The History of Food and Agricultural Policies in Timor-

Leste

Augusto da Silva

PhD candidate, School of Social Science, the University of Queensland, Brisbane, QLD
Australia. Email: [email protected]

Introduction

Timor-Leste emerged as a sovereign state in 2002 after almost 450 years of colonial
occupation by Portugal, followed by 24 years of a repressive Indonesian military regime, and
3 years under United Nations Transitional Administration (UNTAET). It has a total population
of 1,066,409 with an area of about 14,900 km2 (NSD, 2010). It is estimated more than a half
of its population lives below poverty line (Scheiner & Dias, 2010 )and with around 60-70% of
the countrys people food insecure (Oxfam 2008; Molyneux et al., 2012).

Timor-Leste is an agrarian country with more than 80% of its population lived in rural
areaslargely involved in subsistence agriculture (Scheiner, 2013). Food and agricultural
development has been shaped by its rich and dynamic history, including almost 500 years of
foreign occupation and administration, circumstances that have contributed to food insecurity
in the country. Understanding the influence of these regimes on food and agricultural
development policies, including denying the right of the most vulnerable people access to
sufficient food, would provide invaluable lessons for future food and agricultural development
policies that would strive not only to avoid past injustices but also cater for both rich and poor
citizens of the country.

It is also important to note that agricultural development in Timor-Leste is not in isolation with
the broader agricultural development around the world. To demonstrate this argument, the
purpose of this paper is to discuss historical evolution of food and agricultural development
policies. The article first discusses global food provisioning policies and its impacts. It then
proceeds with the history food and agricultural development in Timor-Leste since colonial
Portuguese rule. The article concludes despite lessons learnt from past experiences, the
post independent government has continued pursuing policies that entrench the elites while

1
marginalise the poor and vulnerable citizens. To reverse this, a new policy direction is
required to promote local solution to local problems that are rooted in social and cultural
practices.

The evolution of a conventional food provisioning system and its

effects

Throughout most of human history food has been consumed at or near its location of
production, especially in early hunters and gathers that were dependent on food sources
within their tribal territories (Atkins & Bowler, 2001). This was altered through contact with
outsiders as trade relations between countries developed and become a complex
arrangement. Some political economists (Friedmann & McMichael, 1989) termed this as
food regime that links international relations of food production and consumption to
accumulation broadly distinguishing periods of capitalist transformation since 1870
(Friedmann & McMichael, 1989, p. 95).

The early food trade between countries was arranged through free trade between British
overseas colonies and European countries (McMichael, 2009; Fairbairn, 2010), which led to
establishment of large plantations or monocultures. These systems of agriculture had
profound impacts on soil fertility (McMichael, 2010; 2012). However, the trade was geared
towards industrial capitalism where European imports of wheat and meat (wage foods)
were exchanged for exported European manufactured goods, labor and capital. Trading
became multilateral, therefore breaking down the initial monopoly trading of European
Colonial system leading to the establishment of a new international economy (Atkins and
Bowler, 2001). This food trading system collapsed in the 1930s, due largely to the economic
recession and the failure of the gold standard during the Great Depression and World War II
(Fairbairn 2010). Nonetheless, some aspects survived for instance food trading in diary
produce, cereal and meat in America and Australia and others commodities in other colonies
(Atkins and Bowler, 2001).

In the post-World War Two period, food trade was characterised by intensive capitalist
production using modern technology and market was regulated (Atkins & Bowler, 2001).
Spurred by the 1930s agricultural depression, the collapse of markets and rising unmet
urban needs in the global North, a new policy direction was constructed based on the
assumption that science, along with capital and skills could produce more food, reduce
waste and feed people better (Lang, Barling, &Caraher, 2009). This approach was also

2
known as the calorie-ization of food security, through productivist agriculture, and was
applied in both developing and developed countries. The Green revolution represents the
actualisation of such policy (Carolan, 2012). However, critiques of the productivist approach
argued that the large scale of production would not be able to feed the world when those
calories are allocated, as markets are not neutral or free (McMichael, 2008; Carolan, 2012)

In the 1980s, global food trade drove the removal of trade barriers under WTOs Agreement
on Agriculture (McMichael, 2008; Fairbairn, 2010; Friedmann, 2005). This created
opportunities for the processing, marketing and retailing of food, and resulted in massive
concentration of corporate power in the food sector (Atkins & Bowler, 2001; McMichael,
2008). In this context, states created policies that facilitated foreign investors for food
security (Fairbairn, 2010). This linked food security to trade liberalization (Schanbacher,
2010) or neo-liberalization of food security (Carolan, 2012). This scenario required
countries to dismantle agricultural policies that were directed towards self-sufficiency in food
production. Under corporate globalisation, and using the theory of comparative advantage,
the WTO has advocated that every country should produce one commodity while others
produce another and they can benefit from freer trade (Willis, 2011; Rosset, 2006;
Lawrence, Lyons, & Wallington, 2010). However, Rosset (2006; 2011) argued that cheap
foods have not been due purely to comparative advantage, but rather market distortions by
subsidies, markets concentration and misguided government policies. With this global food
trade overview, next I explore the history of food and agricultural policies in Timor-Leste.

The History of food and agricultural policies in Timor-Leste

The arrival of the Portuguese in Timor-Leste in the sixteenth century intensified trading
initially only with Chinese which led to sandalwood supply dwindling in the nineteenth
century. The Portuguese government introduced coffee which was planted widely in the
upland areas of both Dutch and Portuguese Timor to substitute the sandalwood supply (Fox,
2000). In the second half of the 20th century, the Portuguese government changed its policy
from prioritising local consumption to exports, coinciding with the new ideas of the green
revolution (Lemos, 2010). The change of policy direction resulted in significant
transformation of farming activities in Timor-Leste. Especially when the Colonial Portuguese
government introduced some high yielding varieties (HYVs) of rice IR-5 and IR-8 from
the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI) in the Philippines (Metzner, 1977;Viegas,
2003; Oxfam, 2004; Lemos, 2010; Shepherd & McWilliams, 2013), mechanisation and

3
irrigation in the eastern region of the country, established rural extension centres in
Natarbora, Betano and Loes (Viegas, 2003) and introduced transplanting methods for rice
cultivation (Metzner, 1977; Viegas, 2003). In addition, the Portuguese government also
established various huge plantations of coffee, rubber and vanilla where local people were
forced to work in those plantations, resulting in limited time spent on farming activities for
household consumption (do Rego, 2007).

This transformation continued during the 24 years of Indonesian occupation in western

districts (Viegas, 2003; Oxfam, 2004), with the objective of Timor-Leste to become
agriculture self-sufficient, including in rice production (Nixon, 2011, p. 235). Yet they failed
to bring about profound transformation in rural areas, so farmers continued embracing
subsistence farming, which according to many (RDTL, 2011; Lacoste et al., 2012) is the
main cause for food insecurity. In fact during the Indonesian occupation, four famines (1978-
1979, 1981-1982, 1984 and 1987) were registered. Thesewere all associated with
Indonesian government policies to impose power over civilians, deny FALINTIL (Armed
Forced for Timor-Leste Liberation) food, and fence-of-legs operations which basically
meant that the territory was inaccessible to any outside agencies (CVAR, 2003; Durand,
2006). In response to this shortage, the government imported various commodities such as
white rice, noodles and canned food. The Timorese people were forced to consume these,
undermining traditional diets (Lemos, 2010). These policies still have significant impacts on
local people diets.

During the United Nations Administration (UNTAET), many regional and international
agencies arrived to help restore agricultural activities in Timor-Leste. During this transitional
period, a team of researchers fromthe Australian Centre for International Agriculture
Research (ACIAR) and the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research
(CGIAR) argued to have identified in a mission to Timor-Leste in 2000that the lack of
improved germplasm is a serious constraint to food production in Timor-Leste (Piggin &
Palmer, 2003; SoL, 2006; Lacoste et al., 2012; Shepherd, 2013). Various SoL research
publications have cited this mission in 2000 as a consequence of establishing SoL, despite
there is no evidence that it was taken place1. The ACIAR and CGIAR came up with a
solution which was to bring in new seeds from centres belonging to the CGIAR2, test and
distribute to farmers. Therefore, Seeds of Life (SoL) research program was established in
2000 to charge with these objectives (Shepherd, 2009). According to SoL (2014), a total of
1
Some reports refer to this as SoL-ET mission in 2000. However, I have not seen a specific report about this mission despite
several requests to ACIAR andSoL Timor-Leste. Therefore, I tentatively concluded there was no such mission in 1999 or 2000
to support the claim about the lack of improve germplasm as a major obstacle for food production in the country.
2
The centres involved included the International Maize and Wheat Center (CIMMYT) (for maize research), the International Center
for Tropical Agriculture (CIAT) (for cassava and beans), the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI) (for rice), the International
Potato Center (CIP) (for potatoes) and the International Centre for Tropical Agriculture (ICRISAT) (for peanuts and pigeon peas).
These CGIAR centres remain as collaborators to Seeds of Life and continue providing germplasm to the country (SoL, 2006).

4
12 crop varieties3 have been released under the mandate of addressing food insecurity in
Timor-Leste. The latest released variety was in May 29, 2014 and is an industrial cassava
variety, named as Ai-luka 1.

In the post-independence period aspiring by the benefits of agriculture modernisation

coupled with ill-advice the Timorese government perceived that food insecurity and hunger
were fundamentally due to the low crop production of traditional or subsistence farming.
Therefore, successive governments have relentlessly pursued agricultural modernisation
policies as they are alluded by the contested success of the green revolution (GR) in India
(RDTL, 2011) coupled with the support from the international development partners such as
the World Bank, FAO, AusAID (ACIAR/SoL) and JICA. As a result a range of agricultural
related programs and policies including importing, trialling and distributing high yielding
varieties through the Seeds of Life (SoL) research program, distributing tractors,
implementing free tilling, subsidizing rice bags and Povo Kuda Governo Sosa (the people
plant, the government purchases). However, food insecurity is still a majority problem in the
country.

Concluding Remarks
The paper has discussed history of a conventional food provisioning system and its effects in
the world. It showed the evolution of food system from being local to a globalised one which
shaped and reshaped relationship among countries. Despite apparent drawbacks from a
globalised food system including creating hunger and starvation, poverty, widespread
environmental degradation, weakened communities, damaged economies (Chamala, 1990;
Petersen, 2005; Altieri, 1989; Altieri, 2008; McMichael, 2008; McKittrick, 2012; McMichael,
2014) and cultural eradication (Willis, 2011); many in both developed and developing
countries still believe that the philosophy of modern technologies is an appropriate solution
to the current food and agriculture problems (Petersen, 2005).

The paper also discussed the evolution of agriculture policies in Timor-Leste. It shows that
the culmination of various food and agricultural development policies implemented since
under foreign occupation and administrations have facilitated the integration of the local food
provisioning system into a global market system. Several examples can be noted, including
the introduction and establishment of coffee plantation by the Portuguese government when
sandalwood supply dwindled in the 19th century (Fox, 2000), and the establishment of Seeds
of Life (SoL) research program under UN administration. The most recent Strategic

3
Ai-Luka 1 (cassava) Ai-Luka 2 (cassava) Ai-Luka 4 (cassava) Hohrae 1 (sweet potato) Hohrae 2 (sweet potato) Hohrae 3
(sweet potato) Nakroma (rice) NoiMutin (maize) Sele (maize) Suwan 5 (maize) Utamua (peanut) (SoL, 2014).

5
Development Plan (SDP) for 2011-2130 indicated that the agricultural sector is aiming to
replace subsistence farming with a modern, high-yielding, export-focused agriculture for self-
sufficiency (RDTL, 2011). Such development policies clearly fit within the early modernist
development paradigm, an approach that has subsequently been subject to criticism by
those who believe that development as exemplified by major development institutions has
failed to deliver its promises to the poor; rather it has entrenched elites and marginalized
others (Hunt, 2008; McMichael, 2008). It also fails to understand the potential contribution of
subsistence agriculture to the economy (Willis, 2011). These programs have all in one way
or another contributed to food insecurity in the country.

Added to the concern of food security is the potential impact of climate change on crop
production, and therefore food trading. Much research identifies the costs of climate change
will mostly be borne by developing countries, specifically poor, natural resource dependent
communities (UN, 1992; UN, 1997; IPCC, 2007; Stern Review, 2006; Macchi et al., 2008;
McMichael, 2008). In this context, Timor-Leste as one of the least developed countries
will stand to suffer the earliest and the most from the effects of climate change should proper
and substantive measures not be initiated now. It is here that food sovereignty concept might
become relevant to address food insecurity and contribute to solving climate change
problems.

Food sovereignty spearheaded by La via Campesina emerged as a radical opposition to

the neoliberal globalised food system as it has failed to address poverty and hunger
throughout the world. It only benefits large and export-oriented farmers while marginalising
small farmers (Rosset, 2008; FAO, 2005; Desmarais, 2008; Shiva, 2008). In Timor-Leste,
MOKATIL (MovimentoKamponeza Timor-Leste, Timor-Leste Camponeza Movement) is
coordinating many organisations at various levels to fight for those most affected by food
and agricultural development through various activities including training on seed saving and
protection of local food (do Rego, 2007). MOKATIL is advocating on the impacts of
government policies of leasing large amounts of fertile lands to foreign companies for
industrial agri-business activities (do Rego, 2007); trade based agricultural policies and lack
of market opportunities for local products.

6
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