Tibetan Studies PIATS-6 (Appendix To Vol. 1)

Proceedings of the 6-th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies FAGERNES 1992

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Tibetan Studies PIATS-6 (Appendix To Vol. 1)

Proceedings of the 6-th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies FAGERNES 1992

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TIBETAN STUDIES Proceedings of the 6th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies FAGERNES 1992 VOLUME 2 The Institute for Comparative Research in Human Culture Oslo, 1994TIBETAN STUDIES Proceedings of the 6th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies FAGERNES 1992, VOLUME 2 edited by Per KVAERNE The Institute for Comparative Research in Human Culture Oslo, 1994Alice EGYED Notes on the study of variations on Rnying-ma-pa and Gsar-ma-pa bskang-gso rituals and their music 219 Helmut EIMER Preliminary notes on Nor chen's Kanjur catalogue ..... 200.6000 eee ee 230 Elena de Rossi FLIBECK A manuscript on the Stag lung pa genealogy . 6.0.0... 00sec eee eee 237 } Elisabeth FINCKH ‘Behaviour — an important part of Tibetan medicine ........ 0000000005 241 Roger GREATREX A brief introduction to the first Jinchuan War (1747-1749)... 6.6... 055 2A7 Nicola GRIST ‘The use of obligatory labour for porterage in pre-independence Ladakh . Janet GYATSO. Guru Chos-dbang’s gTer ’byung chen mo: an early survey of the treasure tradition and its strategies in discussing Bon treasure... 2.6.6... -0000-5 ak Michael HAHN ‘On some rare particles,words and auxiliaries in classical Tibetan .... 4... 288 Paul HARRISON In search of the source of the Tibetan Bka’ *gyur: a reconnaissance report ... 295 Mireille HELFFER Traditions tibétaines relatives a l'origine du tambour. .........-.--.-+ 318 Amy HELLER Ninth century Buddhist images carved at IDan-ma-brag to commemorate Tibeto-Chinese negotiations... 0.0... cece evece etree cent ee eeee 335 Toni HUBER ‘Why can’t women climb Pure Crystal Mountain? Remarks on gender, ritual and space at Tsa-ti 350 David JACKSON ‘An early biography of rNgog Lo-tsi-ba Blo-Idan-shes-rab oe... eee eee 372 JAMPA SAMTEN Notes on the bKa’-"gyur of O-rgyan-gling, the family temple of the Pe aoe SIANGRIAN JIACUO An investigation on Gesar’s arrow divination (Gesar mDav-mo) .......-+ 403 Samten G. The origin inyths of the first king of Tibet as revealed in the Can-inga ...... 408 Tsultrim Kelsang KHANGKAR qm mz" Korfarrageraacy FAP SAN AA ATC HAPARG SAAR 430 Deborah E. KLIMBURG-SALTER Indo-Tibetan miniature painting from Himachal Pradesh 441 Josef KOLMAS The Ambans and Assistant Ambans of Tibet (1727-1912): some statistical ee pee aoe Nancy E. LEVINE "The demise of marriage in Purang, Tibet 1959-1990 ........+-+----55 468 Erberto LOBUE ‘A case of mistaken identity: Ma-gcig Labs-sgron and Ma-geig Zha-ma ..... 481 Donald S. LOPEZ, Jr. dGe "dun Chos 'phel’s Kiu sgrub dgongs rgyan: a preliminary study... . . . 491 Andrea LOSERIES-LEICK Symbolism in the Bon Mother Tantra. . 50k VURong MA and Naigu PAN ‘The Tibetan population and their geographical distribution in China ....... 507 Dan MARTIN: Tibet at the center: a historical study of some Tibetan geographical conceptions based on two types of country-lists found in Bon histories .... . 517 Volume 2 Robert MAYER Scriptural revelation in India and Tibet. Indian precursors of the gTer-ma tradition 533 Boyd MICHAILOVSKI and Martine MAZA\ Preliminary notes on the languages Roy Andrew MILLER Evam sarve catvardht 0.00.0 ccc cee e eee n neces Katsumi MIMAKI ‘A fourteenth century Bon po doxography, the Bon sgo gsal byed by Tre ston rGyal mtshan dpal —- a preliminary report toward a critical edition .. 570 Deliash N. MUZRAEVA “The tale of the moon cuckoo” by sTag-phu-ba Blo-bzang bstan-pa rgyal-mtshan and its spread in Central Asia... 2.2.26. 0. eee eee eee 580 Braham NORWICK Modern mapping of Tibet — a.cautionary tale .. . 586 ‘Shunzo ONODA Classifications of logical mark of non-cognition in Tibetan Buddhism ..... . 602 Giacomella OROFINO Divination with mirrors, Observations on a simile found in the Kalacakra literature . . 612 Pasang Wangdu PATSHAB gy @q'4/ SIC 4) RAGQAAT AINA S54 VHA ACN SINAN SYS Ay 629 PEMA BUM Xin'ar Adal FASO AT SE AP AIDS OP R95 IR BG A 640 Luciano PETECH The disintegration of the Tibetan kingdom «2... 0.6.60... cee eee eee 649 Frangoise POMMARET Les fétes aux divinités-montagnes Phyva au Bhoutan del’est.........-.. 660 Heinz RATHER Views on ecology among Tibetan intellectuals Donatella Rosst i e ‘The Nine Ways of the Bonpo tradition: an oral presentation by a contemporary Bonpo lama... 6... cee eee eee eee eee 676 Anne de SALES Magar songs, Naxi pictograms and Dunhuang texts . . . 682 Geoffrey SAMUEL Tibet and the Southeast Asian highlands: rethinking the intellectual context of Tibetan studies oe Cristina Anna SCHERRER-SCHAUB ‘Some dhdrant written on paper functioning as dharmakaya relics. A tentative approach to PT 350 0.6.0... vee cece cece eer e ee eee eee m1 Ronald David SCHWARTZ Buddhism, nationalist protest, and the state in Tibet... 0.06... ee cee 728 Tsering SHAKYA The genesis of the Sino-Tibetan Agreement of I951.. 6.6.6.6 eee eee ee 739 ixLobsang SHASTRI ‘The marriage customs of Ru-thog (Mnga’-ris) 0.060.000. cc cee renee Peter SKILLING Kanjur titles and colophons SONAM KYI asia 95) Rana aay gs 5A) A a: AQ Sj SONG Liming The Younghusband Expedition and China’s policy towards Tibet (1903-1904) Elliot SPERLING Risa-mi lo-tsd-ba Sangs-rgyas Grags-pa and the Tangut background to on Mongol-Tibetan relations Heather STODDARD Don grub rgyal (1953-1985). Suicide of a modem Tibetan writer and scholar . Axel Kristian STROM x Tibetan refugees in India: socio-cultural change ....-. 0.6.60. e scenes ‘Tsugubito TAKEUCHI Tshan: subordinate administrative units of the thousand-districts inthe Tibetan Empire 2.0... sce eect eee eee eee eens Kimiaki TANAKA. ‘The Buddhist sites of Tholing Monastery and the “White Temple” at ‘Tsaparang (Western Tibet): their present condition and an analysis of the iconography of the Yoga Tantras Yuko TANAKA A note on the history, materials and techniques of Tibetan appliqué thangkas David TEMPLEMAN Reflexive criticism — the case of Kun dga’ grol mchog and Taranatha ..... Francis V. TIso The rdo rje ‘chang rnam thar in the bka’ brgyud gser ‘phreng gente........ TSAI Mei-fen. Art between Tibet and the Ch’ing court: Tibetan religious objects in the collection of the National Palace Museum .. 6... 60... e eee ee eee ee eee TSERING THAR BR gy : Aggorggarg frag wan gat aya a9 5 BIN ge AA HAA ANT A] Helga UBBACH and t Géza URAY Clan versus thousand-district versus army in the Tibetan empire.......... Vladimir L. USPENSKY Qoricar-Mergen as an incarnation of Padmasambhava: a legend about the propagation of Buddhism in Mongolia... 2.2... 22.00 eseeee ee eees Robit VOHRA Sogdian inscriptions from Tangtse in Ladakh . Michael WALTER: Prolegomenon to a 1 study of the Gser ‘od nor bu ‘od "bar gyi mdo........ WANG Xing Xian ge-Baryqay Avge ae agg aasy ay h5 Fy WANG Yao ~ A cult of Mahakala in Beijing . . Paul WILLIAMS An argument for cittamatra — reflections on Bodhicaryavatara 928 (Tib.27) ed YONTAN GYATSO Le monastére de La-mo bde-chen dans I'Amdo PS AC AR Ry IAST x 781 789 801 825 837 848 . 863 873 877 884 889 906 913 916 + 920 930 939 957‘The Institute for Comparative Research in Human Culture Occasional Papers 12 © 1994 by The Institute for Comparative Research in Human Culture Drammensveien 78, N-0271 Oslo, NORWAY Allrights reserved. No part of the contents of this book may be iced without the written permission of the publisher. Photo: Per Kvaerne Printed by * It seems that in the Hindu and Buddhist tantric traditions alike, nidhi was predominantly seen as material wealth, a category in which magical elixirs are included. But in some of the more exoteric strata of Vedic or Hindu fiterature, the words nidhi (treasure) and nidhipa (tteasure protector) carried a slightly different nuance. From citations in the Kausikasitra and the Grhyasatras, Jan Gonda has shown that nidhi here refers to something of spiritual value deposited in a spiritual realm. This was guarded by protectors called nidhipa, whose function was to ensure that only those who had deposited the nidhi in the first place, or those for whorn it was intended, could eventually reclaim it, when they eventually arrived in the spiritual realm in person. Agni, Prajapati, or Brhaspati would often act as "keepers of the deposits”.35 This classical use of nidhi to mean spiritual treasure does not seem to be entirely lost in the tantric tradition, since the material treasures discovered there retain at least a spiritual flavour - some or all of the wealth must go to spiritual purposes, and consumption of the sacred elixirs is inherently spiritual. But despite a reasonable search, I have been unable to find any Indian tantric reference to the use of the term nidhi to mean a scriptural or textual discovery, as it so frequently does in the rNying-ma-pa system Nevertheless the similarities between the Indic material mentioned above and the Tibetan gter-ma tradition are clear. a, Like the Indian tantric cult, the Tibetan tradition includes under the rubric of grer-ma the discovery of wealth, sacred elixirs, and valuable objects, just as much as the recovery of religious texts and scriptures. For example, Padma Gling-pa was offered a skullful of gold by the treasure-protector (grer-srung) Khari, who also promised to gradually give him all the wealth of the local rulers of Tibet. Likewise, Dudjom Rinpoche lists many longevity pills, jewels, flasks of the "waters of life", images, relics, and other valuable objects that were discovered by various gter-stons? Dodrupchen IIL echoes the Indian tantric tradition’s emphasis on elixirs when he writes that, “according to some interpretations, the amrta rendering liberation by tasting is praised as the best among the Terma substances".28 Ail these various types of material treasures scem to be quite as widespread as the scriptural treasures. Both equally go by the name of gter-ma, b. Like their Indian tantric antecedents, Tibetan gter-stons constantly revisited the same treasure sites, from which many generations of treasure-finders spanning many centuries could recover treasures. These were called gter-gnas, "treasure places", or gter-kha, literally “treasure faces”, ic. “treasure sites”, and often were situated at very dangerous or inaccessible places. Within the gter-kha would be a gter-sgo or “weasure door", a miraculous door in the rock which only the appointed gter-ston could open and within which he would find the casket (sgrom-bu) containing the treasure, After the treasure was removed, the door would miraculously be resealed, 540Mayer: Scriptural revelation leaving only a mark on the rock. This complex of gter-kha and gter-sgo seems very similar indeed to the Sanskrit notion of sribita-mukha; indeed, gter-kha could possibly even be a direct Tibetan translation of the Sanskrit technical term. ¢. The ambivalent nature of the guardian spirits of the treasures is again common to both traditions, In the Indian nidhi tradition and in the Tibetan gter-ma system alike, these guardians are extremely dangerous, despite the useful function they carry out. Inhis study of Padma Gling-pa, Michael Aris graphically describes the dire calamities thought to have befallen both humans and animals as a result of offending. the gter-ma keepers (gter-bdag), whether unwittingly or not; all of which underscores the importance of constantly placating them.%° Dodrupchen Ill states this ambivalent nature of the treasure-guardians very clearly. He points out that many of the treasure-guardians were deliberately selected and appointed by Padmasambhava from among the chiefs of the various classes of evil demons apposed to Buddhism. The idea is the recurring tantric theme of controlling evil spirits: "by appointing their chiefs as [grer-ma] protectors, their subjects won't be able to transgress their orders” 40 We can see from the paragraphs above that some of the aspects of the rNying-ma-pa gter-ma tradition that are not derivable from the teachings of such Mahayana satra scriptures as the PraS, are derivable from early Buddhist tantras of the kiya class.(Of course, there are also other elements, such as the role of dakints, taken from mahayoga sources, that are not analysed at all in this paper). Yet on closer analysis, much of the kriya tantric material is essentially an expansion of aspects of the stra material, for the PraS already includes such topics as naga and deva spirits who guard the treasures, and rocks and mountains in which they guard them. Thus it is clear that the most important basic structuring concepts of the gter-ma tradition come from the stra rather than the tantra tradition; itis only in the area of certain practical details of concealment and retcieval, and in the idea of material treasures and elixirs being discovered, that elements are derived from the early tantric sources. In conclusion, we can see that it might well be mistaken to regard the grer-ma and dag- snang systems as syacretic, or essentially indigenous to Tibet. On the contrary, it seems that these traditions constitute a predominantly Buddhist development of Indian Buddhist ideas, albeit carried out on Tibetan soil. Even the visionary journeys to receive teachings directly from Padmasambhava in his paradise, experienced so ofien by gter-stons such as Padima-Gling-pa and others, and seen by some Western scholars as strong evidence of anon-Buddhist shamanism,*! to my mind moré probably carry a quite different connotation, Although, admittedly, we do have evidence of shamanistic journeys in non- Buddhist Tibetan religion, such journeys are also central to the Pure Vision tradition as classically defined in Mahayana sources, Thus it would seem more likely that the visionary journeys of Padma Giing-pa and others are simply a faithfully traditional and fully conscious emulation, even if with a Tibetan flavour, of the magical journeys of treasure discovery made by such exemplary Indian Buddhist treasure discoverers as Nagarjuna, revealer of the Prajiiaparamita scriptures, and Asafiga, revealer of the famous teachings attributed to the Buddha Maitreya. The prevailing Western academic view of grer-ma has so far tried to understand it predominantly in terms of the historical conditions influencing its first appearence in [1th 541Mayer: Scriptural revelation century Tibet. Hence, it is seen largely in terms of a response by the followers of the Old Tantras, to the challenge posed by the arrival in Tibet and translation of the New Tantras.? While not intending to take issue with this view, I think that such a sociological perspective can fruitfully be broadened by a textual consideration of the degree of fidelity that the actual methods of grer-ma production bear to the much older mainstream Indian scriptural traditions. Such data tends to confirm the views of anthropologists such as Maurice Bloch, that the nature of ritual is extremely slow-changing; and of Jack Goody, that the possession of a detailed written scriptural corpus can confer on a tradition the power of constant or repeated regeneration to a very precise template over very long periods of time. Indeed, it seems quite probable that in observing the highly systematic workings of contemporary Tibetan scripture-revealers, we are in fact observing a unique survival, or at least a close replica, of the workings of the revealers of the famous Buddhist Sanskrit scriptures of the last two millennia. NOTES | Financial assistance from the British Academy, London, and the Institute for Comparative Research in Human Culture, Oslo, made it possible to deliver this paper at the LATS Conference, Fagernes. I would also like to acknowledge the help of Cathy Cantwell in reading the early drafts. ‘See the careful attention paid to this text in Williams:1989 3 Harrison 1990:xvii * Harrison 1990:vii Harrison 1978:xi 6 Harrison 1990:xxv 7 Harrison 1990:xxiij 8 Harrison 1990:xxiti 9 Sneligrove, 1987:430 10 Harrison 1990:xxi; 54-60; 100; 104 ') Harrison 1990:31-44 12 Williams 1989:30 13) Williams 1989:221 14 Thondup 1990:157. See also Thondup 1986:90-91 18 Dudjom Rinpoche, 1991:747-8 16 Sodaéa satpurusah. See Harrison 1990:6 5422 2 23 24 3 3 36 7 38 39 Mayer: Scriptural revelation See Harrison 1990:96, note 2. He shows good reasons why the text must originally have given 40 years, despite the fact that the surviving Tibetan version gives 4000 years. See Harrison 1990:104 note 14. The Tibetan text reads byang-phyogs-su, possibly from an unusual Sanskrit formation with a different meaning. For a discussion of the chos-bdag, see the explanation of Dodrupchen II, in ‘Thondup 1986:162, This author was the third reincarnation of the chos-bdag of ‘Jigs- med gling-pa. Thondup 1986:82 Thondup 1986:88 Often, the writing is in an extremely condensed symbolic or code form, designed to awaken within the gter-sion a memory of the teaching imprinted on his mind in his past life. Thondup 1986:236 See Dudjom Rinpoche 1991:746 Evil ministers of Padmasambhava’s time made evil aspirations to confound the true gter-ina and mislead future generations with false treasure-teachings. See Thondup 1986:154-6 Goudriaan, 1978; 294,307 Goudriaan and Gupta, 198 1:124 Goudriaan 1978:307 Thanks to Alexis Sanderson for this information. Thanks to Alexis Sanderson for much of this information. This summary of the Hindu cult of nidhi is based on Goudriaan and Gupta 1981 (op.cit), Goudriaan 1978 (op.cit.), and additional information very kindly given to me by Alexis Sanderson from his own notes. ‘Thanks to Alexis Sanderson for much of this information. From an unpublished partial translation made by Stephen Hodge. Stephen Hodge ibid. Gonda 1965:183-193 Aris 1989:57-8 Dudjom Rinpoche 1991:(vol.t1)319-327 Thondup 1986:152 Aris 1989:44 543Mayer: Scriptural revelation 49 Thondup 1986: 114 +t Aris 1989:53-63 #2 Sneligrove 1987:397 BIBLIOGRAPHY Aris, M.V. 1989, Hidden Treasures and Secret Lives, London and New York. Dudjom Rinpoche, Jikdrel Yeshe Dorje, 1991. The Nyingma School of Tibetan Biiddhism: ts Fundamentals and History, trans, Gyurme Dorje and Matthew Kapstein, Boston. Gonda, J. 1965. The Savayajfas, Amsterdam. Goudriaan, T. 1978. Maya Divine and Human, Delhi. Goudriaan, T. and Gupta, S. 198]. Hindw Tantric and Sakta Literature, Wiesbaden. Harrison, P.M. 1978, The Tibetan Text of the Pratyutpanna-Buddha- Sarmmukhavasthita-Samadhi-Sétra, Tokyo. Harrison, P.M. 1979. The Pratyutpanna-buddha-sammukhdvasthita-samadhi-sitra (unpublished doctoral thesis, Australian National University, Canberra). Harrison, P.M. 1990. The Samadhi of Direct Encounter with the Buddhas of the Present, Tokyo. Snellgrove, D.L. 1987. Indo-Tibetan Buddhism voi.II, Boston. Thondup, Tulku, 1986. Hidden Teachings of Tibet, London. Thondup, Tulku, 1990. “The Terma Tradition of the Nyingmapa School”, in The Tibet Journal, vol. XV, noA, Winter 1990. Williams, P. 1989. Mahayana Buddhism, London. 544PRELIMINARY NOTES ON THE LANGUAGES OF THE BUMTHANG GROUP Boyd MICHAILOVSKY and Martine MAZAUDON (CNRS, Paris) 1. The Bumthang languages Bhutan is home to perhaps a dozen Tibeto-Burman languages; the three major ones, from west to east, are Dzongkha, the official language, linguistically a Tibetan dialect, Bumthap, and Sharchop (or Tshangla). The main language of Central Bhutan, Bumthap, and its varieties or relatives may be referred to as the Bumthang group. This group is somewhat diverse. We will base our description on Kurtocp (Kt), the language of Dungkar and the Kurtoe (“upper Kuru Valley”) region in Lhuntse district to the east of Bumthang, on which we collected data in Delhi in 1977-78. Bumthap proper (Bt) is the language of the four valleys of Bumthang district; we have a small amount of data, collected in Bhutan in 1986, on the dialects of Chume (Cm), Choekhor (Ck), and Ura (U) (the remaining valley is Tang). Kurtoep, Bumthap proper, and, by all reports, Khengke, to the south of Bumthang, are mutually intelligible. We have also included some preliminary material on a more divergent language, Mangdep!, from Tangbi village in Tongsa district (see map), which may also belong to the Bumthang group. ‘The Bumthang languages are clearly closely related to Tibetan in addition to being heavily influenced by it, but we will show evidence that they are not Tibetan dialects, that is, unlike Dzongkha, they are not continuations of (roughly) the language reflected in the Tibetan writing system. a TSHONA a TAWANG Map of Bhutan 545Michailovsky, Mazaudon: Languages of the Bumthang group 1.1 Bumthang and Dakpa “The closest relative of the Bumthang group on which studies have been published is probably the Dakpa language spoken in the areas of Tawang in Arunachal Pradesh and Tshona in Southern Tibet, and in neighboring parts of Bhutan.? On the basis of Hodgson’s (1853) vocabulary, Shafer (1954) published a short historical study and classification of this language, which he designated as “Dwags”, following a Tibetan orthographic convention. Shafer noted traits in Dakpa which appeared to be archaic compared to Old Tibetan, and pointed out that several of these (e.g, nis ‘7°) were shared by Jiarong and other Tibeto-Burman languages. These are traits retained from Tibeto- Burman, however, and not innovations, so their presence cannot be used as a basis for subgrouping within Tibeto-Burman. (Tibetan bdun ‘7’, on the contrary, is an innovation, one of many that together define the Tibetan dialect group.) Thus, Shafer did not suggest that Dakpa and Jiarong were more closely related to each other than to Tibetan; indeed he put Tibetan and Dakpa together in one branch of his Bodish section, with Jiarong, Tamang/Gurung and Tshangla (less correctly Tsangla) as the other branches. The validity of this Bodish section itself (particularly concerning Jyarong) needs to be restudied using new data which has become available. I I proto-W.B. Old Bodish —_proto-E. B. Sbalti, Burig, Gtsang, Dbus, - Dwags ete, ete. Tsangla Rgyarong Gurung Branch Fig. 1. Shafer's (195411966) classification of “Dwags” (Dakpa). It will be clear from the data cited below that Bumthang and Dakpa are not the same language. Nevertheless they have much in common, and we can tentatively place them in the same subgroup. In the present study we will present data from several forms of Bumthang’, and offer comparisons with Dakpa, Written Tibetan (WT), and, when it provides information which can help us look further back than WT, with the Tamang-Gurung-Thakali- Manangba’ group (TGTM), a somewhat conservative group of languages spoken in Nepal, which belongs in the Bodish Section but outside the Bodish Branch. 2. The Phonology of Kurtoep The segmental phonology of the Bumthang languages, as exemplified by Kurtoep, is not untypical of languages of the Bodish Branch, with four series of consonants in the dento-palatal area (c t,t), as against five in Central Tibetan (CT), two tonal registers, high and low, correlated with voicing oppositions in the initial consonant, and remnants of initial clusters. It is richer than CT or Dzongkha (Dz) and poorer than the neighboring TGTM Branch. its array of final consonants is rich as compared to other modem Bodish Branch languages. Its vocalic system is only starting to complexify with eee of diphthongs, but without the multiplication of vowel qualities found in CT. 546Michailovsky, Mazaudon: Languages of the Bumthang group Initials: high-toned k c 8g ts 3 tot high-toned kh sch tsh th th ph Jow-toned g 7 6 dee dd tb high/low-toned y h n mh high/low-toned el - el Jow-toned v mostly high-toned: —_vocalic initials Initial clusters: Word-final consonants: kw Di br ol (ky t Pp khw phj phr y on 2 gv bj br bl x (yy) mj Word-internally: add xk 3 Vowels: fe 6 oy Length: On open syllables only, Kurtoep has a distinction between short smooth and long glottalized syllable-types, (This distinction is absent in Bumthap proper — see below.) In addition, the presence of a grammatical morpheme may lead to a long smooth syllable, as in /wiz/[ yiz] ‘you’ in the ERGATIVE-INSTRUMENTAL case. Tone register (high vs low): A high vs low contrast is found on words with nasal or continuant initials. Initial stops and sibilants also have distinctive tonal register, high for unvoiced (p, t, k, ¢, 3, ¢) and low for voiced (b, 4, g, 3, 2, 3). Voicing is often absent in pronunciation, Ieaving only the low tone to insure the contrast. Thus, 7- is usually pronounced Lg-. Vocalic initials are generally high-register, but one word at least, Kt taztom (Bt Tauja WT wa) ‘jackal’ is clearly low-register (and breathy, so that it could be transcribed as Thauje). Words like wo ‘that’ could also be considered as having low- register vocalic rather than semivowel initials. ‘Typologically, the intersection of two tonal registers with a distinction between glottalized and smooth syllable types is typical of Tibetan dialects. We may note, however, that the opposition short/smooth vs long/glottalized only occurs on open syllables in Kurtoep, whereas in Central Tibetan it extends to nasal-ending syllables and in Dzongkha to all syllable types. Kurtoep and Bumthap also differ from Lhasa Tibetan and Dzongkha (as spoken by native speakers from west of the Pele-la) in the absence of a voicing opposition within the low register. Some Kurtoe speakers have an initial high-register h- initial in at least some words where others have kh-; thus Kt, Btkhako ‘up’ is pronounced #hako by some Kt speakers. ‘The palatal series is affricated in Kurtoep [tg...]. None of the group has an opposition between palatal stops (c, ch, 3) and palatalized affricates (tg, teh, dz), as recorded in the Mama variety of Cuona Monpa (but not in Wenlang), and as we find in CT. The phonemes noted ¢, @ are realized as retroflex [g, 4] in Ck. ‘We will now discuss the origin of the present phonological system. 547Michailovsky, Mazaudon: Languages of the Bumthang group 3. Topics in historical phonology 3.1 Finals 3.1.1 Word Finals As noted above, the system of final consonants in Bumthang languages is relatively rich. These finals seem to reflect rather faithfully the Proto-Tibeto-Burman (PTB) finals as reconstructed by Benedict. Since WT (as opposed to modem CT) is also conservative in this respect, it can be a useful basis for comparison. Old PTB finals *p, *t, *m, *n, *n, and *r are kept in all Bumthang dialects. In Kurtoep, final *k, *3 (for some speakersS), and *1 are dropped, giving rise to a lengthening of the preceding vowel and a glottalized tone. In Bumthap proper *-k and *-3 are retained (with *-3 > -t in Choekhor), and there are no long glottalized finals: Kt Bi(Ck) (Cm) Mang Dakpa WT = PTB? iron Fle:? Flak Blak cak 1ek83 lcags blood kai? kek kak kaz ce?ss khrag seven pi:? Epit Bpis Apis: nisss s-nis paddy Tmra:? Imrat tras “bras barley tna:? nat mas = neon?! nas wool be:? bai bai bez bat back ke:? kei kai ge:tshe sgal s-ga:l kidney khe:do? khai khewdo khe:n khe:5SnaS3 mkhal m-kal silver noi noi od Hyaz dngut 3.1.2 Influence of finals on vowel quality Palatalization of vowels before old dental finals is a typical CT feature. In languages of the Burnthang group, only *~1 has such an effect, and this through the development of a diphthong (see Ck and Cm in ‘wool’, ‘back’ ‘kidney’, ‘silver’ above). Final *-t and *-n (which are retained) and *—s (whether retained or dropped) do not front the vowel. In the neigboring language of Mangdep, we can observe palatalization linked to an old *-s (‘honey’ and ‘barley’ below) or *-t (‘to blow’). Kt Bt(Ck) (Cm) Mang Dakpa WT Dz Tam barley Inez? Inet mas mes naris nas Snaz bee, honey Iwar? Mat was tjés Gur tkwe stairs kai? kat = kas skas language kat kat kat ku? shad ‘ker kat vulture got gotpa rgod *goez *kwat+*?grvat wblow but- but- dut- bi? phu?83 "bud Sphut medicine man Zman nan zanS? san ‘men ‘man An exception is Kurtoep #jez pronunciation may be borrows but not in Dzongkha (tya:?), ‘right (side)’, Bt ¥jeba WT g.yas. The fronted jote that *~s has a fronting effect in Central Tibetan 3.1.3 Word-internal finals; chronology of composition As is the case in CT or Dzongkha, composition often predates the phonological changes which affected the finals. Thus inside a word, sylable-final *-s and #-K are kept, even in Kurtoep (but *~2 7 ~t in Choekhor): Kt Bt(Ck) (Cm) Mang Dakpa Wr Tam barcy flour ‘ne sphi nas, phye body Lluspu Lluspy Aut@poSs lus-po | Plwi bone Lrospa lrotpa trosa trotho ruspa makhru skin pakpa pakpa pekpa pogo phe®®khu®? pags-pa 548Michailovsky, Mazaudon: Languages of the Bumthang group 3.1.4 Verb root finals Kurtoep verb roots are cited here in a morphophonemic transcription, e.g. blek- “leave, put down’, imu ‘sell’. In actually occurring verb forms, however, -k and ~1 do not appear word-finally, and non-front vowels in ~1 roots are fronted or diphthongized, whether the ~1 is dropped or not, thus: muile ‘sell!’, 4gat Hnemui ‘Twill not sell’ (voir §5). 3.2 Vowel correspondences 3.2.1 Kurtoep 0 ~ WT u Kurtoep and Bumthang vowels often correspond to identical vowels in WT. Shafer noted, however, that WT non-final high vowels often corresponded to mid vowels in Dakpa: WT 4C, uC ~ Dakpa eC, oC. In Kurtoep and Bumthap, o is most often found to correspond with WT u, in final as well as non-final position. When we have evidence outside the group—here from Tamang—it points to proto-Bodish *u. Kt Bi(Ck,Cm) Mang — Dakpa wT Tam grain,seed bro bro bru pruss bru PTB *mruw fur po po po pusd spu Spu-2tsham son bo bodza bos puld bu hom tro tro Lreu ruts ru, Twa tru wash {he- Khro-,hro~ jho- = khru?89_—‘khrud-pa 2khru manure = jot, Lot Lons> lug six oz? grok, trok du: kro2se drug 4tur sheep Lyjox? — Ljok Lor? jen’ lug 4kju poison doz? dok tule dug drink thoy- thoy thop- — tonS> *thung-ba 2thuy load Khor khor khor hur See also ‘silver’ (§3.1.1), ‘bone’ (§3.1.3), ‘come off’ (§3.3.1), ‘sprout’, ‘thread’, ‘warm’, ‘sew’ (§3.3.4), ‘nine’ (§3.4.3), ‘extract’ (§3.5 WT 'byung-ba). This shift, however, is not without exception (e.g. ‘blow’ §3.1.2, ‘cheese’ §3.3.3, ‘elbow’, ‘abrade” §3.3.4 ‘handle’ §3.4 1), and can even be reversed: Kt Br(Ck,Cm) WT Tam straw uz? suk sog-ma to hear thu- thu- thospa thai 3.2.2 Kurtoep e ~ WT i (after palatals) Unlike the correspondence WT u~ Kt o, for which no conditioning factor is known, the correspondence WT i ~ Kt e is less frequent and apparently related to the initial, Tn our material, the set of words showing this comespondence coincides almost exactly with the set in which a WT palatal initial (c, ch, j, ay, sh, 2h) corresponds 10 a Kurtoep non-palatal (but note Kt Swen ‘name’ ~ WT ming below). Kt BL(Ck) (Cm) = Mang —Dakpa Wr sun Ine ni Ini Mece? (plays?) nyi-ma heart Mnep -Enen = Ene) nin’? snying day Men ten men nin! nyin-ma wodie se- se- se gis? shi-ba louse se? sek = sek 50753 shig tree sey seg en) sen ma5? — shing one the:? thek —thek the:?3 —gcig urine zeyma zene zene tghins? — gein name Ten ‘men men men?5 ming 549Michailovsky, Mazaudon: Languages of the Bumthang group The same vowel correspondence obtains in three examples (‘tasty’, ‘four’, ‘field’) where Kurtoep 1- corresponds to WT zh- (§3.4.2). 3.2.3 Kurtoep 4 ~ WT u (after palatal affricates) Shafer noted the correspondence WT -u ~ Dakpa ~i after palatal affricates, citing ‘ten’ and ‘water’. These two items have ~e in Bumthang, but the general correspondence of back to front vowels holds: Kt Bt(Ck) (Cm) Mang ——Dakpa WT Tam ten che che che khepce? tgiS9 beu atsjui water khwe khwe khwe —khéz tehiss che -?kjui small cin- cin- cin- chin cung lip chi chi chi chi tghusto55 — mchu See also ‘bow’ (§3.4.2), Exceptions: Kurtoep cut- ‘braid’ (WT geud-pa), and chupa ‘Tibetan robe’ (probably a loan—WT chu-pa). After a non-palatal initial, Kurtoep (and Cm) thinku ‘short’, (Mang thin-, Dakpa thu®5-po5®, WT shung-) is possibly influenced by einku ‘small’. 3.2.4 Kurtoep u ~ WT a (in verbs) In verbs, Kurtoep u often corresponds to WT a: Kt Br(Ck) (Cm) = Mang Dakpa wr eat zu zu- zu-zu- zai za-ba gnaw chu- chaS3 cha'a-ba cut chut- geod-pa (CAD}® itl sut- sut- sut- —eit?- aot 88 gsod-pa (SAD) weave thuk- thuk- — thuk- kan®Sthe5? "thag-pa study Hiup- Hlup- Blup- ops? slob-pa (SLAB) sharpen dur- dur- dur- tor!3 bdar-ba spin (thread) khul- = khul- —-khul- che:55 "khal-ba hang pjuy- cuy- cup dpyang-ba winnow khrup- hrup- — thup- "khrab-pa 3.2.3 Kurtoep a ~ WT yV Kurtoep i often corresponds to WT medial y regardless of the following WT vowel, as in ‘flour’ (§3.1.3), ‘hearthstone’ (§3.5.2), and the following: Kt Bt(Ck) (Cm) Dakpa WT wear gin- gin- gin- cen3Snass gyon-pa tum gir- sgyur-pa cold Khik- -khik- khik- chek®%pas3—— diyags-pa broom phiksay phiksay phiksen tohap®than®® phyag-ma 3.3 Initial clusters Old PTB word-initial consonant clusters were reduced in all Bumthang dialects to a Cor CC structure, but less drastically than in CT. In particular Labial + J, r, and 1 clusters exist in all dialects, to varying degrees. It is not always clear whether they are old or innovative. 3.3. Labial +1 Shafer noted that the word ‘four’ in Dakpa, as opposed to WT, retains PTB 1 in the initial cluster b1 -. The cluster, in this and other roots, may be a retention of *b1-, to judge by the realisation in other languages like those of the TGTM group, although examples are not numerous: 550Michailovsky, Mazaudon: Languages of the Bumthang group Kt Bt(Ck,Cm) Mang Dakpa WT Tam PTB for ble ble bre: pli8 bhi pli - b-liy leaf © Dla’ma Hlemba Fla ‘dap-ma ®Lapte 1e/lap/pak -ful,one- -bley -blen ‘pin blin-plin comeoff plot- plot- "bud-pa Ieave blek- blek-,lek- Sey 3.3.2 Labial +j Only a few medial j are found in Kurtoep, and only after initial labials. Other dialects lack Labial + j clusters. Kt Br(Ck) (Cm) Mang Dakpa Wr Tam hang pjw- cuy- — cun~ dpyang-ba ashes bja thapja, plas ‘mephra. tocall bja- ya- toget Jaxjan- Mhon- myong (MYANG) swallow Imjot~ Wot~ mat8%tho?§? mid-pa arrow? Jyja ™mewa ‘Ha mre 1 a59. mda’ tnja ‘We may also cite Kt pjo ‘a lie’ and bjo ‘taro’. 3.3.3 Labial +1 Chusters of labial + x seem to have been the most stable across the family. See Kt bro ‘grain, seed’ and the following: Kt Br(Ck) (Cm) Mang = Dakpa WT, (TGTM) monkey pra pra pra pra pra®? spra finger priman primay priman la?S%priuS3 (Tam Hprinci) cheese © phrum = phrum = phrum == phrum phyur-ba totear phret- — phret- — phret- phre?8? tray bra bra bra brexep buckwheat brazma branma © branma = brem —prez#*tgiS®" bra (Thak Spre) ca:SSpreso chest pranto brando brando branko pran? brang-thog odor bri bri, bri iS? ari bunger = bru bru bro-wa ‘taste ant bruktile bruktule bruktula butil gukSSpu8 (Gur @nabbru) scratch Imret- brat- brat- (po?53) *brad-pa paddy Imra:? = Imrat Taras (ten!9) "bras 3.3.4 Velar clusters Only velar + w, of somewhat unclear origin, is found in a few Kurtoep examples: Kt Br(Ck) (Cm) Mang Dakpa WT Tam = PTB sprain kwir- gwir- sgyur-bal0 tooth kwa kwa kwa Hwa waS? 50 isva = s-wa dog khwi khwi khwi ché chi8? iyi = makhi_ kviy water khwe khwe khwe khé tshiS® chu kjwi ti(y)/twiy buy = Invi- Uwi- Inwi- ner? nyo-ba two- -gv8, -gwa tghas? cha Qiang gua tether gwi- gve- Velar + r clusters usually followed an evolution similar to CT in Kurtoep, developing into an affricated retroflex series, while they were retained in Bumthang (Ck and are realized as x in Cm. Thus Cm has high register ¥x~ and hr- corresponding to Ck kr-, khr-, while Cm !x~ corresponds to both Ck gr- and Er-. Note that Kt sometimes has #r~ rather than {- corresponding to Ck kr-. 551Michailovsky, Mazaudon: Languages of the Bumthang group Kt Bt(Ck) (Cm) — Mang Dakpa wr Tam hair ra, kra Bra Hra—khra5? skra tera thread rotman kronman #rotman #rop reyud village fon kro Fro tgon!9sepS3 _—grong dit fekpa krekpa Hrekpa dekpe? dregpa Ykhitd nit -Brikar krivit Hrivis ¥riule rol = thil- = khril~ = hril- *khril-pa winnow Kkhrup- hrup- —thup- *khrab-pa goup thay- khray- hray- wash tho- khro- —hro- tho- khru?s¢ *khrud-pa @khru sprout. thoy- khroy- —hroy- khroyS? *khrung-ba count dankha gray- Lrankha grangs cryout dak- Lrak- grek®S (W) —"grags-pa shadow gem grep Lrep gribl-ma) rip elbow dumalin grumanti trunanti krum3tgun53 gr-mo —tkru ‘cubit’ ee dor) grok Lrok = qu: kr0789 drug atu warn grut- — trut- kro%po8? rod got mule dex? dé griu (u) kre?s5 drel Some PTB dental + r clusters seem to have shifted to velar + r in Common Bumthang as noted by Shafer in Dwags ‘six’ (PTB *d-ruk)., But in ‘dirt’ we believe it is the WT which is innovative (PTB *kriy). The following are further examples of WT dr- initials (see also ‘odor’ §3.3.3): Kt Be(Ck) = (Cm Mang Dakpa WT Tam ask qi- lri- briss ‘dri sew dop- ‘drub-pa “up abrade Lrut trut ‘drud-pa For some WT gr-, we might suggest an older *rg~ parallel to ‘hawk, vulture’ (§3.1.2) as in the following: Kt Bt(Ck) (Cm) Mang Dakpa WT PTam PTB wheat go go go ko83 gro ¥grwat = ?*r-gva walk = go- go- —go= 253 "gros Finally we may note a possible correspondence in the following: Kurtoep zowa ‘ung’ (WT glo-ba), gen ‘flute’ (WT gling-bu). 3.4 Liquids and glides 3.4.1 Straightforward initial correspondences: Ktj,1,r ~ WT y, Lr Kt Bt (Ck, Cm) Dakpa WT Tam ‘odd one te 2ja (Cm) ya above Lia Lavo ya handle Lu Ju (Cm) yu-ba sjur right Hje:? | Hjezba jez®5pas?— gyas thet Some Bumthang w ~ WT y are also found: to weed Iwer- lyersa yur tobe lwen- Wen jin's yin Shin as may happen also after velars (see ‘dog’ and (possibly) ‘sprain’ §3.3.4). For initial x see ‘bone’, ‘hom’ (§3.1.3, §3.2.1). For initial 1 see ‘body’ (§3.1.3), and: 552Michailovsky, Mazaudon: Languages of the Bumthang group Kt Bt (Ck,Cm) Dakpa wr blind Lonba Honma Lonipa53_— long-ba soar Lin- — Liy- ding blade ep = Mep lang (In WT /d- ,/ functions as the 3.4.2 Bumthang 1 ~ WT zh The following words show the correspondence PTB *1. ~ Kt 1 ~ WT zh already observed in ‘four’ above: Kt Bt(Ck,Cm) Mang Dakpa WT Dz TGTM ial.) four ble ble bre: piss bthi zhi Tam “pli bow Flimi? Uli, timae 41i — 1i!9 geu — IzhuThak Stolen field Mey Mey -le? Len!3 thing 4zh"Ts tasty Slembu Lim!%po53zhim-ba (See §3.2.3 for the vowel correspondence in ‘bow’, PTB #d-1iy.) This correspondence, which seems not to have been noticed, is a subtype of the Tibetan “palatalization of F- before y, i, or e” (Benedict 1972:33) (and in the word ‘iron’!), as in the following: Kt Bt(Ck, Cm) Mang Dakpa wr Tam tongue Fli BLE ce 189 kee 2Le: flea Hija Mliva Fliu 1iuss Yi-ba ttanlin iron la:? lek cak — 1ek5? Ieags heavy git- yat- (Cm) 1i55p089 —{jid-po S2iz-pa If we can draw conclusions from the very small set of examples above, it would seem that the conditioning of the differential treatment *1 ~ Jj vs *1 > zh in WT might have been the presence/absence of a voiceless prefix, as reflected by the high/low tone of the Kurtoep reflexes. A Bodish branch prefixed *8~ could have led to high register on Kurtoep #1 as on nasal initials (§3.5.1). If this is correct the WT evolution might reflect metathesis of the prefix rather than straight palatalization (cf. Beyer 1992:78).. 3.4.3 Bumthang j ~ WT / « *Velar +1(2) One word, ‘brain’, has been noted with ak1 initial in Bt (Ck, U) and Kt: Kt Bt(Ck,U) (Cm) Mang Dakpa WI Dz brain Kklatpa klatpa Hletpa ep lat®Spa®* Klad-pa 1p Except for this word, we have found no velar + 1 clusters in Kurtoep (and we have no others in Ck or U either). It might be suspected, however, that some of the not infrequent correspondences Bumthang ¥j~ ~ WT I- reflect an old *g1-: Kt Bt(Ck) Mang Dakpa WT Tam PTB PBod (ours) toad = tjam ‘jam liem leni> Jam %kjam lam *g-len sheep 4jo:? 4jok loz? jeni? lug 4kju g-luk work Fjas? Bat plevejat? fas 4kjat ¥g-las/t and perhaps: Kt Bt(Ck,Cm) Mang Dakpa WT Tam PTB hand = jaz? Bjak Lla: 14283 lags Ya: lak=g-lek ankle Ljoykor tegolon(Cm) Jong-bu manure Ljot Lot Ton8S ud toget Ejun- len-long-ba jan stand Ujen- = bjan- 113: lay! dang The high-register tone in Tamang suggests the presence of an old prefix. The incorporation of the prefix in the preceding set (leading to Tam. kj~ initials) blocked the tone-raising effect. 3553Michailovsky, Mazaudon: Languages of the Bumthang group A final example of Burthang 4j~ ~ WT I: Kt Bt (Ck,Cm) Mang Dakpa = WT Tam PTB five jana Ljane Ley Le®ne5® Inga 4Syaz Note that the WT prefix corresponds to a Bumthang syllable in this example, as in another number, ‘nine’ (Kt, Btdogo, Mang dok, Dak tu®tku59, WT dgu). 43.5 Initial Series and Tones 3.5.1 Nasals Bumthang high-tone nasal initials, like those in tonal Tibetan dialects such as Lhasa or Dzongkha, correspond to nasals with prefixes (or superscribed leiters) in WT. But only WT superscribed s- regularly corresponds to high register in Bumthang; other prefixes (including superscript letters), which regularly give high register in Tibetan dialects (e.g. tones ¥, +, in Dzongkha), do so only sporadically in Bumthang: Kt Bt(Ck,Cm) Mang Dakpa Wr Dz Tam heat = Fnen Ben, ninS3 saying ttin nose na = Bnaphan = Haba naS9 sna Bhe-pu ina barley naz? Inat Ines na?is nas °nez? ear tna te Indl nem®ne8? rna Bpanco Snephi pus Mar? Inak Inoz (jan'S) rag tnaz? = Snaz dtr-in-law Tmabe,Inena nan rana-ma man sky ‘nan ‘nan nan nans? gam mam @nam. pillow yar? Hyas (Cm) HHiés a?8? sngas $8: blue Eyokar #yoker Hyem gauS5po6% sngon-po Zhoem dum ya tye, ye gad? mga By Sa tocur = Mye- —Ega~ Ypa- mga-ba ¥ya fry, parch u- Mut- rngud-pa Gur 390 medicine Yuan ¥man nans3 sman Mmen fan insane Baju pan®pas? smyo-ba injo wound ¥ma ‘maga Mae nal? rma na, hoof 'mukpa tmikpat netvaS?—ymig-pa Bip dream ‘mimay ‘minan ni%prensS rmi-lam See also ‘silver’ (§3.1), ‘sun’, ‘day’ ‘name’ (83.2.2), ‘get’, ‘swallow’ (§3.3.2) ‘buy’ (85). 3.5.2 Oral stops ‘As opposed to (native) Dzongkha and most Central Tibetan dialects, Bumthap dialects do not distinguish the reflexes of old prefixed vs unprefixed voiced stops. The reflexes of both are voiced with redundant low tone. (Or, as we explained earlier, if they are phonetically devoiced the compensatory low pitch is always present.) There is a single exception to this rule: the old prefix *8~ has devoiced and raised an initial *g to k with high tone in a few words: Kt Bt(Ck) Mang Dakpa WT Dz PTB door ko ko gos k059 go Igo back ker? kai geztahe sgal 4gezp — s-garl hearthstone kitpa kitpa sayed-po Many reflexes of WT sg- have initial g-, however, as Bt gam- ‘box’ (WT sgam). ‘The *s- prefix does not seem to have had a devoicing or tone-raising effect on a *b initial: 554Michailovsky, Mazaudon: Languages of the Bumthang group Kt Bt(Ck) Mang Dakpa = WT Dz Tam frog | beptaktakpa beibai be:p be:!9pa59 sbulpa berp 4palpa give bi- bi- ji tpi? sbyin-pa spin afly bray bran = brom pra:53—sbrang-bu 4bjam inaphran 3.5.3 Clusters In §3.3.4 we have seen three examples (‘thread’, ‘village’, ‘body dirt’) in which Common Bumthang *kx- corresponds to WT low-register initials, but the correspondence is not systematic, 4, Some (apparently) non-Tibetan roots in Bumthang Finally, we list in a separate table some Bumthang words for which we know no Tibetan cognate (or only a partial one); many have cognates elsewhere in TB.!! 5. Morphology As in Tibetan, there is some morphology at the interface between finals and suffixes or postpositions. This is most striking in verb roots, which fall into ten categories depending on the final consonant (Zero, p, t, k, m, n, 9, Z, 1) of the root. The root forms given can not necessarily stand alone: for example Eyak- ‘say, do’ cannot because word-final ~k does not occur in Kurtoep (although it does in Bumthang). But this somewhat artificial form allows one to derive the occutting forms, in which some finals (-t, -k, -1 in particular) are dropped before some suffixes. Roots ending in -al, -ol, -ul are invariably realized ~a4.(1), -o4 (1), ~wi (1), the -1 appearing only in the imperative. Examples of Kurtoep roots and imperatives (the form which best preserves the finals): (final root imperative gloss zero ku- kuje dig -P Lrup- Lrube help mt Injot- Tmjotle swallow -k blek~ blege leave sth. “a don- dome meet on zon- zonle send -y phjoy- — phone extract -r sar- sarle, sale cook -1 Fmul- Bmuile sell Not all apparent fronting diphthongs reflect final ~1: “ywi- ‘buy’ (WT nyo-ba), with a velar cluster, has the imperative tnwije. NOTES 1 BM’s personal notes 1986. The Kurtoe and Chume material was rechecked by BM yyith informants in Kathmandu in 1993. Hodgson (1853) published a “Takpa” vocabulary of some 180 words based on a \caker from ‘avang (Reta rar. Sunet al 1980.and Lu 1986 describe avery similar language under the name of Cuona Menba (WT mtsho-sna mon-pa); they mention two dialects, one in Mama commune, Tepu district, Cuona county, and the other further east in Wenlang commune, Deging district, Motuo county. Both Chinese. descriptions are based on the Mama dialect, but Lu also giyes forms in the Wenlang (W) dialect, which is somewhat closer to Hodgson’s data. The forms which we will cite as Dakpa are Mama dialect forms from Lu and from anon. 1991. The low register tone noted ds $° in the former is transcribed as *9 in the latter. 555Michailovsky, Mazaudon: Languages of the Bumthang group 3 See also Nishida 1988. Aris (1979) has pointed out that the Dakpa. language has no, connection (at least at present) with the Dwags-po (pronounced ‘dakpo or “takpo) region of Tibet, as first suggested by Hodgson, or with its Tibetan dialect. 4Transcription of Kurtoep is as indicated in the next section, Transcription of yf Dzongkha is more orthographic and follows Mazaudon and Michailovsky 1988; in particular, y~ is used instead of j- for initial yod (IPA 3), and ue, oe répresent front rounded vowels (IPA y, @). “Abbreviations for languages of the TGTM group areas follows: Tam = Tamang, Gur = Gurung, Thak = Thakali, Man = Manangbg. In these languages, and in Dzongfcha, the tones noted 4, 2, and are high register, %, 4, and © are low register. ‘Some, speakers interviewed in Kathmandu pronounced final ~3 but never -k. They also said gezpa for “back! (see table), Like our first speaker, they were originally from the Dungkar area. Never having visited Kurtoe, we cannot say whether such variation is geographical or the result of contact. All of our Kurtoe informants had spent time in monasteries and urban centers. 7 Unless otherwise noted, all PTB reconsuructions are from Benedict (1972). The underlying root vowel of this verb is a, as evidenced in the past and fusure stems; ihe present (citation form) undergoes a rounding rule (see e.g. Beyer 1992:164). ‘All of our Kt speakers agreed on 'mj~ in this word, but our Kathmandu speakers had Hnut “insane” (§3.2.1), Mon” get’ (3.4.3), and thot~ ‘swallow’ where we had previously recorded mj- ials. In Cm, ‘arrow’ is homophonous with ‘fish’, (7) Cf. *turn’ (§3.2.5). 11 7shangla is cited from anon. 1991 and Zhang 1986; Bahing and Limbu (East Himalayish) from our field notes. BIBLIOGRAPHY anon, 1991. Zangmianyu yuyin he cihui. Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshi. Beijing. {Includes Cuona Menba (Dakpa) and Mowo Menba (Tshangla).] Aris, Michael, 1979. Bhutan. The early history of a Himalayan Kingdom. Aris and Phillips, Ltd. Warminster. —. 1980, Notes on the history of the Mon-Yul corridor, Aris, M. and Aung San Suu Kyi. Tibetan Studies. Benedict, Paul K. 1972. Sino-Tibetan, a Conspectus. Contributing ed. J. A. Matisoff. ‘Cambridge University Press. New York. Beyer, Steven B. 1992. The Classical Tibetan Language. State University of New York Press. Albany. Bradley, David, E.J.A. Henderson, and M. Mazaudon edd. 1988. Prosodic Analysis and Asian Linguistics: To honour R-K. Sprigg. Pacific Linguistics C-104. Canberra, Jaeschke, H. A. 1968. (1881.) Tibetan English Dictionary. Routledge and Kegan Paul, Ltd. London. Hodgson, Brian H. 1853. Sifan and Horsok vocabularies... JASB 22:117-151. Lu Shaowun. 1986. Cuona menba yu jian zhi. Minzu chubanshi, Beijing. Mazaudon, Martine and Boyd Michailovsky. 1988, Lost syllables and tone contour in Dzongkha. Bradley et al. 1988, 115-136. Nishida, Tatsuo, 1988. On the mTsho-sna Monpa language in China. Bradley et al, 1988, 223-236. Shafer, Robert. 1954, The Linguistic Position of Dwags. Oriens 7:348-356. [Reprinted in Shafer 1966:113-116.] ~-. 1955, Classification of the Sino-Tibetan Languages. Word 11: 94-111. —. 1966: Introduction to Sino-Tibetan. Part I. Harrassowitz. Wiesbaden. Sun Hongkai et al. 1980. Menba, Luoba, Deng ren de yuyin. Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshi, Beijing. Zhang Jichuan, 1986. Cangluo menba yu jian zhi, Minzu chubanshi, Beijing. 556Michaitovsky, Mazaudon: Languages of the Bumthang group au, wey, AvU~Iy OLS "190 UPL HTSTOTY NqUET oud eT nqUIT okune, er Sarqeg Ane QUS ‘nou, We Tex DS “erydom, URL (wetty-) you semung nigqedg inp Tey uel, etd Bung, Bante NUL TouTIdy Ue], FexGerm, ULE GL I3y10 aur (s16u8) (ou-8018) (ns) (nyo-S) (ow-qnzpuey (uaskyy) IM Tt n6 no (Gre3xpu) 86 (nqny3) eure (Fa) (wen) (tate) (Geq) qaGce (edxefrad) (ne weit) wumzq- (nqtreysy ) Teyd Rydueysy, orem se¥2 esNge ot (ert¥u) eee: ered (eg deter) egtdge ind (eae 2Uer@T) este (ens) (ertsa) (esTUSIes4TM) (egtdest 99) Gertrru) eghtid- (ggt¥4er3 Td) (esta) edyeq meh Areinqeoon Suomuungy awiog :91qe I, Tees (uD) Groudruy “Gey tiy (wo) xEf BUY “enoeEy Bry voz oe Trang (daTzex) Th a a6 exyd ee aby (amzp) (eaxeu) 19%hy suey ~ery woz Bay (wo) vfdeqy equety Brngmaq way 30a, re wt atadyray BATU Tot, from ad epUDL, Fen 010) 1 Tres any Gedrm et Fon Inuye edxot, Yo99I JIM =r, W09 UaxT@, —dyours woz om eax — oor eta use squew; po eTtammaq = tue eaey 109g ata nok 28 Zou ee ey Grredyrm, sem wETuy esnour Ol; ure “@eutzd refuy raumg, 498d erou, — asnoy pe 357EVAM SARVE CATVARAH Roy Andrew MILLER (Honolulu) $1. Both the tide and to some extent also the ostensible subject of the present contribution are now somewhat altered from those originally announced in the program and described in the abstract; but our theme remains the same: the content and nature of the religious-philosophical background that undergirds the first two Tibetan grammatical treatises, i.e. the Sum cu pa [=SCP] and the Riags kyi hjug pa [=TKJ]. As such, this paper may best be understood as representing an integral part of a larger whole, the on- going investigation that has occupied our interest for a number of years: the identification of the intellectual paradigms (in the larger sense) that underlie, at the same time that they inform, the linguistic-grammatical paradigms (in a narrower sense) of these two ancient and much-discussed texts, Fortunately, little if any attention need be paid, in this discussion, to the long- standing problem of the authorship of these texts, another topic that has also concemed us now for almost forty years; rather, it is high time to fook beyond the questions of authorship and instead to look more closely at the texts themselves. It may pes forever be impossible to agree among ourselves about who wrote them and when; but whoever wrote them, and whenever and however they were written and edited into their received forms, one thing is certain: these texts do exist, we have them in hand, and they merit our study. About that much, at least, probably everyone concemed with these problems can agree, if not about much more. And perhaps also we may hope for general agreement with the proposition that the SCP and the TKJ are important sources for our ultimate understanding of the early, formative stages of Tibetan culture and civilization, probably more important than the present state of their study has yet revealed. For these reasons, then, we take the liberty of extending our remarks beyond the announced confines of the TKJ, to include the SCP as well; and this we propose to do in terms of a theme somewhat narrower than the general Vajrayana considerations alluded to in the preliminary title of the present contribution, ic. the strikingly frequent employment by both of these first two grammatical treatises of the number four as a key element in their grammatical description, linguistic analysis, and metalanguage. But before we enter upon the details of this investigation, it will be necessary to survey, if only in brief, a few fundamental concepts and ideas relating to grammar and grammars in general. Much of what has been written about the first two Tibetan grammatical treatises—and indeed about Tibetan grammar at large—remains rather less useful than it might otherwise have been merely because this essential initial step, necessary for any serious investigation, has more often than not been neglected. Neither grammar nor grammars are simple givens, capable of being understood straight-forwardly, merely by applying canons of common sense, Grammars are complex human artifacts, culture-bound, and reflecting the intellectual, philosophical, and frequently also the religious values and world-views out of which they arise, And grammar itself, as distinct from grammars, is even more difficult to identify, isolate, and define: so difficult, in fact, that we shall so far as possible avoid that particular issue in the present remarks. But the questions that must initially be raised with respect to grammars—and especially those with respect to any specific grammar—are fortunately not all of the same degree of difficulty, even though (and this is especially true of Tibetan studies) they are questions that are rarely if ever broached. Confronted with a grammar, any specific grammar of a specific language, we must initially ask such questions as, what is jt that the grammar intends to do? and what does it actually do? and how does it do it? Only by pursuing these lines of inquiry will we eventually be able to approach our ultimate goal, the deeper understanding of what the SCP and the TKJ actually say, and equally 558Miller, Evam sarve carvarah importantly of how they say it~ then finally and most importantly of all, of why they say it in the specific way that they do. And none of these are trivial pursuits. §2. Throughout history, grammars have claimed various goals, mostly predicated upon their common presumption of the possibility of the eventual pursuit and overtake of grammar. Sometimes these goals, along with the presumptions that underlie them, have been overtly spelled out, but most often they have been left in a covert mode, thus requiring the user of the grammar(s) to extrapolate them from whatever hints and traces they may have left behind in the structuring and textures of the texts. As part of the necessary labor of lifting the goals of grammars from the covert to the overt level of discourse, a brief survey of the principal common goals of grammars will not be out of place, indeed it will prove, in our view, to have immediate application to the problems inherent in any reading of the first two Tibetan grammatical treatises. All but forgotten today in most scholarly circles are the once mighty so-called “structural grammars” of the 1940s and 1950s, especially as these behemoths were conceived and written by proponents of the Americanist linguistic world-view. Like the dinosaurs, they once ruled the earth; today, and also like the dinosaurs, itis generally difficult to do more than exhume their skeletal remains. The structuralists aimed at “description of every part of the whole”; at the same time they set their goals upon “description pure and simple” i.e. description carried out without admixture either of historical foreknowledge or of a priori paradigms of order or arrangement. Amazingly enough, the structuralists frequently came close enough to the achievement of these goals to convince many people (for a time at least) that such ends were not only desirable but feasible. The structuralists spoke and worked in terms of a “discovery process”: each Janguage, according to this hypothesis, had a unique grammar existing within the language itself, and the work of the linguist consisted of rendering this inner structure visible to the beholder, much as a sculptor frees an image from its original and natural imprisonment within the uncarved block. But too often this structuralist search after the configuration and identity of the covert grammar inherent within each language transformed itself into a search for “truth”. When two or more equally devout structuralists appeared to discover two or more different grammars coexisting within a single language, it was difficult to explain how more than one of them could be right; and the consequent unwillingness to admit the concurrent validity of multiple solutions—or at least, of multiple descriptions—inevitably led to premature and over-rigid polarization of structuralist positions on many grammatical. issues that might more usefully have been assigned to that set of propositions that allow simultaneously valid multiple solutions. (The Chinese linguist Chao Yuan-ren, drawing upon his mathematical training, early pleaded for such non-unique solutions in the realm of structuralist phonology, but his suggestion mostly fell on deaf ears.) Many striking examples of this variety of structuralist over-rigidity could easily be cited from treatments of morphology; but the most instructive of these once-hotly disputed issues are those that had reference to syntax, where the relatively sparse possibilities of arrangements available for a relatively vast inventory of items inevitably confronied even the structuralists with precisely that very spectre of multipte solutions from which they instinctively recoiled. The structuralists’ inherited Western European absolutist world-view was, here as elsewhere, most often their worst enemy: believing that they were in pursuit, riot of structures but of “truth”, and holding firmly to the concept that the truth cannot but be one, they frequently lost sight of the very grammatical goals that otherwise their premises of discovery procedure were well-designed to reveal. One can only speculate about what might have been accomplished if, instead of the rigidly directed quest for immutable grammatical truths, their Voyages of linguistic discovery had instead been informed by a sensitivity for that variety of relative or accommodated truth that the Buddhists denominate xpaya. Some authorities argue today that the meteors killed off the dinosaurs. Not everyone seems to be convinced of this; nevertheless, there can be no question about what it was 559Miller: Evam sarve catvarah that killed off the dinosaur-like structuralist descriptions of grammar. It was no meteor, not even a visitor from outer space, but rather a hit-and-slash attack upon the fundamental principles of descriptivism launched by N. Chomsky and subsequently advanced and refined by what has by now amounted to several generations of cager and loyal Chomskyite epigones. With this attack, Western linguistic science precipitously bid adieu to discovery and search after discrete grammars viewed as inherently analyzed, and described as a superstructure, a superficial, visible reflection of an internal, invisible “deep structure”. Asa result, the work of the linguist became that of describing not the. language itself, much less its grammar, but rather in sketching the scenario or series of steps necessary in order to advance from this imaginary, unseen (and of course unheard) mystical entity up-and-onward to the level of the acoustic, audible utterance itself. Had traditional Westem theological concepts concemning the nature of a sacrament (“a visible, outward sign of an inward grace”) been familiar to the proponents of this new school of grammarians—and in the main this clearly was not the case—one might suspect that the pre-Reformation scholastic formulation of sacramental theology lay at the heart of this, the so-called “transformational-generative” approach to language, 80 closely does the one appear to reflect the other. At any rate, Chomsky and the “transformational-generative” grammars of his followers swept all linguistic science everywhere in the world before them, and the dinosaurs of structuralism were soon only skeletal memories. Understandably, the problem of how to identify the precise configuration of the “deep structure” out of which ail visible, audible linguistic evidence was supposed to have been “transformed” and “generated” stymied the Chomskyites for a little while—it is difficult for anyone to speak with assurance about the shape and structure of something no one has ever Seen or heard—but only briefly. Early in their work, the Chomskyites treated “deep structure” as an entity that came perilously close to the descriptive “truth” concerning which the structuralists had so often and so visibly quarrelled. But soon this issue was neatly papered over, if not by any stretch of the term solved, by adoption of the genial assumption that in virtually every case in the known linguistic universe, the “deep structure” of a given language was identical with the surface-structure of American English. This was an especially convenient hypothesis, if only because some variety of English was gerierally the only language known—even if often imperfectly—to all neo- ‘Chomskyites the world over. And it is along these same lines that main-stream linguistic studies in most of the world have been conducted ever since. With this momentous identification of the universal “deep structure” furking behind all known linguistic systems, past, present, and yet-to-come, with the English language, the Chomskyite revolution was complete. The goal of the structuralists, and in particular their hope of discovering the holy grail of inherent grammatical structures lurking within the uncarved block, along with their querulous quest for truth, were now all neatly by- passed, In their place, the work of linguistic science was viewed as consisting of the normative imposition of an a priori didactic agenda upon the facts in and of itself, but only a mere superstructure, erected upon the basis of an invisible deep structure which was itself English; and linguistics consisted of commenting in ever greater detail uj what changes (“transformations”) it was necessary to imagine in order to account for the transmogrification of the one (imaginary) entity into the other (real) one. (“generation”). Plus a change... For despite all the reverberation of its often revolutionary thetoric, the Chomskyite transformational-generative school of linguistic analysis was in effect doing (and continues to do) very little new or different, except for its rejection of the goals of the structuralists. The fact of the matter is that this same type of imposition of an irrelevant (because external) didactic agenda upon this or that specific language, under the guise of “writing a grammar of the language”, had been the normal mode-of- conduct in linguistic science the world over for centuries before Chomsky. Only the structuralists had challenged this method; and now they and their science were dead and gone. Nature is not alone in abhorring a vacuum; so does science; and the gaps left by the demise of the structuralists were quickly filled by others doing precisely what had’ 560Miller: Evarn sarve cawaral always been done for uncounted ages before the structuralists appeared upon the scene, ie. imposing a linguistic-grammatical world-view évolved to fit the heeds and dimensions of one language upon another, with totat disregard for resulting lacks of congruity between obviously disparate systems, or other evidence of “bad fits” encountered along the way. The terms were mostly new, and the rhetoric often revolutionary; but what was (and is now) being done was as old as the hills. After all, Greek grammar had long since been imposed upon Latin, and Latin grammar upon German and English; and with the European “discovery” of Sanskrit, ‘Westem students were quick to insist upon the imposition of Latinized Greek grammar upon Indic as well, despite the existence of the towering monument of Indological linguistic science that had for millennia worked almost entirely in structuralist modes. In the pre-Chomskyite normative imposition of this didactic linguistic agenda, room had to be found for the seven (or eight) case-forms of nouns, for the three (or at least two) numbers, the three tenses, etc., etc., let the chips fall where they might; similarly, in these latter transformational-generative days, a world in which all linguistic structures “naturally” resolve themselves into distinctive expressions of an entirely Western world- view has become such a commonplace that by-and-large it no longer attracts either comment or criticism. With this background understood, we are in a somewhat better position also to understand that very special and indeed virtually unique example of the results of the imposition of one Hinguistic system upon another afforded by what is generally if somewhat loosely termed “traditional Tibetan grammar”. When this hoard of linguistic literature was first “discovered” by the West, it was widely misunderstood and misrepresented as if somehow it constituted a Tibetan Nationalgrammatik, which if it meant anything would have meant that it had been the result of a structuralist quest for the inherent grammatical truths lurking and waiting to be uncovered within the Tibetan language, from which hiding place they had been excavated by Tibetans working instinctively and independently of any outside or externally imposed structures of views. Today of course we know that nothing could possibly be further from the facts of the matter. The so-called traditional Tibetan grammars are yet another result of the normative imposition of a didactic agenda from and by one linguistic culture toward and upon another: in this specific case, the result of the imposition of those salient features of Indic linguistic science favored and stressed by the Buddhist grammars most familiar to the ‘Tibetans, upon the totally unrelated and irrelevant linguistic materials of the Tibetan language. ing fortunately for those of us who continue to be interested in the study of Tibetan grammar and Tibetan language, the results of this didactic imposition were and are not scientifically trivial, at least they are not trivial in the same way that, e.g, the results of the Meiji imposition of Latin-based English school-grammar upon Japanese were and are trivial. This is because, in the case of Tibetan, the Indic models placed under contribution were themselves substantially significant, and above all else, internally consistent. Also important has been the fact that in the case of Tibetan, those who implemented the imposition were in the main intimately familiar with the language of the grammatical models involved, and well aware of the ultimate basis of the analytical paradigms that they were imposing. We also know from the historical record that Indian pandits frequently worked in cooperation with Tibetans in these linguistic activities with the happy consequence that the imposition, for all its theoretical and practical limitations, benefitted from full competence, both on the part of its perpetrators (those responsible for supplying the model) and on the part of its subjects (those responsible for the data upon which the model was imposed). In this, traditional Tibetan grammar stands somewhat apart from most of the other examples to be observed elsewhere in the world that illustrate what happens when one linguistic system is imposed upon another. 561Miller: Evam sarve catvarah §3. We have known for some time that one of the most important distinguishing characteristics of that special variety of Indic linguistic science whose paradigms and parameters were imposed upon Tibetan was ils thorough permeation by what may aptly be termed a “tantristic” world-view, understanding the term “tantristic” in the special technical sense of “related to the systematic or religious traditions [that are themselves} based on the Tantras” (Steinkellner 1978, 447 note 5). Nor is this especially surprising, given what we at the same time know and understand of the all-encompassing importance that the Indic civilization in general placed upon linguistic analysis and speculation, and particularly in view of the manner in which these linguistic interests found their full expression in the doctrines and devotional exercises of the Tantra. “In no fother] human civilization [has] speculation on sound and word ... played such a lasting and important role as in the Indian culture”, at the same time, “one of the most essential traits of “Tantrism is its conception of a phonic plane of existence parallel to, and even basic to, the objective. It is a leading factor in cosmic evolution” (Hoens 1979, 90, 93). Small wonder, then, that in their attempts to “explain” the observed (descriptive) facts of the Tibetan language, the first two grammatical treatises frequently, even characteristically, had recourse to the most striking elements of the “systematic or religious traditions” available to their author(s) in so far as speculation about the nature and world-role of language were concerned, traditions that were in turn "based on the Tantras”, i.c. that were “tantristi Tt was in this, their tantristic dimension in particular, that the specific Indic models imposed upon Tibetan grammars differed strikingly from the larger, more generally known and most often studied corpus of Indic linguistic science; and it follows in tum that the most effective path toward the elucidation of particular problems in the Tibetan grammatical literature more often than not lies in the pursuit of the tantristic adumbrations of the grammatical terms and analytical techniques that confront us in these texts, The introduction of the afi, kali terminological dichotomy in the opening passages of the SCP resoundingly announces the essentially tantristic orientation of both the two first treatises; and further if generally more subtle indications of the same approach are scattered throughout the remainder of both texts in abundant profusion. Particularly notable in this connection are of course the several elaborately interlocking systems of gender-denominated morphophonemic classes (rtags) that are the chief concern of the TKJ, the second treatise. The specific textual-historical affiliations of these intricate pattems of morphological description remain for the moment at least t probably even the most skeptical critic would hardly argue against ic adumbrations of the text’s kaleidoscopic and ever-shifting classification of the productive segmental morphology of the language into sets of “masculine”, “feminine”, “neuter”, and similarly denominated phonemes. Even apart from the perfectly obvious tantricism of the blatantly erotic terminology of these sets, the technique of set-linkage from within the phonemic and morphophonemic inventory of the language so elaborately exploited by the TKJ finds obvious parallels in the didactic and devotional phoneme sets to which the Tantra in all its historical varieties and developments has for so long devoted enormous effort and interest. And particularly significant in this connection is the TKI technique of sudden and unannounced code- switching in which gender-terminology for one set is replaced by that for another out of structural considerations, even though the ostensible phonemic inventory of the set temains the same; this has obvious parallels in the ability of the Tantra to assign different devotional values to the same phoneme depending upon its structural role in any specific manira-environment (cf. Hoens 1979, 90 ff.). In the present contribution we propose to focus attention upon a specific feature of the grammatical statements found in the SCP and TKJ that appear until now to have escaped critical notice or comment, namely the penchant displayed by both these early texts for framing not only their descriptive accounts but also their morphological, resp. marpho- phonemic process-and-arrangement statements in sets of fours; the possibility is at the same time suggested that this descriptive-orientation by fours has its ultimate, if 362Miller: Evam sarve camara necessarily somewhat remote, origin in those specific elements of the tantristic world- view that attempted to subsume all phenomenology under various discrete sets of fours; and that as a consequence we have here to deal with elements in the grammatical approach and apparatus of the SCP and the TKI thal may from the outset be identified and even in a sense documented as being specifically tantristic both by their nature as well as by their (largely still unknown) text-history. All grammars, as we have discussed, impose something upon the language with which they operate; and in the case of these two early ‘Tibetan grammars, the identification within the language of sets of fours that could in turn be identified with overall tantristic conceptualizations appears to have played a seminal role, ‘A‘key-text for this hypothesis is provided by the Hevajra Tantra 1130, evamsarve catvarah, de ltar thams cad béiho, “so everything goes in fours” (Sneligrove 1950, 35, 38: “within this fourfold scheme are fitted all possible terms of reference ..,; {it included] ali, kali sun and moon”; texts, loc.cit., pp. 6, 7). Nor are we to forget that, in its conceptualization of a wholly linguistic plane of existence parallel to, and even basic to, the objective world, the Tantra in general eacly set up a system that has been described as treating the world, not to mention the cosmos, as the result of “four stages of phonic emanation” (Hoens 1979, 96 ff.). Confronted with the problem of dealing with the evidence of the phenomenological, as well as of the cosmic, world, the Tantra determined to conduct its philosophical and metaphysical analysis by the normative imposition upon these materials of its own a priori didactic agenda: “everything goes in fours”. Confronted with the phonological and morphological materials of the Tibetan language, the author(s) of the first two grammatical treatises conducted their linguistic analysis by the normative imposition of fe: specific systematic and religious traditions based upon the Tantras that had reached them from their Indic mentors along with their linguistic science: in a word, we can see from these two early texts how they conducted their linguistic analysis whenever feasible along tantristi¢ lines, arranging their data so that, so far as possible, it would appear that in language as in life, “everything goes in fours”. Of course, it is always a simple matter to lodge the simplistic arguments of coincidence, accident, happinstance and Zufall against any and all suggestions that larger principles and themes may sometimes be detected as operative beneath and beyond the superficial evidence of discrete data and their observation. Unquestionably such simplistic counter-arguments will prompily be lodged against the proposed hypothesis, ‘on the “common sense [sic!] grounds” that the number four is “too common” and “too usual in lists” to have any critical-analytical power or authority in such a discussion. After all, such critics will be quick to suggest, there are four seasons, four phases of the moon, four Vedas, four Noble Truths; and all Japanese automobiles, mostly built by nominal Mahayana Buddhists, have four tires. And so they will hope to spare themselves any tedious necessity for future serious consideration of these issues by reason of the gales of laughter that they confidently expect will follow upon these, their witty sallies and bluff burlesques. The proper response to these and similarly ill-considered objections is fortunately too obvious to require elaborate presentation, The four seasons are as much, indeed in general terms even more of a human linguistic artifact as they are a matter of meteorological fact; many cultures got along quite well without them, even in the temperate Zones, as late as Tacitus we hear the complaint that “the Germans know neither the word nor the idea of ‘autumn’”. In easily available world-wide surveys of the religious and philosophical powers of numbers, those of “peculiar sanctity” are seven, ten, and seventy; four is clearly a number of a “lower degree” of importance in such matters, all considerations of “common sense” to the contrary not withstanding (Davidson 1956, 406b apud Hastings). And in Indic systems generally, the number four as an armature for categorizing sets is striking not for its universality but rather by reason of (@) its absence and (6) its lateness: “the importance of the number 4 appears {in the post- Vedic period] in the definite acceptance of 4 Vedas and 4 orders of life'in place of 563Miller: Evam sarve carvaralt the simpler 3—student, householder, and ascetic—of the Vedic text... In the epic andin Manu appears for the first time the doctrine of 4 ages” (Keith 1956, 408a apud Hastings). It is especially against this clear-cut Indological background that the Tantras’ insistence upon the paradigmatic interpretation of all phenomena as “going in fours” displays its strikingly marked diagnostic powers; and it is also when considered against this same Indological background that the tantristic orientation of a number of key statements in the SCP and TKJ becomes a significant factor in our future reading of these texts. With these ideas in mind, we are for the first time in a position to begin to. understand why so frequently these two early texts opt for sets of features and descriptive devices and statements summed up in fours. In the two sections below, we list (but by no means exhaustively) a few of the particularly significant passages illustrating this hypothesis (§3.1, SCP; §3.2, TKJ); appended to each text-citation is a brief comment or explanation of the way in which the passage implements the tantristic stipulation that “everything goes in fours”. §3.1. (1) SCP 4. 1.2 "ah Ti gsal byed ‘i sogs bai This is the famous, and much discussed, stipulation that the total number of vowels in Tibetan is four, not five. Other, if not equally carly, texts recognized that there were in fact five vowels, and that the statement of the SCP is accordingly orthographic, not phonological. This is true enough; but in view of the theme of the present contribution, may we not perhaps have here evidence for something rather more significant than mere orthographic considerations underlying the text's insistence that the set of the kali consists of four, not five~-particularly in view of the well-documented tantristic adumbrations of the ali, kali terminological dichotomy itself? (2) SCP $1, 6.1-2 min gZi gis sam gsum sbrel lam / de la dbyats kyi bai ldan yan ‘Again the “four vowels” are invoked, as part of an involute negative prescription that rules out the formation of canonically-formed morphemes containing multiple combinations of the previously stipulated set of mi g#i. This variety of negative prescription is encountered more than once in the first two grammatical treatises, but its significance for the structuring and purport of the texts has yet to be taken fully into account. The other, ordinary positive statements obviously describe what does happen; these on the other hand tell us what does not. Everything still “goes by fours”, but those things that do not “go by fours” (e.g., the non-canonical morpheme shapes ruled out by this statement) nevertheless fit into the overall tantristic armature of the world-view underlying the text by a variety of the Jucus a non lucendo gambit. Apparently it was not enough for the author(s) of these texts to stipulate what happens in the language; attention had also to be paid to what does not happen, and in the process provide what becomes in effect a variety of conceptual closure for the imposition of the extemal paradigms that the grammar exploits. (3) SCP SI. 20.4 dnos pohi dbah du b4i ru bgyur This is onc of the most difficult statements in the SCP, and it is impossible even to begin to do it justice at the present time, not so much for lack of space as for lack of understanding. But even granting the many outstanding problems that cloud our present reading of this passage, the text clearly stipulates that like everything else in the universe, the functions of the demonstrative pronoun “go in fours". The ultimate connections of these four bhavas with, e.g., the six bhavas employed in the semantic classification of the verb and known from Nirukta onward (Kahrs 1986) remain to be studied in more detail; for a start, see inter alia Miller 1991, 1992, 1993, The assigament of bhava categories not only to verbs but also to other form-classes is Indic in origin, not (as sometimes suggested in the literature) an aberration of the Tibetan scholatly mind. For the moment it 564Miller: Evan sarve carwarah is, to be sure, very difficult for us to understand just what it was that the grammarians were doing here; but that hardly may be used as an excuse for denying that they did it, nor more as a reason for us not to try and discover just what it was that they did. (4) SCP $1. 25.4 ‘ah li b3ilas gah Idan yah Another negative prescription, largely parallel to (2), but with a somewhat different approach to the topic of description-closure: even if the four vowels are present, canonical forms do not result unless other stipulations of final-consonant occurrence are met. In other words, it is still the case that “everything goes in fours”, but “everything” here includes the otherwise uncanonical forms separately ruled out of consideration, so that “that which does not go” also and nevertheless “goes in fours” i.e. “does not go in fours”. (5) SCP Si. 28.5 rjes hjug b4i yi sbyor ba ni / milan bsam bstan pahi ched du sbyar This is part of the concluding section of didactic slokas, which deal in general counsels of linguistic perfection, here invoking the “four vowels” and their role in language as part of the injunction fo the study of phonetics, resp. phonology. These didactic slokas, constitute a somewhat late addition to our received text of the SCP, and as a consequence their testimony is less informative concerning the formative stages of the grammarians’ tradition; nevertheless, it is instructive to see, as here, that the author(s) even of these later additions to the text felt that it was necessary to pay at least lip-service to the way in which “everything goes in fours”. (6) SCP Sl. 3.1-2 kal li phyed dan brgyad sde ni / b4i bi dag tu phye ba las This statement concerning the phonological arrangement by vargas of the Tibetan consonantism is, so to speak, the heart of the matter; surely the historical accident that had earlier determined the four-way position-manner-of-articulation grid of the Tibetan consonants must have impressed the early author(s) as a very real and concrete vindication of the thesis that “everything goes in fours”, particularly when they considered the contrast between this system and the Indic grids in which five was the paradigmatic number. The passage has, in general, not fared well at the hands of the translators; they have mostly overlooked the force of the....as ‘the reason [why] with which it concludes, and so also obscured the role of this statement as the prior rule that is operative throughout the following statements, Also deserving of special note is the expression ...dag.tu, here neither plural nor dual, but rather (with Hahn 197) “something which either contrasts with or supplements the usual concept of plurality—the idea of wholeness or totality ... [which] comprises the ideas of both singularity and plurality; several discrete objects form a new whole”, This is an excellent accouint of precisely the way in which ...dag.tu is employed in this passage, where it sums up the wholeness and totality of the phonological entity, i.e., the first seven consonantal vargas, where “everything goes in fours”. §3.2. (7) TKJ $1. 1.4-5 pho dai ma nin mo dafni / Sin tu mo dai bZi b’i ru Here, as also is true of the other TKJ citations in the present section, a complete reduction from the metalanguage of the original would take us ioo far afield for the purposes of the present discussion; it is only necessary to observe that in its incipit the TKI, in the same manner as the SCP, presents an ordered arrangement of gender- denominated morphophonemic classes, resp. sets, that exemplify the thesis that “everything goes In fours”, i.e. ‘Masculine’ = k, ¢, t, p; ‘Neuter’ (or better, ‘Neutral”) = kh, ch, th, pli, ‘Feminine’ = g, j, d, b; *Very Feminine’ = *, i, n,m. The exegetical light that the tantristic formulation of “fours” throws upon the addition of the sin.tumo 565Miller: Evan sarve carvarah category to the otherwise expected set of three is notable; just as in the case of (6) above, the facts of the language required four categories, and the tantristic formulation of the four-fold nature of phenomenology swiftly vindicated the data, leaving only the terminology to be evolved. The TKJ has had a somewhat more vexatious text- transmission history than the SCP; in particular, its incipit is plagued with troublesome. variants (first noticed by Laufer 1898!) that have yet to be satisfactorily resolved (cf. Mimaki 1992, 597-98). (8) TIK $1. 3.1-3 _stion hjug yi ge Ina po la / pho dah ma nin mo daa ni / Sin tu mo dan bii ru dbye This is a particularly interesting and significant text; essentially, it provides a methodology (which will be further exploited subsequently in the TKJ) for manipulating what are, by actual count, five phonemes (6, g, d, h, m) as if they were instead the tantristic-canonical set of four. This it is able to accomplish thanks to the fact that in the phonological-morphophonemic contexts at issue, the phonemes g and dare in complementary distribution vis-a-vis the morphophonemics of the language—thus providing yet another instance in which the facts of the language must have impressed the author(s) of the text as vindicating, at the same time that they illustrated, the hypothesis that “everything goes in fours”. (9) TKI 1. 4.1-3 de dag re reba bi byed de / gan la hjug byed gah gis byed / zi ltar hjug byed ci phyir byed (10) TKI é1. 18.1-3 de yan byed pa bY: byed de / gat la hjug byed gah gis byed / Zi fiar hjug byed ci phyir byed These neatly arranged quadripartite dispositio passages early impressed the Western students of the TKJ as hewing closely to the scholastic pattem of discourse (ubi? quo? quo modo? quando/cur?); this they do without question, but at the same time it is now clear that there is rather more to their four-fold analytic framework than might at first appear. That their approach also draws upon the conventional dialectic of the Madhyamaka should also be taken into consideration; but the latter by no means rules the former out of the question, (11) TKI $1. 6.1-4 pho ni... (12) TKI 41.10.1-4 pho nit mo ni... ma nih, ma nif yan, mo ni... 3in ta mo ni... Sin tu mo ni... ‘These two texts, along with (13) below, are covert in their reference to the feature under discussion, i.e. they make no overt mention of the number four, but content themselves with the display of quadripartite data, in the case of (11), exploiting the complementary distribution of g and d as prefixes in order fo operate with the expected set of four, and in the case of (12), proposing four different modes (or methods’) of pronunciation for morphemes carrying each of the members of these same four entities, ‘Text (12) is particularly interesting and important; it has long been suspected, and not without reason, to reflect an early observation of the feature of distinctive tonemic contrasts in Tibetan. if future consideration of the passage, and of its TKJ context, should indeed bear out this suspicion, it would provide a further significant example of the analytic-descriptive impact of the hypothesis that “everything goes in fours”. In any observation of tones (as for that matter in all phonetics and phonology), one must at first deal with a bewildering multiplicity of degrees and shades of difference. The borderline between phonetics and phonology is crossed when one makes the decision about how many of the available entities are to be recognized as constituting viable (distinctive) units 566Miller: Evam sarve catvarals within the language. The a priori conceptualization that “everything goes in fours” cannot but have played a critical role in the formulation of what in (12) appears to be the earliest, notice of four distinctive tonemes for Tibetan. The full text of (12) uses four descriptive terms, drag.pa ‘strong’, ran.pa ‘weak’, Zan.pa ‘middle’, and mitam.pa ‘even’. Each of these words has a phonologically different initial ({voiced] lateral with prefix, id. without prefix, voiced palatal continuant without prefix, id. with prefix). The tonal systems that we know today from living Tibetan languages and dialects apparently have developed historically in terms of the mode and type of articulation of syllable-initials. Accordingly it would be completely consistent with what we now know of Tibetan historical phonology to assume that behind the four-fold terminology of this passage there lies an early variety of the language in which syllables with each of the above- described initials had given rise to a different, and contrasting, toneme. Traces existing today of such a tonal system, if they could be documented, would be of considerable value for the reading of these Slokas. (13) TKI sl, 12. pho ni hdas dan gan bsgrub phyir 13. ma nia gfiis ka da ltar ched 14 mo ni bdag da ma hos phyir 15 &in tu mo ni miiam phyir ro These four famous Slokas once more exploit the principle of complementary distribution which permits the treatment of prefixed g- and d- as a single morphophonemic entity, in order to subsume what are actually and overtly five different elements of the morphology under a total of four categories, There is no overt numerical reference, but the fact that here too “everything goes in fours” is implicit in the text itself. The entire passage awaits further elucidation, even though it has already frequently been the subject of study (Tillemans & Herforth 1989; Miller 1992); but surely the fact of its canonical arrangement by fours, which has until now remained unnoticed, ought to play a role in its investigation. $4. If indeed we have here been able to shed any light upon the content, structure, and nature of the first two Tibetan grammatical treatises, what we have learned is hardly to be dignified by the designation of “conclusions”. Better to regard it rather as a tentative set of general indications that, however, and for all their clearly tentative character, do surely point in the direction of future possible discoveries. At the very least, they indicate that these two ancient texts, too often treated in the West—and sometimes in the Tibetan. scholastic tradition as well—as being simplistic and somewhat beneath serious consideration are, quite to the contrary, subtle in their approach to their subject matter and sophisticated in their arrangement and presentation. This is by no means the first time that we have detected such indications (Miller 1993); but it is a significant addition to the evidence already accumulated in studies along other lines. Specifically, in this survey of the two texts’ frequent analysis and description by fours, we discern important traces of an intellectual approach that remains to be documented further and studied in more detail in the future. This operation might be described as the production of a grammar by the imposition, sometimes selective, sometimes universalist, of an externally derived world-view upon the intrinsic structures recognized as existing inherently within a given language. In a sense, this operation combines elements both of the structuralist and of the traditionalist—if not of the Chomskyite, or retro-traditionalist—approach to grammar. But it is surely worthy of study in Its own right as well, if only because of the fact that in Tibet it drew upon the incomparable Indic monuments of linguistic science. For that reason, if for no other, it Tepresents without question a scientifically far more important operation than that to be observed in, e.g,, the importation of the largely trivial and frequently debased Greek- Latin grammars into English, or German, or Japanese. The Tibetan grammarians were of course not structuralists; but they were not Chomskyites either. And the more we learn 567Miller: Evam sarve catvarah about the way in which they went about their chosen task of imposing their Indic models upon the observed data drawn from their own language, the more we will be able to learn about the inner operation of the amazing process of cultural and intellectual syncretism out of which Tibetan civilization and culture were born. In our search for further evidence of this same sort, it will be well to keep in mind both the practice as well as the precepts of Sigmund Freud. At the same time that he taught the world to recognize— if not always to admit— the symbolic significance that frequently attaches to long, pointed objects, he also stressed that there are plenty of occasions when, as he put it, “a cigar is nothing more than a good smoke”. Freud’s science consisted to a large extent of teaching others to distinguish the one circumstance from the other: so also must we do. And in this always necessary task of discrimination between the accidental and the significant, we can save much waste effort by learning to distinguish, at the outset, between those occasions in which a cigar is merely a good smoke, and those in which coincidence and accident are all but ruled out by the anomalous, skewed character of the data themselves. A case in point is provided by the TKJ's employment of the principle of complementary distribution in order to reduce an covert set of five phonemes to a morphophonemic set of four. Such adroit manipulations of the data are of diagnostic value equivalent to that provided by instances of paradigmatic anomalies in the study of comparative grammar; similar also is the way in which their “quality” outweighs their “quantity”. Most importantly, the more we identify the subtle principles underlying the received texts of the SCP and TKJ, the more we begin to understand the sophisticated fashion in which the founders of Tibetan literary culture erected their edifice upon their comprehensive understanding of their Indic models: “In no {other} human civilization [has] speculation on sound and word ... played such a lasting and important role.., .” ‘We speak often in other connections of “people of the book”. For Tibet we might better think in terms of “people of the word”, for it is out of their early and accurate understanding of the Indic monuments of linguistic science that much of the formative period of their civilization evolved, along with the texts of the SCP and TKI. BIBLIOGRAPHY Davidson, T, 1956 Article “Numbers: Introductory” In: Hastings 1956, 9.406a-407b. Hahn, M. 1978, “On the Function and Origin of the Particle dag”, Tibetan Studies (Zurich) 137-147, Hastings, J. ed. 1956. Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, Edinburgh (Scribner). Hoens, D. J. 1979. “Transmission and Fundamental Constituents of the Practice”, pp. (69]-117 in: Hindu Tantrism (= Handbuch der Orientalistik, I. Abt., Indien, iV. Band, 2, Abschnitt], Leiden / Koln (E. J, Brill). Kahrs, E, 1986 “Durga on bhdva”, In: E. Kahes, ed., Kalydnamitrardganam, Essays in Honour of Nils Simonsson. Oslo (Norwegian University Press). Keith, A.B. 1956, Article “Numbers: Aryan”. In: Hastings 1956, 9.407a-413b. Laufer, B. 1898. “Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft der Tibeter. Zamatog”. Sitzungs- berichte der philos.-philolog. u. histor. Klasse der kgl. bayer. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Miinchen Heft Ill: 519-594. 568Miller: Evam sarve carvaral Mimaki, K. 1992. “Two Minor Works Ascribed to dBus pa blo gsal”, pp. 591-604 in: Sk. thara & Z. Yamaguchi, eds., Tibetan Studiés, Proceedings of the 5th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies, Narita 1989, Volume 2. Narita (Naritasan Shinshoji). Miller, R.A. 1991. “On the Utility of the Tibetan Grammarians”, pp. 353-381 i E. Steinkellner, ed., Tibetan History and Language, Studies Dedicated to Uray Géza on His Seventieth Birthday [= Wiener Studien zur Tibetologie und Buddhismuskunde, Heft 26}, Vienna (Arbeitskreis fir Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien Universitat Wien). ~--, 1992, “Indic Models in Tibetan Grammars”, JAOS 112:103-109, --~. 1998. Prolegomena to the First Two Tibetan Grammatical Treatises. Vienna (in the press). Snellgrove, D. L. 1959. The Hevajra Tantra. London (Oxford University Press). Steinkellner, E. 1978. “Remarks on Tantristic Hermeneutics” in: L. Ligeti, ed., Proceedings of the Csoma de Kérds Memorial Symposium ... 24-30 September 1976, Budapest (Adadémiai Kiad6). Tillemans, T. J. F. & Herforth, D. D. 1989. Agents and Actions in Classical Tibetan, ( = Wiener Studien zur Tibetologie und Buddhismuskunde, Heft 21] Vienna (Arbeitskreis ftir Tibetische und Buddhistische Studien Universitat Wien). 569A FOURTEENTH CENTURY BON PO DOXOGRAPHY, THE BON SGO GSAL BYED BY TRE STON RGYAL MTSHAN DPAL —~ A PRELIMINARY REPORT TOWARD A CRITICAL EDITION — Katsumi MIMAKI (Kyoto) The Bon sgo gsal byed (Clarification of the Gates of Bon; Abbr: BGSB)' by a fourteenth century Bon po author, Tre ston sGyal mishan dpal, is a kind of doxographical encyclopedia. In it the description of the doctrinal positions of the Bon religion occupies the greater part of the text as a matter of course, but Buddhist philosophy is also presented and explained. There are two versions, a manuscript and its published version, which I will call in the present article text {A] and text [B}, Text [A] is a munuscript in cursive characters (‘khyug yig) containing 45 folios and kept in the library of the Bonpo Monastic Center in Dolanji, Himachal Pradesh, India. In this manuscript, compound characters (bsdus yig) are constantly used and some of the cursive characters are often difficult to decipher. That, however, is not the real problem. The real difficulty consists in the fact that very often the correct orthography is not respected; misspellings appear quite often. For example the character gzi is very often confused with bzi*, in the worst case it is written with the Tibetan numeral 4*, It is a kind of acrobatics to juggle gzi from the numeral 4. Text [B] is much better from this point of view. However, it was unfortunately not edited with the requisite knowledge. Although text {B] was based on text [A], text [B] misread it quite often’. Therefore texts [A] and [B] complement each other, and with analytical and synthetical eyes we can establish a better critical edition. This is what I am doing currently. The Bon sgo gsal byed was composed in 13848, We can arrive at this date in the following way. There is a chronological passage in the text itself”. It begins with a Bon po mythical figure, Mu zi gsal bzai: "gog pa Mu zi gsal bzait dah bstun nas / gter du brgyad brgya gSegs / "Bight hundred years have passed since [the books were] concealed, [if calculated] in accordance with {the time of entrance of] Mu zi gsal bzai into the trance nirodhasamapatti (‘gog pa).” Concerning the duration of the tance of the Bon po saint Mu zi gsal bzai, there are two traditons: the bsTan risis of Ni ma bstan ‘dzin* (b. 1813) and the gYun drua bon gyi bstan ‘byui? of dPal idan tshul khrims (20th c.), for example, give a duration of 1800 years, while the rGyal rabs bon gyi ‘byuri gnas" of Khyu po Blo gros rgyal mtshan (15th c.) and the bsTan risis bskal Idan dav ‘dren of Tshul Khrims rgyal mtshan provide 800 years, just as in our text, It is difficult to determine which of these two dates is the more plausible, because it is a mythical figure that is in question here. On a more concrete level, the passage continues: 570Mimaki: Bon sgo gsal byed pSen sgur (= gSen chen klu dga’) gyis me mo sbrul la gter sgo phyed nas / gnam lo rgyal po sift pho byi ba yan chad Ia / drug cu bskor drug dai lo brgyad son / "Since gSen sgur (Crooked gSen = gSen chen klu dga’)” opened the gate of the textual treasury in the year fire-female-snake (= 1017), three hundred and eight years have passed until the year wood-male-mouse (= 1384) of the present year." The year 1017 is the famous year which marks the beginning of the phyi dar period for Bon po, as indicated in many Bon po historical works such as the bsTan risis of Ni ma bstan ‘dzin®, 1017 plus 368 = 1384 (si pho byi ba, wood-male-mouse). The text was therefore written in 1384, towards the end of the fourteenth century. The following table shows the contents of the Bon sgo gsal byed in the form of a brief synopsis. A real synopsis would be much more detailed, but here I limit myself to giving only the essential outline. [Synopsis of the Bon sgo gsal byed] I. rags pa gzal bya ([A}1a3; [B]2a/3.2) (Coarse [things}, which are objects to be measured or known) 1.1, mam Ses yul gyi bon ([A]1a4; [B]2a/3.3) (Objects of the consciousness) I.La. bon gitis kyi sgo nas gtan la dbab pa ({A]1a5; [B12b/4.2) Establishment [of these objects] by means of two categories) I.1.a.1. ‘dus ma byas ([A]1a5; [B]2b/4.2) (The unconditioned) 2. 'dus byas ([AJ1b1; (B]3b/6.5-4a/7.1) (The conditioned) mtshan fiid gsum gyis gtan la dbab pa ([A]7b2; [B]31a/61.2) Establishment by means of the three characters) 1.c. bden pa gitis kyis gtan la dbab pa ({A]8a4; [B]330/66.4) Establishment by means of the Two Truths) 1.1.4, bden pa béis gtan la dbab pa ([A]9a4; (B]38a/75.4) (Establishment by means of the Four Truths) 1.2. brjod ‘das dbyifis kyi bon ([A]20a9; [B]76b/152.5-77a/153.1) (neffable sphere) 13. ‘phrul tiag bka'i bon ({AJ2193; (B]792/157.1) (Magical speech, the Teaching) 1.3.1. bka’ gsui mkhan ston pa tos bzua ba (21a4; [B]79a/157.4) (Identification of the master, propounder of the Teaching) 1.3.2. bka’ dai bka’ brten nas dbye ba ({A]23b9; [B]89a/177.5) (Classification of the Teaching and the support of the Teaching, namely treatises) 1.3.3. bka’ rgyud kyi rang béin ({A]2428; {B]91a/181.1) (Self-nature of the transmission of the Teaching) 1.3.3.1. bka'i spyi don bstan pa (fA]24a9; (B]91a/181.2) (Exposition of the general meaning of the Teaching) 1.33.1.1. bka’ raf lugs ({A]24a9; (B}91a/181.3) (Own system [of Bon po]) bya gter ([A]25a9; [B}95a/189.2) (Nine Ways of the Northern Treasury) tho gter ({A]25b1; (B]95a/189.4) (Nine Ways of the Southern Treasury) dbus gter ([A]25b3; [B]95b/190.4) (Nine Ways of the Central Treasury) S71Mimaki: Bon sgo gsal byed 1.3.3.1.2. Zar la gzan gyis lua bstan pa ((A]26a6; [B]98b/196.2) (Occasionally, Exposition of the source by the others (=Buddhists)) @)_gSar ma pa ({A]26a8; [B]992/197.1) 3Nin ma pa ((AJ27a7; [B]1032/205.4) 1.3.3.2, theg dgu rgyas par béad ({A]28b3; {B]107b/214.3) (Detailed exposition of the Nine Ways) 13.3.2.a. Byaf gter ([A]25b3; [B]1076/214.4) dBus gter ([A]25b7; [B]108b/216.3-4) 3. IHo gter ({A]29b3; [B]11 1a/221.5-b/222.1) 13.4. bstan pa dar nub kyi lo rgyus ((A]42b8; {B]164a/327.1) (History of the development of the doctrine) 13.5. bstan pa gnas pa'i yun tshad ((A]42b8; tai 6ta/307: 3) @eriod of the duration of the doctrine) 14, sgrub byed lam gyi bon ((A}42b1 1; [B]1640/328.5) (Path, that which realises) Il, ‘phra ba ‘jal byed [2]({A144b9; [B]177b/354.2-3) (Subtlety, which measures, namely consciouness) COLOPHON ([A]45b9; [B]183b/366.5) As is clearly seen from this table, most of the ontological, epistemological, and soteriological subjects are treated in this text just as in the usual Buddhist doxographical texts (grub mtha’). It is well known that from about the eleventh century the Bon po borrowed several buddhist doctrines in order to systematize their own doctrine. In the Bon sgo gsal byed also, we find a considerable number of doctrines similar to those in Buddhist texts, even though the terminology is differentiated slightly. Many Bon po sources are cited. Most of these sources have already been published mainly in India, and can be found in the catalogue compiled by Samten Karmay and published in Tokyo in 1977, There are still some texts, however, which are not yet available at present. ‘The above synopsis shows that, just before the explanation of the Nine Ways of Bon (theg pa dgu), the author explains the Buddhist philosophy, occasionally and very briefly, either in accordance with the gSar ma pa or rNin ma pa traditions (synopsis 1.3.3.1.2.). To explain the gSar ma pa philosophy, the author cites such Buddhist sources as the Abhidharmasamuccaya, the Abhidharmakosa, the _ Madhyantavibhaga, and the Laikavatarasitira. For his explanation of the rNit ma pa philosophy, he cites the Theg dgu rnam ‘byed”*. For the moment I have not been able to identify this rNif ma pa text. It is interesting to notice that, when he cites the AbhidharmakoSa of Vasubandhu, he uses the title mNon mdzod; but when he simply says mDzod, it does not mean the AbhidharmakoSa, but the mDzod phug’, the Bon po Abhidharma text, rediscovered by the gter ston gSen chen klu dga’ in 1017", Our author also quotes, very often a text entitled dBu ma bden giiis. The text which we know by this title is Jnfinagarbha’s Satyadvayavibhariga, but the quoted passages show that it is another text. It should be also a Bon po text, but unfortunately, at present, Iam still unable to identify it. ‘Most of the explanations concerning Buddhist philosophy are correct and interesting, as seen and represented by the eyes of a fourteenth century Bon po 572Mimaki: Bon sgo gsal byed author, There are, however, cases where a Buddhist idea is interpreted in an unusual manner. In the classification of Buddhist’ schools, the Theg pa chen po (Mahayana) is divided into Sems tsam pa (Vijfiinavadin) and dBu ma pa (Madhyamika), The Sems tsam pa is divided into rNam bden pa (Satyak@ravadin) and Nam rdzun pa (Alikakaravadin). The dBu ma pa is divided into dBu ma rai sgyud pa (Svatantrika) and dBu ma thal 'gyur ba (Prasangika). The dBu ma rai rgyud pa is divided into mDo sde spyod pa’i dbu ma pa and rNal 'byor spyod pa'i dbu ma pa. The dBu ma thal ‘gyur ba is idenfified with the Grags sde spyod pai dbu ma pa. Until here, there is nothing strange, but the explanations given for two branches of the dBu ma rai rgyud pa are unusual to my knowledge. The philosophy of the mDo sde spyod pa'i dbu ma pa, which is normally interpreted as Sautrantika-madhyamika, is explained as “sems gsal stof gfiis med du 'dod" (those who maintain that the mind is clear, void and without duality); the doctrine of the xNal ‘byor spyod pa'i dbu ma pa, which is normally considered as Yogacara- madhyamika, is described as "rsa rluii itar ‘dod" (those who hold in accordance with vein and wind)". One of the most interesting points concerns the exposition of the three kinds of the Nine Ways of Bon (cf. synopsis 1.3.3.2.). If we speak of the Nine Ways of Bon, we think immediately of the momumental work by Snellgrove, The Nine Ways of Bon, published in London in 1967. According to an extract of the gZi briid, a biography of sTon pa gSen rab mi bo written in the fourteenth century, he showed us Nine Ways which, he says, "resume" the whole range of Tibetan religious practices. We must pay attention, nevertheless, to the fact that what he showed in his book was only one kind of the Nine Ways, namely those of the Southern Treasury (IHo gter gyi theg pa dgu). There are, in fact, three kinds of the Nine Ways of Bon, namely, in addition to this, those of the Northern Treasury (Bya’ gter gyi theg pa dgu) and those of the Central Treasury (dBus gter gyi theg pa dgu). The following is a list of the Nine Ways of the Southern Treasury with the English translation for each Way by Snellgrove: . Phywa géen theg pa (the Way of Shen of the prediction), . Nai gen theg pa (-- of the visual world), . 'Phrul géen theg pa (-- of illusion), . Srid géen theg pa (-- of existence), . dGe bsfien theg pa (-- of the virtuous adherers), . Draft stom theg pa (-- of the great ascetics), . A dkar theg pa (-- of pure sound), . Ye géen theg pa (-- of the primeval Shen), . Bla med theg pa (the Supreme Way). I will not enter into the details of this Nine Ways, since there is already the exhaustive work by Snellgrove. I limit myself to pointing out that the sources cited in our text for the explanation of the Nine Ways of the Southern Treasury, are the {Ta ba khyun chen”, the Gab pa®, the Khams brgyad*, and the 'Grel béi*, all of which are now available. AQvape yen The second kind of the Nine Ways, those of the Northem Treasury (Byaii gter gyi theg pa dgu) can be summed up by the following list: 1. sNaf Idan theg pa 2. Raf Idan theg pa ————|— ul bai theg pa. —— Phyi 3. bZed Idan theg pa ———] (Vinaya) 573Mimaki: Bon sgo gsal byed 4, Tho tho theg pa 5. Phyi tho theg pa———}—_ mDo sde'i theg pa —— Naf 6 Ye tho theg pa ———— (Siitra) 7. WHia rise theg pa 8, sNaf rise theg pa ———|— mNon pa'i theg pa——gSaat 9. Yaa rise theg pa. ———! (Abhidharma) Unfortunately, the explanation of this Nine Ways is too brief to grasp exactly the contents of each Way, or even to understand clearly the meaning of the terms attributed to each Way. Moreover, the sources cited in our text for the explanation of this Nine Ways, the Sems Aid gter ‘bum, and the Rin po che spuiis ‘bum las sogs Srid pa’i ‘bum dgu, are not yet available, Therefore, I confine myself here only to providing this list of this Nine Ways. So far as the third kind of the Nine Ways, those of the Central Treasury (dBus gter gyi theg pa dgu), is concemed, the documents are richer. Besides our text, we have a certain number of treatises which explain the doctrinal position of this tradition: 1) Theg pa rim pa miion du béad pa'i mdo reyud 2) Theg ‘grel Me lon dgu bskor; 3) Theg dgu'i grub mtha' rnam giag iwi ‘dus of Sar réza bKra Sis rgyal mtshan (1859-1933); 4) Lui rigs rin po che'i mdzod of Sar rdza bKra Sis rgyal mtshan. The first text, the Theg pa rim pa miion du bSad pa't mdo reyud was translated by the famous Vairocana from the language of 'Bru sa Gilgit) into Tibetan, according to the colophon of the text itself and also according to the Legs bSad mdzod of Sar sdza bKra Sis rgyal mtshan (1859-1935). The text was then hidden at Yer pa'i rdzof near IHa sa and was rediscovered later, in the eleventh century®. This attribution will be confirmed by the fact that the title of the text was written in four languages: Zan zu, Sanskzit, ‘Bru Sa (Gilgit) and Tibetan. If we believe the Legs bad mdzod*, this means that the text was transmitted from Zah awh to India, from India to Gilgit, and then from Gilgit to Tibet. That is why the texts belonging to this tradition, the Theg pa rim pa mion du bSad pa’i mdo rgyud being foremost, are called the "Indian cycle of Bon" (rGya gar gyi bon skor)*. To my knowledge, three versions of this text are available: a xylographic edition kept in the André Migot Collection of the Ecole Francaise d'Extrtme-Orient (No.0206), two lithographic editions published in India, and a modern Indian reprint™ which reproduces one of these lithographic editions, The second text, the Theg ‘grel Me lon dgu bskor, was a commentary to the preceding text. It was reproduced lithographically in Delhi, in the 1960s, and the same text was reedited in the above-mentioned Bonpo Grub mtha’ Material olanji, 1978). In the introduction to this new reproduction, the text is attributed to Tre ston rgyal mtshan dpal, but this attribution is wrong, since Tre ston rgyal mtshan dpal himself cites this Theg ‘grel Me lon dgu bskor in his Bon sgo't gsal byed”. The third text, the Theg dgw'i grub mtha’ rnam dag fu ‘dus is contained in the Nam mkha’ mdzod, one of the five mdzod (mdzod lia) of Sar tdza bKsa Sis rgyal mtshan (1859-1933). The fourth text, the Lua rigs rin po che'i mdzod®, is one of his five mdzod™, 5 574Mimaki: Bon sgo gsal byed The following table summarizes the contents of the Nine Ways of the Central Treasury (dBus gter gyi theg pa dgu), as explained in our text. 1, IHa mi gzan brten theg pa — —_ Theg pa _ 2. Rad rtogs géen gyi th rGyu yi chua fu Phyi 3. Thugs rje sems dpa'i th —, —theg pa —__Theg pa 4, gYuh dru sems dpa'i th® — 5. Bya ba gtsan dag chen po ye bon gyi th® |— sNags phyiii — Naf 6. :Nam pa kun Idan. ———~ —J 'theg pa miton ges kyi th° ;—~Bras bu'i 7. dNos bskyed thugs rje theg pa rol pa’i th® 1. gSafi sfiags 8. Sin tu don Idan. ~———-} —j] naigi = =— gSaa kun rdzogs kyi th? theg pa 9. Ye nas rdzogs chen bla med kyi th? In this Nine Ways of the Central Treasury, we can see more affiliations with the exoteric and esoteric schools of Indian Buddhism than in the other two Nine Ways. Thave already had occasion to discuss this problem; therefore, I will not enter into the details here, but refer instead to my forthcoming article”. Thus, we have seen, even if very briefly, that the three kinds of the Nine Ways of Bon are systematically explained in our text. Finally, Tre ston rgyal mtshan dpal situates these three kinds of the Nine Ways in three different countries, namely those of the Northem Treasury in Za Zui, those of the Southern Treasury in Tibet, and those of the Central Treasury in India®. It is therefore quite understandable why the Nine Ways of the Central Treasury is called "rGya gar bon skor" (Indian Cycle of Bon) in such a historical text as the Legs bSad mdzod. NOTES 1 [A] has on the cover page the title Bon sgo't dkar chag mu tig 'phreti ba inventory of the Gates of Bon, Rosary of Pearls), which is missing in [B}], while {B] has in folio Jal (p.1) the title: bKa’ lwi spyi yi ‘gre! pa Bon sgo gsal byed (Clarification of the Gates of Bon, General Commentary of the Sciptures), which is missing in [A]. At the end of the text ([A] 4512; [B] 184b1/p.368), both [A] and (B] have the same title: Lut gi sfiir po Bon sgo gsal byed (BGSB, Essence of the Scriptures). 2 [A]: Ms., 45 folios, kept in the Bon po Monastic Center, Dolanji. [B]: Bonpo Grub mtha’ Material, Dolanji, 1978, pp.1-368 (184 folios). 2 See for example [A] 2923: Ses bya bii (read gi) la. Cf. [A] 2806: bii (read Zi) khro'i. 4{A] 29b2: 4 (ead géi) ka dag chen po la... See the note on variants, n.1 in infra n.32. S75Mimaki: Bon sgo gsal byed 6 As for the active period of our author, Tre ston rgyal mtshan dpal, I have already had occasion to investigate this; see Mimaki (1982) 48-51. At that time I committed a few inaccuracies in calculating the date of the construction of the monastery at Dar Idia. Here is a table of corrigenda: page, line read instead of 51,1 1233 1257 n.128,5 (691) (671) 0.128,5 (1924) (1928) n.128,7 1924-691=1233 1928-671=1257 Therefore one can get only two dates, 1173 and 1233 , for the construction of the monastery at Dar Idi. I owe these valuable corrections to my colleague and friend Per Kvaeme. 7 BGSB [A]42b10-11; [B} 328.2-6: ‘gog pa Mu zi gsal bat dai bstun nas / gter du brgyad brgya géegs / gSen sgur (= gSen chen klu dga’) gyis me mo sbrul la gter sgo phyed nas / gnarn (B.328.4) lo reyal po Siz pho byi ba yan chad la / drug cu bskor drug dat lo brgyad son / 5 Kvaerne (1971a) 226, 228; Kvaerne (1971b) 258, 260 (No.42 & 57): (42) rtse mos phri pa'i Sa byi lor / rgyal po Mu la mu sais dus /“dul bstan nai > “ehrugs flams gyur nas / Mu 2i gsal bear 'gog par biugs / (2872); (42) In the Earth-Rat Year, at the time of King Mu la mu safss, the internal struggle among those who followed the Doctrine of Monastic Discipline having become fierce, Mu zi gsal bzai entered (the trance called) ‘Suspension’ (i.e. of consciousness and the function of the sense-organs) (911 B.C.) (57) de la mtsho nor phri ba yis / Sa sprel Mu 2i gsal bzai Aid / bsam gtan tin ‘dain las béeis nas | ¢Tsug géen rgyal ba'i mam rol pa / Sog ston Khri ‘bar tshul Khrims la / drat srof geig rdzogs sdom pa da / ‘dul ba rgyud drug gsuas nas slar / phua po ma bor bde chen géegs / ‘dul bstan phyi dar dbu zug lo / (1073); (57) In the Earth-Monkey Year, Mu zi gsal bzant, having emerged from the samadhi of concentrated meditation, attained the Great Bliss without leaving his body behind, after explaining the Drai sroa's Vow of Immediate Perfection as well as the Six Vinaya-tantras to Sog ston Khri ‘bar tshul khrims, the manifestation of gTsug géen rgyal ba. It was the year in which the Later Propagation of the Doctrine of Monastic Discipline commenced (888). ‘Therefore 2872-1073=1799 or from 911 B.C. to 888 A.D.=1799, 9 New Edition, IHa sa, 1988, 223,20-22: gsum pa (21) bstan pa phyi dar mdo smad kyi // mkhan brgyud dag ni Mu zi gsal bzah id // ‘gog bugs mi (22) lo chig ston brgyad braya‘i mtshams /f \© Three Sources for the History of Bon, (the rGyal rabs of Khyua po Blo gros rgyal mtshan, the bsTan ‘byw of Kun grol grags pa, and the bsTan ‘bywa of Tenzin Namdak), reproduced from manuscripts from the Libraries of Khenpo Sangye Tenzin and Lopon Tenzin Namdak, by Khedup Gyatso, Dolanji, 1974, p.174.(=87b)2-3: gis pa bka' ma la gitis te / ‘dul ba dah (2) sags so / dai po ni / Zah uh rgyal po Mu Ja mu sais kyi rif 1a /“dul ba nub pa'i dus su Mu zi gsal bzai rab tu thags chad (3) nas 'gog pa la biugs te / de nas lo breyad breya lon pa’i dus su Me fiag gi rgyal po Rab rtse ‘dus kyi 1Ta rdzi Sog po sprel slog can (4) gyis mdo smad kyi ri Ja fiin la rta ‘ishos pas /... The rGyal rabs bon gyi ‘bywh gnas was written in an carth-sheep year (id., 186.3: 576Mimaki: Bon sgo gsal byed sa lug lo ‘di yan chad) and this year is taken for either 1439 or 1499. Cf. Stein, R.A, Recherches sur U'épopée et le barde au Tibet, Paris, 1959, p. 39. 4 Kvaeme (1990) 164 (No.22 & 23): [22]... Mu zi gsal bzaii ‘gog béugs lo / (1.905) [23.] de la bug rtsa gza’ sbyai / me bya Mu zi ‘gog bens nas / bod rgyal Khri srof Ide btsan gyis / dgun Jo fier brgyad Jon pa dan / bon snubs bstan pa sia dar rdzogs / (1.106) ‘This bsTan rtsis was written in 1804, namely fourty years earlier than the bsTan rtsis of Ni ma bstan ‘dzin. #2 According to Ni ma bstan ‘dzin's bsTan risis, gSen chen klu dga’ was born in 996 and died in 1035; cf. Kvaerne (19712) 229, Kvacrne (1971b) 262, 263 (No.68 & 75): (68) mig phri dBaf idan Me sprel lor / sprul sku gSen chen klu dga’ ‘khruis | (965); "(68) In the year called dBai Idan, i.e. the Fire-Monkey Year, the incarnation gSen chen klu dga’ was born. (996)"; (75) de la klus phri Kun dha Zes / Sit 'phags gSen chen klu dga’ géegs / (926) "(75) In the year called Kun dha, ic, the Wood-Pig Year, gSen chen kLu dga’ died (1035)". Concerning his nickname "Crooked gSen" (gSen sgur), see Karmay (1972) 127, 209.14-17. Gene Smith (1970: 6, n.13) identifies his many other names cited by different authors: Klu skar rgyal = gSen chen klu dga’, whose rediscovery of the Bon-po Abhidharma text, Srid pa’ mdzod phug in 1017 at ‘Grig-mtshams mtha’- dkar marks the begining of the Later Spread (phyi dar) of Bon; the Grub mtha’ chen mo'i mchan 'grel of Nag dai dpal Idan, the Chas rje of Urga (b.1797) mentions him in the form of gSin rgur glu dga’; Sa skya pandita, in the sDom gsum rab dbye, refers to him as Sais rgyas skar rgyal, even though he does not specifically name him as a Bon po. #3 Cf, Kvaerne (197 1a) 229; Kvaerne (1971b) 262 (No.72): (72) de la mes phri Me sbrul la / sToa rgyua mion byon gSen chen gyis / ‘Brigs mchams mtha' dkar zab gter bzes / bstan pa phyi dar thog ma’i lo / (944); "(72) In the Fire-Snake Year, gSen chen (kLu dga’), the manifestation of sTon rgyuf, found the profound ‘Treasure of ‘Brigs mchams mtha’ dkar. This was the first year of the Later Propagation of Doctrine (1017)". According to a new bsTan rtsis, which Per Kvaemne published recently (cf. Kvaerne, 1990), the year 1017 should be pushed back 120 years, namely to 1137, and Kvaeme concludes that this date might be more reliable (Kvaemne, 1990: 152-153), With this as a base, the Bon sgo gsal byed of Tre ston rGyal mtshan dpal would have been written in 1504. This date scems to me, however, a little bit too late in comparison with the calculations which I had once occasion to do, even though with indirect sources (cf. Mimaki, 1982: 48-51). Therefore, let me follow the old calculation in the present article and postpone the final and definitive determination for a future work, 4 Karmay, $.G. 1977, A Catalogue of Bonpo Publications, Tokyo. (The Toyo Bunko) 4S BGSB [A] 2725; [B] 205.5. 16 Karmay (1977) 1 (No.1). 1 See supra n,12, n.13, S77Mimaki: Bon sgo gsal byed 18 BGSB [A] 26b5-7; [B] 200.2-201.1: ‘Theg pa chen po Sems tsam pa rNam bden pa L_. pNam rdzun pa — dBumapa -~—— * Bu ma raf rgyud pa —7—- mDo sde spyod pa'i dbu ma pa (ems gsal sto’ gfiis med du ‘dod) * L. gal ‘byor spyod pa'i dbu ma pa (tsa rlui tar ‘dod) Grags sde spyod pa'i dbu ma (Sto iiid mtha’ bral du ‘dod) dBu ma thal ‘gyur ba 8 Karmay (197) 18 (No.17-1). % [bid. 99 (No.52). 2 [bid. 8 (No.9-3). 2 Ibid, 143 (No.73-5). 2Karmay (1972) 23, 152; 213, 311. * bid, 23; 213.9-17. 2 Ibid. 22-23; 213.3, 213.21. 26 Bonpo Grub msha’ Material, Dolanji, 1978, pp.369-385. 7 BGSB [A] 2903; (B] 221.5. 28 Karmay (1977) 173-177 (No.95). 2 Karmay (1977) 172-173 (No.92). 2°For his other three mdzod, the sDe snod mdzod, the dByiis rig mdzod, and the Legs bSad mdzod, see respectively Karmay (1977) 172 (No.93), 173 (No.94), and Legs béad rin po che'i mdzod, Tibetan analytical history and study of the doctrines of the Bon tradition, Dolanji, 1977 (cf. Karmay (1972)]. 3 Cf. K.Mimaki, "Doxographie tibétaine et classification indienne", (article to be published in) Actes du colloque franco-japonais, Paris, 1994. 2 BGSB [A] 4267, (B] 326.4-327.1: de la yan / Za Zui ni theg pa sNaf Idan Rat Idan la sogs dgu / Bod kyi theg pa Phya géen sNah gen Ia sogs dgu ru / Do sprugs las béad / IHa mi gzar®rten la sogs rGya gar las so // (Bod kyi A., ‘og gi BB? Zan A? las so A., las B.) “According to Bon in Zaa Zui, the Nine Ways are theg pa sNaf Idan, Raf Idan etc. (= Byaf gter). In Tibet the Nine Ways are Phya géen, sNaf géen etc. (= IHo gtet). This is stated in the Don sprugs. According to Bon in India, the Nine ‘Ways are IHa mi gzan rten etc. (= dBus gter).” © This text is not available at the present. 578Mimaki: Bon sgo gsal byed ABBREVIATIONS BGSB: Bon sgo gsal byed of Tre ston rgyal mtshan dpal, Gene Smith, 1970. Introduction to Kongtrul’s Encyclopedia of Indo-Tibetan Culture, ed. Lokesh Chandra, New Delhi. Karmay, S.G. 1972. The Treasury of Good Sayings: A Tibetan History of Bon, London. (Oxford University Press) Karmay, 8.G. 1977. A Catalogue of Bonpo Publications, Tokyo. (The Téy6 Bunko) Kvaerne, P. 1971a. "A Chronological Table of the Bon po, the bsTan rcis of Ni ma bstan ‘jin", Acta Orientalia XXXU1: 205-248. Kvaerne, P. 1971b. “The bsTan rcis of Ni ma bstan ‘dzin", Acta Orientalia XXXUE 249-282, Kvaerne, P. 1990. "A Bonpo bsTan-risis from 1804", Indo-Tibetan Studies, Papers in honour and appreciation of Professor David L. Snellgrove's contribution to Indo- Tibetan Studies, Buddhica Britannica, Series Continua I, Edited by Tadeusz Skorupski, Published by the Institute of Buddhist Studies, Tring, U.K. 1990, 151- 169, Mimaki K. 1982. Blo gsal grub mtha’, Kyoto. (Kyoto daigaku Jinbun kagaku Kenkyiisho) 579“THE TALE OF THE MOON CUCKOO" BY STAG-PHU-BA BLO-BZANG BSTAN-PA’I RGY AL-MTSHAN AND ITS SPREAD IN CENTRAL ASIA Deliash N. MUZRAEVA (St. Petersburg) "The Tale of the Moon Cuckoo" (mGrin sngon zta ba’ rtogs brod)!written in 1737, is a story about an Indian prince who was robbed of his human body and lived ina bird's body until his death preaching the Teaching of Buddha to people and animals. It did not become popular in Tibet. But soon after it was translated into Mongolian in 1770, it became extremely popular among the Mongols as a book and as a play-performance. 1. Brief contents of the Tale The action in the Tale takes place in ancient India soon after Buddha’s nirvana. In the country of Varanasi a king named Kulan-raja reigned. His wife was Matimahani, the incamation of Tara, and daughter of the king of J&landhara. They had an only son named Chos-kyi dga’-ba who was a clever, religious boy. Through maticious intrigues, the son of the military commander La-ga a-na, who was a mean person, became the prince’s closest friend. Once a yogin taught both Chos-kyi dga’-ba and La-ga a-na how to transfer one’s consciousness to the body of a dead person. After his mother’s death the prince was full of grief. Then he married the princess gSer-bzang-ma and four other noble girls. The prince was spending most of his time with gSer-bzang-ma instructing her in the Teaching of Buddha. One of his other wives became jealous and started to urge La-ga a-na to plot against Chos-kyi dga’- ba. Once the prince and La-ga a-na went with other youths to the forest to enjoy themselves. In a tricky way La-ga a-na insisted that he and the prince should enter the bodies of two dead cuckoo-birds. But when they did so, La-ga a-na entered the body of the prince and threw his own body into the river. So Chos-kyi dga’-ba remained in the body of the cuckoo, and La-ga a-na returned to VardnasT in the body of the prince. Some people, including gSer-bzang-ma, soon understood that this was not the true prince, Since the king had no other son, the false prince held his position and even became the king of Varinasi. Meanwhile the true prince was living in the forest as a cuckoo named mGrin-sngon 2la-ba ("Blue-throated Moon"). He very much regretted his fate but received consolation from bhiksu Dri-med-dpal, dakinis, and other divinities, He ‘was preaching Dharma to the birds and animals, and the glory of this miraculous bird spread everywhere. He was even invited by the monks of Varanasi who wished to listen to his sermons. When La-ga a-na heard about this he understood who this bird was and attempted to kill it, but was instead killed himself by a dakini. Immediately his body (i.e., the body of the prince) was entered by the consciousness of 'Od-Idan, a small bird who was a great friend of mGrin-sngon zla-ba. The prince-cuckoo continued his life in the forest, and travelled preaching the Dharma all over India. He met his wife gSer-bzang-ma and father Kulain-raja, but refused to stay in the palace garden or to enter the body of the dead youth. When he died, his body was buried with great honours? The Tale is divided into nine chapters. The prince Chos-kyi dga’-ba (mGrin-sngon zla-ba as the cuckoo) was regarded by the author of the Tale, 580Muzraeva: Tale of the moon cuckoo sTag-phu-ba Blo-bzang bstan-pa’i rgyal-mtshan, as being one of his former incarnations. 2. Tibetan editions The wood-block edition of the Tale which is described in the catalogues (a copy of it is also kept in the library of the Institute of Oriental Studies, St. Petersburg Branch under the number Tib. B 6815 ) was printed from one set of blocks. It was engraved in the "Bras-spungs Monastery on the initiative of Gau-dge-slong ’Jam-dbyang dbang-rgyal. But it also contains another, earlier colophon in verse saying that its previous printing was made in the dGon-klung Byains-pa. gling Monastery on the initiative of Dharmavajra alias Chos-kyi rdo-rje.t Chos-kyi rdo-rje was the "secret name" (gsang mishan) of Thu’u-bkvan Blo-bzang chos-kyi fi-ma (1737-1802) By chance, in early 1993 I discovered a copy of the 18th century dGon-klung edition of the Tale among the uncataloged “damaged and incomplete" Tibetan books in the collection of the Institute of Oriental Studies, St. Petersburg Branch. Fortunately, the text is complete, although the book itself is slightly damaged. Since this edition of the Tale is not mentioned in any of the printed catalogues, I will give a brief description of it here: wood-block, ff. 1-134r, 53 x 8 (38.8 x 6.4) cm, 6 lines; left marginal title: rtogs briod. 3. Mongolian translations and editions In 1770 the Tale was translated into oe by the order of ICang-s} Rol-pa’i rdo-rje (1717-1786). The translator Dai giitisi Ngag-dbang bstan-’phel (1700-1780) was one of the most celebrated Mongolian learned lamas of the 18th century. The text of his elegant translation of the Tale was engraved in Peking and many prints were made from these wood-blocks. It is found in almost every collection of old Mongolian books.’ Later this translation was also ove and printed in a Buriat monastery.7 ‘ranslation of a prayer by the prince-cuckoo from the fourth chapter of the Tale was made in B70 by a learned Buriat lama who styled his name in Sanskrit as Vagindra-Sumati-Kalpa-Bhadra-Dana (his official surname was Dylgyrov). It was printed in the Buriat Onong ciigel grva-mtshan Monastery (better known by its Russified name Tsugol’skii datsan). This translation differs from the translation of the corresponding passage made by Ngag-dbang bstan-’phel. An tot in Mongolian called "The Life Story of the Moon Cuckoo" (Mong. Saran kékiigen-ti namtar) was composed about 1850 by a Mongolian incarnated lama-poet bsTan-’dzin rab-rgyas (1803-1856), The "libretto" of this opera is divided into nine parts (chapters) thus following the original work. The opera was performed in different monasteries of Outer and Inner Mongolia until the 1920s. The performance usually took place in summer and lasted from one to fifteen days. A written "libretto" of the opera based upon the three Mongolian manuscripts was published in Mongolia in 19629 It should be noted here that the narrative passages occupy little space in the text of the Tale itself. For the most part the text consists of dialogues, sermons, prayers and other kinds of speeches. That is why it could have been easily transformed into a dramatic performance of any kind. 581Muzraeva: Tale of the moon cuckoo 4, Evidence about the author In the colophon written by himself, the author gave his name in a somewhat strange form, Mati (=Tib. b/o).!° The reason for this is as follows. One of the characters of the Tale prophesied to the prince-cuckoo that "when the impurity of the degenerate age will reach its end, you under the name Mati will narrate about the present events" (‘dus Iyi yang shigs tha mar gyur ba’i tshe /{ ma ti’i ming is da lta’i lo reyus gleng).* The complete name of the author, Blo-bzang stan-pa'i rgyal-mtshan, is given only in the colophon written’ by Dharmavajra. Thus the name Mati is the Sanskrit translation of the first syllable of the author's name (a kind of prophecy-style obscurity). Thave not been able to find his biography, but ‘a short biography of his next incarnation, Blo-bzang chos-kyi dbang-phyug, is available."? It is said there that the latter was born in 1765, and was soon recognized as the incarnation of sTag-phu sprul-sku Blo-bzang bstan-pa’i rgyal-mtshan.23 This means that the author of the Tale died in 1765, or very soon before. It is known from other sources that besides the Tale he wrote the ‘khrungs-rabs of Klong-rdol bla-ma Ngag-dbang blo-bzang (1719-1805) and his own skyes-rabs named Phan bde’i jon pa bskyed pa’i sa bon.™ But these works have not been found yet. There was also his gsung-"bum, a part of which was devoted to grub chen mi trat chos skor: Klong-rdol bla-ma made a list of the successive incarnations of the sTag-phu-ba lineage which I wil! present here, following the original spellings of the names: 1, During the life-time of Buddha it was the bodhisattva Chos-kyi blo-gros 2. The Nepalese pandita Nags-kyi rin-chen 3. Shes-rab rdo-rje of the bKa’-gdams-pa Schoo! 4, Siddha Se-va-na ras-pa 5. Kre-hor blo-bzang, a pupil of Ra-lo-tsa-ba 6. Chag-chos-rje dBal 7, Khro-phu-ba bSod-nams seng-ge 8. gTer-ston bZang-pa byang-chub 9. sPyan-snga Grags-pa byang-chub 10. sTag-phu gu-shri dPal-Idan don-grub 11. rJe Blo-gros bstan-pa 12, Shakya mChog-Idan 13, sTag-phu gu-shri Chos-rgyal bstan-’dzin M4. sTag-phu rje Ngag-dbang chos-grags bzang-po 15. sTag-phu sprul-sku Blo-bzang bstan-pa'i rgyal-mtshan 16. Blo-bzang *jam-dbyangs dpal-’byor, the incarnation of the latter. The name of the 16th incarnation does not agree with that which is given to him in the title of his biography. It seems to me that Klong-rdol bla-ma put on his list the name which he received by birth. Changes of the names connected with new initiations are mentioned in his biography.” Moreover, sTag-phu-ba Blo-bzang chos-kyi dbang-phyug for a long time was in personal touch with Klong-rdol bla-ma and even wrote Klong rdol bla ma’t ‘Rarangs rabs gsol ‘debs yi bka’ rtsom for him.# Tt is an interesting fact that sTag-phu-be’s incarnation as the Indian prince Chos-kyi dga’-ba, who later became the cuckoo named mGrin-sngon zla-ba, is not mentioned in Klong-rdol’s list. 582Muzraeva: Tale of the moon cuckoo 5. The individuality of the Tale The Tale, according to its author, is the biography of the Indian prince who was one of his previous incarnations, But it was not written on the basis of historical records. According to Blo-bzang bstan-pa'i rgyal-mtshan, since the age of eleven he had been obsessed by visions and memories of his previous incarnations as well as the desire to speak about them (dran snang dang smra ‘dod). At the request of his disciples he decided to record all the events revealed to him in this fashion, but in order to prevent the unfaithful and heretics from learning about his revelations, he sealed the narration with a secret seal.” From this one can see that the author regarded the Tale as a kind of a secret visionary biography. Books like this were not destined for wide circulation. As it said in a rNing-ma-pa tantra Ni ma dang zla ba kha sbyor ba chen po gsang ba'i rgyud: "If the meaning of a life story is not explained, this could bring the evil of these very secret true words not being believed". But it turned out otherwise with the Tale. Its contents are, for the most part, an easy and illustrative exposition of Buddha’s teaching which can be understood by people who have just an elementary knowledge of it, That is why ICang-skya Rol-pa'i rdo-rje ordered that it be translated into Mongolian “in an elegant, harmonious way" for the benefit of his contemporaries.?+ On the other hand, the Tale did not lose its prophetic and historical (in a religious sense) value for the adepts of Tibetan Buddhism. There is a vivid example of this attitude, Cagar dge-bshes Blo-bzang tsbul-khrims (1740-1810), a Mongolian leaned lama and a prolific writer in Tibetan, wrote an exhaustive biography of Tsong-kha-pa entitled Je thams cad mkhyen pa tsong kha pa chen po'i mam thar go sia bar briod pa bde legs kun gyi ‘byung gnas. As usual, it ‘begins with the prophecies concerning the future birth of Tsong-kha-pa taken from the sutras and other ancient Buddhist works of authority. Among them there is a quotation from the Tale which is the "prophecy" concerning Tsong-kha-pa, Sa-skya pandita, and other great lamas of Tibet. As Blo-bzang tshul-khrims put it, the Tale "was seen by sTag-phu-ba Blo-bzang btan-pa’i rpyal-mtshan {by force of his] special insight and then narrated" Ynangon shes kyis gzigs nas gsungs pa).” One of the five (or six) special insights is the "remembrance of one’s former existences" (sngon gyi gnas rjes su dran pa) Among the "qualities of those who possess the pure principles" (shud khrims rnam par dag pa’ i yon tan) there is the "quatity of knowing one’s former existences, deaths and births" (sngon gyi gnas dang ‘chi ’pho dang skye ba shes p@iyon tan) As these qualities of sTag-phu-ba Blo-bzang bstan-pa’i rgyal- mtshan were not disputed, the "prophecies" concerning the events which had happened centuries before he wrote the Tale were regarded as having a value equal to that of the ancient books. ‘The next incarnation, sTag-phu-ba Blo-bzang chos-kyi dbang-phyug was also an expert visionary. He is listed among those few people who transmitted the secret visionary biography of the Fifth Dalai Lama. He received the initiation from U-rgyan bsTan-pa’i fi-ma and later gave it to Rva-lo rdo-rje-"chang Blo-bzang dngos-sgrub.25 When the chief incarnated lama of Mongolia, rJe-btsun dam-pa gtuyte, asked Blo-bzang chos-kyi dbang-phyug who he was in the days of Moon Cuckoo, the latter did not hesitate to answer that he was a friend of the prince whose name was gZhon-nu gtum-spyod (he is mentioned in the sixth chapter of the Tale).26 ‘My conclusion is that the Tale is a visionary biography in form and a 583Muzraeva: Tale of the moon cuckoo didactic work in content. That is why it served the needs not of a limited number of initiated disciples, but of the multitude of adepts. NOTES | sTag;phurba Blo-beang bstan-pe gyal mshan.Byang chub yi sems manga’ ba bya mgrin sngon zla bat rtogs pa briod pa ‘khor ba mitha’ dag la siting po med par mthong ba rams kyi ma reyan (’Bras-sprangs wood-block edition). ; For amore detailed exposition of the contents see: Heissig, W. 1954, Die Pekinger lamaistischen Blockdrucke in mongolischer Sprache, Weisbaden (Otto Harrassowitz Verlag), S. 133-134; Schuh, D. 1981. Tibetische Handschriften und Blockdrucke. Teil 8, Wiesbaden (Franz Steiner Verlag), 8. 27-38; Dylykova, V.S. 1990. Tibetskaya literatura, Moscow (Nauka Publishing House), pp. 225-238. 3 Kanakura, Yensho et al, (Bd.) 1953. A Catalogue of the Tohokae University Collection of Tibetan Books on Buddhism, Sendai (Tohoku University), p. 524, No.7051; Schuh, D. 1981. Op. cit., S. 23-38, No. 4. « sTag-phu-ba Blo-bzang bstan-pa’i rgyal-mishan, Op. cit, ff. 132v:2, 133r:1. 5 Gung-thang dKon-mchog bstan-pa’i sgron-me. Rigs dang dlyil chor reya mtsho’ nga" bdag re btsun blo baang chos kyi i ma’i gsung gsum rmad du byung ba’irtogs brjod pad dkar po (Wood-block edition of his gsung-"bum, vol. 6), f. 60v:3. 6 Heissig, W. 1954, Op cit, 8. 132-133; Sazykin, A.G. 1988. Katalog mongol’skikh rukopisei i ksilografov Instituta yostokovedenia Akademii nauk SSSR, Moscow (Nauka Publishing House), p. 75, No. 261. Its Mongolian title is: Bodi sedlal tegitsiigsen koke qoyolai saran kokege neretit sibayun-u tuyuji orcilang bitkian-i jirtiken igei kemen medegcid-iin cikin-it cimeg, 7 Sazykin, A.G. 1988. Op. cit., p. 75, No. 262, ® Koke qoyalai-tu saran kokegen-iijalbaril jobalang-un qarangyui-yi arilyayci (Buriat wood-block). St. Petersburg University Library, Mong. C113. ° Damdinsiireng, Ts. (Bd.) 1962. Saran koktigen-ii namtar by Noyan qutueytu Rabjai, Ulan Bator (Sinjileki uqayan-u akademi-yin keblel). + sTag-phu-ba Blo-bzang bstan-pa’i rgyal-mtshan, Op. cit., f. 31:5. 1 Ibid, £. 74v:6, 2 Ngag-dbang ye-shes thub-bstan. Grub dbang stag phu sprul slat rin po che'i mam thar mdo tsam brjod pa skal bzang ma bat beud len (Wood-block edition of his gsung~’bum, vol. 1). 584Muzraeva: Tale of the moon cuckoo 18 Pbid., ff. 21:3-2v:2. % Vostrikov, A.I. 1962. Tibetskaya istoricheskaya literatura, Moscow (Izdatel’stvo vostochnoi literatury), pp. 75, 214. 35 Ngag-dbang ye-shes thub-bstan. Op. cit.,f. 31:4-5, 16 Klong-rdol bla-ma Ngag-dbang blo-bzang. bsTan ‘dzin gyi skyes bu rgya bod du yon pal ming grangs (Peking wood: block edition of his gsung"bum), 17 Ngap-dbang ye-shes thub-bstan. Op. cit, ff, 2v:6-3r:1. 18 Ibid, f. 8v:6. 9 sTag-phu-ba Blo-bzang bstan-pa'i xgyal-mtshan. Op. cit. f, 131v:1-6. 2 Unfortunately, the Tibetan original is unavailable to me. So I have used the manuscript of the Mongolian translation kept in the St. Petersburg University Library under the number Mong. D 83: Naran saran gabsuruysan yeke dandira, £.5r. 2 Bodi sediail tegiisiigsen koke qoyolai-tu saran kokege neretil sibayun-u tuyusji.., ff, 165v-166r. % Kaschewshy, R. 1971, Leben des lamaistischen Heligen Teongkhapa Blo-bzan-grags-pa (1357-1419) telit und erldutert anhand seiner Vita "Quellort allen Ggks". 2. Teil: Faksimile, Wiesbaden (Otto Harrasowite Verlag), . 354-355, 3 Ishihama, Yumiko and Fukuda, Yoichi. 1989. A New Critical Edition of the Mahavyutpatti: Sanskrit-Tibetan-Mongolian Dictionary of Buddhist Terminology, Tokyo (the Toyo Bunko), p. 12, No. 204. 2 Las-chen Kun-dga’ rgyal-mtshan, bKa’ gdams kyi mam par thar pa bka’ gdams chos ‘byung gsal ba'i sgron me (Wood-block edition), f. 129v:6. 2 Kun gzigs reyal dbang Inga pa'i dag snang rgya can gyi dbang lung yongs rdzogs thob pai nad rim baidura chun mai them skas (Manuscript), £416, Kept in the Library of the Institute of Oriental Studies, St, Petersburg Branch, under the number Tib. B 9517. 2% Ngag-dbang ye-shes thub-bstan. Op. cit, f. Lir'5-6. 585MODERN MAPPING OF TIBET - A CAUTIONARY TALE Braham NORWICK Previous papers described problems with early mapping of Tibet (1, 2). Scant attention was given to more modern maps from the 18th century to the present. On spot surveying and science did decrease delusions, picturesque oddities and anomalities, Beautiful older maps, at the early part of that period, with unstandardized longitude, were still confused and confusing. Sanson showed "Thibet" beginning at 41 latitude, 125-135 longitude, and Lhasa spelt as "Raofa" (3) Even into this century, longitude has been shown as measured fiom Paris, Peking or Washington, The early maps were poor pedestrian guides, with varieties of misinformation: blindspots, misnaming, mirages, mistakes, inventions and assumptions. A few tokens of the pst have persisted. As late as 1824, an American map of Asia showed Tibet reaching to the Bay of Bengal (4). A serious 1992 article in the New York Times on current politics in Asia presents a map which shows only 3 cities, Ulan Bator in Mongolia, Beijing in China, and Xanadu in ner ‘Mongolia (5). An old belief is that contemporary maps are clearer and error free, Advances from computers, lasers, radar, aerial, remote or satellite sensing are indisputable (6). Reliance on cartography science is an excuse for credulity. But despite science, a surprising number of modern maps are still misleading. It is not only due to conflict between worldly concerns and unprejudiced observation, Most maps, old and new, are mere compilations or reproductions, with minor alterations. So caution is needed even with the newest. One recent book, How To ie With Maps (7), examines wht the author classes as deceptions. His view is that maps must lie. But he skirts difficulties which render many modern maps of Tibet untrustworthy. Maps were made by "explorers" whose field of setion is debatable, Reid (8) presented three detailed yet dubious maps, They trace his claimed and others actual (9) explorations. Note a review of his book, beginning “Fictitious narratives of travel constitute a department of literature which has numerous representatives from the earliest times" (9). Among the more reliable writers, Rock, like Hedin, criticized most of his predecessors in Central Asia; he noted that many of their maps coal be characterized as based on hearsay, guesswork, and completely, hopelessly wrong (10). ‘This paper attempts to avoid a bizarre, when unshared, concept of the sociology and epistemology of truth. It is: truth varies according to the sequence or location of controlling vested interests, At worst, truths, however arguable or temporal, must be cautiously, often disagreeably, observable. There is no “life size" map. So oe must omit certain details. Mandelbrot's fractal geometry (11) has shown the unfolding variety as one looks closer and closer at natural forms, mountains, lakes and rivers. Map makers unavoidably distort dimensions, simplify, and smooth variations in the reality depicted. For uncluttered readability, information selection is needed. Much is left out, This inherent difficulty is not a problem, since problems imply solutions, Difficulties must be endured, or eased when understood. 586Norwick: Mapping of Tibet 587Nonvick: Mapping of Tibet Though they supply a bogus clarity, smoothing, subtraction and selection are not lies. ‘That term applies only to intentional deceptions. Where unscientific aspects politics, disputed borders, secrecy, censorship, disinformation, unique items (= deliberate errors) introduced either for copyright-protection, kow-towing or propaganda are involved, misleading elements may equate with lies, however valid the purpose appears to the perpetrators. A map construct is often in the context of some basic idea. Thematic coverage then ‘emphasizes what is relevant to the preparer but which viewers may consider minor. If cultural features, ethnic, language and other human elements, including area names, are the topic, those purely physical, the lakes and rivers, may be omitted. ‘This effort to improve signal to noise ratio, results in dissimilar maps of the same area and concept. Important terrain features considered irrelevant have been suppressed or distorted. Some maps are so focussed on special aspects of geology, climate, agriculture or zoology, that their very specificity gives hoi polloi an impression of vague abstraction (12, 13). They function only for knowledgeable specialists. To put it in Buddhist terms, maps have a dependent origination, leading to even opposed concepts of the actual ultimate. Areas have inherent, impermanent attributes of form and other phenomena, observed by map makers and viewers in accord with individual mindsets, not just pure reality, A 1991 publication, The Nyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism, presents maps naming, Many monasteries, But Samding is missing (14), pethaps because it was Gelugpa, not Nyingmapa, Samding is missing from Wylie’s map, though noted in the text (I5). In the text (p. 144), Samding (Bsam-sdings) is focated on the isthmus of land between Dumo Tso and Yamdrok Tso. The map shows the lakes with no outlet. The map colophon scale is shown as 1:2,500,000, and undoubtedly was when prepared by Wylie, but is actually 1:7,200,000, i-¢. a far more compressed scale. This is a typical case of a common error. Samding is also missing from three large Tibetan maps printed after Samding’s destruction in 1959 (16, 17, 18), The second map of this group shows Samye south of the river, and illustrates amirok ‘Tso with a unique shape. Maps indicating Samding do exist (19, 20, 1, 22, 23). Map size relative to the area examined limits the information legibly included, The rinting systems also affect decipherabity. As noted before (1), many reproductions of enous maps in cutent cartography publications are fll of legible place names. Though the originals are completely readable, the copies are not. It is no help to use a magnifyer. Modem publishing science has reduced copy legibility. Maps are subject to metamorphosis. Political borders and locality names, both man made, suffer a human impermanence, Last year's maps become archaic artifacts. But even. nature's shore lines, lakes and river beds change. And so do knowledge and items of interest. Any current map is only a static picture in a dynamic world of seismic, climatic. and other changes. Rivers, lakes and countries appear and disappear. The epigraphy of modern maps of Tibet needs inspection from varied viewpoints. There are problems with transcription into non-Tibetan characters based on pronunciation or variable Tibetan spelling (2). The same name appears in disguises. Nomenclature is changed, and not only by the locals, Place names in Tibet have been altered often in the past century. This canbe seen in modem Chinese publications (23,24, 28, 26) with variant Sinicizing. An older map often reprinted, is that of Ying-chi Chiao, 588Nonwick: Mapping of Tibet 589Nonwick: Mapping of Tibet usually referenced under the name of Huang (27), and is actually from the early Ching period. It is also found in Hedin (28). In these Chinese maps, the characters for Tibetan places rarely correspond with those in Wylie (15) nor those 28 in Playfair (29), Western map makers too renamed, or should one say "christened", many Tibetan lakes and mountains. Reid labelled’a mountain range with the namé of his publisher (8). Wegener's map (30) i sprinkled with over a dozen explorer and geographer names in the Tibetan area (Armand-David, Bonvalot, Bower, Carey, Dupleix, Dutreuil de Rhins, Sven Hedin, Koslow, Nain Singh, Prshewalski, Elisée Reclus, Ruysbroek, Vaschschahri), Holdich (31) shows many of the same. As late as 1966, the National Geographic Society map (32) was still showing mountains: Dutreuil de Rhins, Bonvalot, Henri d'Orléans, Duplex; and lakes: Montcalm, d'Ammoniaque, des Perdrix, located in northeast Tibet. There are map errors due to unintended shortcomings. These include carelessness, poor color registration, tin ears, forgetfulness, ignorance, inappropriate sources, misprints and misinformation. Some persist due to a composite of conservatism, distrust of new information, inertia, plus unchecked reference documentation plagiarism. One finds not just out of date material but mislocations, odd spellings, capricious absences and additions ‘on modern maps. Almost identical Chinese maps (24, 26) contain incongruent information, especially noticeable in the areas 33-35 N latitude and 81-86 E longitude. ‘Needless to add, they don't match comparable currently available, though not always dated, Western maps (22, 32, 33, 34, 35). There are errors, or rather, historic souvenirs, in maps of the last century, due to inadequate information. One finds in older geography books, depictions of the tallest mountains with Everest absent (36,37). It sill missing even ater 1852 when Peak XV, recorded by the English in 1849, was found to be the world’s highest (38). For some, the name Mount Everest is taboo, but must be supplanted (e.g., Jo-mo-gangs-dkar, Cho mo lung ma, Jomolungma, Qomolangma Feng, Ai-fu-la-ssu feng and Sagarmatha).’ Certain geographers, such as Steller (39) showing Gaursankar st 29,002 R clearly confused it with Everest, The confusions, and other nlames such as Lapchi kang have been widely discussed (40, 41, 42, 43). With climatic and seismic disturbances in Tibet, there has surely been more alteration of river courses and lake areas than usual elsewhere. The degree to which this has changed maps of Tibet is difficult to determine. The question arises with multiple Fepresentations ‘of Yamdrok Tso (also known as Yamdrog Tsho, Yamzho Yumco, Lake Palte, etc.), the large lake south of Lhasa._ "The Chinese recently proposed draining it, as a source of electric power (44, 45). They have possibly other reasons, for as Nebesky-Wojkowitz 0) cited “Yamdok...is the "life power lake"...should it dry up then the whole population of the Land of Snows will meet its death." This lake, was first noted on modern maps in the Manchu period of K'ang-hsi.. Such maps are described and reproduced by Walter Fuchs (47, 48), The British Library has a large roll map, atibuted to Matteo Ripa, writen in Manchu, with taces of added Italian script (49). About 1711, K’ang-hsi and the Jesuits sent a group of yellow hat Manchu lamas surveying in Tibet” But political problems restricted travel, ¢o much reported was hearsay. At that same period, Ying-chi Chiao (27, 28), listed as active 1711-1721, prepared an often republished Chinese map of Tibet, showing Yamdrok Tso with both a strange name, poss the Chinese phonetic equivalent, Yas ‘Ee hai (Ya being the character for tooth, = ts0), and a strange toothed ring form, surrounding an island. Lhasa is shown as Pu- tarla, Tsang ss. 590Norwick: Mapping of Tibet WLS hy Bin IY 8D ADD) ce NO 591Norwick: Mapping of Tibet On European maps, Yamdrok Tso appears in d’Anville's atlas, nap Vil with its shape carefully copied from the Manchu rather than the Chinese map of Ying-chi Chiao. It too has a ringtike shape, but is toothless (0). For the area of the lake, the English quickly copied d’Anville (51, 52), mainly changing, francophonic to anglicized poling. ‘or about 150 years, that central island concept dominated on maps (53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 38, 59, 60), although the location varied. Hart's one (55) shows lake "Paite" in “Bootan", not ne Most depicted the lake as a closed ring, though often the outline varied (61, The Pundits began before 1875 to report the closed form as an error. But it continued to be illustrated that way, though at times with dotted lines indicating uncertainty (63, 64, 65, 66). An 1885 detailed and more accurate British map had restricted circulation (67). Derek Wallet (68) recently showed a portion ofthis map, just missing Samding, asthe dust cover of his book on the pundits, In that book, he votes (p. 265) the problems of censorship. So even some who earlier heard the so called “central istarid" was attached to the mainland by an isthmus, persisted in showing a ring with only a minute opening (57, 69). Some 20th century maps still depict Yamdrok Tso closed (70, 71, 72). Many modem maps of Yamdrok Tso seem more incongrous. The favorite, judging from publication frequency, presents the lake as a distorted "I" or triangle (68, 73, 74, 75), with no other lakes nearby. There are reasonably clear explanations. It results from modern printing systems, tremendous compression, and empty magnification. ‘An attractive source for busy people dealing with relatively out ofthe way places is large and "reliable" world map (73). ‘The problem is that such a map, even a meter wide, has compressed details into about 1 part in 40 million. ‘The equatorial circumference is 40,077,000 meters. One centimeter on a meter wide world map sa paeped to 40 million centimeters, This translates into 400 kilometers (249 miles). A millimeter equates to 40 kilometers. So a thinly fingered or scorpion shaped lake, with an average diameter under 40 kilometers, presents depiction problems. Pictorial distortions differ on maps of the same reduction ratios. Among those are two at that 1:40 million scale (73, 76). One is by National Geographic, the other, more detailed, by Lufthansa. The dissimilarity relates to more than just the printing systems, Other examples, with less compression, can be seen in 1991 maps, One is in the exhibition gatalogue Tet, At et Meditation (77), another in The Hyingma School of Tibetan Buddhism (14). A third, published for’a major exhibit of Tibetan art, Wisdom and Compassion - The Sacred Art of Tibet, shows seven other lakes, but Yamdrok Tso is missing (78) though it is the fourth largest in Tibet. A meter wide map of Asia and the Pacific manages to show 20 lakes within Tibet's borders, but also omits Yamdrok Tso (79). Samding (bSam-Iding Chhoide) is noted on none of these. Too often, writers take world or large area maps, Asia or China, to extract and enlarge a small section, They then show it with a less compressed scale, One even sees 3 meter wide maps, as wall coverings or on large globes, which are mere blow-ups of much smaller printed world maps (73). ‘The result is empty magnification and misleading, despite an occasional original scale, along with the reduction ratio, placed like a cigarette ad warning. Books are printed with small copies of large maps, but with the unchanged colophon indicatng what have become erronious reduction ratio numbers (15). ‘The Tibetans published, in 1991, an art map with the lake, plus two close neighbors, and. earlier, about 1984, a more reliable map in Tibetan, naming three close lakes (17, 16). 592Norwick: Mapping of Tibet 593Nonwick: Mapping of Tibet Emst Schaefer and Schweinfurth-Marby do not name, but also show them (80, 81). However, a 1989 Stanfords International Map (82) of the same area, at about 1/3 of the Schaefer map compression, shows only two neighbors, as do a similar recent blueprint famandu fo Tibet map (83), 2 1987 map of the Roval Geographical Society (84), and a currently available Nelles Verlag map of the Himalaya (85). A 1981 Italian Touring Club map, though more compressed, shows Yamdrok Tso with 4 close neighbors (0). ‘An 1897 map, and one Francis Younghusband published in 1910, show a total of five closely spaced lakes (87, 88). A Japanese map of the eastern Himalayas indicates about 7, some rather small (89). Americans and Chinese ave published results of remote sensing images, which, had they agreed, might have clarified the shape of Yamdrok Tso and the existence of ts neighbors, atleast on the dates given (90,91), The Chinese versions ofthe maps (pp, 38-39 dated 17.4.78 & pp. 76-77 dated 18.10.72.) are only slightly more compressed than the American (1:650,000/1:500,000). F. Spencer Chapman, in Lhasa, the Holy City (19), presented a map with a lose up" insect: The main map is about 1:8,500,000. The insert is about 1:4,250,000. Compression distortion is clear. “Such maps help understanding how compression and expansion lead to the typical distortions (64, 70, 71, 92, 93). ‘An unsatisfying presentation arises when a map of dimensions adequate to indicate Yamdrok leave it out entirely, though showing smaller lakes (78, 80, 94, 95), or when a small part of a small world map is reprinted, purportedly to illustrate details of Tibetan ‘geography (68). ‘There is a problem illustrating landscape features even with satellite mapping. Remote Sensing picks up images a pixels, picture elements, in an instantaneous fed of view, like photography. A Landsat pixel was a rectangle about 79 by 56 meters (about 10% more than an acre). In one pixel, all reflective elements are blended, along with cloud cover. Pixel density depends upon the area nature, cloud cover, and radiation employed. It takes about 9 pixels to begin to show shape. Beyond pixel recording are display or printing problems. They are shared by on site surveying. With a system giving 60 dots/cm on a world map, at 1:40,000,000, each dot represents 6.7 kilometers. For a shaped space of 9 dots the problem is distinguishing areas smaller than 400 square kilometers, Average TV or computer screens are no better. Only convention allows many places and rivers to be shown on such maps. Compression and offset screen printing eliminate what may be important even for the casual reader. Rivers, especially those which may vary mark oe climate changes, such as the outflow from Yamdrok Tso, or one connecting Lake Manasarowar (Mapam Yumeo or Langngag Tsho) to its neighbor Rakas (La'nga Co), and the latter's outflow, are often eliminated. Examples are the 1987 Royal Geographical Society map, The Mountains of Central Asia (84) and a Landsat print from Charles Allen's A Mountain in Tibet (94). The scale of the former is 1:3,000,000. It loses details narrower than about 1 1/2 miles. The latter has half the reduction, 1:1,400,000, but with halftone dots. Modem technology does allow more precise depiction of compressed geographic information. Satellite recording has reduced pixel area from original Landsats. Aerial photography as well as newer satellite systems can show individual buildings and city streets. 594Norwick: Mapping of Tibet oe = BOUTAN laoudon 595Nonwick: Mapping of Tibet ‘The silver grains in photography equate to far finer pixels than on computer screens or; book printing, allowing image ‘compression with less loss. Instead of the usual 120 to 150 lines in halftone screens, or 150 to 300 dots/inch on most laser printers, fine grain photographic film and paper are far more detailed. Kodak Technical Pan for reduced copy negatives can resolve 320 lines per mm (i.e. over 8,000 per inch), permitting 25 times or more enlarging (96, 97), A 35 mm film with 18 million silver grains can hold 11,200 lines (98). Magnified 25 times, it is still ahead of other printing systems. Capacity can be comprehended by Photo CD (compact disc) developments, A CD with over 600 megabytes holds only 100 35 mm images (99). Photographic enlargements are not just empty ‘magnification. One sees fat more than without, unlike the case with maps based on halftone screens. Good photo-offet printing of old engraved maps can do better, as shown in a recent paperback (100) with an easy to read reproduction of d'Anville's 1733 map of Tibet (50). Disputed borders are often unctear (23, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105). The English writers and the Government of India show places like Lanak La at the Indian border, and Tawang in Arunchal Pradesh, Chou En-lai and the National War College in Taiwan show both well inside the Chinese borders. Even when noted, border lines are usually drawn from the point of view of one of the disputants who may easily cite dubious or erronious sources. When 3rd parties, like the CIA, publish disputed area maps, one questions _ objectivity (106, 107, 108). It is only in'use, comparing, sniffing, and trying to walk in the area, that border and other variances become evident. Compression, empty magnification, wrong scale, smoothing, elimination of detail, disputed borders, censorship, persistence of error, name changes, special focus and liars are the major sources of variant representations. Maps of identical areas and purpose, despite modem technology, often differ. Some differences are factual, due to climate, glacier, rainfall, and other local changes, or merely point of view. How much is misinformation may be revealed by observing sets of maps and being on the spot. Satellite photographs usually dont handle human aspects of cogrephy. They may be unclear for narrow terrain elements, On a Landsat reference (109), one can see a part of the problem. Indicators of "nominal scene center" show 3 cloud cover ievels; 1: less than 20%, 2: 20%-40%. 3: more than 40%. In the Yamdrok Tso area, three indicators are shown, two over 40% cloud cover, one between 20-40%, Pixel qualities are thus far from ideal While remote sensing answers some materialist prayers, it cannot solve all mappin; problems, Satellites don't see powerful yet invisible cultural features. One has to be on the ground to learn the human essentials of geography. They include place names, true census figures, local traditions, languages, claimed but unmarked borders, the thinking and willingness of people to die for terntory. This cautionary tale will have, it is hoped, an influence, at least among Tibetologists involved in reading, preparing or printing maps of Tibet. Knowing possibilities and limitations may encourage comparisons and not placing too much faith in maps fora world ofillusions, unavoidable imperfections, and impermanence. A word of thanks to the New York Public Library, whose librarians and collection breadth may be matched, but whose combination with minimal red tape make it a joy unsurpassed. 596Nonwick: Mapping of Tibet | peliasa 597Norwick: Mapping of Tibet BIBLIOGRAPHY i) Norwick, Braham. 1988. "Locating Tibet - The Maps". eds. Helga Uebach and Jampa L. Panglung. Tibetan Studies. Proceedings of the 4th Seminar of the International Association for Tibetan Studies. 1985. Munich. Tdem, 1992. 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Hlustrated Aas of Chine: “from materials prepared by the United States Government.’ 600,01 106) Central Intelligence Ay 1991, Peoples Republic of China Atlas. ‘Washington. 107 dem 1969, Communist China Administrative Atlas. Washington. ("Tibet 108) "Department ofthe Army. 1966. Communist China: A Strategic Survey. A Bibliography. Washington, 109) “Landsat. 1982. Worldwide Reference Systems. Washington. "Sheet 13". 601CLassIFICATIONS OF LOGICAL MARK OF NON-COGNITION IN TIBETAN BUDDHISM Shunzo Ovopa (Bukkyo Univ., Kyoto) A large number of important logical theories have been learned and investigated in the big dGe lugs pa monastic universities in their primary courses of study. The study of logical marks of non-cognition (anupalabdhi) is also one of those most fundamental subjects to be learned by beginner students. Let us examine first the divisions of logical marks of non-cognition within the dGe lugs pa system, quoting here from the Yongs ‘dzin rags rigs which was one of the most widely used dGe lugs pa ttags rigs and which was adopted as a schoo! manual in Byas pa college of Se ra monastery: [Classification found in the Yongs ‘dzin riags rigs}’ 1 ma dmigs pa'i rtags yang dag a) 1.1 mi snang ba ma dmigs pa'i mags yang dag b) 1 mi snang ba’i 'brel zla ma dmigs pai rtags yang dag c) 1.1 mi snang ba'i rgya ma dmigs pa'i rtags yang dag d) 1.2 mi snang ba'i khyab byed ma dmigs pa'i rags yang dag e) 1.3 mi snang ba'i rang bzhin ma dmigs pa'i rtags yang dag f) ‘2 mi snang bat ‘gal zla dmigs pa'i rtags yang dag. g) snang rung ma dmigs pa'i rags yang dag h) 1 snang rung gi ‘brel zla ma dmigs pa'i rtags yang dag i) 1.1 snang rung gi rgyu ma dmigs pa'i rtags yang dag j) snang rung gi khyab byed ma dmigs pa‘i rags yang dag k) 13 snang rung gi rang bzhin ma dmigs pa'i rtags yang dag 1) 1.4 snang rung gi dngos ‘bras ma dmigs pa'i riags yang dag m) snang rung gi ‘gal zia dmigs pa'i rtags yang dag n) .1 than cig mi gnas ‘gal la brten pa'i snang rung gi ‘gal zla dmigs pa’i rtags yang dag 0) 2.2.1.1 bem por gyur pai than cig mi gnas ‘gal la brten pa'i snang rung ‘gal dmigs kyi rtags yang dag p) 2.1.1.1 rang bzhin dang 'gal ba'i rang bzhin dmigs pa'i rtags yang dag q) 2.1.1.2 reyu dang ‘gal ba'i rang bzhin dmigs pa'i rtags yang dag r) '2.2.1.1.3 khyab byed dang ‘gal ba'i rang bzhin dmigs pa'i rtags yang dag s) °2.2.1.1.4 rang bzbin dang ‘gal ba'i 'bras bu dmigs paii rtags yang dag t) '2.2:1.1'5 rgyu dang gal ba'i ‘bras bu dmigs pa'i rtags yang dag u) 1.2 shes par gyur pa'i Ihan cig mi gnas ‘gal la brien pai snang rung ‘gal dmigs kyi rags yang dag v) 1.2.2.1.3 Idan min ‘du byed du gyur pa'i than cig mi gnas ‘gal la brien pa'i snang rung ‘gal ‘dinigs kyi rtags yang dag w) 1.2.2.2 phan tshun spangs ‘gal la brten pa'i snang rung gi ‘gal zla dmigs pa'i tags yang dag x) 1.2.2.2.1 Itos pas nges pa 'gog pa’i rtags yang dag y) 1.2.2.2.2 nges pas Itos pa ‘gog pa'i rtags yang dag z) LL Ld. Ld. Li aes 12 12, 12. 7 2. Ri The most interesting point is that we can find the term mi snang ba (imperceptible or invisible) in these lines of divisions. Originally the Indian Buddhist logical tradition spoke relatively little about valid mi snang ba ma dmigs pa'l riags. Non-experiencable phenomena carinot become the object of negation, For example, non-perception of a pot is always expressed like this: "In this place there is no pot, because it is not cognized though itis by nature perceptible." One cannot be sure of the existence of an imperceptible object‘Onoda: Logical mark of non-cognition like a god or a ghost which is inaccessible in essence. Mi snang ba ma dmigs pa’i riags yang dag would seem to infringe upon this principle. We can find the classification including mi snang ba also in a Sa skya pa rtags rigs written by Glo bo mkhan chen (1456-1532). The explanation of mi snang ba by Glo bo mkhan chen, however, seems to be given secondary treatment, The primary object is on the classification of snang rung (perceptible): {Classification found in Glo bo mkhan chen's rTags rigs)’ 1 snang rung mi dmigs pa (med nges bsgrub pa Ja tshul gsum tshang ba) 1.1 ngo bo ma dmigs pa (‘brel yul bkag pa'i sgo nas ‘brel zla ‘gog pa'i mi dmigs pa‘i rtags) I.L.1 rang bzhin ma dmigs pa 1.1.2 rgyu ma dmigs pa 1.1.3 khyab byed ma dmigs pa 1.1.4 "bras bu ma dmigs pa 1.2 ‘gal ba dmigs pa (dgag chos kyi ‘gal zla rtags su bkod pa'i snang rung ma dmigs pa) 1.2.1 Ihan cig mi gnas ‘gal dmigs pa (de bsgrub kyi dgag bya'i chos dang than cig mi gas ‘gal rtags su bkod pa) .2. phan tshun spangs ‘gal dmigs pa 2.1 dngos ‘gal gyi khyad par du byas pa 1.2.2.2 tshad mas gnod pa'i ‘gal ba mtags su sbyar ba 2 mi snang ba ma dmigs pa(bsgrub chos yod nges ‘gog pa Ia tshul gsum tshang ba) Glo bo mkhan chen enumerates: de lar na ma dmigs pa’i riags nyi shul rang bzhin gyi rtags breyad! ‘bras rtags gsum te spyir rtags yang dag sum bcu so gcig tu yod dei mi dmigs pa nyi shu nil ‘brel zla ma dmigs pa bzhil dngos ‘gal gyis khyad par du byas pa gcigi rgyud ‘gal gnyis! than cig mi gnas ’gal gyi bcu gnyis! mi snang ba ma dmigs pa gcig rnams sol!(p.203) Therefore, the logical reasons of non-cognition are twenty, logical reasons of essential properties are eight, {and] logical reasons of effects are three, so in all valid logical reasons are thirty one. [Of these thirty one] the twenty non-cognitions are: four kinds of non-cognitions of direct relationship, one which been qualified by a direct contrary, two of indirect contrary, twelve kinds of logical reasons which apprehend a contrary where there is no possibility of co-existence, and one [kind] of logical reasons of non-cognition of imperceptible. According to Glo bo mkhan chen, than cig mi gnas ‘gal dmigs pa can be divided into twelve. On this point he says: des na Dze 18 ri’i rjes sit ‘brangs nas beu gnyis su yod ces gsungs soll(p.203) ‘Therefore (Sa pan] explained that there are twelve according to Jitiri. ‘Valuable contributions by Prof, Kajiyama and Prof. Steinkellner have given us a historical picture on this subject. Prof. Kajiyama explains that "Buddhist logicians set forth various kinds of the classification of negative inference, but in the very last stage of the Indian Buddhist logical traditions the total number becomes sixteen." 603Onoda: Logical mark of non-cognition By way of examples of those sixteen kinds of negative inference, let us quote here a classification by Jitari to whom Glo bo mkhan chen referred. Of the following sixteen divisions of negative inferences found in his Balavatdrdtarka, number five to sixteen are the twelve kinds which Glo bo mkhan chen explained. [Sixteen divisions of negative inferences found in the B alavatardtarkal® Lrang bzhin mi dmigs pa_svabhava-anupalabdhi 2'bras bu mi dmigs pa karya-anupalabdhi 3rgyu mi dmigs pa kérand-anupalabdhi 4 khyab par byed pa mi dmigs pa vyapaka-anupalabdhi 5 rang bzhin ‘gal ba dmigs pa_svabhava-viruddha-upalabdhi 6 bras bu ‘gal ba dmigs pa_karya-viruddha-upalabdhi T rgyu''gal ba dmigs pa _karane-viruddha-upalabdhi 8 khyab byed ‘gal ba dmigs pa vydpaka-viruddha-upalabdhi 9 rang bzhin ‘gal ba'i ‘bras bu dmigs pa svabhava-viruddha-karya-upalabdhi 10 ‘bras bu ‘gal ba’i ‘bras bu dmigs pa_ karya-viruddha-karya-upalabdhi 11 rgyu’gal ba'i ‘bras bu dmigs pa _karana-viruddha-karya-upalabdhi 12 khyab byed ‘gal ba'i ‘bras bu dmigs pa vy4paka-viruddha-karya-upalabdhi 13 rang bzhin ‘gal bas khyab pa dmigs pa svabhava-viruddha-vy apta-upalabdhi 14 "bras bu ‘gal bas khyab pa dmigs pa karya-viruddha-vyapta-upalabdhi 15 rgyu ‘gal bas khyab pa dmigs pa _karana-viruddha-vyapta-upalabdhi 16 Khyab byed ‘gal bas khyab pa dmigs pa vydpaka-viruddha-vyapta-upalabdhi In the commentary of Sa pan's Rigs grer by gSer mdog pan chen Sakya mchog Idan (1428- 1507), we can find following mention of Phya pa's classification of non-perception: rigs pa'i dbang phyug Phya pa ni ‘di ltar bzhed del.....mdor na phan tsun spangs ‘gal la brten pa drug! Ihan cig mi gnas ’gal Ia brten pa bcu gnyis! reyu ma dmigs pa ‘bras bu ma dmigs pat khyab byed ma dmigs pa gsum ste rtags dang thal ‘gyur nyi shu risa gcig la (RTGG 560-7) Phya pa, the master of logic, maintained the following: ...In short, (there are} six kinds of {logical reasons or logical consequences] which depend on mutual contraries, twelve kinds which depend on (the type of] contraries where there is no co-existence, three kinds of {logical reasons of] non-cognition of causes, effects and of pervaders, in all, twenty one kinds of logical reasons and consequences. These can be sumarized in the following diagram: phan tshun spangs'gallabrten pa 6 Than cig mi gnas‘gal la brien pa 12 rgyu ma dmigs pa 1 "bras bu ma smigs pa 1 Khyab byed ma dmigs pa 1 inal 21 kinds The above was Phya pa's theory according to Sakya mchog Idan's explanation, However the direct opponent of Rigs grer classified than cig mi gnas ‘gal into sixteen. Classification into sixteen was not only by the opponent, but also by one of the main student of Sa pan, ‘U yug pa Rigs pa’i seng ge. According to Glo bo mkhan chen: Rigs pa‘i seng ge na rel tsandan gyi du bas grang reg skor bzhi ‘gog pa bzhi ste bcu drug gsungs la....{p.203) 604Onoda: Logical mark of non-cognition Rigs pa’i seng ge-explains there are sixteen: {counted} with four negations of four concerning the sensation of cold by [perception of] smoke of sandalwood. About the classification of lhan cig mi gnas ‘gal by opponents into sixteen, Sa pan himself mentioned in his autocommentary: tsha reg skor bzhis grang reg bzhill bkag pas sbyor ba beu drug zerll me dan me‘i reyu nus pa thogs med! me'i ‘bras bu du bal me'i khyab bya tsandan gyi me ste bzhi’ol! grang reg la’ang grang reg!! grangs reg gyi rgyu nus pa thogs medi de'i ‘bras bu spu long! de'i khyab bya ba mo’i reg pa ste bzhi'ol((RTRG 240-2-4) It is explained [by the opponent] that there are sixteen consequences due to negating four items about the sensation of cold by [the perception of] four items about the sensation of heat. Four {items about the sensation of heat are]: (a-1) the fire, (a-2) the cause of fire whose power is unobstructed, (a-3) the smoke which is the effect of fire, and (a-4) the fire of sandalwood which is something pervaded by fire. For the sensation of cold also {there are four]: (b-1) the sensation of cold, (b-2) the cause of the sensation of cold whose power is unobstructed, (b-3) the bristling of the hair which is the effect of the sensation of {cold}, and (b-4) the sensation of hoar-frost which is pervaded by it. Four times four makes sixteen: Four rang bzhin ‘gal ba dmigs pa: Negate b-1 by the perception of a-1 Negate b-2 by the perception of a-1 Negate b-3 by the perception of a: Negate b-4 by the perception of a- Four rang bzhin ‘gal ba'i khyab bya dmigs pa: Negate b-1 by the perception of a-2 Negate b-2 by the perception of a-2 Negate b-3 by the perception of a-2 Negate b-4 by the perception of a-2 Four rang bzhin ‘gal ba'i ‘bras bu dmigs pa: Negate b-1 by the perception of a-3. Negate b-2 by the perception of a-3 Negate b-3 by the perception of a-3 Negate b-4 by the perception of a-3 Four rang bzhin ‘gal ba'i reyu dmigs pa: Negate b-1 by the perception of a-4 Negate b-2 by the perception of a-4 Negate b-3 by the perception of a-4 Negate b-4 by the perception of a-4 Sa pan himself does not acknowledge the last four: phyi ma ‘gal ba'i rgyu dmigs bzhi mi ‘thad del (RTRG 240-2-4) ‘The last the four of "perception of a cause of contrary" are untenable. Among the logical texts of Phya pa's system, the only text to which we can refer today is gTsang nag pa's commentary on the Pramanaviniscaya. Tsang nag pa also classified than cig mi gnas ‘gal la brten pa into sixteen: de ltar na phan tshun spangs ‘gal la “gal ba rngos cig ‘gal khyab bohi ‘gal ‘bras gsum ‘gal reyu gsum ste sbyor ba beu' cig srid la dgag pa'i rtags sum beu' risa cig go Ii (PViT 154b8) Therefore amongst the [reasons] which depend on mutual contraries, there are: one kind of which is the contrary itself, four kinds of what is pervaded by the contrary, three of an effect of the contrary, three of a cause of the contrary, in all eleven are possible. There are thirty one kinds of negative logical reasons, 605‘Onoda: Logical mark of non-cognition than cig mi gnas pa’i ‘gal dmyigs beu’ drug kyang...(PViT 15524) ‘There are sixteen types of non-cognitions of contraries which do not co-exist. For the contents of sixteen than cig mi gnas ‘gal, gTsang nag pa's explaination is identical to what was quoted and criticized in Sa pan's autocommentary to the Rigs gter: ihan cig mi gnas pa'i ‘gal ba dmyigs pa ni bzhi phrag bzhi tel grang reg dang de'i khyab bya ba mo'i reg pa dang ‘bras bu spu long dang rgyu thogs myed bzhi dgag pa la me rtags su bkod pa lta bu ‘gai ba rngos dmyigs bahi dang! de dag nyid 'gog pa la nags me bkod pa ita bu de dag dang ‘gal bas khyab pa dmyigs pa bzhi dang! du ba bkod pa Ita bu de dag dang ‘gal ba’i ‘bras bu dmyigs pa bzhi dang! me'i reyu thogs med bkod pa lta bu de dag dang ‘gal ba'i rgyu dmigs pa bzhi'ol! (PViT 154al) The perception of the contraries where there is no co-existence are [sixteen which is counted as] four times four: the sensation of cold, the sensation of hoar-frost which is pervaded by it, the bristling of hair which is the effect, and the unobstructed cause. Above four are negated by the reason of [presence of] fire [which we can call] four perceptions of the contraries of nature, those negated by the presence of fire of wood [which we can call} four perceptions of the contraries of pervader, those negated by the presence of smoke [which we can call] four perceptions of the contraries of effect, and those negated by the presence of the actual efficient cause of fire {which we can call] four perceptions of the contraties of cause. Setting aside the differences in wording and order, the meaning is exactly the same as in Sa pan's quotation. gTsang nag pa's classification can be illustrated as follows: phan tshun spangs ‘gal 11 mgos (= dngos) ‘gal khyab ‘gal ‘bras, . ‘gal rgyu Ihan cig mi gnas'gal 16 mgos dmyigs khyab pa dmyigs pa "bras ba dmyigs pa sgyu dmigs pa 11+16=27 plus four basic types makes PRR ROWER e Now, let us examine the theories of Sa pan himself. In the Rigs gter Sa pan does not enumerate logical reasons of non-cognition clearly. His theory therefore was variously understood by later commentators. According to Go rams pa there are eighteen and according to Sakya mchog Idan there are seventeen non-cognitions, Go rams pa explains that valid logical reasons can be counted as twenty in all. Of these twenty, eighteen are valid logical reasons of non-cognition: spyir gtan tshigs yang dag la ‘bras bu dang rang bzhin gyi gtan tshigs gnyis! ‘brel zla ma dmigs pa’i gtan tshigs bzhil than cig mi gnas ‘gal la brien pa’t ‘gal dmigs kyi gian ishigs bcu gnyis! phan tshun spangs ‘gal la brien pa’i gran tshigs gnyis te nyi shur grangs nges la (RTDS 361-2-3) Generaly valid logical reasons can be counted as twenty in all: two kinds of logical reasons of effects and of essential properties, four kinds of logical reasons Of non-cognitions of direct relationship, twelve kinds of logical reasons which apprehend a contrary where there is no [possibility of} co- existence, and two kinds of logical reasons depending on a contrary in the 606Onoda: Logical mark of non-cognition sense of mutual exclusion. Go rams pa's explanation above can be illustrated as follows: "prel zla ma dmigs pa bzhi than cig mi gnas pai ‘gal dmigs beu gnyis. 12 phan tshun spangs'gal la brten pa'i gal dmigs 2 in all 18 kinds Sakya mchog Idan explains that valid logical reasons can be counted as nineteen in all. Of these nineteen, seventeen are valid logical reasons of non-cognition: gzhung ‘di'i rtsa ‘grel dang snga rabs pa’i sdus pa gnyis ka na/ mi snang ba ma dmigs pa’i thal ’gyur gyi bshad pa mi snang lal de ma gtogs pa ni beu dgu yod det ‘bras rang gyi thal ‘gyur gnyis dang! 'brel zla ma dmigs pa bzhi dang! Ihan cig mi gnas pa'i ‘gal dmigs kyi thal ‘gyur bcu gnyis dang! tshad mas gnod pa'i ‘gal dmigs gyi thal ‘gyur gcig rnams soll (RTNR 736-1) In both this basic text [= Rigs gter] with {the auto-]comentary and in the ancient bsdus pa text, there doesn't seem to be any explanation of logical consequences involving nonition of what is imperceptible, but the rest of, them are nineteen in all: two kinds of logical consequences of effects and of essential properties, four kinds of [logical consequences of] non-cognitions of direct relationships, twelve kinds of logical consequences which apprehend a contrary where there is no {possibility of] co-existence, and one type of logical consequences of cognition of a contrary which is annuled by a pramana, Sakya mchog Idan's explanation above can be illustrated as follows: ‘brel zla ma dmigs pa bzhi 4 Ihan cig mi gnas pai ‘gal dmigs beu gnyis 12 tshad mas gnod pa'i ‘gal dmigs 1 inal 17 kinds Sakya mchog Idan comments in the following manner on this point and that is fundamentally opposite to Go rams pa's explanation: ‘gal ba la Ihan cig mi gnas ‘gal dang tshad mas gnod ‘gal gnyis bshad laf Phan tshun spangs pa la ‘gal bar bshad pa med doll de’i phyir phan tshun Spangs ‘gal rtags su sbyar ba’t ’gal dmigs ma bshad dol! (RTGG 566-6) Ttis explained [by Sa pan] that contraries [can be classified into] two: contraries where there is no [possibility of] co-existance and contraries which are annuled by a pramana, but in the case of mutual exclusions. Therefore, there was no explanations of cognition of a contrary where exclusions would be used as the logical reasons. In Sakya mchog Idan's Rigs gter commentary we can find another very intereting description on this topic: gzhan yang snang rung ma dmigs pa zhes pa ni tha snyad ‘ba’ zhig sgrub kyi rang bzhin mi dmigs pa’i gtan tshigs kyi dngos ming yin noll(RTGG 539-3) Snang rung ma dmigs pa (non-cognition of perceptible) is the real [or original} name of logical reasons of an entity itself which is only supposed by language. According to Phya pa's system, for example, blue and yellow are contraries and simultaneously they are mutual exclusion, because they are different phenomena and they do not have common instances. Therefore, if something has been recognized as blue it has to be not yellow. It seems to be proved by the logical reason depending on a contrary in the sense Of mutual exclusion. But we have to remember that blue and yellow are not phan ishun spang ‘gal (mutual contraries) in the system of Sa pan. 607Onoda: Logical mark of non-cognition According to the tenet of Sa pan's system, all phenomena (shes bya) are divided from the viewpoint of ‘gal ‘bre! as follows: 1 geig ai ba bzhag tu med 2 tha dad 2.1 ngo bo gcig Idog pa tha dad bdag geig ‘bret 2.2 gcig pa bkag pa'i tha dad 2.3 rdzas tha dad 2.3.1 gnod bya gnod byed (tsha grang) . than cig mi gnas ‘gal 23.2 phan bya phan byed (me du). “de byung gi ‘bre! ba 2°33 phan gnod gang yang med pa (engo ser) ... ‘gal ‘brel gang yang med Sakya mehog Idan says: sngon po yin pa'i riags kyis ser po yin pa ‘gog mi nus par “gyur ro the nal nyes pa med del gzhi de sngon por nges pa nyis kyis ser po yin pa'i don Khegs lal de liar khegs pa de ni sngo ser gnyis phan tshun spangs pa'i reyu mishan gyis yin gyi! sngo ser gnyis ‘gal ba'i reyu mishan gyis min tel..... (RTGG 539-5) (The following objection may be raised:] It could be impossible to negate being yellow by the reason of being blue. [We reply.] There is no impropriety. Simply the ascertainment of blue, being yellow is excluded {aautomatically]. But this exclusion is due to the reason of "mutual voidness"(phan tshun Spangs pa) of blue and yellow. It is not because that blue and yellow are contraries (‘gal ba). phan tshun spang ‘gal ‘The essential idea in the definition of ‘gal ba (contraries) by Phya pa's system seems to be that two things are ‘gal ba when they are different and when there ate no common instances between the two, Simultaneously it does mean the two are phan tshun spang ‘gal (mutual coniraries) because ‘gal ba and phan tshun spang ‘gal are synonyms in the system of Phya pa. According to Sa skya pandita, by contrast, gnod pa (annuling) is of prime importance in his notion of ‘gal ba which places much more emphasis on (han cig mi gnas ‘gal (contraries where there is no co-existence). For Sa pat, ‘gai ba in the term of ‘gal dmigs gyi riags also needs to have gnod pa, This means that than cig mi gnas ‘gal la brien pa‘i ‘gal dmigs are automatically emphasized by Sa pan's system. Therefore, according to Sakya mchog Idan, there is no phan ishun spangs ‘gal la brten pa‘i ‘gal dmigs in Sa pan's system. 608Onoda: Logical mark of non-cognition TEXTS AND ABBREVIATIONS RTGG gSer mdog pan chen Sakya mchog Idan, Tshad ma rigs pa‘i gter gyi dgongs reyan lung dang rigs pa'i ‘khor los lugs ngan pham byed pa'am ming gzhan riog ge ‘khrul ‘joms chen mo, The Complete Works of Gser mdog pan chen Sakya mchog Idan, Thimphu, 1975, Vol.9. RTNR ~~~, Tshad ma rigs pa'i gter gyi ram par bshad pa sde bdun ngag gi rol mtsho, The Complete Works of Gser mdog pan chen Sakya mchog Idan, Thimphu, 1975,Vol.19. RTKN Go rams pa bSod nams seng ge, Tshad ma rigs pa'i gter gyi dka’ ba'i gnas rnam par bshad pa sde bdun rab gsal, Sa skya pa'i bka' ‘bum, Vol.12. RIDS ~~~, sDe bdun mdo dang beas pa’i dgongs pa phyin cl ma log par ‘grel pa tshad ma rigs pa’i gter gyi don gsal bar byed pa, Sa skya pa'i bka' bum, Vol.11. RTSN Glo bo mkhan chen bSod nams thun grub, Tshad ma rigs pa'i gter gyi ‘grel pa't rnam bshad rigs lam gsal ba’i nyi ma, Tshad ma rigs pa’i gter gyi 'grel pa, Chinghai, 1988, pp.1-262. PViT. gTsang nag pa brTson ‘grus seng ge, Tshad ma rnam par nges pa’i ti ka legs bshad bsdus pa, An ancient Commentary on Dharmakirti's Pramanaviniscaya, Otani University Collection No.13971, Otani University Tibetan Works Series, Volume I, Kyoto, 1989, YDTR_ Yongs ‘dzin Phur bu leog byamis pa tshul khrims rgya mtsho (1825-1901), Tshad ma‘i gzhung don ‘byed pa'i bsdus grwa'i rnam par bshad pa rigs lam ‘phrul gyi Ide'u mig las rigs lam che ba rtags rigs kyi skor, The Yongs ‘Dzin rTags Rigs~ A Manual for Tibetan Logic — , Studia Asiatica No.5, Nagoya University, 1981. NOTES ' YDTR 73-74; Definitions and examples are: a) Def. khyod de sgrub kyi rtags yang dag gang zhig/ khyod kyi rtags kyis de sgrub kyi ange yi serub bya chos ou bzung bye-yang yin/ dgag pa yang yin pelgehi mthun srid pa Roni 725} b) Def. de sgrub kyi ma dmigs pa'i rtags yang dag kyang yin/ rang nyid kyi rtags kyis de sgrub kyi dgag bya'i chos su brtags pa'i don de spyir yod. kyane/ rang nyid de sgrub kyi phyogs chos can du song ba'i gang zag gi tshad ma la mi snang ba [YDTR:7b1) c) Def. khyod de sgrub kyi mi snang ba ma dmigs pai rtags yang dag kyang yin/ med dgag kyang yin pa'i gzhi mthun pa [YDTR:7b2] @) Ex. mdun gi gzhi ‘dir chos can/ sha za bskal don du song ba'i gang zag gi rgyud la sha za nges pai dpyad shes don mthun med de/ sha za bskal don du song ba'i gang zag gi rgyud la sha za dmigs byed kyi tshad ma med pa’i phyir/ zhes bkod pa'i tshe/ sha zabskal don du song ba'i gang zag gi rgyud Ia sha za dmigs byed kyi tshad ma med pa de [YDTR:7b4] e) _ Ex. {mdun gyi gzhi ‘dir sha za bskal don du song ba'i gang zag gis sha za yod ces dam bea’ mi rigs par sgrub pa'i] sha za yod pa la bskai don du song ba'i gang zag gis sha za yod pa tshad mas ma dmigs pa {YDTR:7b5] f) _ Ex, [mdun gyi gzhi ‘dir sha 2a bskal don du song ba'i gang zag gi rgyud Ia sha za nges byed kyi dpyad shes don mthun med par sgrub pa'i] sha za bskal don du song ba'i gang zag gi rgyud la sha za nges byed kyi dpyad shes don mthun tshad mas ma dmigs pa [(YDTR:7b6] 2) Def. de sgrub kyi mi snang ba ma dmigs pa'i rtags yang dag kyang yin/ ma yin dgag dang sgrub pa gang rung yang yin pa'i gzhi mthun pa {YDTR:7b3) Ex. Lindun gyi gout dir sha za bskal Gon'du song bai gang zag gi rgyud la sha za 609m) n) o) P) q 4) vy) w) x) Onoda: Logical mark of non-cognition nges byed kyi dpyad shes don mthun med par sgrub pa'i] yod pa [YDTR:8a4] Def. de sgrub kyi ma dmigs pa'i rtags yang dag kyang yin/ de sgrub pa la phyogs hos can du song ba'i gang zag la de sgrub kyi dgag bya'i chos su btags pa'i don bskal don min pa yang yin pa'i gzhi mthun pa [YDTR:8a7] Def. de sgrub kyi snang rung ma dmigs pa'i rtags yang dag kyang yin/ med dgag kyang yin pa’i gzhi mthun pa [YDTR:8b1] Def. snang rung gi rgyu ma dmigs paii tshul gsum yin pa [YDTR:8b2] Ex, {mtshan mo'i rgya mtshor du ba med par sgrub pa'l] me med pa [{YDTR:8b3] Def. [snang rung gi khyab byed ma dmigs S pei ‘tshul gsum yin pal Ex. [shing ishad mas mia d&migs pa'i brag rdzong du sha pa‘med par sgrub pai] shing med pa [YDTR:8b3} Def. {snang rung gi rang bzhin ma dmigs pati tshul gsum yin pa} Ex. (bum pa tshad mas ma dmigs pa‘i sa syogs su bum pa med par sgrub pa'i} bum pa tshad mas ma dmigs pa [YDTR:8b3] Def. {snang rung gi dngos ‘bras ma dmigs pa'i tshul gsum yin pa} Ex, [du bas dben pa'i Fig kor du du ba'i dngos rgyu med par sgrub pa'i] dngos ‘bras du ba med pa [YDTR:8b4] Def. de sgrub kyi snang rung ma dmigs pa'i rtags yang dag kyang yin/ ma yin dgag dang sgrub pa gang rung yin pa'i gzhi mthun pa {YDTR:8b1] Def, [me stobs chen pos khyab par non pa'i shar gyi dngos po'i steng du grang reg rgyun chags med par sgrub pa'i} snang rung 'gal dmigs kyi mtags yang dag kyang yin/ [grang reg rgyun chags] dang Ihan cig mi gnas ‘gal yang yin pa'i gehi mthun pa [YDTR:8b6} Not defined in {YDTR]. Ex, [me stobs chen pos khyab par non pa'i shar gyi dngos po'i steng du grang reg rgyun chags med par sgrub pa'i] me stobs chen pos khyab par non pa'i dngos po (YDTR:9a2} Ex. [me stobs chen pos khyab par non pa'i shar gyi dngos po'i steng du grang ‘bras spu long byed reyun chags med par sgrub pa'ij me stobs chen pos khyab par non pai dngos po [YDTR:9a3] Ex. [me stobs chen pos khyab par non pa'i shar gyi dngos po'i steng du kha ba'i reg pa reyun chags med par sgrub pa'i] me stobs chen pos khyab par non pati dngos po {YDTR:9a3} Ex. {du ba drag phyur bas khyab par non pa'i shar gyi dngos po'i steng du grang reg rgyun chags med par sgrub pa'i] du ba drag tu phyur bas khyab par non pai dngos po [YDTR:9a4] Ex. [du ba drag phyur bas khyab par no pa'i shar gyi dngos poli steng du grang ‘bras spu long byed rgyun chags med par sgrub pa'ij du ba drag tu phyur bas khyab par non pa't dngos po [YDTR:9a4] Ex. gang zag gi bdag ‘dzin gyi dngos gnyen du gyur pa'i nyen thos kyi sgom lam bar chad med lam chos can/ gang zag gi bdag ‘dzin dang gnod med du Ihan cig tu mi gnas te/ gang zag gi bdag ‘dzin gyi dngos gnyen yin pa'i phyir/ zhes bkod pa Ita Be ae kyi bs ‘hos can/ di od med di e/ bs x. shar phyogs kyi bya rog chos can/ ‘ug pa dang gnod med du mi gnas t 1a. TO} yin pa'i pay ahes bkod pa lta bu (YDTR 97]. : oe Def. (sgra rtag pa ma yin par sgrub pa'i) ‘gal dmigs kyi rtags yang dag kyang yin, [rag pa] dang Ihan cig mi gnas ‘gal ma yin pa yang yin pai gzhi mthun pa [YDTR:9a7] Ex, [sgra rtag pa ma yin par sgrub pa'i] byas pa [YDTR:9b!] Def. {mdun gyi gong bu rwa can rta ma yin par sgrub pai] ‘gal dmigs kyi rtags yang dag ‘yang {rtal dang Ihan cig mi gnas ‘gal ma yin pa yang yin pai gzhi mthun pa {[YDTR:9b1] Ex. [mdun gyi gong bu rwa can rta ma yin par sgrub pa'i] rwa can [{YDTR:9b2] 610Onoda: Logical mark of non-cognition y) Ex. 0s dkar po chos can/ rang grub tsam nas mtshon can du ma nges te/ rang nyid mtshon can du 'gyur ba rang las phyis ’byung gi rgyu la ltos dgos pa'i phyir/ shes brjod pail tshe na de [YDTR:9b3] 2) Ex, byas pa chos cany rang nyi mi itos te/ rang grub tsam nas ‘ [YDTR:9b4] ‘jig pa rang las phyis 'byung gi rgya rkyen gzhan la 1g Nges yin pa'i phyir/ shes brjod pa'i tshe na de ‘We can find the term snang du rung mi rung in PViT of gTsang nag pa, but here snang rung has a different meaning: yang na gnyis su bsdu ba ni rtags thams cad kyang phyogs la dgag bya'i rang bzhin ‘snang du rung mi rung gnyis las/ dang po ni rang bzhin mi dmigs pa dang! khyab byed mi dmyigs pa dang ‘bras bu mi myigs pa dang phan tshun spang pa'i ‘gal ba dmyigs pa rnams tel de dag dgag pa la mthong pa myed pa zhes bya ba'i rtags yin la! gnyis pa dgag bya’ sngos po yod kyang mi dmyigs pa ‘gog pai rtags ni reyu mi smyigs pa dang than cig mi gnas pa‘i ‘gal ba dmyigs pa rnams te rang nyid dgag bya dang mi ‘gal yang reyu dang ‘gal bas kyang ‘bras bu rtags su rung na ‘bras bu dang ‘gal bas kyang de’t rgyu dmyigs pas dgag pa ci te mi ‘grub ces pa'ol (PVIT 127a8) ‘While gTsang nag pa's logic here is not completely clear to me, this snang rung and snang mi rung can be listed as follows: 1 dgag bya'i rang bzhin snang du rung 1.) rang bzhi mi dmigs pa . : BoumnE 12 kaya byed mal dyegs pa ‘ras bu mi dmyigs pa ‘4 phan tshun spangs pa'i ‘gal ba dmyigs pa 2 {dgag byali rang bzhin snang] mi rung 2.1 rgyu mi dmyigs pa 2.2 than cig mi gnas paii ‘gal ba dmyigs pa Shunzo Onoda, Monastic Debate in Tibet, A Study on the History and Structures of oe grwa Logic, Wiener Studien zur Tibetologie und Buddhismuskunde27, Vienna, 1992, Y.Kajiyama, Bukkyo ni okeru Sonzai to Chishiki (Ontology and Epistemology of Buddhism], p.113; See also Y, Kajiyama, An Introduction to Buddhist Philosophy. An Annotated Translation of the Tarkabhasa of Moksikaragupta, Kyoto, 1966, p.153; for additional comment, see E. Steinkellner, Miszellen zur erkenntnistheoretisch-logischen Schule des Buddhismaus, W2KS 25 (1981). Kenjo Shirasaki, The Balavatératarka, Bulletin of Kobe Women’s University, No.\5, 1983, pp.63-134, p.98. 611

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Tibetan Studies PIATS-6 (Appendix To Vol. 1)

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Tibetan Studies PIATS-6 (Appendix To Vol. 1)

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