MEN-AT-ARMS SERIES Ai THE BRITISH ARMY 1660-1704 JOHN TINCEY GERRY EMBLETONEDITOR: LEE JOHNSON TN YS) OT 267 ~ THE BRITISH ARMY 1660-1704 Text by JOHN TINCEY Colour plates by GERRY EMBLETONFirst published in Great Britain in 1994 bby Osprey, an imprint of Reed Consumer Books Limited Michelin House, 81 Fulham Road, London SW3 6RB and Auckland, Melbourne, yeapore and Toronto {© Copyright 1994 Reed International Books Limited All ights reserved. Apart from any fae dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, a8 ‘Permitted under the Copyright Designs and Patents Act, 1988, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, oF transmitted in any form or byany means, electronic, electrical, chemical, ‘mechanical, optical, photocopying, recording or ‘otherwise, without the prior permission af the copyright ‘vner, Enguiriesshould be addressed to the Publishers. 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Infantry Elite 27 Soldiers ofthe English Civil War (2): CavalryTHE BRITISH ARMY 1660-1704 INTRODUCTION ‘The period between the Restoration of Charles IT in 1660 and Marlborough’s decisive vietory at Blenheim in 1704 is, often seen as something of a ‘backwater’ of military history. ‘The struggles of the English Civil Wars were over and Marlborough’s epic campaigns yet to begin. However, this 40-year pause was far from a period of peace and inactivity twas marked by the defeat of the Monmouth Rebellion at Sedgemoor in 1685, the ‘Glorious Revolution’ in 1688, the ambush at Killiecrankie in 1689, and the battle of the Boyne in 1690. Overseas it saw the garrisoning of the British colonies of Virginia and the West Indies; expe- ditions to Bombay and Portugal; and the defence, against overwhelming odds, of the British bases at Dunkirk and ‘Tangier. ‘The x690s brought direct involvement in the European power struggle — with large numbers of British troops deployed against the French in Flanders at the pitched battles of Walcourt (1689), Steenkirk (1692) and Landen (1693) Indeed, the period was vitally important in the development of Britain's armed forces: it saw the birth of the British army in its modern form, and the establishment of many regiments that survive to this day Yet it is not a period that can be easily categorised: it spanned the reigns of three monarchs, each with a fundamentally different attitude to the army. Charles TI (Ceigned 1660-85) feared the old Cromwellian army and tried to destroy it before rebuilding an army he could trust. Detail of an engraving showing the Horse Guards in 1684, Bats rather than pothelmets are worn, as fare cross belts for sword and carbine. Cravats are also in evidence. A description by C.C.P. Lawson of the oil painting upon which this print is based says that the soldiers wear ‘buflish grey coats’ Unfortunately we know that cavaley at this time wore buffeoaes but we also have evidence that they wore grey ‘undress’ coats. From Windsor Races, 24 August 1684 by Francis Barlow, 1687. (Private Collection) James TI (1685-88) lost much of this hard-won trust by trying to lead England back to Catholicism, William [1 (1688-1702) used the British army largely as an auxiliary force to the highly trained Dutch army in his own wars on the Continent as well asin the British Isles —a difficult but, as it turned out worthwhile apprenticeship. When Marl- borough took over command in 1702, the British army knew its trade well enough to take on the armies of the great powers of Europe on equal terms. To attempt to trace the political and religious struggles, and the many campaigns fought during the reigns of these three monarchs is beyond the scope of this book. Indeed, to write at all of a ‘British’ army at this time is something of a misnomer ~ separate armies existed in Scotland, Ireland and England. The main purpose here is to reconstruct the uniforms and equipment of this period. This is mot a straightforward task. There was some regulation of uniform, but most details were left to individual regiments. Unfortunately the government ‘pat terns’ — garments approved centrally setting basic stan- dards — were destroyed by fire many years ago. The 3uniforms reconstructed here are therefore based upon eyewitness reports, a few paintings and engravis gs, and bills and accounts for the purchase of uniforms. For weapons and equipment the situation is slightly better as these were provided through the Ordnance Office and much of the paperwork survives in the Public Record Office in London. The evidence begins with a few documents scattered randomly through the records for the 4 Captain Francis Hawley commanded a company of +45 grenadiers of the 1st ¢ Guards daring an artack on Monmouth's rebels at Philip's Norton in Somerset. He wearsa red coat with light blue facings and gold decoration whi appears to be based on the regimental uniform. At this time officers’ uniforms were beginning to come under some regulation although they were still provided by the officers themselves. Officers continue to have considerable freedom in choosing the quality of ‘cloth and decoration co suit their personal tastes. Hawley is depicted holding a smoking grenade and a mateh-cord; he has a plug bayonet on his waist belt, suggesting he would have been armed with a fusil in action. Oil painting by an unknown artist, dated 1685. (Private Collection) Right: A troop of the Horse Guards at Charles I's coronation in r66r. An oil painting of the event shows tiny figures of a troop in buffeoats although an account from some years later observed a troop in short red jackets. The butt coats or jackets worn by this troop under their back and breast plates have many tabs or skirts, and are decorated with metal or lace strips on the sleeves. From an engraving by Wenceslas Hollar; reign of Charles, becomes organised volumes for the reign of James and is an unscalable mountain thereafter. The bibliography lists some of these sources, and also gives details of the books and articles of those who pioneered research in the field in the last century, and of those who currently labour in the archives. Where possible, original quotes have been reproduced in the text, as many of the details for this period remain contentious.THE ARMY OF CHARLES II Following the Restoration of Charles TT in 1660, Parlia~ ment intended to destroy Cromwell's army, and instead rely on scattered garrisons and the militia for internal security and national defence, However, when an uprising by religious fanatics in London routed the militia, regular soldiers had to be brought in to restore order. King Charles was thus provided with an excuse to maintain a force of ‘personal Guards’ ‘The Tangier Garrison ‘The marriage of Charles II to a Portuguese princess, Catherine of Braganza, brought the colony of Tangier to England as part of her dowry. The port stood on the African Atlantic coast near the straits of Gibraltar and it was hoped that its possession would open up English trade with Africa, Unfortunately the local inhabitants proved to be unfiiendly, making the outpost a heavy drain on resources and bringing few benefits. Initially a garrison regiment for Tangier was formed numbering 1600 men in ten companies under Lord Peterborough. Three further regiments were sent from Dunkirk after that town was returned to the French In April 1663 the new governor of Tangier, Lord Teviot, strengthened the town defences considerably by constructing a line of blockhouses and trenches on the ring of hills dominating the town. The Moors reacted by staging repeated attacks on the new works. One of the more unfortunate incidents occurred in May 1664 when ‘Teviot with 500 men was lured into an ambush while foraging for wood and building materials only 30 soldiers escaped. Fortunately the Moors were distracted by internal feuds and the reduced garrison of 1415 foot and 140 horse was able to hold out. After 1678 the Moors became increasingly hostile and with the aid of European renegades attempted a formal c of the colony. A section of the defences were overrun ‘eviot was cut down and sie with heavy English loss, and many of the surrounding hills became permanently occupied by Moors. Percy Kirke was sent out as the new governor to restore the situation. He brought with him two combined battalions of 600 men each, one drawn from the Guards regiments and the other from Dumbarton’s Regiment, so that by October 1681 the garrison numbered 3221 foot and 120 horse, On 27 October 1680 a force of 1500 men comprising six infantry battalions, seven troops of horse (including some hired from Spain) and a naval brigade, marched out to fight the Moors. For once the tribesmen accepted battle face to face and were routed by cavalry charges and musketry, losing some 300 men. But this minor victory was not enough to save the colony: in 1683 the garrison and settlers were shipped back to England. Other colonies Charles IPs Portuguese marriage also brought England possession of Bombay. In 1661, 400 foot in four companies were sent to take over the colony. The local Portuguese commander, however, was unwilling to give up his post and it was not until November 1666 that the 97 surviving English soldiers took up occupation in the colony. Ratheraes We G Quarks E Lath Lo short-sightedly, Charles considered Bombay to be of no long-term value; in 1667 he sold the place to the East India ‘Company for an annual rent of £10. England also had colonies in the Americas in close ‘competition with the French, Dutch and Spanish. British troops were sent out in response to various threats, but lack of funds meant they generally went unpaid and were the first to be disbanded when the government needed to save money. Jamaica was garrisoned by two companies from 1677 to 1682; Barbados had its own regiment from 1667 to 1671; and New York, recently captured from the Dutch, had in 1667 a garrison of 300 men, of whom none remained under arms by 1679. A rebellion in Virginia in 1676 prompted the emergency shipment of 1000 British troops, though they arrived to find the rebel leader already dead and his supporters defeated. Foreign expeditions In addition to colonial service many soldiers found themselves fighting under foreign command as allies of European powers. In 1662 three New Model Army regiments forming the garrison of Scotland were reduced into two regiments cach of roo men and were shipped th a regiment of 1000 horse to fight under Portuguese command against. Spanish invaders; they remained overseas until 1668. Charles I took advantage of this expedition to remove a number of troublesome anti~ ‘monarchists in the army from the country. A British brigade had been in service with the Dutch since the 16th century. In 1665 the outbreak of war with Holland caused the force to be disbanded with many of the ‘ TM Thebfaonee to The African port of Tangier became an English possession as a result of Charles I's marriage to the Portuguese princess, Catherine of Braganza, ‘This plan shows the ring of hills which overlooked the town, together with the forts and earthworks constructed to secure them from the Moors. From an ‘engraving dated 1680 by I. Seller. (National Army Museum) returning soldiers recruited into the Holland Regiment and the Admiral’s Regiment, Peace came in 1674 and anew Anglo-Dutch brigade was formed comprising three Seott- ish, one Irish and two English regiments, France had long been a favourite destination for British soldiers of fortune, who served mostly in separate British regiments under officers of their own nationalit This tradition come to a temporary end in 1678, when Parliament forced Charles to abandon his French alliance to side with the Dutch, Several regiments including Dumbarton’s were made to return from French service. Many veterans found themselves transferred into a new force earmarked as aid for the Dutch, with the Duke of Monmouth (himself just returned from French service) in command; a force of 17 battalions of infantry, 10 squad- rons of horse, 9 squadrons of dragoons and 20 guns ~ 17,860 men in all. However, King Charles was not willing to lose his secret French pension and he managed to repeatedly delay the sailing of the force. The troops did reach Flanders in the end, but only Monmouth with his personal followers was present at the final battle of the war. ‘The men were left to make their way home, disease-ridden, poorly provisioned and, as usual, lacking pay Scotland and Ireland As well as the English army, Scotland and Ireland maintained their own forces, which were independent but still owed their allegiance to King Charles II. In Scotland a regiment of Foot Guards and a troop of the King’s Guard of Horse with a few small garrisons brought the total strength of the Scottish army to 1200 men. This army wasmostly employed in suppressing the Lowland religious opponents of the government; it rarely ventured into the Highlands. The most serious problem came in 1678 when a force of 6000 Covenanters rose up in rebellion. The Duke of Monmouth was dispatched with one regiment of foot, thtee troops of horse, a company of dragoons and wo groups of Highlanders — some 2754 soldiers in all. The forces met at Bothwell Bridge where Monmouth’s regulars swept the Covenanters from the field ina single charge Ireland also maintained its own forces, though strict instructions forbade the recruiting of Catholics. At the Restoration the Irish garrison stood at 66 companies of foot and 30 troops of horse, In April 1662 a regiment of Irish Foot Guards was raised, together with 60 ‘Guards of battleaxes’ for ceremonial duties. By 1676 the garrison had been formed into six regiments each of horse and foot, However, pay was always in short supply, and in order to prevent starvation, foot soldiers had to be allowed to work as labourers and horsemen and given leave to return to their own farms THE ARMY OF JAMES II In the enthusiasm surrounding the coronation of a new king, Parliament forgot its long-standing battle over the royal finances and granted James IT generous revenues. ‘The celebrations were soon soured when a pretender, the Duke of Monmouth — who as the first-born son of Charles II had a claim to the throne ~ landed at Lyme Regis in Dorset hoping to raise the West Country in revolt. Five days later he marched into Taunton at the head of 3000 men having routed the county militia and captured many ofits weapons. ‘The initial response to the Monmouth Rebellion was confused as small battalions composed of a number of companies from a regiment were ordered westward. Immediately James set about recruiting new units to bolster the old ones. The force that was finally assembled was made up of a troop of Horse Guards of 150 troopers and 60 Horse Grenadiers, seven troops of the Earl of Oxford's Regiment of Horse, three troops of the Royal Dragoons with another on outpost duty, 13 companies of The harquebusier armour issued with the metal of james I. The tri-bar bridle gauntlet. The fice protector here Aexible jointed scales ineorporates the Royal made this an expensive Arms of the Lion and piece of equipment. (Royal Unicorn. Few ordinary Armouries, Tower of soldiers would have been London)The Defeat of the Rebells 2o0oNlayn & theirCanon taken date sword baldricks rather than waist belts; and the flag has a St. George's canton in the style of the Civil War; this design seems to have been Design fora playing card depicting the final phase of the battle of Sedgemoor. Monmouth’s rebels are chased off the field leaving behind three cannon anda scythe turned into a replaced in the 1670s with a weapon by altering the ‘St. George’s cross running angle of the blade. Though across the entire field of the flag. (Private the uniforms are generally Collection) correct, the royal soldiers are depicted with out-of- the First Foot Guards, six companies of the Coldstreams and five companies each of Dumbarton’s, Trelawney’s and Kirk’s Regiments. With 24 cannon in support the Royal Army numbered some 700 horse and dragoons and 1900 foot. Monmouth at this time commanded an army of 3-4,000 men of whom around 600 were mounted. At Sedgemoor, the Royal Army was surprised by a night attack and only the steadiness of Dumbarton’s Scots prevented disaster; but the tide of battle was turned and Monmouth’s force was destroyed. ‘Though many of the new regiments had been raised purely to suppress the e rebellion, James IT took the opportunity to keep them under arms The Glorious Revolution of 1688 During the Sedgemoor campaign the army had remained loyal to King James despite overtures from Monmouth, even though Monmouth had earlier been the army's Captain-general. Only three years later the situation had changed radically. In his attempts to reintroduce Catholi- cism, James had shown increasing favouritism towards Catholics and had recruited them in preference to Protest- ant officers in the Irish army. Such policies were not popular in the army or among the public at large. William of Orange invaded Britain partly for fear that Britain would become an ally of France, but (more importantly) because of an invitation from Protestant elements in the English Parliament. He crossed the Channel in the stormy November of 1688, landing at ‘Torbay. A small number of English officers and soldiers defected to him but most remained loyal. James, however, had lost his nerve. He was convinced his own army would no longer fight for him, and he fled to France. THE ARMY OF WILLIAM III ‘The accession of William and Mary was almost as much of, a surprise to their supporters as to their opponents. It had been assumed that William’s invasion would bring James to his senses, forcing him to protect the rights of Parliament and the supremacy of the Protestant religion, but leaving him as king. James's flight to the French court made this impossible, and England now found itself firmly locked into William's anti-French alliance. ‘The Scots and Irish were, however, far less willing to accept William and Mary. French backing, James Janded at Kinsale on 12 March 1689 and attempted to raise the Catholic Irish in his support. The army in Ireland consisted of a troop of Horse Guards, a troop of Horse Grenadier Guards, a regiment of Foot Guards, a regiment of dragoons, 8 of foot and 3 of horse. A large part of this, force came over to James giving him some 7000 regulars. ‘The Protestants in the ranks, however, refused to join James, and left their regiments for Londonderry, which endured a siege of ros days until General Kirke relieved the town. In August 1689, King William’s main army landed in Ireland. It was made up of Dutch and Danish as well as English regiments. The army suffered terrible privations due to poor supply and ill discipline, and thousands died of‘The battle of the Boyne until William led his left- (July 1690) saw 26,000 flank cavalry through bogs Jicobites overwhelmed by bordering the river. 55,000 Williamites Finding themselves including many Dutch and Danish veterans. William ordered Schomberg and then Douglas to mount a flanking attack on Slane bridge. James overreacted and sent his reserve to meet it. William then ‘outflanked, the Jacobites began to withdraw under the cover of cavalry. Jacobite losses were not Serious, but James fled back to France abandoning his followers. From The Wars of William III and ordered a frontalassault. Queen Anne by Brig-Gen across the river against the Kane, 1735. (Private strong Jacobite positions. Collection) Biter fighting resulted sickness. Reinforcements were gathered for both armies and in July 1690, 35,000 Williamites defeated 26,000 Jacobites at the Boyne. James deserted his soldiers again and left for France. One by one the Jacobite garrisons were forced to surrender, so that by October 1691 the war in Ireland was over. ‘The European war While William had been occupied in Ireland, the French war had been developing unabated. Churchill (the later Duke of Marlborough) led an 8ooo-strong English con- tingent to Flanders where they distinguished themselves at the indecisive battle of Walcourt. The French won the battle of Fleurs in July 1690, and in 1691 they captured Mons and Hal before defeating the Allies again at Lens. In 1692 William took personal command but could not prevent the fall of Namur. In August he mounted a surprise attack on the French position at Steenkirk but the French commander, Luxembourg, quickly organised a defensive line of battle. The British infantry pushed the French back to their camp, but were, in turn, forced to retire when the French and Swiss Guards counter-attacked. ‘The stolid bravery of the British infantry was already being recognised by Continental commanders. At the crucial point in the battle of Steenkirk, the Count of Solms refused English pleas for reinforcement with the words “Damn the English, They are very fond of fighting; now let them have a bellyfull of it, Both sides lost about 7000 men. ‘The following year the armies again clashed at Landen (Neerwinden). Luxembourg with 80,000 men attacked William’s army of 50,000 in its defensive camp. Despite several repulses, the French were able to use their superior numbers to rout William’s army; the British contingent fought particularly well and managed to retain enough order to conduct a steady fighting retreat. In 1697, with both sides exhausted by nine years of war, an unsatisfac- tory peace — effectively merely a cease-fire — was con- cluded, French expansionism resurfaced in 1701, with the outbreak of the War of Spanish Succession. UNIFORMS & WEAPONS OF THE HORSE ‘The English Var had resolved the question of whether cavalry should rely on firepower or shock tacties: the charge home with sword was now standard. A pair of pistols remained in use ~ one fired during the charge and the other held in reserve for the pursuit or retreat. Carbines were not issued to all New Model Horse, although this may have been as much an economy measure asa reflection of tactical doctrine. Carbines continued to be issued in circumstances where they were of value, parti- cularly for patrol or picket duties. Indeed there was a general move later in the century to re-arm horse with carbines, beginning with the Horse Guards. ‘The buffeoat remained a key part of the horseman’, defensive armour though it was now sometimes worn under a top coat. From about the early 1690s buffcoats began to be replaced by waistcoats made of cloth — perhaps a case of comfort before safety. Back and breast plates remained in use for much of the period, though Oxford’s Horse were ordered to discard their armour at the start of the 1688 campaign. The pot helmet or ‘tri-bar’ also remained in use for some time, although metal ‘secrets’ ‘worn under hats were becoming popular by the 1690s.‘The Horse Guards While Charles If had been in exile on the Continent, a group of volunteer gentlemen had formed his mounted lifeguard of two troops. Following the Restoration a new mounted lifeguard was established made up of three troops of Horse Guards each 200 strong. These troops were known as the King’s, the Duke of York's (composed of the two troops of old Royalists) and the Duke of Albemarle’s (which became the Queen’s on Albemarle’s death in 1671). Recruits were drawn from the gentry and from men who had served the Royalist cause during the Civil Wars and the king’ ‘The earliest information on the dress of the Horse Guards comes from the Coronation in 1661 where Sir Fdmund Walker describes them thus: ‘The King's Horse Guard, all well mounted, having Buffe Coates, with white Armour, their Horses furnished with Hooses (being a short Foot cluth) with red Scarfes, & plumes of Red & white The Guards of His Royal Highnesse the Duke of cing black Armour, Red, white & black Feathers, and Red Scarfes, mith belts of kis Highnesse Livery.’ Regulations for musters in the State Papers Domestic describe the arms required for the Horse in 1663: ‘Each Horseman to have for his defensive arms, back, breast, and pot, and for his offensive arms, a sword, a case of pistols the barrels whereof are not to be under 14 inches in length, and cach trooper of Our Guards to have a carbine besides...” Phe issue of carbines was clearly to be a specific feature of the Horse Guards. As so often in this period it is unwise to assume that exile, In addition to two pistols, many horsemen carried a carbine which was normally suspended on a broad carbine belt worn over the right shoulder. The carbine was clipped to the belt by a ring fitted to a metal rail on the side of the carbine, This example has a 31-inch barrel and a bore of .67 inches. (National Army Museum) The charge home with sword had been the normal tactie during the Civil War but on the Continent, where many of the new generation of officers learnt their trade, reliance ‘on pistols continued. (Royal Armouries, Tower of London)equipment wai (679 the Duke of Monmouth, then colonel of the King’s Proop, wrote: ‘I have taken an account of the arms of my troop and find that of 200 backs, breasts and potts, 50 are wanting, whereof 14 mere lost, some at the fire at the Forse Guards and others in service at Winchcombe. I beg for their supply and for 200 carbines promised by HM to the troop.’ ‘The letter appears to have had an effect, for on 16 September 1670, Monmouth wrote arranging for the delivery of the missing 200 carbines, complete with straps and sockets ‘The next sighting of the Horse Guards is in Travels of Cosmo TIT through England dated 1669: ‘The rst of the Company (or Troops) of the body-guard called the King’s Company, composed of gentlemen and half pay officers, dressed in red jackets (or coats) faced mith blue and richly ornamented with gold lace and mearing white feathers in their sued just because an order was given, In This gentleman out shunting in the late 1660s demonstrates how closely military and civilian fashions followed one ‘another. He wears'a wide~ brimmed beaver hat anda small cravat tied with a black ribbon. His coat has wide cuffs and fashionably short sleeves. The slits at theside and rear of his coat allow it to spread comfortably when on horseback. The high knee boots and spur are in the military jackboot style. His sword, a court small sword rather than a military double-edged cavalry sword, is worn on a heavily decorated baldrick. (Private Collection) hats was commanded by the Duke of Monmouth. Phe and called the Duke's wore red jackets mith blue facings without gold, and white feathers in their hats. The 3rd, that of the General, wore a dress similar to that of a Duke's, and instead of feathers a ribbon of crimson colour ‘The most detailed description of the Horse Guards, comes from the Coronation of James IT in 1685 and is quoted in the commentary to Plate Fr ‘The Earl of Oxford’s Horse In 1660 the new Royalist government had intended to disband all of Cromwell's regiments and to leave the defence of the country in the hands of the navy and militia. Before this was completed, a group of religious extremists rose up in London in 1661. The militia was called out but demonstrated that it could not contain even the most limited civil disturbance, and regular soldiers had to becalled in to restore order. As a result, the Cromwellian horse regiment of Unton Crook was reorganised rather than disbanded. It was placed under the command of Aubrey de Vere, the Earl of Oxford, and restyled “The Earl of Oxford's Horse’. ‘The regiment was to consist of seven troops of 60 men and a king’s troop of 80. These strengths appear not to have been reached as in 1677 an order was made that all troops of the regiment be recruited to 60 troopers. In a review of 1684 each troop contained only 3 corporals, 2 trumpeters and 45 troopers. ‘Troopers’ coats and cloaks were of blue lined with red, to distinguish them from the Horse Guards; horse furni- ture and holsters were of blue embroidered with the Royal Cipher. Back and breast plates, pot helmets and carbines were issued to recruits joining the regiment in February 1678 indicating that existing troopers were already so ‘equipped. In 1684 the troopers had ‘their Carbine Belts laced with Gold upon Buff with a red edging’. A contemporary painting shows troopers in grey hats with black feathers. In November 1688, along with other regiments of horse, Oxford’s men were ordered to abandon their armour as they marched to meet the invasion force of William of Orange. Buff leather waistcoats may have been worn up until 1696 when buff-coloured cloth waistcoats were issued. ‘The new regiments of 1685-88 ‘The Monmouth rebellion gave James IT an excuse to raise new regiments. Though the rising was crushed before A heavy cavalry sword said to have been issued ¢o the Earl of Oxford's Horse. Although primarily designed for lunging with the point, the double- edged blade could also be used for slashing. (Royal Armouries, Tower of London) The Scottish troop of Horse Guards in 1685. A ‘contract of 1699 records their uniform as ‘one fashionable coat of fine searlet cloth, lined with a white shalloon serge one waistcoat of blue cloth wich lining ... one pair of breeches of the same cloth [as] the waistcoat, lined with teel [tweed] and having leather pockets’. From The Life Guards in the Procession at the ‘opening of the first Parliament of James the Seventh (and Second) in Edinburgh, 1683, an engraving by Thomas Summers. (Private Collection)recruitment had been completed, many of these new units were retained in service. Once the rebellion was over, each cavalry troop was reduced to 40 private troopers, perhaps achieved by putting an end to new recruiting, Many of the new units were disbanded almost immediately after they were raised. Lord Dover's new regiment was converted to a troop of the Horse Guards. The Quecn’s Regiment of Horse was raised by a royal warrant dated 13, June 1683 and was to consist of 9 troops each of 1 quartermaster, 60 soldiers, 3 corporals and 2 trumpeters besides commissioned officers. ‘The following horse regi- ments seem also to have achieved, by 1686, a more permanent footing: the Queen Dowager’s, the Earl of Peterborough’s, the Earl of Plymouth’s, the Earl of ‘Thanet’s, and the Earl of S As to the equipment of these regiments, on 15 June 16 order had been issued: ‘Equipment to be sent 10 Berwick 10 add 10 arms there to equip a regiment of Horse: Back and Breast and Potts 360 Carbines with Belts and Swivels 360 Pistolls with holsters 1440." This confirms that the new regiments were fully equipped with carbines and body armour, though the issue of double the normal proportion of pistols cannot be explained. An order for the issue of “100 suits of Armour ... Brests to be Carbine proof and ye Backs and Potts Pistol proof indicates that the armour was of the same standard of protection as used uring the Civil War and was not merel ‘The horse retained uniforms in much the same style for the remainder of the century with broad cross-belts for carbine and sword worn over a crimson coat. The normal head dress was the wide-brimmed hat, usually with a ‘secret’ iron head protector worn underneath; the pot helmet was still worn in batele by some units as late as 1696, arsdale's. the follow y for show ‘The London Gazette of 30 June~4 July 1687 carried the following advertisement concerning the Queen’s Horse: ‘Stolen from Nathaniel Green, Quartermaster a red coat with large plate buttons, lined with yellow silk, the sleeves faced mith silver tissue, a silver net-fringed scarf, a pair of silver fringed gloves, a black hat laced anda silver hat-band, a white Holland waistcoat with a fringe, a periig, etc A warrant from around 1696 gives the following particulars of the clothing of a regiment of horse. “Clothing Former price ksd 300 Coats of Crimson Cloth 3 100 18 Coats of Crimson Cloth, Corporals. 4 10 0 318 Cloaks of red cloth 250 318 Hats edged with silver 0150 318 swords 0100 318 Shoulder belts o 100 318 Carbine belts o 70 318 Cloth Waistcoats omg 8 Pr. Buff Gloves, o 76 318 Hoose and Caps, embroidered 1 50 318 Pr. Jack boots 1 60 318 Cartouch boxes o 26 ‘Memo: Each Captain clothes his own trumpeter and the Kettle drum is clothed by the Colonel.” An order for 1696 specifies that the horse will be re equipped every two years: ‘The Troopers shall be completely clothed every two years: and care shall be taken that neither arms, Boots, Saddles nor any other accoutrements belonging cither to the Trooper ar Horse shalt be wanting ... Officers 10 agree upon a pattern approved by the Colonel for their coats ‘and 10 buy them where they like.’ The ‘seret’or iron skull cap was a common Substitute forthe helmet, espechily from the 16gos fewas worn five inside { thehat. The version on the right has holes so chat fe could be sown into the hat brand (National Army Muvcurs)ie a da! Audie und lana te cin ata. A cha _iidanaannaaaaaaNRNa aa ak la ke adnan THE WHOLE AIMT DBAYN OP IN BATTALr& pane! in je i KN QE at %, «& Caimi ad au se as DRAGOONS ‘The dragoon had proved a popular troop type during the Civil War. Although fighting on foot as an infantryman, the dragoon’s mobility made him ideal for scouting, picket duty and for collecting taxes, and supplies from enemy ‘The Restoration Army had no need for these ary Feeling of Parliament, in any case, made the raising of dragoons difficult politically. Te was not until April 1672 that Prince Rupert’s Regiment of Dragoons was raised. Tt was to consist of 12 troops each of 80 men: ‘that is 10 say, three corporals, tr serjeants, the gentleman of arms, and 12 soldiers ofeach of the said 12 Troaps, are to have and carry each of them one hhalbard, and one case of pistols with holster; and the rest of the soldiers... are to have and to carry each of them one matchlock musquet, with a collar of bandaleers, and also to have and carry ane bayonet, or great knife: That each territor services, and the anti-mil 4 James [instituted ‘summer camps, often on Hounslow Heath, at which the army was broughe together for training and inspection. These became a regular feature of army life, and a political gesture aimed at keeping Parliament in its place. Print by G. Croom, dated 1686 (National Army Museum) lieutenant have and carry one partisans and that two drums be delivered out far each Troop.’ ‘The use of matchlock muskets and bandoleers was unusual; experience during the Civil Wars had led to New Model dragoons being armed with flintlocks and cartridge boxes which were easier to manage on horseback. The 1672 soon disbanded. When war threatened again in 1678, another regiment of dragoons was raised for Prince Rupert. Each troop wasto consist of 1 captain, 1 lieutenant, 1 quarter-master, 2 sergeants, 3 corporals, 2 drummers, and 8o ‘private soldiers’ to be armed with ‘2 Partisans, 6 Halberts, 12 Fusils, 68 Musquets (with slings to all the firearms), 80 Cartridge- boxes, 8o Bayonets, 6 cases of pistols, 2 Drums’. In the regiment was, however,same month, orders were issued that all the firearms were to be snaphances. Until this date, dragoon regiments had been raised for service in particular campaigns and disbanded immedi- ately afterwards; the first permanent dragon regiment was, like many of the army’s early units, created almost by accident. In October 1661 a body of 109 horsemen had been sent from London to form part of the Tangier garrison. When Tangier was abandoned in 1683, the ‘angier Horse returned to England and the four troops were combined with two independent troops of dragoons to form the Royal Regiment of Dragoons. The new regiment was dressed in crimson coats for officers and red coats and cloaks lined blue for the men. Horse furniture and holsters were red with blueand yellow embroidery and bore the Royal Cipher. Each troop consisted of a captain, a lieutenant, a cornet, a quartermas- ter, 2 sergeants, 3 corporals, 2 hautbois, 2 drummers, and 450 private soldiers When new dragoons were raised during the Mon- mouth Rebellion they followed the standardised arming of the Royal Dragoons. ‘; New troops of Dragoons’ were raised, each troop with: Said to have been used at Killiecrankie in 1680, this saddle illustrates the pistol holsters (marked A)and the firm support required toholda horseman in the saddle when he crossed Some provision was aloo made for carrying qiripment in the ‘Snaphance musquetts strapt for Dragoons 63 Cartouch Boxes with girdles 63 Boots or Sockets for ye muskets 63 Drummes for Dragoons 2 Byonetts with Froggs and Belts 63 Halberts [for sergeants] 2 Partizans [for captain and lieutenant] 2 Saddles 69° An instruction of February 1687 states that dragoons should be equipped with: ‘Snaphance Musquets, rapped, with bright barrels of 3 foot 8 inches long, cartouche boxes, bayonets, granade pouches, buckets, and hammer hatchets? In May 1678 two independent companies of dragoons were formed in Scotland and a third company was added in 1679. These men wore grey coats and bonnets and were armed with broadswords, short muskets with belts and pistols, In November 1681 a dragon regiment, which later became known as the Scots Greys, was formed by adding three new companies to the existing three and reforming each to 50 men. The regiment continued to wear stone grey clothing until at least the end of 1684 and in June 1685 was ordered into England in response to the MonmouthRebellion, A recent theory that the Scots Greys were so called from this grey clothing rather than from the colour of their horses seems to be contradicted by the following account from 1687. This details the materials used to manufacture red coats for the regiment, in a period long before the title ‘Scots Greys’ entered common usage: ‘Scots English ksd fsa sells red cloth at £2 Scotsperell 11 00 0 18 4 Gels blue serge lining at £1 scots per ell 6 00 0100 rfell green canvas for bindings 0 40 0 0 ro dozen tin buttons at 5s perdoz 2100 0 42 ro drab weight red silk at 18d per drab O10 0 13 302 red thread at 3s per oz 0 90 0 09 — to drab on the buttons 020 0 02 Making the coat 200 034 [Total] 23 00 1By A Scottish ell measured 37 inches providing enough cloth for a coat loose enough to be worn over a waistcoat with the wide skirts necessary when mounted on a horse, An order of 1697 sets out the provision of uniform for the dragoons: ‘The Dragoons shall have every year one pair breeches, one hat; every two years one Coat of better cloth than usually, and one cap; every three years one Cloak, one Housing, one Saddlery and harness, with Swords, Bayonets, belts, Cartouch-box and slings.’ ... ‘Officers to agree upon a pattern approved by the Colonel for their coats and to buy them where they like.’ A list of 1696 gives a detailed breakdown of a dragoon, regiment's clothing: ‘Former price’ (each) hed 411 Coats and breeches 220 483 Cloaks 200 467 Hats ° 86 467 Caps © 50 467 Neckeloths o 16 483 Pr. Boots 0120 467 Waist belts ° 46 467 Swords ° 76 483 Leather Bags o 40 467 Hoose and caps, embroidered 0120 411 Daggers o 26 411 Cartouch boxes 0 26 467 Pr. Stockings 0 20 16 Sergeants” coats and breeches 3100 16 Hats 0150 16 Caps © 100 16 Cravats o 26 16 Swords 0100 16 Belts © 60 16 Pr. Stockings ° 60 16 Hoose and caps 080 24 Corporals’ suits 2100 16 Drummers’ suits 2100 16 Hoboys’ suits 31007 By the end of the century the dragoon was near the end of its existence as a troop type distinct from cavalry. A number of changes to the dragoon’s equipment signalled the new role. In May 1690 2 company of ‘Grenadiers on horseback’ of the 4th Dragoons were issued with grenade pouches and fusils. In September 1697 the 8th Dragoons (Cunningham's) had their pay docked to provide pistols, Tn actions such as the storming of the Schellenberg in Towards the end of our period, the distinetion ‘equipment. This French dragon carries his musket ‘between dragoon and with its butt lodged in a cavalry declined as ‘bucket’; aside from this he governments realised that__-might otherwise be taken the dragon could fulfil fora cavalryman. many of the duties of the Engraving by N. Guerard. cavalryman but cost less in pay, mounting and (Private Collection)1704, dragoons dismounted to take part in the attack; but in open battle they now fought normally on horseback — abandoning their old role as mounted infantry and becoming part of the cavalry arm. INFANTRY UNIFORMS ‘The provision of uniform throughout our period remained the business of the regimental commander. The ordinary soldier paid for his uniform and equipment through regular deductions taken from his pay, called ‘off reckon- ings’. He had no say in the quality of his uniform; and as his equipment and uniform wore out he was required to pay for replacements, putting him almost permanently into debt, In February of 1678 the following order was made for the provision of uniforms and equipment to NCOs, men and recruits raised for the war with France: ‘For the new clothing with a cloth coat lined with baize, one pair of kearsey breeches, lined, with pockets, two shirts, tivo cravats, one pair of shoes, one pair of yarn hose, one hat, edged and hat band, one sash, and also one sword and belt .. the said clothing be satisfied for out of the off-reckonings of their pay, over and above their meekly subsistence-money, from time to time. And in case the said new-raised forces be disbanded before the off-reckonings reserved shall be sufficient to pay for the above clothing, what they fall short shall be paid cut of Our treasure ... provided that the particulars before mentioned do not exceed 53 shillings in the whole for each man. Though the uniform to be supplied was regulated centrally, it was left to the regiment to arrange manufac ture. In 169 the London Gazette published instructions to regiments: colonels were to appoint two or three officers to see patterns of cloth, lining, etc. and to haggle down the priceas low as they could. The colonel, if he approved, was to make a contract with the tradesmen and to sign it together with all his captains. For most of the period the colour of the coat was fixed as red; considerable leeway was given to commanders about other aspects such as linings. The Duke of Beaufort was told in a letter of 4 July 1685 concerning his new regiment: ‘As to their Clothing, the outside being red, [His Majesty] leaves it to you to use what other colour you like best for the lining.’ the choice was not always made on sound military principles as Lord Chesterfield wrote in 1667: “The soldiers red coats lined with black and black flags with a red cross ina black field, which T did, because I wasat that time in mourning for my mother.” Some colonels found their This Dutch musketeer retains the musket rest, which had been discarded in England during the Civil Wars, and wears a pot helmet of a kind rarely ‘seen in England after 1642. short doublet, were fashionable in the 16508 and early 1660s. (From ‘Memorie der Particuliere Exerc’ by Johan Boxel) personal preferences overruled by the patron of their regiment. It is thought that the Lord Admiral’s Regiment wore yellow coats lined red, which were the colours of the Duke of York who was admiral at the time. In an attempt to maintain some standards of quality, patterns and cloth specimens were issued to the manufac- turers and copies were kept for later comparison with the finished articles. That way at least it was hoped manufac- turers would not shortchange soldiers by supplying shoddy clothing in small sizes. Two government ‘patterns? were kept, oneat the Tower, and one in the Strand, though unfortunately both sets were destroyed by fire, one in the rth, the other in the roth century. No other official record was kept. Even if they had survived, these ‘patterns? would tell only part of the story: changes to a regiment's uniform could occur at the whim of its commander following the latest fashion. In 1695 in order to check a growing fad for 7grenadier style caps King William issued an order that ‘none of our regts. or companies of Foot do wear caps, excepting only the Royal Regiment of Fusileers, the Regt. of Scots Fusileers, and the Grenadeers of each respective regiment’. At the end of the War of the Grand Alliance in 1697 the allocation of uniform and equipment was still much as it had been in 1678: ‘One suit of clothes shall be taken every year out of the off-reckonings in the infantry, the first year one oat, 1 pr. breeches, one cap or hat, two shirts, to Cravats two pairs of stockings and two pairs of shoes, the second year one Surtoute, one pair of breeches, one Shirt, one Cravat, one pair of stockings and one pair of shoes. And give the whole regiment every three years what they call the small armament Vizt. one Sword, one Bayonet, one Belt, one Cartridge Box ith the furniture and slings. ‘O ficers to agree upon a pattern approved by the Colonel for their coats and to buy them where they like.’ ‘The general demobilisation at the end of the war saw many soldiers returning to civilian life with the items that they had paid for from their off-reckonings: ‘That the non commissioned Officers and Soldiers be permitted to carry away with them their cloaths belt and snapsack, and the Serjeants likewise their sword; and that each private soldier, corporal, and drummer be allowed 3s, for his sword.’ Military musicians from 1670. They have the arms of their commander emblazoned on their drums and the Royal Arms ona fife banner. Two of them wear cravats, though the others still have “Yalling band’ collars. Unlike the musicians, the officer (far right) has fashionable sleeves cut short to the elbow and wears.a sash over his shoulder. From Funeral of the Duke of Albemarle, 1670. (British Museum) Officers During the Civil Wars officers had worn their own clothing rather than a regimental uniform and this custom con tinued after the Restoration. Regulations for officers’ clothing were introduced only gradually, and throughout the period remained as much a matter of fashion as of military discipline. In 1684 an order was made designating the style of gorget to denote officer ranks: ‘For the better distinction of Our several Officers serving in Our Companies of Foot, Our ill and pleasure is, that all Captains of Foot wear no other Corselet fice. gorget] than of the colour of gold; all Lieutenants, black corselets studded with gold, and the Ensigns corselets of silver. And we do likewise think fit that all Lieutenants of Foot carry pikes and not partisans, which we do hereby order to be returned into the office of Our Ordnance.’ ‘The success of this instruction may be judged from the following quotes. By the Coronation in April 1685 the officers of the First Foot Guards wore regulation gorgets and despite the finery on display there was a clear move towards scarlet as the colour of an officer: “The Officers of this First Regiment of Foot-Guards ... were exceedingly richly Habited; some in Coats of Cloth of Gold, others in Crimson Velvet Imbroidered or Laced with Gold or Silver; but most of them in Fine Scarlet Cloth, Buttoned down the Brest and on the Facings of the Sleeves with Silver Plate. Their Scarffs (which they wore about their wastes) were either Network of Gold or Silver, or Crimson Taffeta richly Fringed mith Gold or Silver, and their Hats mere adorned with Tours of White Feathers.The Captains were distinguished by Corselets or Gorgets of Silver Plate double gilt; The Lieutenants by Corselets of Steel Polished and Sanguin'd, and Studded with Nails of Gold; and the Ensigns had their corselets of Silver Plate.” ‘The accession of William III caused a temporary shift away from red as the standard uniform colour, a move reflected in officers’ dress. In 1691/2, the officers of Stewart’s Regiment wore blue coats, lined with blue shalloon and decorated with gold. Abraham Creighton’s and Gustavus Hamilton’s officers had coats of scarlet broadcloth lined with scarlet shalloon and decorated with gold and silver. Lord Cutts’, the Earl of Drogheda’s, Coote’s and Rowe's officers all had coats of crimson cloth, lined with crimson shalloon. By the early 1690s officers’ uniforms were purchased on a regimental basis at least while on active service. In 1702, in instructions for the forthcoming campaign in Flanders, the Duke of Marlborough made it clear that officers’ dress was to be uniform: “That the officers be all clothed in red, plain and uniform, which is expected they shall ‘wear on all marches and other duties as well as days of Review, that no officer be on duty without his regimental scarf and spontoon, and whereas the officers of some regiments have pikes and others spontoons, "tis ordered that all provide spontoons according to the pattern which I have given to Major-General Sabine’ Soldiers’ uniforms Details of the early Restoration uniforms are scarce but it appears that the red coat was quickly confirmed as the standard dress of the British soldier. A receipt of 25 October 1661 records expenditure by Lord Wentworth on his regiment of Guards then in Dunkirk for 783 red tunics (probably for musketeers), 505 buff coats for pikemen and 1286 hats, This regiment was amalgamated with the First Foot Guards in 1665. When seen by Duke Cosmo in 1669 this regiment's musketeers wore red coats turned up with light blue, and the pikemen coats of ‘silver’ colour turned up light blue. The Coldstream Guards had red coats lined green for musketeers and green lined red for pikemen. Distinguishing colours may also have been used on equipment: in 1667 the Coldstreams were issued with 650 collars of bandoleers covered with black leather and ‘green strings’, We have no reliable pictorial evidence of the style of coat worn by foot soldiers in the early years of the Restoration, Hollar’s drawings of Tangier demonstrate that by 1669 a French-style, knee-length coat was being worn; with minor changes this remained the standard Uniform coat for the rest of the period, At first the coat was worn loose with crossed bandoleer and shoulder belt, but in the mid-1670s a waist sash was introduced for both These tiny figures in an etching by Hollar from sketches made at Tangier in 1669 show that the knee length French-style coat had already been introduced into the English army. The coat has buttonsall the way down to the hem, wide turnbacks on the sleeves, and is worn open under a bandoleer and sword baldrick, both ‘some four inches wide. (From Divers Prospects in and about Tangier, exactly delineated by W. Hollar, His Majesties Designer) pikemen and musketeers. The sash gave the coat a distinct pinched waist, a style that remained the norm until the early 1680s when musketeers abandoned the sash to wear their swords on waist belts rather than baldricks. ‘The First Foot Guards at the 1685 Coronation were uniformed as follows: “The Private Soldiers mere all new Cloathed in Coats of Red broad Cloth, Lined and Faced with Blew; Their Hats were Black, Laced about mith Silver, turned up and garnished with Blew Ribbands. Their Breeches imere Ble Broad Cloth, and their Stockings of Blew Worsted. The Musquetiers mere Armed with Snaphance Musquets, with Sanguin'd Barrels, 3 Foot 8 Inches in length; good Swords in Waste Belts, and Collars of Bandiliers; And the Pike-men with Pikes 16 Foot long, each headed with a Three-Square Point of Steel, and good swords in broad Shoulder-belts, wearing also about their wastes, Sashes, or Scarffi of White Worsted, Fringed Ble. Although red was the customary colour of soldiers’ coats it was not universal. The Lord High Admiral’s Regiment wore yellow coats lined red from their formation in 1664, but converted to red coats lined yellow when they became Prince George of Denmark's Regiment in 1685. 19‘The Earl of Bath's Regiment formed during the Mon- mouth Rebellion wore blue coats lined red, but in 1691 changed to red coats just as a number of new regiments were being raised in blue coats for the Irish campaign. Lord Lindsay’s Regiment which was on the Scottish establishment from 1694 to 1697 clad its Private Sentinels in coats and breeches of white Galloway cloth, and the sergeants in coats of stone grey and red breeches. In general, however, the end of the campaigns in Ireland, and the transfer of regiments to Flanders, saw a return to the red coat as the mark of the British soldier. Waistcoats The waistcoat presents a problem as in illustrations and eyewitness descriptions its presence or absence is hidden by the coat. Part of the difficulty is that the waisteoat was made from the previous year’s uniform coat and so does not appear on warrants or bills. That this was standard practice is confirmed by Marlborough’s order of 1702: ‘And whereas a complaint has been made about the expense in turning the soldier's coats into waistcoats, "tis ordered that all Colonels do the same out of the clothing money.” It is not known what arrangements were made for newly raised regiments or for recruits who in their first year of service would not have had an old coat to convert into a waistcoat. We do not know when waistcoats were first worn, but one of the earliest references comes from 1688 with the celebrations on the birth of a son to King James. The soldiers garrisoning Carlisle began ‘throwing their hats into the fire at one health, their coats at the next, their waistcoats at a third’, Waistcoats were often the same colour as the lining of the uniform coat and it seems that the old coat was disassembled, with the clean inner face between cloth and lining becoming the new outer face. Waistcoats could be either sleeved or sleeveless, though any new sleeves had to be closely cut so that they could be ‘worn under the coat sleeves. The protection afforded by the two layers of the coat and waistcoat proved insufficient for service in Ireland. Dutch soldiers serving there were provided with ‘surtouts’ which would later be called ‘greatcoats’, Some ‘watch coats’ were usually provided for each regiment to be issued to men on sentry duty, though in 1689, 13,000 ‘Surtoot White Coats’ were sent to Ireland in addition to uniform coats for new regiments being raised. Another type of soldier's coat features in descriptions from the 16708 to 1700s. This is a grey coat often with black lining that appears to have been a fatigue or undress coat. For example, a deserter of Cornwall’s Regiment in 1687 is described as wearing a grey coat lined black; another deserter from the Coldstreams in 1705 wore a grey coat trimmed blue. 20 INFANTRY WEAPONS & EQUIPMENT In 1660 the standard offensive weapon for a pikeman wasa 16-foot pike; and fora musketeer, a matchlock musket with a set of bandoleers containing gunpowder. By 1704, the infantryman had a flintlock musket with his ammunition in paper cartridges kept in a cartridge box, and a socket bayonet to protect him from cavalry. These changes were partly responsible for a major improvement in infantry firepower, and for the continued development of new tactics based upon firepower to the exclusion of hand-to- hand combat. From matehlock to flintlock It had long been recognised that the matchlock was not suited to mounted use; costly and cumbersome wheel-lock pistols and carbines had to be produced instead. The Civil ‘Wars saw these weapons gradually replaced by flintlock pistols and carbines for horse, while dragoons were issued with special lintlock muskets. ‘Though the flintlock was undoubtedly @ superior weapon, its advantages over the matchlock have long been hugely overestimated by historians. Our knowledge of the performance of the flintlock comes mainly from trials held in the late 18th and early roth centuries; no such trials are recorded for the matchlock. Modern comparison is based upon calculations of how long it would take to carry out the motions described in contemporary drill books. It has been claimed that a matchlock would take three to five minutes to load and fire while the same could be achieved with a flintlock in just 1g to 30 seconds. In fact drill manuals were training aids, not regulation procedures. Many ‘postures’ were illustrated as several distinct ‘motions’ to make them clearer. Unfortunately, different drill books contain differ- ent numbers of motions both for matchlock and flintlock drill, so direct comparison is difficult. By a happy chance the Abridgement of 1685 lists both matchlock and flintlock drill alongside each other. In all 32 motions are required to oad and fire a matchlock, and 3o for the flintlock. The difference is a matter of a few seconds. ‘Theaccuracy of muskets depended upon the quality of the gunpowder and the gun barrel, as well as the tight fit of the bullet. Many flintlock muskets were merely old matchlocks fitted with new locks; so there is no reason for the flintlock to have been inherently more accurate. The matchlock did have one serious disadvantage in that it could only be used if the soldier had his match-cord alight.Sentries used large amounts of match to guard against surprise attack and this could cause problems if'stocks were limited, as, for example, during prolonged sieges. The flintlock needed a steady supply of new flints as these were casily broken (though only when the weapon was in use). The discovery of sources of more resilient flints in the 17th century did much to improve reliability. Flintlock design also became more robust and James IT was careful to specify that his Guards should be equipped with French locks — the best then available — for their muskets. ‘The one area in which the flintlock had a definite advantage was in volley fire. The matchlock was prone to a slow ignition, as the match did not always burn brightly enough to set off the priming charge at once: the gave a much more certain and immediate explosion and a unified volley. This had not mattered with early musketry tactics which concentrated on keeping up continuous rolling fire, By the closing years of the century, new Dutch tactics called for carefully controlled volleys by bodies of musketeers, fired in rapid succession, For this type of drill the flintlock was far more effective. ‘The change-over from matchlock to flintlock muskets, was a slow process. The slow and erratic progress of this change-over among British Guards regiments, and in particular, the Coldstream Regiment, has caused a con- siderable amount of debate in historical circles. In April 1660, Monk ordered four companies of his regiment (the future Coldstreams) to trade in their matchlocks for flintlocks. Yet only a few years later in February 1665, 500 guardsmen added to the regiment were equipped with matchlocks even though destined for service with the fleet. Several theories have been put forward to account for this apparently retrograde step ~ corruption, thrift, and plain stupidity. The puzzle does not stop there. In 1667 two new companies of the Coldstreams were issued with a mixture of matchlocks and flintlocks: 60 muskets with bandoleers and 13 firelocks. The flintlocks gained ground in May 1672 intlock A lace-17th-century A late-17th-century matehlock musket. Unlike _flintlock musket. Although the version used in the the term ‘snaphance’ was English Civil Wars this generally used by example has the priming contemporaries to describe pan as part of the lock the flintlock, the true rather than the barrel. ‘snaphance’ was rarely This made it easy to seen in Britain, This highly convert matchlocks to decorated flinciock flinclocks by the simple _ includes a ‘dog’ catch expedient of changing the which secured the Jock. (Royal Armouries, __-mechanism at ‘half cock” Tower of London) preventing the flint from falling while the musket was being loaded. (Royal Armouries, Tower of London) 24when recruits for nine companies of the Coldstreams were issued ‘g1 snaphance musquets, 91 matchlock musquets, 182 collars of bandileers’. The conversion back to flintlocks became complete when in June 1683 the First Foot Guards, and in January 1684 the Coldstreams, were ordered to exchange their arms so that cach company would carry 43 snaphance muskets and 20 pikes. In terms of modernity of equipment, Guards regi- ments remained one step in advance of regular line regiments, and it was not until the end of the century that some units in remote outposts received replacements for their matchlocks. In September 1684 five companies of ‘Trelawney’s Regiment (withdrawn from Tangier) were re- ‘equipped before going to Ireland, each company receiving: “20 long pikes, 12 snaphance muskets, 28 matchlocks, 40 collars of bandoleers’. In October two companies of the Holland Regiment in Jersey were to be armed with: ‘26 matchlock muskets, 9 snaphance muskets, 18 long pikes’. ‘The Lord High Admiral’s Regiment served at sea and had been armed with flintlock muskets as the matchlock was considered a fire hazard on board ship. By 1685, the regiment was restyled the Prince of Denmark's Regiment, and converted into a line regiment. During the expansion of the army as a result of the Monmouth rebellion each company received: ‘28 matchlock muskets, 6 snaphance muskets, 16 long pikes, 34 bandoliers’, At the same time an order was made for the 10 companies of the newly raised Duke of Beaufort’s Regiment to be issued with 590 matchlock muskets, 120 snaphance muskets, 320 long pikes and 710 bandoleers. Ieis clear that the change from matchlock to flintlock was a gradual process, and the advantages of the flintlock had be weighed up at each stage against the additional cost. ‘The length of time for the change-over indicates that the disadvantages of the matchlock were not as great as some historians have made out. Bandoleers and cartridges Although in the late 17th century the bandoleer was replaced by the cartridge box, the eartridge was by far the earlier invention. From medicval times a twist of paper had been the usual way of selling and carrying any powder, but this was vulnerable to damp, and the powder liable to leak out. The powder flask was introduced as a safer container, but had the disadvantage that even with a complicated spout arrangement it was difficult to ensure that a correctly measured charge was poured into the musket barrel. The ‘collar of bandoleers’ with its hanging wooden or metal ‘boxes’ cach drilled to contain exactly the right charge solved the problem. Bandoleers had their own drawbacks horsemen found that they bounced up and down with the motion of the horse, and grenadiers were concerned that 2 their burning grenade fuses might set off their bandoleers. Horse soldiers preferred flasks or cartridge boxes attached to their belt or saddle, and grenadiers also turned to the cartridge box worn on a waist belt. The dragoons of the New Model Army adopted the cartridge box in 1645 Efforts were made to overcome the problem of the paper cartridges leaking their contents. Since little could be done about the paper the answer was to strengthen the cartridge box. An order of 1662 for the Trish ‘Battle Axe Guard’ contains the following specification: ‘Tym [i.e tin] Cartouch boxes covered with Leather of Calves Skin for -Musketts with Formers, prymeing boxes and neate [i.e. cows] leather girdles with white metal buckles 64 at 3s 6d.’ ‘The cartridge box was made of tin for strength and covered in leather to keep out damp. The ‘Formers’ mentioned above were wooden sticks around which the paper was rolled to give a cartridge of the correct length and diameter to hold the correct charge; the loaded paper cartridges were then usually secured with twine. The priming box held the finer powder needed for the touch pan of the musket. The drill for grenadiers set down in 1685 indicates that these small priming flasks were kept in the cartridge box rather than on a cord as were those of bandoleer-equipped musketeers. The girdle or waist belt ‘was to be made from neate’s (cow's) leather with a white or bright silver buckle rather than one painted black to protect it from rust. ‘The bayonet and the pike ‘The slow adoption of the bayonet — from its early recorded use by the English in the garrisons at Dunkirk and Tangier in 1662 and 1663, until widespread issue in the first decade ofthe 1700s ~ suggests that it too, like the flintlock musket, was not seen as an innovation that would immediately change the nature of infantry tacties. At first only specialist troops, without the protection of pikemen, were issued with bayonets. Dragoons raised in 1672 and grenadiers from their inception in 1677 were both issued with ‘plug’ bayonets, so called because the hilt plugged the muzzle of the musket. The first regiments with pikemen to be issued with bayonets were the Guards in 1686, Line regiments ‘were equipped with bayonets only in a piecemeal fashion, and some regiments under Marlborough in the 1700s still had not received their issue. Cost was 2 major factor in the speed of introduction, but the bayonet was obviously not considered so effective that regiments without them would be seriously disadvan- taged in combat. That the plug bayonet prevented the musketeer firing his weapon was another major hindrance. ‘The disaster which befell government forces at Killiecran- kie in 1689 was attributed, quite falsely, to the plug bayonet. Heavy losses sustained in Ireland from cavalryae The ‘sword bayonet’ aimed — attacks on Danish regiments armed with bayonets but no Sribe fofanarman'e TF pikes, also did little to encourage adoption, ‘hanger with those of the Efforts were made to overcome the disadvantages of plug bayonet, butat 1164 the plug bayonet, particularly in France. Louis XIV conse weight dae watched a demonstration by his Guards using an improved unbalanced. The adoption bayonet secured to the side of the barrel by rings. of the socket bayonet Unfortunately when the Guards fired a volley many of the eer re chis king, bayonets fell off; Louis XIV was not impressed, but The blade is marked with a experiments continued. The answer came finally with the ‘running woll the mark ‘socket bayonet’~ secured by aslt that locked into lug on of the blade makers o : w the musket to be loade Solingen, By the late 17th the barrel, allowing the musket to be loaded and fired with century, many Germans bayonet in place. This tipped the scales in favour of the were working from bayonet and the pike fell into disuse at the start of the 18th weapons factories that they established at Hounslow near London. (Royal Armouries’Tower Standardisation of equipment of London) century During King James's reign, special efforts were made to standardise the equipment used by the army. These efforts Right and below: Charles I's departure from ‘Scheveningen in Holland jin May 1660. The painting id to show red- rsh Foot Guards. However, the etching of the same scene by Nicolaus Visscher identifies these soldiers as Dutch. The painting copies the engraving. The artist may have chosen to paint the soldiers’ coats red, the colour he saw being worn in London, (Private Collection) 2Bare particularly well summarised in the regulations for inches long in the barrel, with good swords, bandoliers, and musters of 2 February 1687 bayonets; and the Pikemen (as also the Pikemen of all other “The Musqueteers of our regiment of Foot-Guards 10 regiments) 10 have pikes 16 feet long, with good swords. have Snaphance Musguets, with bright barrels, of 3 foot 8 Musguetiers of all other regiments of Foot (excepting our ees EO Ear ‘The Horse Guards Troop Coats & Cloaks Carbine bets Grematiers Men King’s Troop Scarlet Kined blue Velvet laced gold &esilver; ed Reed coats, lined blue with blue 260 hhooses & holster caps loops tufted yellow; Caps lined the embroidered with royal cipher & same and blue round mark on the crown outside Queen's Troop SearletTined blue Green velvet laced gold; green Green loops with yellow tufis 200 hhooses & holster caps embroidered with same cipher and crown Dute's Troop Scatletlined blue Velvet lcedsilver on yellow; Yellow coat loops 200 hhooses & holster caps embroidered on yellow, with same cipher and crown a the King’s ‘The Horse and Dragoons Regiment Couts © Cloaks Carbine belts Sudale Cloths Troops Men Earlof Oxford's Bluelined ved ‘Laced with gold on buff witha (Unknown) 8 360 House red edging; hooses & holster caps with royal cipher embroidered on blue. Royal Regt. af Red Kined blue Embroidered blueand 6 300 Dragoons yellow on red withthe royal cipher; caps the same with royal cipher ‘The Foot Regiment Coats Stockings — Breeches Sash Coys Grenadier caps Foot Guards ‘Red lined blue Blue Blue White 25 Lined blue, rufted blue & red, with fringed royal cipher crowned blue Coldstream Red lined green Red White 13 Lined green, with green tassels Guards fringed sreen Royal Regiment —Redlined white Light grey Light grey White. 21 Lined white ‘the lions face proper’ fringed crowned white Queen's Regiment n Admirals Yellow lined red a Regivent Holland Red lined flesh 2 Regiment colour Dachess of n York's Regt Source: A General and Compleat List Military... As Esablished atthe time of the review upon Pusney Heath the First of October 1684 by Nathan Brooks | 4‘The regimental tailor at work, 1686 1: Regimental tailor 2: Soldier, Prince George of Denmark's Regiment of Foot 3: Officer, Earl of Oxford's Horse 4: SoldierTangiers 1: Officer of the garrison, 1669 { 2 Musketeer, Governor's Regiment, 1669 3 Drummer, Coldstream Guards, 1671[eMusheteer, Lord Admirals Maritime Regiment of oot Pikeman, Coldsteam Regiment of Foot Guards 3: Grenadier, Colonel Herbert Jeffery's Regiment of Foot 3Sedgemoor, 1685 1: Dragoon, Royal Regiment of Dragoons 2: General officer 3: Piper, Earl of Dumbarton’s Regiment of Foot‘The regiments of horse at Sedgemoor, 1685 1: Trooper, First Troop of Horse Guards 2: Trooper, Earl of Oxford's Horse 3: Horse grenadier, First Troop of Horse Grenadiers‘The campaigns in reland m rd Cu oot, King Willis Army 1691 1g William’s Army 1691 of B: Foot, Ki 3: Trooper, Galmoy’s Regiment ‘of Horse, King James Army 1692Regiment of Fusiliers, the Granadiers, and the company of Miners) to have Matchlock and Snaphance Musquets; the barrels whercof to be 3 foot 6 inches long, good swords, and andoliers. Our Royal Regiment of Fusiliers to have Snaph~ ance Musquets, strapped, with bright barrels of 3 foot 8 inches long, with good swords, cartouck boxes, and bayonets. All the Foot Granadiers of Our Army, both regimented and non- regimented, 10 have long carbines, strapped; the barrels whereof to be 3 foot 2 inches long, cartouche boxes, bayonets, granade pouches, and hammer hatchets. The Company of Miners to have long carabines, strapped; the barrels to be 3 foot 2 inches in length, cartouche boxes, bayonets, and extraordinary hammer hatchets. The Dragoons to have Snaphance Musquets, strapped, with bright barrels of 3 foot 8 inches long, cartouche boxes, bayonets, granade pouches, buckets, and hammer hatchets ‘The standardisation of m y affairs begun by James did not continue into the reign of William and Mary when the introduction of Dutch ideas and the pressures of war caused a diverse variety of equipment to enter service. In March 1689 Beveridge’s Foot were issued with equal numbers of matchlocks and flintlocks. In April 1690 the two new regiments of Pembroke and ‘Torrington each received 1896 Dutch snaphance muskets, bayonets and In December 1695 the number of pikemen in a company was reduced to r4, as against 46 musketeers, being effectively the conversion of one six-man file cartridge boxes with gird Regiment Clothing colour Number of Men each Total Troops| Coys Horse on the right Earl of Oxford Blue lined red 9 50 450 Muj-Gen Worthen's Red lined red 6 40 240 Queen Dowagers Red lined green 6 40 240 Earl of Skrewshury's Red lined buf 6 40 240 Farlof Peterhorough's. Red lined red 6 40 2. Foot The 1st Bn, ander Red lined with blue, blue breeches and stockings 7, one of them 80 560 Col. Stradiing igrenadiers The King's 3rd Bn.under Asabove 6 Bo 480 pt. Reresby Farlof Craven's 11 Bn. Red lined blue, blue breeches, white stockings 6, plus ahalfeoy of 80 520 tnder Maj Hewtt igrenadiers 13t Bn. of Scotch Guards, Red lined white, white breeches & stockings 7 80 360 under Maj. Murray Prince George's Red lined yellow, grey breeches & stockings 12 Gol. Oglethorpe's Red lined ash, ash coloured breeches & stockings 12 Earl Huntingdon’ s Red lined yellow, yellow breeches, grey stockings 10 Earlof Litchfield's Red lined white, blue breeches & stockings 10 Marg. of Worcester’s Red lined tawny, tawny breeches & stockings 10 Earl of Bath's Blue lined red, breeches & stockings 10 Col. Kirk's Red lined green, green breeches, white stockings 10 Earl of Dumbarton's Red lined white, grey breeches & stockings un Earl of Plymouth’s Red lined green 6 Horse on the left Earlof Scarsdate's Red lined yellow 6 40 240 Earl of Arran’s Red lined white, with white silk sashes 6 4 240. The Queen's Red lined yellow 6 e 240 Dragoons The King’s 6 4 240 Princess of Denmark's 6 40 240 The Queen's 6 4 240 The Fucileers Red lined yellow, grey breeches & stockings 12(omeofminers) 50 600 Source: A List of King James's Army on Hounslow Heath, as they lay encamped ... June 30th 1686. 3GRENADIERS In May 1677 an order was issued that two soldiers from each company of the Guards regiments were to be trained = grenadiers. Accordingly the ten companies of the ldstream Regiment each received 20 grenadier pouches, 20 hatchets and girdles and 20 ‘Fusees’ or flintlock iskets. In April 1678 an order was made that a company of grenadiers consisting of t captain, 2 lieutenants, 3 sergeants, 3 corporals and 100 privates be added to each of the eight senior foot regiments of the army. ‘Their arms were to be ‘103 Fusces with slings, 103 cartridge-boxes with girdles, 103 grenade pouches, 103 bayonets, 103 hatchets with girdles to them, 3 halberds (for sergeants) and 2 partisans (for officers)’. The muskets issued are specified elsewhere as ‘long carbines strapped; the barrels whereof to be 3 foot 2 inches long’; the straps allowed the musket to be slung over the grenadier’s back while he was using his hatchet or throwing a grenade. As grenadier companies had no pikemen and were often stationed in advance, or on the wings of the regiment, they were issued bayonets for protection against cavalry. It appears that grenadiers were not at first issued swords though the evidence is contradictory. As the grenadier carried his four bombs in a pouch slung over his left shoulder his cartridges were kept in a pouch on his waist belt. The first description of the British grenadier comes from John Evelyn's diary in June 1678. He describes them as ‘new sort of soldiers with a pouch full of hand grenades’ ‘They wore ‘furred caps with coped crowns like Janizaries, which gave them a fierce expression: while some wore long, hoods hanging down behind, as fools are pictured. ‘Theit clothing was picbald, yellow and red.’ Two different styles of cap are described, one with a high crown and a far edging, and another with a hanging bag. Both types appear in French illustrations of the period, and were probably devised by the regiments themselves, ‘The most detailed early description is of the grena- of the First Foot Guards at James IT's coronation in The Granadiers (vie. Two Companies) were Cloathed si 1685 A grenadier officer’s mitre cap of c.1690, Officers still had a large degree of freedom in their choice of uniform, and grenadier company officers scem to have copied the unusual ‘style of dress of their men, The grenadier cap appeared in various with hanging bags o hoods, high conical points with Cassels, or as decorated caps. This example is some eight inches tall and is decorated with thistles denoting Scottish origins. (Seottish United Services Museum) eyles: 44s the Musquetiers, but distinguished by Caps of Red Cloth Lined with Blew Skallon, and Laced with Sitver Caloon ‘about the Edges: And on the Frontlets of said Caps (which mere very large and kigh) was Imbroidered the Kings Cipher and crown, Each of these Granadiers was Armed mith a ong Carabine Strapt, the Barrel thereof 3 Foot 2 Inches in length « cartouch-box, Bionet, Granada-Pouch, and a Hammer- Hatchet.’ On the same occasion, the Coldstream Regiment's grenadiers had caps lined and faced with * Blew Chatoon, and Laced with Gold Galoon, and Imbroidered on the Frontlets mith the Kings Cipher’ Bibliography Allingham, A., A Treatise of Military Orders, and the Art af Gunnery, or throwing of Bombs, Balls, etc. (London 1722) Barthorp, Michael, British Cavalry Uniforms since 1660 (Poole 1984) Barthorp, Michael, British Infiwiry Uniforms since 1660 (Poole 1982) Beddard, Robert, A Kingdom without a King (London 1988) Blackmore, H. L., British Military Firearms 165 (London 1961) Brooks, Nathan, A General and Complete List Military of very Commission Officer of Horse and Foot now commanding in his Majesty's Land Forces of England (London 1684) Carman, W. ¥., British Military Uniforms from Contem= porary Pictures (London 1957 & 1968) Childs, John, The Army of James IT (London 1976) Childs, John, The Army, James II and the Glorious Revolution (Manchester 1980) Childs, John, Armies and Warfare in Europe 1648- (Manchester 1982) Childs, John, The British Army of William ILI 1698-1702 (Manchester 1987) Childs, John, The Nine Years! War and the British Army 1688-97 (Manchester 1991) Dalton, Charles, English Army Lists and Commission Registers 1660-1714, Vol. I (London 1892) Dalton, Charles, The Scots Army 1661-1688. (London ‘1909 & 1989) Davis, John, The History of the Second Queen's Royal Regiment, Vol. I (London 1887) Ede-Borrett, Stephen, The Army af James IT, Uniform and Organisation (Leeds 1987) Field, Cyril, Old Times Under Arms, A Military Garner (London 1939) Fortescue, J. W., A History of the British Army Vol. 1 (London 1910) 1850 89 Wars bue there were efforts early 1660s retain their to reintroduce it during helmets, back and breast Cromwell’s rule. (From plates, with shore ‘tassets’ the Dutch manual protecting the thighs.In_Drilkonst by Hendrik van England armour was Buren) discarded during the Civit Dutch pikemen of the Grant, Charles Stewart, From Pike to Shot 1685 10 1720 (Wargames Research Group, 1986) Halkett, Sir James, A Short and True Account of the most remarkable things that passed during the late Wars with the Moors at Tangier in the year 1680 etc. (JSAHIR special issue, 1922) Houlding, J. A., Pit for Service: The Training of the British Army 1715-1795 (Oxford 1981) Kane, Richard, Campaigns of King William and the Duke of Marlborough (London 1747) Kemp, Anthony, Weapons & Equipment of the Marl- borough Wars Poole 1980) Journal of the Society for Army Historical Research (JSAHR), various articles since 1921 Lawson, Cecil C. P., A History of the Uniforms of the British Army, Vol. 1 (London 1940 & 1960) Luttrell, Narcissus, A Brief Historical Relation of State Affairs, Vol. 1 (Oxford 1857) 35MacDonald Wigfield, W., The Monmouth Rebellion, A Social History (Bradford-on-Avon 1980) Mackinnon, Daniel, Origin and Service of the Coldstream Guards (London 1833) Magolotti, Count Lorenzo, The Travels of Cosmo the Third, Grand Duke of Tuscany, through England 1669 (London 1821) National Army Museum, 1688 Glorious Revolution? The Fall and Rise of the British Army 1660-1704 (exhibition catalogue) (London 1988) Petard, Michel, Equipements Militaires de 1600, 1870, Vol (no date) Routh, E.M. G., Tangier, England's Lost Atlantic Outpost 1661-1684 (London 1912) pherson, C. A., The British Army of William ITI (Leeds 1987) Sapherson, C. A., William I1Tat War, Scotland & Ireland 1689-1691 (Leeds 1987) Scott, Sir Sibbald David, The British Army: its Origin, Progress, and Equipment, Vol. 3 (London 1880) Tincey, John, Armies of the Sedgemoor Campaign (Leigh on Sea: Partizan Press, 1985) Tincey, John (ed.), Monmouth’s Drill Book: An abridge ‘ment of the English Military Discipline 1676 (Leigh on Sea: Partizan Press, 1986) ‘Trenchard, Thomas, A Short History of Standing Armies jn England (London 1698) ‘Turner, Sir James, Pallas Armata. (London 1683) Walton, Clifford, History of the British Standing Army 1660-1700 (London 1894) Military Essays Waugh, Norah, The Cut of Men's Clothes 1600-1900 (London 1964) Documents in the Public Record Office, London: PRO 30/37 Private Ordnance Records SP44 State Paper Domestic WO4)t Secretary at War December 1690 WOs/1 Out Letiers~ Marching Orders 1683 WO24 Bstablishments 1661-1846 WO26/1-6 Miscellany Books WO47/1-10b Board of Ordnance WO30/t Bill Books 1677-79 Out Letter March 1684 to Documents in the British Libr: Room: Add. 10123 Montagu Army Accounts 1680-1699 Add. 10115 Williamson Papers relating 10 the proposed French War of 1677 Add, 15893/f.405 Accounts of Major William Barker's Company 1686 Add. 15897 Winter Quarters of Forces 1686 and Abstract of Establishments Add. 23642 Tyramly Papers 1679-1759 Januscript Right: The battle of the Boyne. Most artillery remained too cumbersome t0 be moved during a battle; but, during the reign of James mobile inder cannons were soldiers drawn from their ranks. Detail of of the Boyne, 1690 by Jan Wyck. (National Army Museum) Regiment ‘The Horse Duke of Ormond Duke of Ormond Oxford Clothing cotour Red lined blue Red lined blue White lined scarlee The Foot Talmash Guards Red lined white Part of the Scotch Guards Red lined white Fusileers Red lined yellow Hales Red lined white O'Farrell Pusileers Red lined green FitzPatrick Red lined green Churchilt Red lined buff Hodges Red lined red Count Shamburg Red lined white From A list of our Army as it was drawn up at Tillray Camp, 1689 this is an extract showing British regiments only. Men Notes 0 Horse Grenadiers 200 and Troop, Horse Guards 400 Should be blue lined scarlet 1,000 Coldstream Guards 00 780 7th Foot 780 «1688, disbanded 1699 780 Raised 1688 as Bevil Skelton’s; disbanded 1701 380 Raised 1688 as Bevil disbanded 1701

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