International Journal of Hospitality Management 31 (2012) 849855

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International Journal of Hospitality Management

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/ijhosman

Hawker centres as tourist attractions: The case of Singapore

Joan C. Henderson , Ong Si Yun, Priscilla Poon, Xu Biwei
Nanyang Business School, Nanyang Technological University, Nanyang Avenue, Singapore 639798, Singapore

a r t i c l e
Keywords:
Hawker centres
Singapore
Street food
Tourism
Vendors

i n f o

a b s t r a c t
Cooked food hawkers are a sometimes neglected part of the tourism and hospitality industries, yet can
play a signicant role as a visitor attraction which offers both inexpensive food and insights into the
contemporary society and heritage of the destination. Hawking is ubiquitous in much of South East Asia
where it is integral to the life of local residents and this includes Singapore, the focus of the paper which
also comments on the relationship between food and tourism in general. The cooked food hawker sector
in the city state is described and the results of a survey of tourists about their experiences of dining
at hawker centres are presented. Responses appear favourable on the whole, but some concerns are
identied. It seems that hawkers may have unrealised potential as an amenity for tourists, although
widening their appeal and use is a challenging task compounded by the threat to the survival of hawker
centres from urban development pressures.
2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Introduction
By denition, tourists must eat away from home and food
can play a role in attracting visitors as well as enhancing overall enjoyment and satisfaction. The theme is regularly used to
promote tourist destinations which usually stress their variety of
dining options, together with the tastiness and quality of the dishes
available. Cuisines, often hailed as authentic and unique, are also
depicted as dimensions of cultures and lifestyles and sometimes
heritages. However, several barriers exist regarding the consumption of certain forms of cooked food by tourists and especially
that sold in local markets and on the streets. These issues are
examined in the paper with specic reference to Singapore which
offers a diversity of eating establishments, including hawker centres which are intrinsic to the everyday life of residents and appear
in advertising directed at visitors. The objectives of the study are to
improve understanding of the tourist experience of hawker centre
dining, revealing perceived shortcomings and positive attributes,
and afford insights into the challenges of hawker operation and the
administration of the sector.
The exercise is timely in light of the current debate about the
future of hawkers in Singapore and the threats emanating from
socio-economic change and rapid urban development, a dilemma
shared by vendors in other Asian cities. It is also an opportunity
to test claims about hawker centre attractiveness to tourists, one
element of which is the ability to illuminate facets of the countrys culture and heritage. After discussion of food and tourism in

Corresponding author. Tel.: +65 6790 6116; fax: +65 6791 3697.
E-mail address: [email protected] (J.C. Henderson).
0278-4319/$ see front matter 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
doi:10.1016/j.ijhm.2011.10.002

general and food hawking in particular, the characteristics of

Singapore hawker centres are outlined. The opinions of a sample of
tourists who have eaten in centres are then examined, before the
nal section which reviews the appeal of hawkers for tourists and
untapped potential. Comments and conclusions are derived from
the analysis of materials in the public domain, assembled from a
range of sources, and original data collected in a survey.
2. Food and tourists
Food and tourism are inextricably linked (Boniface, 2003; Hall
and Mitchell, 2000; Hjalanger and Richards, 2002; Long, 2004)
and eating is a physical necessity for every tourist which generates substantial revenues (Au and Law, 2002). There is a spectrum
of engagement in food matters amongst leisure and business
travellers (Henderson, 2009), but it can be a key inuence over destination selection and affect overall enjoyment of a trip (Enright and
Newton, 2005; Karim, 2006). For all diners, the physical environment and atmosphere can be crucial to comfort and satisfaction
as well as purchase intention and behaviour. Atmospherics are
likely to be more inuential when patronage is inspired by hedonic rather than utilitarian motives, demonstrated by heightened
expectations of ne dining (Ryu and Han, 2010). Nevertheless,
dimensions of aesthetics, lighting, ambience, layout, table setting
and service staff which are applicable to upscale restaurants (Ryu
and Han, 2011; Ryu and Jang, 2008) are also relevant in more modest establishments. Another consideration in the case of ethnic
restaurants, described as cultural ambassadors (Wood and Munz,
2007), is authenticity (Liu and Jang, 2009). Authenticity is, however,
a disputed concept (Jang et al., 2011) and judgements are complicated when tourists accustomed to foreign dishes as presented by

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J.C. Henderson et al. / International Journal of Hospitality Management 31 (2012) 849855

restaurants in their native land sample the same cuisine elsewhere

(Lu and Fine, 1994).
Alongside providing vital daily sustenance and meeting tourist
needs such as those of indulgence and entertainment, food can perform other functions. It may yield clues to individual and group
character in a way illustrated by the command of the early nineteenth century French gastronome Brillat-Savarin (1970) to tell
me what you eat and Ill tell you what you are. Modern studies
from sociological and geographical perspectives have explored the
wider signicance of food which is agreed to contribute to and mirror national and local identities (Bell and Valentine, 1997; Caplan,
1997; Cook and Crang, 1996). Ingredients and the manner in which
they are combined, cooked and eaten constitute a socio-cultural
phenomenon and food is essential to developing tourism products,
assimilation of the culture and social activities (Karim, 2006, p. 30).
A destinations cuisine is also a window onto its history (Bessiere,
1998) so that food can act as a heritage asset.
Attention given to food within a tourism context appears to
have intensied around the world in recent decades (Centre for
Hospitality Research, 2005). Such a trend is reected in the marketing of food as an attraction for tourists and the expansion of
food tourism, dened as tourism in which food plays a prominent role (Hall, 2003; Hall et al., 2003). Destination marketers
employ food as a means of positioning and differentiation (Boyne
et al., 2003; Fox, 2007; Frochot, 2003) and its images are carefully constructed to convey a sense of place (Du Rand et al., 2003;
Hjalanger and Corigliano, 2000). East Asia conforms to this tendency (Horng and Tsai, 2010), exemplied by Hong Kong which
is portrayed as a sophisticated and cosmopolitan city with an
appropriate dining scene (Okumus et al., 2006). South East Asian
countries are also promoting food-related tourist pursuits, led by
Thailand (Rittichainuwat et al., 2001) and Malaysia (Jalis et al.,
2009) as well as Singapore.
Many destinations utilise food in their marketing, yet there may
be several inhibitors to tourist consumption of certain items and the
ourishing of food tourism based on indigenous cooking. Cohen and
Avieli (2004) maintain that people who are psychocentric or risk
averse are less likely than adventurous allocentrics to experiment
with food when overseas. It has been argued that those with neophobic tendencies will abhor unfamiliar culinary styles and local
delicacies while neophylics are curious and eager to try strange
foods (Fischler, 1988). Uniqueness of foods and service delivery
settings would thus seem to be a quality which both attracts and
repels. Dietary requirements and religious dictates also affect eating patterns as do nancial constraints. Nationality should not be
overlooked and the emergence of China as a major generator of
outbound tourists with distinct food habits has consequences for
the tourism industry worldwide which cannot be ignored (Li et al.,
2011).
Limited knowledge amongst tourists and problems of communication between them and suppliers are additional barriers to
appreciation of and participation in local food habits. As suggested
previously, dishes ordered abroad may not match familiar versions
because of adaptations to recipes and modes of preparation (Lu and
Fine, 1994). Doubts have also been expressed about the authenticity
of some purportedly iconic dishes proffered to tourists at destinations where menus are simplied and modied, failing to deliver
the genuine article (Ferguson, 1981). Globalisation forces are also
in operation, evidenced by the rise of international fast food chains
(Alno et al., 1998), and can undermine native food cultures. Perceived health hazards can further discourage the sampling of foods
by tourists (Grifth, 2006; MacLaurin, 2001) and guidebook warnings reinforce anxieties about hygiene (Cohen and Avieli, 2004).
Outlets such as open air markets and street traders may be regarded
with particular trepidation (Lues et al., 2006) yet still possess a
fascination as outlined in the next section.

3. The role of street vendors

Street vendors or hawkers are found throughout the world and
carry wares on their persons or use carts or stalls which are often
mobile (Hays-Mitchell, 1994). Their distribution reects customer
trafc and some are centralised in ofcially designated market
areas or unofcial semi-permanent sites. Food is commonly sold
(Dunnett, 2003) and has been labelled street food (Tinker, 1997),
activity being greatest in less developed regions (Yasmeen, 2001).
Cooked food hawking, akin to hawking in general, is characterised
by small unit size (Tinker, 2003) and ease of entry due to low start up
and operating costs. Working conditions and remuneration might
be poor (Muzaffar et al., 2009), but the sector provides much needed
income and jobs (Drakakis-Smith, 1990; Iyenda, 2001) as well as
feeding the urban poor (Haddad et al., 1998). Hawking can be a
tool in poverty reduction strategies (Nirathron, 2006) and yield
entrepreneurial opportunities (USM, 2010), notably for women
(WIEGO, 2011).
Hawkers are a tourist resource in some destinations, and the
presence of cooked and uncooked food sellers brings life and colour
to locations, drawing visitors as observers if not as customers. The
vendors and their dishes have been hailed as symbols of local
identity and difference, embodying aspects of the societies and
cultures in which they work (Madam Mam, 2011; Pang and Poh,
2008). As such, they merit support and protection against the negative outcomes of globalisation and internationalisation (Consumers
International, 2011) and are promoted to visitors (STB, 2010). These
phenomena are apparent in East and South East Asia (Bhowmik,
2005) and hawking is practiced in its cities (Hsieh and Chang, 2006),
coastal resorts (Bras and Dahles, 1998; Cukier and Wall, 1994;
Henderson and Smith, 2009; Smith and Henderson, 2008), historic
centres and tourist attractions (Timothy and Wall, 1997). Food features prominently (Winarno and Allain, 1991) and hawking as a
whole can impact positively on local economies and community
development (Dahles, 2003).
Illegality and accompanying insecurity are, however, universal
attributes of cooked food hawking which make it a component of
informal economies (ILO, 2000). Conditions of mobile and temporary stalls functioning outside of or on the fringes of the law
frustrate oversight and can have adverse repercussions for hygiene
and food safety (FAO and WHO, 2011; Lues et al., 2006; Pang and
Poh, 2008; Subratty et al., 2004). Other problems relate to the nutritional value of certain foods, congestion, litter, criminal action and
excessive touting for business. Actual and potential disadvantages
have prompted ofcial intervention in a bid to control hawking
(Codjia, 2000; Pena, 2000) and organisational arrangements vary
by country, as seen in South East Asia (Kusakabe, 2006; McGee
and Yeung, 1997). Regulation is, however, sometimes resisted
(Smart, 1986) and insufcient political commitment, an absence of
resources and ofcial corruption are all further barriers to effective
administration (Henderson, 2011).
There are also fundamental tensions between the demands of
urban development and traditional trades in rapidly modernising
Asian cities. Despite some efforts to integrate hawker interests
into contemporary urban planning (Hassan, 2003), new construction and redevelopment is occurring and encroaching on any land
deemed to be under-utilised economically (Leung, 2005). City centre space is increasingly in short supply, putting pressure on venues
such as local markets. The demands of street traders and their poorest patrons are unlikely to be allocated a high priority compared to
the imperatives of urbanisation and economic growth. Hawkers are
an embarrassment for some ofcials whose aspirations for their city
render selling food on the streets anachronistic (te Lintelo, 2009).
Urban environments are thus changing in ways which threaten the
survival of cooked food hawkers while demand from locals can be
eroded as a consequence of increased prosperity.

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The review of the literature in this and the preceding section

highlights certain key issues pertaining to tourists and food generally and with particular reference to hawkers. These warrant
attention within a Singapore context in order to better understand
the dining experiences offered to tourists by its hawker centres.
Important questions are the signicance attached by tourists to
dining as a whole and various components together with the
contribution of the physical and human environment (the latter
consisting of service providers and other customers), socio-cultural
insights and anxieties about health and hygiene specic to hawker
fare. These topics are incorporated into the questionnaire survey of
hawker centre tourist patrons which is reported on after an account
of food hawking there. Regulation is another major research theme
and the case of Singapore also demonstrates one possible strategy
for dealing with the dilemmas and opportunities hawkers create
for authorities.

4. Food hawkers in Singapore

Cooked food hawking has a long history in Singapore (Kong,
2007) and has always provoked concerns about public health hazards emanating from poor hygiene and sanitation. Attempts at
regulation by colonial authorities met with limited success and the
decision was made in 1965 by the government of the newly independent republic to relocate all street vendors. They were shifted
into specially constructed facilities, many integrated into the blocks
of public housing also being erected at that time and where most
citizens now reside. The transfer was completed by the mid-1980s
when 140 hawker centres, sometimes united with markets selling fresh produce, were in operation (NEA, 2009a). The centres are
state run and responsibility for their management lies with the
National Environment Agency (NEA) which has a Hawkers Department. Most stalls are rented to individuals after tendering and
competitive bidding may occur for more lucrative pitches (NEA,
2010a). They are located all over the island in residential and commercial areas and heavily used by residents, one survey concluding
that 50% of respondents ate hawker food at least six times a week
(Euromonitor, 2010a).
However, the number of centres and hawkers is declining with
78 hawker centres/markets and a further 28 and three trading only
in fresh produce and cooked food respectively in 2010. There was
one licensed hawker for every 372 residents in 2010 (Department
of Statistics, 2010) in contrast to a gure of 156 in 2000 (Henderson,
2000). Some hawker centres have become victims of the relentless
urban development which is characteristic of Singapore and others are at risk. Reluctance to take up hawking as a career amongst
younger Singaporeans is another difculty and there has been speculation about continued contraction and ultimate disappearance of
the trade (Tan, 2010).
The NEA is endeavouring to maintain patronage of hawker centres, evidenced by an upgrading programme with a budget of S$420
million which commenced in 2001 and focuses on older premises
(NEA, 2009b). It is aimed at improving the physical environment,
cleanliness and hygiene of centres whilst retaining their unique
avour (NEA, 2010b, p. 20). A food safety scheme dates from 1997
whereby stalls are awarded a grade from A to D according to criteria
of cleanliness, housekeeping and hygiene. The grades must be displayed and the NEA conducts regular checks. Operators have to pass
a basic food hygiene course and staff must be vaccinated against
typhoid. Programmes to improve hawker skills have recently been
launched in cooperation with the Workforce Development Agency
and entertainments and activities which will enliven centres are
being encouraged (NEA, 2010c). The NEA and Health Promotion
Board have also cooperated in initiatives such as the City Hawker
Food Hunt to nd and reward hygienic and authentic hawker food.

851

Most recently, an interactive web portal was introduced in 2010

which allows registered users to recommend and review food, stalls
and centres (NEA, 2010b).
Government has thus proved highly interventionist in its management of food hawking. The approach is an outcome of a
philosophy and agenda shaped by the desire to exercise order and
control which extends to political, economic, socio-cultural and
environmental arenas (EIU, 2009; George, 2000; Waller, 2001). The
lack of political opposition has enabled the incumbent regime, in
power since independence, to implement a long term physical plan
directed at realising ofcial visions of the city state in which land
use is strictly delineated (URA, 2001). There is a commitment to a
degree of conservation, but economic growth objectives take precedence and citizens are expected to concur with formal notions of
what constitutes the national interest (Powell, 1997). In return,
much of the population enjoys relative prosperity with GNI per
capita of US$37,220 in 2010 compared to an average of US$3172
for East Asia and the Pacic (World Bank, 2011). Awareness of this
advantage has offset criticism of the government which depicts
itself as the architect and guardian of the countrys successes.
The manner in which Singapore has been transformed in the
post-independence years is mirrored by the changes in how cooked
food hawkers do business. They have been reorganised, compelled
to move and must work in accordance with government policies
and the restructuring of urban space. While leading to a safer and
more comfortable environment for both workers and diners, some
bemoan the disappearance of more mobile and unregulated hawkers and the attendant theatre of street food commerce (Native Food
and Wine, 2010). Contemporary hawker centres in Singapore are
thus part of an evolutionary process and reactions of a sample of
tourists to twenty rst century manifestations of hawking there are
discussed in the next section.
Although patronised primarily by locals, Singapores hawker
centres serve visitors and 98% of tourist respondents in an ofcial
survey agreed with the propositions that hawker centres are unique
to Singapore and worthy of preservation (NEA, 2005). There is a
belief that hawker centres cultivate an appreciation of the islands
history and heritage (Tung, 2010) which is that of an international
port and British colony drawing migrants from around the globe
and especially from China. The resulting multiracial society and its
ancestral cultures are reected in Chinese, Indian, Malay, Eurasian,
Western, fusion and other hawker dishes (Chua and Rajah, 2001).
Hawker centres are also inclusive and still essential to current
lifestyles, providing inexpensive and convenient food to people of
all races and backgrounds. As a unique community space for social
interaction (Ghani, 2011), they are a curiosity for visitors seeking an
understanding of the everyday lives of Singaporeans. Tourists are
urged by the Singapore Tourism Board, in charge of tourism promotion and development, to sample signature hawker dishes and
eat like locals (STB, 2010). Food of all types appears to be a strong
selling point for Singapore where tourism accounts for about 6% of
GDP (Euromonitor, 2010b). International arrivals reached a record
11.6 million in 2010, when receipts totalled S$18.8 billion, and the
goal is 17 million visitors by 2015 (STB, 2011).

5. Methodology
A short exploratory survey using convenience sampling was
undertaken in order to gather information about tourist experiences of and attitudes towards hawker food and dining in
Singapore. The exercise was conducted in the English language and
restricted to tourists from North America, Europe, Australia and
New Zealand who had eaten at one of the citys hawker centres.
The regions of origin were chosen because they are valuable, albeit
mature, markets which are targeted by ofcial promotion (STB,

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J.C. Henderson et al. / International Journal of Hospitality Management 31 (2012) 849855

2011). Resource constraints and communication barriers prohibited the inclusion of tourists from Mainland China and South East
Asian neighbours who are greater in volume than their Western
counterparts.
As mentioned previously, questions were formulated on the
basis of key themes emerging from the literature review and in correspondence with the research objectives. Respondents were asked
about factors of importance to them when dining overseas generally and with regard to hawker centres in terms of perceptions of
the physical and social environment, uniqueness and cultural signicance and hygiene issues. The survey was administered by the
research team in late 2010 during the evening at eight hawker centres located in the heart of the city. Potential respondents were
identied and approached only at the end of their meal when the
purpose of the study was explained. They were screened for nationality, English speaking ability and tourist status. Nearly all invited
to participate were willing to do so and a total of 147 questionnaires were completed. SPSS was employed to code and analyse
the data which were mainly in the form of responses to Likert scale
statements. Percentages in the tables included in the results section
were rounded up and totals may therefore exceed 100.
The limitations of the survey are appreciated, especially the
small sample size and exclusion of visitors residing outside the
selected areas. The vendor perspective has also been omitted and
is clearly of interest, but the original intention of engaging in a dialogue with stallholders was frustrated by the demands of their work
and suspicions about being asked questions. Both hawker views and
non-Western experiences are thus avenues for further research.
The statistical analysis could also have been more sophisticated,
allowing relationships amongst the variables to be explored in
depth and detail. Nevertheless, it was decided that sufcient material had been collected on how some tourists feel about hawker
dining to illuminate the discussion.

Almost two thirds were staying one to three days and 28% were
in Singapore for four to six days while the rest were on longer trips.
The priority attached by respondents to certain key dimensions
of dining when travelling overseas is listed in Table 1. It can be seen
that 75% considered gaining an understanding of the local culture
to be of high or very high importance, ranking it rst. Adequate
standards of hygiene in the dining environment and unique cuisine followed, ahead of value for money and service. The comfort
of the physical environment recorded the lowest ranking with a
quarter deeming it of low or very low importance. The extent to
which Singapore hawker centres matched these requirements is
revealed below except for value for money which was the subject
of additional questions; 90% afrmed that the food was value for
money and the same proportion agreed or strongly agreed that it
was inexpensive.
6.2. The physical and social environment of hawker centres

6. Results

Customers queue to order from a variety of stalls which list

their offerings and prices on boards, usually with illustrations. Some
tables are under cover, but there are often outdoor seating areas.
Traditional hawker centres are distinguished from more modern
commercial food courts by their rudimentary xtures and ttings
and an absence of air conditioning. As shown in Table 2, 83% agreed
or strongly agreed that the alfresco setting of the hawker centre
enhanced their enjoyment. Most found the method of ordering
straightforward and 93% agreed or strongly agreed that the menu
boards and signage was easily understood. Almost three quarters (73%) agreed or strongly agreed that they were satised with
the comfort level of the physical environment. Over half strongly
agreed and 32% agreed that eating with locals added positively to
the experience and a majority strongly agreed or agreed that hawkers were friendly, but one third were not convinced. A third was
also unsure or did not agree that communication with hawkers
was easy. Nevertheless, there was agreement by nearly 75% that
the overall standard of service was satisfactory.

6.1. Prole of respondents and their dining priorities

6.3. Uniqueness and cultural signicance

Respondents hailed from 21 countries with the highest proportions from the UK (26%), Germany (14%), the USA (13%) and
Australia (13%). Over half were aged between 21 and 39, 10%
were above 56 and the remainder were between 40 and 56. Most
were travelling with companions and 17% were lone travellers.

There was agreement that hawker food had an appealing

uniqueness (65%) and that it was a reection of Singapores culture, although almost one third did not hold this view. The dining
concept was judged unique by 64% and a number of dissenters cited
instances elsewhere in South East Asia, admitting that these were

Table 1
Factors of importance to tourists when dining overseas.
Factor

Of very low importance

Of low importance

Neutral

Of high importance

Of very high importance

Cultural understanding
Hygiene
Unique cuisine
Value-for-money
Service
Comfort

1
1
1
3
4
5

5
9
7
14
19
20

21
19
21
21
34
40

39
36
39
41
32
29

36
35
32
21
11
6

Table 2
The physical and human environment of hawker centres.

Enhanced enjoyment due to alfresco setting

Easily understood system of food ordering
Easily understood menu boards and signage
Comfortable physical environment
Enhanced enjoyment due to dining with locals
Friendly hawkers
Easy communication with hawkers
Satisfactory overall service

Strongly disagree

Disagree

Neither agree nor disagree

Agree

Strongly agree

0
0
1
0
0
1
0
0

0
2
5
3
2
7
13
3

14
5
13
23
14
24
17
23

46
49
42
56
32
43
39
42

37
44
32
17
52
26
32
32

J.C. Henderson et al. / International Journal of Hospitality Management 31 (2012) 849855

853

Table 3
Uniqueness and cultural signicance.
Strongly disagree

Disagree

Neither agree nor disagree

Agree

Strongly agree

1
0
1
2
0

10
2
10
9
10

25
26
25
32
28

48
42
40
45
40

17
30
24
13
22

Strongly disagree

Disagree

Neither agree nor disagree

Agree

Strongly agree

3
2
2
6
5

3
7
6
15
12

28
30
26
25
23

54
47
53
33
26

13
14
14
20
33

Unique appeal of hawker food

Hawker food as a reection of Singapore culture
Hawker centres as a unique dining concept
Hawker centres as a means of learning about Singapore heritage
Hawkers as a symbol of Singapore culture

Table 4
Hygiene and food safety.

Hygienic food preparation

Satisfactory cleaning up
Satisfactory cleanliness
Choice affected by grade
Favouring of A stalls

more disorganised and dirtier. The proposal that the visit had been
educative about Singapores heritage provoked a mixed reaction.
Over half concurred with the proposition, 45% agreeing and 13%
strongly agreeing, but a third were uncertain and 11% disagreed.
Around 38% were uncertain about or disagreed that hawkers are
cultural symbols, the remainder agreeing (40%) or strongly agreeing
(22%) (Table 3).

6.4. Hygiene and food safety

According to the statistics in Table 4, 54% agreed and 13%
strongly agreed that the food preparation was hygienic. Nevertheless, some said that they were unable to see clearly how food
was prepared, making it difcult to comment. There were similar
levels of satisfaction with the cleaning up processes and cleanliness, but those in strong agreement were in the minority and
respondents often voiced the opinion that there was room for
improvements. Most tourists (64%) were unaware of the ofcial
grading scheme and there were contrasting views about how it
might affect their dining decisions. Just over 20% disagreed or
strongly disagreed that grades would impact on their choice of
stall, but over 50% replied in the afrmative. Around 60% agreed
or strongly agreed that they would favour stalls displaying an
A grade.

6.5. Summary
Tourists surveyed thus generally had positive attitudes towards
Singapores hawker food, hawker centres and hawkers. A question about broad satisfaction elicited a favourable reaction with
84% agreeing or strongly agreeing that their expectations had been
met, but there were misgivings about hygiene and cleanliness.
There was also support for the ideas of the uniqueness of the
food and ambience; food and food sellers as social and cultural
emblems; and dining places as spaces where lessons could be
learned about destination heritage. Nevertheless, strong agreement
with these sentiments was restricted and a sizeable proportion of
respondents failed to agree. Given the professed priority allocated
by tourists to the gaining of cultural understanding through eating out, it would seem that some respondents were disappointed
in this respect with regard to Singapores hawker centres. The
ndings additionally suggest that destination marketing messages
about the unique attributes of hawking in Singapore and its function as a symbol of culture and heritage do not resonate with all
tourists.

7. Conclusion
The reservations felt by some tourists about hawker dining are
matters of attention for ofcial agencies with responsibilities for
hawkers and tourism. In order to assuage doubts about hygiene,
more publicity could be given to the stallholder grading scheme.
Demonstrations of hygienic practices on the part of stallholders and
centre management need to be made clearly observable. Continued
investment in upgrading the physical environment will assist in
raising standards and perhaps revitalise quieter centres, increasing
both tourist and resident trafc. Tourist custom could be stimulated
by intensied efforts to promote both hawker fare and its history,
narrating the stories behind favourite dishes and centres. Notions
of a unique Singaporean hawker cuisine can also be reinforced and
the website could be further exploited as it may be under-utilised
as an information source.
The circumstances recounted in this paper indicate that South
East Asian hawker food and the overall hawker centre dining experience are of appeal to tourists. However, it must be acknowledged
that Singapores hawker sector does possess some possible advantages in terms of acceptance by tourists arising from the feelings
of security engendered by an efcient and well resourced government and disciplined and ordered society. Ofcial regulation
encompasses hawkers and may inspire greater condence about
consumption of their food amongst tourists who would be reluctant to sample street foods in other cities of the region. At the same
time, hawking in the city state may lack the spontaneity accompanying less organised trading and comparative studies of activity
and approaches to hawker management is a direction for further
research. The attitudes and proles of tourists who embrace hawker
dining, as well as those who reject it, must be explored further for
a more complete picture of actual and latent demand. Asian tourist
perspectives should also be evaluated and cross-cultural comparisons undertaken.
Cooked food hawkers are thus an interesting component of the
tourism and hospitality industries which is more prominent in certain parts of the world, evidenced by conditions in South East Asia.
The case of Singapore affords insights into the appeal hawkers centres can have for tourists, tourist concerns about patronage and
management and marketing strategies. It would seem that hawkers may have unrealised potential as a source of food for visitors
and an attraction which sheds light on contemporary society and
historical processes. There are, however, some risks in endeavouring to make hawker centres more accessible to and popular with
tourists. The loss of their intrinsic character and the alienation of
residents could ensue from over-emphasis on tourism markets in
a manner seen at sites around the world.

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J.C. Henderson et al. / International Journal of Hospitality Management 31 (2012) 849855

The challenge is therefore to realise any hawker centre tourism

potential through destination marketing and product development
of a sort which does not impinge on the authenticity of the setting
and experience. Another and more fundamental dilemma is ensuring the sustainability of the food hawking trade in modernising
Asian cities where urban development priorities take precedence.
The hawking sector requires the support of governments and citizens if it is to survive and perform a full role as a tourist amenity.
Vendors should also be given a voice in decision making and planning and it must be remembered that hawking is a livelihood upon
which individuals and their families depend as well as a tourist
resource and cultural symbol.

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