense that
the PSI rejected the war, refused to support it and worked bard to
rebuild an International, But tis true only upto pont. The Sslandea
£2 Proearian Order
overnment (Gioliti hed prodenly withdrawn earlier in the yea)
fecided on neutrality, fearing German-Austrian hegemony. This
decision kile the Triple Aliance, made posible an Austrian atack
bm ltaly and propelled the government, behind the back ofa parla
sent, many of whose members supported the neuraist stand of Gio-
Itt into negotiations with the Entente to sell aian intervention. A
treat surge of interventionist emotion built up, fuelled by the old
iredeoism against Austria, pro-Beginn and pro-Fench feling, all
the ld great-power hts and romantic revolutionary pasion of the
‘democratic nationalists I was the democratic left above al, ails,
republicans, Mazznians, varieties of socialists and syadicalis who
‘moved the crows in te seus, with D’Annunaian rhetoric; heavy
Industry partly mobilized behind the more natonait of the new
capitalists, though Turin asa whole saved Giolitian and neuralist.
‘The gale of patiti pasion blew across the socialist move-
rent Could socialists sand by if Austria stacked? How could &
socialist be neutral ina war between imperial Germany and France,
‘endl of a hundred revolution’, home of the revlutonary pro-
letarit, of synicalism of tat Hervé, the super pacifist who had just
oluoteered asa private? The syadizalist split de Ambris and Corr-
don’ urging intervention; UIL union federtion was to break from
USL and atract ‘revolutionary’ patriot. Salvemini went over. Turi
and the reformist, anxious to incorporate the working clas into a
democratic rebuilding of Tay, were equally anxious not to bave it
llnsted from “the nation’. All the old arguments over defensive
against oTensive war were rehearsed; a8 German socialists pointed
vo the threat from the Russian Tar, Ilias talked of Germanic re
pression, What was reveals inthe cis was the eseoil unity ofthe
‘alan intelligentsia, ofthe middle and lower-mile classes. The Line
of lass division over adezence to “the nation raa through the sci
‘Already in carly August, there was talk ofa trace inthe class
‘vars the COL declared ielf ready to resist an Austan invasion.
Geran social derscerats on mission were coldly received and the
allan Swis conference in Lugano in September took up a defenss-
pecifit postion, At the interventionist forces bull up, Mussolini
‘hifted further and further towards them, nally to explode ia is
Detober article. The Direstorte censured him and he resigned. On|
1S November, having secured fnancial backing from a range of
‘Toe Cll of Imperialism and Democrcy/ 53 sources, including Franc, he launched I! Popolo ula, with slogans
from Blangul and Napoleon: “He who has steal, has bread! Revol
tion isan sea which has found bayonstl” A group of syndialss
raid round him, mobilized 5,00 in 50 fa, and bis paper Beare
‘he mouthpiece of an increasingly frenetic interventions lt
“The PS expelled him a traitor and never forgave hey
refused to accept his surrender even in 1945, the surender of an old
‘comrade’ as he whimsiclly called himself)" The shock was pro:
found, since he had ben vetlly the leader ofthe mas party. There
was a viple of defections, but miltants and th youth on the whole
ood fim, grounded in the rooted antimiltarsm of the working
‘lass andthe peasantry. Seca took over Avant, to begin his heroie
and often lonely struggle to maintain the unity of the party, the ele
‘which made him the most loved of als leader
But he had to struggle to maintain that unity as defensin
eroded the party’ neutrality. Through the wiater, es intervention
cure closer, the reformiss shuld closer tothe nation and talked of
“relative neutrality’ and a truce in te clase war, Intranigents organ
Jad mass demonstrations in the new year against the cos of ling,
‘unemployment, the threat of war, bu the ony uly etansigent woe
‘was Bordiga's By December, he was preaching the need to break free
of any and every association with capitalism's war, the need to in
teasfy “cea dicords the propos to turn ational iato cull war,
‘while never made exple, became impli in his writing.
‘But from February, government tok ation against seat
‘demonstrations and Sera himself was arrested, as the inervetion-
its tok tothe strets. The approaching climax of negotiations with
the Entent, the revolt in paciameat and the reappearance of Gio
lit as a possibie focus fr neutralism, galvanized the interventions.
‘With D’Annunzio inthe van, a passionate, near-hysteiealchatvinst
frenzy mobilized masses against parliament, against Gilt, against
the “alto? socialists, in the radiant days of May’
‘The PSI war reduced toa wat of siege, As the Directorate
oiling desperately, red to organize resistance fo the iterveation-
luc street campaign, the pariamentary group warmed equally esper-
stely agains the theat of il wa and tua isoaton from the ation.
‘The Directorate lost its nerve. It dropped the general stvike against
the war proposed for 19 May an tld sections to hold potest meet-
Ings instead. But at Turia, with middleclass opaio larga formed
‘54 | Prolarlan Order
by the Gioltian La Stampa andthe section controlled by proletarian
lant in close contact with working-clase i, thoy wert ahead, nto
‘general strike on 17-18 May, which led to prolonged and body
Clashes with the police. There were other sporadic outbreaks across
Tiny, but they could be awept aside, Peasantry and working clase
‘were dragooned into war by an exulant middleclass and petybour-
poo.
[As the state of sage clamped down, the PSI to preserve its
nity, adopted the rther negative slogan: "Neither support nor sb
tage. The PSI voted solidly against war credits in the Chamber and
then Tura went to se his friend, Camilo Cordini Gilitian chef
de cabinet tothe minister Orlando, to effec ‘dignifedcollsboration'
in holding the masses end tothe national caus,
‘The War and the Working Class,
Ina sons, the war created both peasant miltancy and acon
scious working class! Some 5,750,000 men were dated; 60,000
‘wee killed, 700000 permanent disabled. OF the conscripted, 46 per
feat were peasants or rural workers. I proved easy to whip up their
Fated against exempted industrial workers. Sardinian peasants in
tniform had no hesitation in shooting down Turin workers in August
1917, The ruc labour force of males over 18 fll from 48 milion
{o 22 million, Women and eildren went more extensively to work,
‘but food production fell sharply, agricultural prices doubled while
industrial prices trebled; there were requisitions and controls. On the
oer hand, the black market ourished and its ela, as Gramsci
Pointed out, that many peasant housebols fought free of debt and
tmorteage¥ In nochern Raly the numberof peasant proprietors rove
from 26 to 36 percent of the total number of farmers The net
eet, paricuatly during the national mobilization afer the Capor-
tate dase, with sweeping promises of land reform, was to gent
ate an intense and quasi poliieal land-hungee and miltaney among
the rural population. Their rebellion wa reistering during 1918 and
ten the war ended, the peasants exploded into history.
‘Oa the working cls, the most obvious impact was that of
sheet expansion, Kalin production, particularly after Caporeto,
fchieved nearmirazuious levels. At the end of the war, aly had
‘pore artillery than Britain t was exporting trucks and aircraft ots
“Te Cais of Imperial and Democracy| $5 Allis. tel and engineering production increased by 50 pee cent; the
‘output of eleti power doubled. Large fms became monster; IN,
Fiat, Ansaid straddled northern aly Ikea olosue. Inthe ast yea?
ofthe war, there were dramati nancial take-over, The labour free
‘expanded abruptly. Engnsering embraced $00,000; Fiat's workers
lone rose from 7,000 to 30.000; the worker poptlation of Turin
doubled, Inthe immediate aftermath of the war, well over three
nillion workers Booded int the liberated trade unions,
‘Ther living conditions during the war generated contradict
ory elects which were as explosive as those in agiculre. All ire
‘Seemed eset othe war effort were designated aula” and aub-
jected to quas-miltary discipline, Some of thoi workers were con
sidered tobe on miliary duty, others were exempted fran military
service. Over 300,000 of some 900.000 workers in auxiliary factories
were considered military er exempted and over 760 of the 1,976
uxtiary fms wee in the meta industry. I hasbeen eximated that
over third ofthe labour force was excused service tthe font Tht
‘wages rose fo nominally high levels. There were more opportunities
for women. There was a widesread populat prejudice aglns the
‘well-paid shirker
Infact, ther ves were frequently wretched, Prices rocketed
tere wat massive inflation. Note eiculaton rove from 3454 milion
lie in 1913 0 14465 million in 1918. One estimate acon & rise in
the eos-ofiving index from 132.7 in 1915 (1913100) to 4091 in
1918, while the index for diy earings rose from 3.86 lie to 608 lie
in the same period, Another estimates the fll in ral wages at over a
‘quarter. It is clea fom socal-srves nition figures tha in Milan,
where wages were higher than average, a family of two adults and
three children would need two wage-eurers in the family simply to
keep going. In Turn, consumption of mest per iahubitant fll by @
thir, that of sugar bya hal" Food shortages were chronic, general
living and working conditions grim, the breakneck growth of industry
and the general dislocation caused intense sufeting, And while the
overoment made belated efforts to impose equality of serie in
the national revival after Caporeto, 1917 and 1918 were a black
Period. Shorly before the Turin workers fein revolt in August
117, Gioliti himself made a speech denouncing the blatant in-
quay.
For industrial profs were monstrous andthe black market
6 | Proletarian Orde
rnooseatng. Sera rogulaly published the balance shecs of com:
panies despite censorship and police harassment. In 1917, 313 leading
fms made a net prot of almost 1.331 milion lire, two and a tal
tines as much a in 1916, Piel made 7 millons in 1917 alone ~ and
Pell tyes were sid to have ben found on captured Austrian trucks,
(O3e scholar estimate that Between 1918 and 1917, the prostrate in
stel rose from 6.3 to 165 percent, in woo, fom 5.1 to 187 pe cent,
‘temieals and rubber from around 8 1 neat 16 pr ent. Motorcars
‘wee aid to have rten from @2 to 205 percent The average is
‘hood at around 16 per eeat and profits of 20 per cent and 40 per
fmt were common. And there was @ msm of sandal, eruption
and even treason, around these war profs of the ‘hark’ In 1918,
industrialists who had exported silk to Germany via Switzerland
‘ware arrested; Pirelli was subjected to enquiry; La Stampa waged a
campaign against the corruption of the shop-keapes’ co-operative,
[Alte the war, Gioiti could win massive support for his empaign 0
supe these profits out ofthe “shack
“The net felt vas & monstrous incest in else bated. Tt
vs intensiied and turned into militancy by the mobilization of
industry forthe war® The instrument was committees of industrial
rbilzation created in August 1915. These imposed a form of mili
‘ay feudalism on tho factories, Workers were ted 10 the job under
treat of imprisonment, demotion to lower-paid jobs, posting tothe
{ont But this forced labour was accompanied by a near-eompulory
ition este, The commitees undertook the setiement of dis-
putes. Thay setled 948 conictscirectly and deread setement in
488 other exses. Members of the commitee were active in paiting
yet otters, Union leaders were enmeshed in this process. Indeed,
Brune Buocd, ssreary of FIOM, found the system reasonably
fective. Unions eould no longer protst their members from die
pllaary action, but they had a myriad obs to perform over wages,
‘nal, sfey. Tei patipaton inthe sster brought them reer
“Membership of FIOM rose from some 11,000 to 47,000at time wien
union propaganda was imposible,
(On the other hand, the service of union faders generated
ssspsion and opened » breach betveen workers an labour ors8niza-
tions, The stresses and strains of wartime prow in any evet vastly
‘multiplied th fietons of dally work. Some kind of safety valve was
‘ede and, in these circumstaness, the “nternal commissions’ which
"The Cis of Imperialism and Democracy| 57 hd enjoyed a sporadic existence prewar became ubiquitous, At
times, the mobilization commitsas encouraged ther and they Were
often successful in discplinary mates. They enjoyed some independ-
‘ence of the formal union stare and the biliaton committees
often entrusted the local enforcement of agreements to them. But
‘while they were Becoming essential to workers an the shop floor and
their members were bepinning to act like shop-sewards, there was
lide system or uoiformty in ther election, Inthe Turin aea, they
were usually fve in number, often “obvious” candidates from the
“eading worker’ the shops. Only union members had the eight to
vote in their election, bu such procedures were often merely formal,
union officials and duee-cllactors doing the choosing. The infsence
of FIOM was paramount, but inevitably it was on th commissions
that discontent ame oa foeus**
1 was during 1917 thatthe stmowphere became brite. To
check the rising tide of discontent, goverament urges a concilistory
policy om wages and grievances but atthe sme tine, opened the com
‘mites to representatives of eathli and interventions unions. There
twas sharp increase tension and the internal commiesions began to
cuir a certain independance in hostity to the trade unions, Muh
the same proses was happening inal the iastutions of the working
lass. While eflcial socialist policy remained ‘Nether support noe
sabotage’, the seilist controlled communes had plenty of jobs they
could do la defence ofthe standard of living, in asesane, in securing
cxemptin, in what the party called human solidaris’. Their actions
were supported by deputies in the Chamber, the co-operatives, the
land workers’ union. All he institutions of the working class drifted
into collaboration with the state snd the reformist movernent emerged
immensely strengthened by the war. On the oter hand, popular ds-
content was, by 1917, reachiag insurrection pont.
1917 and the Polarization of the PSI
"The colosal historia ero ofthe men who, from the ute
break of the world war tothe present have controle the governing
organs of our association,” wrote Gramsci in October 1920, “has beed
the bit thar they could pestrve the old structare ofthe party from
its iver dstolusion®
‘The mos striking feature of the PSK during the War and
£58 Protearian Order
Immediately after itis the fact that t preserved unity, despite an
internal polarization which would logically appear to have been in-
tolerable. Scrat, in fat sa thi task as hisistocical duty. The roots
‘ofthe failed revolution’ of 1919-20 in Europe clearly ie in te war
petiod itself, particulary in those decisive months between the mass
revolts agninet the War in 1917 and the “aly 10 the nation” which |
followed the last Geran offensive, self made posible by the Soviet
tactical surrender at the peace of BrestLitovsk, which prespiated
the fist serious conflict Between Lenin and the revolutonsry ‘ef
In Italy, the Caporeto disaster had this effect io fate 1917, Despite
license popula dstfcton andthe attempt to cent «revolutionary
poltial movement, the reformiss, and with them much ofthe struc+
tore of offal seit, allied tothe nation and (oa ternational
perspective which was esentially democratic, withthe Febmary revo-
Ion in Rusia and te iatenationslsa of Woodrow Wilson as its
parameters. The precise temper of the insurectionary masses remains
elusive. After the War, during the ical debate over revolution in
the CGL at the climax ofthe Occupation ofthe Factores in 1920,
Buozs of FIOM proposed ¢ compromise resolution which infect
rate the use of revolutionary’ means to achieve ends which, how=
ver dramati, remained esseatally ‘democratic’. Ie may well be that
thi, infact, awuratly reflect popular temper not ony in 1920 but
In 1917, Certainly the socal democratic sir rained very song,
en in partis which hn formally ceased to be social-demoerai. If
‘tere conceded thatthe isi of ‘somminist’ revolution Was infact
sete in Europe i the ential months between the fst Rusia revo
Ion and the peace of Bres-Litovs, thea the post-war crisis, Com
inter poly, particularly inthe 1920-21 swite to x ‘united fron’
andthe thinking ofthat ‘ultrs-Ief° whi Lenin damised sian
‘would roquire radial re-assexsmeats®
‘This speculation, What ircertain thst popula dnconent
reached the point of insurrection in some areas of Italy in 917, but
faled to create evolutionary instrument; the evolutionary wing of
the PSE failed to be effective and moreover, remained within a party
in which reformism and a commitment to democracy had strength
ened. However devoted and heroic the unitary labours of Sera, the
resus surely suggest mare permanent and structural causa. Despite
‘ts international roe, th PSI didnot achieve qualitative change after
‘he crack of the Second Intersting,
“The Cass of Impecaion and Democracy| 9 ‘The PSF, despite ls ambiguity ver the Libyan War, had
been strong in the International and after 1914, theough its roving
ambassadors, Blabanolf and Moret, it rove hard to rebuild i
1c resolutely refused to countenance any reshaping of the Inter
national a an instrument of the Entente andthe fist Zimmerwald|
‘conference ofthe antar lft in September 1915 owed! a great deal
(o its efforts. There, the Italian delegation whit inclded Sera
made contact with Lenin and Trotsky, They di aot jin the proto.
‘communist minority in its “revolutionary defeatim, bt rallied to
the majority call for peace without annexaions or indemnities. At
the second conference in Klenthal in Apil 1916, where the Italians
‘were more numerous, Srzati moved more decisively to the let (Bal
‘banoff was moving even further) but Morea took the chanse to talk
to the Henry Ford peace mission and elaborated a Wilonian argu
‘ment. There i no cause to dovbt the “international of any sector
‘of the PSL, but most of them would qualify for Lenin's dismissive
appelation of ‘enti’. Interestingly enough - and symptomaticaly|
= Lenin saw Turati and Treves asthe Kautskys and Adler of Ia
twas Bordiga who was to identify Serrat himself, in whom Lenin
had some faith, asthe eal centiet
‘The PSI was far les stive inside Italy. Fftsn northern
provinces were declared a war zone, casrship was severe (hough
Secrat often managed to circumvent i), mlitans were harassed and
‘alld up Serrat got the message of Zimmervald through ~ there was
fan epidemic of Zimmerwald pins at one sage ~ but in practice the
Direstorate found it very diel to maintain the party at @ nit
‘Action shrank to the localities. Gramsci was now active in socialist
journalism in Turin and Bordiga was holding to his lonely sand in
the South, but it was very dieu forthe party asa national fore,
with war service, prison, defection and exile eroding its cadres, to
‘establish eflectve contact with the mounting popular exasperation,
‘Only the depoties andthe union leaders enjoyed any rea fesdom of|
manoeavie. In June 1916 the Salanra governmeot fll and Turats
Petsonal contact Orlando became Minister of the Interoc, The de
facto collaboration of socialist insiutions openly ineressd
Twas in 1917 that contradictions became scutes" President
‘Witon’s peace message of 23 January was welcomed warmly by the
feformists and crcumspecty by Serai, but at an ad hoe convention
Which managed to meet in Rome in Febraacy, a split threatened.
0 Proetatan Order
“Tere were enough section delepates thre to make it something lose
eacongress. After much agonizing dbate, the conduct of te Dee
terate was approved by nearly 24,00 vores to oter 6000, but there
‘2s much discontent over the behaviour ofthe deputies. Bordiga was
present and moved a tough motion which was only narrowly de
‘ated, by 17,000 to 14,00, But the eset oppasition came from the
<ékegntes of Torin, where popular exasperation was intense. Rabez-
‘ann, Datberis and Maria Gisie called for action, None was orth
smn, though the party realiemed its Zimmerva allegiance. The
“Tain delegates were drown back on their owe resources
‘The situation was transformed by news of the February
revolution in Russa, followed by Ameri’ entry into the Wat. To
reformists and democrat the revolutionized the chacacer of the
var, made it now unmistakably a war for democracy. The pale
mentary wing an thir supporters began to rally ea massetoa Wilson
n doctrine and support for Russian moderates, On the other hand,
te fact of revolution encouraged the intansigents. A vague but
powerful desir to do like they did in Russa ripped many. Avanti
‘this time vas misnformes! on the acta! situation in Russa; not
atl May did Balabanof! get to Petrograd. In these circumstances,
the reformist took the lead in two ere imetings of the Director.
‘ein April and May attended by representatives of the GPS and
(COL. The April meeting issued a statement writen by Turti which
talked of 2 Russo-Ameriean demosratc blve conronting imperial
autoeraies which were bound t9 disintegrate, Only Bordig protest
ina eter to Avant and Serati minimized the satemet as an
expression of the personal views of ‘one or two of ws.
ut, ia May, Milan and nearby cetres exploded int protest
snd Hot agnnstshorages and the general misery. Tae Diectorate-
(CGL meeting which took place in the shadow ofthis, the most serous
‘Hbeton since the outbreak of war, vetaly ignored it t published
lnsead a fully democrat programme of post-war reconstruction
whieh ealed for universal surage in proportional representation,
abolition ofthe senate, tx reforms, the 6hovr day, a ate insurance
scheme, civil service reform, socilzation of the land and pati:
‘mentary contol over foreign policy. The programme was presented
in terms of a Wilbonian Europeanism. Ic was supported by speeches
and ates by Twrati snd Treves which went further than the bulk
the deputies were prepared to go, hinting at socialist support fore
“The Ces of Lnperatsn and Democracy 61 beter government’ taking of 2 democratic peace and ‘noone in the
trenches next winter?
‘These development seem to have spurred the intransigents
into action. Sati mse, strengthened by Now of accurate intel
‘gence from Balabavoll in Petrograd, moved eft, Lein'e name figured
more and more prominently in Avant, Serrat's perception of Lenin
atthe point, like Grams, wat more visionary and mythical than
correct, but it registered a strengthening commitment to revolton,
(01 20 August, Avant! carted the headine Viva Lenin! which theew
the reformist into consternation,
‘More serious work was in hand. In th spring the Naples
section, led by Borda, issued an important statement of principe:
socialists in every country must direst their efforts to one end, an
Jimmeiate stop to the war, by an intransigent else action to resolve
the ers by sehieving the revoltionary ends of socialism, This eal
fo revolution, Leninist in tone, summoned the party to shed al
ambiguity, o discipline and direct mass aittion, to make itself the
vanguard of the proletariat in mass strugle agains capita and
‘bourgeois militaim s*
From Bordgas Naples the summons o form a revolutionary
‘movement ciculated in smi-clandestine manner. About & hundred
sections seem to have rallied. Groups af dedicated revolutionaries
‘were now emerging in the most embattled centres. Florence was
stronghold, under the eitor of the lac! journal Dies, Epo Gen
nari In Milan, there were Luigh Repos, Brono Fortchiari and
Abigale Zaneta In this nascent ‘communis’ movement, Trin was
to the fore: is rigs included Rabezzana, Barbers, Giudice, Gio
‘anni Boer, Evia Zoe,
1 April the youth movement began to move, The April
umber of Avanguardia projeted a revolution ia Germany and
‘adds, “From the trenches tothe sets... Truth eon the mare
It marches inexorably and vietoriusy from Rusia to. Germany.
‘The socialist youth of Italy avait i" In May, the FGS seretary
sent 2 memorandum tothe Dizetorts and the GPS demanding that
they impose ala elas policy’ ea the CGL, forthe preparation of
2 general strike onthe slogan immediate peace and not victory
In May, Rabezzana war urging the collection of arms and
both he and Barberisrsignd from the ational leadership of the
party. In July the revolutiontrie eld semi-seeot mosting in Flor.
(2 | Proeainn Order
ence Cf extremists! according to the police) which constituted «|
Fraction under the old 1910 name of intraigent revolutionary and
took clearly anti-patrotc tne, summoning the party to abandon
the bourgeois fatherland adopt strityrevollionary line andre
air that violence was the midwife of seal transformation, On 12
‘Aust, Lazzar the party scerelary himself irclated social mayors
‘on the propos that they reign en masse ifthe War were not stopped.
‘Tae visi of « Rosian delegation of Menshaviks and Social
Revolutionaries seems to have stuck the spark. Taey toured aly, t0
| rapturous weloome from the crowds. Serzat! may have interpreted
their spoctier rather {eely, for everywhere they went they were
‘rete, to thei visible dismay, with res of Viva Lenn! The sudden
‘erpence of mass, popular “ubverson” was a shock. The most tense
moment was in Turin, In response to the news frm Rusia, the iy
Iida class had become more strive in their neutrals. Gio
‘spoke aginst inequality of sacrifice in Avgust, The mayor of Turin
made speeches in his sopport and was forced to tsig. In Turin the
[Rian got their most enthusiastic reception. Lite over a week
the city ose in revolt
(On the morning of 21 August, eighty bakeries fale to open
in yet another breakdown in bread supplies. The streets fled with
protesting women and children, Large suplis of wheat were rapidly
Imported but it wat too late. The factris exploded into an anti-war
‘demonstration. Cashes berween police and workers were followed by
pitched battles between workerr snd soldiers. The working-class
‘guaters were barricaded, baracks attacked for arms, two churches
‘eked, The immediate uprising seams to have been entirely spontan
cous, But the militants of the section, anarchiste snd syadicaists,
{icky moved in to organize defence. In an effort to break out of
crelement, the workers advanced on the centre of the ety; on 24
‘August they nearly broke through. But chey were finally beaten buck
‘by machine guns and tanks
‘Oa the 2d some thirty socialist and union Iaders, both ns
teansigent and reformist, hd hurriedly met to give some order tothe
movement, No-one knew wht todo, They md a tatemant praising
the workers’ courage and asking them to give up any father ‘sees
violence’. On the 26, roca depute atked the workers to return
to their jobs and by the 28th it was al over At least 50 workers had
‘een killed and several hundred wounded. Over 800 socialists and
‘Te Crs of mpi snd Democracy /63 anarchists were arrested, inluding the whole ofthe section leader
ship, and neatly 200 were shipped ot the front. The a of alleged
Fingleadere was scheduled forthe summer of 1918 In tuth the move-
rent had risen spontaneovsy frm below. Moreover, ot only was it
‘one of the farcest and bloodiest confits in Haian working-
ether with John Reed's How do Soviets work? The next number
however had an oriental coma expining about Asia and a strong
‘erigue of Saivemini. Commitment 19 the Thi Ioteratonal: &
loka coverage of revolutionary movements in Rusia and Europe;
