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ARETHUSA MONOGRAPHS X
IBN AT-TAYYIB
PROCLUS’ COMMENTARY
ON THE PYTHAGOREAN GOLDEN VERSES
Arabic Text and Translation
by
Neil LinleyB241
C373 |
12613
1984
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1
ARETHUSA MONOGRAPHS X
IBN AT-TAYYIB
PROCLUS’ COMMENTARY
ON THE PYTHAGOREAN GOLDEN VERSES.
Arabic Text and Translation
by
Neil Linley
Gift of
LG. |
Westerink
Collection
(donated by
John M.
Duffy)
Department of Classtes
State University of New York at Buffalo
Buffalo. New York 14240,The author of this monograph, Neil Linley (born April 8, 1946),
received his B.A. degree in Classics from Selwyn College, Cambridge,
England (1967), and his M.A. also from the University of Cambridge
(1972). He spent four and a half years, from 1970 to 1974, in the Near
East, first in Libya, then in Saudi Arabia, teaching English to Arabic
speaking students. From 1974 to 1978 he was a graduate student in the
Department of Classics in the State University of New York at Buffalo.
In the following years most of his time was devoted to his thesis project,
the edition and translation of the Arabic text published in the present
monograph. He died on June 23, 1982, only a few weeks before his
planned thesis defense. The degree of Doctor of Philosophy was awarded
posthumously by the State University of New York at Buffalo.
If Dr, Linley had lived to prepare this monograph for publication,
he would have added at least the elements of a commentary, containing
in particular the principal references to parallel passages in Greek texts.
Under the circumstances, however, it was decided not to interfere with
the work, apart from minor editorial adjustments, so that it should re-
main entirely Dr, Linley’s contribution — and a very worthwhile one —
to classical and Arabic scholarship. The Arabic text is a facsimile of
Dr. Linley’s handwritten copy.
Because the Department of Classics had no one competent to deal
with a work in Arabic, Professor George F. Hourani, of the Department
of Philosophy, very kindly undertook the task of thesis supervisor.
The Department of Classics wants to express its gratitude to him and
to the outside reader, Professor Franz Rosenthal (Yale), for their en-
couraging interest in the project and for many helpful suggestions; and
to Dr. Gabriel Lahood, who besides eliminating some grammatical
and orthographical anomalies, did a final collation of the Arabic text
with the photocopies of the manuscript.
L. G. Westerink
Editor, Arethusa MonographsB2
Ce
126
19.
INTRODUCTION
1, Manuscript
‘The present edition is based upon the text preserved in MS 888
in the Arabic collection of the Escorial Library in Madrid, The title-page
of the manuscript reads: kitab an-nukat wat-timar at-tibblya wal-falsaflya:
“Book of Medical and Philosophical Gists and Fruits,”
‘As for a date for the manuscript, F. Rosenthal! has noted two
dated owner's marks on the title-page (the earliest 722/1322).
‘The manuscript consists of fourteen sections, of which the present
text, the eighth section, occupies folios 91a to 114a, An incomplete list
of the contents of the manuscript may be found in Brockelmann2
One section only of the manuscript has been edited to date; the
final section, dealing with the Tabula Cebetis, is treated by Rosenthal?
‘The manuscript is clearly and carefully written, in a naskht hand.
‘Words omitted from the body of the text are inserted, vertically or hori-
zontally, in the margin, and an omission-sign (F inserted in the text, at
the point at which the omission occurs.
‘As was the custom, the diacritics used in Arabic to distinguish
between the phonetic values of consonants having the same basic written
form (for example & j, Zh, ¢ kh) are frequently omitted, nor is alto-
acther consistent use made of the sign of ‘imal, which indicates that dia-
critics are absent; this sign, a small subscript ha’ (for use with jim, ha’, and
kha’) or ‘ayn (to distinguish between ‘ayn and ghayn) is occasionally used
by the scribe when in fact a diacritic should have been present (or must
be read as present),
A further feature of the manuscript is the tendency of hamza to
disappear, and this happens, generally speaking, in one of two ways; when
“The Symbolism of the Tabula Cebetis,” in Recherches d’Islamologie, Bibliotheque
Philosophique de Louvain 26 (Louvain, 1978), pp. 274-83.
Geschichte der arabischen Literarur, 2nd ed. (Leiden, 1943-1949) 1 635, and Supplementbande
(Leiden, 1937-1942) 1 884,
* Op. cit, pp, 277-3.ii
the hamza is in final position, in which it lacks a bearer, it disappears
entirely. For example:
becomes ge (58.2)
becomes passim
becomes Lau &D
becomes bar 10.7)
Otherwise, in the case of medial hamza, some alteration takes place;
the original bearer of amza usually recovers its vocalic or consonantal
value (so that } becomes |, % becomes 9 — for example, clu 53
becomes Lu 9,5 , at 52.4 —and 5 i/y becomes consonantal y). In cases
where medial hamza could correctly be written without a bearer, the posi-
tion disappears, as for example (24%, becomes (ask, (4.3), tb ip be
comes & 7 (56.5)and && +} becomes oJ t (54.8).
‘The scribe tends to be uncomfortable with Greek names, other
than the best-known (()_g\> L1ais standard for ‘Plato,’ \y |_,aas occurs
once, in the standard form, for ‘Socrates"): examples are _jaJ L, com-
pletely unpointed, occurring once (2.8) for GAN C = Gakic, and ‘Em-
pedocles’ is rendered (puto 94.6) , that is "“Mbadmls, the second ‘m’
being evidently a mechanical error for q, or (aslo > Lol , ie., Mbadqls.
‘Athens’ is rendered, without pointing, a, | (most likely to be read
‘Athintyah‘).
In the section devoted to numerology (76.9-80.9) ‘Zeus’ is rendered
(UY 3s (78.5); it may be better to read this as (y915 (Zaw’), as this
was a common Arabic rendering of the name.’ ‘Athene’ becomes Luu |
(A@nva), demonstrating an exact correspondence (ibid.); in the same sen-
tence, the deity symbolized by the number seven is named as Od 3G ,
* Ch. Galeni Compendium Timaei Platonis, edd. P. Kraus, R. Walzer (London, 1951), (Piato
‘Arabus, D, text p.
5 P, Kunitzsch, “Zeus in Bagdad. Zu einem Gedicht von Abi Nuwas," in Diem and Wild
(ed), Studien aus Arabisti und Semitsik (Wiesbaden, 1980), pp. 99-113.
which may well have been, as Dr Rosenthal suggested tome, Cy 94s , or
perhaps ¢y Lf , that is “AndiQv, a perfectly acceptable rendering.
The allocation of the number three to Athene is puzzling, as Athene
was normally associated with seven: because she was dynjzap and napQévoc,
seven was the one number out of the decad which best suited her,’ on the
ground that of the numbers from one to ten, no two numbers can be com-
bined by multiplication to generate seven, nor can seven combine by multi-
plication to produce any number that has the value ten or less, Hence,
aithough in Iamblichus, at any rate, Apollo is nowhere found as an epithet
of seven,” he is not ruled out as the name behind () y& , as the allocation of
three to Athene is also unattested by Iamblichus,
Another imported word of great interest occurs in three forms in
the text (two are apparently derived from an original importation kumr).
At 20.3 the (5 93_,J are said to be the servants or ministers of the demons,
At 94,7 the same word is used adjectivally to describe a nature that
is present within us, equated by the author with the Pythagorean @ciov
‘yévog (verse 63), and identified with the intellect. This word does not ap-
pear in the standard lexicons. Dr Rosenthal has kindly pointed out to me
that the plural form found at 20.3 may go back to J” “a pagan priest,”
derived from Aramaic kumrd,* and which appeais in Christian Arabic.
‘The adjectival form occurring at 94.7 may have been generated by the
present author.
2. The Author
Brockelmann (GAL FP 635) provides the following identification:
Abu ‘l-Farag ‘Abdallah b. at-Tayyib al-‘Iraqi was
Secretary to Catholicos Elias I, physician and teacher
at the ‘Adud Hospital in Baghdad; he died 435/1043,
In Suppl. 1 884 he is named identically, except that al-Garhaitg is
added to the name.
* Uamblichus] Theologoumena Arithmeticae, $4.11 de Falco.
* Op. cit. Index (Epitheta Numerorum), pp. 89, 90.
' Hollady's Concise Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament (Leiden, 1973), gives
“sy pl. 77129 : priest (of pagan gods)”iv
Graf? furnishes a full account of ibn at-Tayyib’s life, literary output
and teaching activity. The following account is given of his life:
Abu ’L-Farag ‘Abdallah ibn at-Tayyib al ‘Iraqi,
philosopher, physician, monk and priest in one
person, worked and wrote during the first half of
the eleventh century. The following dates in his life
are confirmed:
“Abdallah ibn at-Tayyib studied medicine and
was already practising it in 1015/16 (406 HL) at the
hospital named after its founder, ‘Adud ad-Daula.
He was Patriarchal Secretary under Catholicos
Yahanna ibn Nazik (1012-1022), was held in the
highest esteem by the new ruler of Baghdad and of
ail Iraq, Galal ad-Daula, and chaired the electoral
council that elected Elias (I) to the position of
Catholicos (1028-1049), As the latter’s secretary,
in 1028, he prepared the ecclesiastical approval for
the account of Elias of Nisibis on his “‘seven ses-
sions.” Ibn at-Tayyib died at the end of October
1043 and was buried in the church at Darta,
3. The Pythagorean Xpvot Enn in the Arabic Tradition
‘The Pythagorean poem known as the Xpuod En reached the Arabs
in the form of a literal translation, Professor M. Ullmann, in an unpublished
work (Diss. Munich 1959), collates a number of Arabic versions of the
text, These versions may be regarded as copies of a single authoritative
translation with some variants of a minor nature,
One Arabic version has been translated"? into German, and thence
into English." On the whole, the standard of translation is quite high,
° Geschichte der Chrsilichen Arabischen Litteratur, I Vatican, 1947), pp. 160.
4 By F. Rosenthal, in Das Fortleben der Antke int Islam (Artemis: Zirich, 1965), pp. 165-
68.
1 Tn The Classlcal Herttage in Islam (a translation by E. and J. Marmorstein of Roseathal’s
Forteber), (Berkeley, 1975), pp. 118-120.
although at times the result is flat and obscure: totic se xavayovious .. .
Saipovas (verse 3), for example, comes out as (yo 5.1 ole » that is
“inhabitants of the earth,” and occasionally a gloss is resorted to.
Muliach! reports that the interpres arabs presents the reading
‘4Bdvarov . . . Gedv in place of the more regular plural, in verse 1. Judging
only from the section of the present commentary which deals with the first
verse, it is tempting to suppose either that the version of verse 1 having the
singular form instead of the plural was in fact used by ibn at-Tayyib, or that
he himself made the adjustment, possibly on the grounds that Muslim
readers would find a single deity far more congenial, at least at the outset of
the exposition, than the multiplicity of gods, which does, however, reappear
at later stages in the work.
4, Two Arabic Commentaries on the Xpvow Em.
Tbn af-Tayyib’s commentary on the Xpvod Emm shows not the
slightest sign of dependence upon the standard Arabic translation of the
poem. Whenever he needs to quote verses, he does so by means of what,
in the absence of indications to the contrary, must be taken as his own
paraphrase of the Greek original.”
This independence becomes the more impressive when one consults
another Arabic commentary on the Xpuoti Erm, preserved at Princeton
(MS Garrett 308, ff. 303b - 308b), dated 677/1278-1279, and attributed in
the title to Tamblichus. In this case, the commentary is based upon lemmata
‘which, as quoted in the text, are identical with the standard Arabic version
presented by Ullmann, with one significant exceptior
% See below p. vil, a. 18
One interesting case, possibly an exception, arises in his treatment of verse 36 xai nepinake
‘ye tatn xoreiv, dxdaa gBSvov Tozer, where gB5vos “envy” is rendered in the commentary
by Lx . Unfortunately, it appears that, 2t some stage, this word came to be read, not
a5 LanaP “envy” (with ihm of the Bi"), but as Juss? “body,” since the com-
mentary on this verse (F,105a-105b) has more to do with the Body than it has with envy.
At this point it may be stated, in answer to a question raised by G. Endress (Proches Arabus
{Beirut 1973}, p. 27), that the contents of the Escorial and Princeton MSS are certainly not
identical; whether they ultimately go back to the same Greek source it has been impossible
to determine on the basis of a preliminary examination of the ‘Iamblichus" commentary.a
Is
5. Ibn at-Tayyib's Commentary, Hierocles and Proclus
Mention has been made elsewhere in this introduction of the fact
that the scribe who copied Tbn at-Tayyib’s commentary was uneasy when,
confronted with Greek names, The name of Proclus occurs twice in the
commentary, once in the title — tafsir Brqls “Proclus’ commentary” — and
again at the very end of the text,
This has raised an extremely interesting question, namely, whether
there ever was 2 commentary on the Xpvad Em by Proclus, and whether
Ibn af-Tayyib may have had access to it, where we have not; or whether
Ibn at-Tayyib’s commentary “is a misattribution, due to the misreading of
Buruklus for the less known Neoplatonist Hierocles (which can be easily
explained).”"5
‘The explanation hinted at by Walzer depends precisely upon the
vicissitudes suffered by Greek names at the hands of Arab scribes: in our
manuscript, we are presented with the word ¢yl3_2 = Brals (ic.,
Tipxhos); if, however, we had been presented with « pA3_y , differing
from the above by the addition of a single dot, this would equal Yrals,
which is a reasonably adequate rendering of ‘Iepoxhffc. Since Greek
names are frequently hard to identify when transplanted into Arabic, the
question whether this is a case of misattribution, or misunderstanding of
a relatively uncommon name — that of Hierocles — fora commoner one —
that of Proclus — becomes the more pressing.
There are, in Arabic sources, references to a commentary by Proclus;
an-Nadim mentions, in his section on Proctus,!* a commentary on the
Xpvod Em:
Atle 93 ADM Gusts los pw CLT
Noteworthy, however, is the fact (pointed out to me by Professor Westerink) that both
commentaries mention the Pythagoreans’ use of music, which is not mentioned by Hicrocles,
although both Iamblichus (V.P. 110) and Porphyry (V.P. 30) refer to it.
‘The exception to the general fidelity, in the ‘lamblichus’ text, to the text furnished by
Ullmann, occurs at 307r, St, where the ‘lemma’ is completely different from the standard
form.
"© R, Walzer, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, 1 (New Edition, Leiden, 1960), s.v. Buruklus,
\* Fihrist, ed. G. Fldigel (Leipzig, 1871/2), p. 289; cf, al-Qift, Ta'vikh al-Hukama’ 39.10 and
Hajjt Khalifah, Kash az-Zundn 2012,
vit
: OSs GLU oF GL apes A855
“ t Bo Ranta
nz 9s Be F BL 91 BE abo fe
[Book of] commentary on the Golden Exhortations
of Pythagoras, in about 100 folios; there is also a
Syriac version; he made it for his daughter. Thabit
translated three pages of it, and then died, without
having completed it.
As was stated carlier, the question of the relationship between Ibn
aj-Tayyib’s commentary and that of Hieroctes was originally raised by
Walzer. Hicrocles’ commentary!” presents the matters raised in the Xpvod
nn in such @ way as to make them suitable preparatory material for the
student’s progression towards the more exacting disciplines of Logic,
Physics and Theology:
Tabta 8€ (Cevig avOponivns KéOupors Kat
teheidtns, sc. gthooopia) népurey dpeti} Kal
arOere pédiota dxepydeaBar, ¥ piv nav auetpiav
tav naOdv Eopioved, H BE 1 Belov elBog tots
edpvds Exovat npooxtupévn. det obv mpdc tabeny
civ Emouiyiny, tiv YEXAovoay Autic Kadapods
kai teheions noteiv, Kavévug Exe twas év Bpazet
Btwptopévons, olov popicpods swag texviKObs,
Snag dv év tafe Kal edped6Sag mpdg tO ric
sbCotac téhos dgikdpeba. tHv St tovobr@Y Kavdveov
TGV mpdg tiv SAnv gihocogiay avvtewévtov
ta TluBayopixd Enn ti obtwxg EmKaRodueva Xpvad
bv npdrorg iv Oeinnev ebddyng.
Now, virtue and truth are especially disposed to
effectuate these things (the purification and per-
fection of human life, sc. philosophy). Virtue does
this by banishing the excess of the passions, while
1" Ed, Mallach (Berlin, 1853), superseded by Kobler (Teubner: Stuttgart, 1974),R
i
truth provides the divine form as an addition to those
already well-formed by nature. We must accordingly
have certain canons, briefly defined, like. technical
rules, for this knowledge that will make us pure and
perfect, so that we might reach the goal of the good
life in an orderly and methodical fashion. In first
place among such canons directed towards phi-
losophy as a whole, we would justifiably rank the
Pythagorean verses that are given the epithet
“Golden.”
The impression given throughout the commentary of Hierocles is
that it was composed specifically as a tool for beginners, using the Pythag-
orean poem as a text upon which to base a preparatory ethical treatise,
and avoiding questions of Theology and of Philosophy.
Whatever original work lies behind the commentary of Ibn af-
Tayyib, or even if, as may be, the work is the product of his own inspiration”
at least in part, there is no indication of any awareness that Ethics, and
ethical texts, should properly be only the groundwork for further study in
Philosophy; if such a limitation on the subject matter were recognized by
the writer, one might expect him to avoid touching upon Metaphysics,
which he does not. There is nowhere the idea that beginners only are being
addressed; the pedagogic manner sometimes adopted is appropriate
enough, when one considers that readers in Eleventh-Century Baghdad, ”
even, it is likely, members of a circle such as Tbn at-Tayyib’s own, would
have found specific doctrines and definitions of Pythagorean, Platonic,
or Neoplatonic philosophy unfamiliar, although, as Muslims, they would =
have found the emphatically monotheistic tone which surfaces in places
in the commentary quite congenial.'*
© bac readers may have been conf hy he tates geno Zen the omer
78S bes sated to psu echuie unity (23 Tags nomaly mpi only
to God), and yet at 92.10 he is declared to be “the one unique Father” and “father of souls.”
‘tous (he) uy eu alow ibe ened wth lh hi pater feo
would noc Qe te, So 112, se tat "(AIAH) ht no begte, nor was He begoten
In the commentary of Ibn at-Tayyib, questions of Theology and
Metaphysics are touched upon, and there is no indication that these are
restricted matters. The soul’s apprehension of God, even though it is
referred to metaphorically (as a “glimpse”), is out of place in Ethics: further,
the metaphysical construct, the triad Being — Life — Intelligence which
‘occurs at 12.6-7, belongs with Philosophy, not with Ethics, as does the
triad Soul — Body — Possessions of 48.8-50.6, although the latter triad
here has ethical relevance, as illustrating the varying degrees of value ex-
hibited by the elements of the triad in relation to human life.
As for the triad Being — Life — Intelligence, its occurrence here
does not furnish evidence that a lost commentary by Proclus may have
formed the basis for Ibn at-Tayyib’s work. While it is true that Proclus’
system employs the triad," it is equally true that the same triad is found
s0 frequently in later Neoplatonic writers that it may be said to have become
‘a. commonplace; further, there is some evidence to suggest that its develop-
ment as an analysis of Being may have begun very early.2
Of interest here is the striking divergence between verse 1 and the commentary, whi
substitutes the singular “Allah” for the Greek plural. Mullach (p. 3, note on verse 1) says:
"Eandem lectionem fortasse exprimit interpres arabs, cuius verba sic latine reddidit Joh,
lichmannus ... “Primum eorum quae tibi praecipio post timorem Dei ter optimi maximi,
‘ut reverenter habeas eos quibus non decreta est mozs a Deo quiquc cius sunt amici, ut
illis honorem exhibeas eum, quem approbat religio.”* (‘The Arabic interpreter perhaps
‘expresses the same reading; J. Eichmann has rendered his words into Latin as follows:
“First of all those things to which Ienjoin you, after the fear of God thrice best and greatest,
is that you hold in veneration those for whom God has not decreed death, and also those
‘ho are His friends, so that you mighit show to Them the honer commended by seligion,""")
This shift, from plural to singular, which Ibn at-Tayyib exhibits, may help to explain the
at times bewildering alternation in the commentary between Allah "God" and al-alihal,
“gods”; he may be trying to reconcile polytheism with the preferences of a monotheistic
‘andience,
' Proclus, Elements of Theology, ed. E. R. Dodds (Oxford, 1933 [repr. 1963}), propositions
101-103, and expecially Dodds’ notes pp. 252-253; for its frequency in the Plaronie Theology,
see Saffrey and Westerink, Théologie Platonicienne, Vol. 1 (Paris, 1968), pp, LXV-LXVI.
Dodds, pp. 252-253; for a case for the part of the triad in Porphyry, see P, Hadot, Porphyre
et Victorinus (Paris, 1968), especially chapter TY,2
i
Itisinteresting to note that the anecdote attributed at 38.3-4 to Theano:
“If I were not angry, I would beat you,” was also attributed to Plato, as
well as to others. Diogenes Laertius® reports the anecdote in Greek as
“pepaottyaco av . . . el wi} dpyCounv.” It appears that the ascription of
this anecdote to Theano is found only in a work of Proclus, surviving (in
William of Moerbeke’s translation) under the title De decem dubitationibus
circa providentiam2? where it runs (p. 86 Boese):
Et Theana illa ad ministram dixit: si non essem
irata, verberarem utique te.
To conclude, there is no positive ground to support the view that
Ibn at-Tayyib had access to a commentary by Proclus on the Xpvod Em,
and made use of it as a basis for his own work. Until such time as further
material is forthcoming, it can be said simply that the tone, compass and
atmosphere of Hierocles’ work do not immediately invite the suggestion
that his work formed a basis for Ibn at-Tayyib’s commentary; there is a
thoroughly reverential atmosphere developed and sustained by Ibn af-
Tayyib which may stem from a Greek original, but hardly from Hierocles;
Proclus did, however, generate a reverential tone which is not discordant
with Ibn at-Tayyib here; yet on the grounds of all the material contained in
Ton at-Tayyib’s commentary, the only yield as to the question of its author-
ship is that Walzer’s suggestion (p. vi, above) must be abandoned. The
text as here reproduced provides no justification for assuming a palaco-
graphical error as the cause of its attribution to Proclus, nor any convineing
grounds for upholding its attribution to Hierocles.
6. The Present Text and Translation
2 111 38, 39.
A. S, Riginos, Platoniea (Leiden, 1976), p. 156, records this and other ascriptions.
2 And the famous Theana said to her maid-servar
SIFT were not angry, I would best you.
xi
words through lack of diacritics that may be relied upon, has been the
availability of only one manuscript.
Increasing familiarity with the author's work, specifically in this
text, though in other manuscript works also, enabled me to achieve reason-
able certainty as to the identity of a word in cases where ambiguity existed:
either the pointing for such words has been inserted into the text as it is
“here reproduced, or the word has been written without diacritics, in the
| critical apparatus or in the body of the text, to indicate that in my opinion
| some: ambiguity still remains; in the latter case, I have tried to indicate
‘the ambiguity.
There are one or two instances in the text of dittography; these
"have been relatively easy to recognize and to rectify; I have called attention
ao to them in the critical apparatus.
Where there are grounds to suspect an omission which has not been
immediately and automatically correctible, T have simply indicated that
something is missing, and have made no effort to ‘restore’ the lost word
Wherever I have been shown solutions to problems beyond my skill,
_Lhave tried to record the suggested solution and its originator. Most helpful
in this respect have been comments from Dr Rosenthal, who has apprised
- me of likely omissions to the text, Such omissions render the task of working
"with a unique copy of a manuscript extremely difficult; at certain points,RRow
Ne aad ol gow ee oa
Bik Cte y dae
ALOE abs etl wy etd
oe I
Ob Ses we Bele ce ots
Ere)
AG oe Galle GG dy Ge ote SLEL DS
ah , 1
Bg take Ge wh ads cates oy
HUSI ahs als noe sy sas 7 aan
HY Bh TEs BoE plo stiy au sayt clade
id Ol Sse Ghuds catls gt! Gpslis
FP BW Ca KS gla Bow Seagal
Vomit We desicatoy formule = GON OH Si ga wath
hid thE te begin,
1
jal: Ullmann eetsins this (ne Syst). ?
ot]
The learned Shaykh ‘Abu ’I-Faraj fol. 91a
‘Abdullah ibn at-Tayyib: the essentials
of the treatise of Pythagoras known as
“the Golden.” Proclus’ commentary.
Pythagoras was from the island of Samos,
_ His birth is said to have been forecast by prophecy,
_ and he is said to have been born of a virgin —
“prophecy” is heavenly communication from
God —; it is said that he kept company with Thales,
another of the Seven Sages; that he went to Egypt
and the River Nile, associated with the wise men,
and learned geometry and the principles of proph-
ecy; that he went also to Babylon, where he con-
sulted the astrologers and the Magi — the meaning
_ of “Magism,” according to Plato, is the veneration
of God —; it is said that his wisdom came to beD. aK ye ast
1s
3 pe PALI ge UGH aS ste
curt al
Ra oe ta gl FO gle Gar? Lua ol
ab Gist loon Ly ost 2s phs
SYP!) BF Ju
ASL LL ys
Adued UB g yolks Ques ooters
PSE AF AL canest Sse Rae ata BED 13S
65> LAY YU) Pivots OSs Ytss Ot
tS Na bly ob Bll ye 5 BL
est os pot op aie Lage Qos
Ges po LES gue Ps Gol oF or sti
ADA! Pwr gots Bs Ubarel oF ad
| ‘ cls)
3
dasdh 1 cess ]
such, that wise men of all countries came to him,
and that he attained so advanced a stage of phi-
phy as to repudiate wealth and perform
miracles.
He used to command his pupils to maintain
silence for five years, whereupon he would teach
them some philosophy and mathematics. During
this period, they would curb | their appetites,
improve themselves spiritually, and undergo
training in cthical conduct. These philosophers
1 kept silence so as to allow their intellects to re-
vert to their essential nature, and to prevent their
iscourse with themselves from reaching out-
siders, and, should they hold converse with an
outsider, they would have to purify themselves in
the manner appropriate for one who had become
polluted by having his intellect won over to some-
thing alien.
Prominent amongst Pythagoras’ disciples
who numbered about two hundred and fifty —
is Empedocles, the author of the Golden Sayings.
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_ Empedocles held that the elements were four,
“and believed that the regimen of philosophy
reaches completion when the soul becomes divine,
~ and that when the soul is separated from the body,
_ it travels, bloodless and immortal, into the ether.
Empedocles was a rigorous ascetic, and a lover of
purity.
The object of the Golden Sayings is to in-
spire souls with longing for their perfection and
purity, to make people human, and to guide them
towards a proper way of life; man achieves per-
fection by means of absolute virtue, certain knowl-
ne edge, and virtuous conduct. Some maintain that
— _ the Golden Sayings act as a guide towards divine
life, the imitation of God, and liberation from
matter.
: They are called “golden” to make the
comparison between | their purity and that of gold.
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The first of the Golden Exhortations is
the reminder that, among the immortals, the first
to. be honoured according to the statutes of the law
is God, for God is the cause of all that exists and
the source of all the good things that are present
in the Totality, and whoever is characterized by this
ality must necessarily be glorified.
The glorification of God is effected by true
‘belief in Him, and by doing good before Him; the
true belief about Him is that He is good, and the
iver of good things; that He does not cause evil;
that He is not susceptible to change, because He
is absolute, while change is a transition from some-
thing to something else, and that He is the Knower
f a thing as it truly is, with a knowledge uncon-
taminated by falsehood.
: Doing good varies according to the doer
ind his station, and so for each different rank
“there are differences in sacrifices, incense, the useL abedtg 35 CAMs Sele Aust ye cue W
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of pigs and wine, and festivals, and so on, and
in this matter ancestral ruling is followed; this is
what is meant by “law.” The reason why the rulings
of the law differ is that they conform to the dif-
ference among the minds, beliefs and habitations
— of men: the law of the Athenians was to sacrifice
the pig | and to make offerings of diluted wine,
whereas the Egyptians refuse to sacrifice pigs.
These are principles which were derived from
Hermes, who commanded man to abide by the laws
of his fathers and ancestors, and to avoid alien
ractices. In accordance with the disposition of
each nation of mankind and its ancestral rule, the
usages established by the wise men regarding sac-
-tifice, festivals and incense vary, and they trace
back these principles to the gods. This is why, if
any nation transgresses against its own custom,
it perishes.
The Egyptians and the Greeks mingled their
customs together, while some peoples think it
appropriate to direct prayer toward the south, others12
to the north, and others in other directions, for
the prescriptions of the law require the glorifi-
cation of God in accordance with the regulations
jJaid down by the ancestors concerning the of-
fering of sacrifices, incense, the directions of
prayer, and so forth.
The meaning of the statement that God is
“immortal” is that He has endless life, is unchanging
and undecaying, for He possesses everlasting
fe, everlasting existence and knowledge of all
isting things; life is intermediate between existence
\d knowledge, so that a thing may exist, and live,
and have knowledge.
| The glorification of God does not bring
ny benefit to Him; rather the benefit accrues to the
rson glorifying Him, so that he brings himself to
erfection, and will proceed towards the most ex-
ellent goal; just as, when our eyes look at the sun,
they do not furnish it with light, but rather see
yy means of it, so to glorify God does not impart
andeur to Him; instead, it imparts illumination
id exaltation to ourselves, The soul’s exaltation of
elf consists in its being impervious to faults
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° cording to reason, living a life of unalloyed
‘ om =) oy al ie" Yost divinity, and even becoming united with its creator.
Wate Fy Wiad! oda 9 Aull the 4a 8 : He commands us to guard against oaths.
x i Oaths are statements to which is attached that
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ceive of His majesty, whereas He is feared by
538 ged Cals a Phe pt Ge ane ittue of experience of Him. Consequently, He
‘must not be mentioned by name at any opportunity,
BD gh ae ala a Bed abe Castle es Sot jor in every chance context, and particularly not
in evil things nor in connection with vile matters,
< oo hme we MIU of ince it would be shameful for us to make Him act
Bethe abt aah tae ts GSI UA gent s witness | to all our evil deeds; this would be to
4 koe ‘ un & old His majesty and excellence in contempt, and
a Lou Jag ob by OP asa aged sacl S le has revenge upon those who act thus, since
ey have neglected divine matters.
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Nonetheless, the ancients did have divine
oaths, and if oaths are genuine and proper, then
the matters themselves will be made secure through
them, because the divine realities have been in-
| yoked as witnesses. Falsehood in these oaths
causes alienation from things divine, and through
- ita person is made a slave to the most evil devils
for his having submitted to them.
Oaths are of various kinds: the most
stringent amongst them are the oaths taken by
us those who perform sacrifices and administer the
jivine mysteries, that they will not divulge them to
the impure; violating these oaths is an abomination.
Next are oaths relating to civil and public
affairs, such as one city may make to another;
~ this is because the rulers and officials of cities
act as witnesses to them, and impose penalties
for the perjuror.
Next are oaths occurring in private dealings
“between people; the man who is truthful in his
oaths comes to be close to God, and his family
secures benefits after him.
Care must be taken to avoid the use of
divine oaths on those days which are revered,
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The most excellent ranks, those who are
oncerned | with the human species, are three:
God, the demons and the heroes.
God is the Master and the Supreme Being:
_ the demons are similar to the gods, and serve them;
they do not descend into human life. Heroes are
souls which have passed lives as humans, and
have remained with humans without becoming
jolluted, and were causes of their goods. After
their departure, they go to the Truth, and are
levated, and glimpse the things that are divine,
The demons are near to being united with
iod, and are accordingly greatly glorified be-
cause of their closeness to God, and are held in
honour, and have sacrifices offered to them.
is, however, is lesser honour than that paid to
God, while that paid to the heroes is less again.
leroes acquire divinity in lives which have been
unblemished by pollution, and receive their
ding status after their separation from man-
ind. The honour that is paid to them differs from“that paid to souls whose conduct in this life dif-
5 fers from theirs. For these the law prescribes
elebration for one day per year; for the heroes, the
regulation is for one day’s celebration per month,
hile for the demons perpetual celebration is
wrdained.
: The priests who are the demons’ attendants|
care ranked according to the status of the demons
“themselves.
“Demons” is a name which is applied to
souls which are separated from bodies, and which
ave attained ultimate divinity; for these, death
the lapse from divine life.
“Heroes” refers also to souls separated
from bodies, whose conduct has been good, ex-
cept that these are located in a lower position than
the demons. Pythagoras held the heroes in esteem
also, and we honour them by believing them to be
eternally existent, and by believing that they re-
_ quite with evil or good whoever does harm or good
to them. For them there are prescribed exaltation,
incense and sacrifice on the twenty-fifth day of
(January.
The Pythagoreans enjoin long journeys to
visit the most virtuous dead, and to pray over their
‘graves, and lay it down that God gives rewards for
this, and punishes those who do not do their duty,
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5
5 The reason why Pythagoras commands that
S parents be held in honour is that their relationship is
- that of creator, and that God is known as “Father.”
This honour takes the form of our taking care of
their well-being, and avoiding wronging them in
what we may either say or do; in rendering them
spiritual and corporal assistance, and preserving
them in all good memory after their deaths; and that
- we should place obedience to them| second only to
~ obedience to God.
A sin committed against one’s parents is a
violation of nature and the parental rank, and a
breach of the regulations of law and of justice, and
it incurs the indignation of the divine rank: Plato
gives a warning against the curse of parents, when
it is without good cause, and even with good cause.
Pythagoras makes it a duty to honour good
men, since they are the source of guidance to the
doing of good deeds, and to show affection to
relatives, and to treat them with respect, since we
have them through nature. We should honour them
in a measure commensurate with their merits, and
suffer for their sufferings. We should give prefer-
_ ential treatment to our relatives as against those
who are not related to us; we should also show
- greater honour to certain individuals because of the
virtue which has made them good, and make them
partners in our lives. We should maintain modera-
tion in the virtues of both the soul and of the body.
23.
95a24
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5 Friends are to be chosen according to their
_ goodwill, not according to kinship. We must ex-
-ercise caution in choosing a friend, and be careful,
in our dealings with him, that we do not do him
harm; when he makes a slip, we must be tolerant,
and treat both him and our relatives with deference,
although we should show preference to our relatives
- because their connection with us is natural and es-
sential, not an acquired one, whereas our connection
| with a friend is a voluntary one, and it is within our
"power to| repudiate him.
Friendship was venerated among the Pythag-
oreans, who regarded it as a symbol of union with
“the gods.
Now since the virtues are of three types —
~ those belonging to the soul, those to the body,
_and those that are external — it follows that the
choice of a friend should be made from the stand-
©. point of his virtue of soul, not of body, nor of that
_ which is external, we should not look for a friend
who is well off, nor for one of comely appearance,
but rather for one possessing a just and virtuous
soul.
Between friends, there can be frank dis-
cussion of domestic affairs and intimate concerns,
and a person may rely unreservedly upon his
25
95b26
“friend no matter what his circumstances may be,
nd profit from his advice and assistance when
ifficulties befall. The benefit which is to be de-
rived from a friend is of a higher value than gold,
in virtue of his understanding, his uprightness,
ind similar aids; wealth and a fine appearance are
f no value in these matters, although understanding
ind moral excellence are, and wealth and fine ap-
pearance are, moreover, of uncertain durability.
The best friends are those with whom one’s
friendship is based on the virtues of the soul,
whereas virtue of body and of condition give rise,
in those who possess them, to the notion of supe-
-tiority, and engender contempt for others, whereas
they produce in those in whom they are deficient
“obsequiousness | towards those above them.
Physical beauty gives pleasure to those who
"appreciate it, although anyone who is in this con-
dition is on the whole powerless to possess upright-
ness. The effects produced by passion and anger
separate things and keep them apart, while reason
rings them together and unifies them.
In his prayers, Plato used to ask and call
upon God to make hearing, sight, and senses com-
mon to all. The saying “I have, or I do not have, a
share” is meaningless within the context of friend-
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228
Dx st ot) 5588 ase se ce OS BE Jos gl Sst oy jp. Plato also said that if there were no justice,
here could be no injustice either, since if the unjust
ould find no standard upon which to agree, injus-
tice could not be actualized, so that if injustice
“can only be realized through justice, then how much
more worthy is the virtue which arouses congeniality
ind causes souls to revert to the state in which they
were prior to their attachment to bodies! It is
ightly said that the virtue which prompts one to
‘choose friends is an alert instigator, and a judge
‘whose verdicts are incontrovertible. And the more
abundant is the virtue, the more stable will be the
‘friendship, and anyone who exhibits a genuine
- ardour for virtue will be a staunch friend.
| We ought not to expect much from a friend
in the way of respect — this would arise from a
lefective friendship —; and pleasure too will some-
imes disrupt a friendship, if indulgence in it is
_ burdensome to one’s friend; excessive anger can
‘also dissolve the bond of friendship, even though
ne’s friend may tolerate it repeatedly. Instead, it is
sharing one’s worldly possessions, and placing
one’s friend on an equal footing with oneself, both
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96b30
Artin sl GOS GE PABLO BbaB code Salty verbally and practically, which render friendship
. enduring, for friendship is a harmony like musical
“harmony, and a concord: if the harmony is de-
troyed, the friendship is destroyed.
Too little pliability is a fault of a kind; too
much of it leads to flattery, but tolerance of the
friend and pliability produce the wherewithal for
ogress to a praiseworthy end.
When someone does his friend a service, he
should consider himself as having been deficient;
hen, however, his friend does him a service, he
should be given the greatest credit for it; for this is
agnanimity. On the whole, we should not begrudge
what we do for friends, nor expect gratitude from
them, but rather should acknowledge their good-
ness. We should make it our aim, in our relations
with friends, to act in a way that is beneficial to
the friendship.
Pythagoras commands us not to drop a
friend because of trifling wrongs: instead we
siould bear with him and be humble in order to
tain the friendship; we should ascribe such actions
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Ehe words 41 aS ssa appear vertically in tha margin after of
there is the sign of an omission Y (as also. on foiias 10%b, 1106),
Sua)
3h32
on his part to the infirmity of human nature,| since
the removal of error is for a nature that is higher
than that of man. And since we are removed from
that, we place the blame upon ourselves, and we
should do this particularly in cases where our
friendship with someone is of long standing. Minor
wrongs, which would not warrant the termination
of a friendship, concern worldly things such as
property, preferment by rulers, and things that
are the result of chance. If one can turn one’s friend
away from such errors, one should not regard him
as ultimately a foe, for intelligent persons con-
sider these matters to be extremely trivial.
Major wrongs are actions because of which
the person who inflicts them upon his friend is
regarded as a vicious man, when previously his
friend had thought well of him, and doings which
cause alienation from God, and arouse His anger;
we must flee from anyone who would induce us to
behave in such a way as we would flee from our
‘worst enemy.
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33
974