nperia

Iconography and
ofthe Inca Coca
 Abstract . .

W ithout a system of writing,

the Incas (ca. 1476-1534 CE.)
presided over an empire of orality
specimens of Inca coca bags in the
collections of the Dallas Museum
of Art and the Museum of Fine Arts,
and performance that stretched Boston. Widespread throughout
along the Andes Mountains from the Inca Empire and now housed
southern Ecuador to northern in museum collections around the
Chile. The Incas relied heavily on world, members of the Inca elite
visual signals to impart information wore these elaborately woven bags
and organize their civilization. to carry the leaves of the coca plant,
Textiles, among other crafted a significant medicinal herb and
objects, were made to perform as sacrificial item. This article offers
visual emblems displaying ideas an iconographie analysis of the
about imperial ideology and the coca bag's surface embellishment
authority embodied by individuals. and will establish the function of
This article explores the capacity of the coca bag both as a quotidian
textiles to carry embedded meaning container and as a symbolic
through the study of several emblem.

Keywords: Inca, coca, Andes, Peru, weaving, communication, emblems,

llama

LAUREN FINLEY HUGHES

Lauren Finley Hughes specializes in the art of
ancient Peru and has lectured and written widely
on ancient Andean textiles, Inca iconography,
and Colonial Andean imagery. As the McDermott
Curatorial Fellow in the Department of the Arts of
Africa, the Americas, and the Pacific at the Dallas
Museum of Art, she worked closely with the Nora Textiie, Volume 8, Issue 2, pp. 148-179
and John Wise collection of Andean Textiles. DOI: 10.2752/175183510x12791896965538
Lauren received her M.A. in Art History from Reprints available directly from the Publishers.
Southern Methodist University in Dallas, Texas. Photocopying permitted by licence only.
Iaurenfhughes9gmail.com 2010 Berg. Printed in the United Kingdom.
Weaving Imperial Ideas:
Iconography and Ideology of
the Inca Coca Bag
From the extreme altitudes of type of textile bag, one woven to
mountain peaks to Amazonian hold the leaves of the coca plant,
lowlands and dry desert coastlines, communicated ideas about Inca
the Incas dominated an enormous ideology, social practice, and
and highly diverse empire. A feat the embodied physicality of Inca
accomplished in only about one rulership. With no written language,
hundred years, 1476 C.E. until the Incas experienced their world
the arrival of the Spanish in 1532 in a way which gave power to the
(D'Altroy 2002: 2), the Inca empire sense of sight (Classen 1990: 725).
was the largest of pre-Columbian Visual symbols had the power
South America; one that extended to express much more than the
5,500 kilometers (Stone-Miller mundane, and political authority
1995:181) along the Andes was often vested through visual
Mountains from southern Ecuador means. For the Incas, textiles were
to northern Chile. The Incas' the medium which supported
expansive state relied on a high these visual manifestations of
degree of organization that largely symbolic power (Hogue 2006:114,
depended on the manufacture and Salazar and Roussakis 1999: 273).
regulation of textiles. The primacy Figures associated with the Inca
of textiles in the Inca Empire meant state demonstrated their imperial
that they were much more than relationship through the colors,
just a means of covering the body textures, and patterns of their
or keeping warm. Fiber art was clothing; their authority recognized
a critical aspect of economics, through the sense of sight. The
religious and ceremonial life, social primary figurative function of the
organization, imperial ideology, coca bag was as a visual symbol
and, above all, fiber was a means of of authority. As such a symbol,
communication (Murra 1962: 722). the coca bag incorporated specific
Although textiles certainly cannot iconographie forms to visually
be treated as texts, fiber objects express Imperial power.
functioned as communicative Coca bags were employed
devices through their iconography throughout the vast Inca Empire
ond structure. and most extant examples were
Traditional studies of Inca collected along the south coast
textiles tend to emphasize the of Peru. Woven coca bags were
standardization of tunic patterns produced and used in Peru from
or the economic function of textiles ancient times through the Colonial
within the Inca state; however, Period. It is difficult to date
this study looks at how a certain these extant examples precisely;
 Weaving Imperial Ideas: Iconography and Ideology of the Inca Coca Bag 151

however, most were probably made complex and multipart coca bags, woven containers are found in the
between 1450 CE. and 1600. Coca sometimes called "pendant bags," collections of the Museum of Fine
bags take on a variety of forms. are the subject of this study, as Arts Boston, the Dallas Museum of
Some are very simple incorporating their structure and iconography Art, the Harvard Peabody Museum
only a small rectangular pouch of illustrate Inca approaches to the of Archaeology and Ethnology,
fabric and a strap (Figure 1), others figuring and dissemination of and the National Museum of
are much more complex consisting imperial authority. Pendant coca Archaeology, Anthropology and
of several separate woven bags are now housed in museum History of Peru, among other
components, some non-functional, collections around the world. Fine institutions. The examples from
sewn together (Figure 2). The specimens of these elaborately the Museum of Fine Arts Boston:

Figure 1
Coca bag with shoulder strap. South
coast, Peru. Late Horizon; Inca,
U76-1534 C.E. Nora and John Wise
Collection, gift of Mr. and Mrs. Jake L.
Hamon, the Eugene McDermott
Family, Mr. and Mrs. Algur H. Meadows
and the Meadows Foundation, and Mr.
and Mrs. John D. Murchison. Dallas
Museum of Art, B1359, T41299.46.
Photo courtesy Dallas Museum of Art.
152 Lauren Finley iHughes

Figure 2
Bag with corner tassels and pendant.
South coast, Peru. Lafe Horizon; Inca,
1476-1534 C.E. Nora and John Wise
CoUection, gift of Mr. and Mrs. Jake L.
Hamon, the Eugene McDermott
Family, Mr. and Mrs. Algur H. Meadows
and the Meadows Foundation, and
Mr. and Mrs. John D. Murchison. Dallas
Museum of Art, B1104, 1991.380. Photo
courtesy Dallas Museum of Art.

number 51.2542 (Figure 3) and and between 15 and 21 centimeters

the Dallas Museum of Art: B1103 wide.= As a group they exhibit
(Figure 4), B1104 (Figure 2) and intricate multipart construction
and elaborate woven designs,
B1105 (Figure 5) comprise a group of
four similar pendant coca bags thatsome figurai and some purely
will be the focus of this article.'geometric. These bags are made
up of at least four separate textile
components and are constructed
Weaving Technique from seven different loom and hand
and Construction weaving techniques. The fibers
The pendant coca bags examined used to construct the coca bags
for this study each measure are predominantly camelid fiber
between 41 and 59 centimeters long and cotton; however, a portion of
 Weaving Imperial Ideas: Iconography and ideology of the Inca Coca Bag 153

Figure 3
Coca bag with butterflies and llamas.
Inca, UOO-1600 C.E. Elizabeth Day
McCormick Collection. Museum of Fine
Arts Boston, 51.2^52. Photograph
2009 Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.

the MFA example was woven with mouth, or opening, ofthe coca first in weft-faced plain weave to
a fiber that has been provisionally bag is made of a network of form a panel of white above the
identified as human hair. cotton fibers edged with thick decorative section of interlocked
The anatomy of each coca bag hair-like fiber, probably unspun tapestry. Each bag displays camelid
consists of four separate parts: the camelid fiber. The bag proper, that motifs in the tapestry section of
bag proper, a decorative pendant, is the area that actually contained the bag proper. The rigid pendant
either a single tassel or two corner the coca leaves, of each example section of each example presents
tassels, and long red fringe. The was woven on cotton warps. horizontal rows of camelids that
154 Lauren Finley Hughes

Figured
Pendant bag witii black and gold
checkerboard llamas. South coast,
Peru. Late Horizon; Inca, U76-153 CE.
Nora and John Wise Collection, gift
of Mr. and Mrs. Jake L. Hamon,
the Eugene McDermott Family,
Mr. and Mrs. Algur H. Meadows and
the Meadows Foundation, and
Mr. and Mrs. John D. Murchison. Dallas
Museum of Art, B1103, T41299.43.
Photo courtesy Dallas Museum of Art.

reverse direction and alternate hand-plied red camelid fiber fringe.

color from one face to the other. Each strand of fringe consists of
Tassels, constructed from the several (between six and twelve)
same technique as the pendant or single S-spun yarns that have been
in other cases stem-stitch, have Z-plied together.
been attached just beneath the bag
proper so that the tassel is in line
with the camelids of the pendant Cultural Context
section of the bag. The final section Coca leaves come from a small
of pendant coca bags consists of shrub-like plant which grows in
 Weaving imperial Ideas: iconography and ideology of the inca Coca Bag 155

rigure 5
Pendant bag with green and gold
llamas and crosses. South coast, Peru.
Late Horizon; Inca, 1476-1534 CE. Nora
and John Wise Collection, gift of Mr.
and Mrs. Jake L. Hamon, the Eugene
McDermott Family, Mr. and Mrs.
Algur H. Meadows and the Meadows
Foundation, and Mr. and Mrs. John
D. Murchison. Dallas Museum of Art,
B1105, T41299.44. Photo courtesy
Dallas Museum of Art.

the near tropical conditions of llama pack trains (Rowe 1946: 242). ingredient needed to activate the
the Andean mountain valleys Prior to chewing, the coca leaves alkaloid in coca which produces its
(Mortimer 1901: i5i).3 Coca leaves and ttipta, lime from the ash of physical effects. The alkaloid from
were harvested every fourteen burnt cactus, bone, seashells, or coca leaves is the very same that is
months and packed in bundles limestone (Mortimer 1901: 9,155), used to produce cocaine. The amount
weighing eighteen pounds and were combined probably within the of this alkaloid present in one coca
transported to the highlands by coca bag itself." Lime is an essential leaf is minute, thus the chewing
156 Lauren Finley Hughes

of coca leaves is much less potent were also meant to solidify and
or dangerous than cocaine use demonstrate ideas about rulership.
(Mortimer 1901: 433).^ Any tourist Access to a sumptuary good such
to the Andes region will attest that as coca given in such an important
the effects of chewing coca are and visible context demonstrates
much like that of drinking a single the power bestowed upon these
espresso. The Incas were aware individuals by the Sapa. The coca
of the energizing effects of coca leaves are a symbolic means
and during the colonial period, as of expressing the authority of
Pedro Cieza de Len notes, always the Sapa that has been given to
carried "small leaves of some sort" these elites. On the other hand,
in their mouths which they chewed by receiving the coca leaves the
from morning until night to assuage various elites acquiesce to the Sapa
hunger and to give them strength and accept the authority given to
(Cieza 1959: 259).* them.
Spanish chronicler Garcilaso de The ethnohistoric documents
la Vega points out that coca was are clear that coca was a prized
also a precious commodity that commodity as a gift and as a
figured largely in the ceremonial religious offering, but it is perhaps
life of the Inca. Coca leaves most important for the purposes
were present in nearly all ritual of this study to recognize the
ceremonies and sacrifices. Often connection between coca
paired in sacrifice with cloth, chicha consumption and elite status.
(maize beer), gold, and silver, coca It should be noted that in the
was highly valued and had much aforementioned descriptions of
socio-religious significance (Cobo the socio-religious use of coca
1990:137).' Coca was an important by Guaman Poma, Father Bernab
gift as well. Gift-giving for the Cobo, Garcilaso de la Vega, Cieza
Incas was ceremonial in nature and de Len, and Juan de Betanzos it
was often used as a way to show is Inca nobles who have access to
political power and its reciprocal, coca. Indeed, Coca consumption
submission, social favor, or familial is associated with elite status. As
connections (D'Altroy 2002: 200-1, a commodity grown in the Andean
264-5).^ Juan de Betanzos, in his lowlands far away from the
1557 chronicle of the Inca conquest, highlands of Cusco, coca leaves
describes the significance of required long-distance travel to
coca as a gift. Betanzos explains obtain (D'Altroy 2002: 200-1).
that following a ritual in which Those who could command long-
participants honored the Sapa Inca distance trade to access a good
(Inca king) as the son of the Sun, obtained from such a distance
lords of Cusco and other caciques were most certainly elites.
who had gathered in the central Guaman Poma's drawing of Manco
plaza of Cusco were given chicha Capac, the first Inca king, includes
to drink and large amounts of coca a coca bag attached to his right
(Betanzos 1996: 56). The gifts of wrist (Figure 6), suggesting that
chicha and coca were certainly coca was an item associated
meant as celebratory aspects of with the Inca elite from the very
an imperial feast, but these gifts beginning of the empire
 Weaving innperial ideas: iconography and ideology of the inca Coca Bag 157

DE IMAS

Figure 6
The First Inca, franco Capac Inca.
Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala.
El primer nueva cornica y buen
gobierno. 1615. Ms. Gl. KgLs.2232,4.
Det Kongelige bibliotek,
Kbenhavn [Copenhagen].

(Stone-Miller 1994:178). Cieza de and elite individuals is reinforced worn by the Inca, they do allow
Len found that coca was regarded by documentary evidence which the general costume of the Inca
as a symbol of divinity and was at describes Inca dress. Through to be established. According to
first only available to Incas of royal these descriptions it becomes these drawings and Cobo's written
status (Cieza 1959: 260). It is widely apparent that wearing a coca bag descriptions Inca men wore tunics,
believed that in Pre-conquest Peru as an element of costume was called unkus, which generally fell
coca use was limited to the nobility likewise limited to Inca nobles. to the knee. Over the tunic, a cloak
and religious rites. It was only after Guaman Poma's chronicle provides or mantle was often worn around
the conquest when the Spanish a clear image of Inca dress through the shoulders (Cobo 1990:186-7).
expanded the production of coca its many illustrations. Although we Men, especially higher-ranking
that its use spread to all classes may not take these illustrations officials, usually carried a chuspa,
ofthe Inca (Rowe 1946: 292).' to be exact representations of or bagpresumably to carry coca
The association between coca the tunics and other garments in their hand or wore the bag across
158 Lauren Finley Hughes

their chest (Cobo 1990:187). Cobo Likely a model for Guaman Poma's
writes. illustrations, the brief commentary
provided by Guaman Malque in
Underneath this mantle and the Prado-Tello Dossier, a Colonial-
over the tunic they carry a small Era document pertaining to land
bag called a chuspa which rights in the Chupas Valley, offers
hangs around the necii. it is a descriptive illustration of an Inca
more or less one span in length male, Juan Tingo, dressed in his
and about the same in width. uni<u, mantle, and chuspa (Figure 7)
This bag hangs down by their (Phipps2oo4:142).'
waist under their right arm, The regularity of Inca dress
the strap from which it hangs as illustrated by Guaman Poma
passes over the left shoulder. suggests that Inca costume was
(Cobo 1990:187) standardized or regimented by

Figure 7
Juan Tinge with chuspa. Folio 51 recto.
Prado-Tello Dossier, c.^\560-^6i0.
Det Kongelige bibliotek, Kbenhavn
[Copenhagen].
 Weaving Imperial Ideas: Iconography and Ideology of the Inca Coca Bag 159

the Inca government. It is true "as a symbol of office carried a conquered territories to maintain
that the fineness of the cloth, the bag or pouch of the type used for control over the infrastructure of
pattern of the cloth, and the style holding coca leaves... in this the empire (D'Altroy 2002: 232).
of garments were restricted and way their warrant was recognized Local elites governed on behalf
mandated according to the status and respected in the whole of our of theS7po Inca (the Inca King)
and profession of the individual country" (Guaman Poma 1978: 98). and at the same time retained
(Murra 1962: 720-1). Through The word warrant in this statement their resident elite status and
their color, pattern, and degree of implies personal contact between right to rule. A governor, who
fineness Inca tunics could visually the Inca constables and the Sapa was an ethnic Inca and who also
describe their wearer's familial Inca. It implies that there has been spent time in Cusco, managed
association, geographic location, or an official transfer of power from the affairs of each province, but
political status (Pillsbury 2006:126). the body of the Sapa Inca to these employed intermediate elites,
Betanzos describes lords of Cusco officials. The coca bag might be usually hereditary local elites, called
and caciques, local officials, as physically invested with the power curacas, to act as administrators
wearing garments that were given to that came from the presence of on behalf of the Sopo Inca at the
them by the Inca (Betanzos 1996: 56). the Sapa Inca. Moreover, Guaman household level." The structure
Betanzos also relates that Inca Poma's statement, "in the whole of Inca administrative rule is
Yupanqui ordained that caciques of our country," suggests that the particularly important in regard to
could not wear fine clothing or other constables were acting on behalf of the coca bag because coca bags
accoutrements unless they had been the Sapa Inca in provincial regions have been found in the provinces
given to the cacique by the Sapa of the empire. Throughout Guaman of the Inca Empire. Most of the
himself. Violation of this rule would Poma's thousand-page letter to the officials who wear the coca bag
result in death (ibid.: 105). The King of Spain he illustrates Inca in Guaman Poma's chronicle are
mandated clothing worn by caciques administrators and officials wearing lords of regional Inca provinces
allowed their power to be highly the coca bag (Figures 8-13) which governing on behalf of the Inca
visible and easily recognizable. asserts that the coca bag was indeed in places other than the highland
This rule also kept people who were a signifier of imperial authority. capital of Cusco. Moreover, Guaman
not approved by state from trying Guaman Poma's evidence supports Poma specifically describes persons
to gain statusequalto thatof the that the coca bag was worn by wearing the coca bag as lords of
caciques (ibid.)." officials associated with the service "native tributaries," as curacas,
Coca bags were certainly one of the Sapa Inca, but who were not or as "provincial administrators."
of the types of textile accessories members of the royal family. His drawing of a provincial
that were under the jurisdiction The Inca domain, called "administrator of ten native
of the Sapa Inca. As stated above, Tawantinsuyu meaning the four tributaries," who is presumably a
Guaman Poma's drawing of Manco parts together, was divided into four curaca, depicts a colonial-era lord
Capac, the first Inca king, includes a regions based on geographic and with a coca bag across his chest
coca bag attached to this right wrist ethnic boundaries that converged (Figure 9). It can be deduced that the
(Figure 6) which demonstrates that at Cusco, the capital of the realm coca bag, a component of costume
the coca bag was a component of (D'Altroy 2002: 88-9). The Incas for official Inca administrators,
royal Inca dress (Stone-Miller 1994: built roads, provincial centers, and served as an emblem of power
178). Guaman Poma's chronicle way stations to connect the quarters within Cusco and throughout the
persuasively establishes the coca of the empire and to strengthen provinces of the Empire.
bag as an imperial accoutrement the control of the state (D'Altroy Material evidence is also
indicative of elite status and 2002: 231). Within this expansive persuasive in suggesting that the
contact with the Sapa. His chronicle and diverse kingdom provincial coca bag functioned as an imperial
describes the coca bag as part of elites played an important role in emblem outside the capital.
the official garb of Inca constables. maintaining Inca rule. The Incas Although the collection of many
He writes that the Inca constables. worked through local lords of coca bags has been imprecise.
160 Lauren Finley Hughes

Figure 8
Poma, of the Pueblo Chipao, ofAllauca
Huanaco lineage mitmaq descendant
of Inca-Era immigrants, pisqa
kamachikuq administrator of five
native tributaries. Felipe Guaman
Poma de Ayala. El primer nueva
cornica y buen gobierno. 1615. Ms. Gl.
Kgl.s.2232,4. Det Kongelige bibliotek,
Kbenhavn [Copenhagen].

dating from the period of the this study, because of their state of
Second World War when sanctions preservation, most likely came from
concerning looting and protecting this dry south-coast region of Peru;
items of national patrimony were however, this is not to suggest that
not in place, it is believed that coca bags like these did not exist
most coca bags have come from in other places in the Inca Empire.
the south coast of Peru near the Because of its more temperate
lea and Nasca Valleys. As the driest climate, highland textiles have not
desert in the world, the climate enjoyed the same protection as
of this region has allowed for the south-coast textiles. Textile bags
preservation of the textiles. The such as the examples presented
pendant coca bags examined in here probably were used in the
 Weaving Imperial Ideas: Iconography and Ideology of the Inca Coca Bag 161

Figure 9
Chiara of the Pueblo of Muchuca,
chunka kamachikuq, administrator of
ten native tributaries. Felipe Guaman
Poma de Ayala. El primer nueva
cornica y buen gobierno. 1615. Ms. GL
Kgl.s.2232,4. Det Kongelige bibliotek,
Kbenhavn [Copenhagen].

highlands, but unfortunately the More recently, coca bags have Although this coca bag is much
climatic conditions of the highlands been documented in high-altitude different than pendant coca bags,
has prevented the material sacrificial burials. The so-called as a feather object, at the top of
evidence from being conserved. "Ice Maiden" discovered byjohan the hierarchy of fiber arts, the
Most likely the coca bag was worn Reinhard, was probably ritually bundle type coca bag found with
in many parts of Tawantinsuyu killed and then buried with precious the Ice Maiden is a sumptuary
including Cusco, evidenced by objects as offerings. Accompanying good indicative of the prestige and
Guaman Poma's depiction of Hurin the Ice Maiden was a feather bag importance of human sacrifices.
and Hanan Cusco administrators containing coca leaves (Reinhard Other high-altitude human
wearing the coca bags as part of 2005: 97) similar to an example at sacrifices at Llullaillaco were also
their official garb (Figures lo and li). the DMA, number B499 (Figure 14). found with coca bags (Reinhard
162 Lauren Finley Hughes

Figrelo
Chief Law Enforcement Official
of Hurin Cuzco, chanay kamayuq,
torturer. Felipe Guaman Poma de
Ayala. Et primer nueva cornica y buen
gobierno. 1615. Ms. Gl. Kgl.s.2232,4.
Det Kongelige bibliotek, Kbenhavn
[Copenhagen].

2005: 326-7; Ceruti 2003:124). demonstrates the sacred nature of

The burial of this high-status item coca and its container. Assuming
with a human sacrifice supports the that this bag was recovered from
notion that coca bags, as a category a tomb, as is likely the case with
of object, were items reserved for each ofthe coca bags discussed
elite contexts. here, it illustrates the sacred role
Although different in style of coca and its container, the coca
from the complex type of coca bag. Guaman Poma illustrates a
bags that are the subject ofthis burial in Cuntisuyu, the eastern
study, a fiber bag stuffed with coca quarter ofthe empire, in which a
leaves from the Dallas Museum figure appears to place a coca bag
of Art, number B217 (Figure 15), with the body ofthe deceased. His
 Weaving Imperial Ideas: Iconography and Ideology of the Inca Coca Bag 163

Figuren
The Incas Council, Hanan Cuzco Inca,
principal lord Quapaq Apu Wataq,
Court magistrate who apprehends
rebellious lords. Felipe Guaman
Poma de Ayala. El primernueva
cornica y buen gobierno. 1615. Ms. Gl.
Kgl.s.2232,4. Det Kongelige bibliotek,
Kbenhavn [Copenhagen].

illustration suggests that coca bags identified by the wealth goods that wives, servants, and goods such as
were included in burials. It can be are present within the tombs. Fray cloth (Castro and Ortega Morejn
surmised that coca bags existing Cristbal de Castro and Diego de 1936: 231, 242-3). Guaman Poma
in collections today were found Ortega Morejn provide an account also offers information on elite Inca
in tombs, although no Spanish dedicated to the Chincha Valley, burials. For example, he explains
chronicler directly states that coca on the central coast of Peru, and the burial customs of Kollasuyu
bags, specifically, were placed in describe the practices of elites where the nobles were buried in
tombs.'3 therein. Their 1558 account offers their finest clothes accompanied by
While coca bags were emblems some important information on Inca their most precious possessions.
of imperial authority in life, they burial customs (Castro and Ortega In addition to cloth. Cobo mentions
were also indicators of elite status Morejn 1936: 227). The authors that the bodies are found with
in death. Elite Inca burials are write that elites were buried with "implements of their occupation"
164 Lauren Fintey Hughes

Figure 12
Provincial Administrator, T'uqriykuq,
royal official. Felipe Guaman Poma de
Ayala. El primer nueva cornica y
buen gobierno. 1615. Ms. Gl.
KgLs.2232,^. Det Kongetige bibliotek,
Kbenhavn [Copenhagen].

(Cobo 1990:19). The fineness of and Ancon Valleys corroborate

the pendant coca bags indicates the chronicles' descriptions of
that they were wealth items Inca tombs of the central and
and their function as imperial south coasts. Cieza de Len
emblems is indicative of their describes burials at lea that
owner's profession. contained "great treasures," and
The chronicles make it clear that that the Spaniards found rich
an object such as the coca bag, an tombs in the Nasca Valley (Cieza
object representative of status and 1959: 348-9). It should be noted
profession, would be the kind of that Cieza de Leon's chronicle also
wealth good placed inside a tomb relates that Nasca was an Inca
(Castro and Ortega Morejn administration center on the south
1936: 227). Archaeological coast with "great buildings and
explorations of the Chincha, lea. many storehouses" (ibid.: 349).
 Weaving Imperial ideas: Iconography and Ideology of the Inca Coca Bag 165

Figure 13
Old Man, one often native magistrates,
town criers, or executioners of this
Kingdom. Felipe Guaman Poma de
Ayala. El primer nueva cornica y buen
gobierno. 1615. Ms. Gl. Kgl.s.2232,4.
Det Kongelige bibliotek, Kbenhavn
[Copenhagen].

The provincial elites who lived at Inca-style ceramics allowed for the in a mortuary context like the Inca-
the Inca administrative center of distinction between elite burials style objects that Uhle describes.
Nasca would surely have been and those of commoners. Goods Their iconographie and technical
buried with wealth items indicative with Inca iconography were present connection to Cusco indicated their
of their status. Max Uhle found in the elite status burials, whereas owner's high status.
wealth goods such as gold and commoner tombs contained local Spanish chroniclers of the late
silver implements and Inca-style styles of ceramics (Kroeber and fifteenth and sixteenth centuries
ceramics in tombs within each of Strong 1924a: 127-8). The MFA writing about life in Peru reveal that it
these valleys (Uhle 1924; Kroeber coca bag, and other pendant was the noble class of Inca who wore
and Strong 1924a, 1924b; Strong coca bags like it, with its Inca coca bags as emblems of their office,
1925). Indeed, Uhle found that the iconography, probably functioned but they also show that these officials
166 Lauren Finley Hughes

Figure H
Coca bundle with feathers. Late
Horizon; Inca, 1476-1534 CE. Nora
and John Wise Collection, gift of Mr.
and Mrs. Jake L. Hamon, the Eugene
McDermott Family, Mr. and Mrs.
Algur H. Meadows and the Meadows
Foundation, and Mr. and Mrs. John
D. Murchison. Dallas Museum of Art,
B499, T41299.45. Photo courtesy Dallas
Museum of Art.

were curacas, or Inca administrators found in the tomb of a provincial Inca

working in the provinces on administrator. As the possession
behalf of the Sopo Inca. Similarly, of a local elite, the pendant coca
archaeological evidence indicates bag served as an insignia of the
that the coca bag was the possession relationship between its wearer
of not only individuals of royal status, and Cusco. However, as a portable
but also of those who attained elite accessory the wearer had control
status in the provinces of the Inca over precisely when and where this
Empire. The finely crafted pendant relationship was manifested. In life
coca bags, found in the south-coast as in death, the Inca coca bag, as a
region of Peru, probably near lea or textile object which was regulated by
Nasca, are indicative of the type of the state, established its owner as a
wealth object that would have been privileged member of the Inca elite.
 Weaving Imperial ideas: Iconography and ideology of the Inca Coca Bag 167

Figure 15
Square coca bag stuffed with leaves.
Late Horizon; Inca, U76-1534C.E. Nora
and John Wise CoUection, gift of Mr.
and Mrs. Jake L. Hamon, the Eugene
McDermott Family, Mr. and Mrs.
Algur H. Meadows and the Meadows
Foundation, and Mr. and Mrs. John
D. Murchison. Dallas Museum of Art,
B217, T41299.47. Photo courtesy Dallas
Museum of Art.

The Coca Bag and the Inca Body to have them made; they were to communicate information
Tattoos, earplugs, and lip plates significant of ageas older men about their wearer. The coca bag
are among the most widely studied had larger earspools; and they were and other Andean textile apparel,
body ornaments of indigenous indicative of ethnicity (Vega 1966: like body ornaments, acted as a
cultures.*'' These ornaments change 55-6).'5 Although the Inca coca bag means of embellishing the body
the appearance ofthe individual decorated the body in a different itself and carried messages of
and act as a means of symbolic and less permanent fashion symbolic content in order to
communication to express certain than tattooing or piercing, coca convey certain concepts. Anthony
cultural ideas. For example. Inca bags may be considered as body Seeger, a social anthropologist
officials often wore large gold ornaments, works that patterned and ethnomusicologist, writes that
earspools as emblems of their the body and conveyed ideas "Body ornaments above all make
office; called orejones, or big ears, about Inca ideology, cosmology, intangible concepts tangible and
the large reflective surfaces ofthe and cultural self-image. Just as visible" (Seeger 1975: 221).'' The
gold earspools made an important the earspools demonstrated the coca bag does just this; it had the
ideological representation ofthe position of orejones as members capacity to convey information
Sun; they represented the labor ofthe Inca nobility in a variety of about the imperial ideology of the
commanded by the orejones ways. Inca textiles had the ability Inca and how its wearer functioned
168 Lauren Finley Hughes

within this system. However, it Inca was the center at which the
is important to consider that, as earth and sky met. In the Andean
bodily accessories, coca bags native Pachacuti Yamqui's diagram
functioned more plastically than (Figure 16) ofthe main altar ofthe
permanent body modification. Coricancha the human figures in
Their meaning was easily shaped, the center ofthe diagram represent
transferred, or changed by the mediators between the earth and
context in which they were enacted. the sky through which power can
The Incas presided over an flow (Classen 1993: 22). From
empire of orality and performance. Pachakuti Yamqui's diagram it is
In this world, the visual immediacy clear that the Inca body was not
and thematic richness of visual separate from the cosmos, rather
objects assumed important roles it was an essential part ofthe
in conveying social identity and universe through which the natural
imperial legitimacy (Bray 2000: phenomenon could be interpreted
169). Two elements, red fringe and explained. Moreover, the Inca
and llama motifs, are perhaps the body was the temporal center of
most important message-bearers Inca power which embodied the
apparent in the coca bag and their sacred in order to organize and rule
interpretation in relation to the the earthly empire.
body will demonstrate how the Central to the ideology of the
coca bag carried meaning and Inca body. Inca cosmology, and how
imparted information. In addition authority was figured in the Inca
to understanding how the Incas Empire is the understanding ofthe
expressed ideas through cloth, word cuzco. The capital ofthe Inca
this discussion will hinge on ideas Empire was the city of Cusco in the
about the royal body and the central highlands of Peru; however,
relationship between the Inca body the word cuzco might not have been
and the cosmos, understanding the Inca designation for the name
the performative culture in which ofthe city. Rather, the term cuzco
the Incas established their imperial referred to a person who was the
ideology and how the Incas figured center of the Inca world. Evidently,
authority will also be essential it was customary for the Inca
to the analysis of the coca bag's people to refrain from using the
function as a body ornament. Emperor's given name, hence they
In Inca cosmology the body used the term cuzco to refer to
served as a symbol and mediator the imperial individual (Ramirez
ofthe cosmos (Classen 1993: 3). 2005:19). Following this tradition
It was through the body that the the first Spanish chroniclers in the
processes ofthe earth and sky early 1530s used the word cuzco
could be understood and, to a to describe a person, not a place.
degree, controlled. As the son of El Cuzco referred to a living center,
the Sun, /nf/, the Sapa Inca was the Inca Emperor, rather than a
the corporeal embodiment of a specific location. Cuzco translates to
cosmological feature and as such mean center, or navel, and the Inca
served as an intermediary between Emperor was literally the navel of
the sacred aspects ofthe cosmos the universe connecting the people
and the terrestrial world. The Sapa of his empire to the Sun and Moon
 Weaving Imperiat Ideas: Iconography and Ideology of the Inca Coca Bag 169

Figure 16
Drawing of the Main Altar of the
Coricancha. Juan de Santacruz
Pachacuti Yamqui. c.1613.

(Ramfrez 2005: 7). The center of "system of graphic communication" empire, and placed on his body, the
the Inca Empire, geographically, and their patterns, combinations, Sapa's authority over these people
was wherever the Inca emperor and bodily relationships made the becomes an obvious point.
happened to be (Houston and expression of certain information Apart from patterns that might
Cummins 1998: 364). possible (Zuidema 1991:151). Elena signify different ethnic groups that
As the Inca emperor was the Phipps conjectures that the Inca had come under the hegemony of
embodied center of Tawantinsuyu Royal Tunic at Dumbarton Oaks, the Inca, patterns that occur in the
some tunics may have centered a tunic covered entirely in tocapu Royal Tunic are also those of Inca
his body within an abstract motifs, was itself an abstract officials. Tocapu tunic patterns of
representation of the empire representation of the empire, the so-called military tunic
(Houston and Cummins 1998: its individual tocapu referencing and the Inca key pattern appear
374). The tunic of the Sapa Inca subordinate Inca officials and within this abstract representation
characterized him as an individual ethnic groups contained within of the empire. A miniature version
at the center of the empire Tawantinsuyu (Phipps 2004: 8). of the black and white checkerboard
containing tocapu motifs that would The Sapa Inca, by appropriating military tunic with a red yoke
have communicated his divine and symbols of conquered peoples' (Figure 17) is repeated several times
imperial status (Stone 2007: 38). clothing, demonstrated his place over the Royal Tunic, probably to
Tocapu are individual square units at the head of the empire (Hogue illustrate the Sapa's control over his
filled with various highly geometric 2006:111-12). The tunic expresses army and his position at the head
motifs that were used to create its meaning through its relationship of the army. The Inca key pattern, a
standardized patterns. Tocapu with the body. The abstract diagonal bar with small squares on
designs on textiles were part of a patterns represent the people of his either side, is a motif that regularly
170 Lauren Finley Hughes

Figure 17
Tunic with checkerboard pattern and
stepped yoke. Late Horizon; Inca,
1476-1534 C.E. The Eugene and
Margaret McDermott Art Fund, Inc.
in honor ot Carol Robbins. Dallas
Museum of Art, 1995.32.MCD. Photo
courtesy Dallas Museum of Art.

appears on tunics. Rebecca Stone with the center of the Inca Empire,
suggests that the wearers of their authority emblazoned on
key-patterned tunics were Inca their tunics for others to recognize.
administrators, probably enjoying Wearing these culturally coded
a status higher than that of soldiers tunics the Inca administrators acted
(Stone 2007: 28-31). The abstract as cuzcos, as centers allowing
patterns of the checkerboard and the divine power of the Inca to be
the Inca key act as emblems that invoked when the Sapa Inca himself
reference the Sapa Inca. As insignia was not present.
bestowed upon individuals by the The foremost emblem of the
Sapa they visually represent the Sapa Inca, emphasizing his
connection between the wearer of uniqueness and his place at the
the emblem and the authority of center of Tawantinsuyu, was the
the Sapa. Thus, just as the Sapa royal fringe headdress called
Inca's tunic graphically expressed the mascapaycha (Dean 1999:
his domination over the empire, so 130). Guaman Poma's depiction
by wearing these patterned tunics of Manco Capac (Figure 6) clearly
the Inca soldiers or administrators displays all of the elements of
could illustrate their relationship the imperial headdress, most
 Weaving Imperial Ideas: Iconography and Ideology of the Inca Coca Bag 171

notably the mascapaycha which Palace" appropriated the fringe as the coca bag was part of a standard
is unmistakably visible just above a body ornament. He writes, "As costume for Inca officials: curacas,
Manco Capac's eyes. The scarlet their badge of rank these officials administrators, and messengers.
fringe of the mascapaycha hung [Mayors of the Palace] wore a Likewise, the addition of red fringe
over the forehead just above the fringe similar to the Inca's so as to to pendant coca bags asserts that
eyes of the Inca. The red fringe impress powerful offenders with their owners were higher-ranking
headdress was unique to the Sapa the absolute nature of the authority officials, the red fringe indicating
Inca. Others might wear fringe on delegated to them" (Guaman their closeness to the Sapa Inca
their head, but it would not be red Poma 1978: 97). In this way the himself. The red fringe of the coca
in color. For instance, yellow fringe Inca mayors were performing an bag mimics the mascapaycha, the
was worn by the crown prince.'' authoritative role like the Sapa Inca foremost component of imperial
Placing the mascapaycha on his himself by donning the Imperial garb, and incorporates its form so
head the Sapa Inca took possession fringe. Thus, there could be many that the relationship between the
of the empire (Zuidema 1991; places in the empire activated wearer of the coca bag and the
100-1). Asserting this phenomenon not only through the presence of Sapa Inca could be communicated
Guaman Poma writes, "The one the Sapa Inca, but also through to others. Thus, the textile bag
who was designated miraculously something associated with his has become a vehicle for graphic
by the Sun, even if he were the imperial status (Houston and communication in which design,
youngest of the brothers, put on the Cummins 1998: 374). color, and iconography function
imperial fringe and became from The attachment of red fringe together to express cultural
that moment the supreme ruler" to pendant coca bags was a information.
(Guaman Poma 1978: 81). Perhaps, conscious choice, an effort to invest The red fringe establishes the
above anything else, this body imperial power into the object. The connection between a provincial
ornament designated the Sapa appropriation of this iconography elite and the Inca King, but the
Inca as a center of imperial power.
shifts imperial power toward the llama imagery of pendant coca
Attached to the body the fringe was
wearer of the coca bag, and more bags illustrates how the wearer's
enacted as a visual symbol vestingspecifically to his center. Rather body can be understood to invoke
the Inca with the power of the Sunthan adorning the head like the the temporal center of Inca power.
and connecting him to the cosmos. mascapaycha, the red fringe of I believe that the multicolored
The red fringe placed his body the coca bag decorates the body, llamas contained on the bag proper
at the center of the empire and perhaps indicative of the wearer's symbolize the ritual significance
established him as a conqueror of satellite relationship to the head of the llama and the coca bag-
other peoples. of the Inca state. As an ornament wearer's participation in these
The mascapaycha, separated that decorates the body, the coca ceremonies, whether through gift
from the other components of the bag emphasizes the provincial or in person. The polychromy of
imperial headdress, appears on quality of its wearer. The red these llamas, and indeed the coca
the Second Coat of Arms of the fringe on the coca bag functioned bag as a whole, demonstrate the
Inca during the Colonial Period similarly to the tunics that employ wearer's access to fine cloth and
(Larea i960:114). This use of the tocapu motifs. Just as these tunic his elevated status that allowed
mascapaycha displays the powerful patterns designated their wearers' him this privilege.'^
singularity of the symbol, but bodies as satellite centers of Inca Llama and alpaca were as
also, although conceived during Imperial authority, so the red fringe central to the economy of the
the colonial period, exemplifies of the coca bag approximated an Inca Empire as cloth. Llamas were
how the mascapaycha could be item belonging to the Sapa Inca the principal pack animal of the
understood as a piece of the Sapa and allowed its wearer to act on Andean Highlands and an important
Inca that could be approximated behalf of the Sapa Inca. It has been sacrificial animal (Murra 1965:185).
elsewhere. Guaman Poma established that coca use was They supplied wool for clothing and
describes how "Mayors of the reserved for Inca nobility and that leather for sandals, and were the
172 Lauren Finley Hughes

main source of animal protein for 2007: 37). Inca festivals in addition
the Incas (Murra 1956: 85). Llamas to Capac Raymi often called for the
were also the means by which sacrifice of llamas, and llamas of
tribute goods from the provinces specific colors were required for
were transported to Cusco. As the each event.'9 Tom Zuidema, in his
Inca realm expanded, conquered analysis of sacrifices performed
lands, rivers, mountains, and llamas in Cusco, relates that 100 llamas
became property ofthe Inca state. were sacrificed at the beginning
Ownership of llamas was, then, a of each month and a different
statement of power itself. Thus, color of llama was selected for
the llama was a symbol ofthe Inca each season.^" The colors of the
crown. Indeed, the llama played a checkerboard llamas' bodies
central role in the ceremonial life might reflect the particular colors
ofthe Sapa Inca. Miniature llamas of llamas associated with certain
of gold and silver were carried by events. During the harvest season
noble lineages during processions llamas with two colors of hair,
celebrating Inca monarchs. Herding either black and white or brown
and llama-chasing were reenacted and white, were sacrificedtheir
during royal initiations, and royal binary color opposition associated
burial was accompanied by a with and dedicated to Thunder
sacrifice of countless llamas (Murra (Zuidema 1992: 65). In intermediate
1956: 59,108). seasons when there was no rain,
Each ofthe MFA and DMA coca wild llamas with multicolored
bags incorporate quite abstract hair and llamas with brown hair
representations of llamas within were sacrificed as dedications to
the tapestry-weave bag proper. Viracocha, the creator god. There
Here, camelid figures have been was also a correlation between
reduced to mere signs which evoke black llamas and the rainy season
the essence of a llamaa snout, and white llamas and the dry
upright ears, legs, body, and season. A ceremony involving each
tail. These llamas have also been of these animals announced the
divided into colored quadrants appearance and disappearance of
which resemble a checkerboard the black cloud constellation ofthe
pattern. Either black and white, llama (Zuidema 1992: 66-7). White
gold and tan, or green and gold, llamas were also associated with
each llama has four corresponding the Inca king. They were regarded
parts. The quarters of the animals as representations of the king and
might represent the four quarters were never killed; rather, they were
of Tawantinsuyu, or their presence allowed to live long lives and upon
might be religiously symbolic their death were buried in a special
(Stone 2007: 37). Their four-part ceremony (Zuidema 1992: 68).^'
design might refer to a ceremony The festival activities associated
that took place during the Capac with multi-colored llamas and the
/?oym; festival, the principal festival sacrifice of these animals are also
dedicated to the Sun and hence indicative ofthe coca bag's purpose
the Sapa, in which llamas were as an item reserved for special
led in circles four times around occasionsthe llama iconography
the plaza of Cusco, ritually killed, of the bag relating directly to a
and their bodies quartered (Stone ceremony in which it was enacted.
 Weaving Imperial Ideas: Iconography and Ideology of the Inca Coca Bag 173

FIESTA

Figure 18
Feast of the Incas. Felipe Guaman
Poma de Ayala. El primer nueva
cornica y buen gobierno. 1615. Ms. Gl.
Kgl.s.2232,il. Det Kongelige bibliotek,
Kbenhavn [Copenhagen].

The owner ofthe coca bag could illustrate an important facet ofthe ear tassels.^" The llamas would
have been a participant in the coca bag's symbolic function within progress across the landscape
festival or merely made an offering state ideology. In each specimen in a long single-file procession
ofthe coca bag." ofthe pendant sections, the llamas carrying the coca leaves on their
The iconographie forms process like a pack train, a single- backs in cloth bags. The coca bag,
present in the tapestry weave file line of animals progressing like the llama, is a transportation
section of the bags contribute to up the switchbacks of the Andes. device for coca and this narrative
the visual manifestation of power, Arranged in a caravan, the llama concerning the transport of coca is
but more specific to my concern motifs refer to the transport of coca replicated in the pattern ofthe bag.
here are the llama motifs ofthe from the lowland growing regions Just as the pack llamas delivered
pendant section ofthe bag. The ofthe eastern Andean slopes to the coca to Cusco, so the llama motifs
textile component to which the highlands in llama pack trains.^^ ofthe coca bag, led by the animal
symbolic red fringe is attached Llama caravans would consist of depicted on the tassel, carry the
presents a visual allegory. These hundreds of animals and the lead burden of coca leaves for its wearer.
images on the pendant's surface llama would be decorated with The pendant llamas are oriented
174 Lauren Finley Hughes

toward the wearer of the coca the relationship as a performance.

bag. Worn as a body ornament the The coca bag is a llama, it is the
llamas on the coca bag interact caravan. The provincial lord with his
with their wearer's body. When coca bag was like the ruler grasping
worn across the chest as Guaman at the reins of the lead llama in an
Poma describes, the llamas woven imperial caravan always making its
into the coca bag would touch the way toward the centerhis person.
torso, the center of the body.^^ The Llamas, emblems of the state
pendant section each of the coca and sacred religious offerings, were
bags was constructed so that the chosen as decorative elements to
llamas appear in alternating rows interact directly with the body of
on both sides. The alternation the wearer and attest to the cultural
from row to row and from side significance of the coca bag as a
to side ensures that the llamas conveyor of an imperial statement
always process toward the wearer of power. Through the decoration
no matter which side of the bag of the coca bag and its function
was positioned outward. The as a container and as an insignia
llamas on the tassel of the MFA this information about the Inca
coca bag change direction as well, state could be communicated. The
always leading the caravan toward textile bag has become a vehicle
the body of the wearer. Visually for graphic communication in which
the llama would seem to walk design, color, and iconography
toward the wearer's center and function together to express
symbolically the llamas process cultural information. Analysis of
toward Cusco. This intersection the pendant coca bag as a body
between physical representation ornament has allowed the object
and symbolic narrative culminates to speak; to describe concepts
in the body of the wearer by of Inca cosmology of the human
positioning his body as Cusco, the body, the royal body, and cultural
center of the Inca Empire. Thus, performance. The fringe and
metaphorically, his body has the symbolic caravan of llamas
become a center of imperial power. woven into the bag interact with
The Sapa Inca also performed the wearer's body to illustrate a
as a llama. During the White metaphor about imperial ideology
Llama Ceremony in late August and the ritualism of the Inca state
the emperor would literally sing that established the wearer as a
like a llama in an effort to summon cuzco, a corporeal center of power
rains (Figure 18).^' During this in Tawantinsuyu.
dramatization the emperor, rather
than interacting with a symbol
of the llama, acted directly with Notes
animal, performing as the beast 1. The pendant coca bags
to harness its power. This scene, examined from the Dallas
I believe, is effectively enacted Museum of Art were
by pendant coca bags. The coca acquired by the Museum
bag does not merely symbolize in 1976 as part of the Nora
the power of llamas and the Inca and John Wise Collection,
nobility, but allowed them to stage a pre-Columbian collection
 Weaving Imperial Ideas: Iconography and Ideology of the Inca Coca Bag 175

composed of about 2,700 art 6. For his description of coca 260). The enlargement of coca
objects, many textiles. The consumption among the plantations that took place
collection includes items from Incas, Garcilaso de la Vega during the Colonial period
ancient Mesoamerica, but has transcribed a passage lessened the value of the coca
predominantly represents from Padre BlasValera. He leaf because it made the leaf
the art of the Andes. In the further quotes Valera, writing more readily available. Along
early part of the twentieth that coca, "makes the Indians with the cultural changes
century as ]ohn Wise amassed stronger and fitter to work and that occurred under Spanish
his collection, Andean so satisfied they can work all rule, people from all classes
archaeologists such as )unius day without eating" (Vega: 509). gained access to coca, thereby
Bird, Alfred Tozzer, and 7. Coca and C/7/C/70 were also diminishing its status as a
Wendell Bennett lauded it as linked in rituals that did not wealth good.
the most important collection involve sacrifice. The two 10. The Prado-Tello Dossier,
of Andean art ever assembled goods frequently appeared ca.1560-1640, is now in the
in the United States or Europe. together in ceremonial possession of the Danish Royal
Mrs. Eugene McDermott, Mr. contexts. Library in Copenhagen.
and Mrs. Algur H. Meadows, 8. Betanzos indicates that the 11. According to Betanzos,
Mr. and Mrs. John D. lords of Cusco were dressed standardized costume was,
Murchison, and Mr. and Mrs. in their finest garments while "To ensure that there would
]ake L. Hamon secured the the caciques, provincial elites not be equality and the vassals
collection for Dallas. according to Betanzos, were could be identified and so they
2. The estimated length includes dressed in clothing that would not try to be equal to
the fringe. had been given to them by the lords of Cusco" (Betanzos
3. W.G. Mortimer was a physician the Sapa. The clothes that 1996:105).
interested in the history and were gifted to the caciques 12. Another major responsibility
medicinal properties of coca. were, most likely, also their of the provincial governor was
His lengthy tome concerning finest. This information about to organize and supervise
coca, first published in 1901, gifted garments harkens the labor tribute. Covey (2006:
is still considered the most significance of the gift and 170) explains that Inca elites
definitive work on the coca specifically the function of were placed at the top of
plant and its narcotic effects. coca as a gift. This clothing local hierarchies, but that
4. Father Joseph Acosta is quoted worn by provincial elites but local elites were often left
by Mortimer (1901:155). Rowe given to them by the Sapa in positions of authority.
(1946: 292) gives further establishes their submission Thus, curacas reported to
details about the production to Inca imperial rule and their hierarchical superiors,
of lime, stating that it could displays their connection to provincial governors who were
be made from limestone and his authority. Like costume, ethnic Incas.
seashells. thegiftingof coca was meant 13. The coca leaf is often cited by
5. Large doses of coca can to strengthen political bonds. Spanish Chroniclers as having
produce hallucinations; 9. Cieza describes the been part of burials; however,
however, it does not appear proliferation of coca use during in these documents it was
that this aspect of the plant the Colonial Period and notes not indicated whether or not
was exploited by the Incas. The that this widespread use the leaves were contained in
hallucinogenic quality of coca of the leaf lessened its value. textile bags.
is not documented as a feature He writes, "So now this coca 14. In his study of Suya body
in any of the many ceremonial is not worth anything like ornaments (Seeger 1975:
and religious rites in which what it used to be, but it is 211) explains why cultures,
coca was a part. still valuable" (Cieza 1959: particularly the Suya, choose
176 Lauren Finley Hughes

certain items as symbols. 17. Zuidema (1991:179) cites

Seeger introduces his study Garcilaso de la Vega for his
by providing examples of body information on the fringe
ornaments of modern cultures colors of the mascapaycha.
which have been researched. 18. Stone (2007: 36) cites Cobo,
These ornaments include: lip who writes, "the clothing
plates, scarification, earplugs, which was worn by the lords
ear discs, and hair styles. in ancient times was very
Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatofi'has elegant and of many very
studied the body ornamentation fine colors." Stone believes
oftheTukano Indians, that the "powerful and
especially their traditions of inclusive multiplicity of the
body painting. Ancient studies ruler was represented by his
of body ornaments are more polychromy, others' loyal
limited. Earspools, common subjugation by their limited
ornaments of ancient Andean monochromy."
cultures, have been given some 19. Zuidema (1992: 63) writes
attention, especially those of that, "Llamas were selected
the Moche culture found in according to breed, color,
tombs at Sipan. sex, hierarchy or purpose,
15. Orejones is the Spanish and distinctions like
nickname given to Inca fertility/sterility and wild/
officials whose ears appeared domesticated."
unusually large due to the 20. Zuidema (1992: 64) cites Polo
wearing of sizeable earspools. de Ondegardo, Cabello de
Garcilaso de la Vega (1966) Balboa, Martn de Murua,
explains that the hierarchy of Guaman Poma, Cobo, and
earspool size was dependent Cristobal de Molina.
on age, profession, and 21. Neither black nor white llamas
ethnicity. Betanzos (1996: were killed during ceremonies
63-4) describes the ear- to announce the rainy or dry
piercing ceremony and how season, but these llamas were
young men were inducted to featured in ceremonies in the
become orejones. plaza of Cusco.
16. Seeger (1975) quotes Terence 22. Stone (2007: 37) posits the
Turner on how body ornaments idea that the top of the bag
can act as a symbolic language may represent Cusco.
expressing information, "Lip 23. Rowe (1946: 210-11) notes that
plugs, ear plugs, penis sheath, coca and cotton were grown
hair style, cotton leg and arm in the same lowland valleys
bands, and body painting on the Eastern slope of the
make up a symbolic language Andes. Llamas would have
that expresses a wide range transported both coca and
of information about social cotton to the highlands.
status, age, and sex." I believe 24. The appropriation of tassels,
the coca bag to be a body representative of thest/nfur
ornament from which similar paucuar, an element of the
information can be gleaned. imperial headdress which
 Weaving imperial Ideas: iconography and Ideology of the Inca Coca Bag 177

included a tassel that fell Bray, T. 2000. "Inca Iconography; Incas and Under Spanish Rule.
on either side ofthe head, the Art of Empire in the Andes." Res Translated from Nueva Cornica y
to the lead llama in caravan 38:168-78. Buen Gobierno. Arranged and ed.
exemplifies the authority C. Dilke. New York: E. P. Dutton.
Castro, Fray C. and Morejn, D. 0.
vested within the lead animal.
1936. Relacin y declaracin del Hogue, M. 2006. "Cosmology in
The llama probably wears the
moda que este calle de Chincha. In Inca Tunics and Tectonics." In
tassels the same way an Inca
Quellen zur Kutturegeschichte des M. Young-Snchez and F. W. Simpson
administrator wears his fringe
prkolumbianischen Amerika, [eds) Andean Textile Traditions:
to signify his power and to
pp. 217-62. Stuttgart: Strecker Papers from the 2001 Mayer Center
associate him with the Sapa
unde Schroeder. Symposium at the Denver Art
Inca. It is interesting to note
Museum, pp. 101-19. Denver, CO:
that symbolic appropriation of Ceruti, Ca. 2003. Llullaillaco:
Denver Art Museum.
imperial emblems may have Sacrificios y Ofrendas en un
extended to animals (ibid.: 239). Santuario Inca de Alta Montaa. Houston, S. D. and Cummins, T.
25. To place the coca bag at the Salta: Universidad Catlica de Salta. 1998. "Body, Presence, and Space
wearer's center the strap in Andean and Mesoamerican
Cieza de Len, P. 1959. The Incas.
would have to be rather short. Rulership." In S. Toby Evans and
Trans. H. de Onis. Norman, OK:
The MFA coca bag and others |. Pillsbury (eds) Palaces ofthe
University of Oklahoma Press.
like it do not have existing Ancient New World Symposium at
straps. The straps could have Classen, C. 1990. "Sweet Colors, Dumbarton Oaks, October 10-11,
been lost or their absence Fragrant Songs: Sensory Models 1998, pp. 359-98. Washington,
might suggest a different of the Andes and the Amazon." DC: Dumbarton Oaks.
method of wear. If the coca American Ethnologist 17
Kroeber, A. L. and Strong, W. D.
bag's owner grasped the coca (November): 722-35.
1924a. The Uhle Collections from
in his hand or if he wore the
Classen, C. 1993. Inca Cosmology Chincha. Berkeley, CA: University of
bag on the wrist, I still believe
and the Human Body. Salt Lake California Press.
the connections between the
City: University of Utah Press.
body and the center can be Kroeber, A. L. and Strong, W. D.
made. The coca bag would be Cobo, B. 1990. Inca Religion and 1924b. The Uhle Collections from
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