PROPHECY IN ITS

ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN CONTEXT

SOCIETY
OFBIBliCAL
liTERATURE

JrlJZ'
SYMPOSIUM SERIES

Christopher R. ~1atthews, Editor

Number 13
PROPHECY IN ITS
ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN CONTEXT
MESOPOTAMJAS, BIBUCAl.,
AND ARABIAN PERSPECTIVES

edited by
Manti Nissinen
 Martti Nissinen, editor

PROPHECY IN ITS
ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN CONTEXT
MESOPOTAMIAN, BIBLICAL,
AND ARABIAN PERSPECTIVES

Society of Biblical Literature

Atlanta
 PROPHECY IN ITS
ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN CONTEXT
MESOPOTAMIAN, BIBLICAL,
AND ARABIAN PERSPECTIVES

edited by
Martti \Iissinen
Copyright © 2000 by the Society of Biblical Literature
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Librdry of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Prophecy in its ancient Near Eastern context: Mesopotamian, hihlical, and

Arahian perspectives ,/ \fartti Nissinen, editor.
p. CIlI. - (SHI. symposium spries ; no. I~)
Includes bibliographical references and indexes.
ISBr-; 0-8841+026-1 (pbk. : alk. paprr)
1. Prophecy-Comparative studies-Congresses. 2. l\liddle East-Religion-
Comparatiw studies-Congresses. T. :-.Jissinen, Marui. II. Symposium series
(Society of Biblical Literature) ; no. 1'>.
BL633.P75 2000
291.2'117-oc21 00-061927

OR 07 011 05 04 03 02 0 I 00

Prinled ill lhe U lIited Stales of America

oil ;tcid-fret' paper
~
~
 CONTENTS

PrcEICC Vll

Abbreviations IX

Part One
STUDIES IN METHOD
1. Comparare neusse est? Ancient Israelite and Ancient
Near Eastern Prophecy in a Compararjvc Perspective
Hans :Yl. Barstad 3
2. Ancient Near Eastern Prophecy from an Anthropological
Perspective
l.est<~r L. (;m.bbe 13

3. Defining Prophecy and Prophetic Literature

David L Petersen 33
Part Two
STUDIES IN SOURCES
1. A Company of Prophets: Mari, Assyria, brad
Herbert B. Huffman 47
5. Mesopotamian Prophecy bel'ween Immanence and
'Transcendence: A Comparison of Old Babylonian and
Neo-Assyri;m Prophecy
Karl'i van dn' Toorn 71
6. The Socioreligiolls Role of the ~eo-Assyrian Prophets
Martti Xissinen 89
7. Arabian Prophecy
Jaakko Hiimeen-Anttila llS
Index of Ancient Documents 149

Index of Modern Authors (;ited 157

Con tri bu tors 161

 PREFACE

It is cOlllmon kuowledge that the phenomenon called "proph-

ec(-transmissioll of allegedly diville messages by a human inter-
mediary to a third party-is well attested, not only in the Hebrew
Bible, but also in a number of ancient Near Eastern sources from dif-
ferent times and places. Up to the present, the suhject has been diffi-
cult to study because of the virtual inaccessibili1)' of many important
sOUln's. TocL1Y, however, the situation has changed. This is largely due
to rcccllt cditioll~ of the two 1lI,~jor extrabiblical corpora of prophetic
documents, the eighteenlh-century B.C.E. \etters from Mari by Jean-
.\{al-ie Durand (1988) and the seventh-ccntury B.C.E. Assyriall pro-
phetic oracles by Simo Parpola (1997), which have made the sonrces
available to all readers. Even biblical prophecy can now be examined,
hetter than ('Vel' before, agaillst its ancient Near Eastern background.
The seven rontributiollS collected in this volume are published to
provide all readers \vith recent information abollt the poorly knmnl
sources of anciem Near Eastern prophecy, and to open new vistas of
research for spccialists-cuneiformist'; as well as scholars in hiblical
and religious studies. The artides are based on papers read at sessions
of the Prophecy in the Ancient 1\ea1' East Group at the Society of Bib-
lical Literature International \-leeLing in Lahti, Finland, 011 July 21.
1999. The two sessions were the first within the Society of Biblical Lit-
erature dedicated specificallv to the study of ancient Near Eastern
prophecy.
The temporal and geographiGtl distributioll of the :sources exam-
ined in this book ranges from Mari of the eighteenth century B.LE., to
the Hehrew Bible, to Assytia of the sevellth ('cntury lI.e.E., and to Ara-
bian documents from the seventh century LE. The articles are written
from manifold perspectives, including methodological, socioreligious,
anthropological, as well as historical vie\\l1oints.
The main concern of Part One is methodological; it concentrates
nn comparative studies and prohlems of definition. HailS M. Barstad
considers the benefit;; and limitations, in principle, of the comparative
method in tlw study of prophecy, and Lester L Grabbe, using sources

\'11
'nil P1f/aCf

frolll ancient and modern times, illustrates prophecy as an anthropo-

logical phenomenon. David L. Petersen critiques current definitions
of prophecy, emphasizing the transmissive nature of prophetic activit),
rather than the personal or societal qualities of the prophets.
Part '1\\10 discllsses sources of prophecy fmm different periods. Her-
bert B. llufflllon SllIyeys the parallel and conflicting aspecL" of proph-
ecv and prophets ill sources from l\1ari. Assyria, and the Hebrew Bible.
Karel van del' Toorn uses the prophetic sources from Mari and A~S)Tia
to demonstrate the theological differences between them. My own
essay presents Neo-Assyrian sources that illuminate relations bern'een
the Assyrian prophets and the goddess EtaI', the king of A<;syria, and
the diviners. Jaakko Hamecn-Antlila deals with pre-Islamic and early
Islamic attitudes to prophecy and the development of Arabian proph-
ecy into the orthodox Islamic doctrine that regards Muhammad as the
sole prophet.
It is my pleasant duty to thank all the authors for their contribu-
tions, tl1<' interested audience of the Lahti sessions for proposing pub-
lication of the papers, as well as Greg Glover, Dil"ector of Puhlishing
for SBL, and Rex D. \1atthews and Christopher R. Matthews, editors
of the SBL Symposium Series, for their kind cooperation. Special
thanks are due to my friendJuhana Saukkonen for his able and accu-
rate work in preparing the manuscript for publishing.

MARTn NlSSI!'\EN
HelsiIlki, Finland
 ABBREVIATIONS

A. Tahlet signature of texts from Man

AAA Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology

ABD .1nchor Bibl£ Dictionary. Edited by D. K Freedman. 6 vols.

New York, 1992

A.BL Ass)Tian and Babylonian Letters Belonging to the Kouyur~jik

Collpctions olthe Brili.,h Museum. Edited by R. F. Harper.
14 vols. Chicago, 1892-1914
A.cOr A.eta orientalia

AfOB Archiv fiir Orientforschung: Beiheft

•1NET Ancient Near Eastern Tn:ts Relating to the Old Testament .
Edited by.J. B. Pritchard. 3d ed. Princeton, 1969
AOAl' AJter Orient und Altes Testament

/10F AltO'nentalische FO'rschungen

ARM Archives royales de Mari
ATD Das Altc T(~stament Deut'\ch

BCSMS Bull£tin of the Canadian Society for Mesopotamian Sltufies

Bib Biblira
BSOAS Bulletin of the School of Oriental and Afn:wn Studies
HfiTL \.\'. G. l.amhert, Bab,ifmian Wisdom Literature. Oxford,
1960
Bl Biblische h.:itschrift

CAD The Assyrian Dictifmary of the Oriental Institute of the Univer-

sity of Chicago. Chicago, 1956-
CBQ Catholic Bibliml Quarter~1J

ix
 x J1bbrn.'iatiolls

CRRAI Comptes Rendu, Rencontre Assyriologique Intenla-

tionalc
C1' Cuneiflinn Ti'xts from Babylonian Tab{"ts in the British
;\!usfum

LM C Buissicr, Dunmu:nls (l.H'Vril'lls ,d(llil~ £lUX prfsagl'l. Paris:

Bouillol\, IWl4-1l'l99
D~ Di\ine name
ER The Encyrlopedia of Ri'li{!:io/l. Edited by ,\1. Eliade. ] 6 'loIs.
~ewYork, 1987

FLP Tablets in the collectioll5 of the Free Library of

Pennsylvania
G,-\G \V. von Soden, Gnmd,iss del' akkadisdlell Grammatik. 2d
ed. Rome, ] 969
HRf) Hml'frColiins Rib!" Didimza,)'. Edited hy P. J. Achtemeier
et (11. 2d ed. San Francisco, 1996
ICC International Critical Commentm-y
JRT Issues in Religion and Theology
f/'INESCU Journal of the Aurinll Nan l;'astern Socidy of Columbia
(:nivn:sity

lflOS Journal 0fth" Amrrimn Or/mlal Socil'ly

JBL Ja-umal of Biblical Lilnalul1'

.ICS Journal of CUllei/orm Studies

.lEO!, .laarbrri,-ht llOI1 hrl \!ooraziatisch-l\'rJ'jltisrh G/'7.ekclzaj)

(Genoo(.\cli.ajl) Ex ont'nle lux

,f!\~'i)L Journal oj Nor/huJ/'sl Semiti!' /'anglll1gt'\

jR'lS Joul7lal 0/ thl' Royal A.siatic Society

}50T Joumalfor the Stud), of the OM Tl'stament

.JSOTSup Journal for the Stud" of the Old Teslament: Supplemt'nt

Series
KUB KI'"i/srhrijtwkundJ?n aus Boghazkiii
 Abbreviations Xl

lAS Simo Pal-pola, IAters from ;ls~ynfln Scholars to the Kings

Esarhadd<Jn and As.H1rhani/ml. Vois. 1-2. Kevelaer,
Germany: Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn:
Neukirchener, 1970-1983
E. Ebeling and E Ki:'cher, htrranJche KeiL\'rln~/ttexte (Jus
Amu: Berlin, 19!):~

:M. Tablet signature of text~ from Mari

MARl Alan: Annales de reclwrches intnriisci/}linaires

MDP xkII10ires de la Delegation ell Perse

At~L Mutnialien z.um sUlfU'risdU!1l Lexilwn. Edited by Benno
I--aIl<hbcrger
NABU VOI.l've{l('s assyriologiqu('s bmlf's I't ufilitaiTl's
NBL :Vru('s Bibel-Lexikon. Edited by M. G()rg and B. Lang.
Zllrich: Iknziger, 1997

OAC Orientis antiqui collectio

ORO Orbis biblicus et orientaJis
OECT Oxford Editions of Cuneiform Texts
Or Orirntalia (NS)

OTL Old Ti.~staIllcIIt Library

PNA The Pmsoflography f?/ t/t{' N('()-ll.l.lyriari Empim. Edited by
Karen Radner. Helsinki: Neo-A"~;yrian Text Corpus Pro-
ject, 1998-
PTMS Pittsburgh Theological M:onograph Series
RA.. Revue Ii 'assyriologie et d 'arrhiologi(, orientalt'
RB Rn.'W' bihlique

ReS Jean-Malie Durand, "La religion en Siria durante la

epoca de los reinos amoreos segtlll la documentacion
de l'vlari." Pp. 127-5~13 in Mitologia y reliffi6n del antig'llo
oriente, 2/1. Edited by P. Mander andJ.-M. Durand. Es-
tudios Orientales 8. Sabaclell, Spain: AUSA, 1995
RHR RevuE' dl' l'histoire des religions
XII Abhn>lIiatious

RL4 Rmll.('xikon der Assyrio/Dgie. Edited by G. A. Barton. New

Haven, 1929

SAA. State Archives of Assyria

SAAS State Archives of A~syria Studies
SBLSBS Society of Biblical Literature Sources for Biblical Study
SBLSymS Society of Biblical Literature Symposium Series
SBLWAW Society of Biblical Literature Writings from the Ancient
World
SHANE Studies in the History of rhe Ancient Near East
Sm Tablets in the collections of the Blitish Museum

SS~ Studia semitica neerlandica

SmdOr Studia orientalia (monographs and article collections)
T l~tblel signature of texts from Mari
TeL Textes cuneiforITIt's. "tuStT dll Louvre
TCS Texts from Cuneiform Sources
11)P R. Labat, TraitI' aklwdien ti" diagnostics et prornostirs medi-
max. Paris: Academie Internationale d'Histoire des Sci-
ences, 195)

1:,)51 John C. L. Gibson, Textbook of SY"ian Semitic Inscriptions.

Vols. 1-3. Oxford: Clarendon, 1971-1982
UF Ugarit..Forschlmgen
VAB Vorderasiatische Bibliothek

VS Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmiiler
vr v~tus Testamentum
VTSup Vetus Testamentum Supplements
lVO Die n·~:lt de~ Orients
YOS Yale Oriental Series, Texts
ZTK '/Ritschri/t jiil' Theologif and Kirche
 Part One

STUDIES IN METHOD
 1

Comparare necesse est?

Ancient Israelite and Ancient Near Eastern Prophecy
in a Comparative Perspective

Hans iH. Ban·tad

BackgrOlUld

Scholars have, during recent years, dated the Prophetical Bouks of

t.lw Hebrew Bible later and laler. It has even been claimed that these
texts are compositions from the Pel-sian period and have little to do
with a histOlical prophetic movement in preexilic Israel. I Moreover,
increasing prohlems in relating ancient texL~ to any external historical
reality, due to. aIllong otlwr things. the collapse of historicism in the
hU1l1allitie~ iII general, have made illllon: difficult to I1I<lke statemen~
abollt prophecy as a historical phenomenon. 2 One result: of these de-
velopments is that scholarly attention has focused increasingly on the
extant corpus of "prophetic" texts from archaeological sites from all
ovc,- the ancient Ncar East.:l \tlanv feci that these (("XL'; JIlay also throw
light Oil the study of hihlical prophecy.

1 See H . .\1. Barstad, "No I'wphets? Recent Developments in Biblical Prophetic

Resf'arch and Ancient Near Eastern Prophecv."}SOT!)7 (1993); 39-60. Repdn(ed
in The Pmflflels: ,\ Slwlfieid RMder (ed. P_ R. Davies; Biblical Seminar 42; SIlf'ffield:
Sheffield Academic Press, 1996), 106-2G.
2 For recent developments in views on history, see H. M. Barstad, "HistOl-Y and
{he Hebrew Bible," in Call II "His/my 'Y' lsml'i" BI' Written? (I'd. L. L C;rabbt';
)SOl'Sllp :.!41; European Seminar in Historical Methodolob'1' I; Shellielcl: Shdlidd
;\cadt'mir Pn'5s, 1997:.,5\7-64.
~ Among the texts trIost widely lIsed for comparing biblical and ancient ;>';ear
Eastern pl'Ophecy are those from ancient ;vlari, J\'eo-Ass\'I'ian texLS. anel a few West
Semitic texts. The Mari prophetic texts alT accessibk in j.-.\1. Durand. A1'(hivf~' 1n.l'-
(nlaires de Mm? 1/1 (ARM 26; Paris: Editions Recherche SlIl' Ie, Civilisations. 1988).
Ttw hibliography on Ma,-i propllf'cy is enormous ,1I10 cannot be prmioed here. FOI'
a COtllplete bibliography 011 Mari. see J-G. Heintz, Bililiogm/lhir til' Mari-An-ht;(){ogif'
t'! 1Pxtes (l<J}}--1988) (Travallx elu C;ruupe dt' Recherches el l\'Etucles SeIllili4ues
Anciennes [GRESA J, {fnivcrsiH' oC's Seienres HllIllaines de Slrasbollrg 3; Wie,;..
lialit'n: Han<lssowitz, 1990). See also I.lIe following supplemeIlts bv the saUle au-

3
4 Pro'phecy in Its Ancient :Vear l~'ast('m Context

The "popularity" of comparative studies has, as we know, varied over

the years. Given the present situation in prophetic research, however,
we must reckon it possible that we will see growing interest in com-
parative studies, at least in this particular field. For this reason, it
seems worthwhile to reflect on some of the problems we may t~n­
counter in comparative studies of biblical prophetic texts.
This essay can hardly address the matter in detail; other restraints
have to be considered. For instance, it is possible to chardctetize all
human activity, in one way or another, as "comparative." There are,
consequently, no limitations to what we may put into the somewhat im-
precise category, "comparative studies." This statement also applies
when we keep strictly to biblical .md. ancielll Near Eastern "prophetic"
texts. Even if we refrain from becoming too philosophical-which may
easily happen-the word. "comparative" brings to mind. linguistic, lit-
erary, histolico-religious, anthropological, and psychological associa-

thor: "Suppk'nwnt J (1989-1990)," Akkadim 77 (1992): 1-37; "Supplement II

(1991-1992)-Addenda & Corrigenda: Editioll du 31 Dec. 1992: J\kkadica 81
(199:1): 1-22; \'lith the collahoration of D. Bodi and L. Millot: "Bibliographic de
Mari: Supplement III (1992-1993)." Akkadim 86 (1994): 1-23; "Supplement IV
(1993-1994)-Addenda & Corrigenda: Edition du 31 Dec. 1994," A.kkadira 9]
(1995): 1-22. For the Neo-Assyrian prophetic text;;. see 111e edition by S. Parpola.
lhsvriarl Prophe(u's (SA.\ 9: Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. 1997), and the ac-
companying study by M. Nissinen, IlF(erenres to Prophecy in NPf}AI~yrian SOltYCPf
(SA-AS 7; Helsinki: :>leo-Assyrian Tt'xl CO'1)US Project. 1(98). "Prophetic texts-
from other ancient Near Fasten! cultures an: discLlssed in several scholarly cono'i-
butions of vall';ng quality. All excellent work (with bibliography) is M. Weippert,
"Aspekte israelitischef Prophetie im Lichte verwaudler Erscheinllngen dcs Alten
Ot;ents," in Ad />t-ne el jidelitf'r seminandwn: pf'stgabe fur Karlhl'irlJ. Ddler (ed. G, Maller
and U. Magel); AOAT 220; Kevelaer, Germany: BUtLOI1 & Bercker; Neukirchen-
\1uyn: NeukilThener. 1988), 287-319. See also B. Margalit, "l\;inth-Century Is-
raelite Prophecy in the Light of Contemporary NWSClllitic Epigraphs," in '''''nd
Mosp srhril'b dif'ses Lipd auf': Slwlim ZUff/ Alii'll 'J,'slalfw'It /tlld ZWII A/tf'1! Onml,
l'fstsrhrifi Fir Oswald roret~ (ed. 1>.t Dietrich ,mei 1. Kotlsieper; AOAT 2:'0; l\·lllllster:
t'garit-Verlag, 1998), 51 r)-32. Useful is Omcles l'I pmI'M/ie, dans l'antlquitt': Art!!" rill
Colloque de Slms""urg, 15·~17 juin 1995 (t>d. J·G, Heintz; Travaux du CellLn:- de
Recherche sur Ie Proche-Orient et la Gree€' antiques 15: Paris: De BOt'card, 1997).
Still lacking is a synthesis of West Semitic prophecy similar 10 the excellent study
by S. B. Parker, Stories in SoitJ/ure and Insoipllons: Comparative Studies on Nan-alil!es in
NorthulI-'s! Snniti, {Tl.lrriptiotis and th" Hebrew Bible (New York: Oxford {l n iwrsity Press.
1997). Many observatiol1;' ill Parker's book, however, relate to prophccy. Relutt,d as·
pecL~ are dealt with in A, Jeffers. l\-fllglt (lI/li /)illina/io1l ill Aruienl l'al./'stinl' I/nd Syria
(Studies in the History and CUltllH' of the Anciell! NC<II East 7: Leiden: Brill,
1996), and in M. ~'ft'}'t'r and P. Miretki. eds" An(imlll;[(lg-i( and Ritual Power (Reli-
gions in the Graeco-Roman World 129: Lciden: Brill. 199~».
 C·o·mparare nf~[P,SSe pst? f\ncient Israelite and J\N~~ Prophecy !)

tions. The literature in these fields is so vast and vaIied thal it be(:omes
nonsensical to refer to it in the present context. Instead, I ask a simple
question: In what way(s) may reading "prophetic" texts from the an-
cient Near East be of value in our attempts to better understand bibli-
cal prophecy? Since my ambitions are fairly modest, I will nOI attempt
an answer. I merely look at some of the problems connected vrith the
question. In my view, the best starting point is to look at recent publi-
cations.

Taxonomy

A multitude of books and artides, in vanous lan!,TJ.Iages, addres,'i

comparative studies and the Hebrew Bible. Nevertheless, relatively few
deal with problems of comparison in biblical research in a method-
ological and theoretical manner. 4
When forced to do so we may divide comparative studies into two
main groups. There is nothing original in this, and similar divisions
have heen madt> by other scholars.·~ Thus, we may dassify comparative
studies as "historjcal,~ lor lack of a better word, or as "typological,"

-1 A selection includes S. Talmon, "The 'Comparative Method' in Biblical Inter-

pretation: Principle5 and Problems: in Congress Vorum<>, Gotlingnl, 1977 (VTSup 29;
Leiden: Brill, 1978). 320-56; M. Malul, 171<> Comparative lvlethod m Ancient lliear E.ast-
tTrt and Biblical Lt'gal Studies (AOAT 227; Kevdaer, Gennany: BUUOT! & BeH:ker;
Neukil'chen-Vluyn: NeukirchentT, 199()) , 1-7S and passim; T. LOllgman III. Fir-
timwl Akkadian Autobiogmt,hy: A Generir and ComtJarative Stud, (Winona Lake, Ind.:
Eisenbrauns. 19(1).22-36; S. L. Liebennan. ";\rc Biblical P;lI'allels Euclidean'"
Maarav8 (1992): 81-94; K.. van der Toorn. ·Parallels in Biblical Research: Purposes
of Comparison," in The BiMe and Its H'c>rid (division A of ProCt'f'dings of the Elevf'1Ith
Gmgress oj Jewish Studie,,; Jemsalem: 'World Union of Jewish Studies, 1994). 1-8:
F. B!l~spf1ug and F. Dunand. eds .. I.e comparali.llne f'1I histoiTe des religions: iletes du Col-
{mIne intematuJ7lale d" SlrasbouT{!;, 18-20 septembre 1996 (P"ris: Cerf, 19(7). l'Vkntioll
should also he made of the scytTal book." resulting from seminars directed by W. W.
Ballo: C. D. Evans, W. W. Hallo. andJ B. White. cds .. ScrijJ/ure in (;(I7II1:xl: Eua),.1' U7/
the Cumparativ!' !H"tliud (l'T;"'1S 34: Pittsburgh: l'ickwi<:k. 1980): W. W. Hallo.J C.
Moyer, and L. G. Perdue, "ds., Scripture in Context II: MOTe Essays on the Com/'amtil.Y'
J·11:lhod (Winona Lake. Ind.: Eisenbrauns. 198:3): W. \\!. Ballo, B. W. Jones. and
G. L. Mattingly. eds., nIl' Bibl<> in the Li"ht oj CUl1eijrmn Litemlure: Srripturr ill Can-
tt'xl lIJ (Ancient Near Eastern Texts and Studies 8: Lewiston, N.Y.: 1...1"lIen, 1990);
K. L. Younger, W. W. Hallo, and B. F. Bano. cds., 1111' 8iblimi Canon ill Comp"raliv<'
l'enpective: Scripture in Context IV (Ancient :\("ar Eastern Text.s and Studies II: I.("",is-
lun. N.Y.: :'VIellell, 1991).
~ There are wany other ways in whil:h one lIIay distinguish among comparative
approaches. See. for instance, the use of the tClTllinology "limited" and "unlimited
comparison" in J. G, Platvoet. Comparing Reli{!jons, II Limita(i.!f Appma(h: All Allal~'-
6 Prophecy in Us .4ncimt Near Eastern Cmltext

which <IIso needs more specificitY. \Vhen we make histmiml compar-

isons, we compare things within the "same" historic linguistic, or lit-
erary context, within the same culture. social system, or ci\iJization.
"I),picalIy, comparisons between the ~lari prophets and the propbeL'i of
the Hehrew Bihle would fall in thi~ category. We should. however, al-
ways keep in Illilld that a historical comparison mllst not (or should
not?) be too interested ill questions of origin or ill whether a parriclI-
lar phenomenon results from cultural diffusionism. Such views, popu-
lar in biblical studies in earlier davs. will. as a nile, be (00 speculative
to be fruitful. Such \;ews arc based primarily on inadequate evolu-
tionist ideas of how cultures grow. Whell such views are comhined with
valuejuclgJIll'llts aoout the supremacy of the hihlical propllt'ts, the re-
sults become very tenuous. r)
By t)'IJOlogicn/ comparisons. I refer to comparisons between phe-
nomena in different contexL~, and from -widely separated periods of
time. Similarities among separate cultures would typically not follow
historic-genetic cOIlJlt:ctioIlS, but rather wOllld result from how the
human brain wO/'ks, and from how humans, Ic)r some reason, behave
in "similar" mallners ill "similar" situations. I hriefly mention one ex-
ample. To make it easier for myself, given the necessary reservations,
the example is not from prophe<."\". In the story about Jephthah's
daughter in the book ofJudges, chapter 11.,Jephthah promises to sac-
rifice to the Lord the first person to greet him when he returns from
h,ning vanquished the Ammonites. Tragically, the first person to meet
him is his only daughter. There are well-known parallels to this story
in other cUitUl'CS. The sacrifice of the hero's daughter reminds us of
Iphigenia, the daughter of Agamemnon. who was sacrificed by her ta-
ther to the goddess Artemis whell the Greek fleet W;L~ (kprivcd ofv.ind
off" the Greek coast on ils way to lhe Tn~i<Ul War.7 The s<lClificiallnotif
of do ul des, similarly. is so well-known that rekrcnce~ shollld he UI1-
IIl'cessary.8 III the sacrificial iog-ic of do ut drs, extreme sitllations re-

sis of Akan. Pam·Crwlf', and lFO·.){/.//(mda RllfJ alld !'mYIT., (Religion and Reason 24:
The Hague: Mouton, 1982).
6 See 1.. Stachowiak. -Die Prophetic als religi6ses Phanomen des Alten Olien~<'
in J)ein Worl orarhlm: AlUrs/amfllt1ir!!" . \ 1I("llu' (ed. J. Reindl; Leipzig: 51. IkllllU.
19tH). 58-75.
7 l'hc motif in.lunah I, in whichJoll<lh is thrown illl<> the 'ea <lnd sacrificed in
order t.o makc' the storm end, has simil"rities to the Ag~llllellJnon .s10! V.
8 See A. De vVaal ~hkf~jl. IMigum IIlld CuiflITP: All INtrodurlioti 10 .1~l!h"(Jpo{ogy 0/
Religioll (l\ew York: Macmillan, 190R). 208-15. For an example from Rig-Veda, see
 Comparam rteresse est? Ancien t Israeli Ie and A~E Prophecy 7

quire extreme measures. In the context of the ancient world, this in-
cludes human sacrifice. We know of a similar instance from ancient
China, in which human saClifice was required when a severe drought
had lasted for seven years.'l In theJephthah story, then, we find several
examples of what we call "typological" similarities. In view of the dis-
tinction just made, when scholars compare the Hebrew pr()phel~ and,
for example, divinato)'y practices of modern, traditional societies, 10
these comparisons are termed "typological."
Comparisons between ancient Israelite and ancient 1\:ear Eastern
prophetic texl" have, for the most part, been of a "historical~' kind.
With the increasillg interest in the social sciences in biblical studies,
we will undoubtedly witness an increase in typological compmisons. \ I
Some scholars of a more historical disposition bdieve that t}vo1ogical
comparisons are less important, or less "tme," and that little may be
g-ained from them. Clearly this is not the case. T)pologica\ compar-
isons are simply different. There are, however, some problems in-
volved. It may sometimes be very difficult, jf not impossible. to decide
whether a parallel phellomenon in two different but historically re-
lated cultures should be classitied as "historical" or "tYVological." The
categories in such cases may have to be combined. \\Then we do find
interesting similarities in closely related cultural systems, the similari-
ties may result from how humans, as mentioned above. behave in sim-
ilar manners in similar situations.

R D. Baird. CalegolY F'ormatioll and th" fits/my o/Rf'ligiort (2<1 cd.: History and RC";l-
son 1; Berlin; Mouton de Gruyter, 1991), 3f)-'~6.
9 S. Allen. "Drought. 1·{lIman Sacritice. and the Mandate of Heaven in a Lost
Text f!"Om Shang 81m," BSOAS 47 (1984): 523-39.
IIi Examples of, and references to. sHch comparisons appear in R. R. Wilson.
Pmphec'i and Socifty ill Alwent fmll'l (Philadelphia: Furuess Press, 1980); Snneia 21
(cd. R. C. Culley and T W. Overholt; theme. "Alllhropo\ogical Perspectives on 010
Testanwnt Prophecy") (1982); 1'. \V. Ovnholt, Chanru-L~ vI Prophecy: The S{)f:ial /))-
nmn/I's (!f Pyophetir Al"lilli(y (Minneapolis: Fllnress Press, 1989); ) .. L. Grahhe, Prips!."
I'm/JMls, Divinf'l'S, Sagrs: A Soria-hisionml Study of Rf'lip;ious Specialists in Anril'l1t Israel
(Valley For~e. Pa.: Tlinity Press International, 199')). For ,Ill
empha~is on divina-
tion and power. see]. N. Bremmn, "Prophets, Seers, and Politics in Greece. Israel.
and Early Modern Europe." Numerl 10 (199~): 150-8~.
II /\-' D. Fit'Jlsy has reminded liS ("Using the NllI'r ClIltlln' of Ah·ica ill Cllder-
standing the Old Testament: An EvaluatlOlI:'I~OT38 [1987]: 73): "Both Old Tes-
tament specialists and anthropologists have ill sollie way or other compared the
Old Testament Wilh primitive cultures {<.)[' at kaSI 200 years:' hensy is taking this
information from the useful survcy by J. W. Rog{TSOn, Anthmpolo{;y ami the Old '[»s.
(amnii (Growing Points in Theology; Oxford: BI'Kkwcll. 1978).
 Pmphpcy in Its A nfiml Near HastfTn (;ontfxt

Method
When we turn to the more practical side. everyone would agree that
sound method is vital for the success of comparative approaches. Yet I
do not believe it possible to follow some scholars, who claim that \ve
need a set of rules to guide comparative studies.1~ Each scholar needs
to work out how to proceed. Method in comparative studies is no dif-
ferent from method in other fields of biblical study, for instance in ex-
egesis; what is needed is craftsmanship and good judgmen t.
There are some principles on which we may all agree. Obviously,
there should be a reasoll for lllakiIlg comparisoIls. \-\le IlO IOIlger Ileed
comparative studies of the "Frazcr-l;aster lype."l~ MallY years ago,
Ringgren wrole: "All too oftell. research ill this area has turIled iIlto a
kind of 'parallel hunting': the endeavor has been to find extra-biblical
parallels for biblical ideas or customs-and as soon as such a parallel
is found, all problems seem to be solved: the parallel is there, what
more do we need?"14 These are vv'isc words, but are they easy to put
into practice? Ha~ thele been a revolution ill biblical studies siIlt:e
others before and after Ringgrcn issued similar appeals? I think !lOt. It
is, for instance, clear that many recent works do not movc beyond the
mention that similarities between texts exist, I-efcrring to the similari-
ties briefly. Such short surveys of textual parallels may be useful when
we regard them as exactly that: useful surveys. We should not, however,
confuse such "lists" '\li.th comparative studies. I"
Along the same lines, we find scholarly cOlltriblltjons that arc t~lr

12 See, for instance, Talmon. '"'Compardtive Method,'" 356.

1:, The reference is to the aftermath of Sir James Fra:ler's The C,oidrn Bough: it
Studv in lHagic (md Religion (12 vols.; London: Macmillan. 1890-1915). I am not
con~ideling that genre known as "Ancienl Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old
Te~talllellt: EWII if ,lIeh tomes usually han~ more to do Wilh the saks of publish-
ing houses than with cOlllparative studies, it is not lIecessal'~ to disapprove of the
genre, asJ. M. &.\sson does ("Oil Relating 'Religious "lexls' to the Old Testament."
r
}\.faarav 3 1982J: 217-25). In my \'iew. such collections are lIseful according to the
quality of the indi,idual works. A IJseful addition to this well-known literary genre
is Canonical Compositions from the Biblical World (vol. 1 of The Context o[Srriptnrr; ed.
W. W. Hallo and K 1,. Younger: Leiden: Brill. 1997). scheduled to appear in two
volumes,
j., H. Ringgrcu, -nl(' IllJP~(t of till' Ancient Near East on Isr.u;litc'1hdition,"'
in Tradition and Tlumlop:y in fhp O{dli-stamf'nl (ed. D. A. Knight; Philad(~lphia:
ForLress Press, 197i). 31-46, at 32.
15 Ringgrcn himself falls within this category when he gives scattered references
to "prophecy" in Egypt. Fbla, Mari, Uruk, Assyria, Bahylonia, L"g;irit, Phoenicia.
 Comparare necesst' est? Ancient Israelite and ANE Prophecy 9

more exhaustive. and that seem intended as comparative studies.

W. Fauth, in a recent study,J6 gives a learned, useful. and thorough
treatment of Hittite divination before he describes divination in the
historical books of the Hebrew Bible, listing many interesting exam-
ples. There is, however, no real attempt to compare the Hittite and the
biblical texts. li Fauth's work contains two entirely different studies on
two quite distinct topics, both vny useful, and both lacking a compar-
ative perspective. Fauth's view on Israelite prophecy appears to be
strongly influenced by the works of Georg Fohrer. which raises an-
other problem in comparative studies.
When we comp,ue biblical "prophecy" with "prophecy" in other
texts or cultures it is always ollr own views of prophecy that we com-
pare, The quality of these views may vary, to say the least. For instance.
being an expert on biblical prophecy does not necessarily imply ex-
pertise on Mesopotamian matters, Even if we are experts, we have to
consider that, <1.5 in most scholarly fields, t.here appears to be little con-
sensus in prophetic studies. For example, two methodologically sound
studies in the historical comparative category are those by Noort on
Mari prophecy18 and by Shupak on Egyptian prophecy. 19 Even though

Aram, Moab, and Deir 'Alia. hut fails to make 1\10re out of these references. See
H. Ringgren, "Prophec)' in the Ancient r\ear East," in israrE Projlhetir Tradition: t.'s,
sms in Honour of Peter R. Ackroyd (ed. R. Coggins, A. Phillips, and M. Knibb: Cam-
bridge: C;ulliJridge tTniversity Press. 1982). I-II. Another example would be the
article by A. Lemaire. "Le5 gmupes prophetiques r\<Uls I'Alilien Israel:' in Andml
Nl'UT 1;(/.\t lind india: fnlnwltural 1'Vdit,>7oW Pamllels (1"11>' hm/("(J·Finnish Syml'u.liwn.
lO.. llth NOll. jf.J90. lite Finnish Ilistitute, ['anI) (SludOr 70; Helsinki: Finnish Ori·
ental Society. 1~i:~). 39-5:', Lemaire comments hriefly on "prophecy" in l'vlari. As-
sYI'ia. Phoenicia, Ammon, Moab, and Aral1l. and in the Old Testament, New Testa-
ment., and early Judaism, hut does not compare the different groups,
16 'vV. Fauth. "Hetllitischt: Beschw()rungsp,"iesterinnen-israelitische Prophe-
ten: Differente Ph:"inotypen mag-iselIn Religiositi-it ill Vonkrasien," in Dieui(h ano
Koltsieper. ''l'nd Most .Idmrb din!') Linl auf," 21'19-318.
1i I was left with similal feelings afterl'eading- Wilson's PmjJhny and SOf"iet} in ,411'
(ient brad. III the chapter "Prophecv in the Aucient Near East," Wilson survey~ the
phenomenon in :-"'!esopotarnia, Eb'Ypt, Palestine, and Syria in a fairly representative
way. bas.,.d Oil secondarY sources. Since, however, no actual comparisons are made,
I was a little astonished to read hi~ conclu,ion: "'nw evidenc.,. that we have been
ahle 10 gkan from ancient Near Eastern sources indicates that intermediation in
antifluity hao some of the same f"catlll'es t hal are attest("d in mo(\ern soci·
eties" (133).
III E. Noon, Unt"T!>lU:hungen Win Gotie,IJl'.ldleid in 1I1m"i: Die ";'tJfll"itm'/Jhl'iU'" in dn
"ltteslam,'lItlichm Forse/wng (AOA1" 202: Kevelaer, Gellllany: Butzoll & Bucker:
Neukirchen-vluvn: Neukirchener, 19771.
19 N. Shupak. "Egvptian 'Prophecy' 'and Biblical Prophecy: Did th.,. Phenomc'
 10 Prophecy in Its A.ncient Nmr Eastern Contf'xt

a student of biblical prophecy for many years, I cannot say that I alv,:ays
recognize the phenomenon of biblic,ll prophecy as conceived (like-
wise differently) by Noort or Shupak. I am not saying that I am right
and they are wrong-that is not my point. But we have a problem
when ~cholar A. and scholar B compare phenomenon }"to phenome-
non Z, when they have widely difkrcnt views on what Yis. One cOllse-
quence is that, iII any comparative stlldy, one has to pay much lllore at-
tention to what is being compared than has normally been the case.
I end this shorl survey by introducing another vital problem in com-
parative studies, exemplified by a model study by a distinguished
"comparativist," :\Iarui Nissincll, who has published several important
studies 011 tbe subject. 20 Unfortunately, it is not possible to deal with
his Ulany interesting conclusions in cielail.:!l I melltioI\ Dilly onl' ex-
ample. In his 199~) article on the relevance of Neo-Assyrian prophecy
fOI" Old Testament research, Nissinell identified many relevant simi-
larities in the two corpora. In his conclusion, he notes that many ex-
amples in the :\eu-Assyrian prophetir texts have few parallels ill the
Prophetic Books of the Hebrew Bihle (with the exception of Isa
40-~)5).:?~ The Historical Books and the book of Psalms, however,
abound in interesting parallels. This conclusion is important not only
for what it tells us about similarities between Neo-A'is)Tian prophetic
text, and the Old Testament. It also has significant methodological im-
plications. The method lIsed by Nissinen is purely literary. based 011
"genre" identification. He restricts himself, ill other words, to the ill-

non of Prophecy. in the Biblical Sense. [xiSl in Ancient Egypt?" .1EOL 31

(1989-1990): ;)--l().
20,,1. ]\"issincn, "Die Relevanz der neuassyrischen Prophetic fiir die alttesta-
mentliche Forschung.·' in Afe.w/JOtamira-·.( :~ariliffl-Biblim: Festsell/if! .fill" Kurt /J,..r-
g:rho/ «('(I. M. Dietl"ich and O. Lort:"u: ADAT 232; K('veiatT, (;t:rmall~·: Butzon .'\:
Ikrcker; Nf'llkirchen-Vlllyn: Ncukirchener. 1993).217-58. All important work IlY
NissiIl('n 011 :\'eo-Assvlian prophecy, Rp/m'No'I (0 ProjJ/my. is cited ill II. :) abol·e. Set·
aho bv the same author: ··Fabell(' Prophetic in IWlI;1SSITischer tlnd dcuterono-
mistischer lJarstellung." ill Das Dellieronolllium llnd st'irlt' (2ueriJl'::.iehungm (cd. T. \'ei-
jola; Schriften der Finnischen Exegetischen Gesellschaft 62; Helsinki: Finnish Ex-
egetical Society; G{)ltingen: Vandenho('ck .'\: Ruprecht. 1996). 172-95.
Zl See, for instance. Nissinen, Hejnnlff'l 10 PmtJ/wfV. 1(;4: "In times of crisis the
prophets enc()llr,~g('d the king with their words, proclaiming the love of the gods.
paniclliarly that of IStal·, fOl the dhincly c/]()s('n king, and their Sllpport Jor his
rightfi.1l undertakings. especiallv the military olles. But lheir wonh Wert' not rc-
pt-atec! ollly when the king"s lile or I uk ""s in dangel. they cuuld be leferred to ill
peacehll time~ as well, if a political decisioll required a divinc authorization."
22 Nissinen, "Relevanl- der neuassyrisdlen Prophetic: 249.
 Comparare IlI!cess(' est? Ancient Israelite and ANF. Prophecy 11

lernal reality of the text when making his comparisons. This is vcry im-
portant. Some scholars have unclear or unconsciolls views Oil the re-
lationship between the texts they read and extemal prophecy as a so-
cial and historical phenomenon. 23 R. P. Ca.rroll, in particular, has
warned against this confusioIl, which appears most likely in sociologi-
cal and anthropological HlOdcls,2,' It is essential that all comparisons
'lr
start ii'om the literary leveL-') Only when this has beell done is it pos-
sible to proceed and, t:ventually, to reconstnlct prophecy as a histori-
cal phenomenon. Due to the nature of the sources and the highly
stereotypical and cOll\'entionallanguage of ancient Near Eastern liter-
ary geHres, this attempt will often be more problematic than has hith-
erto been assumed.

23 A study like that of I{. van def Toorn. "Old Babylonian Prophecy between the
Oral and the Written: JNSL 24 (1998): 34-70, is, for all its cxcellence, sometimes
problematic Oil this point. Evell more problematic is the monograph by the samc
author: Sin and Sanction in Israel and '''kwjJolamia: :\ CompamtiT'l' Study (SS:'-l 22:
Asscn: Van COrnllTl. 198fi),
~4 R. P, Carroll, "Prophet\, and Society: in 11t!, World o/Awil'll! l.mud: Sv(irliog'l(al.
AJllliwj;ologim{. (/lid i'oliliwl Pcnpt'dhll's 11::",1.\'.1 by Mrmbn.l 0/ thl' Sor;dy for Old Trsla-
IIINII Study) (ed. R E. Clcmellls; Cambridge: Cambridge Lnivc-rsity Press. I CJ89).
20:\-2[,.11 does not follow from Carroll's article that one should not I1se sociologi-
c<ll methods on biblical texts, even if there are also social anthropologists who re-
fuse to engage in what they call "historical social anthropology: The important
point is to bring methodological awareness into what olle is doing.
~r, For a u,cful disclIssion of prohlems relating to diachronic anc! sVllchronic
qu('stiollS ill this COlllleClioll. see E. Talstra. "From the 'Edip~(" to the 'An' of Bib-
lical Narrative: Rt'ileClions 011 Methods of Biblical Exegcsis," in lJfnl'~(fi;'e\ ill Ih"
Study of IiiI' Old 'Ii'staml'll/ and Fad} .luda~\m: ,\ SymjlOsiwn in Hemonr of Adam S. ,1([1t
d"T WOUdf (ed. F. Garcia Martinez ami Ed Noort; vrsup 7;); Leiden: IkilL 1998).
I-·n.
 2

Ancient Near Eastern Prophecy

from an Anthropological Perspective
Lester L. Grabbe

With the first discoveries of prophetic material among the ancient

~ear Eastern texts, it was natural to compare them with the prophetic
literature in the Hebrew Rible. This sort of compadson continues and
will continue in the future, and rightly so. Yet one area that is poten-
tially a rich source of comparative data on ancient Ncar Eastern
prophecy has so far been neglected: social anthropolot,r), (often re-
ferred to in North America as cultural anthropology). The data from
social anthropology have been applied to biblical prophecy, especially
in recent years, but little attempt has been made to apply the social sci-
ences to ancient Near Eastern prophecy.l I think this can be done ,vith
mutual benefit to both disciplincs.~
My purpose is modest, since in a hrief essay one can only give an
outline. I discuss methodological considerations and then illustrate
the potential value of anthropological data with several examples.

I For purposes of this essay. I concentrate on t.he Mari material. mainly as col-
lected in Jean-Marie Durand, Archives ipis/alair!'s dR Mari 1/ I (ARM 26; Paris: Edi-
tions Rt"chen:he sur les Civilisations, 1988). Further text.ual matet'ial appt"ars in
Maria d(:Tong Ellis, "The Goddess Kititum Speaks to King Ibalpicl: Oracie Text~
flOm Ishchali," MARI5 (1987): 235--66. For the \leo-Assyrian prophecies, see SilllO
Parpola, As.I)'1"i(/1/ Pn.phe("ies (SAA 9; Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. 1997).
2 For ill/ormation 011 the anthropological study of pl"ophe<:y. see Illy two stud·
ies, Pries", Pmp'wt~, lJiIlirwl.l, Sage,,: A ,)ario-his/oriml Stud. a/Religi()us Sjm:iaii;t.I in :In-
cient Israel (Valley Forge, Pa.: Trinity Press International, 1995), esp. 95-98 and
186-92; ''The Social Setting of Early Jewish Apoca11'pticism." juunlalfar tlU' Stud, af
the PSf'udePigrajJha 4 (1989): 27-47. See also Robert R. Wilson. Prophet) and SO<'ietv in
(\nrim.! "Tad (Philadelphia: Forlres., Press, 1980),21-88, and Thomas W. 0\'eI"l101I,
Pmjilln) in Cmss-Cultuml Pn:stiPrti,w: ;\ Sf"rllrrebook for Riblzral Rl'smrr111>r5 (sm $BS 17;
:\llanta: Sch()br~ Press, 1986). A 1l1ll11ber of illdividu,t1 sllidie, are also cited ill the
footnotes below.
 Pm/Jhl'l)' ill Its ,1ncit'lli Nl'ar Eastern Cnntt'xt

Methodological Considerations

It mllst. be remembered-though it is 100 often forgotten-that the

use of sociology and anthropology in ollr discipline has one purpose
only: to provirle a heuristic method.:> I\·lodcls derived from the social
sciences are not data. bllt only a means of illterrop;ating the textual
and other sources. TI1f'Y allow us to ~isk questions in a new way and
t.hen to go back to the original sources, to see whether the questions
can he answererl. Such models are themseh'cs the' result of interpreta-
tion; they arc not to be imposed on the familiar data but to be tested
against it.
There are always rlangers ill sHch a comparative exercise, anrl. to
help avoid them, it has often been pointed 0111 lhat the first step is to
compare systems rather than indivirlual points of difference. 1\\'0 de-
tails of separate cultures that seelll remarkahly similar may appear only
t()rtuitously similar when each is studied as pal-t of a whole system. Dif-
ferent cultures may llIap reality in a differellt way, so that episorlic
practices OJ' belief's become significallt Dilly when the total culture is
takell into accoUlIl. The comparisoll of isolated l'xamples may giye
mislearling results.
Yet we should be careful about being too rigid. \\rays of vie\\ing the
world are sometimes strikingly the same in detail, eyen when the cul-
tural systems are diilt-rent. One example is the way the maternalllTlc1e
is regarded ill a variety of cultures. l Wit.hout debating this particlllar
argumellt., the observatioll iIIustrmes that certain cultural elements
may be similar, even when the systems al-e different, awl that compar-
ison of the isolaterl case is still justifierl. Nevertheless. the cultural sys-
tem as a whole still needs to be considered, and the value of similari-
ties at the level of details may be limited. The irnportant point is to be
open to a wide range of suggestions about the dala, but to he rigorous
in testing these queries.
Ollt' of the first difIiculties in any cross-cultural comparison, in the

3 I already have djscus~ed lllethodological issucs in P1i('sts. PrOPhd.I, Divin;>n.

Sages (11-19) and abo ill the al'licle, "Sup-llI'bs or Onl)' H)p-lIrbs) Prophets and
Populations" in Evpry City Shall Bf' [«maken: l !rbanism and l'rol,/tl'l'i ill ,'\w:iml lsrad
I1nd thl< ,"mr 1:'(1.,[ (ed. L. 1.. (:r;thhe and R. IIa01k; .JSOTSup: Shdlield: Shcffield
Academic Pres", forthcomin!l:).
I Rohert A. Oden,.JL, 'Jacob as Fathn, Husband. alId :\ephew: Kilbhip Studks
and the Parl"ian:'hal :\an<llivcs.·· JBL J 02 (198,,): 189-20.1.
 ANt: Prophecy from an Anthropological Perspective 15

case of prophecy, is the social and cultural setting of the prophecies

and prophets to be compared. The ancient Near Eastern prophecies
ofMari were delivered in a state headed by a king. The extant prophe-
cies are often associated with the king or even directed at him, 'with
cOllrt figures such as the queen, scribes, priests and other temple per-
sonnel involved. The king is warned to be careful; he is encouraged by
being told that he will defeat his enemies; he is scolded tI)r neglecting
the deity who instif.,'ated the revelation. The prophetic revelation,
which might be in the fOim of dreams or visions, frequently ('omes in
the precincts of a temple.
By contrast. the prophecies and prophetic figures known to the so-
cial anthropologists usually have a different context. Many prophets
have arisen during or in the aftermath of a colonial situation and can
be grouped with "protest" or "millenarian" or "nativistic" movemcnts.
EYcn when prophecy was a native phenomenon, the data of how it
functioned were often collected in the colonial or postcolonial situa-
tion, in which the native element had been modified or adapted.
Then· was seldom a king. thoug'h there may have been a native leader
or some son. even if not officially recognized by the colonial adminis-
tralion.
A significant problem in comparing ancient :';ear Eastern prophets
with modern prophetic figures studied by anthropologists is in ha\ing
the actual words of the prophetic messages. Although the Man text.~
often describe prophetic actions. both they and the other Near East-
ern prophecies are characterized by using the words of the prophets
themselves (see below on the question of ipsissima verba). Anthropo-
logical reports, on the other hand, often do not quote thc messages of
the prophetic figures verbatim. Instead, we usually read a summary of
what the prophet said and did, often with occasions and settings
lumped together to describe all ongoing pattern rather than the exact
words said on a specific occasion.:; This makes comparison of the mes-
sages in the t'l'm cultures more problematic.

" Fortunatdy, Ihel'c are a few exceptions. Perhaps the best is given by R. (;. Willis
("]{;\swa; Oral Tradition of a Fipa Prophet," ilfrim 40 [1970]: 248-.56). Another
S{)Ulce roughly con temporal), with a prophetic figure and quoting sOllie of his
words appears in Jeremy Pernnenon's work ("The Historv of Simon Killlbangu,
Prophet. by the Writers Ntinangani ami !l-:zungu. 1921: An Introduction and Au c

notated 'l\'anslation," jourmil of Rt'hgion in A/rim 23 [1993J; 194-2:31) and in Don-

ald MacKay and Daniel NlOni-Nzinga ("Kimbangu's Interlocutor: Nyuvudi's :Vsamll
Hi Prophet) in Jt.1 A ncient Near Eastern Context

Despite the difficulties. it is possible to make useful comparisons be-

tween prophecies from the ancient Neal- East and anthropological
studies. What follows are comparisons in a variety of areas. A~ already
noted, many prophecies from the ancient Near East in some way re-
late to the' king. This is not surprising, giVe'Il the context ill which they
were preserved. Prophecies about people of lower status or prophecies
opposing the king were not likely to he preserved by slate scribes or in
official archives. The prophetic material that modern scholars discov-
ered was in official archives and reflects the interests of those who as-
sembled the archives or who ordned the material archived.

Selected Examples

Shamanum and Modes of Revelation

The variOlls texts from Mesopotamia indicate a Humber of modes of
revelation. Dreams of va rio liS sorts are a favorite means of recei';ing di-
,inc rncssages. ti A good example is the \fari text reporting a dream in
the temple of Dagall by a lTIan named Malik-Dagan. 7 The message of
the text, howev(T, apart from the framework of the dl-eam, does not
differ from that of other Mari prophecies. Another example is the ,;i-
sion of the apilum Qisti-Diritim, reported to Zimri-Lim through his
wife Sibtu, although the broken text makes interpretation difficult.!!
Although today we might ,,,ish to distinguish between a dream and a
vision, it is ditficult to find dear ditkrentiation in the ancient sources.
Recei\ing divine messages hy (Ireams and visions is also known in
case studies compiled by social anthropologists. One example con-
cems the American Indian figure known as the Delaware prophet (dis-
cussed in more detail below), who went on a journey and received a
revelation. He insisted that it was an actual journey, but, from our per-
spective, some aspects look like visions. Another example is that of
Handsome Lake, who foullded a religious movement (called Gai'wiiD,

Miangullza [The SlOTY of the pmpheL~l." journal o/Reli{!;1on in Africa :~3 [1993J:
232-65),
6 In the ~lari texts. dreams are found in ARM 26 22,1-,10. See also Jack J\i1. Sas-
son, "MaTi Dreams," -"10.')' 10:1 ( 198,~): 2il')-93.
7 ARM 262:'.3; Sasson. "Mari Dreams," 200-01.
8 ,\R"v1 26 208. Set' Jack :vi. Sasson. "An Apocalyptic Vision from lvhtri? Specula-
tions on ARM 109: lHMU 1 (l9t12): 1:>1-67; abo William L Moran, "New Evi-
dence from Mari on the History of Prophecy: Bib [I() (1969): 15-56. esp. 50-52.
 ANt: Prophecy from an Anthropological Perspective 17

~good word") in ahout J800 among the Seneca Indians of Ne",' York.9
He became very ill and was thought to have died, but he awoke sud-
denly and told of a vision which included a visit to the afterlife. This
vision became the basis for his new religion.
In some cases. the prophet seems to be the medium for a spirit's
speech. This phenomenon has characteristics in common with figures
knOVv'11 in other cultures as shamans and spilit lllt'diulllS. Unfortu-
nately, the tenn "shaman" is popularly used in a Vvide variety of con-
texts in which, dUling an earlier, less politically correct age, "medicine
man" or even <\~itch doctor" would have been used. Although special-
ists do not agree on a single definition, the rather loose usc of the
term " S1laman ". 111
. re('nl yt'ars ' h Ie. 10 IN·'evert IlC I ess. many an-
IS regrelta

thropologists would accept that the "central idea of shamanism is to

establish means of contact with the supernatural world by tht> ecstatic
experience of a professional and inspired intermediary, the
shaman."ll
The sh;unan was first rt>cognizt>d as a constituent of Siberian hunt-
ing trihes, and the word "shaman" itself was borrowed from the lal1-

;! General accounts appear in Brian R. Wilson (lHagic and A'liltellnium: .4 Soci~

lugical Stud, of Religious Movem"ntJ of Prowsl among Tribal and Third, World PmplcJ
[London: Heinemann, 1973]. :~87-97) and A. F. C. \-\lallace (The Death and Reln'rth
of the Senem l ~ew York: Random House, 1969]). Original reports of this vision ap-
!war in A. C. Park!"r (nil' Code ofl1rwd.mme rake, the Sf'tlera Prophet [New York State
~luseul!I, Bulletin 16:-\; Albany: ~cw York Stale :V!useUIII. 191~]) alld A. F. C. VVaJ·
lace ("Halliday Jackson's .Journal ((l the Selleca Indians. 1798-1800." PPnllsylvania
l/is/ory 19 [1952J: 117-47, "25-49), Wallace has attcmpted to rrcoustrul"t the orig-
inal vision from the various reports (Dealh and Rebirlh of the ScIlCW. 242-48).
\0 ~lircea Eliade ha~ emphasized the technique of inducing a trance state (ec-
stasy) as the common feamr!' of shamanism (Shamani.lm: A.rrhair Tpchniquf'\ of fe·
\(asy [Bollill)!;en Series 76; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 196·4J: Eliade et
,11.. "Shanunisrn," FR 13:201-2~~). However. he has been criticized for focusing on
the hist{Jrv-okdigions aspect of the problem wilhoull'aying ad(~qu;J.le attention to
the sociolog-ical featllres of shamanism (~ee Ale Hultkranu, "Ecological and Phe-
nomenological Aspects (lfShamanism." in SIl/mum/slIt i1l Sib,..,ia leel. v. Di6szcgi and
~1. Hopp.il; Budapest: Akademiai Kiad6, 19781. 27-58, e",p. 30-31).
II Hultkranlz, "Ecological and Phenomenological ,'\.spect_~ of Shamanism," 30.
Recent bibliography on shamanism includes Di6szegi and Hoppal, Shamanism ill
Silwria; CarE\1artill Edsman. ed., Studies ill Shamanism (Suipta Institllti Donneliani
Ahot'nsis 1; Stockholm: Alrnqvist and Wiksdl, 19ti7): Julta PeutikiiiIlen. ed.,
Shamanism and ;\'ortlwm r.:w/ogy (Religiou and Society 'It); Berlin emel New 'York:
Muuton c\e (-;ruyter. 1(96); Caroline Humphlel' with Crgungc Onon, Shaman> ilnd
t~'{d('ls: Exprri£?IU'. Klllywll'figp, and Pmt'f>I among the D1I1I,. ,HoT/KOls (Oxford Studie~ in
Social and Cultural Anthropology; Oxford: Clarendon, 1996).
iR Pmphe(), in Its Ancient ;\1('(11" 1~·a.5lfm Context

guage of one of these tribes, the Tungus. Although some would re-
stI'ict the term to this specific context, to do so would ignore the an-
thropological l-ecognition that similar social phenomena may occur in
different societies, Shamanism occllrs around the world but is re-
stricted to particular societies. 1~ It is found mainly in Siberia and inner
Asia, North AmeIica. and South America. Although found sporadi-
Gilly elsewhere (Southeast Asia. Japan, Australia. Oceania), shaman-
ism is not ubiquitous in premodern societies. nor should eveIl'
prophetic figure or di"iner in traditional societies be called a shaman,
The main characteristic of the shaman is that he or she is a master of
spiriL.,. The shaman differs from a spirit medium in that the shamaII
actively employs the spirits rather than serving as a passive vehicle for
the spirit. Nevertheless, both shamans and spirit mediums have a good
deal in common, and some aspecL<; of the Mesopotamian propheto;
find parallels ill shamans and spirit mediums.
From the Mali and Neo-A~syIian texts it appears that some-per-
haps most-of the prophets were spirit mediums rather than shamans
in the dassic sense. Bolh the iipilum and mUhllltm appeal- in many rases
to have n~reived messages ilIvoluntarily. \Vhen prophets speak openly
in a temple, this looks like spontaneous spirit possession: the spirit
comes upon them, and they become a mouthpiece for the deity. I:,
However, sometimes the prophetic figure simply delivers an oflicial
message,14 while, Oil a few occasions, the king or official makes inquiry
of tlw prophet J:j In the last two cases. ~ome prophets. especially those
responding to questions. possibly were able to control the spirit.~ to ob-
tain a message. If so, they would compare well v.ith the shamans of
other cultures. \Ve should be careful, since the texts are not clear:
some prophetic figures may have taken the initiative to seek out and
take cbarge of spirits. The immediate impl'essioIl, though. is that the
!t,·lari prophet.~ were mailIly spirit mediullIs,

Prophets in a Monarchic Context

Few prophecies studied by social anthropologists relate to kings, be-
cause many were preserved in contexts relating to European c01oniza-

12 Eliade et al.. ·Shamanism'·; IIHltkrantL.. "Ecological and Phenomenological

Aspects of ShamanisTll," 52-5'1.
l~ A good example is ARt.I 26 21:1; d. also IIOS. 19:); 204: 21'1: 219: 237.
H F..g., :-\Rtv126 197: 208; 221; 221-bis.
15 F..g., ARM 26199: 207; 212.
 A:"JE Proplwcy from all ,\.nthropological Perspective 19

tion. III mallY cases, these prophecies appear in resistance to foreign

domination, cultural influence, and imperialism. Nevertheless. a few
relate to native kings and. more impOrL,l1t, others have useful paral-
lels to prophecies directed at ancient )'.;ear Eastern kings.
Olle example sharing characteristics with the ancient Near E;L~t.crn
prophecies comes from the Kiganda religion of eastern AJi·ica. Hi in
which two levels of prophecy corresponded to "state" and "commu-
nity," or to mItT and the common people. The prophets of the na-
tional shrines were mainly concerned with prophesying for the king
and a few senior officials;17 however. one figure managed to bridge the
division between the people and the national shrines in the 19S0s and
1960s. u'; Kigaanira began as a di\'iner but experienced a call from the
god of war, who was usually associated with the national s}u·ines. He
prophesied restoration of the tJ'aditiollal king of Buganda, who had
been exiled by the British colonial administration. The reason for the
exile.' according to Kigaanira, was that the people had turned from
their traditional gods and religion. If they repented, the king would re-
turn, which happened a few mollths later.
Similar to Old Bahylonian and Nco-Assyrian prophecies, which re-
late to victory of the king over his enemies, many modem prophecies
are set durillg military action. Even in different cultures, prophetic fig-
ures have pm\ided support for the political leader. 19 The data draw at-
tention not on I;.: to what we know from Mari texts but also, signit1-
rantly, to thf' area,', where they prm.ide little or 110 informatioll.
One well-documented example is the ShawlIce leader TecllIIltha
and his prophet brother Tensk\...,atawa, who clashed witll the American
.
expanslOl1 westwarcI'III tile
L earI '
y nlneteent }1 century.-"0 T1Je context .IS
a bit different from that of the :'vlari prophets in that the prophetic
movement bt~gan before military action, but it well illustrates what is
missin!4 [rom our knowledge of the Mari propheL". vVhal helps is that

Hi Peter Rigby. "Prophets, Diviners, and Prophelism: The Recent History of Ki-
gallda Religion." journal ofAnthmpolOJ,.rical Research:H (1975): 116-48.
) 7 Ibid., 131.
lR Ibid., 1~1:3-39.
19 Midl,leI Ada... pi ()vides a number of case studies from the Far r:ast (PIOPlll'/s of
Rrhdlion: MillJ>lIaril.lll Pmle.'! Alo<wments agnimf Ihp j';llmlwan Colonial Ordrr [Studies ill
Comparativp World History; Chapel Hill: University of :-';onJI Carolina Press; Cam-
bridge: Call1h''idge t'niversity Pre~, 1979]).
20 James Mooney, The Ghost-Dancf RRli[!:ion and Ihe Sioux Oull>reak of 189(} (1896:
repr., Lincoln: l'ni\'ersiry of Nebraska Press, 199]),670-91.
20 Prophecy in Its Anrient Near Eastt>m Context

we have some more or less contempora1l' accollnts of how Ten~

skwatawa became a prophet. In 1805, when tribes were being pushed
west of the Ohio River and many Native Americans were succumbing
to alcohol, a man who had been noteworthy mainly for stupidity and
intoxication allllounced to friends and relatives that he had had a re\"~
elation. III the revelation, he had journeyed to the spirit world, at
which he had been allowed to look but not to enter. The two young
men who guided him gave him a message to take to his people, a mes~
sage that included the renunciation of alcohol; the eschewing of white
men's clothing. powder, and shot, and even the use of flint and steel
to make a fin~; alld marriag'c between whites and Indians, He adorned
the name of T(~nskwalawa ("Open Door").
His fame and following spread over the ellsuing years, with many
tribes agreeing to return to the "old ways." His influence was impor-
tant when his brother Tecumtha began to unite the tribes in an al-
liance against the continued encroachments of white settlers.
Tecumtha started to organize resistance by visiting the various tribes.
bringing the tomahawk which, if accepted, served as a symbol of sup-
port in war. The story of military preparations and political negotia-
tions shows Tecumtha's astuteness and remarkable leadership, but this
is beyond our purpose, except to note that he first attempted to ne-
gotiate v.~th William Henry Harrison, governor of tlle Indiana Terri-
tory and later to hecome president, to have the Ohio River made the
boundalY between white settlement and indian lands.
During olle of Tecumtha's ,;isjt~ to the Creek Indiam of Alaballla. a
chief accepted the tomahawk; however, T('cumtha judged that he was
dissembling and stated:
Yuu do not believe the (;reat Spirit has sent me, You shall know. J leave Tuck-
habalchee directly, and sh •• 11 go straight to Dctroit. When I <lnive there, I will
,lamp 011 the gnlUnd with mv foot and shake down every hOllse ill 'I\u.:kha-
hatchel',

After Tecumtha left, many natives were worried and convinced that
something bad would happen. On the day fixed by Tecumtha's state-
ment, there was a great rumbling. The people ran out of their houses,
which were then shaken to the ",'Tound by the famous New Madrid
"1 -
earthquakc.-

21 Ibid, 687,
 ANF Prophecy ti-om an Anthropological Perspective 21

Tecumtha's preparations were short-circuited by his brothel- the

prophet. '·\,11ile Tecumtha was away, Tenskwatawa declared war on the
United States. Wl1en Govemor Harrison decided to challenge him,
the prophet performed lites that he argued would render Indian
forces immune to the American bullets. On this basis, his warriors
fought ferociously and bravely, but when they ttmnd that his assur-
ances wert'" llntnlc, they rehlsed to listen to him and abandoned his
leadership. His brother Tecumtha returned to find his hard-won fol-
lowing in disarray and his cause lost.

Divine Assistance in Military Endeallors

The promise of imIIlunity from the weapons of the enemy, as pre-
dicted by Tenskwatawa, is known from lIlallY modern prophets who
have supported rebel movements. For example, in the late nineteenth
century, a prophet named Rembe was active among the Lugbara of
Uganda. ''\'hen the British took over in 1914. they received blame for
outbreaks of various illnesses. Rembe dispensed a t}lJe of holy ",ater
that, ostensibly, would lIot only protect the people from the human
and cattle diseases, but would also ttlrn bullets into watCl'. Unfortu-
nately, Rembe was captured and executed by the colonial administra-
tion in 1920. 22 Promises of protection against enemy weapons are also
known in other contexts,~;\ such as Mari prophecy:
Thus they (spoke): "A battle "ill not be fought. Right on alTiving his (lsme-
Dagan's) auxiliary troops wil.l be scattereci; furthermore, they will ell! off the
head of Eme-Dagan and put (it) under tilt· fnot of my lord. Thus (my lord will
say): 'The army of ISme-Dagan is large, and if! afrrivJe, will his auxiliary troops
be scattered from him?' ... Hf'<lven forbid that my lord should s[av) this, sav-
ing: 'By means of arms I (mllst) [lay] th(~I1l [Iow].':·:!4 ' .

Prophetic Lifestyle
Another area in which social anthropology can be helpful is ill
prophet~' behavior and mode of life. Such aspects as the prophetic
call, the mode of revelation, and the prophet's continuing life and ac-

~2 Be'~jamin C. Ray, African H.£bgwm: Svmbol, Ritual, and Community (Englewood

Cliffs, l'<J.: Prentice-Hall, 19i6). 114-15.
ot
:!:, Adas, Prophets RRbellirm; 1·47-59.
24 AR.>V{ 26 20i: 19-~6, translation fWIII \-lorall ("New Evidellt:e form Mari," 48).
reading tiUimi in line 36. Durand translates somewhat differently because he reads
{J,,/iini in line 36 (Archives, 436).
 Prophecy in Its A /lriell( Near Eastl'l'N Context

tivilies have been documented in lIlalIY ditli.'rent societies. Sadly, there

are few data on such points among the Mari prophets, although, in
one area. we have some information. Prophets are frequently Ilott'd
for their strange actions or strange way of life. Sometimes this behav-
ior affects them after they are called by the deity but before they n:c-
ognile their calling; it is lIot llllusual for such strange behavior to be
the first signal that the deity has chosen that persoll. III most cases, we
have no infonllation in cuneiform texts on the call of the pl'ophet~,
but the prophetic reports of M:lIi sometimes desClibe behavior or
dress in ways that suggest difftTences from other people. One of the
most interesting reports is a lext desnibing a strallge symbolic act,~:') in
which a fltuhhtan of Dagan cailed for food and was ),riVl'1I a lamb, which
he ate raw. He assl'mbled the city cldtTS at. the gate and described the
devoUl'ing of the lamb as a sign of pestilence.
This is no more unusual than the ~ller prophet Ngundcng, who,
during his prophetic call, spent weeks wandering the bush and eating
nothing but tobacco. Hlud. grass, alld dung.~(i At til1les, he also spent
long pCI"iods sitting Oil a pointe(l stake. The idea that the prophet has
strange dress or habits is well-known from the hiblical prophets, in-
cluding such figures as .John the Baptist. That Isaiah wandered the
streets ofJerusalem naked (Isa 20) was. probably as strange to the city's
inhabitant~ as eating raw lamh was to the city elders of Mari. There are
lIIany examples of st.range behavior while the prophet is possessed Iw
a spirit. For example, Venier Elwin describes all Indian ceremony to
drive a tiger away after it had killed a man.~7 At one point the spirit of
the lord of the animals, in the form of a medium, comes upon the fa-
ther of the dead man, and the medium begins to growl and run
around like a tiger, at one point seizing a chicken, te<lring off its head,
and drillking the hlood. In this case, the actions were performed by a
remporary medium, whose' acrions did not represent his f10rmal mode
of Iiff-, On the other hand, the actions of the muhMl.m described above
may have been a one-time-only event; we do lIot know enough to char-
acterize the situation.

2~, ARM 26 206.

26 Douglas H. Johnsoll, Nun- Prol,ht't~: A IIistory o/Pmphfl) from llir lfPlwr Nile in
tilt' Nine/""1I1h lIt"i lit','nliellt (.'1'1I1ul1I',' (Oxford Studies ill Social and Cultural An·
thropology; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994). 78-82.
27 Vnrin Eh,in, The BlZi!{1Z (London: John Murray. 19:~9), 300-304. Elwin's
 ANE Prophecy from an Anthropological Perspective 2~

Testing the Propheb'

In a number of the prophetic reports from Mari, the person send-
ing the report also sends a lock of the prophet's hair and a piece of
cloth from the prophet's garment?' These items were to be tested by
the normal process or extispifY to determine whether the prophet W'dS
genuine. This would have been typifal, since it "'as customary to (011-
finn any oracle by seeking another oracle or by seeing whether the
samt:~ message was received through another form of divination. 29 Al-
though testing the prophet was, consequently, part of the regular
.Mesopotamian inquiry into the future, it parallels the idea of not ac·
cepting the prophetic word at hicl' ,·allle.
The Bible mentions a number of criteria fiJI' assessing the genuine-
m:ss of a prophet or prophecy.:)o Ol1e of the most obvious is asking
. '\1
whether the predicted event came to pass (Deut 18:21-22).. I cannot
call to mind an example from anthropological study in which a
prophet is tested by divinatory methods, but it is clear that fulfillment
is a JlI~iol' dement in whether to helieYe or to continue belieying ill a
prophetic figure. There are many examples in which the pJ'()phet's fol-
lowing disappeared when a Im~jor prediction failed to materialize; COll-
versely, skeptics came to accept the prophet's authority when a pre-
dicted event took place (e.g., the prediction of Tecumtha noted
above). Since many prophets have helped organize or support military
action, defeat in an important hattlc is usually sufficiellt to discredit
them, at least in the eyes of many f()llowers (e.g., the failure of Ten-
skwatawa to protect his followers from the whitc soldiers' bullets).
Prophetic testing is often carried out in prophetic conflict. .:\1-
though this might be slightly different from testing the validity of an

book has not Iwen available to me, ,111d tht information here was gleaned from ex,
tracts in Owrholt. ProphPl), in Cross-Cultural Pnspl'ctive. 233-57.
~R E.g" AR1\J 26 204; 2n: 237. See also John E Cragham, C.SS.R.. "The Al?M X
'Prophetic' Texts: TIlcir Media. Style, .md Structure," j;\!\1::~CU 6 (1974): 39-,",7.
esp. ;)3-;)5.
2~1 See. e.g .. AR.\I 26 18~)-bis: 199; 207: 212. where confirrnatory prophetic me,,·
sages are mentioned or sought.
gO Sec Grabbe (Prie.I{.I. Pro/)hets, Divinns. Sagl's. ll3-15) for a summal), of these
and also other criteria suggested hv modnTl scholars. As noted, lIIany of tlltse alt
problematk--(>ven contradinOlv-when consiciered funher.
:{ J As ",ill he ohviolls to lIlan~, this CI iterioll is not vel')' helpful since (a) many
biblical pmphecie~ have not cOllle to pa~ and (b) prophetic filltlIlment is often
said to be cOJltillgent on the response of the people (Jonah; Ezek 33:1-20).
24 PmphelJ in Its Anriell{ ;Vt?ar hlStrm COlltJ'xt

or<.tcle, such prophetiC" contests are an important means of determin-

ing whether people still believe in the prophet. Jeremiah exposes
Hananiah as a false pl"Ophet when Jeremiah's prophecy of his death
comes tme, while Hananiah's alleged prophecv that the people would
returll from exile within two vears was shown false (lei 28). The l\'UCl"
prophet Ngundeng sct variolls tests, often of a physical Ilature, fi:,r
those claimillg to be prophets anrl coming to pnwe themselves against
him.'l:! Ngundeng harl erected a huge earth mound about fifty feet
high, with steep sirles. He was apparently able to run up to the top of
this mounrl without faltering, and one of his challenges to rival
propbets was to do the samc. Those who failerl the test became his sub--
scryjents, slIch as the female prophet l\'yakollg B(ll~ who was set to
grinding corn anrl given as a consort to one of Nglllldellg's followers
when her power "disappeared into the mound" part of the way up.

Literary Prophecies
So far Wt~ have been dealing with "real" prophecies, those uuered by
prophetic tigures at a knoV'm time anrl place. Rut within cuneiform lit-
erature is a group of writings referrerl to as ;'prophecies," "apoca-
lypses:' or, most recently, "predictive texts."~:\ Some of these writings
(sllch as the l'ruk and Dynastic prophecies) contain ex eventu. prophe-
cies anrl remind one of apocalyptic writings such as Dan 11. The prob-
lem, however, is not just ol1e of "real" versus "literary" prophecies, be-
cause the distinction is not alwavs dear-cllt.
The rlifticulties are well illustrated by the recently published oracle
text.~ from Ishehali.''I! There are only two, and much of olle is broken
off. The legible text (FLP 1674) is in the fi:)J"]n ofa letter from the god-
dess Kititum to Ibalpicl, king of ESl1l1nna, a contemporary of Ham-
Illurabi of Babvlo[J and Zimri-Lim of \-fari. It reads;35

o King Ib<t1piel! Thlls tht' god(lt's~ Kililum: "Th~~ ~ecn'ts of lilt' gods art' plac<~d
befo!"e OJt'", (and) because yuu t'vcr have the words of illY 1l,1Ine in vour mouth.
I continually open the secrets of the gods for yon. At the advice of the gods,
(and) by the command of Anti, the country is gh'en YOll to rule. , .. Your ecoll-

:"".Johnson, SUrf" ProfJIUfS. 97-100.

:,3 Sec Maria deJong Ellis. "OhsfThitions on Mesopotamian Oracles and
Pruphetk Texts: Lilt'rary and Historiographic Considerations." .les 41 (19R9):
127-.'i6, esp. 14f:i-4.'i.
:14 DeJong Ellis, "Goddess Kititum."
3c> Ibid., 240.
 A;..JE Prophecy from an Anthropological Perspective 2:)

omy will not diminish. Wherevel in the laud your hand has laid hold. the 'food
of peace' \\ill be secme .... (And) I, Kititum, will strengthen tIl(' foundations
of vour [hmne. I have established a protective spirit for you. Be ready [0 hear
mel"

This fonnat leaves many intrif,Tlling questions: Was the prophecy SPOll-
taneous or instigated? Vl""ho received it? "Vas it received as an audition.
a dH:am, a vision, or in some otlwr way? Yet it is very much like Kear
Eastern prophecies that hegin, ~Thus says (DN)." The message is that
Kititum opens the seCl·ets of t11e gods to lbalpiel and will strengthen
his throne and reward his rule with peace, increased domains. and
prosperilv. This is because the king has honored her by speaking her
Hame. The content. is thus similar ro a Dlllnher of the Mari prophecie~.
No delnauds are made on the king, howt'ver, except to continue to lis-
tt'11 to the goddess, because that is what he has been doing. (One
should compare similar messages from Yhwh to Isnlelite kings and
others, such as Gen 26:2-5 and 2 Sam 7:8-16.)
The editor of the text hum Ishchali has noted its literary character.
Although dt:JOllg Ellis aCCepL'i that the t('xt is probably based on a re-
port of a revelation, she believes that the scribe has clothed it in his
own literary form. Two points can be made: The first is that we do not
know if this tt'xt was based on an actual oracle. The editor thinks that
it was, but this is an educated gm'ss. The second point is that even if
t.he t.ext were based on an actual oracle, the scribe lIlay have provided
the present form and wording.:1t\ This has implications for the ques-
tion of whether we have the lpsi~sima vl'7ba of the prophets, whether in
.\1csopotamia or the OT. EYt'11 when a prophecy is based on actual
speech from a human intermediary. can we be certain that we have the
Ofigillal words?
It is often diffICult to distinguish hetween actual prophetic oracles
and literary prophecies created hy scrihes. For example, evell the '\-fad
prophecies, which. in general. wert' written at roughly the same time

3G According to Durand, when the prophecies of the (ipilum were written, thev
were cOllched in a mOl"<' st)phi~lictled language than would have been t'xpPCled
froll! the (ll'iginal utterances (Arrhir'f,I, :\90-9~). Simon B. Parker POilll$ Ollt how
those reporting the prophecy "did not alw;IYs think it important to replicate the
precise wording of oracles" and mixed illterpretatioJl \\ith l~porting ("Official AI,
titudes toward Prophecy at Mari and in Israel," ~T 43 [1993): 50-68, esp. 57-64).
26 Pro/iheey in Its ilncirnl Nmr /,'rzstern Context

the\' were uttered, were recorded bv scdbes who lIla\' have pal-a-
, . '7 •
phrased or used stereotypical language.'
:--io one questions that texts like the Dynastic Prophecy are literary
writings, probably sClibal products, and are unlikely to have arisen in
a temple or from a prophetic figure. Yet they are not that different
fi'om the prophecies recorded among the Mari texts nor from the re-
cently published :"';eo-A~syt'ian prophccies. 'Vhat they show is that a
prophetic tradition has been adapted and used in a scribal text for a
particular aim, This practice has an interesting parallel in what has
beell referred to as "prophecy" among the preseut-day Hopi Indians
of the American Southwest.'Ii)
Knowledge of ancestl'al tt'aditiolls (novati) is a source of power in
the Hopi society. Leadership-both seculal' and religious-resides
largely in possession of certain central ritual objects, but the one pos-
sessing them must also possess the associated tradition. songs, and rit-
ual knowledge. One has to be a "sage" who possesses esoteric knowl-
edge to hold authority in Hopi society. One dement of tradition is the
important ancestral myth, the "Emergence Myth," which describes
how the Hopi and other pe()ple~ came frolll lower worlds into the
present world. This myth is an import~tnt cultural artifact. used as a
means of understanding the world and abo as a basis for Hopi self~un­
derstanding.
Hopi prophecy is .1ltested (pl'Obably t()r the past several centuries at
least) and weIl documented t()r the late nineteenth and iuto the tweu-
tieth cellturv:
Hopi prophecy can lx' formally defined as statelllenl.~ abom the future which
were reportedly pronounced bv the Hopi tutelary deity, Maasaw, and by [he fi~)t
people who appeared at Sipaapuni, lhe place of the emergence of mankind.-'"

Prophecies are given in several contexts: (1) in recitation of or refer-

ence to the emtTgcnce myth; (2) in ritual songs: and (~1) in modern
prose narrative such as pamphlets. newspapel' illterviews, and letters

3i It is also widell' helieved that any gelluine words of Isaiah of Jerusalem,

:'vlicah, Jeremiah. or other prophets have heen edited, reworked. and supple-
mented by disciples alld bltt'r scriht's who passed dOWIl the tradition. The situation
with ancient Near Eastern literary plUphecies is not different [\'OIn problems fac-
ing the OT scholar,
'Ii> Armin W, Geelll, Tllf' hll'enliofl IIi Pmphec),: COl/linuity and Meaning ill flopi [n,
dian Religion (Berkeley and Los Angeles: L' niversity of California Press. 1994).
:{9 Ibid, . 169-70.
 ANE Prophecy Ii-om an Anthropological Perspective '27

(often as a form of rhetoric to influence European Americans). There

are no prophets as such because there are no revelations in the nor-
mal sense, and certainly no ecstatic states. The prophecies are pre-
sented as predictions but are, in fact. interpretations of the core myth
in the light of current events. Such events as the two world wars. the
atomic bomb. space travel, and lhe like are alleged to have been i(ne-
cast, though there is no ('\idcnfc that sHch predictions were given in
advance; rather. these ,UT ex I't'entu prophecies.
Prophecy among the Hopi is thus hermeneutic of the myth_ It en-
courages hearers to relate primordial limes and conditions to con-
temporary times:
The pre,ent apocalyptic conditioll5 are identified with the primordial ones.
thus fusing past with prescnt. AmI this fusion not only confrollls past conditions
',ith present on("s. but it also provides past solutions to present problems ....
IPlrophecy incorporatt's contemporaneous affairs into the interpreth'e frame-
work of prophetic di.~collrse and suhject~ those afhirs and the f()rces behind
them to evaluat.ion in terms of conceiw-d tradition. This evaluation, or pro-
nouncin~ of judgment, derives authority from tradition and SCI YeS as a meclta-
,. - , 40 .
nism in social and political stratcgy.

Hopi prophecy is a means of iUlcrpreting socicty, it'; changes and

crises, and also a means to change and shape society and its atlitudes.
The prophecies often have moral or spiritual messages, as well as so-
cial and political ones. Those adumbrating the prophecies could be
said to function in mallY ways as "sages" and interpreters of sacred
texts. Consequently. Hopi prophecy differs in wallY ways from the or-
acles given bv prophetic figures; nt'vcnhdess, esst'lltial features are
shared with the "literary prophecies."

Stereotypical Language
The language and messages of the Mari and Neo-Assyrian prophe-
cies af(: remarkably monotonollS, The same proverb ("under the
straw, the water flows") is used se\'eral times in the Mari prophecies. H
The king is told not to do auything without consulting the diviners. He
is told not to fear because the god/goddess is \~ith him. and that he

40 Ibid., R\ 165.
41 ARM 26 197: 199; 202. Howt'vc'r, Parker argucs that these uses are related.
being tluee rcporH of esscntially the same message ("Official Attitudes toward
Prophecy." 57-60).
28 Pmpllf'cy in Its A uriI'm Near Eastern Contn.:t

will oven:ome his enemies. This stereotypical language reuses a lim-

ited set of messages from traditional material. The language reminds
one of the messages Native American resistance movements used to
get Indians to return to older practices and to give up the "pnverted"
ways of the whites.
Smohalla, t4)f example, arose as a prophet among an American In-
dian trihe of the Pacific Northwest in the mid-ninetl'enth century
when there was conflict with white authorities over the native lands 42
A concerted effort was being made to move the Indian tribes away
from their ancestral homes and to induce them to become farmers
and hOfllesteadel·s. The religion founded by Smohalla may have been
int1uenced by Christianity to sOllIe extent, but the fundamentals were
those of the ahoriginal religion in the area.
Although there is no evidence that Smohalla ever advocated ,iolent
resistance, he opposed the whites' plans as contrary to the di"ine \\iIL
According to him, Indian groups were given homelands hy the cre-
ator, Nami Piap. A "holy covenant" existed between man and God.
One of the conditions this placed OIl the Indians was notlO divide the
land, not to farm it, to sell it, or otherwise to disturb it aher the cus-
toms of the whites. 4 :' He preached against his fellow countrymen who
had abandoned the traditions of the ancestors and had become farm-
ers. Like Jeremiah (6: 16), Smohalla called them back to the "old
paths," to ohedience to (;od\ laws as laid down from the beginning.
He denounced law-breaking and violatioll of t.he divine covenant.
As already noted in the introductioll to this article, the problem
with finding good comparative examples of stereotypical language is
that prophetic figures are seldom quoted explicitly in ethnographic
and anthropological report~. There arc exceptions to this situation,
14
. thev, are few.
bllt

42 Mooney. Gho.I/-Dancp [leligion, 708--$1; c:. E. Trafzer and \1. A. Beach. "Smo-
halla, the Washani, and Religion as a Factor in Northwestern Indian History," A mer-
iran Indian QUlJrtf'Tl}' 9 (1985): 309-24; Click Relander, Drummer.; and Dream.ers (with
a foreword by FI'ederick Webb Hodge; 1953: repr., Seattle: Northwest Interpretive
A~s()ci'lti()n, 1986).
4,\ Mooney, Gho,(·[)rl1/re Rl'lip:i(m, 720-21: see also tlte extract of his deso'iplion
of native cosmologY in Wayne Moyuill (with Charles Van 1)0[(,11). <'ds" (;I'eat Dom-
ml'rlts in A.m('r7colI Indian Hislorr (New York: Praq~cr, 197:3; reprinted wit.h new fore
word by Dee Brown, "\ewYod~; Da Capo, 1995),36-:17.
44 Sce the source, in n. 5 above.
 ANE Prophecy from an Anthropological Pe-rspective 29

The Prophetic Call: All Example of Missing Data

Comparing :Vfari prophetic reports with those of North American
Indian prophets is instructive, for it reveals what is missing from the
l\Iari reports: information on the prophetic caIl or pel-sona. The
prophets in the ?L!ri report~ arc ciphers without personality or back-
gronnrl, even ifwt, often know their names and even professions. Yet if
the analogy with prophets ill other cultures has validity, the ~lari
prophets must in most cases have encountered the divine prior to their
wlitten revelations. This may not apply to the .I'angzl-priest who received
a revelation while sleeping in the temple, but, for most of the muhMim.
the "pc of call knO'wT1 among shamans and spirit mediulIls everywhere
prohahly li('s hehind revelations reported in the Mari letters.
Th(' importance of this experience can be gleaned from the reports
about th(' caIl of another Amerindian figuft~, the Delaware prophet.
His messag(' was similar to Tenskwatawa's; indeed, because he proph-
esied not long b('fore Tenskwata'\V~l, one could art-rue for a strong in-
fluence on the latter. In allY case. the information 011 the Delaware
prophet'S call has reached us in IIlI!ch more detail. He was sought for
seeking to know the "Master of Life" and telr a joumey westward in
hopes of finding him. After journeying for many days, he claims to
have been guided to the Master of Life on the top of a mountain (he
always al-gued that this was not a vision, but an actual experience),
where he was told to tell his people to give lip polygamy, drunkenness,
white men's clothing, the use of flint and steel to make ti.re, ancl fight-
iug among t.hemselves. He preacherl the j()llowing message, ,.,.hich he
claimed to have received in person from the M.aster of Life:
Hear what the Great Spirit has ordered me to tell you~ You are to make saCli-
fin,s, in the Illanner that J shall direcl: to put off entin·]), from yourselves the
clIstoms which you have adopted sinn' the white people ralII<' among us. YOll
are to leturn to that fonnel' happy SLue. ill which we lived in peace ,mel pJent},
belrne th~'M~ strangel s came LO disturb \IS; and, above all. you lllust abstaill from
drinking their deadly be.I(}f/, whidl they have /olceu upon us, for the sake of in-
(Teasing their gains and diminishing our numbers, Then will the Great Spirit
give success to our arms; then he will give us strength to conquer Ollr enemies.
to drive thelll from hence, and V
re(over the passage
'
to the heavenl" re<'iolls
. n
which they have taken from liS . . '

The Delaware pmplwt apparently also had seen a pirture of paradise

45 Moone\', r;}/Os£.1)ancf Relil:,>7on, 667.

 Prvj)ht'()' in lis Anril'nl Nl'ar Eastnn ContRxt

and hell, which he depicted on a small buckskin Illap that he would

draw and sell to his hearers.
One cannot help wondering wh,lt spiritual journey and encounter
\\lth the di\ll1e the .\fari prophets might have described if they had
had the opportunity \Ve III list assume that most, at some point, expe-
rienced what can be described as <l ·'cal!.'· It is unlikely (hat their mes-
sages were one-time events, without an enCOlll1ter with the divine ill
the background or context in which the message was received. All of
this data is part of the "call'" experience and changes the indi\ldual's
life fore\TL This aspect of the prophetic tradition is a question begged
by the Mari data, but we lIenl to kcep om eyes open t()r hints. 16

ReaLtions tv Failure of Prophecy:

A'lOther Example of Missing Data
Among the prophecies from Jvhui are seYerai addressed to the Mari
king Zimri-Lim, which predict that he will defeat his enemies Babylon
and its king, Hammurabi. 011(' says:

. and then the aphim (If Dagan 01 TlltftlllJ ,II"OSe ,Illd spoke as follows: "0
Bahylon! How must you be constantl) treated? I am going to gather YOU into J
llf't. . . . I \\ill d[elilver into the power of ~iIIlri-Li[mJ the houses of the snen
confederates and all tht'ir poss<ess>ions. ",I I

This was a false prophecy, as we know: Hammurabi and the Babyloni-

ans defeated Zimri-Lim and lOok control of r>.Lui. Zinlli-Lim's palace,
and probably much of the CilY. was bumed. We read no further of
Zinni-Lim and du not kllow what hapP<:lIcd to him.
This absence makes us realize that another piece of information is
missing from present data on \LHi: the explanation of why the
prophecies tailed. This is illustrated by considering the aftermath of
the- Spanish conquest of King MOlltezuma alld the ALte("~ of r>.lexico. 4R
Our knowledge of an apparent prophetic tradition amol1g the Aztccs,

16 In the discussion when this paper was presented ill Lahti, Herbert Huffmnn
suggested that the nature of the texts precluded this sort of inform~lti()n from hav-
ing hef'11 recorded. I agree that the natllre of tbe texts is the main problem. but I
wOlllcl <lrgue that we should be alert in case sOlllething slipped through. which we
might oH:rlook if we wen' not aware of the qw:slion.
47 AI~"1 26 :l09; quute from A,'VE7~ 62').
IS FOI' my inf<:>l"!lJation, I am dependent Oil St"phen A. COhWll, .. 'No Longel'
Will Tht're Be a Mexico': Ollll'llS, Prophecies, and the' Conque'sl oflhe Aztec Em-
pire,·' Aml'Ti(lIIlndinn Quarlrr/l 9 (1')8".,): 2:)9-58.
 ANt: Prophecy from an Anthropological Perspective :H

uIlfortunately, is all ii'om postcolonial sources. This makes determin-

ing the original prophecies problematic, although some aspects can
be detennined with reasonable certainty. A copy of a preconquest his-
tory, called the Florentine Codex, mentions eight omens that pre-
ceded the arrival of Cortez. The conquest was not just a case of supe-
rior foreigners overcoming unsophisticated and backward natives;
rather, there had been warnings of disaster. This disaster was brought
on because the god Huitzilopochtli had abandoned his people, a fate
facilitated by the arrogance of the last ruler, Montezuma.
After the fall of Mari, there likely were those who wondered about
~lari 's own prophecies. and pnhaps some of the prophetic figures
tll<:mseives were perplexed about their OWII revelations. The chances
are that some sort of posHrauIlI<t analysis took place among the sur-
vIvors. This postmortem and perhaps a necessary reinterpretation of
prophecy are presently missing from the Mali texts.'Hl

Conclusions

1 have tried to illustrate the potential value of social anthropolo)"y

in better understanding ancient Near East.ern prophecy. Some of the
examples may be 1110re convincing than others, but the poin t is that
they show how uoss-cultural comparisons can sometimes be helpful.
Such compalison will not add to the data, for an)' theory or interpre-
tation must be based on the anciellt lexls themselves. Comparative ex-
amples from the social sciences suggest new ways of intcrrogating the
data and a broader context for examining the phenomena extracted
from the specific texts.
A~ the examples above indicate, comparison can be made on a va-
riety of levels. The most helpful level is comparison of entire cultures.
This may not be practical, howevel', especially whell cultures difler sig-
nificantly or when little is knowlI of one or bOlh. More practical in
most cases is the comparison of similar phenomena in two or more
cultures, such as divinatory practices or prophetism .

.\9 Robert P. Carroll discusses the variOllS ways in which prophets and writers
lIlay have dealt with the "Lliiure" of prophecy (IVlwfl Pmtlhery Fmini [London:
SPCK, 1979]). Ill' applir's theories (kveloped bv Leon Festinger in 11 '111.1'011 ufCog
flili,,~ Diuonuru(' (l.oudon: Tavistock. 1962) and hy Leon Fcstinger, Henry W.
Riecken, and Stanky SchachleI in lWIt·" f'rofihnv Fail>; A Soda! fwd I\yrhdogirn/
Studv of' a iVIodl'm Group 71wt Predicted tit" Desimction of't/w WmM (Minneapolis: l'ni-
vt'rsit)' of Minnesota Press, 1956).
 Pmphery in h\ Aru'ient i',JmT l:'(J.ltern Context

Finally, specific cultural artifacts (detailed practices, 'views, rites) can

be compared. These are the most hazardous comparisons in the sense
that similarities or differences may be superficial and have 110 signifi-
cance when the entire society is taken into account. Nevertheless,
study has found some shared details in societies which are otherwise
rather diverse ill structure. For example, it is common tor prophetic
figure~ to exhibit behavior that would normally be considered odd or
even unacceptable, This seems, across many different societies, to be
a part of the prophetic persona, More important from our point of
view, almost all such figures experience some sort of call. We do not
have this information for the Mari prophets, hilt it might be usef\ll to
search for.
Cross-cultllral comparisons can sometimes he madc because onc
culture has influenced the other. Although it is theoretically possible
that Mari and/or the Nco-Assyrian prophecies influenced Israel, the
distance in time and space makes this unlikely, Similar conditions and
situations, however, may yield similar reslllts \~ithollt cllltural cont.act;
direct ur indirect illfluence dues Ilot haw' to be assumed. Anthropo-
logical comparison with ancient Near Eastern prophecy has only
begun. The recent publication of textual material makes the contri-
butions of the social sciences more important ill getting the most (lut
of these new data,
 3

Defining Prophecy and Prophetic Literature

DQ1Jid L Petersen

A5 the new millcIlnium begins, it seems appropriate to determine

gains in our understanding of prophecy and prophetic literature, par-
ticularly as we seek to comprehend tlwsc phenomena in Israel and in
the larger ancient Near Eastern environment. In this essay. I do several
things. First, I offer a typology of dillerent ways ill which propheL'i have
been defined or understood. During this discussioIl, I advocate the no-
tion of prophet as intermediary. Second, I review one recent defini-
tion, which appcars in the Nelles Bibel-Vxikon article on prophecy in
the ancient Near East, to examinc its place in this typology. Third, I
offer a few basic comments about biblical prophetic literature that
grow out of an assessment of prophets as intermediaries. Fourth. and
finally, I make several ohservat ions about the relationship betweeIl
prophecy and prophetic lileralUre in ancient Ylesopotamia and that in
ancient Israel.

Typology

Biblical scholars, both present allel past. have created different. def:-
initions of what it means to be a prophet. At the outset, I offer a six-
fold typology of definitions that might help set the stage for a new pe-
riod of studies in prophecy and prophetic literature.

I. prophl?t has an intrnse f'xjwrieuc(' of tIlt! deity, This notioIl has

Tfu~
worked il~e\f out in val'ious '\lays. Influential early proponents of this
view were I lermaIlIl C~unke\ and Gustav Holscher. Gunkel published
several versions of his ideas, the first appearing in 1903. 1 He main-
tained t.hat the prophets had distinctive, usually private, expedences
in which the deity was I'evealed to them. 'These experiences were, in

1 H, Gunkel, "Die gdwimen Ertahrungen der Propheten J~raels: rine religions-

psy.hologisc he Sludie," Du, SudwlI drr Z"it: Blr/fler Dl'ulsrhl'r 7.ukunft I (]l)()."\):
112-53.
34

theory, hidden from others, but they could involve external manifes-
tations. Gunkel used the term "ecstasy" to describe this experience, a
term that to this day has remained prominent in discussions of
prophets. In similar fashion, Holschu, influenced by the wdtings of
\\'ilhelm Wundt, maintainen fhat t.he key to lm<ierstanding Israel's
prophets was to place them within a psychological category. which he
too name(J " ecstasy.-
.. "
Probably the most influential version of this approach, which views
prophecy as an especially intense form of religious behavior, has been
that of Johannes Lindblom. A<; did Holscher, Lindblom noted affini-
ties between tIlt' experiences of Israel's prophets ann indhiduals who
have "supernormal experiences." Lindblom nefines a prophet as "a
pcrsoll who, because he is conscious of having heen specially chosen
and called, feels forced to perform actions ann proclaim ideas which,
in a mental state of intense inspiration or real ecstasy, have been indi-
cated to him in the form of divine relations."~
Influential though this view has been, serious questions have been
r"<,iscd. Is ecstasy or state or posst>s"<;ion a common denominator or ~i7lt'
qua non for all prophetic behm;or? It seems clear that. mllch of what
prophets did involved beha'v;or apart from ecstasy, for example, Isaiah
walking and talking ,,;th tht> king- (Isa 7). Further, much prophetic lit-
erature offers no direct ('vidence of extraordinary emotional involve-
mcnt. In sum, though sOllle prophetic behm;or might be ch,iracter-
in'n as ecstasy (or a slate of possession), ecstasy is not a hallmark of all
prophetic aeti,;ty.

2. Thf jnvjlhet speaks or writes in a distillctltll:' way. Here the focus has
been on the literature attributed to prophets, much of it poetic. At-
tention to Hehrew Bible poetic literature has, perforce, han an impact
on notions of prophecy; one should. Ilole especially the work ofJo-
harm Gottfried Herder. I However, there have been more recent pro. .
pOlH:nts of this view. Some scholars refer to a poetic spirit as the source
of prophetic acti\ity, Abraham Heschel prmided a classic exposition
of this position, writing that "the prophet is a poet" or "prophecy is po-

2 {;. Holscher. j)if Pmphpffl1; Ulltn:wdIlW!!!'/1 WI rl'l(t;iu1IIgfMhi, hte lsmds (I.cipzig:

J.Hil1TidlS, (914).
:1.J. I.indblom. Pmldl''',! in ilruil'llf bmd (PhilarlC'lphia: Fol'tress Pres" 19(2), -16 .
.1.J. C. Herder, Thl'Sl'ilit 0/ }lehrl"111 Porlry (2 vols.: 1782-1783; Burlington, Va ..
E. Smith, ]83:-1).
 Defining Prophecy and Prophetic Literature 35

ctry."~ More recently. David Noel Freedmall wrote tbat "poetry and
prophecy in the biblical tradition share so many of the same features
and overlap to such an extent that one cannot be understood in terms
of the other. Poetry was the central medium of propbecy."f,
Tb be sure, considerahle: prophetic literature is written in poetry.
However, many forms ofprophe:tic lite:rature occur in prose: the vision
report and the prophetic legend, to name two prominent examples.
A~ Yehoshua Gitay has demonstrated, the sdf-n)TJsciolis use of prose in
a prophetic texL for example, in Isa 8. senTS the prophet's rhetorical
interests. 7 To argue that prophetic literature may be equated with po-
etry is to ignOlT constitutive elements of prophetic behavior and liter-
atllre. Hence, we should take care to avoid thinking that prophets
wert' essentially poets. They could act ill a manner that resulted in the
creation of prose as well as poetry.

3. Til" jnophet acts in a partirular social setting. This notion grew ini-
tially out of form-critical ohservations and may be traced to the vigOl--
ous logic of Sigmund Mowincke1.~ :\1m'linckel followed lip 011 <.t claim
of GUllkel, namely. that then" were prophetic elemenL~ in the Psalms.
What (;unkel deemed to he a literary rclatiollship-a psalmist bor-
rowing language from prophetic books--was for Mowinckel a social re-
ality. Mowinckel contended that prophets were cultic officials. priests
active at the temple. Pm another way, prophets. according to Mow-
inckel. were active in a particular social setting. l\lowinckcl's theon:
sparked what has come to be known as the "cultic prophecy thesis."
There have, however. been other claims for a prophetic social set-
ting. For example. Frank Cross argued that prophets were embedded
in the royal institutions of ancient Israel. 9 They were iJlvolved early on
in militarv activity, in designating kings, and in making-judgments on

'i A. He,dwI. Thf' Pmph"t~ (New York: Harper & Row, l~lfi2).
Ii D. Freedman oflers these judgments in "Pottery, Poet! y, and Prophecy: An
Essay Oil Biblical Poe tr,'. "
.JBL 96 (1977): ~>-26, ,tnd in "Discourse on Prophetic Dis-
course," in The QUf'S' jin' Ihe Kiu!!;dom (1/ God: Studies ill HOllO,. (if Gi'Orge 1-:. Afmrimhall
(ed. H, Hufhnoll et al.; '''.'inona Lake, Ind.: Eisenhrauns, 1983), 141-58,
7 Y Giray. ·Oratorical Rhf'tOl~C: The Question of Prophetic Language with Spe-
cial Attention to Isaiah," Am.\'/rnlamw CailirH 10 (19H~'): 7~-K\.
I< S. Mowinckel. PJa/mells/udim lfJ: KIIUIIIII'/Ihlil' IIlId pmphptis(he Psafll/{'// (l\ristia-
Ilia. Norway:,Jacoh Dyh,,~Hl, 1923).
~l F. Cross. Callaanite !Hylh and Hebrew J';pi( (Cambridge: Harvard University
Press, }9n), 223-29.
36 Prophecy in Its Ancient Ntar Eaoftrm Contt:,'1:{

roval individuals. Thollgh these functions changed over time,

prophets remained dose to this center of Israelite society. Cross
thought it significant that prophecy cornmenced in Israel at about the
same time as monarchy, and that it ceased at about the same time that
the monarchy disappeared.
Both Mowinckel and Cross maintained that the prophets were in-
extricably linked to specific social contexts, the cult alld the monarchy,
respectively Here too one must raise questions. To be sure, some
prophets were priests, most clearly Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and Zechariah.
The book of Joel surely reflects ritual activit,' that took place at the
temple. However, what was true for some pn)phets in Illis vein was not
true for all.
There is olle imponant corollary to theses of the sort adumbrated
by Mowinckel and Cross. If prophets are active ill a particular social
setting and if that social setting were to disappear, then one might ex-
pect prophecy itself to change in some fundamental way. In other
words, there are social prncquisitcs f()r prophecy.1O However, not all
social contexts elicit intermediation. -"I.nd not all intcnnediation grows
out of the same social context.

4. The pr'ophl'f possesses distinctive penonal qualities, for example,

charisma. The work of Max Weber has pride of place here. 1l Weber
maintained that a pc rS()JJaJ f()rc(', charisma, was the hallmark of
prophets. They wen" imbued with a pownful presence of the holy,
which made people pay attention. This spirit (niiih) distinguished
prophetic authority from that of other religious kadel'S.
However, '·V('her's own articulation of the issue has presented prob-
lems. Weber maintained that charisma \vas not simply a psychological
quality; rather, it also had a sociological side. Charisma-as charis-
matic authority, to hc distinguished trom traditional and from bu-
reaucratic authority-worked itself Ollt by creatillg a following. One
would. therefore, expcct a charismatic prophet to attran a group of
followers or disciples. This is not always the case ",ith individuals in the
Hebrew Bible whom we characterize as prophets. 'Were we to lise
'\'eber's definition, we would, as Dorothy Emmett contends, "have to

or
10 On which see 'r OH,rl1oll, Chat"",/; "fl')"Pill'{,: T/u' Sorlfll fhnamin l'ru/)h.·,),
(:>.lillueapolis: F'.JIut'" Pn.';'s, 19H<)).
11 'Weber's analvsis about prophets as an ideal type lTI<lV be found in his Sonology
ofRPligion (Boston: Beacon Press, 19(4).
 Defining Prophecy and Prophetic Literature

restrict the notion of prophet to a type of messianic or millenarian

pl·eacher or religious revolutionary. This would be to deny it to many
of the kinds of people who are generally kno\"n as prophets-the He-
brew prophets, for instance-and this would seem unnaturaL"I:?
The key issue is the existence of a group of followers around a pu-
tative charismatic prophet. Such a group, "the sons of the pr()pheL~,"
is attested in the case of Elisha. There is indica60n of such a collectiv-
ity in Isa 8:16, a text that refers to "my disciples." But apart from that
limited evidence, there is little warrant for arguing that Israel's
prophets exercised char·ismatic authority through the creation of a dis-
ciple band or some other group gathered around the prophet.

5. Thf! tJrophet is an inln7f1pdiary. This general notion has been anic-

ulated in various ways. James Ross focused Oil the messenger formula,
"thlls says the Lord," and deemed the prophets to be messengers-
messengers from God to humans. 13 James Muilenburg spoke about
the prophet~ as mcdiators-indi\;duals, particularly in the covenant
context, who stood between the deity and hurnans.l-l Ilowever, we
achieve greatest clarity when. using (TOSs-cultural examples, we deem
prophets to be intermediaries of a more genel-al sort, those on dIe
boundary between the human and di";ne worlds. Robert 'Nilson's and
Thomas Overholt's work has been salutary here.];i The general vocab-
uhul of prophets as intermediaries works beyond the boundaries of
the Bible. For those of us interested in placing biblical prophetic lit-
erature and beha\;or ",cjthin it~ larger cultural enviroIl, the language
of intermediation bears special promise.
One m,~jor advantage of adopting the language of intermediary is
that it allows one to identif\- different kinds of intermediaries. This is
important because we have prima facie reason to think that tht'fe were
ditkrcnl kinds of prophets-at Mari, in the Nco-Assyrian texts, and in
ancient Israel. In all three settings. we confront labels that hint at dif~
ferent kinds of intermediation. At :'.1ari, the roster includes indi\idu-
'lIs known as muhhiim, al)ilum, assinnu, nabum, qam(m>atum, as well as

l~ D. Emmett, "Prophets and Their Societies," IRAS 86 (1956): 16.

I~ J
Ross. "The Prophet as Yahweh '$ \1cs.senger,'· in 1'101'''''(')' in hral'i: Search /iff
an Idmtity (eu. D. Pt~lersell; IRT 10; Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 19R7). I J 2-21.
J \1\1ilenblllg. "The ·Otlice· of the Prophet ill Anciellllsrael,'· ill niP Bib/;' in
].j
Modern Sr:holanhip {eel. J Hyatt; 1\ashviJlc: Abingdon Prt'ss. lY67}. 74-97.
15 R. Wilson, Pmp!;!'()' and Society in Arlcitmt israel (Philadelphia: Fortress Press.
1980), and Overholt. Chamu:ls of Prophi''''.
 Prophf'()1 in Its A rlcil'rlt Nfar Fas/ern Context

private persons. In the Neo-Assyrian corpus, we read about the mg-

gimu, mahhu, and ,{abrll. And in the biblical material. we confront the
labels rr)' (;, 1J(!'!..e, nab!', and 'I,;; hii'i'liihim.
The significance of these labels is open to debate. At this point, I
simply suggest t.hat they probably reflect different beha\,iors. 16 For ex-
ample, the term wI> is rooted in a biblical text, 1 Sam 9, which involves
somethillg ak.in to a diviuation report. This is a different kind of
prophetic activity than that associated with Elisha as 'iJi lui'i'liihim,
when he curses the boys or causes an ax head to float (:.! Kgs 2::.!~i-25:
6:1-7). Put simply, intermediation took place through different lx--
havlors, which are themselves rdlected in the various labels.

6, The prophet has a dislinrtil.'f' messap;e. Some scholars have main-

tained that prophets, particularlv in Israel, were important because
they espoused a distinctive message or theological perspective. The
most famous of such claims is surely that of \\'ellhausen, who main-
tained that prophe'ts wert> responsible for articulating "cthical
monotheism" in ancif'l1t Israf'l, a new amalgam anti high watermark in
ethical and theological thought. ThclT ha., been a s\\ing away from
such a notion. particularly in the work of von Rad, who, f()llowing
E. Rohland, maintained that prophets were recasting earlier traditions
rather than f()rging new ones, 17 Thc spirit of Wellhausen, however, is
alive and well, as is evident from such claims as Koch's, that prophets
were respollsible for creating "an ethical, futuri5tic monotheism."ls
Koch speaks as well of the prophets who generated the lIotion of a
"lIIl'tahistory." "For the first tiIlle in the history of mankind, human be-
ings dared to make hope the foundation of their ontology and their
theology. The prophets theref()lT brought a futuristic turn into the
thinking of following centuries, a sClIse of incompleteness and a fur-
ther purpose to be found in the course of world event,.,,19 For Koch,
the prophets had a distinctive me~sag('~they were theological il1l1o-
vators, My own view is that certain prophets may have offered innova-
tive ideas, for example, Isaiah's idea [hat Yahweh had an overarching

16 Sec D, Petersen, nIP Roll'S of r'TfI!'l" Pm/llirt, (JSOTSup 17; Sheffield: .ISo-1'
Press, 198 J).
17 G. von Rad. Old '[i"talllnit Ihl'Olog) (vol. 2: New York: Harpn & Row, 1968),
lR K. Koch. 'Thf PrO/'ilt'h: nil' Assyrian Period (Philadelphia: FortIess Press.
1983), \3,
19 Ibid" J 63,
 Defining Prophecy and Prophetic Literature

plan for the world. Nevertheless, it is difficult to speak of a character-

istic prophetic message, whether inside or outside Israel.
More generally accepted are expositions on less grandiose features
of prophetic literature. For example, James Mays has argued on behalf
of an ethical tradition in the eighth-century prophets regarding jus-
tio'.2° Such an argument holds special importance, particularlv if one
views the prophets are intermediaries. One wishes \0 know, in a par-
ticular cultural setting, if there were "content" in that intermediation
or if the prophets could say vinuaJly anything in that process .

•
These then are the primary options-definitions that focus on reli-
gious experience, distinctive literature, social selling, personal
charisma, the prophet's role as intermediary, and distinctive message.
However, only one of these typologies, the notion of prophet as inter-
mediary, seems compreht'l1sive t'l1ollgh to help understand prophets
throughout the ancient Near East, illcluding thuse allested in the He-
brew Bible and in the Old Babylonian and Neo-Assyrian texts.

Recent Definitions

Now it is time to ask: How is recent scholarly discussion related to

this typology? A.5 a case in point, I reflect brief1y on a dictionary entry,
published ill the Neues Bibel-Lexikon (I 997), relevant to discussions of
prophecy in Israel and the (llIciellt Near East.:!l III that vulume, a
prophet is defined a,s
lal person who (a) through a cogniti,·e {'xpelience (visioll, an auditory experi-
ence, an audio-visual appearance, a dream or the like) becomes the suhject of
the revelation of a deity, or several deities and, in addition. (b) is comciolls of
beillg COlllllli~siolled by the dt,ity 01 deities ill q\le~ljoll 10 ("ollvev the n:\"elatioll
in a H"I"hal form (as it "prophecy·' or a "prophetic specch"), or 11uough I1Olwcr-
h"l (·omnlllllic-ati\'c acts ("symhoMf ans") , to it third part'· who (onsri(utes th"
actual addressee of the message:-

20 J. Mays, ~Justice; Perspectives frolll the Prophetic Tradition," in Pcrersen.

I'ruphefY in i.mU'/. IH-51l.
21 M. \'I'cippcn, "Prophcti{' im Alten Orient," NBL 19i.
22 This English tldllslation is prO\ided by M. Nissinen, Iv-jN"f'ncl'S 10 Prophecj in
Xeo-Anyrian SourCr.5 (SAAS 7; Helsinki: :t\eo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1998), 5.
40 Pmplwc), in Its ilncient Near Easterll Context

This definitioll appears to reflect one of the types I have just exam-
ined, namely, the empha~is on prophets as individuals who had peCll-
liar forms of experience, a view associated with Gunkel and Lindblom.
In this recent definition, the experience is described as "cognitive."
which pr('sumably means that the experience can be articulated or ex-
pressed.
vVhen we reflect on this defiIlition from the perspective of the prior
analysis, several problems appear. First, the definition appeals to "ex-
perience," not to observable behavioL Unless the experience as such
is reported, one has no reason to claim that someone is a prophet. Sec-
ond, how arc we to understand text~ or reports that include no refer-
ences to such experience? For example. what should wt' think about
ARM 26414, which narrates the activity and words of Atamrum, the
apilum of Samas? Here we deal \o\1.th a person who has a down-to-earth
message: "Send me a discreet sClibe and I will have (him) "'-'Tite down
the news which Shamash has sent me for the king.,':l:> There is no im-
plicil or explicit reference lo a distinctive cogllilive experience, othn
than the reference to "the news" that SamLls had sent. Third, the defi-
nition refers to the "consciolls[ Hess] of being commissioned by the
deity." Even in the biblical material, only four prophetic books (Isaiah,
Jeremiah, Ezekiel. and Amos) olIn overt reports about such self-con-
sciousness. (We should note that a number of scholars do not think
that these lexL~ reflect the selt~ulldt'rstalldil1g of the prophets, hilt are
instead later additions.) Arc we then to disallow the rest of the
Prophetic Books in the Hebrew Bihle, such as Zephaniah orJoeL from
being construed as prophetic literature simply because they do not in-
clude commissioning narratives or reports about a sense of call? The
S~Ulle may be said for prophetic texts from either Mali or Nineveh.
·These texL~ do 110t routinely report 011 prophets' consciousness of
being called or commissioned by the deity. We should say that some
prophetic t.exts offer evidence of a sense of call. but mal1Y do not.
Hence, it is risky to define prophets as individuals who possessed this
con\1.ction of divine commission.
The definition in the Neues Bibel-Lexikon reflects (he first category

~:\ H. HUtlillOl1. "The Expansion 01 Prophecy in the Mali .-\I·chives: New Texts .
.\lcw Readings, )\ew Information." in f'ropht:ry rwd Prophets: Thf Dl1wrsity of Crmtnn-
tomr)' IsslU's ill Sdwlunhip (ed. Y. Cilay: Semeia Studies: Atlanta: SOliely of Biblical
Literature, 1997), 11.
 Defining Prophecy and Prophetic Literature 41

examined, namely, an individual who has a distinctive form of experi-

ence. However. as we have seen, the disadvantage of this concept is
that it prc\'ents us from thinking that there were prophets of difTel-ent
sorts, some in states of possession, others not. To be fair, the definition
docs specif\' variolls experiences, tin example. \ision or audition,
which might, in turn, he manifest in divers{' heha\iors rdlected hy the
different prophetic lahels. Still, this careflllly constmcted ddinition of
"prophet" appears overly monolithic and excessively reliant on the
Gunkel and Lindblom heritage concerning biblical prophets.

Prophets and Prophetic Literature

I now propose a relation betwecII the typolobTY of prophets as illter-

mediaries and prophetic liter<lture. i .1 I contend simply that prophetic
Iitel-ature reflects different kinds of intermediation. If some prophets
experienced states of possession, one would expect the vision report
to be a primary form of prophetic literature. If some acted as holy
men, one would expect literature celebrating the power of the holy,
namely, legenda, to be a primarr form. And slIch is the case. Ditlerent
t)pes of intermediation led to different forms of literature.
\\-'hen one examines the Israelite matcl-ial, one discerns at least five
basic forms of prophetic litel-ature: divinatory chronicle, vision report,
prophetic speech, legend, and prophetic historiography. Let me
brictly characterize each. (1) First. Samuel 9 otlers a case of the dip-
ina(01) rhmnirle, describiJIg the divinato)'y acti\itics of'someone knmnl
as a rei' e. The di\iner, Samuel, helps Saul tind lost sheep. The report
conveys the social process that elicits di\ination as well as the divina-
torr utterance. (2) There are numerous examples of vision reports in
the Hebrew Bible and out~id(' Israel. One shollid say that prophetic
behavior takes place in the creation of the report rather than in the \'i-
simI, which is itself utterly subjective. It is interesting that books which
tt~atUI-e the term Iwzi, "seer" (Amos 7), include reports of ...isions. This
literary form. nonnally 'written in prose, effects intermediation siIlce it
conveys to the hearer or reader infOI-mation about the world of the
deity. (3) The prophetic speech. whether diyine oracle (II' pmphetic say-
ing, is the literary manifestation of sumeone who receives and reports

24 See abo D. PeLersen, "Rethinking the ~al\lre of Prophetic Literature," in

Gitay. PropheC) and Prot,hets. 2~-40.
42 Pmphpry in Its Anrimt ,\ira,- /';as(rl'll Contf'xt

auditions. Prophetic words as such, often, though not exclusively, in

poetic form. are primary. (4) The hagiographic literature of prophetic
lRgenda is a direct reflection of a holy man's behavior, of the )is
hil' flohim.. This styIe of literature focuses on the powerful holy in the
wodd of the probnc. Bihlical literature otkrs direct evidence of the
Sifz illl IAum that proOIlCCO sllch literature, the storytelling eminm-
ment attesteo in 2 Kgs i·H.~') (!») There is some eVlocnce ofpmjJhptir his-
{oriogmphJ, in which prophets are \ieweo as indi\iduals who act as
scribes (1 ChI' 29:29). \'foreover. a lIlunber of scholars have pointed to
a level of redaction in Deuteronomistic history that seems to reflect
tl1(' worlo of tht' prophets. namely. one in which the prophetic word
has special power (e.g., I Kgs 12:1:'}). Prophets who wrote from this
perspective created historiographic Iiteratlln~.
vVe may make the same sorts of claims when we examine the Nt'o-
Assyrian material. For example, one would expect the ht'havlor of the
"shouter," themggimu. to result in either speeches or reports of pub-
lic encounter. Those kinos of' literature are. in het. prominent. in the
Neo-Assyrian corpus. More generally, that corpus indudes both orac-
ular collections and references to prophetic activity in tcXL~ sHch as
royal inscriptions. 2ti We mav conclude that, both ill Israel and in the
larger ancient Near Eastern environ, different forms of prophetic lit-
erature st('m from diverse foons of in termediation.

Mesopotamian and Israelite Prophecy

It is lIot the purpose of this essay to compare biblical and ancient

Near Eastern texts systematically. Other essays in this volume have that
as their agenda. However, the material published by Simo Parpola has
made me cOllscious of two things. First. the number of prophetic la-
bels in the Neo-Assyrian perioo is much smaller than it had bcell at
!\lari. The term mgp;imu by the ~eo-Assyrian period had become 1101'-
malivc. Other \t:rms-lIwhhti, nssin nu, izj)iltll-had blIen out of llSC. As
a biblical scholar, I find this case strikingly similar to the prominence
that the term niibi' achit'ves in ancient Israel. Over time, it too be-
comes normative, with hoze, TO' f;, and )i,~ hi/ ilohim becoming far less

2,) On which see..\. Rofe, '/1", J>wjJitf'/iml 'itorie;; 1'111' ;'liarmtillfS ahout Ilu' Pmjlhf'ls ill
fhe lId",'w BiiJIi', 'f/wit /'i/(!rarv 'lrf!l's and Histo)'y (Jerusalelll: !'.Iagne" 1988).
26 S. Parpola. AH\I'/arl I'rojJhl'rit.l (SA,\ 9; Helsinki: Helsinki Cniversity Pres.',
19(7), liii.
 Defining Prophecy and Prophetic Literature

prominent. One wonders what linguistic or social forces were at work

for this process to occur both in the Levant and :\lesopotamia.
Second, the Neo-As,<;)Tian prophetic texts arc important for under-
standing the formation of prophetic literature. At Mari, individual texts
were archived. There is minimal, if any, ('vidence of integrating variolls
oracles or reports. In contrast. at Nineveh. individual oracles were in-
tegrated into collectiolls. Such archival and editOli.al activity permits-
[01' the first time with prophetic literature olltside the Bible-exami-
nation of what biblical scholars have labeled redaction criticism. This
is one of the most fascinating aspects of the Neo-Assyrian mateli.als. It
is striking that such collet"ting may have been going on in both Israel
and Nineveh at about the same ti111e-with Amo,~ and La-dagil-ili. A
Ilurnb(T of (!ucstjons arise. What was the Israelite analog to the tuppa
f(w111at, in which several oracles were collected? \'Vhy in Israel were the
sayine,"S of one prophet combined whereas, in Nine\'ch, the collections
included the oracles of different individuals? Collection One
(SA--\ 4 I), ti)r example. includes oracles from ten individuals, eight of
whom arc named. In Collection One, TlO individual is repl'escnted by
more than one oracle. This is not because only one oraclc per individ-
lIal was part of the tradition, For example, the sayings of La-dagil-ili are
preserved in the first, second, and third collections, Although he is
mentioned only once in the third collection (SAA 9 3), it may be that
more than one of the oracles ill that collection stcms from him.
If the hiblical collections fOCIiS on Ol1t· named individual, the ~eo­
Assyrian collections are, according to Parpola. oriented around
chronological and thematic issues. The most overtly unified collec-
tion, the third, reflects the making of a covenant, along with its impli-
cations. Collection One appears to offer oracles and reports that re-
Hect on a military campaign and its successful conclusion; Collection
'n.,.,o (SAA 9 2) offers oracles concerning the initial political problems
that attended Esarhaddon's accession. Is it too IIllich to suggest that
similar collections may have existed early in the formation of Israel's
prophetic litel-ature? Amos]-2 seems to offer an analog, as might the
woe oracles in Isa 1-39.
 Prof)hery in Its /\nrient ,"lim!" Fastem Context

Summary

In this essay, I have charted ways one might understand prophet.,;.

In that regard, I have argued, consistent "'lith scholarly perspectives of
the last third of the twentieth century, that prophet.s should be under-
stood as intermediaries who acted in different ways, as various
prophetic labels suggest. Further, J have related the forms of interme-
diation, as reflected in the specific labels both in Israel and in the
larger ancient Near Eastern context, to types of prophetic literature.
both biblical and extrabiblical. I have suggested that the recent publi-
cation of Neo-Assyrian prophetic texts may help gain new perspective
Ull the formation of prophetic colkctiolJs in ancient Israel. Such

analysis cOlllributes to ollr understanding of prophetic behavior both

in Israel and in the ancient Near East. along with the literature that de-
rives from that behavior.
 Part Two

STUDIES IN SOURCES
 4

A Company of Prophets: Man, Assyria, Israel

Herbert B. Hujjlnon

"A rose is a rose is a rose is a rose" is the most \~idely cited line by
the American writer Gertrude Stein, but by this saying-printed as a
motto on her notepaper-she demonstrates her subversive. experi-
I1Ielltal attitude toward the rules of language and wIlting.l Stein is not
ilItending to offer a botanical observation that all roses are the same.
And when we shift fro III flowers to people, in particular to the reli-
gious roles of va no us indi\iduaIs, we cannot say, identii)'ing all as one,
"a pliest is a priest is a priest is a priest." Priests are not all the same,
and priests in ancient Egypt or Mesopotamia are not the same as
plicst~ in ancient Israel or in the Christian church. although thtTe are
o\'erlapping roles. Nor call we say, by way of identification, "a prophet
is a prophet is a prophet is a prophet." III the "company" of prophets
in the ancient ~ear East there are many "subsidiaries," so to speak,
sharing commonalities but engaging in distinctive practices and con-
tributing in different ways to the religious life of their communities,
Wilfred Cantwell Smith has downplayed the importance of analyz-
ing the "plain" phenomeuological data among religious systems or tra-
ditions, such ,L~ comparing the design and architectural placement of
altars, which we might call the "manifestation" aspect of religion.
Rather, Smith emphasizes "the role of those data in the lives of the per-
sons concerned."2 This emphasis more closely approximates what. \ve
might call the "essence" or "meaning" of the religions ~ctivity. as em-
phasized by the phenomenologists of religion, The point is illustrated
by SIlIith's (on ten tion that the familiar proposition, Uthe Qur' an is to
Islam as the Bible is to Christianity," though in no way absurd, is an
oversimplification that should be supplemented by the proposition

1 On this phrase. ,,(~e Gertrude Stein's Autubiogmphy ojAlife B. 10k/as (We(>k-End

Library ed.; London: John Lane. 1935). UH--8!'>.
:1 W, G Smith, On Understanding [,lam: Sdertl'fi Slud;", (Religion and R('awfl 19;
The Hague, Paris, and New York: \1outon, 1981). ~33.

47
 Prophet), in Its Anrienl Near Easlnn Con{.f'xt

that "the Qur'an is to Islam as the persoll of Jesus Christ is to Chris-

lianity.,,3 He illustrates this point elsewhere by his suggestion that,
rather than the role of Jesus. the role of the apostle Paul in Christian-
ity is most comparable to the role of .'vlub.ammad in Islam.~ In accor-
dance with this perspective, this t'ssay attempt); to sketch not only tht'
pht'nomenological similarities hut also the different contextual roks
of prophets from .'vfari, Assvria, and Israel.
In the royal archives of .'vfari, the l\'eo-Assvrian texts, and tilt' He-
brew Bible, together with related texts, WI'" find a commonality in dis-
tinctive settings and with differing manifestations. The commonality is
that proplwts (I) prl'"sl'"llt communications from Ihl'" divine world, nor-
mally for a third party, and serve as ml'"diators who mayor may not
idelltify "'<lth the deity; (2) draw upon inspiration through ecstasy,
dreams, or what may be called "inner illumination"; (;1) offer mes-
sages, often unsolicited, that arc immediately understandable by the
audience addressed; and (4) not only offer assurdnce but frequentl\'
admonish or exhort the addressl'"e. This prophetic activity, however,
takes place within differl'"nl contexts and develops in different ways.
Withill each cOlllmunity the prophets are perceivl'"d in different ways
by difTt'rent people. reflecting the particular settings and perspectives
of those involved.

Marl
The royal archives of Mari of the eigJ1teenth century R.C.E., in addi-
tion to two rilualtexts that melltion prophels," tell about prophetic ac-
tivity in approximately fifty of some eight thousand letters 6 and in

:> Ibio., 23R-:'l9.

-I W. C. Smith. hlmll in lH()d~'m !1illol'Y (PrinceLOn: I'dnceLOll University Press,
1957). 17-1H. 11.13.
"je,Ul-Marie Durand and Michae1l;uichard, ·'Les ritue1s d(' Mari," in Flrm/£{!:Ium
IflUlianum Ill: RefUf"i1 detlldps a /a memoire de }H(ln,,-Thert~,e Barn'let (e<1. D. Charpin
and J.-M. DUI'and; Memoires de NARC 4; Paris: SEPOA, 1997), 19-63.
6'Jean-Mal'ie Durand, Archives qJisfoklirr,\ de lIrlari II 1 (ARlI,{
.. 26; Paris: Editions
Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1988\. )lote also Dominique Charpin et aI., Arrhivt'S
ifJi,,/,)/aiTl's df' Man 1/2 (ARM 26; Paris: l~ditions Recherche sur ks Civilisations,
1988). Reference to Mari [exts will be bi' editioll number in AR~.f ZO, lIn]c'ss oth-
erv.;sc indicat('d. For '\. 1121 +, see Bertrand l.afollt, "Le roi de ~Ltri el ks
prophetes de diell Adad." RA. 78 (1984): 7-18; for A. 1968, sec Je<m-Mark Durand,
"I.e mythologeme de combat entre Ie diet! de 1'00'age et la mer en Mesopotalllie,"
AH1U7 (1993): 41-til.
 A Company of Prophets ,19

ahout twelve of some twelve thousand economi< and administrative

texts. i Prophetic activity is sparsely reported. These reporL~, however,
come from as far away as Aleppo in the west and Babylon in the east,
and identifY the speakers by a variety of titles. The titles that occur
most freyuently are a/Jiiumjapiltum, "answerer," and muhhl1m/muh-
Il'utum, "ecstatic." The less-frequent titles are assinnum, "cult singer,"
and nabii, ~ones called," and the title qarnmatl1m is of uncertain trans-
lation. s These titles are provided by the correspondents and represent
the community's identification of these:' individuals' roles; the titles are
not given as selheference. There is one letter (194), however, in
which the apilum, "answerer," of SamaS identjties himself ,h~ the sellder
and mentions another [(lPi] lum. Many who convey messages from thp
gods, however, are 1I0t identified by a prophetic title, although they
may be prominent persons in the royal court. Some may be a "chief
temple administrator" (Sangii).
Also impressive is the array of deities mentioned: the apilum/iipiltum
speaks for the gods Addu, Addu or Halab, Addu of Kallassu, Dagan,
Dagan of'Thuu!. Dagan of SubatullI. Marduk, ~ergal. and Samas. and
for the atliliated goddesses Allnunitum, Diritum, and Hisametum; the
assinnum speaks for Annunitum: the muhhum/muhhuturn speaks for the
gods Addu, Amn of Hubsalum/Nergal, Dagan, Dagan ofTerqa, Dagan
of Tuttul, and Itur-Mer, and for the goddesses Annunitum. IStar, IStar
ofInadan, and ~inhursagga/Sala(s): the qammatum is connected with
Dagan of Tel'qa. The prophets without title are connected with the
goddesses AUl1unitulll, Belet-biri, and Belel-ekallim, and the gods
Dagan, Dagan of Terqa. and ltur-Mer. The prophets are widely dis-
persed and connected with a similarly wide range of deities.
These prophetic messages are taken seriously bv the political au-
thorities, but they arc not the first or preferred means of cOlllmunicat-
ing with the gods. Prophetic messages are clcarly subordinate to other,
more common means of divinc communication. The messages, in the

7 Jean-Marie Durand, "Les prop he ties des tcxtes de Mari," in Oracles e/ prophe!ieJ
dans l'al1liquil,;: it elI'S dn colloque de Strasbourg, J5-17Juin 1995 (ed. J-G. Heintz; L ni-
,"ersite des sciences humaines de StTasbollrg, Travaux ciu Centre de rechel'che SUI'
Ie Proche-Orient et Ia CH~ce antjques 15: Pal'i,; DC' Boccarci, 1997), 11,)-:14, esp.
115-16. See aho the list compiled Iw Manti l\issinen ill this volume, 90, II. 8.
il Althongh nalni i, cognate v,~th Hebr('w ni/hr, th(' precise meaning of the term
in the Mari text (ARM 26 216) is ullde,uc Durand (ReS 3;t~-'H, 4:> I) now allows
that qammatum (ARM 26197; 199; 2(3), which may refer to a particlllal- hairstyle.
could be a personal name rather than a title.
50 Prophecy in lis A.ncient Nra]" Fastf'Tll Cmltl'xt

absem:e of pen;onal cOJlnnunicatiol1 (for which tbt'rt': are only indirect

hint~), are reported in letters to the king, In this official communica-
tion, the messengers are subject to review by technical divination, nor-
mally by extispicy, but on occasion by other means, whether through
sickness (a sign of being touched bY' the divine), the ofli:ling of s,lCri-
tice, or trustworthiness (ARM 26 233:5;~). The letters report ti-cqucntly
that, either voluntarily or as a re<luircmcllt, the prophets submit a bit
of their hair UaTturn) and a trimming from their garment (sissiktum)-
the hair and hem. This happens with all categOlies of prophet: iipilum
(two or three times), /ltuhhCuTl (twice), (lssinnum (t\~ice), qam7llittmn
(once), and untitled prophets (six times, OJlce with the hair and hem
omitted). Another sign of subordination is that the prophet~ at times
complain that their previous messages have been ignored.
The "hair and hem" are surely used as tecl1l1ical divination, as a
means of verifying the authenticity of the prophetic word, In AR..\l
2fi 182, a man who does not receive a clear answer by means of tech-
nical barnm-divillatioll sends his bail' and hem to the king f()r a re-
sponse from the court's bflr/1m-diviners, Once (ARM 26204:16-1H), an
i1l'iitum says of her hail' and hem, "l.et them Ithe materials or tIlt' di-
..iners] clear/purify [me-from guilt/fault]" (/izakka.). In another
t>.-fari text (ARM 26 21!l:2!l), the king's correspondent advises, regard-
ing the hair and hem of a muhh-Il.m, "Let Illy lord make purification"
(li::ahki) , An Old Babylonian text from Karana ("rell al-Rimah) tells
ahollt a sick man whose hair amI hem were suhmitted to technical div-
ination, which cleared him of "sin/guilt" in connection with his ill-
nessY Similarly, in the tamltu texts, the person for whom the divinatorv
question was submitted could be represented by "a piece of the fringe
o f'I'llS garment or 0 f'h'IS f'II1gernal,
'1,,10

Another iJldicatioll of the messages' secoJldary status is that they

were subject to n',iew before being rommunicatcd to the king. The
king's correspondent, Queen Sipt\!, in som(~ instam'cs t~xamined the
prophetic message by special divination involving drink; by putting a
question "lth reference to an assinnum ("for five days," or, "on the fifth

(j Stephanie Dalky ('t .il., 7hp Old Jialrjkmian Tabf""/Tom Tid! oj Rlmah ([Lonoon:]

British School of Archaeology in Iraq. J 976), no. 65, pp. 64--65.

10 \,y. G. Larnhen. "The 'tarnilll' "kXL\," ill 1.11 divinaliott I'fI :Hr.l"upolamil: wlleinll/f"
et dan:; u'> rigiom t'oiJilU'J (eRR:\) 1'1; Paris: Presses Unhersilailcs de France, 1966),
120-21; idem, "Questions Addressed to the Babylonian Oracle: The larmlll ]exts,"
in Heintz, Omdes et ProjJhflies. 8:)-98, <'sp. 91-92.
 A Company of Pmphets

day"; ARM 2(212); by investigating '''signs,' male and female" (ARM

26207); and by getting a favorable answer regarding the king and an
unfavorable answer regarding the king's enemy. Verification is also
sought for a numb(T of dream messages (AR~l 26 82; 142; 225; 229;
239). and sometimes, the corresponrlent notes, confirmation was not
attained (AR~I 26142; A. 1121+).
Tn three texlS. the king's correspondent, having reported a
prophetic message, advises him not to proceed without extispicy, that
is, technical divination (AR~1 26 204. involving an apiltum; ARM
26217, coming from an unidentified woman; ARl\-126 239. a princess's
dream). In A. 196H, reporting on all (ipilum of Addu of Aleppo. the
prophet himself advises King Zimri-Lirn not to depart v,rithollt a (fa-
vOI'able) omen, presumably referring to an extispicy II Ycr we also tinrl,
in ARM 26 199, that Lupahum, an iipilum of Dagan, is dispatched b)
the king to Dagan of Tuttul to inquire about a report that the king had
received. The apilum obtained a report and went to Ocr (in the lVlari
area), to which he had gone previollsly. hearing a gift and a warning
for the goddess DidtullI about hel- trust in Esnunna, He then gave the
king's correspondent a message supporting a cautious policy toward
ESnunna. a policy the king subsequently rejected.
The prophets are both male and female. Among the references to
the higher-status "answerers" (iiPihl./. the men predominate. with a
ratio of about sixteen-tn-two; one of the !llen--<:ounted once-is cited
in three ditferent text'i. Among the reli>rences (0 the "ecstatics"
(111111111(1). the men predominate by a lesser margin. about twenty- or
twentv-one-lO-eiglH, although the nature of the references does not
allow a precise count. The two "cult singers" (assinmi) al-e "male,"
whether intact or castrat.es, and thel'e are three references to a
qammatum-perhaps the same person-if this is viewed as a title and
not a personal name. References to the prophets as a group-iipilil.
ml1hMi. anrl to some nab-il-occasionally might intend to include
women as well as men. Among persons not identified by one of the
prophetic titles. the gender distribution is much more even, abollt
nine-to-ten, \\'ith men in a slight minority. I:'!

11 See Dominique Charpin. >oLe (ontl'xt hi~toriqu(' l't g~ographiqt!e de~

propheties dam ks texles n:lrouvcs a f>.1ari," llCS,lI,fS 2?, (1992): 21-;)1, I'Sp. 29-:'I():
fOlthe text. see Durand, "Mythologeme de Lomba!," 44-4:\ lines l2'-l'r.
12 This (()lUll includes the text puhlished hy Claw, Wileke ("Dag-an-nahmis
Traum," WO 17 [J986j: 11-16). which presumably comes from Mad and dates to
52 Prophecy in Its Anrient Near t;astp:m Context

In giving messages the prophets appear individually. although ill

one dream message (ARM 26 227), a woman. whose name is only
pardy preserved. reports that she saw avo deceased "ecstatics" (lnuhhu)
who had ajoint message for the king. "Ecstatics" speak in ARM 26 24:~.
and allother text rders to "tive I muhl hu of Addu." I:! hut the clean'st
indicat.ion of group activity is the Hanaean nab71 gatherer! to responr!
to an inquiry froHl the king (ARM 2(216) in the t;lshion of divinatory
questions asked by the banl-di"iner (and reminiscent of 1 Kgs 22). In
addition. ARM 27 32 refers to "ecstatics" of the god Amu (of)
Hubsalum. who may also have been (or accompanied) elders of the
town of Gassum on their way to see the king; this group seizer! four
men of Yamutbal anr! took them to a regional olIicial. but this is not
reported as ritual or oracular activity.
Those given the prophetic titles iipdum/apiltum ("answerer"), mull-
hum/muhhiitum ("ecstatic"), alld qam71ullwn. if a title. were cultic per-
sonnel, although nut priests who officiater! in the sacrificial or general
cubm. Rather, they were part of fhe temple entourage that specialized
in verhal communication from the deity. The assinnum (~cult singer")
is well attested elsewhere as a cult f1lnctionary assodater! with IStar and
her congeners, and engager! in singing. dancing. ecstasy, and perhaps
cross-dressing, but in the r.,·fari context the GssinrwTll's role may have
been more restricted. 14 The title apilum/a/Jiltum, "answerer." implies
providing an answer to a CJuery, although a muhhiltum. ar!vises the king
that "1 will continue to answer" (atanatlpal. ARM 26237:26). The title
muhhtlm/mllhhzi.tum. "ecstatic," points to the process through which
answers are received. and. inr!eed. one of the ISlaI' ritual texts refers to
the muhllll7n becoming ec.~tatic, as confirmed in one of the letters.l~
Others are cited as "becoming ecstatic," namely. Selibum. an assinnum

the tim(" of the nMin ~'lari an:hives (see Durand. !\r(hiv~s, 462-63, n. 49), although
it is not from the ~·fari exc,watiom. The text reports on an offering prompted hva
dream. but the dream irs('lfis lIot reported. The name of tIlt' dreamer. who is male.
occurs as a feminine name in ARM 10 116.
13 For the reference to five [mull] hilS of Addu. see G. ()zan, "Les lettres de Man-
atan," in Charpin and Durand. Horill'gium maria/lut/1 Ill, 303, no. 1525 (= M. 9451).
14 See Stefan M. :'vlalli ... KurgarTu lind rlSSinnH llnd ihr Stand in der babylon i-
schen G ...sellsrhalt: in .\lIjirll.(ritt>r und l?ill1d{!;l'I1ppm: lin/raw w eilm- Soziaiwschirlitp
tUS Allm Onpnts (cd. \'. Haas; Xenia: Konstanler Althistonsche Vorfl'age Ilnd
Forschullgen 32: KOllslam:. Germany: l.'niversitatsvedag. 1992), 159-71.
15 For th ... IStar ritual, see Durand and (;uic:hard. "Rit\lcls de ;\-lari," 5:1-54, lines
ji.23', 26'; note that the hTa-gamil who becomes ecstatic in ARM 26222 is identi-
fied as a muhhum in ARM 21 333:34' and 23 446:9'.
 A Company of Prophets

(AR1\1 26 213; d. 197, 198), and Ahatum, a young (StTValll?) womaIl

(A.&,\1 26 214), both in the temple of AnIlunitum.
The apilum. who had a somewhat higher status among the prophets,
anrl the muhhllm arc associated even by their titles with providing mes-
sages from the gods. Their messages art" also frequelltly connected
with sacrifice or other temple event, at which lilll(" the prophet "arises
and speaks." When these prophets convey a complaint to the king, the
complaint often refers to royal neglect of the deity's cult or cuitic
property (ARl\1 26220; 221; A. 1121+; A. 1968; etc). Presumably, the
Hanaean naln1 group was also associated with the cultus. Many mes-
sages, however, derive from pt"rsolls wilhout a prophetic tilk-speak-
ers identified by name, resirlence, or status. l\Iany such messages de-
rive from the women of the Mari court. Strikingly. a ,{ang/i, "chief
temple administrator," reports a revelatory dream (ARM 26 238); an-
other ,(allgU speaks ill olle of the dreams of the queen mother, Addu-
dud (ARM 26 237); and a third .~angll. reports to Queen Siptu, the
king's correspondent. on a young woman's dream (ARM :!6 214).](;
Vinually all of the messages are addressed to the king-we are rleal-
ing wiLh the royal archives, after all. But 011 occasion the message arl-
dresses local pt"ople conceming what they shoulrl do. The letter ARI\J
26 221-bis, from the king's representative in Terqa, reports that a muh-
}nim addressed him regarding (re)builrling a gate, the second request
cast dearly in the plural, as if adrlressed to tlw people of Terqa or at
least to the "governor" and his workers (lines 23-:)0): "I If (?) 1 you
(pl.) do not build that gate, 1£1 cal]amity (?) will occur. You (pl.) are
[no]t gelling anywhere. IThils is what that muhhiim [saiJd to me. But
I am [eng]aged with the ha[r]v[est]. To turn ov[er] my [ser]vants, I
cannot rlo." On another occasion the muhh um
spoke to a public audi-
ence (ARM 26 2lfl), presumahly with the intent of putting pressure on
the king to order variolls cities to return sacred items. The correspon-
dent notes that this message was delivered "in the assemhly of the elrl-
ers." Other messages are rlehyered at the temple gate, where presum-
ably the public would also be present.
The prophetic messages typically assure the kiIlg of success or warn
of possihle dangers. At times, howf'\,er, the pr()phet~ express concern

J(i :\ot(' the Ishchali t.exts from the an'hive of the ,i'(J.llf.,'{L~ of the:' KilitUlll te:'Hlple:',
in which the goddess Kilillllll .Idlh esses lhe king, lbal·pi-EJ. directly (Mal ia de.l0ug
Ellis, "The Goddes:; Kititulll Speaks [0 King Ibalpiel: Oracle Texts from r,hchali,"
"lAW"> \19871: 2$:>--(6).
5·1 Pruphny ill Its :1nrient Near j,'as({'m Context

that c('rtaill cuI tic acts, sHch as special sacTifices, have been neglected
(ARM 26220; 221; 231; sce also ARM 26 224). But the prophet may
also raise-even repeatedly (having done so five times previously)-is-
sues of cult property (A. 1121 +). Requests for regular information also
occur (Dagan of Terqa, 2:3:~). All of these reqlJcst.~ an: rcprcsclltn\ as
being inlhe king's selfint.erest (e.g., ARM 2tl 194; 217; 218; 219; 227).
ComislcIlt Wilh acting in the king's selt~int('r('st, prophets are men-
tioned in scveral administrativc texts as having received gifts or sup-
plies from the king. All dtJilwTl is mentioned several times as having re-
ceived a garment. bronze nails. silver ring. and a donkey distributed
fWIII boolY: a muhh1'i.rn receives clothing ami jewelry; a qammiitwn re-
cciycs a gannclIl and lIose ring. One muhll1(1/l receives a silver ring
"whell he gave the message to the king" (ARM 25 H:2: 12~( 5; sec Du-
rand. :'trchivf5, 380). Sometimes the prophets request thcse gift.~ di-
rectly (e.g., ARM 26199; 206).
Contrasted with these modest incursions inlO the king's realm, how-
cver, is the special asscrtin:llcss of thc iijlilum-prophets of Addu of
Alcppo/Kallassu. Speaking from the historical dominance of the
Aleppo kingdom ill the life of Zimri·Lim and his hunily. and within the
protection of an independent jurisdiction, a series of messages re-
minds Zimri-Lim. "\Vhat I have given I can take away.~ and makes spe-
cific requests (A. 1121 +). The Mari representative, seemingly emoar-
rassed by the message, appeals to his tradiliollal dUly to convey
information about what others arc doing and saying about the king,
and notes the warnings that lIlight kad to future dis;'i.~tel·s if igllored.
The same letter reports an admollition {i'om Addu to the king of Mari,
"\'Vhen a plaintiff: male or female, makes an appeal to YOll, take note
and give them justice," together with an assurance of benefits for an
allentive king. Anolher leiter from Zimri-Lim's represelllative ill
Aleppo (A. 19(8)' again citiIlg the beneficellce that Addu h,{s shown
the killg, adds. "Whenevcr allyone with a claim crit's out to <you>. say-
ing. 'I have been wlrong]ed.' stalld up <lnd decide his case; ans[wer
him] [fai]r\y" (lilies 7'-10'). Addu reminds the Mari king that he is
su~iect to a higher authority, parallel to the slightly later epilogue of
the Laws of Hammurapi, "In order that tht' mighty not wrong ttw
weak, to pro\'ide just ways for the waif and the widow, I have inscrihed
Illy preciolls pronouncements upon my stele ... \0 pro\·ide just ways
[or the wronged," The Laws add. "Let the wronged man who has a law-
suit come before the statue of me, the king ofjusticc .... let my stele
 A Company of Prophets

rewal the lawsuit for him; Illay he examine his case, may he calm his
> ~17 '
Ilcart. ...
Another sign of assertiveness appears in a letter (ARM 26 194) ap-
parently sent from Northeast Syria (.Jebel Sir!jar area) by the apilum of
Samas. This jijJilum seems to serve as a clearinghouse for distant re-
quests of deities (from Sippar to the southeast to Aleppo to the west),
possihly from \\~thin a council of the gods or as a cult functionary as-
sociated \\ith \'alious deities. H, Insisting on direct communication by
bypassing the king's representative, the apilum demands a "safe-
guarded" scrihe (AR.\1 26 414; granting, following Durand, that this
letter is cOIlIlccted with AR~1 26 194) and suhmits a multitude of rc-
quesL~-f()r a throne and a royal daughter to Sippar; tahoo items f(»)'
Addu of Aleppo; a gift [01' Dag-ilII; items, including a sword, for ;\JergaJ,
king of Hubsalum. The list concludes , •.'ith the assurance of perpetual
kingship {or Zimn-Lim and a request that the king ~sen [d] to my feet
(anyone with a) [c1]aim."
:Vlost striking is a muhhum of Dagan's dramatic action. The mulllnim
asks !()). a lamh and pr()ce(~ds to eat it, raw. in public-reminiscent of
the Sumerian stereotype of the Arnorite who "e,tl,> uncooked meal."j\l
Thereupon the muhhllm requests ,,~despread cullic restitution and
adds, "For the well-being of your Lord. Zi[mn-Lim], clothe me with a
gannent" (AR~I 26 206:23-24). The king's correspondent prmides
him with a garment In another text, a qmnmiitlltn. or the Lady Qam-
matUI1J of Da~an of Terqa, having- wamed the king aboul proceeding
in peace negotiations with ESJlUIlJla (ARM 26 199), requests and re-
ceives a garment and a nose ring. In stronger f~tshion, Dagan's
prophetic voices opposed, in Zimri-Lim's sixth year-following a year
or more of warfare-his conclusion of a treaty \~ith Esnunna. The sit-
uation is daIiticd by examining the exteJlsive correspondence on the
relationship hetween lVlari and ESnuuna. Promising victory for ZiJllri-

17 ivlartha T. Roth, Law Collections from :1vlewpolamia and ;\Si{l Minor (SBLWAW 6:
Atlanta: Scholars Pres:;, 1995). 133-:H (xlvii 59-78). I:H (xlviii 3-19}.
]8 Regarding the divine council, see Abraham Malamat. "The Secret Council
and Prophetic InmiYement in Mati and IsraeL" in Prophrtle und gesrhirhtlirhf' Wirk-
lichkrit im altl'lI flr(w/: h'.5tsrhri/f /iir Siq{/rjed Henmann ((·d. R. Liwak and S. Wagnn;
Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1991),231-36. :'>Jole also thaI cu1ti(~ I~rsollllel {:ould be af-
filiated with a number of dt'ities.. even within a gil'ell temple. which honor~ a pri-
marv deitv and aJIiliated deities.
Ii! See 'Samuel :-'-oah Kramci-. 171t'Sume-riaTlS. TheiT History, Cu.lllll'l'. and Chamrtn
(Chicago: llniversitv of Chica).{o PI<:'ss, 1963). 253.
56 Prophet',' ill Its Ancient Near f:astel'l1 Context

Lim, Lupahum. an apilum of Dagan who had arrived from Tuttul, as

well as a qamrniitum of Dagan of Terqa-apparcntly independent of
each other, although reported in the same letter-oppose an agree-
ment between "'Iari and EsnllJlna, advising that Esnunna is not trust-
wurthy. The !jlllllmalum says, "'Vater rulJS under the straw" (ARM
26197; 199; see also 2()~ for thc same phrast: fmlll a muhllllm).~o The
same ({pilum. I.lJpahum. warns the goddess Diritum in Der (Mari area)
not to trust Esnunna. This is an example of different gods, that is. dif~
fcrent temple communities. promoting conflicting policies. although
both surely represented themselvcs as acting in the best ilJterests of
the king. The difkrcnre, howevCI, is aired without direct polemic.
Ziuu-i-Lim, 011 his part, made the treaty wilh ESlIlIHna. acknowledging
ESTlUlIlla as his superior.:!1 In all this prophetic activity, however, it is
important to remember Durand's observation that the prophecies are
intended "to properlv channel the royal power. not. to challenge it."~~
The prophet's inspiration is not always indicated. Between fifteen
aud twenty-depending on which texts one ilJcludes-n~ceive their
message in a dream, with onc text rd(,ITillg- to incubation (ARl\I
26 2:~2). At least six revelations take place withiIl a temple, or the per-
son goe:; to a temple in a dream. The presence of the di\inc. a special
"state of consciollsness," mav be illdicated by the prophet's sickness
(AR.M 26371). Several times the mcssage states that a deity "sent" the
prophet (messenger) or the message (assinf/um, ARM 26 212; muh-
Ililm. A&'\1 26 220; 221; untitkd persoll. AR<1Io1 26 210: 2T~; 240), alld
an (l!iillim refers to "the message which SalJlas scnt me for the kin).(
(ARM 26 414). Ecstasy iL<;elf is mentioneel tive times-once for an
assinnum. twice for a rnuhhtnn (including the reference in an IStar rit-
ual), twice for private womcn. Such inspiration is suggested in the
many l'efen:nces in ""hieh the prophet "got up" (jtbe), often in the tem-
ple and in cOlJnection with sacritice, alJd spoke (as "answerer," six
tim<:s; as "ecstatic." twicc). anel is associated espeGially wit h /Slar and
her associates.

20 On this pnH'erb, s('(' Jack M. Sasson, "Water beneath Siraw: Adventures of a

Pmphelic Phrase ill the \1ari Archives." in Soh'ing RuJdln and Untying Knots: Bibii-
w( E'pigllljJhir, and SmIllie Studi,'s in l{uTIo,. "Jjona.5 (:. (;Ifmjifld (ed. A. Zcvit. S. Gilin.
and M, Sokoloff; \\>'iIlOIl<l Lake, Ind.: Eisenbr;mns, 199!"l)' 599-GOi:\, who tinds the
proverb enigmatic. which seems contrary to the cOlltext.
21 See Charpin, "Context hisloriqlle ct geographique.'· 22-25.
n Durand, Anhi"l's, 410.
 A Company of Prophets 57

Neo-Assyria

Surprisingly, of the Nco-Assyrian prophetic text~, the most impor-

tant individual tablet "'-dS published in 1875 and made available to
llonculleifonnists ill English translation ill 1H78; two other major texts
were published in 1893. six years prior to the puhlication of the Wcn-
Amun text ill 1899. Yet the Neo-Assyrian texts were almost systemati-
cally neglected until the late 1960s, in spite of reminders of their exis-
tence.:::>
The ~eo-Assyrian prophetic texts are not only from the Neo-A.$svr-
ian period. They are also written in literary Nco-Assyrian, which did
not add to thdr accessibility 10 scholars. These texts reflect a more
llarrow range in titles and geography than is the case fIX the !l.lari ev-
idence. None of the titles known from i\Iari occurs in the oracle texts.
which use, rather. the specifically Nco-Assyrian term rag!-,rirnu/mggilltu,
"proclaimer," with some prophecies ascribed to a selutu, "votaress."
llowever, the title Iltah/l'll. "('cstatic," a variant of \lari ml/hlllln!. is used
as an alternate term for raggimli in Fsarhaddon's inscriptions not writ-
tCIl in "pure" Neo-i,,"ssyrian, and tbe terms mggimu and mahh{j are
joined in the Esarhaddon succession treatyY4 Again. as generally in the
Mari texts, the t.itles do not occur as a self~reference.
Collections SAA 9 1-2 of the prophet report'> identify the speakers
by Bailie and place of residence. Possibly because she breaks with the
patterIl of the IStar affiliates. one speaker is identified bv title as a vota-
ress Udiitu) of the king (SAA 9 1.7). Another text identifies a
prophetic speaker as a sehdu-votaress of IStar of Arhela.C!5 Collection

23 For the process of discovery and publication, see Simo Parpola, Assyrian
l'lliphl'('if'\ (S:\:\ 9: Hdsinki: Helsinki l'lIi\'t:r~ity Press, 1997), xiii-·xi\·. Note also the
attelltion given to sUllie uf these textlS as a potelltially separate category by Morris
Jastlow (Rehgioll BabyluTlil'Tl.1 11 lid ItlSyriOls Ivol. ~/ I; Gicsscn. Germany: 'fopdman n.
19121, 1:16-74. esp. 158). Bruno Meissller writes that sOl11e of the texts showed that
"es im Zweistromlandc aIll1\ich wic im alren Israel anch Propheten ~t'gt'bt'n [hat I.
die ohne Zuhilfenahmt' der Wahrsagekullst Iediglich dllfch gottliche EinKt'-
bllngcn die Zukunft yerkiindeten" (Bahlanim und Assyriell [vol. 2: Heidelberg:
Carl Winter. 1925], 281, hut ,f. 243). Some of the oracles were available in stan-
dard handbooks. bm thc\' othcrwise remained ignored.
~~ Parpola. ihlyrinn ProIJhp('il's, xlv-xlvi: SiJTlo Parpola awl fulzukn \\"at<lllabe,
Nl'u·.1ss~,.i((n TTl'll/in and L,,~'alt~· Oat Its (SA1\, 2; Helsinki: Helsinki liniversitv Press,
(988). :~3.
~', Stt'w'n W. Cole and Peter Machinist. tettl"Tsfrolll Pripsts to Ihe Kin,s Fsarhaddon
and Assllri1allipnl (SA.-'I. D; Hdsinki: Hehinki t'niversils Press. 199R), no. 148.
 Proph~'(y in lis Anril'1lt ;\:'('111" /,'(JstrTn Cnut('x{

SAA 9 :J is apparently assigned to someone whose nallIe seems lost.

with only a portion of the last sign preserved-[ ... DI] '.;GIR. boldly re-
stored by Parpola as [La-dagil-iJli-but who is identified ,-L~ a mggimu,
"proclaimer," of [Arbel]a who speaks for the national god, A.ssur, as
well as IStar of Arbela (SAA 9;{.5 iv :H~~12). A long individual prophecy
report derives from a mggintll (SAA 9 7). In otlwr texts of the ='Jeo-As-
syrian period, however, there are a number of occurrences of the tille
raggimu/mggintu, including one in which the king prmides temporary
quarters to a mggimu named Quqi.26 The gender distribution is domi-
nated by women: twelve kmale prophets and five to six male prophets,
plus one or two of ullcertain gender.
The prophetic texts arc also more concentrated in the deities ill-
volved. Front and ccnlcr is the powerful goddess IStar of AJ'bela, sec-
onded by a closely parallel deity, Mullissu (l'\inlil), wife of A~sur
(Enlil). The two are identified in SA.A 9 2.4 ii 30, ~The word of IStar of
Arbela, the word of Queen Mullissu," and the tvvo also are linked in
SAA 95,7 (" ... his Illother is \1l\\IisslI ... his [dry] nurse is the Lady
ofArlle/a," r. 6), and Y. The national god, Assur. is cited as the oraCll-
lar source only in SAA Y 3, in \vhich he plays a prominent role together
with IStar of Arbela. One prophecy. from a speaker identified as both
male and female-presumably by scribal error but possibly, as Parpola
suggest~, for a gender-neutral person-speaks for BcI (Marduk). IStar
of Arbela, and :\abu (SAA 91.4). This multiple representation is rem-
iniS(:ent of the Mari leiter ARI\I 26 ] 9,1. bllt may reflect a ('lillie func-
tiollary associated v.;th s('veral deities or a speaker admirted to the di-
\;ne council with its multiple \'(lices.:!'
The Neo-Assydan prophets, like the Mari prophets, were taken se-
riously hy the royal court-in this case Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal,
the primaIy addressees. These prophets seem to have had easy access
to the royal coun, and there is no e\irienrt' for a process or verifica-
tion. Anot.her indication of the messages' high standing is that the re-
port texts focus solely and immediately on the divine words, unlike the
Mari leiters in which the king's correspondent often advises him of the
prophetic message as one of several news items. Th(~ Assyrian texts
may begin, "The word of IStar of Arbela ... ,. (SAA 9 j:l), ~JStar of

~6 F. \1. Fales andl. N. PO,;lgale, /tn/mial :ldminil/mli>."· RJ'{'on:i;. 1'111'1 J (SAA 7:

Helsinki: Helsinki University PrC'ss, 19\)21, no. 9 r. i 23.
27 Parpola, AU),rian PmjJhl'cies, xvjii~xx\i, it
 A Company of Prophet~

ArbellaJ has said ... " (SAA 9 6:1). or "The ra~rintu-prophetess ...
(has saio)" (SA.A.9 7: 1 )-reports that provioe no context apart fi'om
what call be reconstructed from the prophecies themselves. Further-
more. more than two-thirds of the Assyrian prophecies are preserved
as part of collectioll tabIeL~, a secondary stage that involved the royal
scriptorium-perhaps even OIlt' spn:itic scribt:-gathel'illg tive to six
or evell len or lnorc prophetic oracles (or sets of oraclt-s. e.g., SAA
9 1.6) onto one archival tablet. The prophecies were copied for pos-
terity, as they might have been in view of the emphasis on reassurance
to the royal f~lmily. with on Iv a rare complaint of neglect by the deity
mixed in (e.g .. SAA 93.5). The prophecies were gathered ann trans-
ferred as ,t body to iudividual collection tablets, and therehy were in-
corporated into the otlicial archives. In this collection pnKess there is
also evidence of scribal redaction. For example. in the standardized at-
tribution in collection SAA 9 I, seven times (as preserved) one reads
the phrase "from the mouth of so-and-so of such-and-such a place";
however, onct'. as mentioned, the slight variant occurs for a different
category of speaker, "jj'Olll the mouth of so-and-so, the .~eli(lu-votares~
of the king." The other speakers lllay have been identilied as a Gue-
gory in the first lines of the tablet. now lost.
The pattefll of individuallIlessages is broken only by allusions, such
as the letter in which Bc1-usezib, a prominent astrologer, asks the king
why he had sHlnmolleo mggimnnu and ragf!:imlilu, "prophets and
prophetesses," to assist in undersl;:lIlding and dealillg with tilt: troubles
he hao reponed. Rllt the writer's chief questiolJ seems to he, "vVhy has
the king .. , not summoned l11e?,,28 He seems to be saying that he
would have been more effective than the prophets. even if thev may
haye been present as a group.
The assertive role of the raggimu is emphasized in the collection of
prophetic oracles reporting on a symbolic treaty cOlllmitment by the
national goo, ASSur. promising victory in battle for king Esarhaodon.
The oracle. SAA 9 3.3. is (written down and) deposited in the temple
in the presence of the gods: also included is divine vengeance against
the enemies of Esarhaddon. who had cried out to ASSUI' for help. The
written covenant is also presented to the king, with full ritual. At the

2H Parpoht, I.fUns from AS'~Y'ian and Jiabvioni(lll Sdwlan (SAA IO; f1ebinki:
Helsinki llniversily Press, 19!1~). no. J09 (Ali!. 1216); \1anti ~issillen. Rrji'rnw·.1 to
ProPhHY in Neo-A..uyrirl11 Sourees (SA,AS 7; Helsinki: NC'O,:\ss;Tian 'leX! Corpus Pro·
jC'Ct.. 1998),89-95.
60 Pmphery in Its A ncienl ,'iea,. Eastern Con lexl

initiative of ISlal' of Arbela, a coven,mt meal is then carried Ollt sym-

bolically. with provision for reminders to those who have sworn loyalty
to the king, that they might "remember me (Istar) and keep this
covenant which I have made on behalf of Esarhaddon" (SAA 9 3.4 iii
13-15). The collection concludes with !Star's charge of neglect by
Esarhaddoll and hel- reminder of her continlling prOlection of tilt'
king. The concluding attribution assigns tlw speech 10 a m{fgimu, prt'-
sumably fi-om [Arbell a. Parpola's restoration of the prophet's name as
the other\\;se attested La-dagil-ili is a bold but plausible restonltion.
Apart from the prophecy reports, which provide limited informa-
tion about the cOJltext, there are a Ilumher of letters that tell about
prophetic activity. These letters show that the prophets were involvt'd
in matters affecting the kingship. Tn Olle letter, a raggintu who had al-
ready taken the king's clothes to Bahylollia prophesied about remov-
ing a throne from the temple for use in a ritual elsewhere that would
be beneficial for king Esarhaddon, hut the king's represen tative would
not release the throne without the king's permission.~q This mg{finlll is
pf.'rhaps thf.' same ra{(ghttu mentioned in another letter, who, prior to
the death and burial of a substitute king, reportedly prophesied to the
substitute king-himself apparently of high stallding-that ht' would
take over the kini,rship, that is, that the suhstitute king would serve iII
successfullv diverting danger from Esarhaddon.~o
The inscriptions of Assurbanipal include the often-cited reference
to a .;abnt, a "visionary. a seC! of dre<1Ills," who had a revelation from
Etar of Arbela ill which he saw and heard her assure the king that she
would fight his battle (against Elam). and that the king could relax and
await her victOI-Y.~1 But the ."5abni does not speak directly for the deity.
Throughout, with the exception of a few requests for cllitic attell-

2\1SAA I:{ :n; sC'c also Simo Parrnla, I.dln.> jimn :\.H)'l1fW Srho/ars 10 Ihr KmW
l~~~m}wddon and /\sSlirha II ipal. ParI I: Trxl< (AOAT E>/ I; Kt'velan, Germany: Bu!zo!l &
Ikr·cker; Nellkirdwll-Vluyn: NeukircheJler. 1970).271-·7;;>, ,Hid l'artll: Comnwnlary
and Appmdirrs (AOAT 5/2; Kevelacr. Germany: Bullnn & Berder; Neukirchen-
vluyn: Neukirchener, 1983). :129. anti Nissinen, Re(m'n(p,. 78--Sl.
:'10 SAA 10 3[J2; see also Parpola. LA'tters!tnm iI.I,fj'17rln Sd/O/.ars. I--II. no. 280.
:11 Maximilian Streck. AS.lurbanipalund dif'/f/zlm aHyrlw-!wn Kiinige hi5 wm [InlPT-
gangf' Nillivrh's (VAH 7; I.eipzig: Hinrichs. 1916). 2:114--19. 11'\1'\--95 (esp.
B v 49--76); Rvkle Horge!". lil:ilrii,W' Will /n.I(/m/tI'll1l'f7k Aml/ballipal" (\-Viesbaden:
Harrassowilz. 199/i), 101<'. 22,"\--2[.. 1\'01,·: abo) another dream revehltion \~ithollt
any tiirect spcech \Parpnla. ;\ssVl7afl PrOPIU(/fI, (iv. II. 23'), regarding AHI. 1249
SA-A 13 139).
 A Company of Prophets 61

lioll, the focus of the prophecies is reassurance to the king or royal

family (queen mother), at times, as with the symbolic covenant, in dra-
matic fashion. Departing from the usual assurance to the king-apart
frolll some complaints of neglect by IStar, as already mentioned-is
the letter in which an IInidentitied woman, speaking on behalf of a
deity, tells a royal representative to ''say in the king's presence" thaI
certain ilems, given to others. should be returned [0 (he deity who
would then show beneficence to the king?2 There are also rare refer-
ences to prophets in connection with ordinary people. An aged scribe,
having fallen from favor, pleading poverty and the lack of transporta-
tiou, despairing of assistance b-om the king, appealed to a mggimll to
no avail-'"he lacked a vision" (dig/u). So the old scribe turned again
to the king-perhaps intrigued by being seen as IllOle effectivt' than a
:i?;
raggzmu.
In contrast to the Mari situation, in which steps arc frequently taken
to check a message's authenticity, the Nco-Assyrian prophecies have
little indication of verification. Verification may have been reserved
for dangerolls or IInhlvorable prophecies. FOI' example, a letter re-
ports a divine word from the god Nusku through a slave girl belong-
ing to Bel-ahu-tlSur. a word endorsing a conspirator as king-th.is en-
dorsement, of course, is disquieting. The king is advised to summoll
the girl and to perform a ritual, probably an extispicy. The slave owner
is to be sUIllIlloned, together with others connected wilh the suspected
cOllspirator; they shall all pt'rish, it is predicted. The king is to check
on others who might have told of the cOllspiracy but, coutrary to their
dUly to inform, did not.:H In related letters from the same sender. the
follow-up advice is that possible conspirators should be put to death;
the advice is presented as a word from Mullissu-"this word, it is from
MullisSIl"-thus suggesting that :'vlullissu, COIIlIlIOIlly cited for Iwr con-
cern {i)r the king"s well-being, overrules Nusku,:h The writer insists
that he is only carrying out his duty to the king, a~ oue bound by oath
10 report any disquieting Hews, The foclls seems to be on the possibil-
ity of conspiracy-whoeyer was involved, in whatever role-rather
t.han on the confirmation of a seemingly di,;ne word or a cOIltroversy

12 SAA Ll HI.
:1:1 SAA 10 294; Nissinf'l1. Rpterencps, 84-88.
:\<1 Nissincn, !?rjPTnllt's, 1OS...'J I.
:,5 CI53 17;8-9; Nissinen, Rr!erences. 111-15.
62 Prophny in Its Anewn! Near Fastern Con!"x!

among the gods. The possibility tlla! Nusku is speaking truly IS <lppar-
ently set aside. because the gods do not oppose the king.3 ti
A similar reference to possible negative messages from the pmphets
appears in the treaty undertaken by Esarhaddol1 to assure Assurbani-
pal as his successor. The ~duty to inform" is applied to a long list of
sources with potelltially had lIews. These sources include friend or foe,
the king's enemies and allies, the royal family, the families of the vas-
sals, anything "lIot good, not pleasant, not proper ... from the mouth
of a mf(gimu-prophet. a mahhii-ecstatic, an inquirer of a divine word
Uil'ili amnt iii). or from anyone at all>'! The issue is not so much
whether the prophecy is "tllle" or "false," wlH'thcr fj'om a deity or
not-the process apparently ignores the possibility that an IlJ1hlyor-
able word could be ii'om a deity-but whether the word is inimicable
to the king. The king's self~interest determines truth or falsehood,
which is not an uncommon position for a politiealleadel',:IH
Littk information is presented regarding the inspiration of the
prophet.s. Ilowever. given the association or equation ill the royal in-
scriptions of the mggimu with the lIIah/di-even though mah/lIls arc
never identilied explicitly with individual pl'Ophetic messages in :\eo-
Assyriall texts, hut appear only as a summary calt'gorv-inspiration
was presumably by means of ecstasy, the "madness" of the mahhu.
Dreams are eited only for others, such as the ,salmi.
In the Neo-i\.ssyrian texts, prophet'y has a higher statlts than re-
flected in the ~1ad texts. The prophetic words, focllsing on TT,\SSUr-
anee, were gathered into offkial collections that report only the words

:l6 \\:11,\1 is most likelY involved .•1, :.Iissinell nOles, is an apparent cuntroversv be-
tween Ihe :'\Iorlh Syrian center of Han~lIl and the A"yrian heartland (ibid"
121-24). ],;,onethc-Iess. performing an extispi<:y ritual on the slave-girl speaker-if
that was to happ,"n-would plOvide the only :.Ieo-Aswri;m example of '''dwcking'
the a('cnr,leV of a proplwrv bv 1Ilt',m, 01 another diYillatofv melhod" (125), l'lti-
m;;tely, IiI,' conspil"\r~ JIl,IV have been pan of all ('lahOLite plot alld coullterplot.
with the sllpposed SLKce~SOI actuallva dUllhle ag{,llt of the king (F,()-?13).
:n SAA, 2 6: 108-22,
:H~ ;-';issinell ("Falsche Prophetic in nella~syrischer Ilnd dcuteronomistischcr
Darstellung."' in Das f)eutemllimiulli lind spin!' Qw,r/Jl'zi,'hllllgen [ed. 1'. \'cUola;
~'hriflen del Finnischen Exegetischen Gesellschaft 62; Helsinki: Finnische Ex-
egt"lisclie Gesellschaft; (;(jttingen: \'anrtcniIo('ck & RUpI edtL 19!Hi I, 177) seems to
cast lhe issue a, tnl{' or lInlnlt"-"jt'dt~1l :\ll,drlllk del' l'nu't'uc"-htll allows that
-trut' prophec" C;JllllOt. ill am instanct'. be dire([cd against the king OJ hi, crown
prince" (I RO); set' his dis(w;sioll (J 'I'\-!1) concluding that thert" is no su('(c."flll
test n<garding true or false prophecy, only tht' perspective of tht' p;trty ;lsking that
quc·stion.
 A CompanY of Prophel~

themselves, which seem to have taken on signifkance apan from their

context, with but brief identifications of the speakers. But prophecy
again, as indicated, inter alia, by the paucity of textual evidence COl11-
pared to other forms of divine communication, is not the communi-
cation with higllt.'st status. The prophetic activity is a.,sociated parliUl-
larly with the psychically anive ClIlt of IStar of /\rhda and her clost'
associates, and points primarily to individual revelations.

Israel

Turning more brit'lly to prophecy in ancient Israel, on which there

has heen intensiVt' study for a considerable time, we face a 1H1mher of
differences.:1<) \Vhatcvcr the at times somewhat grandiose claims, Israel
is in reality a small-scale society, not a major intnnational power like
the kingdom of j\,fari or the Nco-Assyrian Empire. Apart hom a few in-
scriptions, principally olle of the Lachish letters, we have no contem-
poral'y dOCUllIeIlts or virtually contemporary collections of prophetic
texb.-H) Instead of the brief periods reflected by the other two ("01'-
puscs, with little obvious n:daniuIl, the biblical corpus reflects a long
tradition of' prophecy. preserved with cow;iderable redaction. Rather
than presenting ~snapsh()t~" in time, the biblical tradition is a many-
layered portrait that has been considerably retouched, Addit.ionally, a
high percentage of thL' prophet.s-and not only the 450 and 400, rc-
spectively, cited in 1 Kgs 1 H--mcnliollcd ill t.he biblical tradition are
prophet<; of Baal or Asherah:11 The canonical or "classical" propheL~,
even purported prophets of YahwL'h, regarded themselves outIlum-
bered by prophet" who did not have access to God's true intcntjons
(1 Kgs 22). There wert' direct conflicts among the prophets. Israel also
understood its foundational figures, specifically Moses, but also
Samllel, to have beell n:ligious g'L'IlL'ralists best slllllmarized bv the

3~1 For a re-ce-nt Slll'ye-)' of prophecy ill Isr<1el, see Joseph BJenkinsopp, A His/(lT}
(If PropJu'C)' in israel (revised and enlarged edition; Louis\ilk: Westminster John
Knox Press, 1996),
'HI Oil the I.achi,h rcfen'Ilce. sec SimoIl B, P<1J'ker, "The L,IChich Letters and Of~
licial Reactions to l'Iophccies," ill l'fI(utwring ATI<'iml StrJllfS: Elsa,s in fHemrw( 0/
H./\",j/ Rirl/(mison (("d. L. M. Hoplc'; Winona L!ke, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 1'1'14). 65-7H.
-II Then: lTIay have been considerable overlap between the prophets of.i\"helah
and the prophets of Baal. givt>n the ancient Near Eastern practin' of individual at~
filiation wi th the cult of more than one deity.
 Prophecy in !to A.ncient ;Vrar Enstn"1l. (.'ontf'xt

terms nahi) or )£s )e/ohirn. Israel honored prophecy, and many prophets
had a powerful inf1uence beyond their own historical moment.
Furthermore, from an early pel'iod Israel had an exdusivist group
for whom religious legitimacy could only be f:oHnef:ted with Yahweh.
As such, Israel had to deal with the issue of tnw 3ml false prophecy in
a different way than its neighbors.

Individuals and Groups

In sheer numhers. the biblical references are unlike what we know
from Mari or Assyria: 450 prophets of Baal (l Kgs 18:22); four hun-
dred of' Asl1('rah (1 Kgs 18:EI): four hUlldred prophets of Yahweh
under the leadership of Zedekiah hen Kcnaanah (1 Kgs 22:6); one
hundred prophets concealed in GiVeS hy Ahah's chief dOI11f'stic offi-
cial. Obadiah (1 Kgs 18:13): one hundred members or a prophetic
band (bine han-nibi'im) mil:aculously fed by Elisha (2 Kgs 4:43); sev-
enty elders for whol11 Yahweh subdivided the spirit given to Moses.
such that they "prophesied" (i.e .. became ecstatic). if bllt once (]\;um
II :25); and the fifty-strong group that seardwd for Elijah (2 Kgs 2).
But the vast 1l1~jority of these "prophets" were really ecstatics, not
prophets in the sense of conveying divine messages. It is the same for
the prophetic groups (hf'bf'/ nfhi'im or {ahriga( hall-nr;bi)im) in the time
of Samuel (I Sam 10:5, ] 0; 19:20). These groups focused on the cult
of ecstasy. without parallel in the ~Lui or Nco-Assyrian texts, which re-
port only iudividual ecstasy. although there are some indications of
group ecstasy ill olhtT texts.!:! Plural tiJnlls ji)r the a/)i/llm and muhlilim
occur in the ~lari texts, as noted, and there are references to mg-
l!;imiinll and raggimiitu (plurals) in Assyrian texts. But the only indica-
tion of group activity by the Mari or Ass}'J'ian prophets is the Mari ref-
erence to naMis (ARM 26 216), who apparentlv otfer a ('ollcniw
response to inquiry in a way parallel to I Kgs 22.
:\-1any of the Israelite pn)phets must ha\'c been clIltie or at least
court personnel, although, given the tlnidity of roles, it is difficult to
identify individual prophets in this regard. Gad is identified as han-
niibi' fllize diiwid (2 Sam 24: 11). as fu)ze diiwld (I Chr 21:9), and as ~,oze
hmn-rnf'lek (2 ChI' 29:25); Jahazid, a well-credel1tialcd Levi.tt: of t.he

,1:1 The most striking referellce appear, in a Middle Babvlonian text from {'gal'il
(Ugrmlica 5 IH2.II), which says that "my brothns. like ecst<ltics (muhfuis). are
bathed/drenched in their own blood,"
 A Company of Prophels 65

Asaph clan, is overwhelmed by the spil-it of Cod dllling the royal peti-
tion for aid in war, and offers a di\ine oracle of assurance to the king
and the people (2 Chr 20). The otlcr is similar to some of the :vIari
prophetic texts, but that does not mean that Jahaziel was institlltion-
ally progl·31I1Il1ed. The prophets who proclaimed what the king or the
people wanted to hear-at least from the perspective of the present
biblical text-might he s1lspect, hut that does not ill itself qualify thelll
as regularized cui tie prophets.
The titles for Israel's prophets offer little continuity with the !\'lari
and A.ssyrian titles. hut those titles are, for the most part, transparent
in the local language. In the Israelite tradition, the titles occur occa-
siollally ill self·reference, but typically, like the :\'ear Eastern titles. are
supplied by others. The most com mOil Israelite title, I/{lbi', which fUJH:-
tionally means "an ecstatic who might also prophesy"-the somewhat
elusive etymology is not as relevant as the usage-now has its linguis-
tic parallel in the one Mari text, alld nallli. is also knm~11 as a title from
Late Bronze Emar, together with the related munabbi ·atu. But there is
no secure information about the function of these persons at EmaI'-
they may be "singers. wl :1 Only the fitle nabi) identifies the groups of
prophets reported in the Bible, although the leader of snch a group
may also be called by the second-fllos! frequent title, 'if (hri-j'dohim,
the simple "man of (the) god." This title is also used of David a few
times and has a possible \lear Eastern parallel. 11 The third title, lu);;i,
"visiollary," is used of Gad, Iddo, Jehu, and Amos-I1t'ver as a self-reF
erellct'-and again has its parallel outside the !\olari-Assyria traditions,
speciticallv in North Syria (Zakkur inscription, ca. ROO B.c'E., as a plu-
ral) and in til(' Balaam tradition of ninth-century Transjordan.'I:,

l~ Sec Daniel Fl"ming. "The Elymological Origins 01 the) leur"", /lalit: Tht'
Ont' Who Invokes God:' CBQ:)5 (1993): 217-24.
H For a possible Hittite parallel in the Plague Prayers of ~lursilis, (a/llu!tsa-).l:il1-
lIiwmt-, "hom me habile du dieu: see Rent' Lebrun, Hymrw\ d pnerps hittiles (Homo
Rdigiosus 4: LOllv<lin-Ia-nellve: Centl·c (I'histoil'c des religions. 19RO), :~7, 175, and
e5p. 21[,; E. Laroche. "Les lIorns anatl)\icIlS du 'dieu' el kul's derives," ./C'; 21
(1%7): 176.
4,; i:ol' the Zakkur inscription, see rSSJ 2, llO. :):12 (pl.); for Halaam as a "\i-
sionary of the gods." 'iCC Jo Ann Hackcl[. 'fhe Balaam 1/'x1 from Deir '/lila (Chico.
Calif.: Scholars Press. 1(84). 25.
66 Prcr/J/iecy in lis l1ncimt NmT Eastf'rII Context

Gender
Unlike Mali and Assyria, the prophets in Israel are predominantly
male, unless the plurals wit.h reference to the large prophetic groups
conceal some females. The only women with the title lleHi' (I are
\Iiriam, the singf'r; Deborah, the siuger, war leader, ami judge; the
woman who presumably was so titled as Isaiah's wife; Huldah, the we1l-
known contemporary of King Josiah; and Noadiah, the prophetic op-
ponent of Nehemiah. There are also the women who prophesy "from
their (own) hearts" (mitmabbf ot) in Ezek 13: 17, but with their attrih-
\ltt'd functions they are more likely being described as ecstatics, al-
though their specific roll' is dit1iclilt to sort OIH fi'om the polemics. Ifi
Of these women, only Iluldah is specifically associaH'd with a
prophecy, and .:\oadiah (MT) is, perhaps slanderously, viewed as C11se
because of her opposition to l\:ehemiah. Yet the high-status Mcui
(lpilum/iipiltum, with only two females out of sixteen or more-unlike
tilt' mOlT balanced muhhtun/mllhhiitum and the rather evenly distrib-
uted prophets without titles-may offer a due to the gender distribu-
tion in Israel. The society Illay have \'icwed the role as properly mas-
culine in spite of its IlIore cgalit'lriaIl charismatic origination. In spite
of many similarities. it is clear that prophec\' played a more promiIlenr
role in Israel than in the Mari society-.ll

Standing
\Vhatever Israelite prophets' popularity in their 0\~11 lifetime, they
clearly wen: of immeIlse and lasting importance. Apart ii'om their
models among the foundational figures, the propheL~ were involved in
the anointing and discarding-public or private-of kings. (Granted,
at limes thcy apparently thought they were endorsing a Iliif!:id rather
than a m~l~k.) A prophet even declared that a fon~igIl killg. Cyrus, was
the coming "anoiIlted onc." In this role they haw a t(>rcrunner ill what
the iillilmll of Addu. from Il()rtbea~t Syria, declared about the king of
Mari. The standing of the prophet is exemplified by the encounter.
perhaps legcndary. but nonetheless revealing. between the powerful
King Ahab of Israel and the prophet Elijah: Ahab tells Elijah [hat hc is

,I(i On this l('XI, set' now Nancy R. BUWCll. 'Thc Daughter!> of Yo Ill' Peoph·: Fe-

male Prophets in Ezekiel 13:17-23,"JBL lit! (1999): ,1li-:-t-1.

47 Note Simon B, Parker. "Official Attitude, towal'd Prophen' at ~1ari and in Is-
rael," Vf43 (1993): 50-68. esp. 67-68,
 A Company of Prophets 67

"the one who troubles Israel," and Elijah responds, "1 have not trou-
bled Israel, but you and your father's house have" (1 Kgs 8:17-18).
The prophets often address the king directly, and their words other-
wise are easilY conveyed. In most of these encounters that annoyed the
king, the prophet nonetheless slUviw:d. The member of the prophetic
band who carried out Elisha's orders and anoint.ed Jehu may have
been dismissed by Jehu as a Il/j{ugga', "a crazy man," bllt Jehll was
ready to act on what the "crazy man" did (2 Kgs 9:1-13). The prophets
arc oftell consulted, even though the king-just like the people-may
reject the message.
The prophets-as with the symbolic treaty described by the nll,,&rimu
of lStar' of Arbela-could also serve as covenant mediators. Samuel is
a prime example. They n~ay also announce a new covenant-f()r ex-
ample, Hosea and Jeremiih-and tlley frequently take initiative as in-
novators, as illustrated by Hosea, Second Isaiah, and others. The
prophets are both adyocates of established traditions and harbingers
of nt'w possibilities. The Israelite prophets, individually and cUllllda-
tively, played a ilIOn.' important role in Israel than t1wir countel1)arts
in Mari or Assvria.
i

The message of the prophet~ is both judgment and salvation-

rarely one without the other. Thev express God's ultimate commit-
ment to Israel and insist that, whatever the prcscIIt. Israel will have a
splendorous futllre. They also place themselves within the community,
whatever iL" future. As with the muhhum in the "\{ari text who dramati-
calIy ate raw lamb, the Israelite prophets often reinforced lheir mes-
sage \\~th strange symbolic act~.
A primary addressee is the king, but the focns is not the king's Pt'f-
sonal safety and welI-being-on how to keep the king safely in power
or to improve the king's attent.ion to cultic acts-but on the king's be-
h~i\'ior as it connected with the overall worship of Yahweh and the
maintenance o(justice and righteousness in the king's realm.

The Charge of Falsehood

One consequence of the exclllsi\ist tradition prevalent among cer-
tain groups in Israel, and of the pl"ophetic penchant for thinking and
acting indepcndeIllly of the reigning monarch, is conflict between the
kings and the propheL'i alld conflict among the prophets themselves.
Unlike l\1ari and AssYlia, in which different cult centers might have had
different agendas and rnight have offered conflicting or unsought ad-
6R PropheC)' ill Its Aucimt Near E(/\{rrn Couto;t

vice, but ill which no 01le charged deliherate falsehood, Israelite

prophets were willing to charge each orherwith being deceptive or false.
Intriguingly, the accusel' does not always say that the false prophet
is aware of falsehood or that the prophets are making something up
(see Ezek 13:2-4). In the revealing story in I Kgs ~2. \Iicaiah says that
he overheard the deliberation in Yahweh's council that !erl to the rcc-
olIlIlleIHlatioll, ~\ppro\'{'d by (;od, "I \\:ill go and he a lying spirit in the
mouths of all f the kjng'sj prophets" (Y. 22). According to Micaiah. the
king's prophets wcre heing duped in recommending battle. Ezekiel
14:9-10 affirms that prophets who speak deceptively may have heen in-
temionally deceived by (~()(i. III response to Micaiah's charge of a I}ing
spirit, Zedekiah hell Kcna'anah. the leader of the li:mr hundrerl, im-
mediatelv disputes this allegation and defenrls his authenticity. The
king's respollse was to do what he wanted, albeit \\;th precautions, and
to clap Micaiah into jail. This was bad news for .\Iicaiah, but be-or
the redactor-appealed to another criterion of falsehood: "If you (0
king) C\'l'T do get horne satdy, Yahweh h;L~ not spoken through me."
But, whatever happenf'd, Micaiah was in serious trouble. In another
story (2 Kgs H), Elisha openly oilers a two-pronged oracle to Hatael of
Damascus: (al King Ben-Hadarl is going to die, but tell him he will re-
cover; (b) Hazael will herome king in place of Ben-Hadad. HazaeI fol-
lows Elisha's achice but decides to help the prediction by suffocating
Ben-Harlad.
\hcaiah's appeal to historical outcome as a means of verification, a
criterioll IIsed hy others as well, especially the Deuterollomistic tradi-
tion, does not help people make decisions at the moment. The appeal
also lack.~ darity, as for many of the \videly lwralded prophecies that
have not come true. such as the announcement of the peaceful king-
dom. Evcn when known, thcse outcomes arc am higuous. {n Jer
:)7:18-19,jert'miah complains to the king that, unlike the unpunished
prophets who said that the Rabvlonians wO\lld not attack Israel, Jere-
miah, despite historical vindication. does not get respect. Another ex-
ample is the inlerplav hetweenJeremiah and those haking raisin cakes
fl)r the Queen of Heaven. Although bakers ceased their practice, pre-
s\lmablv at least in part at Jert'miah 's urging (jcr 7: 16-20), the fall of
Jerusalem was not advertcrl. The dCHHces of the quccn wok this as a
sign of the goddess's anger rather than of insutlicient repentance to-
ward Yahweh, aud resumed their baking Un 44:24-28).
In the dispute between Jeremiah alld Hananiah, the suggestion is
 A Company of Prophets 69

that truth is on the side of those who prophesy disaster. This standard
has difficulties, not only for prophets of salvation such as Second Isa-
iah. bllt also for those who judge what constitutes a disaster. Note, how-
ever, that Hananiah not only predict.s an early return from Babylon of
the temple furnishings. which presumably would please mostJudeans,
he alsu predicts-according to the text-the return of King Je-
hoiachin (leI' 28:4). which, considering theJuclean power structures,
would lIot have been good news for Jehoiachin's uncle, King
Zedekiah, and somewhat risky for Hananiah. 4 /j Also acceptable as an
accusation but not susceptible to velification is the charge that false
prophets proclaim their personal dreams as revelatOl-Y, rather thall
having heen givcn access to the deliberations of Cod's council
Ucr 23).
Ideology played a primary role in judging falsehood. If the
prophecy was displeasing to the king or the people, or whoever was ar-
biter, it was likely to be discarded out of hand. Deuteronomy 13 advises
I hat a prophet or a dreamer who otfers signs or wOllders, who uses the
accomplished signs or wonders to encourage people [0 follow another
god, is being used by Cod to test the people. Such a misleading
prophet, even if being llsed by God. should be put to death. More re-
strictive is the intimation in Deut 18:14-20 t.hat the coming prophet-
or any prophet-must be from \\1lhin the community and must be like
\toses; that is, IlO futnre prophet could disagree with Moses and be
genuine. In short, thne was no real means of empirical verification.

Inspiration
The prophet~ report theophanies, ,isions. auditions, and dreams,
while ha\ing their own vehicles of choice for revelation. Ecstasy un-
derlies milch of Israelite prophecy, although thefe mllst have been
those adept at quickly puuing thelllselves into an erst,Hie or "altered
state of consciousness."

48 Roben P. Carroll nott's that Han,Uliah "is in deli,Ulc(> of Zedekiah, thl' COllrt
and the Babylonians," a formidable list of opponen.t~ (/nrrniah [OTL; Philadelphia:
\Vestrninster Press, 198(;1. 54~~). Hananiah is 1I00just playing to the crowd.
70 Pro!,hfCV in Its Ancient Nmr Hastrm Cun/exl

Conclusion

Among prophets in Mari. Assyria. and Israel. we find many varia-

tions and "exaggerations" of the possibilities of prophetic revelation.
There are Illany possibilities. and each comlllllllity is distinctive.
Prophecy was a living phenomenon. and each COlIllIlllIlity, for un-
known reasons, selectcci different options t\-OHI the prophetic alterua-
tives. The three corpuses are valuable because of the range of activity
they report. As such, it is easier to see commonalities and anomalies
among prophets, and to appreciate different ways in which prophetic
revelation playeci a role in societies of the ancient ]'\car East.!9

19 I am preparing a bO(lklellgth treallllt'lll. of plOphecy in the ancient Near Fast,

which will expanrl ami, hop('fillly. c1arifv poillLs lIerc. FOI \lari, the masterful sturl-
res hv.J.-M. Durand, D. Charpin. andJack:V1. Sasson olTn a wealth of insight ano
information, and Abraham Malalllat has been a keen observer of tht' mutual illu-
millatioll of prophecy in tht, Mari texts and in Israel (see especiall)' his iHari and the
Frlrl}' bmelilf F:x,twrimcp [Schweich Lectures, 1981: Oxford: Oxford University Press.
19891, 70-12l, ami his Mari find thl' /liMp [SH,-\;"lF. 12; Leidell: Elil!. 1998 J). For tht'
Nco-As5Ylian texts, the cited sllH.lics hy Parpo];t and Nissinen have special impor-
t;mn'; set' also Manti ;,\issint'll. "Die Rele\'alll del' Hella.ssyd.schcll Prophetic fiir die
alttest.Mllclllliche For~(hllng." in ;Hl'w/lo/r11l1il'fl-l'Wllilica-Biblim: i'i'.\(srim/! fiir
Kurt Bergeriw(ed. ~r. DiNrich and O. LOI'efz; AOAT 232; Ke\'claer, Germany: BUI-
lOH & lkrckcr; Neukirchen-\luyn: J:\'('ukirchencr, 19\)3),217-:'>8.
 5

Mesopotamian Prophecy
between Immanence and Transcendence:
A Comparison of Old Babylonian
and N eo-Assyrian Prophecy

Karel van der Toorn

Introduction

Over the past century. many genres of the Hebrew Bible have been
fiuitfully compared Vvith relevant literature from neighboring ci\iliza-
tions of the ancient Near East. Biblical Jaws. rituals. historiography.
prayers. and wisdo1l\ have counterparts in the literature of the
\ksopotamians, Hittites, Canaallites. and Egyptians. Prophecy. how-
ever. was long cOl1sidered a ulliqudy biblical phenomenon. Since the
publication of a considerable number of ancient Mesopotamian
prophecies, this \iew can no longer be upheld. Biblical scholars who
realize this fact have devoted their efforts to studies of the relationship
hetween biblical aJl(i Mesopotamian prophecy. Such is not the aim of
this contributioll. I limit myself to all investigation of Mesopotamial1
prophecy in order to demonstrate the internal differences and devel-
opments of what is often treated as a monolithic phenomenon. \\'hile
not entering into a comparison with the Bible. I am convinced that the
conclusions of this study \vill he relevant to student,; of Ilebrew
prophecy as well.
The ('vidence for ancient Mesopotamian prophecy is limited to Old
Habyloniall and Nco-Assyrian texts. The vast majority of the Old Baby-
lonian texts come from the archives of Mari; they are conveniently ac-
cessible in al1 edition by Jean-~'larie Durand. 1 The Neo-AssYlian texts

I Jeall·Marie DIU<Lm[, Ardlive.'· f.pislulairl's ell' Mill'; (il (AR1I.! 26; Paris: Editions
Recherche sur ks Civilisatiom, 19K8), :)77-452. For olher rdevalll texts, see
Bertrand l.afont. "I.e wi de Mari cl Ie~ propheles dll dieu Adad," Rll 78 (lYK4):
7-18 (A. 1121 ,. A. 27~1 ); Mal ia dt:long Ellis. "The l~od(kss Kititull1 Speaks to King

71
 ,-
""') PlVphecy in lIs !lncient Sear /,'astf'm Conti'xt

come from the As~urbanipal lihrary in Nineveh: they have been re-
cently collected and translated by Simo Parpola. 2
Nco-Assyrian prophecy is a thollsand years younger than its Old
Babylonian connterpart. If only for that reason, theIl. methodological
rigor requires us 10 treal lhe lwo bodies of evidence separately; they
:.hould not be put ill one box as though they reflect the same phe-
nomenon. Yet once the distinct nature of Old Bahylonian and Neo-As-
syrian prophecy is recognized, there is also something to be learned
from a comparison betwecll them. Such comparisons have been made
before. usually \\;th a fOCllS on their similarities (the ecstatic nature of
prophecy, its role as <t lllcans of royal propaganda, and t he like).:l The
comparison I make iII the present (,(lIltributioll, however, is a compar-
ison of contrast.
In what follows I discliss four points of con trast. They concern
(I) the pUlvose of the written record of prophetic oracles, (2) the per-
ception of the person of the prophet or prophetess, (3) the cultic COIl-
text of prophecy, and (4) the way ill which the pmphecies depict the
intervention of the gods.
The 1ilUl' contrasts do not stand in isolation fmlll one another. They
rdlect. a set of changes in the conception of the gods and their COlll-
munication with human beings. Should one wish to capture these
changes in one term. the word "transcendence" sp,ings to mind. In
the Nco-Assyrian cOllception, the gods belong to a ditkrcnt world, br
removed from the mundane realiti(,s of our world. Contact with these
gods was channeled through specialized intt'flllertiaries whose revela-
tions were credited \\;th enduring significance.

Ibalpiel: Oracle Texts from lshcltali." MAW c, (19<"7): 23:;-66 (FL1' Hi74 and FL1'
2064 \; .I('an-Marie Durand, "I.e mythologc!l1e du combat clItre k diett de l' orage
cl la mer en MesOpot;\I11IC," /HARt7 (199:~): 41-IH, ('sp. ·B-45 (A. 196B): ARI,1
26233; 238; :)71-
2 Simo Pal-pola. A.J.IW?(/1/ Pmt1hl'(ies (SAA 9; Helsinki: Helsinki L'niversit), Pr'ess,
1997\. See also SAA 1:{ 139. For report' on prophecy sec Manti Nissinell. Re!'emitl's
to Pmph,'cy in Nea-Assyrirl1l Sourers (SAAS 7: Helsinki: Nco-Assvrian Text Corpus Pro-
jen. 1998).
~ See. e.g., ~!anfl·inl Dietrich. "Proheti!' in dell Kcilschrifttextcn." ./ahhurh !iir
A,nlhmpologir und Rf'ligirlTlsgl's('hidlle 1 (1973): I :'-H; Karel \'an der Toom. "I:ol".Kle
de \'ic!oire (ulllme expressioll proph(~!jl/u(' all Proche-Orient ancien," HE 94
(1987): 63-97; Herbert B. J Iutfmon, "Ancient Ncar Eastern Prophecv." AHI)
5:477-82.
 Prophet:y between Immanence ano Transcenoence 7~)

Prophecy in Writing

In a study dealing with the so-called "prophetic letters" from Old

Babylonian ;VIan, I noted that the Babylonian prophets were primarily
speakers. whose OJ-acies wefe meant for a one-rime oral performance.
Although we only know abollt these propheries by written reports .
.."riting was not llsed as a means of preservation. but as an aid in the
communication of the pl'ophetic message 011 a synchronic level. that
is, to contemporaries of the pmphets. 1 No attempt was made by the
Old Babylonian scribes to rollen prophetic utterances for later gen-
eratiolls. OIlCt' the events addressed bv a prophet had come to pass,
the prophecy had served its plllvose. Prophecies were punctual, rt'It'-
vant only in cOIlllectioll with single historical events. Beyono those
events, prophecies lost their value.
The situation of the Neo-Assyrian prophecies is strikinglv different.
The maJority of the known Neo-Assyrian prophecies have been pre-
served in oracle collectjons (SA/\ 9 nos. l_/J)r, In these collections we
filld the text of about twenty prophecies, carh followf'o by the name
or the prophet or prophetess (.\G pi) ano his or her city of provenaIlce.
A.lthough the historical circumstances can often be tentatively recon-
structed. there is no explicit reference to them in the texts or their
subscriptions. The same holds true fOf the spot where the prophecy
was ddivereo. It should be noted, in this connection, that the 1.OWII or
city from which the prophets come need not coincide with the place
whf're they spoke their prophecy. There are several cast's in which the
two clearly differ. A woman hum Dara-ahuya, a town in the mountains,
delivered her proplH:cy, tojudge by its contents, in Arbela (SAA 9 U~);
Tasnwtu-eres, a prophet of unknown pnwenance, prophesied in the
city of Arbela as well (SAA 96); and the woman DlmmL~a-amur (or Sin-
qisa-amur) [rom Arbela spoke a prophccv in Nineveh (SAA 9 9).6
The Neo-AssyriaIl collection tablets are relatively large, vertical
tablets with two or three c()lumll~. This type, known as tuptJU, was used
for lI-eaties, census list~, inventories, as well as ii.)I· collections of all
sorts, including royal decrees and the like. They were specifically

·1 Karel van del' 100m, "Old B,lbylonian Prophecy he(,,'cen the Oral and the
\-\:rittt'Il," fNS," 24 (IYYil): ~)5-70. toSp. 69.
:\ Parpola, A.Hy,iau Propl/nil's.
6 011 DllllnaS<i-amur and her possible identity with Sinqisa-amur, sec ibid .. ii-I.
For the historical and geographical cOlltext of the prophecy, see ibid., lxxi.
74 Prophecy in Its Ancicnt Near Eastern Context

orawlI lip for archival storage ann rchTcncc purposes. Then' IS t"\,i-
dence that information recoroeo on these collection tablets was
copied fl"Om smaller u'iltu tablets containing inoi\ioual prophetic re-
pons. Once these had been enpico, they were routinely oestroved. In-
deed, there is virtually no ovedap betwet~J\ the prophecies ill the col-
lection tablets and thost, kIlown fro111 oracle reports OJ! 11' iltll tablets.'
Three Ollt of the fOllr oracle collections presently at our disposal were
all compiled by the same scribe. in contradistinction to the reports
(u:'iltus) written by different s(Tibes.~ These facts point to a oeliberate
policy on the part of the royal bureaucracy to pl'eserve at least a hl.ir
number of the individual prophecies for later lise.
The collectioJl tablets, thell, dissociate the individual prophecies
from their im1l1ediate historical c011texts. To what. lise were they put:'
A minimalist. answer to this question would see the collection tablets
as archival documents that were kept as records. Such a solution is Ull-
attractive because there is no information Oil chronology or historical
circumstances. A maxilllalist ,IllSWel to Olll' question-what is the PUI'-
pose of the collection tahlets?-would see them as documents con-
taining revelations relevant beyond their original context. The lack of
historical infonnation points toward this solution. These prophecies
were not exhallSted. so to speak, by their first fulfillment. They re-
mained relevant, also with respect to new circumstances.
The plausibilitv of the maxirnalist view incrt'ast's as nne inYt'stigates
the incentiw for the compilation of the collections. A goon illustra-
tiOll is Oracle Collection Ont' (l follow the llumbering adopted by
Simo Parpola in SAA 9). Its ten prophecies refer to the evcnts sur-
rounding the accession of Esarhaodol1 in 6H I. as a stuoy of the various
\l1orif~-battle, the crossing of the river. exile of the crown prince
while his half~brotllf'rs are ill power. l1-illlllphal celebration. ann so
o1l-indicates. Thematically there i~ a striking resembla1lce to r\in-
neh Inscription A, in which Fsarhadrlon oescribes his aCCt"ssiOll to til(>
throne, his overcoming all difficulties, and the constant encourage-
ment he received fi-om the gods by means of prophetsY Nineveh In-

7 Sec ihid .. liii.

R Sec ibid., Iv-lvi.
See Rvkle BOlger, Die 111.1(11 I ijl'" I .'\wr/uuldort; KUllig.' WI! '\SSY/,WI/ (AlOE 9: (;r;17..
'.I
Ausllia: Sdbs(vcrlag. 1\1:)1;; repr., ()~nabn-lck, (;crmanv: Hiblin-Verlag, 19(7).
40-45. For a study of the references to prophets in this texl. see ;\lissil1('n. Rr/rn7Ire".
30-34.
 Prophccy between Immanence and Transcendence 75

scription A was written at the beginning of 673. This was the time Fsar-
haddon designated Assurbanipal as his successor. The purpose of the
inscription, \·..,ritten almost ten years after the reported events, was to
remind potential critics and pretenders to the throne of the support
t.he heir designate would enjoy. Just as the gods had stood by Es;u"had-
don, so they would stand by Assurbanipal. A similar mutivation may be
supposed to lie behind the compilation of the first oracle collection.
The oracles of encouragement which Esarhaddon once received were
still valid for his son.
If this tentatin> reconstruction of the genesis and purpose of Oracle
Collection Olle has merit-and let me acknowledge my debt to Simo
Parpola for the reconstrllction III-the Neo-A~syrian oracle collections
would lIot allest to the mere preseryation, but to the recycling of
prophecy. The assumption underlying this procedure implies that di-
vine words once spoken do not lose their vahdity after a first fulfill-
ment. II The prophetic oracles lend themselves to a second life by
virtue of a dual characteristic: the" are formulated in general terms
(tlHls they typically rekr to "your enemy" rather than to named ad-
versaries), and they are set ",ithin a royal ideology focusing on the king
as a representative of a dynasty.):! Promises of support for one member
of that dynasty hold good for his legitimate heir as well.
The dynastic perspective of the Nco-Assyrian prophecies hecomes
very explicit ill the t()lIowillg quotation:
Vou shall be ,ale ill YOllI palace. YUill' ~()Il alld vOllr g-ralllisof) shall rule as kings
on t I,(" Iap 0 f· ,..
"murl;t. I:l

We may draw a parallel with the dynastic prophecy concerning the

house of David in 2 Sam 7:12, which served to legitimate David's suc-
cessors as well:

10 Parpo]a, Au'man Prophecies, Ixviii-lxix.

11 So, too. :'-iis,inell, RJ:ferfWf'. 172 ("the prophecies w("re no longer disposablt'
fld hoc I\tteran(e~ (ollrnning a ~pecial case but became part of the written tradi-
tion, a referellct' r("cord that rould be us("d ami interpreted bv succeeding gener-
ations"').
I~ Note the prominence of the tl1('n1<' of the birth and ".uly "ollLl! of Lhe kin)/;
(e.g. SAA 9 1.4 ii :!O'-26'); the insistence 011 his being the rZf>lu khlU, "rightful heir"
(SAA 9 Ui iv .')-0, :!(); and the "('veria'Ling" establishment of the thmnc (S ..\A 9
Ui iii 19'-22').
13 SAA 9 un \i 2r)-:)o; (f. 2.3 ii 1:)"-14".
76 Pro/lh('(:y in Its A.t/dmt N('(tr Eastern Context

When YOllr elavs arc fultillecl and )'ou lie dowlI wilh yom falhers, I will raise lip
your offspring after "Oil, who shall (on1(' forth from your body, and I will eSlab-
lish his kingdom,

Although the dynastic outlook is not entirely lacking in the Old Baby-
lonian prophecies, it~ scope is merely l'etrospective. 14 The long-term
vision inherent to the dynastic outlook of the Nco-Assyrian oracles is
consonant with the recycling of prophet:y, evell if it docs not constitute
by itself a compelling reason for recycling.
Concomitant with the Nco-Assyrian eff<)rt to collect certain prophe-
cies and to preserve them I'm' posterity are references to earlier
prophecies as anthoritative texts. \\ie find sllch references both in the
prophedes themselves and in letters of counsel to the king. Manfred
\Veippert has studied the phenomenon of prophecy qlloted in
pJ"Ophecy.l~ His most telling example is a prophecy by :\.-fulissu-kabtat,
speaking in the name of Mulissu, addressing King Assurbanipal. lI; 'The
first half of the prophecy COIlsists of a morc or less literal reminder of
a prophecy Assurbanipal receivcd when still (Town princc. This
prophecy has now come true ~llld should iufllse the king with confi-
dence in the sccond prophecy, introduced by the phras(", "And now
~-lulissu says . .-,]7 Quotation of an earlier prophecy in correspon-
dence addressed to the king is found in a letter bv r-.;abU-nadin-sumi to
EsarhaddOll. He quotes a line h'om an oraclc by IStar of Nineveh alld
IStar of Arbela, saying: "We ~hall root out from Assyria thost' who are
not loyal to the killg. our lord." This prophL'lic utterance is pllt fi:)rth
iII support of measures of banishment against a trollblemaker whose
identity we cannot eSlablish. IK
Both the prophecy collections and the prophetic quotations are sig-
nificant as novel understandings of prophecy-novel, that is, by ("om-

11 Thus Addu i~ s;lid to haw returned Zimri-Lim to the throne of his [ather; set'
l.afont, "Roi de ~'lari el les prophi,tcs," i-IR. esp. 11. 16-1H, ')1; A. 19b5 r. 1'-2'
(M.4lU 7 l199~I:n-·15.\. Cf. ARM 26217:'21-23: "[What] I ~avt' of old in the hand
[ofvOllr falhers] J [now] will gi[vc) to YOll."
l~ Manfred ''\-'eippert. .. 'Das Fruherc, sielle, ist eingelJ"OIIen .. .": (:1'>1"1' Selbstzi-
tate im itltorientalischen Prophetenspruch." in Orarlf's ft f,ropMlif5 dans !(mtiqUl/';:
Jicte.5 du Col!oqued"Strasbourg, 15-17./11in 1995 (cd. Jean-Georges Heintz; Cnivt'rsite
des Sciellces Humailles de Sllasbourg. Travaux fill Centre de Recherche Sill' Ie
l'Hlche~OricJlI CI Ia Greel' anliyues I ;1; Pari", De Bo('card. 1997l. J4 7-69.
th SAA 9 7. The (exl is discllssed in ibid., E13-:J7.
17 SAA () 7: 12. For the rcndering of this Iiut', see ihid., I ;)ti anel n. '12.
It'SAA 10 284, quotalion rev. !i-H. For itn eXlensive dist'msioJl see l\'issint'll, Ivy:
I'Il'11CfS, 102-:,.
 Propht'TY hetvvlTI1 ImmanenlT and Tr,msccndcm:e 77

pan~on with the Old Babylonian pr()phecic~. Pmphecies are no

longer ad hoc utterances, meaningful once but irrelevant ever after,
but on the contrary are valid over a longer period of time. Prophecy is
the word of God, and the word of God transcends the situation to
v.:hich it originally applied. It has cndUl'ing significance. The same
cOllception explains the lise of prophecy in a ritual context, a prime
example of which is tilt" so-(,allerl Covenant of ASSllr. The latter is a ('01-
lection of prophecies to be recited at the (annual?) celebration of
Esarharlrlon's kingship. I!! Neo-Assvrian propIH'('Y thus t{)J'cshadows
what mav be termerl the "frozen" prophecy in the Babyloniall liwrh'y
of the New Year Festival as it had beell preserved ill Hellenistic Lruk.
lutroduced by the characteristic phrase Iii tajJallah ("fear I1of"), the
priest assures tbe king Illat Bel will bless him ti:)rcver, rlestroy his el1t'-
mies, and overthrow his ad"ersaries.~o
Neo-A'>s)Tian prophecy, then, is closer to biblical prophecy than the
Olrl Babylonian prophecies, not onl" in time but also with respect to
the underlying view of prophecy as the worrl of God with enduring
vallie, applicahle to 1110re than one situation. \Vhereas Old Babylonian
prophecy is punctual, so to speak, "eo-Assyrian prophecy is durativc,
transcending the historical circumstances which prol1lpterl its first de-
liverance.

The Person of the Prophet

A second point in which Nco-Asspian prophecy differs from Old

Babylonian prophecy-and in which, incirlentally, it resembles biblical
prophecy-pertains to the person of the prophet.
The Neo-Assyrian prophets whose prophecies have been preserverl
on collection tableto; or oracle reports are accredited prophets: ac-
credited. that is, by the royal bureaucracy, 011 the strength of the COll-
tents of their prerlictions. They are never anonymous. Their name <lIJd
city of provenance are recorded alongside their prophecies. Some of

19 SAA 93. Pal-pola suggests that Collection Three "is likely to have been recited
at the coronation of Esarhaddon" (As5w'ian Prophecies, Ixx; cf. Ixiv) and points out
the connection with the /,lIwltIH'ituaJ (22). On the possibility of an aUllllal renewal
ofl11c A.%Hian kingship, see A. Kirk Grayson, "The Eadv Devdopmcnl ofAssvrian
;\-!onalchy: UF3 (1971): 31R-19 and n. :')0; Richard 1. Caplin:, and Wolfgang Heim·
pel, "Investitllr," RU cd 39-·44, esp. 141.
2() Flanc:;ois Thureau-Dangin, Rituei.l ilccadims (1921; repr., Osnabrikk. GtT-
many: Zeller. 1975). I -.14-45. nos. 434-46.
7R ProjJhu)' in lis Anclmt }I.jear Eastern Context

these names tllrn up more than OIlce in the doclIlIlents at our dis-
posal. Thus the prophet La-dagil-ili from Arbela is mentioned as the
author (or lIledium, if one prefel-s) of six different prophecies. 21 Sin-
qisa-amur (DunnilSa-amur) and Bay,j are Jikev.ise prophets with more
than one "official" prophecy to their n,um~.~~ The authority of (he
prophecy assllmes the authority of the prophet in Yliestion.
The Old Babylonian prophets, preceding their :\eo-Assvrian coun-
terparts by more than a millenniulll, found themselves in a different
situation. Their indi\idual identity (personal name and city of prove-
nance) was of little cOllcern to their contemporaries. ·We do know the
names of" some of the Mari prophets, but the:'.t' have not bet"n
recorded b('cause the identity of the prophet conferred authority on
his message.:!:! Old Rabylonian prophccies were checked by means of
extispicy. This so-called jliqittum procedure was not meant to assess the
authenticity of the prophetic experience, but to establish whether or
21
1I0t the prophet's message should be acted upon. Although some
token of the prophet's icit-ntity was needed to perform the piqittum (a
fringe of dot bing, a loc k of hai r), the idellti t)" ()f the prophet never by
itself guarantet"d the validity of his prophecy.
The Neo-Assyrian prophets diffned from their Old Babylonian col-
leagues in yet another aspen. \\1lt'reas t.he Old Babylonian prophets
might be connected to the cults of a variety of gods (Adad, Sal1las.,
Dagan, Marduk. Anllullitlllll, Diritlllll, Rekt-ekallim, l\inhllrsagga),
the overwhelming majOlity ()f the Neo-Assyrian proplwts are fOll-
lJ(~cted ill olle form or another with the clIlt of the goddess IStilL;!!>
'When gods other than IStar. such as Bel or Nabii, address the killg by
means of prophecy, they use the channel of a prophet Of prophetess

:!l SAA 9 un; 2.,j; :"),2-:1.

:11 SAA 91.2; 25; 9; 10 (Sinqisa-.unur,·Uunn.1sa-anlllr): SAA Cj 1..4: 2.2 (B'IV~I).
2:1 AmoIlg the Old Babvtolliall prophets identifi('d bv nallle, we fillt! Isi-ahum,
an apilllll! ,\Cove ill the temple of Hi~amHII!l1 (ARM 26 195); field.null. all "ssiI/I/UJ1i
ofAnllunitum (d. ll. 29); Lupahum, the apilulllofDagan U\R:\-12fi 199:5): Huba-
turn, a prophetess of Annunit.um (AR.\1 26 200:5): the api/tum Innibana (ARM
26204:4); Qisti-Dil·itum. the iipilul1I of DirilUm (ARM 26 2{)8::>-ti); Ili-hazn'l}'a. an
flssinnum of Annunitum (ARM 26 212): the lay prophetess Ahatu!l1 (ARM
26 214:6-7); one It ra-gamil (ARM 26 222: 12); the ("("statics Hadnu,EI and Idclin-
Kubi (ARM 26 n7): and Abiya, the ii/dum of Addu of Aleppo (,H.ARi 7 r 199:~J: 4.'\
A. 19I.itV~). See also ,\RM 26 nos. 21 I: 221-bis.
;;4 Sec Dur,md, An-hi.,,!''', ·109.
2~ See Parpota, ,1,I.\W)(11I Pmphprirs. xlvii-xlviii.
 Prophecy between Immanence and Transcendence 79

ofIstar. 26 Unlike SiIl10 Parpola, I do nOllhink this means that in these

cases IStar is "putting on new masks" to speak on behalf of other mem-
bers of some sort of Holy Trinitv. 2i Bel and Nabu can speak for them-
selves, but they do so through the agency of the !Star prophets. The
distinctioIl might seem a sIlbtlc OIle, but it is not without importann:.
In Nco-A>;sjTian times, prophecy was a type of divinatioll pertaining to
the province of Etar, as cxtispicy was a type of divinatioIl connected
with the gods Sama.s and Adad.
Neo-Alisjlian prophecy owes its privileged link to the cult of Etar to
the shamanistic nature which the two have in common. The Nco-As-
syrian prophets arc ecstatics. They "shout" (raKc"tlnu) and "go ilIto a
frenzy" (mahii, N-steIIl). Such beh,tvior fiL~ well with the character of
the cult of lSt.ar, which was strongly shalIlaIlistic. IStar was deemed ca-
pable to produce, by way of ecstasy, a metamorphosis in her worshipers.
~len might be turned into women, and women were made to behave
as men. If ever there was a possession cult in Mesopotamia, it was con-
nected to IStar?' Prophecy, being a type of divinatioll based on inspi-
ration, is at home in such a cult. Then; is evidence that at least some of
the Nco-A~S}'lian prophetesses were in reality men, or rather self~cas­
trated transvestites.~X) Their outward appearance was interpreted as a
display of IStar's transforming powers. Possessed by the divine, they
were the obvious persons to become mouth pieces of the gods.
The association between prophecy alld the cult of !Star (or one of
her al\omorphs) was not unknown in Old Babylonian times. A case in
point is that of Selebum, a transvestite (assimwm) belonging to the
cult personnel of Annunitum, mentioned as the medium of prophetic
oracles in three Mari letters.:lO "\'hat remained an occasional link in
Mari, however, has become a structural connection in first-millennium
As~yria. By then, prophets, as a rule, are named individuals whom IStar
has endowed with powers to act as a medium hetween gods and hu-
mallkilId. We TIlay perhaps speak, in this connection, of a profession-
alization of prophecy

2(> See, e.g., SA-A 9 1.4; SAA 13 139.

2i Parpob. Assyrian Proph,'l'ie.l. xviii.
21'1 Brig-itte CroIlf'herg-. Loh drr .War: Gebet und Ritual an <iii' oilbab)'toni,\chr ~('nus·
f,rUlfill (Cuneiform MOllog-nlphs 8: Grolling-en, Netherlands: StyX, 19(7), 1:)2-;)4.
29 Such as Sava and 1IIls,a-<lmur: see Paq)ola, AnJ'l11Tl ['mph,·rip.\', iI-I.
~\fl See AR.\l 26 1\)7:4: 198; 2U. l\ote also the reference to Ili-haznaya, another
ass/llnum of Annunitul11 (ARM 26 212).
HO Pmph{'{) in Its Ancient Near Eastern Cuntex{

The Cultic Context of Prophecy

Man: The Temple as the Theater of Prophecy

A third difference between Old Rahvlonian and Nco-Assyrian
prophecy concerns its cull.ic context. The Old Bahylonian gods grant
prophetic revelations only in the sanctuary. Dreams may OCCllr at
other places, but prophecy, properly speaking, is conti ned to tl1(" tf'm-
pie. This is an important point that has not always received the atten-
tion it deserves.
The point can be illustrated with a few examples from the !'.lari
archives. The royal sen'anl who is to keep the king informed about the
prophecies from '[(>[qa, a huno1ls rdigiollS center, hears the oracles as
they happen "in the temple of the god.'<IJ Whcll a god speaks directly
through the mouth of a prophet. the latter utters the prophecy first in
the temple. The prophet (iljJilllYn or iipiltlil/l) "rises" (itbi) or "stands"
(izziz) to deliver the divine message in the temple,:12 The ecstatic
(muhh{un), too. receives the revelation in a sanctuary; this is the place
where he or she gets into a frenzy (immahi, immahu),:1:1 litters loud cries
Uitassu).:ll and gives the oracl('.:I~ When a prophet delivers an oracle
OLl tside the sanctll<ll,)', at the residence of the royal deputy for instance,

he repeats an oracle revealed to him in the sanctuary.:{i) For that rea-

son the prophet presents himself as a messenger of the god (DN, i..vP1.-
mnni) ::l7 he transmits the message (teml11n). which he received at an
earlier stage.: IH
The notion of the temple as a place of revelation comes to the fore

~l ARM 26 196:8-10: ig[r]l'rUln ,{a ilia bit dim illmjS.I'li 11 If.lnmnll a[nJa serf.ivJa
.iupram.
:~2 A. 1121 +- 2T~1 (~ RA R4 r !fIR 7] : 7-1 HI: 29-:\0 (Addu temple at Aleppo): AR~r
26 19;')5-7 (temple of Hisalllitlllll); 204:4--5 (Belel-ebllilll Lempk): 209:4-7 (dm-
ing sacrifices for Dagan\: 211 ::,-9 (Rekl-ekallilll tt'lIlple): 219:4'-(j' (Nillhurs<lgga
temple).
3:'1 ARM 26213:4-7: 214::>-7.
:l-1 AR~1 26 202: 15-6: cf. 7-8-
;.r, ARM 26 200::{-6 (Annunitllm temple): 215:9-16 (Dagan temple at Tuuul):
227:6-20 (Abba temple. dream report); 2:~7:22-:~ (Annunitlllll temple).
~!i ARM 262125-12; ('f. r. ]0'-11'. in which the nss;mmln (transvestite) of An·
nllnilllnl cOllle~ to the palace and delivers an orade rect'ived ill the telliple of An·
Illlllitulll.
:17 ARM 26 210: II (a woman married 10 a ti'cc citizen. Oil hehalf of Dagan);
220:19 (muhhl11ll of Dagan); 221:15 (flIllhhlim of Dag'iIl).
:1;; ARM 26 212 r. lO'-ll'; cr. no. -114:32-3,
 Prophecy betweell Immanence and Transcendellff:' 81

ill several dream reports as well. The dream of one l\lalik-Dagan offers
a fine illustration.
In my dream I ,,-as going, together \\ilh a companion, from the districl of Sag-
garatlllTl, t hrollgh the upper district, to Mari. Before I got [0 my destination, I
entered Terqa. As soon 'IS I had come into Terqa I visited the temple of Bagan,
and did obei~,lllce to Dagan, As I did nbeisance, Dagan opt'nt'ci his mouth ami
spoke to me in these terms: Have the Y;lminitc: rulers ;md their al'mies lIladt'
pt'ace with ZinlI'i·Lim', army that has ('()me up? I said: They did not make peact',
Just before I left he spoke to me: \\lw is it that Zimri-Lim', messengers are not
steadily prescnt before me? And whv doeslI't he put a complete report before
me? Had he done so, I would hav(' deliven'd the Yaminites ill to Zimri-Lim',
hand a long tim(' ago, Go now, I send you, You shall sav to Zimri·Lim: Send lilt'
yuur messengers and put a (ompkte re:porl before: me:, ThC'11 I will, nMkc th('
iY
Yaminite:s crawl in a I1shC'rman's hox and put tht'lfl at your disposal.

There is nothing in this account to suggest that Malik-Dagan was iIi

the temple when he received the dream; this is not a case of incuba-
tion or temple s\eep,40 And yet his dream was clearly a reYe\ation, ful-
minating in his being commissioned to deliver a message to the king,
:'IJot only docs this account show the close links that exist betweeIl mes-
senger prophecies and certain dream experiences; it also rct1ect~ that
prophets normally recei\'t~ their rew,lations in the temple, Whcll they
were not in the temple in person, t1w)' visited the temple in their
dreams:H
T'he dream report ofl\hlik-Dagan puts int.o reHefre! another aspect.
of Old Rahylonian prophecy, It is clear horn the description that
Dagan is supposed TO speak from within his image, In fact, the author
of the letter makes no distinction hetwccn the god and his image, It is
evident from other texts that the prophet who makes himself the
mouthpiece of the god rises and stands before the god, that is, the
image of the god, in whose name he delivers an oracle. Note the fol-
lowing description:

:,9 AR~1 26 233:9-39,

40 For a likely case of incubation, see ARM 26232:7-9: "Dagan, vour lord, put
me to sleep and no one dared la lauch me, Dagan spoke to me as follows, , ,"; cr,
no, 235, possibly a dream received in the temple of A.lIflUnituI1I; and no, 238, a
dream bv the supervisor of the temple of Itur·mer, presumabJ" received in the tem-
ple l)Ieciucl. AR.\I 2G 236 n:ports ,t vision (dreamr) received in the temple of itar-
mer,
'li See also ARM 26 227:6-20 (dream about TWO muhhu in tIl(' temple of tht' god
Abba): 230 (dialogue iwtweeu old man and lIur-mer in the s!e!ae-rnnple of
Dagan); 237:8-21 (events in the temple of Belet-ekallim); 240 (temple of Bcler-
ekallim?),
 Prophecy in Its A/lcierl! :Vear Eastern Context

Ami the ('cstatk (muhll1im) rose bcfof(, (H.;I) Dagan and spoke as !()I!ows: Shall
[ never drink clean water? \Vrite to your Lord that he ~hnuld let me drink cle;m
42 '
water'

This texl renders explicit a procedure that remain~ implicit in most

other texts, ill which it is simply said that the prophet "rises" or
"stands" in the temple. In all cases, however, the prophet put~ himself
in front of the god ill whose name he speaks ~lI\d thus makes hilIlseif
an extension of that god. There is no room for misunderstanding as
to who is speaking. That is why we never find, in any of the reports de-
scribing a prophecy delivered in the temple, a phrase identifYing the
divine speaker.·\:1 The expression II.mrna DN-lIUl ("thus god so-and-so")
is restricted to letters from gods or their aj,ilulII. II Tht' only time the
pruphet finds it necessary to say that )!,od so-and-so has sent him (D)J
Lstmranni) is when the prophecy is transrnittt.'d to sumeone outside the
sanctuaryot" The Botf:l~/onnd, then, does not belong to the prophecy
properly speaking, but to the introductioll to the secondarily trans-
mitted pmphecy.

A~a: Messages from HealJen

When we turn to the Nco-Assyrian prophecies, we enter a different
world. The collection tablets contain no indication where the oracks
were first delivered. That a number of proplwtesses were votaries
(SdlJtU) need not imply that their oracles were delivered in the tem-
ple.·Hi In the oracle reports we read of a prophecy given "ill the city of
Arbela" (5AA 9 6 r. 12) and tind nne dated prophecy (SAA 9 9 r. 6'-7').
~eo·Assyrian texts containing references to prophetic activities sug-

42 ARM 2t.i 215:1:>-21. See also ARM 26 227:6rr "In nl\' dream Hadnn-EI and
ludin-Kubi, thl! eesr;Hies. were alive ;lI1ct went hefore Abba. They spoke as fol-
lows ... " (follows an orark from rhe god Abba).
4:1 Compare the tcxt~ fIIclltiOlwd in 11, ~2. ARM 26 2n:7 i" IlU exceptiun. be-
cause the phmse umma :~nnunilu.mma is not a quotation from the prophecy, but an
explanation by Queen Sibtll. who sent the letrer. The one time one does encoutcr
a self~introduction is A. 1121 + 2731:14-15, 49-50 (= RA 78 [1984): 17-18), but
then' it serves no! to reveal the identitv of the divine speaker, but to underline the
favors formerly hestowed hy the f,!;O(i.
·11 Sec ARM 26 192; 193: l~H; and FL!' 1671 (~ AHlU c) r 1\:187]: 2:~5-6tj, ('sp.
240).
,n See n. ,,(j,
46 See, e.g .. SAA I:~ 148.
 Prophecy between Immanence and Transcendence Hj

gest that the oracles might OCCllr anywhere, be it inside or-more fre-
quently-outside the temple. "~I
Turnillg to the oracles themselves. we encounter additional evi-
dence for setting the prophecy outside the temple. The most telling
example, in this respect, is an oracle hy the WOJllan Bayii froJll A.rbda,
in which the gods Bel, IStar of Arhela, and Nahil arc successively in-
troduced as speakers (SAA 9 1.,1). -nlOlIgh IStar had a 1~1l1101lS temple
in Arbela, there is not the slightest hint in our records that it con-
tained chapels for the images of Bel and NahlL l8 "\-'e must assume that
Saya gave her prophecy in one piece in the absence of the images of
Bel and :'\labll.
There is also internal e"idelKe in the oracle of Bay,l indicating that
the audience could not he sure on hehalf of which deity she was speak~
ing. Each god had to be identified bv a formula of self~introduction.
Modern readers would not be aware of the multiplicity of divine voices
if it were not for the fact that the gods present themselves with the
words "[ am Rei" (17'), ") am 'star of Arbela·' (;W'), and '" am Nalni,
lord of tilt' styl\ls~ (:~H'). Such formulae of sell~introdllction art' t'x-
tremel), rare in the Old Babylonian prophecies. The only t.ime one
does OCCllr, it serves not to identify the god, but to underscore his sup-
port of the king in the past. 49 There is reason to belieye that the om-
nipresence of divine self~introduction in the l\eo-A'isyrian prophecies
is not merely a matter of style. The audience needed to hear this, oth-
erwise the\' would not know which god was speaking. Such ambiguity
is not inherent in the situations in which the Old Babylonian prophe-
cies were originally delivered.

17 See 1\issinen. Reform cps. passim, but esp. 28 and n. 121; 64-6:) (prophf'L~
among the military. pnwiding oracks during a royal campaign). Sec also Simo Par-
pola. iR((f'r., fmm Assyrifln Sdw/ars to Ihi' KiI1R.I Emrizaddon Ilnd AHm·/zrmifi"/ (AOAT
:i/l; Kevdael', GelTlI,Ul\': BtllZoll & Ben:ker; Neukin:hen-\lllyll: Nt'ukin:ht'Ilt'r.
1970). no. 29 r. 7-11. l'arpola's no. :>]7 (~SAA 1'1 '17) shows Ihal Neo..As-Wlian
prophecies could also be delivered in temples; see !\:issillen, 1&/irl'1l(f.\. 7S-Hl.
Some relevant texts not discussed bv !\:issinen are now to be found in SAA. 13: no.
IJ9 (= Robert Francis Harper. /lss,riar/ aT/d Babylonian Letters [London and
Chicago: Lul.ac, lK92-1914]' no. 1249); no. 1<14 (" CT53. no. 969); no. 148 (= CT
;-):~, 110. 413).
lH Sec Brigitte Men/d, /1.Hrrisclw 'li'1lljll'l: Band 1 (Studia Pohl, Series Maior }O:
Rome: Bihlical Institute Press, 19RI), 6-lO.
49 Set' II. .1:\. TIle case of ARl\,. 26194:,1. 1I1l11l11ld l"TI'-ma op[ mll/[im anakul. is un-
certain because of the lacuna in the text and slightly different. as the context is
epistolarv.
 Pm/Jhecy in Its AI/cie-Nt ,Veal' Faste-rll Conff'xt

The Neo-A~s)'Tiall prophets, then, were apparelltly not bOlllId to be

in the presence of the divine image in ordel- to receive a message from
the god. Prophecy occurred regularly outside the sanctuary. The gods
resided in heaven, and from there they could reach their human
mouthpieces in any number of circuIIIstances.

The Realm of the Divine Actions

A. careful reading of the Old Babylonian texts on the one hand, and
the Neo-A;.;syrian texts on the other, reveals a further difference be-
tween the two bodies of prophecies. This fourth difT("renc("-the last
Olle I discLIss ill this essay-concerns the way in which the gods come
to the aid of the king. Whereas the Old Babylonian gods secure the
success of the king by their' pre~ellce OIl earth, as auxiliaries of his
army, the Neo-Assyrian deities influence the outcome of political and
military conflict by an intervemion from heaven. In the Old Babylon-
ian prophecies, the bank in which the gods b('coIl1e involved remains
'within the human horizon; in the i'\co-Assyrian texts, however, the bat-
tle takes on ('osmic dimcIlsions.
Conflicts, often amlCd, arc the traditional area in which the gods
are supposed to demonstrate their support of the king. In the Old
Babylonian prophecies, the standing expression for the gods' partici-
pation in combat is to say that the gods "go" (aliilw) or "stand" (izuzzu)
"at the side of' (ina idi) the k.ing and his anny. :.0 Thev are the "auxil-
iary troops" (tilliLtu) of the king."] The standard formula comes in sev-
eral variations and elaborations. The gods stand by the king "with
[their I strong weapons";r,~ they send their "strong weapons" and "neL.,"
to the king. that he may defeat and capture his enemies.":> The divine
intervention leads the king to v;ctOl-Y; the gods are with him "in the de-
f("at (of the enemy)" (ina drzmdhn) ',4 and "ill the triumph (over the
enemy)" (ina Mim) .,,,-.
Familiar as we are with a tradition in which God is dcemed invisible,
we tend to assume that the presence of the gods on the battlefield w-as

:,(1 ARM 26 19·1:27: (;\;(>rgal) ana idiha 11 ir/i ummrlnatika iZ2i~; 207:31-34: (the
gods) Ia illa idi haiya iilahl/.
31 ARJv126 207:31.
'-"2 ARIVI 26 J 92: 17-R: nUL kakl-."lra dantill/im (lz(l::({kkllm.
,,;l l \RM 26 192:6-7; 209:9-1O;-2:~3::~7fr.
",4 ARM 26194:26.
'.) ARM 26 211:15.
 Prophecv between Immanence and Transcendence 85

an invisible one, perceptible only by its dkns. Tht~ Old Babylonian re-
ality was probably different, though. Gods accompanied the royal
army in the form of images and other \;sible symbols. Di\;ne images
(is-ta-ra-tim) carried by the military are mentioned in a letter by Samsi-
Addu. 56 The Mari kings knew the same practice. And when Addu of
Aleppo claims that he gave Zinui-Lim "the weapons with which I he J
defeated Temtum" ((;JS.TUKL:L-[\fES) .sa itti Terntim amtahll1 Ilddi-
nakkum) ,57 it must be assumed that the king did in fact receive physi-
cal representations of these weapons. We know from other Old Baby-
lonian texts that temples harbored such weapons as objects of
veneration."~ if images of the gods could be paraded in front of the
troops, there is no reason why the arms of lht' gods could not be
brought along as well.
The upshot is that the Old Babylonian prophecies picture the in-
tervention of the gods taking place "on the ground," so to speak. Their
action does not disrupt the natural framework of the battle.
The interventions of the gods promised in the Nco-Assyrian
prophecies are of a different character. Here the gods send their sup-
port from heaven, thus disturbing a human conflict with interventions
from a different world. A few quotations \~ill suffice to illustrate the
point. A fine example is found in an oracle of the god Assur, recited
in an enthronement ritual.
J heard WHIr cry. I issued fiJrth ;\s <\ fiery glow limn heaven. to hurl do\\'n fire
allli haw it devour them. You were standing ill thei! midst, ,;() T removed them
froll! your presence. T drove them up the l11llUlllaill and rained (hail)storws and
lire of heaven upon them. I slaughtered your enemies and filled the river "'i?~
their blood. Let them sec (it) and praise me, ttl)' I am A~sur, lord of the gods.''''

Owing to the intervention of Assur, the battle acquires a cosmic di-

mension. The god participates from heaveIl, alld the forces he IIses to
saw the king arc from the heavenly realm; lightning and hailstones.
The outcome of the battle is determined by transcendent powers.
The Assur prophecy is not the only one to employ such cosmic im-
agery. Take the follo~;ng quotations from an oracle of IStar of Arbela.

,>() AR;\I 1 5~ f M. 7~40:1H; see MARl" (1980): 316-17. wit.h n. 107.

,,7 A. 1968 L 2'-4' (see Jl.L11U7 [199:3]: 43-4!1).
511 See, e,g .. A. Cat.lgnoti, "Le royaumc de Tub,! (~t ses ('ultes," in /'7oriiJ}gium fHw e
iunum: Renu'il M. Flmry (M~l11oires de /ldBU 1; Pari~: SErOA. 1(92).23-28, esp.
25-26 (oUc-rillgs lor the lance [dmpjJUmJ oflStar of Tubii).
c,[l SAA 933 ii 14-25 (mms. Parpola. with OIle slight change).
86 Prophecy in Its Awi.ent Near /~'(Jstem Context

I watch Ii'om a golden chamber in the miclM of the heavens; I let the lamp of
amber shine before Esarhaddoll. king llf Assyria. and I watch him like the crown
of my head .... From the great heavens I keep vou by vour curl. I make smoke
. up on your ng
nse . A I k'III dl e t-Ire on your 'I e f'1. (it) .
. 111 Slue,

The imagery differs fundamentally from that of the Old Bahylonian

prophedcs. The goddess has her abode in heaven ("a golden cham-
her in the midst of heaven"), and from there she makes the king stand
in the middle of the combat by keeping him by his curl (meaning a
lock of hair). Smokc and fire are sent down from heaven to scare his
adversaries.
Evcn the more traditional image of the gods going 'with the royal
troops takes on a different hue in the Neo-Assyrian texts. IStar of Ar-
bela is said to go "before and behind" the king, which means that htT
presence surrounds him invisibly.6J The same message is phrased in
other terms when the deity promises that she will "G\'itter over Ithe
king] and go in circles around [him] like a winged bird ov[er its
young]. ,,62 Such involvement cannot 1)(' visualized ,·vith the help ofim-
ages or symbols. Thc :--Jeo-Assyrian prophets are speaking of a spiritual
presence of tht' gods. They do so, I submit, because their very view of
the gods diftt:rs from that of their Old Babylonian counterparts. The
gods have become transcf'lIdent. n},

Conclusion

The four points of contrast elaborated in tbis contl;hution may be

summed up, I suggest, ill the opposition of immancncc versus tran-
scendence. In the Old Babylonian conception, the gods inhabit this
world. They speak from their statues, and the support they hold out
has an inner-mundane character: they participate in the royal comhats
on tlIe ground. Their oracles do not transcend the historical situations
they address. The prophets that speak on their he half n:maill within
the socially accepted roles-aside from one or G\'O exceptions.
By Neo-Ass),Tian times, the gods have their proper habitat in
heaven. Temples and temple statues arc the symbolic representations

60 SAA 9 1.ti iii 2:>'-29': iv 20-32.

6J SAA 9 1.1 i 22'-U.
62 SA\ !I 2.3 ii 6'-7'.
63 For other refcn:llcC's to divine aid ofIt'red to the king. see SA;\, 9 J.4 ii 20'-20';
2.2 i 20'-22'; 9:J6-17.
 Prophecy between Immanence and Tr,l11scendcnce H7

of their presence. The gods arc free to speak at any place: a prophet
need not be in the presence of the divine statue in order to obtain an
oracle. Divine involvement in human affairs has likewise a transcen-
dental character. The gods send their help from heaven. Oracles have
durative value, transcending the limits of the historical situation in
view of which they were originally spoken. The prophets, tinally. are
members of a cult whose main characteristic is that it transcends the
traditional division of roles.
O\ving to the distance from which we look at the phenomenon of
ancient Near Eastern prophecy, we tend to be especially sensitive to its
common characteristics. A closer look reveals important diff(>rences
hetween separate hodies of prophetic text'). Such differences should
he no calise for wonder, considering the lapse of time between Old
Babylonian and Neo-Assyrian prophecy. To the extent this is possible.
our ,iew from a distance needs to be counterbalanced by a view from
nearby. if we wish to dojustice to the historical and local development
of the phenomenon of ancient Kcar Eastern prophecy.
 6

The Socioreligious Role

of the Neo-Assyrian Prophets
lYfartti Nissinen

The N eo-AsS}rian Evidence for Prophets and Prophecy

The uprlaterllist of the ancient Near Eastern documents related to

prophecy comprises more than 130 texts, of which about half cOllie
from Mari and a little less than half from Assvria. 1 The Nco-Assyrian
c\idence for prophecy consists of documents of two kinds: the twenty-
nine oracles included in the eleven tablets published recently by Simo
Parpola,2 and the haphazard collection of miscellaneous sources con-
sisting of ahout rwentv texts-inscriptions, letters, admillistrative doc-
uments, cultic texts, and a treaty-that allude in one way or another to
prophets or their savings. most of which are included ill my recellt
monograph devoted to these sources.:' In addition, there are some rel-
evant Nco-Assyrian texts that I failed to analyze in that book: a group
ofletters, now published by Steven vV'. Cole and Peter Machinist;4 a de-

I For au overview of the sources oUhe allcielll Neal Ea~tenl prophecy, see Her-
bert B. Huilmon, "Ancient Ncar Eastern Prophecy," ABD :'1:477--.'>2; Manirt'u \Veip-
pert, "Prophetie im Allcn Orient," SBL 3: 196-200; and compare the list ill Martti
Nissinen. "Spoken, \\-'litten. Quoted, and Invented: Or<llity and Writtenness ill An-
cient Near Eastern Prophecy," in Writing> and Spcech in Ismelit.e and A//(imt !\'car East-
I'm Prot,hcrr (ed. Fhud Ben Zvi <lnd l"lichae1 Floyd; SBLSymS: Atlanta: Scholars
Press, 1999). The complete collection of these sources will be iudlllJed ill my forth-
coming SBL\\,;\\V VOIUllI!', ProphPls and Proplu'ciI'5/ivlIl Ifll' illiciNlt Nflll Ewt.
~ Simo Par-pola . .1s.rvrian Pro/JlIer'ies (SAA 9; Helsinki: Helsinki llniversitv Pres5.
IY97).
:l i'>iartli i'<bsineI1, RrJermces to Prophet}' in Neo-A".'yrirtn Suwres (SAAS 7; Helsinki:
Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Pmject. 1998), includes analues of the following texts:
Esarhaddon 1\in. A i 8'1-ii 11; Ass. A i 31-ii 26: A.ssurbanipal A ii 126-iii 26; B \"
46-vi 16; T ii 7-24; SAA 2 () ~lO; SAA 7 9; SA.A 10 109: 1 J 1; 284: 294; :~52; SAA 13 :,7
( !.AS 'H7); AW. 1217+; 1.'1"53 17+; (,"1"':,3 Y3K
4 Sleven v\'. c.ole and Peter Machinist. Leltns/mm Pries/.!) tv tlu' Kings L'.\arJtaddtm
and i"hmrballipal (SAA 13; Fldsillki: Helsinki 1 'nivcrsity Pr('ss, 1998)' nos. l39; H'l:

89
90 Pro/lher), ill Its An(il'llt Near Eastern Context

cree of expenditures in the A~sur Temple ti'om the vcar H09;" as well
as a few ritualtexts. 6 The prophetlc natllre of some of these texts is still
at issue.
The prominent percentage of Assyrian texts among the sources of
prophecy means that no longer call seriolls study of ancient Ncar
Eastern prophecy be accomplished without taking this material into
consideration. Nco-/\. ssyrian documentation of propht.·cv provides es-
sential insight into the role and image of the pn)phelS as religious spe-
cialists and members of the community, and is relc\-:lnt to our under-
standing of ancient I\ear Eastern prophecv as well as of Nco-Assyrian
society and rcligioll.

The Assyrian Prophets: mahhii. and raggimu

Basic aspects of the socioreligious role of the Assyrian prophets can

be learned from the Neo-A~s)Tian words for "prophet," mahln/lmah-
lllltu and ra{!,gimu/raJ(r.;intu. 7 The word mahhfl/mahhlitu is equal to mull-
Itll.m/rnuhlllilulfl (l~li.JLl'.l;l'IU\A), which is one of the 1110st common
prophetic desigudLio1ls at Mari H and attested elsewhere ill various

and 148; see the relevant chapter in the introduction to that volume, written bv
Roben :\1. \\11itillg (xvii}.
~ Law'a Kataja and Robert \1. \c\'hiting. (;mnls, Drapps, fwd Gilts oj Ihp Neo-As.IOT'
io/) P"riod (SAA 12; Helsinki: Hel,inki {11lln-rsirv Press, I~)c);)l. no. 69.
Ii I.e .. the '"\1;;rduk Ordcal" in AI;!sdair Livingstollt', COUl'l Poffr, olld Litemry ;Hi.,-
rl'lll1nm (Si\;\ :~; Iklsillki: Iklsinki {'ni\'('l"sity Press, 1989). no. :H (duplicatc, :)5).
and the TamIlllll. ,lIIel Etar ritual ill "'alter Farher, Bf',\rli1l.',inlllg:nillUlif' flll Filar IIl1d
J)umllzi: Alii Blar~a !Wrlflf7.'fl f)/llIIlIzi IAkademie del' Wissenschaften und der Lite·
rawr. Veroffentlichungt'n <in orientalischcll KOllllllissioll 30; VViesbaden; Fr,l)ll
Steinel~ 1977). esp. 1-10-42 (A Ib:31. 59, maltM 1/ mahhuli}. I\ote also the passage
in the Late Babyloniall !lk/III ritual remini,cent of propheC\'. in F. l'hureau-Dangin,
IWlli'L\ 1I(('{(riim,\ (Pal i~: Leroux, 19~]), ] .j1,..t;> (lilies ·l:H--j;!l. quoted Iw Karel \'an
del' TOOlll, "L'Orade de \ictuilt' rOlllllle exprcssiLlI1 prophctique ,Ill Prochc-Orient
allCiell:' HB 'H (198/): ti:,-9/, esp. ~n.
i Sec I'arpola, ,lIHrian Pmphnirs, :..Iv-xlvii, with iootnor('s '2 J 2-:16 (pI" cii-('jv);
Beate Pongr,Hz-l.eisten, 1lI"rrsrlia(ls.fI/.\,ol ill .'\1",wpolllmim: FOrllli'1i dn- KOlllnilinikation
:wisc/zm r;ot/ ul1d Ki;nig: im 2. und l.'/alnlau.,·('nd 1I.Cil1: (SAAS 10; Helsinki: Neo·As-
syrian Text Corpus Project, 1999). ')~)-6(1.
~ The word 1111Ihh{l1n is attested in AR:\1 21 :):,3:34, 43; AR\! 22 167:8: ARM 2:,
4-16:9, J9: ARM 2~1 J.l~:l:l; ARM ~li 202:];1; 20G5; 215;E1; 220:16; 221:19: 221-
uis:12, 20, '27: 22/:9; 'l'LI:/, J:1: AR:\t 27 :l'2:/: A. 124%+: 2: :\. 3 Hi'> ii 22; s. ii 3:
A. 'Hi76::;; 1I111i1hullll11 in ARM 22 326:~J: AR:vt 26 200:,), 21: 20] :9. 15: 2:n:22:
A. I 24'lb I :6; seeJe'Ill-l\h1rie Durand. Anhi,,(",\ /;jJisl()/airf'S']1' MlIIi II I (ARM 26; Pari.,:
f~ditiollS Recherche sur k~ Cj\ilisations. 1981-l), :'I8ti-l-lH. 398.
 The Socioreligious Role of the Neo-Assyrian Prophets Yl

sources, such as omen collections, lexical texts, and administrative

documents, from Vr III through the Old Babylonian and Middle As-
syrian periods to the Neo-BabylonianY 'I\lhile the use of mahhu/mah-
hl~tll in Neo-AssyTian sources is ,·irtually restricted to cultic texts and
formal inscriptions,1O the second designation, mggimu/mrgintu, ap-
pears ill administrative ll"XL~, persollalletters, and colophons or the ex-
tant prophecies. l J This implies that mggimu/rr.l[.i.L,'intll was in fact the
cnlloquial equiyalent of mahhu/mahhidu, which was probably no
longer in use in the seventh century.
Both designations are derived from \'erbs denOliJ,~g behavior: mahhu,
from muM), "to become crazy, to go into a frenZ\',,,l. and m&,aimll from
mgalllu, "to cry out, to proclaim." One might ask whether etymologie'i,
notoriously lreachcrolls ill defilling words, tell anything about the
comportment of the prophet". Fortunately, we do not depend on ety-
mology alone when tracing the imagf' of the ~Iesopotamian prophf'ts
\~ith this vocabulalJ'. The verbs in question use thf'ir literal meanings
when prophetic activities are desnibed. 13 Tn ~lari documents. ma}/I1

\1 mrdlhum: Tes I 369:5 (CI III): MDI' 10 7:6.9; MDP IS 171:14 (Old Babyloll'
ian); VS 19 I i 38 (Middle Assyrian): OEeT 1 plate 21:38: YOS 6 18:1. 7. 8. 10;
YOS 7 135:6 (:'.Jeo-Babvlonian); CT 38 -1:81; Sm 332 r. 5 (Summa alu); TDP 4:30
(Sagig); DA 211 !" 12: MSL 12 101-2:213: 1:{2:117-18; 150:23; /f/llM/dum: Tel,
1039:11 (Old Babvlonian): VS 19 1 i 3X (MiddJe i\.;;wrian); cr 384:81 (Summa
alu): MS!. 12 158:23, S<,t' I'aq)()la, Anyri([ll l'm/,hn'ir". xlv-vi, ciii. tilL 221. 222.
~~3, ~2R.
III Absolute [mills are otlly attested ill the ritual texts (SAA 3 :H:2S; Farber. Bf'-
,\(hwiiru IIgsrilua/;'. ].10-,12:31. 59). in lite Succession 'Ii'eatv of Esarhaddoll (SAA 2 6
§ 10: 117) and in the decree of expenditures from the year 809 (SAl\. 12 69:29 \.
whereas the roval inscriptions repeatedh use the compound ,~itlir mahhp,
"prophetic messages" (EsarhaddoI1 ]\;in A ii 6; Ass A ii l~: ;\ssurbanipal B \ 95
l~ C vi 127]; T ii 16l~ C i 61]).
11 lllf!:.e:imu: SAA :! 6 !:i I 0; 116: S:\A 7 9 r. i 23; SAA 9 3.5 iv ~) I: [6 L II J: SAA 10
109:9; ~9'11: 31; mgginfu: SAA 97:1; 10 s, 2; SAA 10 109:9: :)52:23, r. I; SAA n 37:/,
J:! Rather than alloplwlIes of a noull of parnl> paUelll (G.1(; !:iS50, s, (2). muhhll
and maill/lf are the B~bylonian and ;\.ss'rTian variants uf a D-stem verbal adjective
(Parpola. 11Ss\',';al1 Proph,'r.ircs, ciii, n, 219). Thi, makes unnecessary the asslImption
of a semantic contaminatioll of two different words (Howard Wohl, "'1'h", Problem
of the maM1ii,"IA.!'v7,~)C[!3 11970-1971]; 112-18).
1'1 There are plentv of nonpropherical attestations of both words; cf. 4 R 28:59:
"fllru i11lahhilflflli imahhi, "the small and the great alike go into a frenzy" (d, Joel
3:1): ER7, 3R:21: ana ,fa illl";; bdiu im,i'rl, "Like one who has gone mad and forgot-
tt'll his lord"; Esarltaddoll Nin Ai 41-12: mkal'lu all/uia ill/mahlhllll millllna.ia Pli ilimi
11 omrllll; Iii l<iba i1}II,'I~ma. "Afterward m\ brothers wellt out of their senses doillg

el'crything that is displeasing to the gods and mankind," For a nonproplwtical oc-
92 ProphrfJ ill Its Ancimt Nmr Eastpm Context

(N stem) indicates the condition ill which the prophets receive and
transmit divine words:
ina bit A.rmunlliml·D.3.KA:;1 .'iNRbutli imttlahhu wmna :hmuntlIJrnma ..
In th<.> t<.>mpie of Annllllitum, on the :'Ir-d day, Selebul11 went into a frenzy and
said: "Thus says Anl1unilUm: ( ... )'.101

Alul!um lIma! J)agrlll-A-falih immahhwUI hi' am iqhi ...

AhaLUtll. a slave:- girl of Dagan-Malik. w<'nt into a fre:-llzy and spoke: ( ... ) E,

[UmI.5um]a lrm~e;mnif [imlna]hhll [umma q ilma . ..

[On th:H day] lrra-gamil [went into a frj<.>nzy. [This is what] he said: ( ... ) Hi

Intel-estingly enough, in a rit\lal text from Mari, the prophet is said to

he deprived of his capacity to prophesy if 11<" maintains an unaltered
state of mind:
summa ina Ji.f ll'ar{ him] muhhlJrn i51<1'l<1[ lmaJ aula] mahhi' i[ m] Iii ilmld,j]
the muM/al! maintains his equili[brillm] and is not
Ifbv. the end of the molnth] 1-
a[bkjl[o] pmphes[vl ( ... ) I

In :--;eo-A~syrian sources, again, the verb mgamu is regularly used of

prophetic performance:
Tniimj{u-i'rf,\ tmgpmu anllitlJ ina lib/bl ArI!Ilil irl[1I[.,'1/1111
Tasmctu-eres. the [prophet], proplhesied this iJn Arhela.11<

[n]sserne mii ['imat 1I>116e (Jnnuli mggmli larllJgumlJ

ana Damql1llill ialamnu lt1qli[ In /lil(l .

[I] have heard that, hefore Ih(><;(' ritll;tis, a prophetess had prophesied,
.
s.'tvlng to I) amep. t h e SOIl 0 ftile
0 ' (' Ilie
. fa(lm1Olstrator:
' . "( ....)"19

Cllrn'Il('(' of mgamll. see S:\,\ I:' I r,7:~·!: I!Ul Naln;-abll-da ill Iluhalimmu irtugurn.

"Then Nahll-ahu-da' 'in. the cook, crie:-d Oil!."

14 ARM ~(i 213:5·-7.
I~ ARM 26 214:6-7.
16 AR..\'1 2(; 222:12-14.
Ii A 3165 ii 21-2,~ (Ritual of Etar, text 2): for the restoration and translation.
see Durand. Arrhilws. :~86--87; Jean-!\-!a!i<.> Durand and Michael Guichard. "Les rit-
ueIs de Mari," in FlorilegiulII marlar/11m Ill: R£meil rJ'l'tudcs (l la mfmoire de AIarie-TMn;'e
Rar?rlrt (cd. Dominique Charpin and Jean-Marie Durand: l\1cmoires de NA.BU -1:
Paris: SEPOA, 1997). 19-78. esp. 5'1. :>8.
Ii< SAA 9 (j I. 11-12. The title of 'l:lsmctu-f'res follows the professional dC\('rIni-
native 1.1'.', whirh i~ partially brokell but clearly visihk (sf'e lhe photograph in 1'ar-
pola. Anyrirl11 PmjJhi'ilPJ. plate viii): however. the title itself is totally brok<.>n away.
19 SAA 10 :'152:22-25
 The Socioreligious Role of the Neo-!\ssp-ian Prophets Y~i

MlIlhuu-a!m-u.1ri mggilltll.~!l kuziptn sa .irmi (IT/a mal A.kkadi (ubiluni I ina] bet iii ta,-
tlig[U] 111 ...
Mullissu-abu-usri, the prophetess who conveyed the kiu"'s clothes (0 the land of
. 90'"
Akkad, prophesied [in] the temple: ( ... )-

As demonstrated hy the ahove examples, hoth ma/lll and mgiimu

tend to introduce direct divine spcech, which indicates that, semanti-
cally, they encompass hoth aspc(!s of the oral performance of the
prophet, that is, the distinct behavior and the act of speech. In the He-
brew Bible, prophetic performance is expressed with derivatives of the
lOot nb), which means proclamation of divine words, often implying
all appearance in all altered state of mind and, hence, providiJlg a se-
mantic equivalellt of mahu and mginnu_ 21
In addition to the prophetic designations, the behavior and social
location of the Assyrian prophets can be conlextualized by compari-
son with related groups of people and their behaviors, It is revealing
that in lexical lists as well as cultic and administrative texts, raf(,i!}mu
and mahll1l are consistently assoriatcd with people like zahhll 'frenzied
one', kaN1 'chanter', mUl/amhlt 'lamentation singer', {allant 'wailer',
(l,\$imlll and kwganii 'man-woman '-all devotees of ISlar with appear-

ance and conduct different from the aye rage citizen. For example:
la-bar ka/u "chanter"
gala,mah kfllmnilhu (sl'-llU) "chief chanter"
i-I Il-d i 1IIwwmba "lamentation singer"
i-lll-a-1 i [aI/am "wailer"
111.guh-ha >I1ahhll "proph,·t"
I fi .1l1-ZlI-ll b Zflhlm "fren7icd one"
k u r-ga r-ra kurgmni (.~l;-ll) "'Ina n~wolnan))
I.n-sal aSSI/lTIll "man-woman
I U. gis. baJa-su-d II 7 wi.i jJilaqqi "carrier of spindel"""2

20 SAA 13 :H:7-10.
:IIE.g" NUII1 11:2'1-30; 1 Sam 1O:1O-1:~; 19:20; I Kg> 18:29: 22:1O;.1od :1:L III
the semantic> or l\iblical Hebrew, however, use of the word familY rib' is restricted
to prophetic activities,
22 1HS1. 12 102-3:209-17 (M, Civil et aL. thf Snies hi ~ Sa and Rl'latnl Texts [MSL
12; Rome: POlltificium Tnstitutum Biblicum, 19691, 102-3): the designation nas pi-
hUNI is equal to assirillu and k1J.rRanl1. Cf the decree of expcnditun:s from ~lari
(AI~M :n 3:B:42-H ~ ARM ~3 446:1H-20): 1 subatum i.~llnun /fulufa hila/11m
l ~llbiilum i,~(j11lm l:.l.z-ma;i muhll-li llu1~;H';' I subiill/.m i;iil1l111 .~{/f7urll·d~.ri nlirum, "one
ordinary garmenr for Yadida 'the crazy woman,' one ordinary garment f(n Ea-masi,
prophet of Itur-Met-, one ordinary garment for Sarrum-dari, the chanter." .'\lote
94 Prophecy in Its Ancirnt :Vmr Fastrrn Cnntext

a-<Iakkan kurummali mw :(/II/)I ulb/Jali rnahhP Ilmahll1iti

I have 1)l;ICed br("ads for the frenzied men and women, for IJrophels and
prophetesses, "3
..

10 emar ,~ Slit 5 ga :t,;ri,r-afJ[a-iddilll1 ilia lD,2,KA~1 ana kllmmrnat mahhll ',.

IlwhJlI/atr 1I11'S\L\tl:,$ sa b<'i IliaI'
10 hOlllers 4 seah ') liters {of barkv) 2,1 tor ;~slJr-apla-iddina on the 2nd clay, tor
lIue food rations of rhe prophets"grophetesses, and tht' Ilninll(/s (?) of the EraI'
telllple (of Kar e TlIkulri-Ninllrla),-'

The uncertain gender of some Assvrian prophet.,-especially Baya,

whose gender even the scribe of the tabkt SAA 9 I could not de-
Cl'd e-"6-creates a I'III k to tI 'd
Ie a.lsm /Ill an t I1e k wgarru,
.' WIlOSt' gem Ier
role the goddess had changed pcrmallentJy;~7 this is llot surprising
given that two of the Mari prophets. Selebum alld Ili-haznaya, art' ex-
plicitly designated as assinnu.~1< On the other hand, an est.ablished con-
nection exists between propheb and the seers and \isionaries called
sabn'i and .50.' ilu. whose expertise is closely related to that of the
prophets. The only Nco-Assyrian occurrence~9 of s(l" ilu (<lit/at iii) oc-
curs ill the Succession Treaty of Esarhaddon, where it is listed together
with mggimu and mahhfl and may, rather than designating a specitic

that the prophet is mentioned in a.,sociation with a woman, whose title lilfntllll1
probably designates ecstatic bdl<1vior. and with a chanter comparable to kllill.
2.1 Farber, Brsr!ndirung"itualr, J42:59: c[ 140::n.
21 On the basis of the precedillf( paragr;Iphs (Iirws i 17. 21. 2'1. 31, 3:3), which
regularly gil'l" .~(' u (St) as the produci delivered,
~:; VS 19 1 i 37-:~9 (HelmUl Frevd<tllk. "I\wi Vt'rpflegullgslt'xle aus Kar-TlIkulti-
Ninllrta," ItvF1 r197'lj: ;:.:.-89, esp. (0). Tht' rt"'Ulillg (I.IIlT/rIll is based on Fn~vdank's
copy, which shows deal traces of the sign SAl. (~ Mil between the signs 1.(' and ~{ES
(Helmut Freydank, ,\1itld<lss)'ri,\clir R"c!tt;llrh'ulldnl /lilt! hrwallung,trxtr [Vorderasi-
3rische Schriftdenkm;ller 19: Berlin: Akadell1ie-\'edag, 1976 J, plate 1).
~ti SAA 9 1.4 ii 40 gives the name incongruousl\' as \ILba-ia-a DD!I' l'Rt:.arba-il,
-Ihe woman Saya, son of Arbela," The mUlle has both lIIak .ul(l female oc('ur-
n'rlces in Neo-Ass)1'ian sourc('s (s('(' \1. Nissinen and \1..(:, l't'llOlidon. "B:lia.-
I'XA 1/11:2'13). In the ('asp of 1.~t;\l~la-ta.~i);l[, the masculine and divine detennina·
tives Illd are wliueD o\'n the ()J'ig'inally \\Till('11 \Ii (SAA C) 1.1 i 21'\); it is not clear
whether this is an error of the scrilw or indicates uncertainty about the gender of
the prophet.
21 For assinnu and kllrp;([ITU, see, e,g" Gwendolyn I.eick. Sex and j,'roticism in
Mpso/JOtaminn T.itl'mtlm· (London and 1\ewYork: ROlltledge, 1994).157-69; Martti
:\issinen. lIolllonntirism i,1 IiiI' Hihliil1l Il'lrfd (\1inneapolis: Fortress Press, 1998).
28-%.
:II' ARM 26197+ 198:3; 2D:6; M. 11299:1' (Selt'i>lllll); 212::-" 1\1, 11299:11 (I1i-
haznaya). Sec Dllrancl, An/ihws, :199.
:!!! I.e .. besides the entrY in Ihe I<'xlcallisl in At.')]. 12 2:~:~:~3, where lu',sa-ij-Iu
appears as a (atego]'\' of it, own,
 The Socioreligious Role of the Neo-Asf'lJTian Prophets 95

role or profession, be a general appellation f(x practitioners of differ-

ent kinds of non inductive di\ination.~() The sabnl, equated \\lith mg-
gimu in a lexical Iist"l and appearing in close connection with both
mahhti and wbbu in otber texts,:>2 is a \isionary whose realm apparently
consists of dreams and their interpretation.:\:! A dream of a sabra with
many alTinities with pmphecy is r{'ported in Assurbanipal's Prism S,
follO\~ing the quotation of an oracle that is best explained as
. 'II
prop h etlC
The outcome of the etymolog-ical and lexical examination is that
the Assyrian prophets were proclaimcrs of divine words who fonned
part of the comlIlunity of devotees of IStar. They found their nearest
colleagucs aIllong practitioners or noni nductive di\'ination and among
people whose more or less frenzied behmior. eventually perceived as
odd by the m~jority of the population, cOlTesponded to their role in
the worship of the goddess,

The Prophets and the Goddess

The rlctcnninative factor in the socioreligious role of the Assyrian

prophets is without doubt their affiliation with the goddess ISlaI' and
worship of her. 35 Prophets act as mouthpieces of that goddess in her
various manifestations; in Neo-Assyrian texts, Mullisliu cannot be sepa-
rated from IStar a~ a di,ine being,~6 The prophets also live under the

10 SAA 2 6 ~ I 0: 117: cf. NissiJl('Il, H(/rH'/i(fJ, 160-61.

:\J A1SL 12 226: "q: 1(1. sa h r a (PA,AL) ~ Sll-Il = rag-gi-[ /!Iu],
:\~ CI':)8 ,1 81-82: §U7II1//{J ina CRt' u:'.r;('B.BA."U:S \11" (= rna-' ·dlll [ ... ] §umma ina
l'RtJ \1i.GUB.BA.MFS \u:-.; [ ... J. "If there arc llIai1V propheL<.; in the city, [ ... J; ifthefe
are many prophetesses ill the city, [ ... J: 87-1';8: .5U1I111l0 il1(1 l:RI' sab-ru.MFS MI:'>1 [, .. J
.~lIml//{J inll I'Rl.' 'ifdl-m-tl/>! MI:-J [. .], "Tf then~ are many frenzied men in the cllV.
[. , .J, if thne are many fn'l1zi('d women in the .in', t.. ": tK4 29d ii 2: :ubbu
liq/J(ikkinw .iilllmi li.\l/1l1/okki, "LeI the :(JNJII t('11 YOII, the fol"'ll repeat it to you."
:n For .Iaiml, see CAl) S/ I 15; II uffmo II , "Ancient :-.lear Eastern Prophecv:'
5:-180; Parpola . .. lssl'n'an i'HJjJhnil'Y, xlvi-xlvii; Ni,~silJeIl, l'IRjimc/l.as, 56.
:q Assurbanipal B \' 49-76: see Manfred \\'eippert. "Assyrische Prophetien der
leit Asarhaddons und Assurb.mipals:· in Assyria/l Royallnsrripliol1s; Nf'/(! Horizons ill
f.itf'rmy. lifpolugiml, (lnd Historirai A.nalysis (ed. E yl. Fales; OAC 17: Rome; lsritllto
per l'Orienre, 1981),71-1 Fi. esp. 97-98; :-.lissinen, RI'[nrll(,'s, 5:3-54; Pongratz-Lei-
stell, Hel'twlwjiswisSf'/l, 120-:12.
3,. As 10 the following. sec the detailed documentation or l'arpola . .1!;s)'riul/
Pruphni".I, xlvii-xlviii. with footJlotes on pp. civ-('vi.
:,6 SC(; Brigitte j'VlellLel. As.l1'righl' !i'mjNi: UII/f'r.wdwngen w Ku/t, Administration
und Prrso/l(l/ (Sllldia Pohl, Series ylajor lO/l; Rome: Bihlicallnstitulc Press, 1981),
96 Proplu!cy in Its Ancient }\'ear Eastern Context

aegis of the goddess. Their association with other devotees of IStar in

the above-men6oned lexical lists and cultic texts, as well as their men-
tion as recipiellt~ of food rations in the IStar temple of the Middle As-
syrian period, shows this fact condusively. The prophets' permanent
attachment to the temples is further documented by one oradt' of the
corpus, spoken by a votaress (Sl'lillu) donated to the goddess by the
king.:\7 Many prophets have nallIes related to the ideology of IStar wor-
ship. These probably are not birth names but given when the
.. H'
· ro I e was assume d:l
prop h eUe
As proclaimers of the word of ]Star, the prophets acted as IStar. The
primary role of the prophets as intermediaries between the divine and
lhe hUIIIan spheres reflecls the role of lStar/MullisslI as the mediator
between the gods and the king, as demoIlstrated bv a prophetic oracle
and a letter containing a report of a prophetic utterance:
ina PlihUT iliini kalami aq/ibl balii/aka
dmmii ritlaja fa urmmnrika ina pa71 ilii7ll
7Iaggakl/)(JJfl iwmuida iU{1tl(J,{faka at/a kll.~fl
ilia II atlfJ''ja l'l(m(Jrri~ baiti/alm t ... J
III the assembly of all the gods I have ~poken f()r your life.
My allllS ale stIong and will IlOI (<1,t rOll oil bel<:nc the gods.
l\.ly shoulders are alwavs reldy to carry you. y~iVI ill particular.
I keep desil-ill[{ your lift' with mv Hip]s r...
1' '

64-6!), lit;; Mallfred Weippert, "Die Bildspl'ache <itT neua.ssyrischen 1'lOphClic. - ill
Helga Weipperl, Klaus Seybold, <1nd Manfred WeippeI'!, Bt'irriigl' zur IJTOplU'tisrhen
Bildsjlradlf in ISlfll'l,wd A Hyrim (OBO 64; Fr'dburg, Switzerland: l'niversit.atsveriag;
G,'iuingen: Vandenhoeck & RUplt'cht. 1985).55-93, esp. G'l: d. SAA 3 7:11-12:
SAA 9 2.4 ii 30: SAA 9 7 r. 6; ami especially SAA 9 9, ill which MlIllissll and Lady
(IStar) of Arbela speak in the firsi-pen;oll sillgular as one divine being. :-'1ullissu
also appears as the OIlC speakillg ill SAA 9 1.5 iii ,1; SAA 95:3: and SAll. 97:'2. I:!,
:\7 SAA 9 1.7. Moreover, it is pos~iblt' IJlat the fraglllent 5AA 1,\ HI:! is a re111<1in-
del of <lJlother vul," ess's prophecy rcpon: i· .] -ia f· .. J i,'>/iilu [.ioJ lurIl' [.ill] IIrbail
,ii[pirtji [aun]111l ana\[am !;jil ija . .. J lssin [. , .J. "[ ... -Jya. vOlaress [ofllStar [oil
Arbela [reportedlllhlis mcs[sagJe for the ki[ng, my lord]: '[ ... J IStar [, . .]' .. It. is
not clear, however, whether this "Olano'SS had actually littered the divine word in
question, orjllst reports it to the king; d. Parpola. ilslyrirl1l Prophecies, Ixxvii; Whit-
ing. introduction to Cole and ~lachinist, i.eU,,!). xvii.
:lk E.g., 1I1IS'(Ulmm; '" have S('(,11 her cli\'inir(; I.lSar-bdl-da' "lm, "lStar, strenglhell
my lord'''; Iswlr-la-ta.ll,ifl.!. "00 not Ilcglt,cl 1St'll !"; Sinqi.ia-amlll; "I have s('en hel dis-
1(,('S.'·'; see Parpola, A,srrian l'rophl'fil's, ii-iii.
:19 S/\A 9 9:16-20; d. the similar language IIsed in SAA 313.
 The Socioreligious Role of the Neo-Assyrian Prophets 97

[ anoku] Rei i'forDo i.lli /Ylu[ lfl is.>1i ilsillim

:t<tjin-Diini-apli .Iar mal AGnT ,ia twal)blni [l] a tapallah
[ana] ku Bel artFf1.nki AHlir-bani-apli ina mati sa ki>nll SlI adi miillslt al·tianki
II) am Bel. I have entered and reconciled with Mulli~sll.
,~surb<lnip<ll,king of Assyda whom she raised: Fear notl
I am Bel, I have had lllnCy, (lit you . (f). AssurbanilJal is in a cOllntry
W which re-
mains loyal. I have !J;i(l lllt'I'C, 011 vou, together \,ith his country

While the first quotatioIl presents the goddess(esrll as inttTcessor(~)

before the divine council, the second is the word of Bel, who declares
his reconciliation with Assurbanipal upon the intercession of Mullissu
who, for her part, stands on behalf of the king. Hence, the prophetic
message appears as the earthly rcpresent.ltion and counterpart of the
diviIle intennediation of the goddess in the heavenly council. The
prophet, impersonating the goddess, is the channel through which
the benefit of her intercession, the divine reconciliation, is bestowed
upon the king.
The closest textual parallels with Neo-Assyrian prophecies are
found alllong poetry, hymns, and mvstical works pertaining to the cult
of different deities, but especially to that of IStar. These show the
prophets' huniJiarity with this literature and the associated cultie per-
formances. In addition to the mythological compositions like Adapa
and Gilgames,!2 the royal and cu\ti(: poetry collected in SAA 3 provides
an abundance of affinities with prophecy, especially
1. in hvrnns and prayns of Assurbanipal,43 especially in the Dialoguc bcrwCCTl
Assurbanipal and Nabll (S:\/\ :) I:)j. which is both substantially and histori-
cally closelv related to SAA Y Y and "as probably written by the ~alTle hancl;H

40 SAA. 13 139:1-9. The source in question is the letter of ASsUlchamatu'a, who

begins with the word of Bel and attaches additional information. Hence, the letter
giyes an account of a pmphetic appe.H-allce without being a leport of prophecy in
t.he strin sense.
41 The divinc -I" in this oI<lde is spoken by BtaT and ylullissll as one divine
being; rf above. It. ~-)6.
42 See Parpola, lt~\)'Tian Proplweies, C\', 11. 246.
4,\ SAA 31: 2; 3; 7; 12; l:~.
H See Parpola, Assyrian Propheril's, Ixxi. This text is often discussed together with
the prophecies; cf. Meindert Dijkstra, (;ods "oMstelling: PreliikatiClIf expressie lIan
:d/iJ/N'nbarillg in ouduostrnt'tt'lul"11 NliJPlI1Pro/l'saia (Dis;;cnarioncs Neerlandicae. Se-
ries Theologica 2: Kampen: Kok, 19RO). 147-48; Weippen, "Assyrist:he Pmph-
etkn"; idem, "fiildsprac/te"; Manti Nissinen, "Die Relevanz del l1ellaSS~Tisch("n
Prophetie flU die altlestamentliche Forschung:' in ."vt''J(tpotamir:a·-Ugaritira-Bib-
lim: Feslsr!tri(t Fir Kurt BI!Y,r;nhol (ed. ~lanfried Dietrich and Oswald Loretz; AOAT
232, Kcvelaer. Germany: Butzon & Bercker; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener,
 Prophl'CY in Its Ancient Nellr E'astern Context

2. in thl' letters from gods (or responses (0 (;otlf~{niljel. which are not prophecy
as snch, but employ confusingh' similar Janguage;4:1
~), in mystical works like SAA :'I :'17 and 39;'16 and
4. in th~~ love lyrics of Nabtl and Tasmetll (SAA:J 14).47

An open question is (0 what exlent the literary parallels between

prophecies and cultic literature go back to the scribcs by whom the
prophecy reports were formulated; in any case, similar lise oflanguagc
in both types of sources is not just a stylistic matter but the vehicle for
expl-ession of an essentially similar ideology.
Among the cult centers of IStar, Arhela is by far the most important
sour\(: of prophecy. If the letter of the temple official :"J'abll-rdi-issi re-
porting an appearance of a prophetess was serll from Arbela, as sug-
gested by the letter's grcetillg forJIlula,'IH it only provcs the assump-
tion, probable anyway, that prophecies were uttered in the temple of
IStar of Arbela. Seven out of fifteen prophet" known by personal
names are Arbela-based: Ahat-abisa (SAA. 9 1.8). Baya (SAA 9 1.4;
[2.2]), Dunnasa-amur (SAA 9 9 aud 10), Issar-Ia-tasiya~ (SAA 9 1.1),
L:l-dagiI-ili (SAA 9 1.10; 2.3 and;))' Sinqisa-amur (S.'\1\ ~l 1.2: [2 ..'> Jl.
and Tasmetu-ercs (SAA 96). The words of IStar of A.rbcla were pro-
claimed even by prophets clsewhere;4~1 a special devotion to that city is
expressed by the prophetess Remutti-Allati, who comes from Dara-
ahuya, an unidentifiable locality "in the mountains" (birti sadda.ni) ,
··
proc I allmng t1l(~ wor d s'"'\
hI' be Ia reJOICes,
.. I ,,'i0
.
The dominance of IStar of Arbda does not, however, prevent the

1993),217-58. Pongratl.-Leisten (lfnTS(hafl.Hvi~s(1l, 75) pUt.'i forward the idea that

SA/\, 3 13 is ,l Iitenlry creation inspired bv the prophet'ies ("cine literarische
Kreation in Anlehnung an die Gattung del' Prophetenspri'tche").
4" SM 3 44-47; cf. Dijkstra, Gods poorstelling, 145-69; Weippert. ·'A.ssyIische Pro-
pheticn," 72, 112; Livingstone. COWl PUe(1)" xxx. For the "correspondence" of As-
surbanipal with Ass\lr, see the comprehensive analysis in Pongratz-Leistcn,
Herrsrhrljtswissl"l!, 240-65.
,Hi Cf. Pal-pota. A.I.lynan Pmphecies, c, n. 17~): c\'. n. 248.
47 Sec Marui ~issinen, "Love Lyrics of :'-Iabtt and Tasmelu: An Assyrian Song of
Songs?" in "Vnd AJose .IciltidJ dies!'.. fin[ auF: Studieu ZUlli :llten 7fslmnenl !lnd OUIlI
Altm o-,.il'1lt, hstsrhriftfiir Oswald Loreh (ed. :\lanft-ied Dietrich and Ingo Kottsieper;
AOAT 250, :\1imster: Ugarit-Vnlag. 1998).585-634, esp. 602. n. 75; 608, n. 103:
61:~,n.131;6[4.n.1'I8.
4H SAA 1:1 144: 1-9; cf. the nole of Karen RadntT ill Cole and Machinist, I.men,
llti.
Hl SAA 9 2.4: l'rkittu-sarr;n ['rom Calah,
50 SA/\. 9 1.3 ii 12.
 The Socior(,\igiolls Role of the Neo-r\ssyrian Prophets Y9

prophct~ from proclaiming the words of other deities. To all appear-

ances, the prophet La-dagil-ili speaks on behalf of both f\SSur and IStar
in tlw collection SAA 9 3,"1 and a short oracle of the prophet( ess) Baya
(SAA 9 1.4) includes self-predications of three deities. Bel, !Star, and
Nabll. ''''11ile most or the prophets. as devotees of IStar, represent the
motherly aspect of the divine, manifested as nursillg the king and as
fighting for him,52 it is convenient for a prophet to act a$ the mouth-
piece of A~sur when it comes to the covenant between the king and
the main god of Assyria?' Furthermore, when a Babylonian scholar
quotes prophecy, he presents it as the words of Bel, that is. Marduk of
Babylon,5'l and when allairs of the city of Harran are concerlled, the
Harr<tIlean deities Nikkal and Nusku speak. 55 All this implies a func-
tional or aspectual. rather than "polytheistic:' concept or God, which
enabled the propheL~ to speak the words of the appropriate manifes-
tation of the di,ine in a gi"en situation. Accordingly, the Assvrian
prophets ",;ere not divided into competing groups advocating specific
deities, and their basic role as devotees of IStar by no means prevented
them from acting ill temples of other gods,
A~ a matter of facl, the presence of prophets ill temples other than
those of IStar is well documented. Adad-ahu-iddin<t writes the king
about an appearance of the prophetess Mullissu-abu-u?ri in the tem-
ple in which he is employed-most probably Esarra, the Assnr temple
.t
in A~surr,fi-alld ill decree for the maintenance of the same temple
from the year H09, prophetesses (mahluitu) are mentioned in a para-

;,1 Sec Nissinen, "Spoken, Written, Quoted. and Invented."

52 E.g., SAA 91.6 iii If>-22, iv 5-10; SAA 92.5 iii 29-34~ 5AA.9 7:14-1.11: cf. SAA
~~ 13 (" 6-10. See Wr-ippert, "Bildsprache," 62-64: Nissinen, "Relevanz," 242-47.
,}3 The oracle in SAA 9 3.3 ii 10-25 is followed by a double ritual instruction
(lines 26-32). It is not compulsory to interpret the or;'Kk as the dOCtllnent of [he
covcnant, as T Jnd many others have done (Kissinen, Rf/errnrrs, 2R). It is {"kar that
annil jilllm.1l .{a ina pan ,~alme, "This is the oracle ofp(';tce (placed} befOl"l' the statut>"
(line 26), refers 10 the £<iblct Oil which the prophecy is written, However, the <:on-
tinuatioll tuppi wli anniu sa ki,iia, .. ina j)iw sani elTab, "This covenant Lablet of
A~sur enters the king's presence" (lines 27-28), does not necessarily refer to rhe
same tablet: see Pongratz-Leisten, Hernchaf/swissen. 77-RO.
54 SAA 10 Ill: see Nissinen, RI'(nenw, 96-101.
5[. ABL 1217: CT 53 17; set' Nio.sillen, Rcjl'1l'r1(es, 122.
~ti SAA J::\ 37 (= LAS :~17); sec Simo Parpola, I,ellers Jlmn :\uyrian Srholars 10 the
King... EW11'lwddoll and ;Iswrbal!ipf'{, pt. 2: Commf'll/ary Ilnd At1Mldire,1 (AOAT ,')/2:
Kevelat'!, (~rma!1Y: Butlon & Be!cker: Neukircht'n-Vluyll: :'\eukirchener. 191:\3).
329; l\'issinen, RI'/m'1IC1's, 78-tll; Pongratz-Lcislen, Herrsdtaftsll'issell, R3-84.
100 Prophecy In hs Anciml Near Eastern Con/fxt

graph loncerning the "divine council" (jmhllr iliini) .0,7 \\'hen it come;;,
to the Babylonian akltn-ritual, a prophet (mahhil) appears in a gen-
uinely prophetic function as a "bringer of news" (mnpassilu) to
Zaq)anitu, the spouse of Marduk, in the so-called I\larduk Ordeal
text. ~,8 Everything poinL~ LO the conclllsion that while the !Star worship
in Arbela was undoubtedly the nerve cenler of prophecy, the network
of prophcts extended to othcl- cities. where they representerl their pa-
troness even in tt'mples of other deities.
The special devotion of Assyrian prophets to IStar is compatible with
the significance of the goddesses. often manifestations of IStar, in the
prophetic docullIcnts from Esnllnna (Kititum)"~! and Mari (Anl1uni-
tUIll, IStar of Bisra. DiritllITI, lklet-t'kallim, Belet-hiri. Hisamitlll1l, Nin-
hursag)."o There is, however. no overall rlerlicatiol1 of the prophets to
the goddess in Mat'i documents, in which the role of male deities
(Dagan, Samas, Adarl, Itur-Mer, Nergal. Ea, Abba)61 in prophecies is
clearly more manifest than in Assyria. ,\'10reover, while the prophets in
the Nco-Assyrian sources are never callerl .. mggintu. of IStar" or the like,
the Marl prophets tend to he associated with a specific deity, for ex-
ample, LlIpahum, apilurn of Dagan.(i~ This probably demonstrates the

'" SAil,. 12 69:27-:H; cf. Kataja and Whiting. (;nmiJ. xxxii. The divine council
plays an important role in SAA 9 9: 16: lila /Jukur i/ani kaliimi aqtibi ba/il1aka, "In the
assembly of all the gods I haw' spoken for your life"; cf SA,\ ;, 13:26: p1ja mnmiu .~a
/a/;u Iklallfl17abka ina Imliur ?Iani ralniti. "My plt,asant IllOlllh shall "vcr hless ~()U in
the assemhly of the great gods." The lelter of A.~sLlr-haIIlalll 'a (SAA n 139) ('(>11-
taillS all oracle in which Bel rec()llcilt"i wilh :'>lullissll, who has interceded Oil behalf
of Assurballipal, preslIIlMbly "dilre the ,livillt' (()llIlcil: sec ~Ibove.
58 SA/I. :; 34:28 (= SAA? 3!'dl): mahhu .Ia ina /Jan Bi-lP!-Bribili illakllni mupassiru
.iIi ana irt/,fa ibakki i/lak, "The prophet who goes bdore the LadY of Babylon is a
blinger of II(,W~; weepillg he goes toward ber." For this text (and for reservations
about calling it the "Marduk Ordeal"). see Tikva Frvmer-Kensky, "The Tribulations
of:'>lardllk: The S<,Called '~1arduk Ordeal Text."'}!lOS 103 (19H3): 131-11.
~9 FLJ> 167'1 and 2064: set:' Maria deJolIg Ellis, "The L:Oddt:'ss Kititllll1 Speaks to
Killg Ibalpiel: Oracle 'Iexts from Ishcluli." AHfU:) (19H7): 23)-66,
fi() Annunitum: ARM 22 '\2b: 26 HII'; 212; 21:\; 21,1: 2:n: \Stilr of Bis!'a: AR.\'1

26237; Diritum: AR.\f 26 199; 20R; Iklet-{'kallim: ARM 26 209; 211 (?); 237: 240:
Belet-biri: ARM 26 238; Hisamitum: AIUl-I 26 195; !\inhursag: ARM 22 167 (cf.
A. 4(76); 26 219, ;'\Jole espedallv the role of the prophets in the rituals of IStar
(A 3165; A. I 249b+ ); d. Durand and Guichard, "Riwels de ~1ari,"
HI Dagan: ARM 2:) 1:,; 26196; )()7: 19~); 202; 205; 209: 2\0: 21.'1; 220; 221; 22'1;
2'12; 2:\3; A. 3796; '1, 114:16; T. fl2; Sarna;': ARM 26 194: 414; Adad: ARM 25 142;
A. I J 21+; 196R; Itur-Mer: ARM 21 :n3: 2:\ -116; 26 2%: 0lergal: AR,\I 21 33:\; 2:1 Hti
(26 :!22?); Ea: Alt.\! 2b 20~; Abba: ARM 2(; 227.
62 ARM 26 199::;; .'\, ~{796:4--·,): \1, 11436:4, There are plenty of similar cases:
 The SociOl-e1igious Role of rhe Neo-A<;s)Tian Prophets 101

prophet's attachment to the temple of a particular god, which as sHch

does not exclude pmcIaiming the words of other deities, even though
. appears to I)e exceptIOna
tIliS . I at "I . 6',
,'I' an ..

The reason for the different significance of the goddess in these two
corpora may he sought primarily in the special role of IStar in the
amalgamation of A<;syrian imperial ideology with Assyrian religion,
which reached a climax in tbe Sargonid era. Ii" However, the sparse
documentation shows the elementary connection of prophecy and the
cult of Etar in her various manifestations in different parts. of
\ksopotamia throughout the ages, which speaks against the much-de-
bated theory of l\lesopotamian prophecy as a product of \Vcstenl in·
flucnce. 61J Without speculating Oil t he "origin" of prophl:"cy in cultural
aud geographic tenllS, if there is an origin, one might note the
prominent role of male deities in the few West Semitic documents of
prophecy and other oracular activity.66 and ask whether the relative\v

Qisatulll. iiPilufi/ of Dagall (ARM 25 15:9); IShi·Dagall. allllum of Dagan of $llbarum

('1". tl2:3-·1); IzpilulIl of Dagall of TUllllJ (ARM 26209:6); apilufi/ of Tklet·ekallim
(ARM 26209:15): Qisti-Uiritim, ilpiluTlI of DiritUlH (ARM 26 20H:5-fi); ((/Iilum of
Salllai; (ARM 26 194:2); Atamrum, apilum ufSamas (ARM 2G ·114:29-,10): apilum of
T\inhursag (A&\01 26 21():5): iiPilw/1 of Marduk fAR,,'..1 26 371:9); Abiya, aj)ilum of
;\rlad (;\.1968:3):AnI1lHabni, lIIuhhituTlIofAnnllnitnm (ARI'..122326:9-1O); muh-
hl/m of Dagan (AR~I 26220:16-17; 221:9; 243:13 [pl.]); lrra-gamil, 1ll1lhhl1m ofT\er·
gal (ARM 21 3:13:34 ~ ARM 23 H6:9): Ea-masi, muhliijm of It\ll~!\·1er (ARM 21
:n'I:4:1 - AR:\l 23446: 1!1); 'Ea-mud:immiq. Il!uhhiim of l\'inlllllsag (A.R:\1 22 Hi/:Il;
A. 'Hi7fi::,-tl); muhhilm of Ae!ae! (AR:\f 25 142: 13); IIIUhil1i of Ami of HubsaJuTll
(ARM 27 32: 7); IIi-haw;.ja, assinl1l1 of Annunitllll1 (AR':\1 26 21~:5-6).
6'1 III addilion to Ih(' word of his patron goe! Dagan, Lupahum ,eeIllS to deliver
an oracle of the goddess Diritllm in AR;\·! 26 199:29-40. Morcovcr, Iddin-ili. the
priest (5anglim) of Itm·Mer, l'eports ,1 dream of his in which he recein:s a word of
Belet-hiri (AR':\! 2(238).
6·j See Parpob. A.ss~rirm I'rophecips, xxxvi-xliv.
G" This theory. put forward hy Havim 'Ltdmor, "The Aramai:r.atioll of Assvria: .1\..,.
peelS of\\'estenl Impart: in lvlt'I'"1'olllmim II lid stinl' NachhrUII: PoliliSl'h,' lIud kll!lurdli"
m'dBdbl7.idll11Jgl'1l im Allf'll limif'T(JsiR11 {mill!. bis 1. ./ahlfl1usnlli v. Chi: (ed. Hansjilrg
:'Iiissen .md Johannes Rellgel; Berliner B(:itrag" zum Vorderel1 Orient I: Berlin:
Di('trich Reimer. 1(82), 449-70. esp. 4f)i:l. and supponed by, ('.g., Manfred H\ltter.
&ligionl'1l in dn' UmllN'l/ dl's AlIt'1I Testament, J: Bab,lonin; Syrer; Pf7'Sft' (Studienbilcher
Theologie 4/1: Stuttgart: KohJhammer. 1996). 107, and Abraham Malamat, "The
Cultural Impalt of the West (S)'Tia-PaJeslinc) Oil .\fesnpotamia in the Old Bab,"
Ionian Period." .·101-':.14 (lY97): 310-19, esp. ~~E,-·J7, has heen objectee! to by. e.g.,
Alan Millard, "La prophhie <'I l'ccriture-lsrael, Amm, ASSyl ie." IUIR 202 (l~IB:»):
125.. 44. esp. I:I?>-:H. and most ('mphatically and concl\lsively by ParpoJa, ;\s.l),nan
j-'mtJitl'cifS, x.i\". Cr. abu l'ollgralL-I.eislell. 1li'l'n('hajtswissm, 49-51.
66 E.g" the Zakkur Inscription, tht' Deir 'Alla Insniption. the Ammonite Cita-
102 Pmphecy in Its Anrimt ;\'ear Eastern Conh'xt

Jesser prolllinence of the goddf:"sS in the prophetic documents of Mari

is due to socioreligious circumstances and traditions different from
those of imperial Assyria.

The Prophets and the King

Apart frolll the biblical narratives about propheb having all inunc-
diate communication with the kings of Israel or Judah-which may
have happened less often than one would have expected b7-at least
one ancien t )\;ear Eastern source hints at stIch encounters, namely the
letter of the well-knowlI Babylollian astrologer Bel-use.lib to the king
Esarhaddoll. Bd-lLsczib wonders why Esarhaddon, t()i1owillg his coro-
natiolI, has slunmoned "propheb and prophetesses'· (m~e;irniznll mg-
{,rirniItu) instead of him and ill spite of the services he has provided j()r
Esarhaddon during the civil war preceding his rise to power. I1H
This reference is unique ill ancient ;'\J"ear Eastern sources, and Bel-
lIsezib's tone expresses his astonishment andje~llollsy. as if it were ex-
ceptional fi:>r prophets to be honored by the kilIg-'s summons. It is not
certain that this reference indicates a f~Ke-to-fiKe rcndezvous between
the propheL'i and the king. The "suIIlIlloning" (rdu na§!i) primarily
means employing: the life of a scholar depended on the king's lise of
his services, and Bel-llsezib is furious hecause Esarhaddoll, at the be-
ginning of his rule. has made lise of the prophets' senices before COI1-
sulting the skilled and loyal Babylonian a~trol()ger.
The Mali archive~ provide, to the best of' IIIV kllowlcdg'c, no record

dcllnscription, etc.: c[ ..\ndr{~ Lemaire. '·Oracles, propagande ct litterature dans

les royaumes arameens et transjordaniens (IX" _VIlle s. a\'. n.e.)," in Oracil's ef
/,rophflif'S dans l'anliqllil';: ;\rtF5 rlu Colloq UP riP Stmsbmng, 15-17 Juin 1995 (ed. Jean-
(;eorges Heint7; CniVt'rsite des sciences humaltles de Slrasbollrg. Tlavaux du Cen-
tre de rccherdw sur Ie Proche-Orient ('1 la Gn'ce anliques 10; Paris; lk Bon:;;lrd,
1997)' 171-93.
(;7 These encounttTS happen belwt'ell lJle anonymous prophet and Jeroboam
(1 Kgs 13;1-10); Elijah and Allab (J Kg~ 18:16-20,41); \-licaiah and Ahab/Jc-
hoshaphat (l KW- 22: 1-28): Elijah and Ahaziah (2 Kgs 1); Elisha and Ben-Hadad,
king of Damas('us (2 Kt,rs 8:7-J 5); Isaiah and Ahaz (lsa 7): Isaiah and Hezekiah (ha
37-39 = 2 Kgs 19-20) and Jeremiah and Zedekiah Un :H:J-7: 37:17-21;
:~8: 14-2H). Jeremiah 21; 36; 37; 1-10 are not direct enCOlllllers, <lud, ill .IeI' 22. the
prophet is ordered by God to go to lhe king. bill tbe encounter never takes piau'.
68 SAA [0 109:8-1\.: (f. Nissinel1, Hpff'1>' 11 (P', 8~)-q5. j'm lkl-\Isezih and his cm-
n~spnlld('tJ("e, see Manfried Oit'lllch, DIP ..1rwlIii,'r Siulbaoylonims m cia Sarp;onidnlofit
(lO0-648) (AOAT 7: Kevelaer, Germany: Butzon & Bea'ker: "leukifchen-Vltlvn:
~e\lkirchener, J970). 62-·f;8.
 The Socioreligious Role of the Nco-Assyrian Prophets 103

of a situation in which a prophet met the king in person; at best, the

prophet proc:laimed at the gate of the palace, as the anonymous
prophet of :\'1arduk in Babylon. delivering a message to the Assyrian
king Erne-Dagan. who had received asylum from Hammurapi, kin).i of
Babylon.ti9 Tht" meager evidence docs not allow cOllc:lusions about
wht"ther direct encounters betweell the prophcl...'i and the king really
took place at ~tari, and if so, how often, but the existing sources give
the impression that while King Zimri-Lim maintained close contact
with practitioners of extispicy,7P he was not active in consulting
prophet". Even dreamers and visionaries seem to ha,'c communicated
their messages Illore directly 1O the king than the prophets, whose
words were usually conveyed to him by oiIicials from different parts of
the kingdom or by women of the court, especially by Queen Sibtu and
other royal women (Addu-duri, Inib-sina). 71 Even in Assyria, thc kings
did not carryon a correspondence \,\,1th the prophets; howevel-, the
transmission of prophetic messages diflC-red from that in Mari. In A.s-
syria, prophecies apparently were seldom reported in letters of court
oflicials, but they wen: tr,tI\slIIilted to the king ill rt'pOlts, the COIl tents
of which were limited to the oracle proper. In some rases, these n:-
port~ were deposited in the royal archives. 72 This implies a higher es-
teem for prophecies, which, in this procedure, were considered on a
par \\1th asu-ological and extispicy reports.
Both the oracles proper and the references to them in the royal in-
scriptions make it plain that the Assyrian kings, at least Esarhaddoll
and Assllrhanipal, like Zimri-Lim, received prophecies during their
military campaigns. There may even have been prophets at the front,?:>
but prophecies littered elsewhere and transmitted to the king by a

69 ARM 26 :nl; see Dominique Charpin, "Le contexte hisloriql1c et geo..

graphiqlle nt's prophfties dans ks textes n'lfO\lV(;S a Mad," HC'liYfS 23 (1992):
21-:11, esp. p. 2R-29.
70 S('t' Pongratz..l.eisten, Illn~rhathllJi<.\fn, I ~~7-!)4.
iI For the transmission of prophecies at Mari, see Jack ~1. Sasson, "The Posting
of Letters with Divine Messages," in Norilegium lHariarlUtI! fl, Mhnoriall'V1. Birol (;\I&..
11Ioires de NAB[: :): Paris: SEPOA, 1994),299-316; K,'lrel "<1n del" Toom, "Old Baby..
Ionian Prophecy between the Oral and the 'Written," p,'SL 24 (1998): ;';'-70.
72 For this procedure, see Nissillell. '·Spoken. Written, Quoted, and Invented."
7:1 Thi8 is suggested by accounts of kings in the royal inscriptions having re'
ceiwd prophecies during battles, as well .is hy the lodging list of mostly high offi ..
cials that abo illcludes the prophet Quqf (SAA, 791". i 23). Oue might ask whether
the propheq' of ReIlluui-Allati. spoken "in the middk of the mountains" (SAA
9 1.3)' was littered on the battldiekl.
101 Pro/lila} in l(s A.nctenl ,Vear Eastern Context

third party are better documented. The hest examples are the perti-
nent letters of Queen Sibtl! of ~Iari 74 and the Assyrian prophecies for-
mally addressed to T\aqia, the king's mother (SAA 9 1.7; 1.8; :'».
Female intermediaries, \,vhether at l\lari or in Assyria, commonly
transmitted words of female prophets. The female-through-female
communication was not exclusive, though, sinn' the royal women of
l\.fari-Sibtu, Inib-5i1la, Addu-dmi, and others-report appearances of
male persons as well,'" and male otIicials, both at Man and in AssYlia.
give accounts of female prophets. 76 It. is noteworthy. however. that
three out of {(Hlr known personal Il,lmes of Mari prophetesses are
transmitted by female writers." and that both macles to Naqi<l in
which the name of the prophet i" extaul arc spoken by kmale
prophets. 78 This evidence suggests that the royal women were in closer
contact with prophetesses than the male persons of the court. In the
case of Naqia, the relationship with the prophetesses may be based on
personal contacts with the personnel of IStar temples, all the more
probable since many prophecies and other texb refer to the nursing
of the :\ssyrian princes "in the lap" of the goddess. which probably has
a concrete point of It'krel1ce ill entrusting the royal inhwts to the
tem pies of Etar. 79

7·1 ARM 26 207; 208: 211; 212; 213; 214; 236; for the corrcspondence of Sibtu.
see W, H. Ph. Romer. Fwul'llurie[" iif"" RFbgwn, Poiilik lind Priuatll'uell ill AWn'; 1'1I1rr-
.Ilu.hungrn ~u G. Vossin, Arrhivt'.l Royal,'J ,I" Mari X (pf/ri" 1967) (AOAT 12; Kevelael.
<;crmany: .Bullon & .Bo ekeI'; Neukinhell-\'1uvn: :\cukilchener. 1971); Pinhas
;\nzi ami Abraham Malamat. "The Corrcspondencc of SiblU. Queen of Mati ill
ARAI X," Or 40 (1971): 75-1'>9 (reprinted in Abraham :Vlalamat. Man' and Ihe BiN,'
[SHANE 12; Leiden: Brill. 1998). 175-91); Sasson. "Posring," :~(n-l:l.
7~ Sihtu; AR1.,.I 26 208 (Qisti-Diritim); Addu-duri: ARM 26 J9,) (lsi-ahu); 2,n
(Dada): 238 (lddin-Ili).
76 Mari: ARM 26201: Rahdi-Lim (tnulthii.lwn); A.R;\1 26 210: Kibri·Dagan (uwiltutrl
!lifa! a1i!ilim): ARM 26 199: Samme!ar (qammf/{um); ARM 26 200: Ahum (Hubatum
muhll11lum). A~syria; SAA 10 :{:)2: !\hr-Iss;\r (mRgintu): SAA l:~ 37: Ad;\d-ahu-iddina
(Mllllissu-abu-usT; raggintu): SAA J:, J 44; :-.'ahil-resi-issi (name unknown. femalf').
77 I.e .. Ahatum the slaw girl (ARt'.,.I 26 214: Sibtu). Kakka-lidi (AR...\1 26 236:
SihIU), and Innibana the iijJi/IUII/. (AR\-t 26 2(H; Inib-sina); only tht: name of Hu-
batum the m1Jhh'I~lum is reported by a male "niter (ARM 26 200; Ahum), Notc also
that t11e names of the assinnlls Selebum (ARM 26 197; Inib-sina; 213: Sibtu) and Ili-
hamaja (AR\-f 26212: Sihtu) are mention(,d by women onl" (the writn of ARM
26 198 is unknown).
is I.e .. SAA 917 (l;,sar-bdi·Lla'ini) and 1.8 (Ah,ll-abisa); in SAA 9 5, the name.
if indicated, is destroyed. In addition. tlw kmg's mother i, mentioned in SAA 92. [
i 13 and 2.6 iv 28 U).
i', F..g .. SAA 9 7 r. 6: .\" AJul/issll lU1W/(l~llni iii If/pal/al! .\a BNd Arbaillarimmi ld
 The Socioreligious Role of the Neo-A~syriall Prophets 1Of)

This only adds to the ('vidence that the worship ofIstar was (he pri-
mary setting for the A<;syTian prophets' socioreligious role, 'within
which even the connection between the prophets and the king was es-
tablished. The position of the prophets as servants of the goddess en-
titled them to communication with the killg; on the other hand, it also
enabled them to C'xpn"ss demands to the king and even to cTiticize his
comportment Even though, ideologically. there should have been no
discrepancy between the king's decisions and the divine will, the king
was a human being, liable to commit offenses against the di,·ine world.
Hence. the potential for a conflict between the god and the king,
/orcchIlly actualized ill the biblical prophecy, existed even in Assyria.
Esarhaddon, for instance, was explicitly reminded at his coronation of
his ohligations to IStar (Sf-\A 9 ~),::, iii 18-37). Even though this
prophecy deals with cultic matters reminiscent of similar demands in
:\Iari lettersKO and, for example, of Mal 1: 11-14, 110 distinction should
be made between "cultic" and "social" criticism, siJlce perfection is re-
quired of the king ill both respects. The lack of social dcmands in the
extant Neo-A~syri;m propheciesR1 does not mean (hat (he social ot~
tenses of the king, according to the prnailing- standards. were not of
concern to the goddess and her servants.
That :'>.leo-A..'>S)Tian prophecies have been preserved only from the
time of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal raises the question whether

II1/)I1I1(1h, ''You whose mother is Mullissll. have no fear' You whose nUl'se is l.ady of
Arhela, have no fear:"; SAA :I IS L 6-8: .I,'hm aI/a A§siir·h(ini·apli ,{a ulIlaHimJw ina
muhhi ,Sarra I Xinua {akii alta As§iir-biini-apli sa aIbaka ma burki ,~m'/'(lt ,Vmua, "You
were a child. Assurbanipal. when I left you \vith the Quet,n of ~ineveh; you were a
bahy. Assurballipal. when you sat in tht' lap of the Queen of Nineveh!" For en-
lrusting tht' A,syrian princes to temples of IStar, and for further references. see Par-
pola, AHy/iall Pmphl'ries, xxxix-xl; ic-c llll. I7·!-77.
flO E.g., ARM 26215:15--21: fltUhll1lTfl PUll DagYln [nlblma ki"am iqbi /i[mJmami
{lima (ulmllii nli; ~(Jkiilim III (riulli lilla b;Stlka jiipurfl/(/ II Ill;; Ulkiitim li.iqnwi, "A prophet
;trust; before Dagan ami spoke: 'How long shall I not h(' ahk to drink pure waler:
\\'rile to your lord thaI he would pro\~de me with pnrt' water:'"
81 The archives of ~1ari contain traces of such prophetic demands, especially in
the kilns of l'U!~Sin from Aleppo (A. 1121+ and A. 1968). for whi,h see Sasson.
"Posting," 3H-16: Jean-Georges Heintz. "Des textes st;mitiques anciens a la Bible
h':brai'lue: Un comparatbme io?gitime?" in L.,' rmnl}mati,~m,' en h~loir, dtes rdil-,rio/iS
(ed. Fran<;:ois Hn'spflllg and Frall~oise DUII<lnci: Paris: Cerf, 1997), 127-56, esp.
1:)0-50; lIerben B. HuJflllOll, "The Expansion of Prophecy in the Mari Archives;
l'ew TeXL'i, ~ew Readillg>. N{'w Information," in Pm/}hp(} and Pm/}ht'ts: The Dive-riily
oj COlltflnpomr)' hsu"", in Srho{aTShip (erL Yehoshua Gila\"; SSt Sel11eia Studies; At-
lanta: Scholars Press, 1997). 7-22, esp. Hi-I 7; Malamat. :Hari and the Bible. 151-56,
106 ProPJuxy ill Its A.ncinlt Nfar i:'astrrn Context

these kings were tbe only oIles to promote prophecy. to the cxtent that
their words were not only filed in the archives but also quoted by the
scribes who authored th('ir inscriptions,t(:'? The existing sources indeed
give the impression that the acti,ity of prophets, while not restricted
to this period. eI~joyed a bigher social esteem during the reigns of
Esarhaddon awl Assurbanipal than evcr bdc)re in Assyria, The t~xtalll
documents from the time of the previo11s Sargonid kings include no
mention of prophets, nor do documents from earlier periods provide
information about prophets' existence. except for a couple of Middle
and Nco-Assyrian decrees of cxpenditures in which propllets are listed
among recipients of food rations,K:1 If this argument /'X si/f"ntio is con-
sistent with reality, it may he assullIed that, while the prophets were
there all tbe time, the killgs vailled them ditkrnllly at different times.
However, there is 1110re than one side to the mattec The over-
whelming m;:yority of the material in the Ass}Tian archives derives
from the reigns of Esarhaddon and AssurbanipaJ. while the percent-
age of sources from the time of earlier Sargonid kings is modest in-
deed. In fact, the archives of Nille"eh and Mari are by br the most
abulldant Mesopotamiall archives. alld it may not he a pure coinci-
dellee that it is in these two sets of sources that the extant Meso-
potamian prophecies are to be found, That these huge archives in-
clude just a few prophetic documcllts from the decades prior to their
destrnction indicates that, if propht·tic reports wel'C writlen <Ind evcn
stored. they were normally not meant for long-ttTm preservation. ~4
Hence. the sllIallqu<lntity of prophecy ill tht· existing sOllrces is not an
accurate indicator of the significance of pmphccy, any more than the
total lack of letters from the t.irne of Sennachcl'ib implies Ulat he had
no correspondence.
\Vhile the silence 01" the sources yields 01l1y ambiguous interpreta-
tions. two argumellts in favor of the special appreciation of prophccv

H2 It is conceivable thal Ihe prophecies of SAA 9 1 and ;:\ were t1sf'd by the au-
thor(s) of Esarhaddoll's ;-';in A inscription (Sf'(> Weippf'l"t. "A~s\Tisch(> Prophetien:'
9,)-9.'>: Parpola. :hsyrinn Propheril'.5. lxviii-Ixi: ;-';issinen, Rfinnlc,'" 30-31). and at
least some of the prophetic quotations in the inscriptions of AS$IUbanipaJ may bf'
cited from wrillen sources (sec Nissinel1. Rp{r'I"rnrrs, !)R--61).
1':1 SAA 12 {,9; VS 19 1: see above.
)'<.\ Tablets with a single prophetiC oracle ,tn~ "tlested f(mn ESIIUJlIJ<l (1'1 J' 167,1;
20(4) and A$syria (S.AA 9 7-11). bur not from Mari; archival copies of collections
of oracles are onl\' known from Assvria. Cf. :'\issinen. "Spoken, \-"'ritten. Quoted.
and Invented."
 The Socioreligiolls Role of the Neo-Ass)Tian Prophets 107

by the kings Esarhaddoll and Assurbanipal remain. First, only Esarhad-

don apparently had prophecies recopied and compiled in collections,
consciollsly preserving them for posterity. Second, the inscriptions of
Tiglath-Pileser III. Sargon II, ami Sennacherib in all their compre-
hensiveness make no mention of prophets. While the Sargonid kings
in general-and not onlv Esarhaddon. traditionally regarded as espe-
cially "superslitious"-showed a relllarkahle interest in omens of e!it~
ferent kinds,w) it is clear that Esarhaddon ane! Assurbanipal in their in-
sniptions refer to divination, including prophecy, more than their
pree!ecessors. But even under their reigns, the scholars-harllspices,
astrologers, e.xorcbts-an: better reprcscllted in the sources than the
prophets.

The Prophets and Other Diviners

It is typical of the Neo-Ar;syrian royal inscriptions that prophecies

(Sipir mahh/) are mentioned together with other forms of di"ination.
The Nin A inscription of Esarhaddon. calling prophedes "messages of
the gods ane! the goddess" (na.~par{i ih'ini u Btur; :'-:ill A ii (), equates
them with "favorable omens ill the sky and Oil earth." In the Ass A in-
scription, prophecies appear together with astrological omens and
dreams, as well as with egerrti-oracles (A.ss A ii 12-22), which, at least at
\lari, are mnrl." or less' equi\'aient to prophecies.~6 Likewise, all in-
scriptioll of Assurbanipal bundles "good omens, dreams, I'gernl-ora-
des, aile! prophetic messages" (B y 95). These list~ of divinatory meth-
ods are reminiscent not oIlly of I Sam 28:6, ill which King Saul, before
tun1ing to a necromancer, is said to have tried dreams, Urim, and
prophets, but also of the Hittite prayers in which the king seeks relief

W, See E \cf. Fales and Gio\'anni It I.'mfranchi, 'The Impact. of Oracular l\bter-
ial on Ihe Political Utterances and Political Action in the Royal Illscriplions of the
Sargonid Dynasty." in Heintz, Omru's et /rrojlhhiRs dans l'anliquite, 99-114. 1\ote also
the "anti-divinatorv" attitude of one of the editions (E) of Esarhaddoll's Babylon
inscription; see \clordechai Cogan, "Omens and Ideol0t,'Y in the Babylon Inscrip-
tion of Esarhaddnn,- in J1;'<lory, Hisrmiography, and hlf~'11m'tatioll: Siudif'.< in Biblical
ilnd (.'ulld/iltm Lilnallllf'.1 (cd. I1ayilll TariI1Ior anri ~losl1(' \'\'Cillldd; Jerll~alelll:
~1aglles Press; Leiden: Brill, lYt:;3), 76-87.
S[' For efl'rrii at ~fari, set' ARM 26 19t>:I:\-W; 207>1-11: 2H:Il-14; d. Durand.
;\nhivl'.I, :clt:;5; Sallv A L BlIller, Mf'SotlOtamiol1 COllrep'iolls v{Dmlf!l1 find f)rmm Ritu-
al, (AOAT 258: \cliinster: Ugarit-Vt'r1ag. 199R). 151-57.
lOH Pmphn) in It.1 Ancient ,VmT L'rls(('rn Context

from plagues by differ('-nt divinatory means, eventually including

prophecy of some kind. ili
Listing techniques of di\ination implies that difterence among
them was acknowledged; evell prophecy stands in its own right. How-
ever, the means prophets used for recei"ing di\inc messages wcn~ not
cxclusively "prophetic," that is. typical 01' the prophets only. There
wcre ecstatics besides prophets; visions and dreams could be experi-
enced by other people as well; and, in many cases, the difkrence be-
tween prophetic and other noninductive divination. or "possession
di"ination," is extremely difI1cult to define. On the other hand, the in-
dm·tive methods of divination required specialized studies and could
be practiced only by cxpert~ whos(> methods did not considerably over-
lap. Astrologers ohsen,ed celestial phenomena while haruspices inter-
preted \iscera of sacrificial animals, never vice versa. However, their re-
spective expertises were compkmental-Y, and scholarly cooperation
c\idently existed.ll~ What united the scholars of different kinds (as-
trologers, haruspices. and exorcists) was their scholarship, the pro-
found knowledge or traditional literature, and a high level of Iiter-
acy-qualities that are not prerequisites to noninductivc divi1l3tory
skills. which may not include litel<lry acti\ity at all.
Hence, if we walll to divide di,ination into subcategories, the basis
of di"ision cannot be the difference between prophecy and all other
kinds or di\ination. The di\iding lines should be drawn between diI~
[erent techniques of divination; there arc also differences between lhe
social roles orthe techniques' practitioners. The Ao.;syrian prophets are
a class distinct from the scholars, differing in gender. social standing
and politics.

H7 St'e Oliver R. l;urnt'Y, "Hit.tite Prayers of tllursili IT." it'lei 27 (1940): 20-27
(KL:B 24 :3 ii ly-n ; KU324 ·1 i 10-12); Alhr('cht Goetze. Dlf l'fstgrbelt' (ks Mun'ili;
(Kldnasiatisch(' Fo[sch\lngen I; Weimar. 1927-1930). 21tl--I9 (Pestgebet 2910);
,md cf. Annelies Kammenhuher, Orakd/mlxL,. Triiufllf' UTIli \(.I1zl'icill'Tlsl"ilau Iwi dl'n
Helhitem (Hethilische Texte 7; Heidelberg: Winter. 1976), 119-33: Manfred Weip-
perl. "Aspekte israelilisd1('f Prophetie im Lichte verwandter Erscheinungen des
Alten Orients,"' in Ad Iif>TlI' £'! fidelitrr snninandwn: Fp.ltgabe fiir Karlheinz Drlla «('d.
Gerlinde Mauer and l'rsula Magen; AOAT 220; Kevela('l', Germany: Butzon &
Berck('f; NeukirdlCJ1-VhlVn: NeukirchenCl, 1988),287-319. esp. 2Y7-9Y.
HH See Simo I'arpola. "Mesopotamiall :\slrolob'Y and Astronomv as Domains of
thl' Mesopolamian '\\'isdom.·.. in Die Rol'" dn :\sln>l1"mir l1t den Kulturt'll
"'tfsajJu/amien; (rd. Hannes 1>. Gaiter; Crazer Morgt'ntindische Studien :~; l;r.1L.
Aw;rria: Universitatsbihliothek. 19~H), 47-59. ('sp. 51-52.
 The Socioreligiolls Role of the Nco-A-;s)'Tian Prophets 109

First. the majority of the Assyrian prophets knovm to us are women,

while there is no kmale representative among the scholars.
Second, as noted earlier, prophets, unlike scholars, do not write let-
ters to the king: if their words are written, they are transmitted to the
king in reporL~ written by pmfcssional scribes.Sf!
Third, while scholars transmitted received tradition as Sllccessors of
the mvthical, antediluvian sages?' prophets acted as direct mouth-
pieces of gods: both roles were the result of education and training in
a specific environment.
Fourth, prophets do not take part in political counseling in the way
of the scholars; they do not form pan of the kiug's closest advisury
body and were not members of the political elite, or the "magnates"
(LlJ.l;,\L.~H:S).91 This does not prevent them, bv the medium of oracles.
from being actively involved in political decision making, but unlike
the scholars they do not seem to be in the position of making practi-
cal sllggestions. Scholars sometimes make suggestions on the grounds
of prophetic oracles.'):? but more often Oil the basis of t11Cir learned ob-
servations and political instiun.
In Assvria, the roles of scholar and prophet are not interchange-
able. The inductive and noninductive methods of divination are never
mixed, although, in a literary context, the outcome of divination may
sometimes be described in a way that resembles prophecy.Y:{ However,
when dreams and visiolls are reported, [oJ' exalllpk. in inscriptiolls,
the source seems immaterial to the author, and it is oftell impossibk
to decide whether the dream or vision in question should be dcfillCd

WI Sec Nissillen, "Spoken, \\'rinen. Quoted. and Invellted.-

90 See Simo Parpola, lA'tlf'T5 frOTfl Ass'irian and Babylonian Srholars (SAA 10: Hel-
sinki: Helsinki Uni\'el~ity 1'1 eS5. 1993), xvii-xxiv.
91 For the offirials he'longing to this class. see Raija :viattila, Ihe King'., MagnaIJ-,,\;
A Study n/llip Hight"1 Offirial, (iflhr ,\eo-As,wrian bnpirt' (SAAS 11: Helsinki: 1\eo-A$'
syriall 'li:xt C0'1111S Project, 20(0); Simo Parpola, "The Assyrian Cabinet," in hllft
Allen Orient WI/! /llim ,[ps(nllu'lll: FpIIghritljiir Wol/7mn ,'on Sodm (ed. Manfried Die'
trich and Oswald Loretz; AOAT 240; Kevelaer, GermallY: Butzon & Bercker;
:-.ieu kirrh e 11-\1 Il\'n: :-.ieukirchener. 1995), ~)79-40 I. '
9~ As Be]'\lseezib dol" ill SA/\ 10 111 and~ab(I'lladin-sumi in SAA 10 284; see
:-.iissillen. Ri1"n',u·r.l. 91)-100.
'tl E.g., Fs,uiladdoll NiH A i til-G2: alik IIi !wlli/a id(ika nittallakma nilliim gareRa,
"l;o ahead, do not hold back! We walk bv your side, we annihilate your enemies!"
These words are called e'/I'taliilli, "orack of encouragc'JUenl," which refers to ex,
tjspicy; see :-.iissinen, Re{t'rt'nres. 33-34: Potlgratz-Lt-isteJ1. Hnnrill1{fswissnl, il4-8~).
110 PmphpCf ill Its A.nrient ;\;'1'0" t:astnll ContF:.:t

as prophetic.'1~ Visionaries like the ,~ahni, and the .~ii' iEu arc \irtually
equated with prophets in Neo-AssYlian texts, and the dreams of ,~abrUs
recorded in the prisms of A,surbanipal are n~portcd in language that
could also be used by the Assyrian prophets.
What lIlakes the prophets distinctive from others in Neo-Assyriiln
society is their alt.achmcnt to the worship of EtaI' and to the respective
socioreligious role, cOlllparable to that of other devotees like the
a~sinnu and kurgarrll, whose gender role was permanently changed by
the goddess. The prophets may Ilot have been generally characterized
by a specific gender role, although indications to that effect exist (sec
above); in allY case, the association of mahlili and mggimu 'with other
ecstatics and the cOllllotation of frantic behavior suggest that (0 be a
proplll:t required a role ami way of lift' distillcti\'(: from that of an av-
erage Assyrian citiLen. Like the repn'scntatives of the "third gender,"
the prophets impersonated the goddess-at least fUllctionally, if not in
their outer appearance. This ('xplains the prominent role of worn en in
prophecy without making it solelv an at/hilt' rirfOflltil's: the goddess who
is able to take the role of both sexes can be impersonated hy female
and rnalc persons alike,
All this is not to say that the purpose of prophecy would have been
different h-om that of divination in g('neraL The difference is qualita-
tive rather than functional; all branches of diyination share a common
ideological and theologicaJ basis. In Assyrian imperial ideology, there
should llot havc been an\' discrepancy among prophets, scholars, and
other diviners who worked for a common goal. for ('xampIc, dllling
the war of ,barhaddon against his brothers.'I:, The legitimation of all
divination was based 011 the idea that gods indeed communicate with
humans and that the decisions of the heavenly world allect earthly cir-

,I
')'\ F()r :;imilar situation at l\'lari, sce Sasson, "Postilli!:," .10ft. Man\' I\hri It'llers
COllvt'lltionally induded in the "prophetic" corpus arc, in facL dream repons (e.g ..
AR\I ~G ~'n; 2:14: 2:~5: 2'\6; 231": ~i:'l9: 24(1; ;tud other 1t~It('r, classified under the title
-Le5 reYes" in Durand, A.rrhilwl. 465-82). and it is ohen difficult to decide whether
they shollid be qllalified as prophetic dreams, if the dreamer her/himself is not
designated explkit]y as a prophet; for an attempt to differentiate between prophe·
cies alld (noll prophetic ) dreams jn l\larj lellers. se(' !chiro l'\akata, "Two Remarks
011 the So·Called Prophetic Texts from Mal·i." A(fa S/lIlIl'miog1l(1 1 (]982): H:~-48,
As to l\lari dreams ill gcueral. s('('Jack:'lf. S;ISSOll. "l'vl<ui Dreams,'·./.'\()S 103 (l~II,n):
283-93; POlIgratL-Leisten. Jil'/'ndwJi""is.H'II, 107-11.
~l'J SA.A 9 1,1) and SA:\ ] 0 109:R-1!) sllow thai t ht' queen mother Naqia consulted
prophets (Ahat-abisa) as wt'll as schohrs (Bd-\lsczib and probably the exorcist
Dada) durillg the expatriation of Esarhadcloll.
 The Socioreligiolls Role of the Nf'o-A.<;syrian Prophets 111

C'umstances. There were difterent channels, however. through which

the diyine will was brought to humans' attention, as well as diflerent
human beings who were qualified to take care of the logistics.

Conclu.o;oions

(~iVCll the state of publication lip to J998, it is understalldable that

Neo-A.~syrian prophetic documents have not hitherto had a decisive
role in the study of pmphecy, even though their value to compara6ve
studies has often been acknowledgcdy'l Now. having the extant dOCll-
mentation published in <In easily accessible form, the lillie is ripe for a
full-scale assessmellt of the implicatiolls of the Nco-Assyrian sources
for the understanding of pn.plwcy, both in i\lesopotamia 97 and in
general; in this essay, this work has been attempted from the point of
,iew of the socioreligious role of the Assvrian pJ"Ophels.
The ~eo-Assyrian SOUlTes we have at our disposal-both the actual
prophetic omcks and other texts-make propheL~ appear as practi-
tioners of on l' branch of llonindllctive divinatioIl, whosc clmracteristic
role as dcvotees of ISt,iJ' also brought them illto a close J"l'lationship
with the king. Apan hum the Nco-Assyrian sources, prophetic oracles
and docl1menL~ concerning the appearance of pJ"Ophets (1t!ahhll/muh-
hum) show, in all their spm-sity. that prophecy in \lesopotamia was not
,illst an accidental alld temporary phenomenon, imported from some-
whnc else ill the Nco-A.<;syrian era, hut that prophets were there all
the tirnc. If the worship of IStar may be claimed as "genllinely"
\iesopotamian, this claim certainly applies to prophecy.
Regarding the A<;syrian prophets' socioreligious role and it<; impli-
cations for the image of the prophet in the ancient Near East, the :"Jeo-
AssYI-ian sources reinforce the elementary conlIectjon of prophecy
with temples alIti the royal coun, known froIl! the sources from \[ari

9\) Apart frolll the few wmks hv Herhert It Hllffmon, \i<tnfred Weipp('rt, ;lI1d
others dedicated to the ?\;eo-Assvrian prophetic sources (M'e the bibliography, in-
cluding works dated be!()re 1997. in Paqmla, Assyrian Proj)hmps, cix-cxii). sec. e.g,.
Roben R Wilson. Pmplw() allri Socit'iJ /11 Aneim! IsmRl (Philadelphia: Fortress PITSS,
1980), 111-19; Jose Luis Siere, Pro/Ptismo t71 Ismd: f<} /Jro/fUl, los !lTo(rla". d mmsaif
(E,tdla, Spaiu: Verb" divino. 1992)' 238-40; Lester L Crabbc, PriPs/s. Prnphr(I, f)i-
dllns. Sagi's: A Sociu·ilis/Oliwl Slud, oj IMigiulIs S/Wl'ill/iI(S ill ,i,Iuif'flt Jwad (Valle;'
Forge, Pa.: Trinity Press International. 1995).91-9'2,
97 For ;1 fresh alld comprehellsive trc;J.trnent of the \lcsnpotamian orandar
sources, including th(' prophetic sour".·s, s('(' Pongratz:-Leisten. Hrrrsrhafl,lwiss('n,
47-95 (for Assyrian sources, esp. 74-95).
112 ProP/wry in Its Allcirmt NpaT /.'·astrrn Context

and Esnllnna, as ""ell as from the Hebrew Bible. However, the image
of the Assyrian prophet sketched above turns out to be different from
the widespread idea of prophecy, based largely on biblical material
and interpreted within the symbolic world of modern scholarship; the
following prCSelll<llioll of the propht~t 's image, as opposed to the
image of the priest. appeared ill a recellt recollstruction of 3ncielll b-
rae Ii Ie soc i e ty:
Proph~ts claim to hav~ b.-en individually Glllt>d hy a deity, that is, their vocation
is customarily lIot inheritt>d or taught. a~ is tht: case for pri~sts. Prophets tcnd
not to be associat~d with inslitllliolls. And prophets ,Ire less concerned than
priest~ \\lith maintainill!{ th(' statlls quo; that is. they an~ lIslmllv lI!on, illvoht·tJ
. pnJlllo\lIlg
1II . ( IYHaIlllc
. sOCIa. I CIlal1!{e '
as ltHHJVatols all( I re I'onners:)8

This har'dly matches the picture of the propheb of 1\.fari or Assyria,

who were associated with institutions. in the framework of which their
expertise was taught and learned, and who-at least on the basis of the
extant sources-wen' apparently not the first to promote social
change. If there were prophets like those described above, no docu-
IIIclltatioll of their activity has been presern:d. Moreover, the idea of
pmphecy as quoted is problematic even in \1C\\I of the Hebrew Bible.
The idea of antagonism between the prophet and the priest lIlay be
wrong--Jeremiah, for example, is introduced as min hak-kiihiinim, that
is, a priest (Jer 1:1 )y9 Furthermore, the Hebrew Bible is explicit about
associating the prophets with the temple of Jerusalf"l11 or other cult
places, even in cases ill which the prophet takes a critical attitude to-
ward the oftlcial cult. For example, the biblical figures ofJeremiah or
Ezekiel are unthinkable without the temple ofJerusalem in the back-
ground, not to mention Haggai and Zechariah and their ultimatums

98 Paula MC~lltl. f?PfOlIItnuting tlw Soriety o/An(iml/.Htll'i (Library of Ancient Is-

rad; London: SPCK; Louisville: Weslminslel John Knox Press, 1999), 179. l\O[C
that th" author hel self also acknowledges diifcrelll types of propl1f'ts: "Prcsllrnahh',
prophet' who upheld the status quo (and [hllS were' not associated with t~pes of
mOV('l11ents described here) would have been supported by those in power. and pe-
ripheral prophets. who were critical of Ihe stat liS quo, by thosc who wanted some
kind of a change" (180-81).
99 See, e.g.. Robert P. Carroll, Th,. Book olJl'mniah: A. Commentar:> (OTI.; London:
SC:\1, 1\186),90-91. Even if min hukkofulnllll ,hould he unoerstood ;is a rcft'reTlu'
to Jerellliah\ father Hilkiah and nOI to himself (thus 'Villiam rvfcKalle. :1 Critiml
owi l':x~f!:pliral CmnmpntlIrv Oil .1l'1rmiah [vol. 1: ICC; Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark.
1986], 1). it doe, Ilot dl'lllge the socioreligious background oflf'H'miah as Iwing
from priestly circles.
 The Socioreligious Role of the Neo-AssFian Prophets ] 1:~

on reconstllICtion of the Second Temple. There arc innovators, rc-

formers, and promoters of dynamic social change among the biblical
prophets, but one might ask about the breadth of evidence for this
kind of prophecy and to what extent it goes back to historical circum-
stallces. In other words, to what extent docs "biblical prophecy"-
prophecy as depicted ill the tinal form of the llcbrew Biblc-colTe-
spond to "ancient Israelite prophecy," thc concrete historical
phenomenon? The prophetic literature of the Hebrew Bible is the re-
sult of centuries of selecting, editing, and interpreting, and can give
lIlll
only a partial and somewhat distorted \iew of the phenomenon. It
is \~idcly accepted today that the hiblical plOphctic figures represent
an ama IgamatJoIl. 0
t· su 1)se<iucnl generatIOns
. ,.IllterpretatHHls,
. IOJ 1
)c-
hind and among which the historical tigures of the prophets must be
sought-if there is a methodology, or methodologies, that enable this
quest.
While it may be a hopeless task to J'econstruct historical personal i-
tjes from the biblical prophetic texts-even redactioll criticism can
only identify strancis of material, froIIl difhTClIt ages, that remain ulti-
mately anonymous-comparative studies arc helpful in outlining ,iII-
ciellt Israelite prophecy and the roles of the prophets, provided that
each source is studied ill its own right and hasty conclusions are
d 1m F
avO!'d e. l '
rom t lC comparative .
pOll1t 0 f" Hew, t I1t' ,'ojeo-
'1.1 Assynan
.
prophetic sOUl'ces arc no doubt promincllt: not only do they derive

100 Sec (;rahbe, Pnrsts, Pm/)hr/,I, f)lt'mns, Sagfl, 117: "The impression is fre-
quently given that the OT prophets were plimarilv social critics and ethicist~. This
is based pardy on a failure to consider the conte11lS of the prophetic books as a
whole and p;lrtlv on a blilure to recognize that the COil tents of prophetic hooks are
not necessarily the product of prophets. That is, ill the course of transmission and
editing of tht' tradition, the (ontent, of the prophetic books may well be to a sig.
nificant extent the prof\tlct of scrih('s, priest5, iind sages."
I(IJ For .Jeremiah, see Carroll, Jew/nwh, ;):l-64; for Ezekiel, see K.lrl-Friedrich
Pohlmann. D"s Bur-h drs f'mpll1'.ten l/p\pkid (Ezerhlel): j':a/'iid 1-19 (AT\) 22/ ,1: (~)t­
tingen: Vandenhoeck & Rnprecht. 1996), 40-41; for Amos. see Christoph Levin,
"D,LS Amosuuch der Anawim'" 2'1'K9'1 (1997): 407-?,6; for the problem in general.
see, e.g., Odil Hannes Steck, Die Proj,hflmbiirhn lind illr theologilfhf?s Y_l'I1gnis: Wegt tin
;V(lrhfmgr' und Fiihrtm Z.lIf AntrNlrf (Tiihingen: :\Iohr. 1996),
10:! For romparaliw attempts of dint'rent killds, see, e.g., Oswald LoreLL, "Die
Elll~td)\lIlg des Amos-Buches il11 l.icht dn ProphetiC'll aus tvhiri, Assur, Ishcl1.l1i
ulld del' llgarit-Texte; Parac!iglllellwechsd in del' I'rophetenfm'schllng," (,F 24
(1992): 179-215; Hans M. Barstad, "No Prophets? Recent Developmcnts in Hihli-
cal Prophetic Research and Ancient ':\ear Eastern Proptlt.'cy," Jsor 57 (199'):
:~9-fiO (reprinted in I1w Pro/,he!l: A Sh"lliRlrl Hmrln kd. Philip R. Davies; Biblical
114 Proj)heC)' in Its AI/rir.n! :Vmr Fastn-n Context

from the hei?;ht of Assyrian political and cultural influence, acknowl-

edged as a key perioo in the literary and ideological formation of the
Hebrew Bible,lln they also demonstrate textual, metaphorical. and
ideological affinities with prophetic and other biblical tt'xt5. 101 These
texts, together \'\'ith similar texts in other anciellt Ncar Easterll
prophetic sources. make interpretation of ancient lsraelite/]udean
. J'
prop I)Ccv as an IlHllgl'llollS p Iwtlometlon Ul1warranfe..
d 10.",\11'1 . .IS
. 'Ill e It
unsound methodolo!,'Y to maintain that conclusions from the A<;syrian
evidence apply to ancient Israelite society, so that the image of the Is-
raelite/Judean prophets could be drawn from the Assyrian model.](I6
it is also truc that Nco-Assyrian prophetic sources prmick, chronolog-
icallv. the most immediate point of comparison for the biblical
pn.lphetic literature. They also provide the closest historical and phe-
nomenological anal0i-,'Y to ancient Israelite/Judean prophecy.

Seminal' 42; Shdlield: Shdlidd Academic Press. 199tiJ. 106-2ti); Heintz. "1)es
l('xtes s!;rnitiqllc, anciem if]a Bible hd)Jaiqlle." On the comparative appro;!ch, see
also Ihe contributions of HaIlS M. Barstad and Lester 1.. l;I~\bl)(' in this yolume.
Hl:l Sel:, e.g .. Eckart Otto, "Die besiegten Sieger: Von dn ~...t<\Cht und Ohnmacht
del' ldeen ill del' Geschichlt' aIll Beispiel ctn neuas5vrischen GroBreichspolitik," B7
n (1999): 180-20~~.
W4 Sce Weippcrl, ":\ssyrisclH' PropheticlI," 104-11; :-';issinen, "Re levall7.. ,.
ns-s?; Parpola, AH)'Iiml Pmpherifl, p,lssim.
I (IS Pa(1' Robert R Wilson, "Prophct," fum HH4-Hfl, esp. HHo: "lTjhne is 110 bib-
lical evidence tt' indicate that Israel n'c()~F11ized ]>ropht:('~ <I, all import. 111 add.i-
(ion, anthropolo¢cal studi!'> of prophetic phenolilelia slww til at pi'opheev (an
arise spontant'oush' in ,IllY society when lIlt' nece~sar!, soria! and religious condi-
tions are preseut. There is therefore no rea;;oll to assul1le thaI prophet.s could not
have appeared in Israe! without outside' cultural inf111t:llce." While the chronolog-
ie.l! and geographiral distribution of anciellt Near E.;\stern prophecy raises the
question whether prophecy anywhere ill Iht' ancieut. Neal' East ran be considered
a foreign imp0l1, il "Iso sp!'aks for prophecy's cultural communicahility rather
than for 1II1i<jUl' awl isolated phelloll1cna.
101; Sec tlie jllsl wilrnings of Joseph Blt:nkinsopp. SilK". Pri!!>r. 1'101,111'1: Hdigiuus
and Inlellprtllal Lmdl'rslllj' ill AI/riml /1"1111'1 (Library of Ancient Israel; Louisville:
WestminslerJohn Knox Press. 1995). fi-7.
 7

Arabian Prophecy
Jaakko Hiimeen-Anttila

Studies on Arabian prophecy have not progressed much in the last

few decades. Standard textbook!'> give detailed information on
Muhammad, the Prophet of Islam, as described in traditional sources,
and mention briefly the soothsayers-the kiihins-and theil' modern,
mainly SOHth Arabian, parallels. In addition, the so-called ridda proph-
eLs J are sometimes mentioned in connection with :V1ul:Jammad's life or
the early development of the Islamic state. Yet the recent development
in early Islamic studies lIeressitates a reevaluation of the question of
prophecy. The traditional view of early Arabiau prophecy has been
drawn mainlv fI'om Muslim sources, which have been wkeTl to reflect
more or less f'xactly the pre-Islamic and early Islamic hist()ry.~ Recent
studies on early Islamic histor-y have shown that this is not the case.
The "'Titten material, \\~th the notable exception of the Qur'an, rarely
dates from before 800 C.E., and even then cannot be followed more
than a few decades backward. 3 The sourCes alleging to describe the
latc-sixth- to early-seveIlth-<TlltlIry Arabian Peninsula tell lIS, in fan,
1ll0lT about the late-eighth-{"entllry pn:judices of their Syrian ami

1 To distinguish bctween tbe canonized Islamic prophets-~.fLlhalllmad and his

predeccssors-and Arabian prophets in tIle llIargins of Islam and contemporary
with, or slightly later than. Muhammad. I L1SC the term ",idda prophets" (for the
term ririda, see below. n. 72). I do not imply that other prophets were much dit~
1(:1(0:1It from Siull,ulIma,!. In scholad" literature. they <Ire ofl('11 simpJv calh'd
pseudoprophets.
:! In the nineteenth (elllllrV, a linc of study discussed the Arabi'lIl I{(lhins in con-
nenion v.ith Semitic prophecy and sacerdotal office, the last monllmcnt of which
is, in a sense, Toutie Fahd, 1-11 rlillillfltiol1 arabI': hurl"., nligiPlW'S, sori%giqul's I?t jolk-
lmiqufs sur II' miliP1l natij"{k {'Islam (Leinen: Brill, 1966). While doing mueh groulId-
breaking work, these ~eholars made the mistake of reading the Arabic material in
the light of Semitic parallels and 111<'ll using it 10 prov" the ex;stenn' of religiolls
illStitlltioll~ ill the Co III III on Semitic pt:riod.
~ Some s(holar~ accepl the traditiunal "iew of the I.H al traditioll" reliability. the
so-calkd !zadlfh matcrial, but this view has become mf)J"(' dillicult to dcknci the
mOlT our UlIller"landing of early hlam has advaIlu:d.

llS
116 Prrr/lli('rJ' in Il.l i1nril'nt Sfur Eastrrn Context

~Ies()pota11lial1 authors than about prt'-Islamic tinlt:'s. At the sallle time

it has been realized that the image given in the hiography of
Muhammad (.'limit) is a hagiography, molded in the late eighth cen-
tury to fit the paradigm of Jewish and Christian prophets and holy
men.
'The early developmellt of Islam, llIllilthe cOllsolidation of SUIlIlisrn
in t.he ninth centUIT and ShiisHI ill the tcnth, is also ill need of ree\'al-
nation. To take but one example: the finality of Mul.lammad 's prophet-
hood, his place as the Seal of the Prophets (kludam al-anbiyi/; QUL
33:40), has lately been seen in a new light. I The doctrine did not
emerge in his own time, but wa.~ f()nmllated only IateL For his con-
temporary followers. Muball1mad was the Seal that contirmed the mes-
sagt' of the earlit'r prophets, not the final Seal that ended the proces-
sion of bihlical 0 prophets universally. The term "prophet" (nab/) may
later have been avoided, but the idea of continuous prophecy existed
in sectarian Islam. Would-be prophets appeared especially until the
ninth century. and new divinely inspired hooks were written through-
Ollt the centuries (e.g., Umrn a{-KitiibaJld Kitab aI-flap wa'[-IlZillll in the

ninth centlU)',b and the books of U;\b ill the niIleteellth),

There is ample reason to take a fresh look at Arabian prophecv,
from the sixth centUI"): until the consolidation of Islam around ROO
CE., both for its own sake and li)r compar;l!in> reasons. After all, the
sturly of West Semitic prophec\', attested ill Mari, Assyria, and Israel,
may profit from South Semitic comparative matl'l"ial. despite the later
date for the latter.

.j S('(' (~daliahu C. StrollIllsa, .. 'Se"l of the Prophets': The 1\atllre of a ~1ani­

chaean Metapho!"'" jl.'Tu.wwm Studip.I in Ambi,. lind hl(Jm 7 i 19R6): 61-74, and )"0-
hanan FI'iedlllalln, "Finalitv of Prophethnnn in Sunnl Islam," JPrl1Stl!em Sludit's in
,'Irabil" alld Islam i (19R6): li7-21!'l.
" In Islamic stlldie~. "bib1ic<\l" retel' to the Jewish and ChriHian tradition in gell-
l'Cll. thus also including the extracallonicaJ material. The word "bihlical" is Ilsed in
this wide sense ("belonging to theJewi5h :lIld/ol" Chl"i.~tian traditioJl") in this essay.
From an Islamic poin t of view, the legends concerning Moses or Jesus are biblical,
even if they are not anested in the Bible itself.
ti For these two, see Heinz Hahn, Dif' i.1[a/flisril" (;uo.li.l: Dit' fxtrnnt' S.ilia und !lit
'A.lawitm (Zurich ;mn Munich: Artemis 1982): for the books of B;ib, see Peter
SlIIith, nit, Bab! and Baha'j Heii,l.rillt/.\: hWII ,\Jlci51auir SII; '/.1111 /0 a World Rf'ligirl/l (Cam-
hI irlge: Cambridg(' l:niwrsitv Press, 1987). I have studied the oldest part of the
lilt/III 1I!·Kifilb. the so-{"allen Jabir Apocahpst' (Jaakko IIitltleen·:\ntlila. "Des("cnt
:md AS('('III ill Islamic :'.'lvth." in MYI!t., and ;Hvtholobrin I cd. Simo P<1I'pola ;mn Ro-
bert M. \\,hiting; yklammu 2; lC)l"1hcoming! l. ft'om the point of\icl\' of the descent
and ascent myths.
 Arabian Prophecy 117

Historiography in Islamic Studies

It is necessary to update the historiographical situation in early Is-

lamic studies. 7 Since 1977, it has become more evident to scholars in
the field that the Islamic source material can only be used , ....irh great
caution-according to the most radical sdlOlar~, it may not be' Ilsed at
all, but this extreme [{stidiousucss, because ()fit~ agnostic attit11de, has
not proven fruitiul. B The Islamic historical texts all date from the late
eighth century or later and have undergone '"harmonization" \\11en,
in the ninth century, SlInni Islam reached its classical form, the origins
of the community were rewritten and all earlier, mainly oral, material
had to be harmonized with the cla~sical view ofIslam. Only the Qur';ln
dates to the early seventh celltury,~' The desniptioTis of pre-Islamic so-
ciety in classical sources are also questionable, fe)r two reasons. First,
the main motive for writing pre-Islamic history was to create a contrast

7 For recent Lheol't'tind attempts 10 cope with carly history. the followillg works
may be consulted: Patricia Ct olle and l\Iichacl Cook. Hagmism: 'lil.e :'.laking ojlhe Is-
lamic WCfrld (Camol'idgt': Cambridge l'llivt'rsity Pr!'s5, 1077'1. the ultrarevi,jollist
hook which started a tempestllolls disctJssion that continucs; Albrccht Noth <UlU
Lawrence I. Conrad, Fht l;'arly Arabir Hi.l[ori((l[ Tradition: A SOllrf'p-Critimi SII/d,
(Studies ill Lite" Antiquity and Early Islam~: Princeton, YJ.: Darwin Press, 1994),
Lhe rewritteJl form of l\'oth'5 classic studv which prmided. in its German original
(1973), the methodological startillg point fr)r all revisionist stlldit's: R. Stephen
JllIJllphreys, hltwlIr Hi.'lory::\ Framel.l.'urkjor Inquiry (Princeton: P,iIl('('fon 1nll'('r-
silv Press, 199 I); Chase F. Robinsoll, "The Study of Islamic JIistoriographv: A
Progress Rq>ort," .IRAS (3d S('f,) 7/'2 (1997): 199-'2'27: and Fred McGraw Donner,
Na1Tativl's of [slallllt' Ori{!im: '{7u' Hegitming:l vI Islamic lIi.llm·iml H',.itillg (Studies in
Latt' Alltiqllirv and Earlv Islam 14: Princeton, ~J.: Dan,in Press, 1998). The latter
three art' mildly cOHSnvative but \'t'l}' sober. Sec also TarifKhalidi. Ambic lfisIOT'/({Il
Thoughl ill the Classiwl Pmod (Cambridge Swdil"s ill Islalllic Ci,ilization; Cam-
bridge: Cambridgt' l.:ni\·ersitv Pre,s, 1994), a consl"rvative stud\' that is soml"timcs
Inaccurate; Wilfred Madelung. The SUlfrsSioli 10 iHltlwmmad: :\ Stud)' of tllf Carl"
Cali/i/wll' (Camhridge: Cambridge llnivt'rsity Pres,s, 1997), ail 1Iitracomerntivc
book from a well-known speci;1list (5(:e, c.g., my revit'w iII ,1,/Jr5R [19971: 21'i·-20).
H CnJllt' and Cook, /Tagarism, andJohn Wansbrough, Qurml1( .'Ill/dips: Smnas and
All'lhods (l{Sen/dam! 1ntnl!1rlatiou (London Oriental Series:n: Oxford: Oxford l'ni-
versity Press, J 977), are 1':000 examples of the fruitless attempt to ignore dassicll
SOllrce material.
\1 WaIlshrough, Qumnj,· Stl/die>, see~ the Qman as the result of a lengthv oral
tradition and the work of se\t'ral local prophets, Even though Wanshrough's the,is
would tit my \iew of early Ar;lbian prophecy, there i, 1I0t lflll('h evidcllce to suppO'-l
,\ late date It)r lhe QUI' '<In. \'\'ansbrough's basic mistake is to ust' bihlical methods
hlindly: hI" starts with the assumption that the Qur 'an was compiled ill the salllt'
\Yay as several books of the Old Tt'stamt'nt and uses or mt'thods <lc('ordillgly, with-
out ;1sking himself whether the methods art' applicable.
118 Pmphwy in Its ATlrirnt :Vmr Faste-m Context

to Islam. Second, in many cases, the less tendelltious writers desnihed

the bedouin society of their own time alld retn~iected it to the past.
Islam had heen born Oil the Arabian Peninsula in the early seventh
century, but the religion was still in its infancy when. during- the con-
quests, it came to the old cultural ared of the l\'ear East. Theological
strllctures, except [or a strict lllonotheism, were still lacking, and the
sacred geography!') and IJI'il5gl'scliichtl' werc vcry milch in preliminary
form. In this situation, the nascent religion, which was too ~'oung to be
called "Islam"-a term the helie\'ers did not lise I I_was heavily influ-
enced by the cognate religions. Extensive contacts were made in Iraq,
Syria, and Palestine, altholl~h the role of Egypt remained marginal fc)r
reasons not yet fully understood.
Dllring the seventh and eiglllh centuries, the new religion emerged
little by little as Islam, hy absorbing Jewish, Christian, gnostic,12 and
perhaps other influences; different sects were born during the
process. The biography of the propllf't Muhammad was fixed at about
the' same time, at the end of the eighth lTnlllry. It was written to lit
him into the paradigm of Near EaSlCl'lJ prophets alld holy men bur
also to support the leading role the caliph had taken in the late :;;e\'-
el1th century. I 3 To put it briefly. \tuhammad had to become a kind of
victorious Jesus. His character had to absorb the features of a Jew-
ish/Christian prophet who had been denied by his people, but also

W .\1ekk<\ became oWlwllt'lminglv important onl\' arollnd 700 L.F., whell it \\a5
finally fixed ,IS the I Inly Cit~· of blall!. Before (h:u,./erllsakm h'ld !'\lc(essfull\' COIn-
peted ji)! the po:-itioll of the first cilv of Isbill.
11 This point has been emphasized by Donner, Narmlivr.'.
12 I use the terlll "gnostic" in a hroad sense. to mean ideologies alld religiolls
concepts influenced lw and cognate to g-nosticism. For the reccnt disCllssioll of the
term "gnosti(,ism," s('c. ('.g., Michael Allen Williams. Rf'lhiliking "(;l/i)stirisln "; All Ar,
gUlf/nil .fbI" Di\"lfl(mllitlg (J Dllbioll.' C(II1'gml' (P,·incc\on: Plinc('ton 1 !niv(>rsity Pres~.
1996). which perhaps !{oes tuo Car in its purism. Ivfalldat'ans, ~fanicha{'alls. and
Harranians arc among the "gll"s!ic" sens which we know ,till {'xistt'd ill the :o\l'ar
East awl could have int1Ul'llCed some tarms of Islam.
I ~ The now-dassic stlldy of the e'lri\' Islamic caliphate is P;;tricia Crone and ~.far­
tin Hinds, (;od'\ Caliph: Religion.' Authority in the First emturi,,! IIf IsI(Jm CCniversiry of
Camb,'idge Oriental Publications :-17: C.'lllbridgc: Cnivcr,ily of CaJllbridge Press,
19Rfi). Whi1(' thc two authors are on the right track. I disagT(,c with them when it
cOlnes to th(' profile of the institllfion directly after the death of l\1uhallllllad. Tht'
high spiritual authority of the ciliph \\':1.', I Iwlievc, fir~t claimed bv ':\bdalmalik
(d. i(5). who alsu iUlIodHl('d t.he 1('1"111 "caliph" (klwllfa) iu the sense of the mlcr
of the community and it~ spil it\lal he~ld-the older. less religiollsh t.inged term for
tIlt' rulel' being amir arm/l'/Ilinill. "the Prince of the Belic,·crs."
 Arabian Prophecy llY

the features of a ruler and a conqueror, the role model of the caliphs,
Yet the harmonization of the sources did not wipe out all memOlies of
the early history of the Arabs; it only buried them under other mate-
rials, and the digging for the possibly genuine material is a task which
has only just begun. I 1

Tradit.ions of Arabian Prophecy

Prophecy had a long tradition on the peninsula, leading far hack

beyond the birth of Muhammad-whether up to the Common Semitic
period or lIot is a questioll which can probably never he answered ad-
equately. In any case, the Qur) all itself testilies to the existence of Arab
prophets (Hlld, Salih) E, before Muhalllmad, and although the char-
acters themselves ar·e now legendary, it should not make us blind to
the fact that both MUQammad and his audience accepted the idea of
earlier, lion biblical prophets on the peninsula. These prophets were
worthy of being ~luQammad's precursors. which, incidentally. shows
that they were not cOllsidered Illere soothsayers. The Q,ur'an cOHlo
speak of lIlld and S,ilib, two Arab prophets, because the audience ac-
cepted thelll, and the h·aglllentar-y narrative implks that the audience
knew the rest. The Qur'an spoke about religious figures familiar to the
audience and respected by them.
The interest in a succession of prophets, however, was generated
only by the selFitlelltification of l\lui.rammad with the biblical proph-
ets. Hild and Salih. like their biblical coullterpart.~, are missing from
the earliest parts of the Qur'an, Iii but whell they later did appear, tl1(>)'

14 The most remarkable stan has been the series Studies in L·ne Antiquitv and
Early Islam. in which s<'v('raJ important stndies have taken earnestly the challenge
of the \\t,w historiography.
I!) The!'e is a Suulh Arabian cult of lIud, whidl IMs becl1 described bv R. R. Scr-
jt:ant ("Hiid and Other Pre·Islamic Pmphcts." [,f' MIlSf(it/ 67 rI9:'I41: 121--79.
reprinted as Ill>. I in R. B. SeljealH. Slwlin in Arabian [{Btm) and Civilisation [Lon-
don: Variorum Reprints. 19f1l D. Despite it~ title, the article does not, in fact, deal
with pre-Islamic times. Other possibly prt.~lshllnic prophet~ are mentioned in
Friedmann, ··Finality," 193-94.
Hi Dating the qu'r'anic material is still difficult: the hest ovcrall system remains
that of Theodor 1\i)ldeke. (;rsrhirilte dps QQnil/,~ (cd. hied rich Schwallv. GOllhelf
I:krgstr;isser. ,llld Ono Pr"tt:lvols; vols. J-::\; 2d cd.: Leipzig: Dic{('rich 'sehe Verlags-
huchhandlung, 190<J,·19:~1'l). The defect of this system is that it deals "ith the
slIrahs as wholes and does not take into {'ull accoullt the complexity of the slIrabs
themselves.
120 Pmphe(}' in Its Ancienl Nmr EastpTn Context

were eITortlessly accepted into tIlt' Islamic holy historv. Whether H(Hj
and Salih might have been biblically illspired prophets or transmitters
of a Common Semitic tradition remains open. We cannot rule out the
possibility that they had originally been common soothsayers, kahins,
who [or sOllie reason had been accepted as prophets; the boundary
between it kiihin and a prophet is v('ry fluid.)7 .
Iu the Qur'an, Hlld and S,llih ar(' mere dummies. who trammit the
same message as l\.fuhammad and all qur'anic prophets from Abra-
ham to Jesus. The folklore around them, which has be(,Il partly writ-
ten to explain the gur'anic material, dates considerably later than the
Qur'an and ha1' been generated bv the need to get more material into
the stories; we have 110 reasoll 10 believe that the stories about Hill!
and Salih date to the carlv seventh century. Ii< TIlU">, all we can savi
, , i , .

about them is thai they-or their models-most probably existed.

The existence of an Arab tradition of propheL~ is also indirectly sup-
ported by the career of Muharnmad himself. A5 the oldest parts of the
Qur\in ShOW,19 the mig-inal message of Muhammad was not biblically
iIlspired, yet he was readily accepted br his audience as an inspired
IllaIl-('\'cn those who seem to have opposed him did not find it diHi-

CIlIt to accept him as a hiIhin, slirl'iT; or majniin, all terms that imply su-

pernatural inspiration. 2o To obey him was more difficult. Thus there

was a paradigm into which his earliest audiellce set Muhammad. "nle
cornerstone of this paradigm was most probably the kiillin (and his fe-
male cOllllterpart, the kii.hir/fl), who received his knowledge from a fa-
miliar spirit. Labi' 21 Krihins arc fonnd throughollt the peninsula and

17 A similar increase in respect is s('en in the legcnds surrounding Sa(ih; ,ce

below.
18 The study of Serjeant C·HI-Id"). lik .. , in {~ct, most of his othel' studies on early
Islam. sulfers from his re;\<ly acceptance of the ninelr-cnth- and lwentieth-centurv
South Arabian sitll<lIioll ,IS a replica of pr('-lslamic times.
lY There is an almost complete lack of biblical material in tIlt' sur·ahs of thc first
Mekkall period, if we exclude verses UUt an: obviously 1"t<'l <ludilio!ls.
:;>n The QIlI"an !e.g., .')2:29; 69:4J-42) denies thesc identifications, Neither
.,hi]'iT nor majmin is to he understood in their modern sense ("poe[·'; "madman··)
but in a more archaic one. The sflii'if receives his knowiedg-e from his liibi' , "fa-
miliar spirit," like the kiihitl, and the l71f1jtlllll is ··covered" (which is the Iit",ral m('an-
ing of the word) bv a supel'nalllfal b .. ing. Igll:ll Goldziher, Abharulhl1l{!;l'n zur am-
his,lun Philn/o{!;il' (Lclnen: Brill. I i:l96). I: llO!1, is a somewhat daled but
still-valuable s(lJ(ly Oil the pre-Islamic poet ane! his inspiration.
:!I The institution of ltilullw \1",\8 been studied hy Fahd. Divinatw1!, 92-102; his ar-
tick "kil.hin" in the Ennr/o/I<1I'dia of "'am (20 ('d.; \'0J. 'I; l.eid('u: Br'iIl. 1978), SHIll-
 Arabian Prophecy 121

may well con6nuc an old Semitic tladition with little. if any, hihlical in-
fluence. The term kiihin is hardly a Hebrew loan (kohin), and the kiihin
had few similari6es with the Jewish k6him. These soothsayers seem usu-
ally to have restricted their message to the ephemeral, answering ques-
tions concerning disagl·eeIl1enL~. lost camels. or whatever. \Vhat they
lacked was a universal or, at least, a more general dimension. After the
disagreemenl was sNtled or the camels found, the kahin's dina did not
retain much interest and were soon forgotten.
Later Arabic literature tells a lot about these kiihins, but the sources
are not very reliable. In the biography of the prophet Muhammad, the
kiihins are mainly llsed in the annunciation passages; to collect the
greatest possible authority for ;vluhammad, each religiolls authority
was used. h(lhins, rabbis, and Christian holy men arc found testifyillg
to the coming of the new prophet.:!2 A well-knmvn case of annuncia-
tion through kiihins is the story about Shiqq and Sa~lh in the court of
the South .Arabian king Rabl(a ibn Na~r, related on the first pages of
Muhammad's biography as it now stands.:!:) According to this stolT. the
king sent for these two klihins so that they could explain his dream.
Without telling them about it, he asked them to explain the dream ill
ordel- to prove their clairvoyance. As will be seen, this is a modification
of the "hiihin test.~ Both were able to interpret the dream as referring
to the countl)"s destiny. \Vhen the king questioned them further, they

marizes his own 1Jl00lOgTaph. The lIlono~raph is lIseful <IS a collection of materials.
hut it does no! take the tallgled question of source criticism sufficiently into ac-
counl. What Fahd in fact describes is hoy. later Islamic authors saw the klhana, not
what the kihal1a was before Islam. Stories about kahins appear C:'vep,rwhere in classi-
cal Arabic literature. A selection of tllC:'se stories appears in an-;\; uwayrI's (d. 13~~2)
Xihaya aI-arab fi jim/til a/-miab (Cairo: \"'izarat ath-thaqafa wa'l-irshad al-qawIIll,
n.d.),3:128-:31.
:?2 See Uri Rubin, 17/1' Eve '1 the tit/wider: The Up nj ,'v11Jhrmm1l1d a; Fil'llwd fry clli'
};ar/l' Muslims, !l 'IPxtual ;lnalysil (Studies in Late Antiquity and Earlv Islam C);
Princeton, 1\J.: Dan,in Press. 19'.1!»). ·t4-.')5. I haw studied part of tllis matet'ial ill
"The Corruption of Christianity: Salm~:jn al-Faris!'s QlIest as a Paradigmarir Model"
(StudOr; f')rthcoming). In Islamic theorv. t11(' coming of the new-and final. as 11<'
later was defined-prophet ended the age of kihima. Cllliithen. the familiar spir-
its. or shaylims, of the kahins had been able to eavesdrop in the lowest heaven, bill
some tilllc before rhe (all of Muhammad. thes" wcre driv<,n away by shooting stars
in order to keep the divine Illessage unblemished by k;h,inll. See, e.g., an-1\'uwavri,
ZViftaya. 3:128. and QUI. 72:1-1[;.
:!:\ Ibn Hishall1, as-Sira IZn-llahawlYIZ (ed . .l.Hnal Thahi!, Mllhallllna<i :\fahmlld.
and Sanid Ibrahim: vols. IS; Cairo: Dar al-hadith, J996,1. 1:30-33; A. GuillaulIle.
trans., nil' I.~ff of Milham mad: A Translalioll oj 11m Is/wg\- SimI Raml,llIah (Oxford:
122 Prophny in Its ;\nr.iertL Nmr Fastrrn Conlf....-I

told briefly about tIlt' coming of the IH"\V prophet whose nation's do-
minion would last to the last da'\-'.
Alreadv here. we find the theme of Sarin (as well as Shigq) proph-
esying the future. Satil1, in sources, was traditionally fi'om Syria, and he
was also desnibed as prophes~illg the futun: conqllests of Islam to the
king of' Persia.:?l The same theme was later developed further, and in
Ibn al-Munadi's (d. 947) l\!1alabim 4R-5H, ~') Safill prophesies the future
of the Islamic Empire up to the early tenth century in what we might
call the Sa~lb Apocalypse. The text is obviously a literary fiction of the
tenth centuq' and falls outside the scope of this essay. The Sat)b Apoc-
alypse docs, howen:T, testify to the growing interest in the legendary
kohin, and this intncst seems to have started dcn:loping early, al-
though Satil) is not mentioned ill the Qur','ill. III a sense, Satli) became
the role model for krihins. In disclissing the ridria prophetess S,~iahi, al-
l\1as'lidl (d. 9~}6) claims that she had modeled her career after Sa~ib
before she started prophesying (Munli § 1:')22) .~ti At the same time, this
text shows that the classical authors saw a differenet" between a kahill
and a ridda prophet. These stories of "high prophecy," situated in the
courts of the mighty. are connected with the ,ulIJullciatioll of the new
prophet; their e\idential valm' for tbe historical kihiwa, the profession
of hiihin, is minimal. The more down-tn-earth stories of kiihins are
hmnd in other conteXL<;.
\-lost of the stol'ies cOllcerning the "Iow prophecy" of kallins show
ont" and the same structure. A group of clients, or sOIlle(in1t"s a single
dient, comes to the kiihin. Before <trriving, the client hides something,
for example, in nne story a dog called Sawwar \\'ith an unusual neck-
bce. 27 v\llCn the hi/hin describes the hidden object correctlv. he has
passed the tcst of clairvoyance. The client proceeds with his real busi-
ness, ahollt which he receives lhe kiihin's response. and the hahin gets

Oxford l.'ni\'l')'sity Pn~ss. 1~6:); repl., Karachi, Pakistan: Oxford t lniversit), Press.
1~)82), 4·'{i. Tht~ Simh. using this example, is cited as Smill !:,10-33/·1--ti. where the
Humbers before the slash rcff'r to the edition and those after to the translation of
Guillaume.
~·t A.Il-1\'uwayri. :\,iliava, 3; 128-30.
~" Ibn al.l\,fulladi, ;d-:Haliiflim (l11fl; ed. 'Abdalkarilll ~l.'{·qayli; Qllmm al-
Illtl'laddasa: lhr as-Slla, 19H8).
26 Al,.1vfas'tldi, Mutf!; Ilrlh·dhah'lb 1M-mil' adm al:jflwhar it'd. Charles Pellat; vnls.
1-7: PuhliC;Hinns de n 'uiversili' Libanai"-,, Section des ('!H(if's historiqlH's II;
Heirut.1966-1979).
27 See an-Nuwayrj. ,\''i/w)'a, :); J :13.
 Arabian Prophecy 123

paid. The k(ihin never uses accessories (e.g., arrows), hut receives his
oracle through inspiration.
In the classical sources, the kilhin dicta, which can hardly evtT he
considered authentic but which show what near-contemporaries
thought hio;torical. are orades clothed in obscure phrasing. Tht' lan-
guage used is sal. rhymed prose, which resembles the language of the
oldest part.s of the Qllr'~1Il.2H \I'1m: of these /whim seem to have been
local prophets or soothsayers. The old sources are more or less unan-
imous in that they describe people traveling to visit the k(lhin but
never, or rarely, the haliin traveling to meet his client.:!<l The kahin, as
described by the Iatc cighth ccnttlry and bv lattT anthors, was thus a
localized holy mall al](i the object of visits, as saints and thei r tombs
1o
became centers of pilgrimage (::.iyina) in popular Islam.: Tht? hullin.
though, was not usually thought to reside in a temple; the temple per-
sonnel had other names (especially s(uJin) , and they seem to have used
divinatory accessories, like arrows, instead of being ecstatic seers:'11
The kahin is described as living alolle, oftell in a Iluminolls place, like

2R This dOl'S not 11t:(essariiv shO\\' that the qur'anic text originated within the
framework of kahm language, as tht: reverse is also possible. Knowing that
~!lIhamlllad was said by the ylekkans to be a Hallin, as the Qur'an itself testities
(e.g .. QUI'. 5:2:29). the bter commentators were prom: to imagine that the kahill
dicta must have resemhled these parts of the QlIr'an. Examples of presfT\'ed, bllt
ll10st probably inauthentic Ill/hin texts appear with Frellch translations in Fahd. nil"
inflliorl. 162 ..6<).
2'1 The notable ,'x(cption arc stories ill which the king. as in thl' story of Shiqq
;ll1d S,J(ih, or tIll' shaykh J(~ts the kahin be hrought to him. bell ill this Gi~e. the illi-
tiat.iye of traveling does not ('omc from the kllhin himself.
30 One wonders whether the k(jhin institution lVas sllloothlv Islallli('ized into a
saint (",ali) cult or whether therc wa~ a break in the tradition.
:\1 See. ill gener,l], Fahd. Divination. 9J-176. The referen(t'~ in Julius Well-
hallse!l. Rpstl' ambischm Hridmlu/11s (2d cd.; Berlin and Leipzig: Waltel de Crurtn.
lY:l7). 131. I:~H. and H3 (cf. Fahd, Oil'illa/wlI, ~H), to haltills <lOi\(' in a sanetual}
and speaking ill the !Iallle of Ihe di\~I1i{v an' \'ague ;md inconclusive. and 'In"
causcd by Wdlb .. uscll's wish 10 identih k(Jhin with kolwl1 and to show tht'ir CUlll'
mOll Semitic priestly OIig-in. Wellhausen" book suffers in genel'al from his strong
(o1l1parativist starting point. Wellhausell presupposes that AI~lbian religinllS life re-
sembled the Common Scmitic situation and can be used to reCollstruct it. He ;\(-
cording-Iv sees trdces of an earlier system. ill which one might filld little (,vidential
\·~d Ille. Ow of the su aps of illfut1llatioll ('OIlCtT11ilq.( the pre-Islamic pl'riod, Olll'
lIlav build a plethora of hypot.hetical structtll e,. SOllie uf which n:s('mhle the Slnl(,-
lures of other Semilic people,. some not. Another problem ill \Vellhausell's hook
is that the complexity of the ... Hn~emall.rialwashlllyr(.ali{ed more than half a cell-
till'\' after \\'e11h<1osen wrote. Con.~equentlv. \rt'llhausen's lise of sources is fal' too
optimistic.
1~4 Projl1u}()' in Its Ancient Near i,'{/sil'rrI C·ontext

the one who, accordillg to the Sirah (1:181/92), lived on a mountain-

top, from whence he descended to meet his dicnt~,
Sun1val of the kiihin institution is not in our sources, but the situa-
tion may have been similar to the institlltion of riwiiya, in which the
transmitter (rauiI) is said to have followed his master before becoming
a poet (sha( ir) himself. Yet there should not be speculation abom reg-
ular schools of k(ihins 011 the pellill!'ula, sillce such an acti\1ty-hesides
not being mentioned in the sources-would more likely have heen
found around temples and their cults,
Like'~1se, we are told next to nothing of the kiihins' possible ecstatic
techniques, In the biography of !1,:1 II/.l alii mad, we come across both in-
cubation and wrapping olleself in a cloth (see below), and it is possi-
ble that the kahin used similar tedliliques; at least onc of the ridda
prophets, Tulayha, is described as prophesying while wrapped in a
c1oth.:w The problem is that, when sources tell of such procedures,
one remains uncertain whether the reports mirror the Qur 'an and the
Sira/t or preserve independelll material. As shown by many studies,
much of the explallatory material has been iIlferred from the qur)aIlic
text and does Ilot reprcsent allY iIldepelldent tradition.
In any case, the kiihin must have been a shamanlike \1sionary who
forced his familiar spirit to descend upon him; otherwise he could not
have served his clients, The Ar,lbian sources tell of hoth male and fe-
male kahins. The former outllumber the lalter ill the kiihin llarratives,
but how closely this reflects the pre-Islamic situation is not clear. {hht'
well-documented institution of Arabic queeIls in tht~ earliest dOClI-
ments"'\1 re Iates to t Ile ([. un Il1StltutlOIl, as suggeste d b y ra
k' - } " . . L' hd '>4
" t tlen
we might have a more predominantly female origin for the system,

:1;> nil' COl/qU''>1 o/Amliia (vol. 1() of Tltr lIis/or)' (1/ fll-Tab(lT1: trailS, Freel ~k(~raw
Donnel; BibliothcGI Persica; Albany: State t'nivcrsily of ::-;,.w York Press, I flRR) ,
65-{l/). I give references only to the tJ'anslation (abbreviated as ]abari), as the pag-
ination of the original appears in the margins. The other volumes used are 6:
Muhammad al Merm. trans. \\', Montfl'omery Watt and M. V. ~IcDonald (1993); 9:
The Last }i'ars of Ihf Prophet, trans. Ismail K Poonawaht (1990); and 29: AI-IIJansiir
and alMaltdi. trans. Hugh Kenlledy (1990).
:1:; S('(', ('.g., Israel Fph'al, I'll, .-twinl! ,11(1/1,: Nomads 011 !iJ,' Bonten o/Ihl' Fertile
Cn'scml, ?>.'inth-H/th CPnIU!'if.~ RC. q('[makm: Mag-nt's PTCSS; L('inen: firill, 19~2),
index, s.v. "Arab, '1ui'rll."
:\.1 Fahd, Divination, 98-\02.
 Arabian Prophf'cy

The preponderallce of male kiihins in the legends might even he an Is-

lamic dt'velopment, but these ideas are purely hypothetical. 35
Were the kiihillS, then, prophets? The answer depends on the defi-
nition of prophecy; if we presuppose that a prophet should havt' a dis-
tinctive message,% the l1iilzin fails to quality. Yet as an intermediary be-
tweeIl the divine--or at least the numinous-and the human, the
kiihin does fill t.he gap. Despite their different social settings. one can-
not draw a line between the functions of, for examplt-, the AssYI;an
prophet":'{ and the kilhins. The whole of Arabian prophecy grows out
of kihilna. The kiihin has heen seen as the spiritual and even as the po-
litical It'ader of his tribe, yt't this role hardly manifests itself in the
hahin stodt's. The ka/tin indicated prestige, and he may have been
t.aken along to battlefields, but there is virtually no reliahle evidt'nce
for him having been the leader of the trihe. It may be that the role of
~Iu/:lammad himself in ;vledina, as described by t.he Sirah, influenced
this view, hut, as we shall s('e, it may he hazardous to see in ~lu/:lammad
a ., prop I let an d statesman. .. 38

The Career of Muhammad

This was the situation on the peninsula when l'vIubammad started

his career. In scholarly literature. based on the Islamic tradition,
Muhammad has been seen as the prophet of his native town, Mekka,
who there came illto n.llltact with monotheists, Jews Of Christians,
from whom he received an impetlls. Thus his invocation has been seen
as a result of his becoming aware of a monotheist traditiOll.~9
The earliest layers of the Qur'an do not, however, support sHch a

~'i One might mention the Berber K;:jhina. who in the late seventh ce11lurv led
l1<:r tribe again,t the Arabs', set' M. TaIbi. "al-kahina, " />.'1)r)l'lopaedia Of Islam. vol. 'I.
For the (<-male prophets in Assyria, see l'\issinen. 'The Socioreligious Role of the
l'\t'o-Assyrian PropelS," in this volume.
3G See Petersen, "DefIning Prophecv ami PlOphetic Literature," in this volume.
:17 Set' in general ;viartti Nissinen. Rrjf'!rwes to Prophery in NPlJ-/l.ssyrian SOliro's
(SAAS 7; Helsinki: l'\eo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1998), and Simo P<lJ'pola, ,.ls-
syrian PwplU'cies (51\A 9; Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. 1997), as well as Nissi-
nen's article in this volll111e.
:IH W. ~lontgoll1ery Wau. Muhammad: Prophet and Stalio's/Ilf/rl (Ox1(mf: Oxfi)f(j
{lnivt'rsitv Press, 196\ \.
:N For'a somewhat dated analysis, see Richard Bell. Th,' Ori{!jn oj Islam ill its CltrLI-
liall }'rlvirollmenl I Cunning Lf'ctUH'S, !:"dinburgh l.:niversit}, 1925; London: Frank
Cass 1926).
1~6 Prophecy in Its Ancient Nf([r Faslrrn COlltl'xt

view, as the biblical material is almost non~xiSlent in the earliest

surahs. On the hasis of the Qur \in. it would seem more probable that
:'vlubammad started his career as an Arab prophet, who only later
came into contact with Jews and, marginally, Christians. This reading
is also supported by a rcconsideratioll of the biographical material
(see below). Thus, the il1lmediate context froIII which Mllbammarl
emergerl as a prophet has to he considered as Arabian prophecy,to
The career of \:luhal11l11ad brings to light a new rlimension of the
system of inspirerl holy men on the peninsul4. There is much reason
to suggest that Muhammad originally was an itinerant prophet with a
moral message, traveling on the penillsula-or at least in the H~i;iz­
before finally finding his cOllllIlllnity ill Yathrih (later known as Mf:'rl-
ina). II was then that he sl~trtcd to be strollgly intluclIcerl hy the hihli-
cal tradition. 41 He was, furthermore, not alone in this tradition hut
had colleagues and competitors. Although we do not know the exterIl
of the other prophetic m()vt'menL~. we know at least that \:luhammad
was not unique. Amollg Islamic authors. Mubammad was unique in
his true prophecy.
\lubaIlll1lad is the best known of these prophet!;, evell though the
source-critical problems in his biography are not to be underesti-
materl. and every reading of his life, whether conservative or revision-
ist, remains, for the time being, hypothetical. In brief, the traditional
history tells llS that the Prophet was hoi'll in Mekka into a prominent
family around SiO aud. having come into COil tact with mOllotheists,
started his prophetic carl'tT around 610. He prcachcrl in Mekka t()J'
some ten to twelve years. As he met opposition trom the leading
,\1ekkans, he made contacts with hf:'douin tribes, which used to come
to the central sanctuary of the peninsula, the K.c'l cha, evcry year. FIe is
also cH'dited with havill~ made an abortivc alkIIlpt at hijm to thc
lleighboring toWlI of at-Ta 'if in 619, hut he was rt::iected and had to rc-
tum to Mekka. lIe stayed ill 1\lekka lIlItil his hilm to 't'athrib in 62:!,

40 This is not to deny that some knowledge of Judaism and perhaps Christian-
ity had already filtered through to ule peninsula, not nnlv in the time of Muham-
mad but during earlier centllfie,. The Je"ish presence especiallv had made itself
fdt lor centuries, it not frl)!ll the time'i 01 :"abll-na 'id, then after the destruction of
the Second Temple. Yet Conlon Darnell Newby. A IIi,tory o/lheJI'7l'1 a/Ambia; From
Anonli Tin/ps /0 [}/pir l~(lil),\t· ullrln Islam (Studies ill COlllparativ(' ReJi~ioll; Colulll-
bia: University of SOlllh Carolina Press, 19t1li). twerdoes his caSe ill trving t() delll-
onstmte the perv<lsivt'llt'ss of the Jewish presence on the peninsula.
41 I am preparing a new anaJv~is of \iuhall111Uld'" ('adv life.
 Arahian Prophecy 127

after which he became the leader ofhoth his community (umma) and,
eventually, of the whole to\\11.
When working with the Qur 'an and the oldest version of his lite, the
Sirah hv Ibn Hisham-dating from the early ninth century and closely
hased 011 the Iate-eighth-LcI1tury Simh by Ibn Isbiiq-thc above picture
of Muhammad slarL~ crumbling. <lnrl it:; chronological framework he--
comes impr()bable.~2 First, the earliest layers of the Qur 'all show no
jn'vish or Chl'istian influence. It i!o) too much even to speak of a mono-
theistic message in the earliest surahs; more than anything, thev are
monolatric It is also startling that the only things we know about
:V1uhammad's life in the early period are Iegcndary,rl except t()r <l few
details which mostly pOiIIl Olltside Mekka, many of them to Yathrih. 11
Combined with the fact that the majority of events situaterl in \·1('kka

-12 It lIas long beell known that the Sirah material ,,<to; first tran~mitled in tim'
nan-ative units, the akhbiir; with linlt> if any chronological frame. III theon', a radi,
cal rt>reading of the material should IH.>! he S1Jrprising. For the akhbiirform of his-
toric,lI writing. st:e Franz Ros('ntha!. i\ f/istOl)' 0/ Muslim Histodugmphy (second It'-
\'ised edilion; Leitkn: BI'ill, 196R). 66-i I.
,\:I Pelusill~ relevant pages in either Sirah (l: 1'~()-2:99/66-22i) or hlbari (espe·
cially voL li of the transhllion) is enough to demonstrate [his fact. The main events
of Muhamma(fs earliest years mentioned in Tabari are the impt>nding sacrifice of
his father. 'Abdallah, and the miraCltlllu~ conct>ption (6:1--8); the recognition of
\hti)amrnad. in several versions. as the future prophet by the Syrian monk Bal~!ra
;Hld hy another monk (6:-14~lR); \-Illhammad's marriage to Khad~j;t, not located
specifically in \lc-kka (one of the kw t>veJlb lackillg reli).,rio!ls motif,) (6:48-51); the
rdHlildin,ll; of t.he Ka'ba (651·59); ,lIJd im'O(alioll (6:67-80). Aftcnv;trd, the
proplwt's life hecomes less based on religiolls theIlJes. blH tht'IV ;Ire few df'tails. and
thCM:. lJIon'over, tend to he llsed sevCl~IJ times. 'li-picall)'. one evelll is narrated
twicf', ami the nar'rator states how many veal'S passed belween the IWo. An ob,;olls
example are the two pledges of 'Aqaba (G: J 22-138). There should be olle year be-
tween these two ev("nts, but the sitllatjon in Mekka seems meanwhilt> to freeze. Like-
wiM', very lillIe seems to happen dming lht' boycott (6:105-1 H), yet we are told
that it "contillllC'd for two or tlut>e yean;' (f.i:106). Had the boycott, if it e\'er exi~ted.
taken so long. it is (uriolls that there is lIothing ill tht' Qur'all dealing with it.
4-i The follmving examples are hom lilll!lri. In the search for a kahillll tn gi\'e a
verdict 011 'Abdallah. '-'luhaIllmad's father. "Abdallah is taken from the Ka'ba while
still a boy, first to Yathrib and from there to meet the kiihina (6:4). In one version
of the legendary story of the conception, 'Abdallah is said to have been stained
with clay or mud. As the translators note (6:6, n. 6). this paSS<lge has been inlt>r,
preted as a rt>ferellce 10 agricultllre, which should not have been lIIuch pnlctin:d
ill Mekka-Yathrih, instead, wa, lhe ale,t'S llJailJ aKlicultllraJ center (6:6). AI)-
dalhih dies ill Yathrih and is huried tl1(:>re (6:il·9). Yluhammad's gralHlfather is said
to have gmwII up ill y,tlhI'ib (6:9-1 'i). Thr' opening of the hi t>ast happen,s, accord,
ing to the most bmous version. among the bedouin (see Siralt 1:144-149/69-7:->:
in -';lbari 6;75 this event is situated ill the valley of Mekka). Setting the dlildbood
12H Pmph"f), in Its Allrirnt .Vear Eastern Contrxt

are either legendary or unrlatable, this necessitates rethinking the

early location for Mubammad. yluhammad's ~enealogy also seems
problematic. Besides legends (7hbari 6: 1-9), nothing is known of his
father, 'Abdallah, whose name, meaning '"the servant of God," is often
used in later text-; when the real name is unknown. In the earliest lit-
erature, 'abd'lltith and the respective krninine amatallith arc used
generically. Likn"isc, Mubammad lacks brothers or sisters, alld both of
his parents are reported to have died whell he was vcrv young, his fa-
ther, according to most traditions, before he was born. The existence
of his grandfather 'Abdalmunalib seems to have been doubted already
by FranL-; Buhl.~~ III any case, the lack of (kllown) close relativeli made
l\luhamrnad's early life open to manipulation. This was casier than in
Jesus' case, whose mother and a brother, James, played roles in the
early community, yet whose genealogy and childhood were completely
rewritten within a few decades of his death. 40
It is not necessary to go into further detail. The main facts are as fol-
lows: the Mckkan provenance of Muhammad and his affiliation with
the maiIl tribe of l\lekka, the Qurays h, rests either 011 legends or the
simple statemeIlts of the sources, with little evidence or detail. Except
for events directly before the hijm, Muhammad's life in Mekka is al-
most a blank. Its chronology seems arbitrary and may, in fael, be based
on numerical speculation, as pointed out by Rubin."7 The later associ-
ation of the Prophet with the Quraysh would not be unique in a pl'e-
Islamic tribal system ill which lineage could be adjusted to comply with
a 11f'W situation, and in which outsiders were admitted illLo a family for
political reasons. The strong association of Mulpmmad with Mekka

of )'luhammad in the strongly Jewish town of\'athrib would create more problems
than it solv('s; Why was his ('arly message. if he grew up. in Yathrib, not already heav-
ily Judaiciled) More than anything, this example shows how (onfused th(' SOlJrC('S
a~e as It) his place of origin .
.1', '''Abo al-1\·tuq<llib," in fiandwiirtntl11rh dE'S Islam (I~d. A. J Wellsillck ilnd J J l.
Krarners; Leiden: Britl, 19,11).
40 Muhammad's obscure genealogy might be interpreted to place his origin
outside the mainstream of Islamic history, perhaps out~ide the Hijaz. Ther(' an:
other possible explanations. including low origins-if Qur. 93:6 is a personal rern~
iniscenct', Muhammad may have been an orphan-OJ' perhaps the noncornmit-
men! of his bmily to the case of Islam. OIl'" need only remember the embarrass-
ing cases of al- 'Abbas and Abtl Talib, whose offspring star'ted ascending towar'd
leadership of the 1I1'W Islam it- state and had to ('xplain their ancestors' stuhborn rt'-
fll~all() conv(,rt carll' (~n()ugh.
17 Ruhin. l~~>p a/thE' Be}wldn: 189-214.
 Arabian Proptwcy 12~

finds iL~ Sitz im [.£fU'l1 in the Iate-seventh-n:ntury emphasis on Mekka

and its sanctuary, the Ka 'ba, as the holy places of Islam. At this time
the Arab background of the religion began to be emphasized as a
countenveight to Jerusalem and the ('adier monotheistic traditions ..'8
The main deity of the Ka'ha, Hubal, is not mentioned in the Qur';m 4Y
and is almost invisible in the surrounding explanatory material. as if
his cult had had no influence on the life of IVluhammad and his ene-
mies. Reading the Siral! and the Qur'an, one would never conclude
that Muhammad had grown up in the cultic center of Huba1. 5o My
main point. though-whether IVlul).ammad carne from Quraysh or
not-is that his early activity before the I!ijra has been lIlisllnderstood.
The sources claim I.hat he was aClive for SOIllt' twelve years ill I\'1ekka
before his hijra, hut when studying the details this period seems to
evaporate.
In the SimI! there are realistic details from the end of the Mekkan
period. Almost all of these cenier on Muhammad's activity during one

·18 As an aside. I ,iraw attention to the fact that Mekk<l did not have ~I special role
ill lh~ sllhseqll~llt history of the Islamic COllllllllTlit:y. The C{)Uqllcst of ~ekka ap-
pears ill th~ SimI! as lhe goal of lhe Proph~L alltl as the fillal victon' of his military
activities, but the Simh it~ell' grossly contradicts sllch an a-;sumptioll. The military
success ill .'\1ekka was remarkable. but il was not the final aim of the new state.
which continued it5 campaigns after the conquest as if llolhing had happened,
:V!ekka was jllst one victory among man\' olhcl"s; only later' Vias it mack the central
evelll ill the llOlv hishJl'V of Islam.
'1!1 The thn·e"lemale'deitil's, al-'LLLa. A1Eil., am! Mallat. ar~ melllioned hoth ill
the QlIr'an (~)3:HI) and in the biog"<lphical rnateliaL as ill the ramOllS ~f1dith, ac-
cO"ding to which -",Iullammad had made oiferings to al- 'Lna before his illvocation,
Sce Hisham al-Kalbi, Kitab al-a5nllTll (ed, Muhammad 'AbdaJqadir AhIllad and
Ahmad Muhammad 'Fbayd; Cairo: .'\faktabat an-nahda al-Misriy-d, n,d,). 34: a sim-
ilar story has bccn studied by M. J Kister, "'A Bag of -"kat": A Study of an Early
Haoith," RSO;\S 33 (1970): 267 .. 7:1, reprinted in .\1. J. Kister. Studi",1 in/iihiliyya and
Early [,lml1 (J.onoon: VariOIl.I111 Reprinl~, 1980), Al-'l'zzii is SllOllgly linked Wilh ~'I­
,I
Ta )if ('.g.. al-Kallll, Kitab (ll-(L~llI1m, :) I), another town which pla~'s role ill the Simh.
,,0 The equation hy Wellhallscn, Resti'. 73, of Hubal with raM hiidh<ll-ba)'t or Albh
is unwarrallted. There are strav mentions that deny the \Iekkan origin of \luham-
mad, but the~e are inconclusive: not too much weight shoulrl be given to them,
Thus, in some versions of a t.rarlition. qlloted in Suliman Bashear, Ambs and OtlWfS
In Early Islam (Studies ill Late Antiquity and Earlv Islam X: Pt·inceton. NJ: Dan\in
Press, 1997), ;-'0 anrl n, :15. 'Urnar wonders ahOlll the eloquence of Mul,Iallllltad,
Slating that "vou arc nQt frolll alllong llS," or, ill anolher version. "YOIl did not cOIlle
"l' from among us" (lam tahlml) min bWflll azJllllinii). Such remarks lllay be s~ell, de-
pending 011 tlw scholar, as remnants of original in!oHnariOll which have escaped
tht' gelleral harllloaizalioll ill tht' hist.orical material, or as careless mistakes which
have no evidential value.
130 Pmphf(Y in Its Anrient ,Vtar EastfTn C()ntext

mawsim. WhethcT this ~kstive season" is to be equated with the pre-Is-

lamic pilgrimage (/JaiJ) need not detain us. bllt it is striking that in
Mekka the activity of Muhammad. not unlike that of Jeslls in
Jenlsalem, seems to be limited to one festive season-the traditional
biography assumes that. his activi ty covered several years, alld the
1tuzwsims to which the text rcf(~rs should thus beloug to difkrent years.
Also realistic is t.hat \1ubarnmad is said to have made contact with
bedouin tribes. These contact.... arc schematically related in the Sirah
and arc said to have happened during the Iwjj (sec. e.g., Tabari
6:120-122).
It is now well-known t.hat. the importance of the pre-Islamic hajj has
been mud1 exaggerated. If we still want to believe in historical ground-
illg for contacts with bedouin tribes. it would be possible to take t.hem
as reminiscences of \1uhammaci's itinerant career among the tribes.
When later tradition set :Ylubammad in Mekka by later tradition, these
encounters had to take place in the Holy City, as it was now regarded.
As l\11l1~ammad no longer came to lhe tribes, the tribes had to come
to Muhammad. r. .lut.lammad is also reported tll have journeyed to al-
Ta'if, the cultic center of al- 'llZZd (Sirah 2:29-31/192-193). In the
Sirah, this hijm is set after the lengthy early period in \lekka, which
had led Muhammad into conflict with the local aristocracy. 'rhus, he
would have left his native town for at-Ta'if,"l but as the early period of
MutlamIIlad ill Mekka is known only from legends, We" might speculate
that he was in a~-Td)ifbcf()re the activity in Mekka."~ That Muhammacl
was followed to at-'p )if ollly by Abll Bakr, the future first caliph, un-
derlines the lack of a community'd and wouldjuSlify elating the event
near the beginning of his carcel-.
Thus, we might build his early life from the follov,'iug elements, in
this order-: vague childhood reminiscences, all pointing outside of

')1 The Shah dates this IOwaI'd the em! of Iht· \kkkall pt'I'iod, but Muhammad
is shown as virtually unknown in a tOWll which should have had close relations with
Ivlekka, where the Simh claims thaI Muhammad had lived for some fifty years and
acted as a prophet for lell years. Yet he was unknown in a!-T,l'if. '
~~ It is impossible to build a coherent travelogue based on the llleagtT infor-
mati0l1 in the Simh, but I cannot resist pointing to til<' fact that, while at-Ta 'if is 10'
caled southea~l of Mekka, )'athrib is north of Mekka. Thus, thele would have been
an ideal route from at-Ta 'if to Yathrib. via Md.ka. It goes without saying that lora",
attention to this l'OUl<:, only hall~seriouslv.
')3 Note that Ab\1 Bakr's !'Ok can easily he explained by the wi,h to give as much
merit as possible to the first SIl(TeSSOr of \Iuh'll11mad.
 Arabian Prophecy

Mekka; contacts with bedouin tribes; appearance in a~-Ta)if; a period

in Mekka during a mall/sirn. In Mekka he found an insufficient follow-
ing and finaHy left for Yathrib-perhaps against the will of the
\'lekkans, who are depicted as unwilling to let MU~lammad leave for
Yalhrib.:,4 In cho(}siJlg this reading of his life, many details would fall
nicely into place: t.he limited number of nonkgendary event.s in his
early life; the bihlicalization of his message after an initial "Arab" pe-
riod; the references to places outside Mekka (see n. 44 above); the
lack of close relatives in Mekka; and so on.
To this, one might add that the non-Muslim literary evidence
strongly favors Yathrib as the native town of Mubamrnad and docs not
mention Mekk.a in this COli text. The rnid-eighth-century Syliac chron-
icler, quoted by Diotlysius of Tellmal.lre, wrotc;
This Mllbammad. while in the age and statUl'e of youth, began to go up and
down from his [Own of Yathrib to Palestine for the business of buying and seIl-
ing. \\11ile so engagf,d in the COll!1tr'V. he saw the belief in one God and it was
pkasing to his eyes.""

\Vhile there is an obvious tcndellcy to show the (:hristian origin of Mu-

hammad's "heresy," this lext dot's show that the aut.hor, who, it might

54 The great secrecy in which the hijra is said to haye been planned and exe..
nlled (Sl1Ylh 2:39-93/197 -231; Tabari t): B9-1 ')0) is difl'lt:ult to t~xplaill if we accept
the traditional version of Mu\.lammad's lite, If ""luhallllllad had been anno,.inl/; the
Mekkalls, his departure would have been more than wdcollle (it is a wisdom of
hindsight when the MlllrncS say that the Mckkans were afraid of his latt'l Illilitan'
actions-that would have hecn unprecedented in tribal histOl-Y). Muhammad
scelllS. on the cOIltrary, to have become a ,11Owpiec(' of the tribe, and his departure
meallt a lowering of prestige: :\-1ekka lost its Prophet. That Muhammad left Mekka,
in light of the early part" of the Qur'an, would have been because he did not find
enoll)-(h enthusiasm amollg tht' Mekkans. The Qur \\n does not mention seriolts
persecutions but merelv a stubhorn refll~d to obey the divine message.
S'i Translation quoted hUlIl Roben G. Hoyland, S!'dIlK Islam as Othen Suw It: :1
Sun}l) fllIIl I','"aluulimt oj Cltri~[if/n, .Im'i,llI, and 7mvastnrw Writing) orl Eady Is{am
(Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam I ~~; Princeton, ~J.: Darwin Press, 1997).
130. FOl·the relations among the various texts, see ibid .. 400-409. The passage con-
cerning Muhammad and his trips to Palestine seems ultimately to derive from
Jacob of Edessa (d. 7(8) and his Chnmicle; cf. ihid., 405, n. 62. This passage was
commented on by Sebastiall Brock, "Syriac Views of Emergent Islam," in Studi,'s ou
flU' Finl Cni.fut'y of Islall/ic Society (ed. C;. H. A. Jltynboll; Cuhollclale: SOllthern illi-
nois Univen;ity Press, 1982),9-21, 199-203 (reprinted as S)rilt< PI7)jmliufs on l.atf
knliquil)' rLondon: Variorum Repl·ints. 19R4], 11--12), althuugh he did Hot COIl1-
Illellt on the mention ofYathlib in this context.
 Prul}hecy in It.~ !tnrieuf Near Fastem Context

be added, writes hdorc the earliest IslaI1lic aCcoullt~, does not know of
links between Muhammad and Mekka.
In the Syriac ,hronicie Ad annum 724, probably deriving from an
early Arabic original.}!) the list of the Arab rulers is prefaced as fol-
lows;,,7 "A lIotice on the liii:' of AJhm{ the I1IesseJlger of L~od, aher he
had entered his city Iviz., Yathrih I and three months bdixe he en-
tered it, from his first vear." The passagt' implies that he had a carelT
for three months before he came to Yathrib, which would fit my hy-
pothesis of a short periorl of activity in Mekka ni,ely. The text speaks
unequivocally of Muhammad's life (i.e., career) before his hijra, not of
the hijn dating. This could also he seen as an allusion to the hijn cal-
endar, which stans two months and a few clays before Mull,unmali's ar'-
rival ill Yathrib?' Thus the passage remains inconclusive.
Removing the legends and critically analyzing the life of Muham-
mad bef(xe the h~jra leads toward a picture of Muhammad as an itin-
erant prophet, preaching and com'eying a moral message to various
trihes and towns. \Vhere he came from originally remains obscure.
Yathrib after the hijra is th(' proper scene rO!- the biblicalizatioll of
:VlubaIlIIlIaci's message, as the city was undoubtedly olle of the penin-
sula's .Je...~sh strongholds.~9 Mul1arnmad became conscious there of
earlier monotheist traditions, and his prophecy started changing ac-
cording to these models. In a word. he had been an Arabian prophet.
but in Yathrib he I.wcalIlc a link in the monotht'ist HeilsKt'schichtl~ and
became closeh' associated with the hiblical prophet'>, as Muslims UII-
derstood thelll.

'i6 Hovland. "mnl!; !sillln, :~96. Such chronologirallists are now lISually taken to
Iepreseut the earliest layer of Arahic historical writing. ;md thus Me presumed
more accurate that the latt'r akhhrIr ('.g .. Patrida Crone, Stalin on Hones: 1he ElIo-
[utiorl olth~ Is/ami, Polity l Camhridge: Camhridge llnivC\"sity Pres" 19::;0]).
57 Hoyland, Seeing Islam, 395.
5H See ibid., 396. who explains this in this way. but it remains disturbing that the
gap between these two dates is actualh' less than two and a half months. See also
raban 6: I 62.
59 Note that while keeping the overall relativ(" framework of :'k,ldeke's ("hrollol-
of,"'. I do not accept hi~ abM)lute chronology. Tht' periods \lekka II ;md \kkka 1fI
may haw to he situated in Yathrib and, if I am \:orreC\ ill assulIlill)1, thaI Muhammad
wa, all ilinerant pmpht'L the slIrahs of the first ":\1ckkal1" period might panly have
originated elsewhere.
 Arahian Prophecy

Mttl)ammad's Prophetic Experience

Muhammad had two kinds of prophetic experiences during his ca-

reer. The main type, the audition, consisted of prophetic messages cod-
ified ill the Qur'ii.n(iO and which later, in Yathrih, came under heavy
hiblical int1uence. In later literature, several ;;tories describe how 1'....lu-
ham mad ff'ceiwd these messages, but the stories are far from reliable
and do not oller a solid basis for further analysis. \Vrapping oneself in
a cloth is an ecstatic techllique which seems to find corroboration in
the Qur'an. 61 A familiar spirit (tab/), the supernatural being who de-
scends on the visionary. would have heen t.he pre-Islamic model fi)r
:\-1 ul.Ialll III ad 's visions, and this is how his \isions would at first have
been understood. Only later. with the hihlicalizarion of his prophecy,
does the intermediatory angel. Gahl·icl or Israfil, take the place of the
one who brings the divine message.
The other type of prophetic activity consisted of dreams and visiom Ii '.!.
These are sometimes alludcd to in the QUI-'jn (e.g., 8:4:t dream) hut
the QlIr';.i.n tells regrettably little ahollt them. The most interesting de-
scription in the Qur':i.n comes in Surah 53, which tells of two visiolls.
In one, the text speaks of a tlumen 63 which :\-lubammad saw descend-
ing nearby, and ill the other vision. expelienced ncal- "the Utmost
L ote;T ree, ,.li4 h i 'lIng W IJlC
e saw somet . tI .. covere d". t h e tree. D reams Ilave
a clear rok in some parts of the 5iimh. Especiallv interestillg is that. ill

60 The position of\\'allshnmgh, QlImmr Studies, is extreme. Wansbrough ~ee~

the QUI 'an as a compilation of SOlIle two centuries and as the product of s(evel <11
local traditions. Wausbrollgh \ position has found few wholehearted supporters
and is, in fact. umenablf'. 11 is built on a strong desire tt) see the Qur'an as paral-
lel to biblical texts. partly tojustify Wanshrough ill using methods of biblical schol-
arship to study it.
hJ Mw.. ul1nmil (Qm. 73:1) anc! mudda/hthir (QUI". 74:1), both roughly meaning
'·one who has wrapped himself in a cloth.'· The concomitant storics in the com·
mentaries arc oj dubious alltllt'111ieitv.
'i~ See W. MOJ1lgomery Wall, Aluhamtrli1l!:1 ,'VInca: His/IJry in thp Qumn (blamic
Survevs; Edinburgh: Edinburgh Cniver,itv Press, I 98fil .51-68. Watt has done valu-
able work on early Islam, hut his altilllde toward thf' material is very conservatiye.
6:, The standard illterpJ"(~tatinns speak of Gabriel or God. dcp~~nding on the
romment,rtor: the text does !lOl specih wh,11 MlIl.laTilmari anually saw.
/.",,4 This srene hler W;lS arlded to the ,tory of Muhammad's asct'nsion to heavt'Tl.
but ill the original context this interpretation is not po~.sible. The story of the ce-
kstial ascent of J\luhallllJlad has to be dated no earlier than the late seventh cell·
mry: its Sih im I."Oen i, the multin~ligiolls mil it'll following the conquests (st'c
H;imf'cn-Anttila. "Descent").
134 Prophecy in Its A ncil'nt ;Vl'ar l~'ast(,T1I Contp;\:{

most of these dream stories. :\-iuballlmad is described as a passive

medium or intermediary; it is Abl-) Bakr who explains the dreams and
takes an active role. One example may be sufficient.'iC' In Simh
4:110-111/590, during the siege of al-Ta'if, Muhammad tells his
dream to Abii Bakr. He dreamed that he had heen given a howl full of
hutter, but a rooster pecked at it and spilled it. Abil Bah jntcl1)rct~ the
dream, saying that Muhammad will not reach his aim that day. Mu-
bammad agrees, retrieving his troops.
Muhammad does not emerge from these stories as a statesman and
leader-a role that caliphal propaganda since the end of the seventh
celllury wanted to givt' him-hilt as a holy man who f()llows the tribe
ill its warlike activities and provides supernatural guidance for the
leaders through an oracle or ominous dream, the interpretation of
which is left for others. The storv. is told in the SimI! as if Ahii Bakr onlv.
voiced doubts \luhammad himself already had. and it is eventually
Muhammad who decides how to act. But this is how one would sup-
pose the story to have been modified, once Muhammad's cCl1tral role
in Islam had developed into a dogma. Y('t it doe~ remain conspicuolls
how often Abu Bah is depicted in this interpretative role. as if it wne
up to him to interpret Mubammad's dreams and to draw practical
conclusions.
Th('re is also a story that implies incubation. In some versions of the
il'rri' , the nightjollmey66 starls from the Ka'ha, where the Prophet is
sleeping, As the story of the Lml' and the concomitant mi'riij, ascen-
sion to heavell, is of later origin,ti7 it is not possible to give l11uch
weight to it.
The Sirah contains prophetic dreams from others, too. Perhaps the
most intriguing is the portentous dream of the Prophet's allnt,6~
Atika bil1t 'Abdalnnllplih, who had remained pagan (Sirah 2:212-
:!14/2~O).69 Her dream was welcomed with scorn by pagan Mekkans,

(;" Another dream fj'OIl1 the final period of Muhammad's at:tivities appear, in
Simh 4:63/776-777 (no. 815). Note also the dream in Simh 2:230/300.
66 See Qur. 17: I and the legendary material attached.
tii See. e.g., Hameen-Anttila, "Descellc"
6S That is. if we accept the traditional genealogy of Muhammarl.
b\l The dream of ':\tika has been also discussed hy Fahd. DiJ!ination. 27()~1.
Dreams also relailled lheir importance in later Islamic cuhure. An interesting case
of a dream as a medium or olliei;;1 propaganda is al-Ma'mlHl's Aristotelian dream,
discussed in Dimitri (-;utas. Grrek Thol1f!ht. Arabic eu/IUI?': fht' (;rarm-Ambic Tramlfl-
tion A/ollt'mrnt in Raghdmi and Earll' 'Abbrlsid Sor;,'t)' (2nd-4th/8th-IOth rentw7esj (l.on-
 Arahian Prophecy 135

and her brother, al-'Abbas ibn 'Ahdalmuttalih was rebuked: "Are you
not satisfIed that your men should play the prophet that your women
should do so also?" As the story is no more reliable than other infor-
mation concen1ing Muhammad's life, one has to be hesitant abollt ac-
cepting it-yet it is worth noticing.

The Context for Mul:J.ammad's Prophecy

What seems to have distinguished Muhammad from other Arab

prophets is that in Yathrih he was influenced hy the biblical tradition,
which made him see himself as different from and more than other
Arah prophets, This evolution finally led to the birth of a new
monotheistic religion. With this change offoCllS, Muhammad set him-
self in a new paradigm, Illstead of an itinerant Arab prophet, he be-
came the God of Israel's messenger to humankind-or, more proba-
bly, to the Arabs only.70 The composition of a Holy Book also resul ted
from this redirection as the text of the Qur'an testifies. When his bi-
ography was \Hitten Illore than a century latel-, this final biblical phase
of prophecy was retrojected to the beginning of his career.
Muhanllnad was lIot the only Arab prophet, kahins apart. We have
information about many of his competitors, and after his death there
was 110 abrupt discontinuation of Arabian prophecy. To be sure, the
most intimate followers of ~Iubammad did not claim to have suc-
ceeded him in his prophetic funct.ion, and even the ?\1aIW"lIlid
lJrnayyads, especially 'Abdalmalik (I'. 6H5~705), who concei\'cd the
caliph as a divinely authorized king in Sasanian style, never claimed to
be prophets. For them, though, the caliph, the vice-regent of God on
earth, was in fact a higher flUlctionaq' than eyen the prophet
I\[ul)amrnad. 7 !
We have scattered iIlformatioIl on Mul~a\11mad's main competitor,

dOli am! :'Iiew York: Routledge, 1998), 95-104. Dreams and their interpretation
have been discussed by Fahel, Divination, 2·17-367, who has also collected an im-
pressive list of oneirocritic manuscripts, See also Friedmann, "Finality," 199-202,
and Leah Kin be rg, "Literal Dreams and Prophetic Badl!,.') in Classical Islam: A
Comparison of Two Ways of Legitimation:' J)", /slam 70 (1993): 279-300,
70 Later Islamic t.raditioll shows ull('quivocally how ChristiaJlity ancl Judaism
welT seen as aneptable religions: Islam was no missionary religioJl, Similarly. a late
passage in th(' Qttr'an (2:(j2)sees litese religions as potentially leading to salva-
lioll--tiespite later attempts to intci-pret the pa.~,agt· differently.
7] See Crone and Hinds, God's Caliph, 24-12,
136 Pn~phecy in Its Ancient Near Eastern Context

Musaylima (al-Kadhd}/{lb, "tlw Li<tr"). from Bami Banlfa. who is said to

have met Muhammad, as well as on the prophetess Sajahi and a few
others, the so-called ridda72 prophets. What (hese prophet~ preached,
and to what extent they had been influenced by biblical tradition or
by Muhammad, remaills hard to evaluate. The cla~sical sources are-
more- or le-ss unanimolls that they had a universal me~sagc-c()ncocterl
from Christianity and travesties of \lu!:t<1nunad's message, it we- are- to
be-Iieve the Islamic sources. They rlid have a message, most probably
similar to that of \Iuhammad--exccpt that their message is purpose-
fully distorted by the sources. Some of the prophets may, in fact, have
se-cn the-mse-lvf's as Mu!~ammad's SUCCl'~sors, alld probably conceived
of themselves as \fuslims. Thus. wheu :Yluhamrnad died, his place was
open for Musaylima alld other prophets. The id('a llIay sounrl unfa-
miliar to Muslims as well as to \Vest.ern scholars who have adopted clas-
sical thinking, but it is quite natural. \'\:by should prophecy have ended
\vith the death of one prophet? 7:\
The ridda prophets are usually said to have led the ridda I11m'{"ments.
but this is probably !lot accllI·ate. It seems that they personifierl the
ridda movelllents more than they led them. The stories rlo not consis-
tently show them as the leaders of their tribes. and many sources draw
attention to the fact that there were more noble-and hence potell-

i'.? The term riddl1111eanS "aposlasv"; from the Islamic point of,iew. Iht'se proph-
ets and their tribes, which had succumbed to lhe Islamic "tatc of'\'athrib. commit-
ted apostasy when they lefused to accept the suprnnaev of Yathrih after Muham-
mad's death. It should be Boted, though. that Ihe concept of ridda is mistaken. The
military activities of the Islamic slale did not srop, and different tribal confedera-
lions always w.ed the opportunity to counterattack Yat!ll-ib. The rid.!la wars were the
direct conlinu(\tion of wars in the final veal'S of ~\Ihammad, and a (liren prede-
cessor of the conquests Villilh). Th .. tripartite srheme (((lnq\l('.~t of Mekka-
J'idda-JuriiM derives from later histulians, not tht, malel!"] iL~elf. The [('nil Jidda
is also misllndcrsto{)d from anothcr point of view. \,\'e havc 110 pre)uf Ihal1.he ,irMa
prophC'ts ('onccin'o of rhC[]]seiH's in opposition to Muhammad's !lew religiull.
Thev opposed the leadership of Yathrib after the oeath of Muhammild. Hidda
prophets are disclIssed in all histories of the Islamic stale after rhe death of ~fu­
hammad. Ibn A'lham al-Kilfi's Kitiib a/-Put/th (1:~RR-1395; ed. Mulpmmad 'Ab-
dalm'id Khan; vols. 1-8: As-Silsila al:jadida min malbfl 'at Da'irat ai-rna \irif aI-
'uthmaniya 9/12/1-8; Haydarabad: Matba 'at Da'irat aI-rna 'arif al-'uthrnaniva.
1968-1975; repr., Ikinll: Ihjr an-tladwa ai-j'lliida, n.d.) contains ,1 l<lrge selection of
these stories ,,-jlh examples "f--ohviollsly ill\'('nred-pmpheti(' dina of rhe ridda
prophets (1:1-87).
7:1 Stronms,l'S discussiun of Manirhaeall ptuphec)" in '''Seal of the Prophets,'"
is relevant as a parallel caSt'.
 Arahian Prophecy B7

tially more influential-men among their followers. 74 :\1usaylima is the

best-known of these prophets.7~ According to .tvluslim sources, he was
the prophet of the Banti Hanifa ill Yamama, and claimed to be receiv-
ing revelations. The text of some of these revelations has been trans-
mitted,7!; hUI their authenticity is dubious. Some of them are fanciful
inventions, concocted to show the emptiness of ~Iusaylima's f~IIse "rev-
elations" and to contrast them with the noble message of Muhammad.
The following (Tabari 10: 109) is often quoted as authentic"
Oh frog. daughter of a fi·og. croak what you croak. your upper part is in 1he
water and vour lower Ilart in the mild, do not bar any person dIinking, nor
'~R . -
make I.hl' water turhid. '

7·1 Thm, e.g .. At!1 Tbavd al-Qasim ibn Sallam, Kitlib lITHw.lob (1410; ed.
Maryam Muhammad Khayraddar: Daral-Fikr. 1989i, :~52: "Mu\:Jakkam al-Yamama
Ibn at-Tufayl was more noble than Musaylima." In Ibn A'thalli. Futuh 1:33.
rvlul:Iakkam is called Musaylima\ vizier and "his man" (siihib); his role may have
been similar to that of Abll Bah in relation to Muhammad. I.ike Muhammad
(SimI! 2:2~0/~()O). Tnlavha i.~ shown as supporting his troops l>ehind lilt" lines (Ibn
A 'th;un , Flltuh 1:14-1:'». not leading thf' battk hut inspiring it with his presellce.
75 The st«wianl study of I\Illsaylima i~ Dalf' F. Eirkdmann, "\1usaylima: An Ap-
ploadl to the Social Anthropology of Sevcuth-Centllry Arabia," Jill/mal oj IIII' Fw
nomic and S()('ial Histo,)' o/Ihe Orient 10 (1967): J 7-52, which is hased mainly on sec-
ondan sources and is unsatisfactory. An in-depth study, which is still lacking, would
take the Arab sources and their problems into full account; any lucid understand-
ing of the l-idda prophe15' career presupposes the colleC!ion of all Islamic mateIial
pertinellt to their lives, with sound source cl'iticiMn.
7ti E..g., in '/rdl(lri 10: 108-1O~).
77 Another version appears ill Jil/tan 10: 13;~. As the text of these "fevdations"
was nevC'l' canonized, it developed as wildly as allY anecdotal material, without
reaching fixed 101'111. In Ibn A'tham\ Futilil. (1 :29), a Hanafi contemporary of
\-iusavlirna is made to voice the opinion of Islamic authors: "You have heard the
Qur'au hrought by \-lutlarnmad .... How far his speech is from that of Musaylima
the Liar!"
7H As an aside. one might draw aLlelltioll 1.0 the anonymous Latin Vita of 850.
translateo hy Kenneth B. 'Wolf in A1edirt'al Iberia: IfF(lItiflgs from Christian, :Huslim.
tmdff7li1'sh SOU1as (cd. Olivia Remie Constable; Middle Ages SeIies; Philadelphia:
L'lliversitv of P"nnsvlrdnia Press. 1997). 49. This source is. ill general, we1l in-
formed concernillg Islam, and it describes Mulp1Umad's activity in the following
words (words in brackets added): "The same false prophet [i.e .. Muhammad] com-
posed psalms from the mOllths of iITationai animals, commemorating a red calf
[the Surah of the Cow. 2). He wove a story of spiderwebs for catching flies rrefer-
cnce to the Surah of the Spi<iel-, :!9J. I-/e composed certain sayings ,;bout the
hoopoe I reference to the Swah of tfw .-\nt, 27:20] and the frog [sic] . ... [IIJe
arrangecl other sonb~ ill his OWll slvle ill hOllo!' of Joseph , Zachary ancl evcn the
Jilother of tht' I.ord, ~1;1ry [the SUJ'ah of Mary. 1~IJ." All "psalms" and "songs" of
Muhammad are corr('ct references to the Qur 'an, except for the reference to the
 Pmplu'l'J in Its Ancient IVNlr j,'astem Context

:\·lore credible are the passages which sound more religious (see, e.g.,
Tabari 10:93-95). These tend to closely resemble the earliest layers of
the Qur'an; whether they do so because they have been fabricated on
the basis of the QUI' 'an, or because they belong to the same tradition,
is far from clear.
The few texts transmitted from the other prophets follow the
Musaylima passages and have the same problems. \Vonh no/icing,
though, is the existence of a prophetess, Sajahi, although she is best
known [or the sexual insults heaped on her by later :\Iuslims?1 On the
other hand, she is said (Tabari 10:93) to haye knm'l-ll Christianity; the
Taghlih tribe. with which she is associated, was at least partly Chris-
tianized.
Some of the ridrla prophets were contemporary ",rith MlIl.lammad.
Islamic sources and tendentious history \\Titing has not been able to
hide that, for example, Musaylima was already active during the life of
the prophet :\Juhammad. These sources desC\;be all the pseudo-
prophets as IIlere emulators of ~tllballlmad. Other prophets may have
appearcd only after Mul~,unm ..\(i had died, and they seem to have
come, at least partly, h'olIl ,tTllong the Muslims. The best known of
these is Tulavha, who reconverted to Islam later in his Iife. 80 Tulavha
and MusayIima, too, are said to have received messages through
Gabriel,sl but this may also be an extrapolation of l\·fubammad's situ-
ation. On the olher hand, in Tabari 9:167, Tlilayl:w's divine intermedi-
ator is called Dh(1 'n-Nllll; alld in Tabari 10: 112, the one who comes to
l\'{usaylima is ar-Rahll1~m. The prolific and eyer varying names do not
engender much confidence.

frog, an animal which is nowhere mentioned. The same source mentions that "I he
spirit of er!'Or appeared to him in the form of a vulture," which ylul:Jalllmad said
was the an~d Gabriel (p. 4R), Even this might be based on more than sianrief, In
Ihn al.Mulla<ii, J'vlllltiJlim 50 (Salih Apocalypse), a ravcn (glwriibJ is reported to haw
hro\lghlllJessagt'~ 10 S'll.ih. Perhaps the Vila i, transmitting Islamic materials origi-
Hally purported to be used against p~t:udoproph("ts and turning them against 1\111-
hammad himself. The question needs a separate study.
i'l See. e.g., the famolls poem no. 41 hy al-Aghlab al- '~jh (Jaakko 11;imeen-
Anltila, cd .. Fivp Rllga~ Colferlions: iHaierialsjor the Studv a/Raga::. Poetr), 1/ [StudOr 70;
Helsinki: Societas Oriemalis FnllliC<l, 1995 J), Contral)' to the date usually given for
the poet (d. (41), tht" P{)("III. as well as the majority 01 other poems altriouteri to
al-Aghlab, dales considerably later; al-Aghlab-or at kast the author of thb
poem-i, no (OIHCmporarv of Sajahi.
so See. e.g., Tabari 10:74. Sajiihi, too, reconverted (lilbari 10:97), whi<h shows
how lightly the earh' Muslims lOok the matter.
HI Ibn A'tham. FutiJ~ 1:10.12. and 24: cf. Tabmi 10:60.
 Arabian Prophecy

In general, Islamic authors describe the Jidda pr()phet~ as imitators

o[ MuIJammad, but this is often mere fiction. It is, [or example, im-
probable that Sajahi would have let the prayer call contain the formula
"I testify that Sajahi is the prophetess of God~ (ashhadu an nu Sa/ahi
l1abl),atu ll(ih); the central mIl' of Muhammad in Islam and his pJat:t' ill
the caIl to prayer hanily dates to this time. Likewise, al-Aswad82 is
GIBed "an apostle of (;od" by his followers (Tabari 10:2H), although in
this case we might have a historical report, as there is 110 reason why
other prophets would not have imitated the most successful prophet
ofYathrib.
Some rich/a prophets may have seen themselves as continuing the
prophecy of MulJaJlllllad. Thus, when Musaylima [reed the followers
of S<~jal~i [wm two of the five daily prayers Muhammad had imposed
on them (Tabari 10:95), the implication is that he continues the work
of Mlll.lammad, instead of opposing or disclaiming it.3:~ That his Islam
was not what became accepted as orthodox Islam need not blind us to
tht' fact that heresy and orthodoxy became defined only in time. Had
Musaylima or some of the other ridda prophets succeeded, theirs
~4
would have been the orthodoxy."

Paradigms of Arabian Prophecy

Tht'se abortive attempts to develop-or to continue-a full-gTO\vTI

model of continuous prophecy eventually failed. Whether these
prophets had a model ill earlier times is not clear. In any case, we have
no reporL~ of pl'Ophetic schools on the peninsula or of prophetic SLlC-
cession within a holy family. 'The only evidence which could be so in-
terpreted is the above-mentioned passage concerning 'Atika, and it is
too equivocal to Iw lIsed a~ a basis for further hypotheses. s:,

H2 S('c. ('.g., 'laban 9: E,f). Most of the inf(wmalion Oil thest' ridda propheL' ap'
pears in the tel1th \'ollln1(' of Tabari.
83 One should not, though, forget lIla!. in the earliest phase, th(' Yiuslims seem
to have had three daily praVC'l'S (sec QUI'. II: 114; 50;39~1:0; 76:25-26). If there is a
historical core' to the' three' daily prayers for Sajahi's followers. this might hav(' been
all earlier practice. In that case, the' "'reduction" of the five prayers to three wonld
be all etiology for [he f'xistinf,l; habit.
1'4 Ar-R.-yjaJ (or ,u~Rabhal) was said to have he('n a knowledgeable Muslilll. and
he did not have scruples about i<JUowing ylusaylillla aftel' the death of !vfuhanllllad
(T(J.!J(Jri 10: tn7, IIi).
8" We also find stray remal'ks like that ill Ibn A tham, Futuh 1:4, in which
Quraysh is refelTed to as AId all-nllbiiwl1. "the people of prophecy." The passage
HO Prophrry in Its A tlrimt Nrar I~'astrrn COil text

Prophecy 011 the Arabian Peninsula was not exclusively pagan and
Arab in character. The SimI! is full of stories about Jewish and Christ-
ian holy men, as well as hanifs86 wandering on the peninsula, preach-
ing or st'arching for the truth, These stories art· told in Islamic litera-
ture as annunciation stories; the gist is predicting the Prophet SOOIl to
come. In addition to pagan prophets. there may have bccn <t prophet,
or at least a visionary. fn)m among the Jews, The Iiule-known ~tI1d im-
perfectly understood Medinese Jew, Sali ibn Sayyad,~7 may have
claimed to be a prophet. Ibn San';id was already active when
.\lul1ammad Illet him, according to SOI1W storit's. In ad-Danl's as-Swum
al·rmrida 1191-1:200 (nos. ti59,6ti5),~x there are seven &adllhs COIl-
n:rning ihn Sayy;ld. SOIIle of these hruliths shuw him as a hiihin. In
no, ti65,H9 the prophet :vIuhammad tests him ill traditioll~tl hi/hill styk
("I am keeping something hidden from you"). In others (nos.
661--662). Ibn Sayyad claims to be a messenger of God, equal to
.\Iubammad, In no. 662, he is depicted as a visionary who sees the
f' 'I'lar f rom 1\1',er'kava. I1 mys! .IClsm
I IHone () f' (',(){i OJ! waler. it \'ISlOllitllll
,. .!)f)
..

Later authors saw the Amichrist in 11m San'acl: the hadlllls about

Illay be intcrpreted innocuouslY (as the people among whom th.· last and final
prophet appe.lred). bllt it does givc room (,)1' a less orthodox reading: (the people
from among- whom prophcts in general arose), The hmb/II according to which
Muhammad's son. Ihrahlm, would haw' become a pn>phe! had he Ilot died ill in-
hlncl' (discussed 111 Friedmann, "Finalirv," I Rtl-!l:1) is oLI hiler period, and even the
existence of Ibr[thi1l1 has laldv hcell qllesliolll'd: set' Kaj ()11l nberg, "Mariya al·
(.libtiyya l'meil,'d." SludOr ');') (198-+): 2~i7 -,IO,'i,
:;6 A r,uhn ohscure (,Dn closely associated ill Ihe Qill ','in witb Abraham; Sfle.
e,g., 3:67. The discussion of \Vatl. Muhammad's ,HfC((J. 37-:18. is l'Cle\~U1t to the
meaning of ham/ I agret' with Watt in doubling the existence of any" hallirmove-
ment" hefort' Islam.
~7 The nallle is spelled in slightl\' differeJlt forms: Ibn Sa 'id: IhIl as-$;l'id; Ibn as·
S;l\vad: t'te For more ahout Ibn Sa\,~jd. sec especiallv f);lvid Halperin, 'The Ibn
sayyad Traditions and lht' Legelld of :tl-Daii,ll," .lAOS 96 (19711): 21~-25, a 1111
Steven \1. \Vasserstrolll, Bl'lwf'1'fI :vIwlim !llId J'7l': 111/' I-'mbll'lll 0/ Symbiosis Will", Fatly
hlam (Priuceton: Prillt.:t'loll l: niversily Pre'ss, I 99=-;). 77 ~"''2, In lim al·l\lunjcii,
Maiit/Jlm, 222. there is an intETt'sting ston' which has ht't'll overlooked bv Halperin.
According to the sttwy, Ibn S:I'id was an IsfahanianJew who went into occultation
in order to rt'turn as the Antichrisl.
>\8 III addition to L-thman ihn Sa"id ad-D;llli. OI-Sl/lIal/ a/'1l'Iirida fi i:fifan 1/1(/'
Khawa'diha lila' ,I' Ill' (I WllflSluiilil{{1 (1411); eel. Rici;i 'albh \tuhalllma<i Idris <11 ..
\-fllb~llakfiiri; Riyadh: ilar af··;isi111;t, Inn5), aile! tIl(' SOIllH~' L1~ed by H,'fpcrin. "Ibn
),\~v5rl," St'e also Ihn al-MIIlladi. iHa/ahlm. index. S,\,\. "Ibn Sj'id" and "Ihn Savyad."
1'9 S('(' Halperin, "Ibn SaY)"lci," 219,
90 See ibid., 217-18.
 Arabian Prophecy 141

him are more inttTe~ted in his apocalyptic role than in his earth ly ac-
tivities; consequently, the historical Ibn Sayyad tends to evade us. 9 ] It
is almost impossible to say whether a person called Ibn Sayyad existt'd
at the time of Mubammad, but these relatively early testimonies imply
that eighth--century scholars believed that a Jewish visionary or a
prophet had been active in l'vIedina in the seventh century. In any case,
Ibn Sayyad was not an Arab prophet but an Arabic-speakingJcv.1sh \1-
sionary (or messiah or prophet).
Thus there is considerable e\idence for claiming that the prophets
and soothsayers of the peninsula had two main paradigms. FiI'st, there
was (he local kahin-at least some of whom are depicted as living in in-
accessible places-\isi(ed hoth by his own trihe and hy others when
they were in need of an oracle. The second group consist~ of itinerant
prophets and preachers, the holy men who traveled in search of an au-
dience. These prophets had a message to convey and were respected.
if not obeyed, due to tht'ir inherent authority as representatives of
God and as channels t()r di"ine messages. Prophets are never tested iII
the stories in the same sense as the hiihins. They may produce siglIs
(iiYrll)-f(lr \luslirn authors. Muhammad produced truthful signs, the
"pseudoprophets" only legerdemain-but their authOIity ultimately
derives from the divine message they convey. If the audience does not
believe in the message and the signs adduced by the prophet, it is to
their detrimC'nt. But if the client does llot believe in the abilities of the
hiihin, he is free to turn to another. The basic difTerence betwet'n the
nV() types of prophet, lies in the universality and content of their mes-

sage. We are rarely told that !whim did more than answer questions.
They received their authority from their clienL~, not from the di\;nity
they represented or from who expressed himself in the oracle. They
were selected, tesln!, ;mti, when they passed the test, their word was
accepted. It was accepted because their clients lIeeded a soothsayer or
a neutral ~wham, a supernaturally inspired judge, not because tIte
kahin had inhereIlt authority as a representative of God. 92 The klihin
could be ignored, but not the prophet. Both types continued well into

91 Whether Ibn Sayvad was the Antj,hrist is heatedly debated in the hadiths I
havc quoted as wdl as ill their various commentaries, The origin of this debate may
have been confusion cameo by the word drlJ1'71, which i;. us<'d both for pscudo-
prophets and the Antichrist.
92 A group dose to k(lliins we Ie the divillt>IS. 'We have little leliable illfonllaLiuH
on divinatorv practices in pre-Islamic times. The Sirah (1:136-139/66-68) de-
14~ Prophpry in Its Ancimt Near Fllstf'rn Conk;>;l

Islamic times, The kllhins were atlested ill the peninsula up to the
twentieth century, as reported especially from Suuth Arabia. The other
type. the itinerant prophet with a universal message. is less known. es-
pecially since Sunni Islam later denied the possibility of continuous
, q'~
prophecy after \Iuhammad:'
After the conquest, the history of the peninsula remains almost un-
documenterl. except for episorles that occurred mainly in the last two
decades of the seventh century. Modern e\'irlence shows lhat the kiihins
continued their activities, especially among the bedouins, who never
fully absorbed Islam aud to a great extent retained their Arab thought-
patterns and traces of Semitic paganism?! When the foclis of Islam
changerl to the old culttU-<11 art'<l of the Near East, mainly Palestine,
Syria, and Iraq, prophecy became rlecply inf1ucncerl hy local tradi-
tions. As is well-known. the centuries before Islam were a period of
great religiolIs acridty, and several persons. both within Judaism and
Christianity and on the margins, claimed to be recei\lng messages
from God. The Elchasaites alld the \1anichaeans likely represent the
most famous of these 1I)()vcmenls. but Ihey were not the only ones,
\,vhen the "Belicycrs," as the early \'lusli/lls called themselves, COIl-
quered the region, a steady influx of con\'erL~ started joining their
ranks, bringing their cultural and religious heritages. The religion of
Islam was taking fixed form slowly. Local versions tended to develop in
different directions, <IlId difftTCll1 prophetic IradiliollS found their way
into some h1I1TIS ofisiam. Our best sources li)r these are the laler here-
siographies and, to a lesser l'xtCllt. later Shiite literature, which pre-
serves traces of sc\'cIlth- anrl cighth-century l1JO\'cments. Their ideas

s(rih('~ clivination with <lITOWS in the Ka'ha, For divinatioIl in ~eJleral, See fahd.
Ow/nation.
'H Prophets did COIltillllC appearing but Welt: usually executed. unless their ca'
reel' as plopheb l()uld be marginali/.ec\. The wusp <ifi/ITP ot I;){er prophets was the
poet al-Mulanabbi (d. 965), who got his nickname "the would-be pnlpht't," it is
said, h'om a youthful adventure among bedouins. See, e.g .. Wolfhart Heinrichs.
'The l\Ieaning of :\hnanabhl," in Poelry (Ind Pmph"0': The Beginnings oj a Llll'rary Tra'
dition (ed. James L Kugel: Ithaca. :-':.l:: Comell University Press, 1990). 120--J9 and
2:'Il-~9.
9-1 On bedouin rdigi()Sity, see, e.g.,Joseph Henninger, :lmhim .'1111'1'11:;\ u/siilze ~ur
Rdigiol/,\~gl'.\(hidltt' ,\mbirw 1I11d ."'int'! Rand{!/'bifff
(ORO 40: Giittingen: Vandell-
boeck & Ruprecht. 19RI), Note that the Antichrist is oftell said to lind his follow,
ers among bedouins; see below.
 Arabian Prophecy H3

show that the idea of continuous prophe<.:y lingered for centuries, a11(i,
until modern times, even popped up among radical ShiitesYs
Keeping the focus on early Islam, the sources give glimpses of sey-
eral prophetic or messianic movements. Sometimes it is difficult to dis-
tinguish between the two, as most prophets were also ready to lead a
movement against worldly and unjust govl'rInnCIIl. They, in [act, were
often ron'cd to do so, as the Sunni systcIII had no place [or would-be
pn)phets. 9ti One source demonstrat.ing the importance of would-be
pmphets in the first olle and a half centuries of Islam is eschatological
literature. Like their Jewish and Christian counterpartli, Islamic apo-
calypsl's and l'schatological texts are a valuable SOlllTe tor event, SliP-
pressed or harmonized in later historical wri tings. The reconstruction
of eady Islam has ill reccnt rimes relied much on this material.
The appearance of false prophets, as they are described ill Islamic
literature ,'17 is one of the signs of the last days. In ad-Danl's as-Sunan
al-wiiorida 861-864, there are fivl' Iwdiths (nos. 441-445) mentioning
hdsc prophels, who seelll to have bet'll a cause of anxiety and thus a
real threat to circles that invented and circulated Iwdiths.\iH The point
in these five lJadlths is similar. In all of thcm, the Prophet warns his na-
tion about false prophet";
(no. 441) The Last Hour will not COIlle before nearly thiny lying
dajFt1s will be sent, each 0111" claiming to he tll(" M~ssenier' of God.
99

95 An interesting modem case is the eighleenlh-cenLllry Shavkhiya movement,

out of which the Babiva grew in the nineteenth century; see, e.g., Henri Corbin. Ell
Iran islamim: ASPf(,/S s/,irituds 1'1 phifOlujlhiqUfS (vols. 1-4; Palis: Gallimard. 1971-
1972), '1:20:'-300, and Smith, Balli and Baha'i Religion).
'In 1\1;In)' of these propllC'ts who gained political importan,('-and were suhse-
quellt\\' executed-arc listed in Fticdmann. "Fillality: 194-96.
97 The CJlJi~tiall polcmics agaillSt false prophel~ (already ill M,tU 7:15) lll,lV
have been knm'il1 to :\1llslim authors.
~lS It might not be superfluous to recall that these "false pmphets" were no
threat to Islam; they pro\'ided a rival interpretation.
<j'l [)aiiiil. from S)Tiac daKJ;rilii 'liar', llsllally ref('rs to th(' false messiah, the An·
tichris!, but it is also lIsed ill the ;,t'll'i(' o(,"false prophet." In no. 'H5 (= ::-Jll'aym ibn
I:fammad, in Kilali al·Nlall [1414; ed. Suhayl Zakk;tl'; Beirut: D;ir al-Fikr, 199:'\),
:n 7), the Humber of daval., is raised to s('vellty-odd. Evell tbe Antichrist first claims
to be a prophet; St'e Ibll al,Mlln;ldi. Mahihim, 249 (,- Nu 'aym ibll llallllll~ld. in
FilrJJl, 326, and ct'. 330).
144 Pmphrry ill Its Anrimt ,'\/mr Fasten1 Cmltl'xt

(no. H~) 100 In my llatioll there will be thinv liars. ",,,eh olle of which d"ims to lx.~
a prophet, but I ,ill) the Seal of the Pmphet~. There Vlill be no prophets after me.

Although these hadiths offer no details, the general direction is clear.

~-1any inspired religious aspirants saw themselves a.~ new prophet.s,
whose t.ask wa.~ to maintain inspired, direct cont,let \\ith God.
Iran, the t()rrncrly Zoroastrian state, seems to have been the most
active hotbed of prophets, some of whom, like al-~luqanna " "the
Veiled Prophet of Khorasan" of the late eighth century,lOI probably
had a Zoroastrian background. Others, like Sayan ibn Sim 'an, who as-
cended to heaven, was anointed by God, and ordered to convey God's
message to humankind, III:! undoubtedlv found their inspiration in the
hihlical tradition. In a strict sense, these prophets did not continue
Arabian prophecy, but bdong to Christian,Jewish, or Zoroastrian par-
adigms. They were transplallts from traditions other than Islamic. Nev-
ertheless, their presencc within tbe Islamic comIllunity i5 remarkable,
and most. of their followers seem to han' called themselves "Muslims"
and seen thcmseln:s \",ithin the Islamic tradition. A part of the popu-
lation that may have h('('n too ready to hack IIt'W prophet.s were the
bedouins; they arc-together with women and Jews-often dcscrihrd
among the followers of the AntichriSl. 11J1
In Ibn al-Munadi, j\llaliibim, 259, ~fuhammad is quoted as giving his
verdict 011 Musaylima, who is among thirty false messiahs (ai-masll/. ad-
dajjril), referring in this rase to htlsc prophets. The hamtl! is anachro-
nistic-the eschatological speculation gained strength only several
decades Iater lfH-and. cOllsequt'mly, it does not concern the historical
Musaylima or the other ndda prophets, who had been vanquished

100 Also in. e.g., Ibn al-Munadi, jl,faliihim, ll~t Other versions of the hadith are
listed in Friedmanll, "fill"lilV." 19(J, n. (i7.
10] lhb(177 29:196--197. H~ was executed. in 77') or SOl)1l aIleI'. Sf.'(" also Elton L.
Vallie!. Tlu' Politl((l{ and Social HisloT) vf Klturasan ullder Abba.'<ld Ruk, 7-17--820 (Bib-
liotheca Islamica; Minneapolis and Chkag,): Iran-America Foundation. 1979),
1;)7-47.
102 E.g., [pst'udol-an-Na,hi' ai-Akbar, hul. ~60 (josef van Ess, Fnilte rnu' (a~ili­
ti.)(he lliimiogml'hu: Zwei Werkf'd"J NiiSi' al-,1kltm 19l'sl. 293 H.I IBeimter T(>xte lind
Studien 11; Wiesbaden and Bt'irut: Franz Steiner, 1971], 9-70 lin Arabic}), trans-
lated in Hiimeen-Allltila, "Destent."
1O:{ F.g., Ihn al-Mllnarll, !'vrainlllll!, 2i>O-') I, "IH\ oftell. See also Nil' aym ibn
fhmm;irl, jCi{all, ~~ I.
]O.j The ({ur',inic last day, and hellce Muhammad's vi('\\' ofeschatoJogy, is a PUll-
ishment which befalls th(" sinful people all of a sudden (ba{!;ittalan: QU)~ 6:3 J and
often); there is no time for eschatological signs or persons.
 Arabian Prophecy 145

years before this luulllh was fabricated. Rather. it is directed agaillSt

later prophetic movements. !Os The classical Islamic authors mainly re-
garded these prophets as extremist (ghuliit) Shiites, a category without
historical reality before the mid-eighth century. In fact, the early
ghulat movements should be seen as 14noslic sects s\lrfacing under the
cover of the new religion. The moderate Shiite movement, which
evolved as 'J\\ielvt'r Shiislll in the tenth cenllll")', accepted some glzuliit
ideas, and the Shiite Imam shares many features ~with these early
pmphet.s. Divine messages were received by the Imam, and although
the classical Shiite sources make a clear distinction between wahy'rev-
elation', which only the prophets receive, and ilhflm 'illspiration',
which the Imams receive, there are traces of a more f1exible terrninol-
o!''Y ill the ei14hth century. At that time, the Huh 'the Spirit' also
bmught revelations 10 the Imams, by which they were to guide their
[011 owers. 106

Summary

In pre-Islamic times, the prophets were part of an Arabian tradition,

with probably only faint influence from the biblical tradition. The pre-
Islamic, inspired holy men were of two types. The first was the inspired
soothsayer or kiihin, whose role was to answer questions for a price.
These hiihins had no followers and no universal moral message, and
tlwir authority depended on s(){'ictal acceptance, not on inherent au-
thority, In contraST to divinel-s, the 'whins do not seem to have llsed ac-
cessories, such as arrows, in their work. They received verbal inspira-
tion from a supernatural power. The second group consisted of
itinerant prophets, to whom Muhammad originally belonged, and
who conveYf'd a moral nlf'ssage il'olll God to their audience. Hiid and
Salil1, the qur'anically attested Arab prophet$, should probably he
('(mnted in this class, as well as Mllsaylima and other ridda prophets.
Neither the hahins nor the itinerant prophets were organized, as far as
SOllrces allow, even though the sanctuaries on the peninsula would
have made this possible,

10" Nil 'aym ibn Hammad, Filrltl, 316, ~('t.~ this event OTle month before the death
of Mllhammad. Another version appears in ibid., 334-35.
106 See, in general, Mohammad Ali Amil~!\Ioezzi. TJu' Divin!' Guidt' in Earll
Shi'i5rn: Thr Sounes of Esotmrisrn in 1st/1m (Albany: State Cnh'ersity of i\'ew York
Press, 1994).
146 Pmphel)' in Its Ancient Near Eastem Cuntf'x{

During the career of Muhammad. Arahian fll-ophecy went through

a biblicalization, and the indigenous tradition was molded to fit the
biblical concept of prophecy as \lewed hy the Arabs. This biblical in-
fluence started during the Yathrib period of l\lul)ammad's life and
continued posthumously, wl1f'n his hiography was molded to fit bibli-
cal models. The "pagan" Arabian tradition of prophecy was buried
IInder a reconstituted form. In the classical Islamic period, the Sun-
nites developed a theon' of the Seal of the Prophets. interpreted to
mean that the final message of God to humankind had been delivered
through Mul:lammad and no further messages could be received; in a
word, prophecy was limited to history and had no contemporary
meaning. Shiite Islam followed less eagerly. alld the Shiite Imam has
always retained some prophetic ft'alures, although the term waft)' 'n:\,-
elation' is avoided. The Imam, however, remains a direct channel to
God and God's commands and fulfills many prophetic functions. In
addition, there remained many marginal sects, later regarded as ex-
tremist Shiites, who received outside inlhlC'l1ces J07 and developed mes-
sianic and propl1f'tic movement.s. which usually w('re il1\"olved with so-
cial disturbance. These movements an' speciaJ cases of Islamic
prophecy, but not direct descendants of Arabian prophecy.
Thus the advent of Islam sounded the death knell for Arabian
prophecy, gradually adapting it to biblical models. Yet the birth of Is-
lamic cultllre hrought \\~despread literacy and thus helped to presence
information concerning Arabian prophecy, even if in a distorted and
tendentious form. \\:'ithollt Islam. IlO information concerning this oral
tradition would have been presen·ed, and Arabian prophecy would
have disappeared without a trace-perhaps like other forms of Semitic
prophecy, which may have disappeared without the existence of writ-
ing to pn'serv{' them.

IllI It must be rem("mb("red that Sunni Islam received such foreign influences.
too, but from ditTcrent sources.
 Index of Ancient Documents

All Helrrew Bible citations follow MT numlming.

HEBREW BIBLE 18:13 64

18:16-20,41 lO2n.67
Genesis 18:19 64
2fi:2-5 2.5 18:22 64
18:29 9'3 n. 21
Numbers 22 52, 63, 64, 68
11 :2·1-30 93n.21 22:1-28 102 fl. 67
11:25 64 22:6 64
22:10 93n.21
Deuteronomy 22:22 68
I :~ 69
18:14-20 69 2 Kings
18:21-22 23 1 102n.67
2 64
Judges 2:23-25 38
11 6-7 4:43 64
6:1-7 38
1 Samuel 8 68
9 38, 41 8:4 42
10:5, 10 64 8:7-15 lO2n.67
10:10-13 93n.21 9:1-13 67
19:20 64 19-20 102n.67
28:6 107
1 Chronicles
2 Samuel 21:9 64
7:8~Hi 25 29:29 42
7:12 75
24:11 64 2 Chronicles
20 65
1 Kings 29:25 64
8:17-18 66
12: 1:) 42 Isaiab
13:1-10 lO2n.67 1-:~9 4}
..,
18 63 I 34,102n.67

149
]50 Index of A nrunt j)o(ument.~

Isaiah (continued) Malachi

8 35 1:11-14 105
8:16 37
20 22 NEW TESTAMENT
37-39 10217.67
40-55 10 Matthew
7:EJ 143 /1.97
Jeremiah
1:1 112
6:]6 28 MARl
7: Hi-20 68
21 ]()2n.67 A.
9') 102n.67 1121 + 48 n. 6,51,53, 54,
"'- 7111.1, 80n. 12, 82n.43,
23 69
28 24 IOU n. 6J, J05n. 81
28:4 69 1249+ 90n.8, lOOn. 60
1968 48 n. 6, 51, 53, 54,
~H:1-7 102 n. 67
72n.l, 76n.14, 7Bn. 23,
36 10211.67
!{7:1-IO J()2 n. 67 85 fl. 57, lOOn. 61,
37:17-21 102 fl. 67 lO1 n. 62, 1051/.81
27~~ 1 7111.1, 80n.12, 8211.43
37:18-19 68
J02n.67 3165 90 II. 8, 92 n. 17,
38:14-28
44:24-28 68 10011.60
3796 lOOnn.61,62
4676 901/..8, J()On.60,
Ezekiel
WI n. 62
1 ~i:2-4 68
13:17 66
ARM
14:9-10 68
1 53+ 85ft. 56
10 116 52n. 12
Daniel
21 333 52n. 15, 90n.8,
11 2·1
931/.22, lOOn. 61,
101 n. 62
Joel 22 167 90 T/. 8, lOOn. 60,
3:2 93ft. 21
101 n. 62
22326 9071.8, lOOn. 60,
Amos JOln.62
1-2 43
23446 5211.15, 90n. 8,
7 41 93/1.22, f()() n. 61,
101 rI. 62
Jonah 25 IS lOOn. 6/. 101/1.62
1 6tl.7
 Indt~X of Ancit'nt Documents 151

ARM (continued) 26 207 18 n. 15, 21 n. 24,

25142 54, 90n.8, JOOn.61, 23n.29, 51, 84nn. 50,
101 n. 62 51, 104n.74, 107n.B6
26 48n.6 26208 16n.8, 18n. J4,
2682 51 78n. 2},ZOOrlll. 60,
26142 51 61, WI n. 62,
26182 50 ](J4111l. 74, 75

26185-bis 2311.29 262m) 30n. 47, BOIl.32.

26192 B2n.44, 841111.52,53 84 n. 53, JO() nn. 60.
26 193 82n.44 61, JOI n. 62
26 194 49, 54. 55, 58, 26210 56, 80n.37, JOOn.6I,
8211.44, Mnn. 50. 54, J(N 11.76
J()OIl.6J, J01n.62 26211 78n.23. BOn. 32,
26 195 I8n. 13, 7Bn.23. 84/1. 55. ZOO n. 60.
80n.32, JOOn.60, Z04n.74
J04 n. 75 262]2 18n.I5, 23n. 29,51..
26196 BOn.31, JOOn.6J, 56, 78 n. 23, 79n.30,
107n.86 R011n. J6, 38.
2f1 197 18n.l4, 2711.41, ]()On.60. 101 n. 62,
49n. B, 53, 56, J 04 nn. 74, 77
79n.30, 9411.28, J8n.13, 53. 79n.Jo.,
lOOn. 61, 104n. 77 8071.33, 82n.43,
26198 53, 79n.30, 92 n. 14, 9411. 28,
94 n. 28, 1()O 11. 60, lOOn. 60.
104n.77 Z04 rill. 74, 77
26199 I8n. ]5,2111.29, 26214 IXn. I3, 53, 7Bn.23.
27 n. 41, 49 n. 8, 51. 80n. 1), 9211.14.
54, 55, 56, 78 n. 23, lOOn. 60,
100nn.60-62. 10411n.74, 77
JOJ n. 63, J04n. 76 26215 50, 80n. 35, 82n. 42,
26200 7Rn.23, 80n.35, 9011.8, lOOn. 61,
90 11.8, 104 nn. 76, 77 105 n. BO
26201 YOn.B,lO-ll1.76 26216 49u.8, 52, 53, 64
26202 271t. 41,56, SOn. 34, 26217 51, 54, 76n.14
90 n. B, 100 n. (j] 26218 54
26203 49n.8 26219 18n. 13,54,8071.32,
26204 IBn. 13, 50, 51, lOOn. 60, 10111.62
78n. 2}, 80n. 12, 26220 51, 54, 56, 80n. 37.
104n.77 90n.8, ]()On.61.
26205 IOOn.61 IOIIl.62
2() 206 22n.25. 54, 5.5,
90n.8
 ,,-
1'9 Indi'x afAndent Documents

ARM (continued) 26414 ·10, 55, 56, 80n.38,

26221 18n. 14,53, .54,56, lOOn. 61, 101 n. 62
80n.37, 90n.8. 2732 52, 90n.8. 101 n. 62
100n.61,l0I11.62
26221-bis 18n. 14. 5 J, M.
7811.21,9011.8 7340 85n.56
26222 52n. 15, 78n.23. 9151 52n.13
92n.16.100n.61 11299 9411.28
26223 llJO n. 61 11436 WO,in. 61, 62
26224 54
26224-40 1611.6 T.
26225 51 82 lO0I1.6l, lOIn. 62
26227 52, 54, 78n.23,
80n. 35, 8111.41.
ASSYRIA
82n.42, 90n.8,
lOOn. 61
ABL
26229 51
1217+ 89n.3. 99n.55
26230 8111.41
1249 60n. )J
2623] 54
26 2~~2 56. 81 n. 40, 100 n. 61
Assurbanipal
26233 16n. 7, 50, 56. 72n. 1,
A 89n. }
81 n. 39, 84n. 53,
B 89n.3, 91n.l0. 95/1.34,
10011.61, lIOn. 94
107
26 234 11011. 94
T 8911.3, 9111. 10
26 235 81 II. 40, l]() n. 94
2623() 81 n. 40, lOOn. 61.
104 rill. 74, 77,
CT
5317+ 89n.3, 6111.35,
J 10 11.94
99n.55
26237 18n.13,52.53,
53413 83n.47
80n. 35, 81 n. 41,
53938 89n.3
90n.8, lOOn.60,
5396Y 83n.47
/(]4 n. 75
26238 53, 72n. 1, 81 n. 40,
Esarhaddon
lOOn. 60, 101 11.63,
Ass A 89n.3, 91 n. 10, 107
104n.75. llOn. 94
. 26239 Nin A 74-75, 8971.3.
51. lIOn. 94
91 nu. 10, 13, lOon. 82,
26240 56,81 n. 41, lOOn. 60,
707, 109n. 93
llOu.9'1
2624;1 52, 90n.8, !OI n. 62
26244 lU7n.86
26371 56, 72n. 1, 101 n. 62,
L03n.69
 Index of Ancient Document.'> 153

Tammuz and 42 43
Istar Ritual 42. I 104n.78
(Farber, BI'.5chworungw'itual.e) 92.2 78n.22, 86n. 63, 98
90n.6, 94 /l. 23 92.3 75n.13, 78n.2/,
86n.62, 98
SAA 92.4 58, 96n.36, 98n.19
26 62 n. 37, 89n. 3, 92.5 78n.22. 98, 99/1.52
91 nil. 10, 11, 95 n. 30 92.6 I(Nn.78
31 97n.43 93 43.58, 77n.19, 98,
32 97n.43 106n.82
33 97n.43 93.2-5 7871.21
37 96n.36, 9711.43 93.3 59, 85 n. 59, 99n. 5 '3
~~; 12 97n.43 9 ~~. 4 60
:3 13 96n. 39, 97, 97n.43. 93.5 58, 59, 9[ n. /1, 105
98n.44, 99n.52, 95 58, 9611.36, 104,
lOOn. 57, la5 n. 79 104n.78
314 98 46 59, 73, 82, 91 n. 11,
,~ 34 9nn.6, 91 n.lO, 9211.18, 98
lOOn. 58 ~) 7-11 106 It. 84
:) :~5 90n.6, lOOn. 58 97 58, 58n.26, 59,
337 98 76nu.16,17, 91 n. 11,
339 98 961/.36, 99n.52,
344-47 98n.45 lO4n.79
79 58n.26, 89,1.3, 99 73, 78n.22,82,
91 n. 11, 103n. 7} 86/1.6.'J, 961171. 36, }9,
91-4 73 . I, 98, lOOn. 57
9""
91-2 57 9 10 7871.22, 9/n.l1, 98
91 43,59, 94, 10611.82 10 109 5911.28, 89n.3,
9 1. 1 86n. 61, 94n.26, 98 91 n. II, 102n.68,
91.2 78n.22, 98 lIOn. 95
91.3 73, 9811. 50, 10311.73 10 111 8911.3, 99n.54,
9 1.·1 58, 75n.12" 78n.22, 10911. 92
79 n. 26, 83, 86 n. 63, I () 2R4 76'11. 18, 8CiIl.:I,
94n.26, 98 J09n. 92
9 1.5 96n.36 10294 61 n. 3" 89n.3,
9 1.6 59, 75n.12, 86n. 60, 9111.11
99n.52 10352 60n.30,89n.3,
91.7 57, 96n.37, 104, 91 u. 11, 9211.19.
104 n. 78 ]{)4 n. 76
91.H 98, 104. 104n.78, 1269 90n.5, 9111.10,
1 lOll. 95 lOOn. 57, 10611..83
91.10 75n.13, 7RI1.21, 98
If:i4 Index 0/ A n r ifnt /)u(wf!efl 1,,\
SAA (continued) MDP
1337 60n. 29, 83n. 47, 107 9In.9
89n.3, 91 n. 11, 18 171 9In.9
93n.20, 99n.56.
f(}4 n. 76 MSL
I ~{ l:N -1 II. "'-.
(jOn. 31. I~ 1 12 9111.9. i)]1I.22.
7911.26,81/1.47, 94n.29, 95 rI. 31
8911.4, 97n.40.
lOOn. 57 OECT
B 144 61 n. 32, 8311.47. 91n.9
891/.4. 9811.48.
I04n.76 Sm
B 118 57n.25, 82n.46. :132 9111.9
83n. ·17, 9011.4,
9611.37 TCL
13157 9211.13 1039 91 n. 9

TDP
OTHER CUNEIFORM,TEXTS
,! 9In.9
4R
28 9In.13 Ugaritica
5 162 64n.42
BWL
:~R 9111.}} VS
19 91 n. 9. 9411.25. I06n.83
CT
384 91n.9, 95 n. 32 YOS
618 91 n. 9
7135 91 n. 9
DA
211 91 n. 9
QUR'AN
FLP
1674 24, 7211. 1. 82 n. 44. 2 13771. 78
10011.59, 10611.84 2:62 13511. 70
2064 72n. 1. lOOn. 59, 3:67 140n.86
10611.84 6:31 144n.l04
8:43 133
LKA II: 114 13911.83
29d 95n.32 17: 1 INn.66
19 137n. 78
27:20 I371l. 78
 Innex of Ancient Documents 155

Qur'an (continued)
29 137n.78
3:):40 116
50:39-40 13911.83
52:29 120n.20,123n.28
53 113
5:1:19 129n. -/9
69:41-42 12011.20
72:1-15 121 n. 22
73:1 133n.61
74:1 13311.61
76:25-26 nyu. 83
93:6 12811.46

1:30-33 122n.23
1:1J6-1:N 14/n.92
1:J 36-2:99 127n.43
I: I·H-l 49 12711.44
1:181 124
2:29-31 130
2:39-9:3 13171.54
2:212-214 134
2:2:{O I 34n. 65, /37n.74
·l:W lJ4n.65
4:110-111 134
 Index of Modern Authors Cited

Adas, Michael, 19n.19 Cragham.John F., 2:~JI. 28

Allen. S .. 7n. 9 Crolle, Patricia. 11711. i,
Amir-Moezzi. Mohammad Ali, ] 18n.I;), 132n.56
115 II. IOfi Cross, Frank, 35-36, 35 n. 9
Artzi, Pin has, 104 n. 74
Dalley. Stephanie. :->0 n. 9
Baird, R. D., 7n.8 Daniel, Elton L., 144n. 101
Barstad, Hans 1\1., ,ii, :~ n. 1. Dc \·Vaal Mald'ijt, A., () n. 8
3 II. 2, 1 B-14 n. 102 Dietrich. ylanhied, 72 II. ;),
Bashcar, Suliman, 129n.50 I02n.68
Ballo. B. F.. 5 n. 'f Dijkstra. Meindert, 97 n. 44
Beach, ~1. A., 28 n.42 Di6szegi. V, linn.l0, 11
Bell, Richard, 12511.39 Donner. Fred McGraw, 117 n. i.
R1enkinsopp, Joseph. 63 n. 39, 124u.32
114n.106 Dunand. E. 5n. 4
Borgcr, Ryklc, 60n. en, 74n. 9 Durand, Jcan-\farie, vii, 3 n. 3,
Bcespflug, F., 5 n. 4- 13n.l, 48I1n.5, 6, 'lgn. 7,
Bowen, Nancy R., 66n.46 70 Il. 49. 71. 7111.1, 90 n. 8.
Bremmer. .J. :\., 7n. 10 92 n. 17
Brock, Sebastian, 1;11 11.55
Buhl, Frants. 128 Edsman, Carl-I\.Jartin, 17n.ll
ButlfT, Sally A. 1... 107n. 86 EickeIrmmll. Dale E, 137ll.75
Eliade, !'.iirc{'a, 17 n. 10
Carroll. Robert P., 11, ] 1 n. 24, Ellis, l\laria dt.:Tong, 1311. 1,
31 n.49, 69n.·18. 112n.99 2411.33, 53n. 16, 7In.I,
Calagnoti, A., 8:-> n. 58 100n.59
Charpin. Domillique, 4H II. Ii, Elwin, Verrier, 22 n. 27
5In.]1, iOll.,t9, I03n.69 Emmett, Dorothy, ~16, ~n 11. 12
Civil, M., 9311.22 Eph'aJ,lsrad, 124n.:1:)
Cogan, Mordechai, 1Oin.85 ES5, Josef van. 144 Il. 102
Cole. Steven \\'.. 5il1.25, H9. Evans, C. D., 5n.4
8911.4
Colstoll, Stephen A., 30 n. 48 Fahd, Toufle. 115 n. 2,
Conrad, I.awrence l., IIi n. i 120-21 n. I'll, 124, 1 ~)4-% n. f)9
Cook, Michael, 11il1. 7 Fales, F. M .. ~)8n.26, 10711.8:)
Corhin, Henri, 143 n. 9[J Farber. Walter, YO n. 6

157
 Index of l'llodern A. ut/wn Cited

Fauth. w.. 9. 9lI.16 Hinds, M'lI-tin, 11811. n

Festinger, Leon, 31 n.49 Holscher, Gusta\', 3g-34, 34n. 2
Fiensy, D., 7n.l1 Hoppal, \1., 17 nn.lO, 11
Fleming, Daniel, 65n. 4g Hoyland, Robert G., 131 n. 55
Fohrer. Georg, 9 I1uffmon, Herbert B., viii,
Frazer, Sir James. 8u. 13 30 n. -!6, 40 n. 2:). 7'2 II. ,~,
Freedman, navid i\oeJ, ~~5. 8911. I. 105n.81. 11111.%
3511. ti Hultkranz, Ake, 17n.1O
Freydank, Helmut. 9411. 25 Humphrey, Caroline, 17 n.l1
Friedmann. Yohamm, ]] 6 n. 4 Humphreys, R. Stephen, 117 n. 7
Frymer-Kensky, Tikva, 100 n. 58 Hutter, Manfred. 10 I Jl. 65

Geertz, Anllin W., 2611.38 Jastro\\', Morris, 5711. 2:3

(~it<ly, Ycshohua, :~!), 3;) n. 7 Jeffers, A.. "l n. ~~
Goetze, Albrecht. 108 n. 87 Johnson, Douglas H., 22n.26
Goldzihcr, 19naz. 120 n. 20 Jones. B. W.. :'> n. 4
Grabbe. Lester L., vii, 7 n. 10.
13n.2. 1411.3, I11n. 96, ~,mmenhuber, Annelies.
] 1411.102 108n.87
(;raysoIl, A. KiI'k, 77 II. I~) Kataja, Laura, 90n.!)
Groneberg. Brigitte, 79 n. 28 Kennedy. Bugh, 12'1 n. 32
Guichard, Michael, 4811.5, Khalidi, Tarif. 117 n. 7
9211.17 Kinberg, Leah, 135 n. 69
Guilburne, A., 121 n. 23 Kister, \1.J., 129n.49
Gunkel, Hermann, 3$-34, Koch, K., 38, 38n.18
3~)n.1.. :15, 40, 4] Kran1t'r, Noah. !)S n. 19
Gurney, Oliver Roo 108 n. 87
Gutas, Dimitri, 13411.69 La/(mt, Benrand, 48 n. 6,71 n. I
l.ambert, v\'. Goo 50n.10
Hackett, .10 Ann. 6511.45 Lanfranchi, Gioyanni B.,
Hallo, W. W., ;-, 11.4 107n.8:,)
Hahn, HeilIz. 116u.6 Laroche, E., 65 II. 44
Halperin. Da\;(1. 140 n. 87 l.ebrun. Rene. 6!'in.14
HarneeH-Anttila, Jaakko, viii, Leick, Gwelldolyn, 94 [I. 27
11611.6., 12In.22, 13811.79 Lemaire, Andre, 9n.15, 102n.66
Harper, Robert Francis, Sgn.47 Levin, Christoph, 11311.101
Heinrichs. Wolfhart, 142 n. 93 Lieberman, S. L., 511.4
Heintz, Jean-Georges, 3 n. 3, Lindblom, Johannes, :H, :)4n,:),
105n.8J 40. 41
Henninger,Joseph, H2n. ~H Livingstone, Alasdair, 90n. b
1Ierder,J. G., 34, 3411.4 Longman, T. . .') n. 4
Hesche!, A.. :H, 3511 . .5 Loretz, Oswald. 113n.102
 Index of Modern Authors Cited 159

Machinist, Peter, 57 n. 2F'J, K9, .'itoni-Nzinga, Daniel, 15 n. 5

89n.4
'\lacKay, Donald, 1511.5 Oden, RohertA., 14n.4
:vladelung, Wilti'ed, 117n. 7 Ohrnberg, Raj, 140n.85
.\-lalamat, Ahraham, 5511.18, Onon, Urgunge, 17n.l1
7011.49,101[1.65,104n.74 Otto, Eckart, 114 n. 1O~)
\<falul, M., ;) n. ,1 OvtTholt. Tholllas W., 7 n. 10,
MargaJit, B., '1 n.:~ I 3n. 2, 36n. 10,37
Mattila, Raija, I09n.91 Ozan, G., 52n.13
'\-fattingly, G. L.. 5 n. 4:
Maul, Stefan M., 52 n. 14 Parker, A. c., 17 n. 9
\tays, James, :~9, 39 n. 20 Parker, Simon B., 4 n. 3, 25 II. ~~6.
\1cDonald. M. v., 12411.32 2711.,11, 63n.{O, 66n.47
.\1cKane, William, 112n.99 Pdrpoia, Simo, \ii, 4n.3, l:il1.1,
McNutt, Paula, I 1211.98 42, 42n. 26, 4:~, 57 nil. 23, 24,
Meissnel', Bruno, 57 n. 23 60n.29, 72, 7211.2,74.75,79,
Menzel, Brigitte, 83 n. 48, 8:1n.47. 89, 89n.2, 99n.56,
95n.36 i 0811. 88, 109 nn. 90,91,
:".kyer, M., 4 n.:~ 1251111.3::-), 37
'\lillard, Alan, 101 n. f)5 Pemhenon, Jeremy, 15n. 5
'\firecki, P., 4 n. 3 Pentik:iinen,JlIha, 17n. 11
\Iooney, James. 19 n. 20 Perdue, L G., 5 n. 4:
Moquin, vVaple. 28n.43 PelTourion. M.-c'. 94n. 26
Moran, William L., 16n.8 Petersen, David L., viii, 38n.16,
\Iowinckd, Sigmulld, 35, 35 [1. 8, '11 n.2'~, 125n.36
.36 Platvoet,J. (~., 5n. 5
I\1oyer,j. C., 5nA Pohlmann, Karl-Friedrich,
Muilenburg,James, 37, 37n.14 11:)n.101
Pongratz-Leisten, Beate, 90n. 7,
Nakata, Ichiro, 110 n. 94 9811.44
Newby, Gordon Darnell, Poonawala, Ismail K, 124n. 32
126n.40 Postgatc,.J. X. 5811. 26
Nissinen, Manti, viii, 4 n. 3, 10,
1011.20, 'l9n.22, 4911.7, R.:.d, C. von, 38, 3811. 17
59n.28, 61 nn.33-35, 62n.:38, Radner, Karen, 98n. 48
70 n.49. 72 n. 2.89 nn. 1, 3, Ray, Benjamin C, 21 n. 22
94 nn. 26, 27,97 n. 4/1, 98 n.47, Relander, Click, 28nA2
125 nn. c);). 37 Hiecken, Ht.·III;' W., 31n. 49
.'ii'lldeke, Theodor, 11911.16, Righy, Peter, 1911.16
13211.59 Ringgren, II., 8, 811.14. 8-911.15
l\:oort. E., 9, 9n. 18 Robinson, Chase F., 117n. 7
.'ioth, Alhrecht, 117 n. 7 Rote, A., 42 n. 25
160 Index oj Modn71 Authors Cited

Rogerson,J. W .. 7n. 11 Wansbrougb,John,117n.8,

Rohland, E .. 38 133n.60
R{)mer. W. H. Ph., 1040.74 \Vasserstrom, Steven M.,
Rosenthal. Franz, 12711.'12 140n.87
Ross. James. 37, 37 n. 13 Watanabe, Kazuko, fJ7 n. 24
Roth. Martha T, f)5 n. Ii \Vatt, W. Montgomery, 124n.32,
Rubill, Uri, 12111.22. 128 12!in.38, 13311.62, 14011.86
Weber, Max, 36. 36 n. 11
Sasson, Jack M., 8n.13, 16nn.6. Weippert, Helga, 96n. 36
8,5611.20,7011.49,10311.71, Weippert, Manfred, 4n. 3,
IIOn.94 391l. 21,76, 76n.15, 89n. I,
S<:hachler, Stanley. 31 n. 49 95n.:H, 9611.36, 108n.87,
St'ljeant, R. 8.. 119n. If). 111 II. 90
12011.18 Wcllhausen. Julius, 38. 123 n. 31.
Seybold, Klaus, 96 n. 36 129n.50
Shupak, N., 9. 9n.19 \\11ite,J. B., 5n.4
Sicre,Jose Luis. III n. 96 Whiting, Robert ~I., 90nn. 4.5
Smith. Petcr, 116 n. 6 Wilcke. Claus, 51 n.12
Smith. Wilfred Cantwell. 47. Williams, tvlichael Allen,
47 n. 2, 48 n .. j 1]8n.12
Stachowiak. l.., 6n. () \\,illis. R. G., 1511.5
Steck, Odil Hannes, ] 1;~o.]O] Wilson, Brian R., 17 n. 9
Stein, Gertrude. 47, 47n.l \Vilsol1, Robert R., 7n. ]0, 911.17,
Streck, Maximilian, 60 n. 31 13n.2. 37, 37n.15, 1l1n.go,
Stroumsa. Gerlaliahu, 116 n. 4, IHn.l05
1~)6n. n \\'ohl, Howard, 91 n. 12
Wolf, Kenneth B., 1 ;~7 n. 78
Tadmor, Hayim, 101 n. 65 Wumit, Wilhelm. 34
Taibi, M., 125n. 35
Talmon. S., 5 n. 4 \'ounger, K. 1,., 5n.4
Talstra, E., 11 n. 25
Thureau-Dangin. Franc;:ois.
77 n. 20, gO n. Ii
'1'001'11. Kan.>1 vall dt·!', viii, S n. 4,
11 11.23,7211.3,7311.4, 90n.6,
103n.71
Trafzer, C. E .. 28 n. 42

Van Doren, Charles. 2Rn.43

Wallace, A. F. C .. lill.9
 CONTRIBUTORS

I-TANs M. BARSTAD teaches in the Faculty of Theology at the University

of Oslo.

LESTER 1.. GRABBE teaches in the Department of Theology at the Uni-

versity of Hull. England.

Jiv\KKO IL\MEE;-.;-A.NTrIU. teaches in the Department of Asian and

African Studies at the University of Helsinki.

HERBERT B. HCFFMON teaches at Drew University in :\ladison, New

Jersey.

MARTH NISSIc\EN teaches in the Department of Biblical Studies at the

University of Helsinki.

DAVID r'. PETERSEN teaches at the Iliff School of Theology in Demer.

teaches in the Faculty of Humanities at the
K>\RFL VAN DER TOOR.l\j
University of Amsterdam.

161
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