A note for the reader

I have published three articles on Rusa, son of Erimena:

Thureau-Dangin, Lehmann-Haupt, Rusa Sardurihi and Rusa Erimenahi, in A. Kosyan, A. Petrosyan & Y.
Grekyan, Urartu and its Neighbors: Festschrift in honor of Nicolay Harutyunyan in occasion of his
90th birthday (22-24 September, 2009, Yerevan), Part I, Aramazd. Armenian Journal of Near Eastern
Studies 5.1, 2010: 66-82
Could Rusa son of Erimena have been king of Urartu during Sargon’s Eighth Campaign?, in S. Kroll, C.
Gruber, U. Hellwag, M. Roaf & P. Zimansky (eds.), Biainili-Urartu: The Proceedings of the
Symposium held in Munich 12-14 October 2007 Tagungsbericht des Münchner Symposiums 12. -14.
Oktober 2007, Acta Iranica 51, 2012: 187-216
Did Rusa commit suicide?, in G. Wilhelm (ed.) Organization, Representation, and Symbols of Power in
the Ancient Near East. Proceedings of the LIVe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale at Würzburg
20–25 July 2008, Winona Lake, Indiana, 2012: 765-774
All three rely on Ursula Seidl’s insightful analysis of the iconography on shields with inscriptions of Urartian
kings. This showed that in terms of stylistic development the sequence of Urartian rulers was Sarduri, son of Argishti,
followed by Rusa, son of Erimena, and then Rusa, son of Sarduri. Some of the implications of this sequence, which is
consistent with the development of the Urartian royal titulature, are discussed in these articles.
The first article explains how the traditional sequence of Urartian kings with Sarduri, son of Argishti, followed by
Rusa, son of Sarduri, and with Rusa, son of Erimena, placed close to the end of the dynasty came about. This sequence
was first proposed by Lehmann-Haupt in 1904. Thureau-Dangin in 1912, however, argued that Rusa, son of Erimena,
was the opponent of Sargon in his Eighth Campaign. Lehmann-Haupt disputed this and, like many scholars now and in
the past, was unwilling to change the views that he had previously expressed in print. It is now clear that the
arguments that he presented were based on false assumptions. Lehmann-Haupt himself acknowledged that his
argument rested on his assertion that the Keşiş Göl stele was commissioned by Rusa, son of Sarduri, and that, should
in fact Rusa, son of Erimena, have been the author of the Keşiş Göl stele, Thureau-Dangin’s identification of Ursa
with Rusa, son of Erimena, would be correct. In 2002 Mirjo Salvini showed that Lehmann-Haupt was wrong and that
Rusa, son of Erimena, was the author of the Keşiş Göl. Salvini, however, did not question the sequence of Urartian
rulers suggested by Lehmann-Haupt.
In the second article I investigated whether Rusa, son of Erimena, could have been king of Urartu in 714 BC when
Sargon II of Assyria invaded Urartu. This is a detailed analysis of both the textual and iconographical evidence. The
conclusions are that there is no evidence against this scenario and that the surviving evidence is consistent with this
hypothesis: the alternative possibilities, although they cannot be dismissed out of hand, require special pleading and
historically improbable scenarios. Mirjo Salvini has promised me that he will publish a rebuttal of the arguments
presented in this article.
The third article “Did Rusa commit suicide?” is a somewhat light-hearted discussion of the fate of the opponent of
Sargon who according to the Assyrian sources committed suicide. In this article I suggested that this account was
Assyrian wishful thinking and that it is more likely that he was disposed of in a dispute over the succession.
Not all who have written on Urartu in recent years have realised that there are doubts about the traditional sequence
of the rulers. These doubts still have to make their way into Wikipedia. Nevertheless an increasing number of scholars
have abandoned the traditional order of the Urartian kings in favour of that presented in these articles.
Whether you are convinced that this order is correct or not, one recommendation should be followed in the future.
As long as there is debate about this question, it would be wise to stop referring to the three kings called Rusa as
Rusa I, Rusa II, and Rusa III and to distinguish them by adding the initial of their father’s name, thus Rusa E, Rusa S,
and Rusa A for the sons of Erimena, Sarduri and Argishti respectively. The same procedure would be sensible for the
three Sarduris too as long as it is not clear where Sarduri son of Sarduri fits in. Even when the order is established and
Mirjo Salvini has changed his mind, it will be sensible to retain the initial of the patronymic to make absolutely clear
which king is being referred to.
Michael Roaf
January 2017
 14

COULD RUSA SON OF ERIMENA HAVE BEEN KING

OF URARTU DURING SARGON’S EIGHTH CAMPAIGN?1

MICHAEL ROAF

1. Introduction
Names of the rulers of Biainili-Urartu are recorded in Urartian royal inscriptions and in Assyrian records.
Combining the evidence from Urartu, which supplies the names of the fathers of Urartian kings, with that from
Assyria, which gives information about their order and their dates, yields a familiar sequence of rulers.2 Table
14.01 shows the part of the sequence concerning the 8th and 7th centuries BC. In this way all those rulers of
Urartu, whose names are securely attested in Assyrian3 and Urartian4 sources, can be accommodated except for
one, Rusa son of Erimena.
Many scholars seeing the seamless sequence of father-son succession in Urartu have placed Rusa son of
Erimena after Rusa son of Argishti and his successor Sarduri. This comfortable solution was challenged more
than 20 years ago by Stephan Kroll (1984b) who proposed that the last important Urartian king was Rusa son
of Argishti and that the end of the kingdom of Urartu occurred several decades before the end of the 7th cen-
tury BC.5 Although it is taking a long time for this proposal to be accepted (for details see Hellwag this volume
Chapter 16), more and more Urartian specialists now doubt that any extant Urartian royal inscriptions can be
attributed to rulers of Urartu after Rusa son of Argishti.6 This raises the problem of where Rusa son of Erimena
king of Urartu who commissioned several Urartian inscriptions should be placed in the list of rulers. When this
problem is solved, it may necessitate a change in the numbering of the kings called Rusa but, as long as it is
still uncertain, it makes no sense for some scholars to name Rusa son of Argishti Rusa II and others Rusa III.
As a temporary solution I will use the first letter of the patronymic to distinguish the various individuals. Thus
Rusa E is Rusa son of Erimena, Rusa S is Rusa son of Sarduri and Rusa A is Rusa son of Argishti. Rusa
appearing without an additional letter means that either his father’s name is not known or that in this context
it is not important. When I wish to stress the identity of the father I will write the name out in full. In the case

1
I am grateful to the other editors of this volume for accepting this contribution for publication even though the ideas, while arising from
the discussions at the symposium, were not presented at the meeting. I would also like to thank several other contributors to this volume,
including Andreas Fuchs, Ursula Hellwag, Stephan Kroll, Karen Radner, Mirjo Salvini, Ursula Seidl, and Paul Zimansky, who read and com-
mented on earlier drafts of this article, supplied useful information and feedback, and encouraged me to publish it, even when they do not all
agree with the interpretations expressed here. I am particularly happy to have been able to make a contribution to the problem of Rusa son
of Erimena that my colleague and friend Stephan Kroll has been grappling with for the last quarter century and I offer it to him with many
thanks for his assistance over many years.
2
For fuller lists see the reconstructed list of Urartian rulers presented in Fuchs this volume Chapter 09: Tabelle 09.01 and Salvini this
volume Chapter 08: Anhang. These all follow essentially the same scheme.
3
Unfortunately the Assyrian sources do not give the date of accession of any Urartian king. In only one case has it been suggested that
the name of the father of an Urartian king was recorded by the Assyrians, but this Sarduri son of Ishpuini king of Urartu in the account of
Sargon’s Eighth Campaign does not match the Urartian sources (see below n. 43).
4
A king Sarduri son of Sarduri dedicated a shield found in Karmir Blur (CTU B 16-1, UKN 459, Seidl 2004: L.1). If this single attesta-
tion is not a scribal error, he could have been the son and successor of either Sarduri son of Lutipri, or Sarduri son of Argishti, or could be
identified with the Sarduri who followed Rusa son of Argishti. For further discussion of this shield and of a clay bulla found at Karmir Blur
with the name of a Sarduri son of Sarduri and the title LÚA.ZUM-LI see Hellwag 2000, 2005 or Hellwag this volume Chapter 16.
5
For a list and discussion of the proposed dates for the last years of the Urartian kingdom see Hellwag this volume Chapter 16.
6
It is possible that the Sarduri mentioned in the inscriptions of the Assyrian king Ashurbanipal should be identified with Sarduri son of
Sarduri. See n. 4.

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 188 MICHAEL ROAF

of the Assyrian sources I will normally use the most common Assyrian version of the name, Ursa, but without
an additional letter as the Assyrian sources do not tell us who his father was. Since the position of Sarduri son
of Sarduri is uncertain, it makes sense to apply the same system to the other rulers, thus in this article Sarduri
son of Sarduri may be referred to as Sarduri S and Argishti son of Rusa as Argishti R without, of course,
specifying which Rusa was his father (see Table 14.01).

Dates in Name of Urartian ruler in Name in Traditional identification and Abbreviation used in
Assyrian sources Assyrian source Urartian sources sequence of Urartian rulers this article

774 Argisti/u Argisti Argisti son of Minua Argisti M

743, 735 Issar-duri, Sardaurri, Sarduri Sarduri Sarduri son of Argisti Sarduri A
7
719-713 Ursa, Rusa Rusa Rusa son of Sarduri Ursa or Rusa S
709 Argista/i/u Argisti Argisti son of Rusa Argisti R
673/2, 652 Ursa Rusa Rusa son of Argisti Rusa A
646/642 Istar/Issar-duri Sarduri

Table 14.01. Kings of Urartu mentioned in 8th and 7th century Assyrian texts with their traditional identifications and
the abbreviated forms of the names used in this article.

In the pre-circulated papers the position of Rusa son of Erimena was discussed by various participants.
Mirjo Salvini (this volume Chapter 08), while cognizant of the opinions of others, saw no problem with the
traditional dating, Stephan Kroll (this volume Chapter 13) and Ursula Hellwag (this volume Chapter 16) were
chiefly concerned with presenting evidence that Rusa E was earlier than Rusa son of Argishti and Andreas
Fuchs (this volume Chapter 09) suggested that Rusa E ruled between between Argishti son of Rusa and Rusa A.
In the discussions Ursula Seidl suggested that Rusa E should be earlier than Argishti R and suggested that he
ruled between Rusa son of Sarduri and Argishti R (see now Seidl 2007 and Seidl this volume Chapter 12).
It has for a long time been accepted without question that the opponent of Sargon was Rusa son of Sar-
duri. This is the opinion given in the most recent specialist encyclopaedia articles on Rusa (Fuchs 2002: 1054;
Salvini 2007a: 464). In this paper I will investigate the possibility that Rusa E antedated Rusa S and was the
opponent of Sargon II during his Eighth Campaign. This is not a new suggestion: Thureau-Dangin (1912:
xviii-xix) in his authoritative publication of Sargon’s Letter to the god Assur argued in favour of it, but in 1921
Lehmann-Haupt (1921: 35-44, 50), the leading expert on Urartu at that time, discussed this proposal (Hellwag
this volume Chapter 16: Tab. 16.02), and, while not ruling it out completely, concluded that Rusa son of Sar-
duri was a much more likely candidate.8 To the best of my knowledge this question has not been re-examined
in any scholarly discussion since then.
I will first examine the evidence from the Urartian sources, both textual and pictorial, as well as that from
Assyrian sources. I will then discuss how this evidence, in particular the Assyrian reports of the death of Ursa,
the role played by Urzana king of Ardini/Musasir, and the Cimmerian victory over the Urartians, may be inter-
preted in the light of the possibility that two kings called Rusa ruled in Urartu in the course of the reign of
Sargon. Finally the various possible sequences of Urartian rulers in the second half of the 8th century BC will
be reviewed and evaluated, leading to the conclusion that it is plausible that Rusa son of Erimena was the
opponent of Sargon in his Eighth Campaign.

7
It has previously been generally assumed that the references in the Assyrian sources refer to a single Urartian ruler who may be identi-
fied as Rusa son of Sarduri. For further discussion, see below.
8
Lehmann-Haupt’s conclusion was largely based on the false identification of the Van Stele of Rusa son of Sarduri (CTU 10-7) ‚so gut
wie sicher‘ as the then missing upper part of the Ke≥i≥ Göl Stele (CTU 14-1) (Lehmann-Haupt 1921: 37) and the mistaken assertion that the
art of the reign of Rusa son of Erimena was stylistically later than that of Rusa son of Sarduri (for details see Roaf in press c). See below for
discussions of the inscriptions and of the art of of these kings.

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 14. … RUSA SON OF ERIMENA … DURING SARGON’S EIGHTH CAMPAIGN 189

2. Urartian sources
The Urartian royal inscriptions are restricted to display, dedicatory, and ownership inscriptions. These
texts give the names of rulers (not always preserved) usually with the names of their fathers. Although there
is no guarantee that the names of all of the rulers of Urartu were recorded in either the Assyrian or the Urartian
inscriptions, it is assumed that when both the king’s name and that of his father are given this must refer to a
single individual, but inscriptions where the father’s name is not mentioned could refer to any of those kings
of Urartu with that name. The interpretation of Urartian inscriptions is problematic because many of them are
poorly preserved and the Urartian language is still poorly understood.9 A further problem is that our knowl-
edge of the historical geography of the region is very sketchy. Few geographical names apart from the major
royal foundations can be identified with certainty and the extent and location of the provinces of Urartu and
of the neighbouring polities are a matter of supposition rather than of reasoned analysis.
Further information can be derived from Urartian material culture: our knowledge of the development of
architecture and material culture is not sufficient to enable us attribute uninscribed objects to particular reigns
except when they bear pictorial representations. The iconographic details on inscribed objects can be used to
establish a scheme that allows us to suggest an approximate date for objects that are not otherwise datable
(Seidl 2004).

Inscriptions of Rusa son of Erimena

There is a limited number of texts that can be securely ascribed to Rusa son of Erimena: stone blocks
from Armavir and Arinberd, two steles concerning Rusa’s reservoir, dam and canals (Ke≥i≥ Göl [+ Gövelek]
and Savacık), and seven bronze shields10 (CTU B 14-2, 3, 4, 5, 8, 9,11 11) from Toprakkale.12 To this list should
probably be added the rock inscriptions of Erek Dag (Abb. 08.26) and Kaisaran as they seem to be associated
with Rusa E’s nearby irrigation works (Table 14.02, Fig. 14.01). Several other inscriptions where the name of
the ruler is given without patronymic might also have been inscribed to the order of Rusa E.13
In neither of the inscriptions from Armavir (Argishtihinili) (CTU A 14-5) and Arinberd (Erebuni) (CTU
A 14-7, Arutjunjan and Oganesjan1970: 111, No. 10; Abb. 10) is Rusa E accorded the title of king. This may
not be significant as the royal title is omitted in other similar inscriptions from the reigns of Argishti M (I)
(CTU A 8-27 = HchI 95 and CTU A 8-28A = HchI 96) and Sarduri A (II) (CTU A 9-25 = HchI 111 a and
CTU A 9-35 = HchI 111 b; Dinçol 1978-1980: Nos. 1–7) as Seidl (2007: n. 19) has pointed out.
The stele fragments found at Ke≥i≥ Göl in 1891, which previously had been attributed to Rusa son of
Sarduri (König 1955-1957: HchI 121) or Rusa son of Argishti (Salvini 1988: 130-31; 1995a: 108), contain the
name of Rusa but without his father’s name. The two stele fragments found at Gövelek contain the name of
Rusa son of Erimena and, since they join the Ke≥i≥ Göl stele fragments now in Berlin, prove that the irrigation

9
For example, Salvini the pre-eminent scholar of Urartian texts did not venture to offer a translation of three-quarters of the perfectly
preserved inscription of Rusa A on the temple at Ayanis (Salvini 2001a).
10
Seidl 2004: 42-43 recorded 6 inscriptions of Rusa E on shields K.1 – K.6), and one fragment that might have belonged to a shield
(K.7). All these pieces are said to have come from Toprakkale. Seidl 2004: 43 noted that shield K.4 was erroneously given the provenience
Altıntepe by Azarpay (1968:66). I cannot identify the CTU numbers of K.1 and K.4.
11
The inscription on (CTU B 14-9, Seidl 2004: 43 (K.2)) is fragmentary with Rusa’s name missing and only the sign NA being preserved
of Erimena’s name: nevertheless the attribution to Rusa son of Erimena is probable as the sign NA does not appear in the name of any other
Urartian king or king’s father.
12
Salvini (forthcoming) lists two more metal objects with inscriptions of Rusa E (CTU B 14-1, 14-6). I do not know what these are or if
they actually mention the name of Rusa E’s father.
13
Nine bowls found in a pithos in Room 25 of Karmir Blur have ownership inscriptions of Rusa without mentioning his father’s name.
These were found together with 2 bowls of Sarduri (son of Lutipri, according to Seidl [2004: 18, 44] but see Curtis this volume Chapter 31
for reservations about dating these bowls so early), 6 bowls of Minua, 2 bowls of Argishti (either M or R), 14 bowls of Sarduri (probably the
son of Argishti but conceivably the son of Lutipri or the son of Sarduri) and a bowl with the name of Rusa-i URU.TUR (i.e. modern Bastam
founded by Rusa A). Perhaps because no objects have been found in Karmir Blur with inscriptions definitely to be ascribed to Rusa E, these
nine bowls have generally been dated to Rusa S, but there is no proof that they were not originally inscribed by Rusa E.

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 190 MICHAEL ROAF

CTU UKN HchI Other publications Object type Findspot Present location

A 14-1 *268 121 Salvini 2002c stele Ke≥i≥ Göl + Gövelek VAM Berlin + Van Museum
A 14-2 Salvini 2006b stele Savacık Van Museum
A 14-3 Salvini 2005c rock Erek Dag in situ
A 14-4 301 79 rock Kaisaran in situ
A 14-5 288 132 stone block Armavir History Museum, Yerevan
A 14-6 II 458 stone block Arinberd Erebuni Museum, Yerevan
B 14-1
B 14-2 292 133d Seidl 2004:K.5 shield Toprakkale British Museum
B 14-3 293 133 Var. 1 shield Toprakkale British Museum
B 14-4 289 133b Seidl 2004: K.3 shield Toprakkale
B 14-5 295 133f Seidl 2004: K.6 shield Toprakkale
B 14-6
B 14-7 II 458a shield Toprakkale Ankara Museum
B 14-8 294 133 Var. 2 shield Toprakkale British Museum
B 14-9 287 133e Seidl 2004: K.2 shield Toprakkale
B 14-10 291 133c shield Toprakkale VAM Berlin
B 14-11 290 133a Seidl 2004: K.7 shield Toprakkale

Table 14.02. Inscriptions of Rusa son of Erimena according to CTU, UKN, HchI and Seidl 2004.

Fig. 14.01. Map showing the locations of inscriptions of Rusa son of Erimena.
No campaign inscriptions are known from the reign of Rusa son of Erimena.

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 14. … RUSA SON OF ERIMENA … DURING SARGON’S EIGHTH CAMPAIGN 191

works described in the Ke≥i≥ Göl Stele should be attributed to Rusa son of Erimena (Salvini 2002c). This was
confirmed by the discovery in the village of Savacık south of Ke≥i≥ Göl of part of a second stele that is a
duplicate of the first (Salvini 2006b). This means that, as pointed out by Ursula Seidl (2007 and this volume
Chapter 12) and Paul Zimansky (2007: 467), Rusa, son of Erimena, was responsible for the construction of the
architectural complex at Toprakkale including the construction of a temple of Haldi and for providing it with
a reliable water supply.14 The dedication to the god Haldi of the seven shields, four of which were decorated
with rows of lions and bulls, may have been part of the same foundation. The Erek Dag (CTU A 14-3) and
Kaisaran (CTU A 14-4) inscriptions which are not far distant from Ke≥i≥ Göl may have been part of the same
extensive building project: the Kaisaran inscription also mentions a town of the god Haldi.
There is no evidence that Rusa’s father Erimena had been king of Urartu.15 As Salvini (2002c: 126) has
noted, on the Gövelek Stele fragment (r. 9-10) Rusa E is described as having ascended ‘the throne’ (GISGU.ZA)
instead of the more common phrase ‘his father’s place’ (LÚAD(-si)-ni e-si). This might have been because the
place of the father of Rusa E had not been the throne of Urartu.
Salvini (2002c: 141-142) also drew attention to the close similarity between the phraseology used in the
Gövelek Stele and that in the inscriptions on the Çelebibagı and Hagi steles dating to the reign of Argishti R
the father of Rusa A. Believing that Rusa E was a successor of Rusa A,16 he thought that the Gövelek Stele
inscription was an archaising re-working of the inscriptions of Argishti R two generations earlier than the
reign of Rusa son of Erimena. If the reigns of Argishti R and Rusa E were not far distant in time, there would
be no need to suppose the use of archaisms.

Inscriptions of Rusa son of Sarduri

There are an almost equally limited number of texts written in the name of Rusa son of Sarduri (Table 14.03,
Fig. 14.02). These include a rock inscription (Tsovinar, previously Kelagran) and an inscription on a stone block
(Nor Bayazet) from near Lake Sevan, a stone block from Mahmudabad Tepe c. 20 km south of Urmiyeh, a
stele from Van (CTU A 10-7) dedicated to Teisheba now in Tbilisi, the Topzawa Stele (CTU A 10-5) with its
parallels from Mergeh Karvan and Movana, and at least one bronze shield17 decorated with lions and bulls and
dedicated to Haldi found in Karmir Blur (Seidl 2004: G.12, CTU B 10-1) (Colour plate IVa).18
The Tsovinar/Kelagran inscription (CTU A 10-2) recounted the victories of Rusa S over 23 rulers of
small states, four located on the Urartian side of Lake Sevan and 19 on the other side including the land of
Guriaini. The Nor Bayazet inscription (CTU A 10-1) recorded the installation of a governor (Salvini 2007a)
and the construction of a temple of Haldi in the town of Haldi.19

14
Although many Urartian kings founded cities and built irrigation systems, Sargon II’s description of Ursa’s construction of a palace at
Ulhu together with its remarkable irrigation system is a striking parallel (Sg 8: 200-211 see below §3.1).
15
It has been shown that the so-called Erimena Tablet (UPD 3) is not relevant to discussions of the father of Rusa E (Hellwag this volume
Chapter 16). Salvini 2007c, however, still clings to the theory that the Erimena mentioned in the seal legend is identical with Rusa E’s father.
For arguments against Salvini’s assumptions see Seidl this volume Chapter 12.
16
A view which Salvini still resolutely holds (e.g. 2007a, 2007c, 2008, this volume Chapter 8). Çilingiroglu 2008a (not realising that the
Gövelek and Ke≥i≥ Göl stele fragments join and assuming that the Ke≥i≥ Göl stele was commissioned by Rusa A) also proposed a date for
Rusa E after Rusa A.
17
Seidl (2004: 39) suggested that there may have been as many as three shields with inscriptions of Rusa son of Sarduri (G.12 - G.14).
Ursula Hellwag has kindly informed me that the shield labelled by Seidl as G.13 was wrongly attributed to Rusa I in a caption (Piotrovskij
1970: pl. 38) and that the inscription is actually of Argishti son of Minua (Chodzas, Truchtanova and Oganesjan 1979: 103 ill. 99-101).
Because she was only able to see one shield with an inscription of Rusa S in the Yerevan Museum and because this is certainly G.12, Ursula
Hellwag has suggested to me that it is possible that G.12 and G.14 are the same object. The inscriptions on the other 11 objects (nine bowls
and two belts) listed by Seidl (2004: G.1-G.11) under the name Rusa S do not record his father’s name and so could date from the reign of
Rusa E or Rusa A instead.
18
9 bowls found in Karmir Blur inscribed with the name of Rusa but without his father’s name have been assigned to Rusa S. See above
n. 13.
19
It ends with the phrase a-lu-se KUR.Bi-a-i-ni-li nu-ul-du-a-li. This König (1955-1957: HchI 119) thought might mean ‘extended’ or ‘pro-
tected’ the land of Biainili, while Melikisvili 1971 translated nuldu- as ‘to overpower, rule’. If Rusa S seized power after Rusa E had died in
714, this might refer to Rusa S establishing his control over Biainili, the heartland of Urartu, by force. But it seems preferable to accept Salvini’s
interpretation as ‘enlarged’.

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 192 MICHAEL ROAF

CTU UKN HchI Other publications Object type Findspot Present location
A 10-1 265 119 stone block Nor Bayazet Gavar
A 10-2 266 118 rock Tsovinar in situ
A 10-3 André-Salvini & Salvini 2002 stele Movana Urmiyeh
A 10-4 Salvini 1984 stele Mergeh Karvan Tehran
A 10-5 264 122 stele Topzawa Arbil
A 10-6 Salvini 1984 stone block Mahmudabad Urmiyeh
A 10-7 *267 120 stele Van Tbilisi
B 10-1 269 120a Seidl 2004: G.12 shield Karmir Blur Yerevan

Table 14.03. Inscriptions of Rusa son of Sarduri according to CTU, UKN, HchI and Seidl 2004.

Fig. 14.02. Map showing the locations of inscriptions of Rusa son of Sarduri.

The text on the 60 cm high and 90 cm wide stone block from Mahmudabad contains a list of sacrificial
animals dedicated to the gods Shebitu and Artu’arasau and may also refer to a temple built for Shebitu (Salvini
1977; 1984). The stele from Van dedicated to Teisheba (CTU A 10-7) may be translated: ‘To the god Teisheba,
the lord, this inscription Rusa, son of Sarduri, Uedipri the name, erected for his life, Rusa, son of Sarduri.’
The interpretation of the phrase ‘Uedipri the name’ (mu-e-di-ip-r[i]-[i] ti-n[i]) is disputed and it is not clear
whether it refers to Rusa, Sarduri, or to someone else entirely.20 Lehmann-Haupt mistakenly identified this

20
Uedipri has the personal name determinative so it should be interpreted as a personal name. The possibility that some Urartian king’s
names were throne names adopted either when appointed crown prince or when anointed king is discussed below. It is uncertain whether this
might be an example of such a procedure. The proposal that Rusa was already appointed crown prince in the reign of Sarduri because there was
insufficient space in the seal legend of an impression on a clay tablet from Karmir Blur (UPD 1) for the name of any other Urartian king was
based on the mistaken assumption that the seals with the title LÚA.ZUM.LI were those of crown princes (see Hellwag 2000, 2005 and this vol-
ume Chapter 16). This also seems to be the source of Ayvazian’s (2005:199) assertion that Melikisvili had evidence that the name of the crown
prince of Sarduri II (i.e. Sarduri son of Argishti) was Rusa. She did not include a reference to Melikisvili’s publication (UKN).

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 14. … RUSA SON OF ERIMENA … DURING SARGON’S EIGHTH CAMPAIGN 193

stele as the upper part of the Ke≥i≥ Göl stele (see above n. 8) and falsely concluded that the Ke≥i≥ Göl stele
was erected by Rusa son of Sarduri.
The Movana Stele (CTU A 10-3) (Fig.14.03) and the steles describing the same events that were found
at Topzawa (CTU A 10-5) and Mergeh Karvan (CTU A 10-4) can be attributed with certainty to Rusa son of
Sarduri.21 These three steles are bilingual in Urartian and Assyrian,22 but they are badly preserved and only

Face I. Urartian Text

1-4
To Haldi, the lord, / this stele / Rusa, son of Sarduri, / has erected for his
life.
5-6
I am Rusa, the son of Sarduri, / the ser[vant] of [god Hal]di…
54-56
… the ki[ng] is in Biainili / … something in the place(?) / to Ardini to
pillage…
57-59
[w]hen I said: I made one expedition (or: I brought in one expedition) / …
all the kings / to Ardini I went…
60
Urzana [closed?] the sanctuary
61
From this point on (the text) is incised on the left(?) side.
Face II. Urartian Text continued
11b-32b
I am Rusa, the servant of Haldi, the true shepherd of the peoples following
the command of Haldi. When (there was) battle I did not fear battle. Haldi
gave me might and joy. In my years I enlarged the country of Biainili,
I oppressed the enemy country. The gods gave me days of joy, a multitude
of good days of joy they establ[ished?].
Face III Assyrian Text
28b-30b
… in the city of Musasir… /… gold, silver, copper, and cattle… / I brought
[to] the city of Musasir.
31b-32b
[x] sheep in the city of Zarzar[u] / I sacrificed them…
31b-48b
[. the king]s my fathers (ancestors) of [.] / these [.]. to the city of Musasir
did not [bring] / [.] I during one expedition… I brought / [more than all the
king]s. To the city of Musasir I came down, / [and the k]ing [closed?] the
gate of the god’s house / and fled to Assyria. Haldi, the lord [reopened its]
gate; / [the religious practice?] in the midst (of the temple) I performed.
Against Urzana I […] / [his? troo]ps Urzana pr[epared] to the battle against
me. / By order of Haldi I, Rusa, /w[ent to the moun]tain of Andarutu [and
I de]feated (him). I [took] Urzana with my hand / [and I overpowered him.]
I [set] him to his (former) position for the (exercise of) the kingship. /
49b-52b
[14/15 days in] the city of Musasir I stayed / and all [the sacrifices]
I sa[crificed] to the city of Musasir. / [For the people] in the city of Musasir
[…] / […] every day for the banquet I entered.
52b-55b
I am Rusa, / [the servant of the God Hal]di, the true shepherd of the pe[ople],
/ [he who] approached to the House (temple) of Haldi, who does not fear /
the fight.
55b-58b
Haldi gave (to me) might and strength / [and joy]. In my years I enlar[ged]
the country of Urartu and I constricted [the enemy land]. The gods gave me
days [of joy], / [… days of joy.]

Fig. 14.03. The Movana Stele. Obverse Urartian Text (left) with the translation of the Urartian Text
(Faces I and II) and the Assyrian Text (Face III) (right). Face IV is too poorly preserved to translate
(after André-Salvini & Salvini 2002: figs. 3-5 and 17-23).

21
Melikisvili (UKN 264) could read the name of Sarduri md]Sar5-du-ri-hi-ni-se in line 1b of the Topzawa Stele; but Salvini (1984:84) did not
follow this. The near duplicate text from Movana makes it certain that all three monuments were commissioned by Rusa son of Sarduri.
22
One may wonder why Rusa S chose to reintroduce the custom of writing bilinguals: it could have been inspired by the Kelishin bilingual
not far distant from the Topzawa Stele or it could have been that it was acknowledging the status of Ardini/Musasir which existed under an
Assyrian as well as an Urartian shadow. In addition it would have made Rusa’s rights over Musasir clear to those who could read Assyrian.

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 194 MICHAEL ROAF

fragments of the inscriptions can be reconstructed and understood. The best preserved is the Movana Stele.
The other steles where the text is extant confirm the content of the Movana Stele but differences suggest that
they are not exact duplicates. A partial translation of the Movana Stele by André-Salvini & Salvini (2002:
17-23) is given in Fig. 14.03.
Although the details are in many places unclear, the gist of these three inscriptions may be summarised as
follows: Rusa, son of Sarduri, marched to Ardini/Musasir, Urzana closed the gate of the temple and fled to
Assyria. Rusa entered Musasir. He attacked, defeated and captured Urzana,23 and then confirmed him as king of
Musasir. Rusa re-established the rights of the Urartians to continue with their religious practices that they had
previously practised there.24
From Assyrian sources we know that Urzana was defeated by Sargon II in 714 (see below), but this does
not necessarily imply that Rusa son of Sarduri was king of Urartu in 714. The events that were recorded on the
three steles might have taken place after Sargon’s conquest of Musasir.

The titles of Urartian kings

Various titles were used by the Urartian kings in their inscriptions. There is a standard list of six titles (MAN
DAN-NU ‘mighty king’, MAN alsuini (GAL) ‘great king’, MAN surahe (KUR.KUR) ‘king of the lands’, MAN
Biainiue ‘king of Biainili’, erilaue(MAN) MAN.MES ‘king of kings’, and alusie Tuspa ‘lord of Tushpa’): all of
these may be used or only a selection. Two additional exceptional titles (Haldi LÚbura(ÌR)-se ‘slave of Haldi’ and
LÚ
sie musi LÚUN.MES ‘just shepherd of the people’), not included in the standard six, occur in a few inscriptions.

Titulature Type
Title standard titulature mixed exceptional
s6 s5a s5b s5c s5d s4 s3a s3b s2a s2b s1 m4 x2 x1

MAN DAN-NU ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈
MAN alsuini / GAL ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈
MAN surahe / KUR.KUR ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈
MAN Biainaue ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈
erilaue / MAN MAN.MES ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈
alusie Tuspa ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈ ≈
LÚ LÚ ≈ ≈ ≈
Haldie burase/ ÌR-se
LÚ
sie musi LÚUN.MES ≈ ≈

Table 14.04. Classification of Title Types in Urartian royal inscriptions from Argishti M to the end of the kingdom.
The Title Types (combinations of titles) are based on the number of titles and the order in which they occur.
Note that the order in which the titles occur is always the same.

In Table 14.04 a classification of the Titulature Types (specific combinations of titles in a particular order)
used by the rulers Argishti M to the end of the dynasty is suggested. In this table those titulatures formed out
of all or a selection of the standard titles are prefixed with an ‘s’ and those formed out of one or both of the
exceptional titles are prefixed with an ‘x’. The single Titulature Type that has a mixture of the standard and
exceptional titles is prefixed with an ‘m’. The Titulature Types are further classified according to the total
number of different titles included in the titulature. This number is the second element in the Titulature Type.

23
For a discussion of the geography see Radner this volume Chapter 17.
24
It would not be surprising that access to the temple of Haldi of Ardini had a particular importance for Rusa son of Sarduri if, as seems
probable, he was a descendant of Minua who promoted the worship of Haldi above all other gods in Urartu. It is possible that for Rusa son
of Erimena Ardini did not play such an important role.

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 14. … RUSA SON OF ERIMENA … DURING SARGON’S EIGHTH CAMPAIGN 195

Finally a lower case letter is suffixed in order to distinguish between titulatures with the same number but a
different selection of titles.
All the standard and mixed titles begin with the title ‘mighty king’ (MAN DAN-NU). Whatever the par-
ticular selection of titles, they always occur in the same order. The full list of six standard titles (s6) was used
only in inscriptions of Sarduri A and Rusa A, who reigned about a century apart (Table 14.05): it is possible
that the later king Rusa A was copying the titulature of his predecessor.
In the title s1, which occurs in a single inscription of Rusa S, ‘mighty king’ is followed by the phrase
aluse Biainili nulduali, whose meaning is uncertain: it might mean ‘who enlarged Bianili’and could be treated
as a title or as an epithet (see above n. 19).
Salvini (Salvini 2002c: 141) claimed that the titulature25 used by Rusa son of Erimena was close to that
used by Argishti son of Rusa. A provisional study26 of the titles used by the Urartian kings from Argishti M to
the end of the kingdom partly confirms this but the issue is by no means certain and one could argue that the
titles used by Rusa S were equally similar to those used by Argishti R. Unfortunately the numbers of inscrip-
tions of Argishti R and of the three Rusas are too small for any reliable statistical analysis.

Titulature Type
Urartian
standard titulature mixed exceptional
king
s6 s5a s5b s5c s5d s4 s3a s3b s2a s2b s1 m4 x2 x1 totals

Argisti M 1 10+(5) 1 5+(1) 2 25

Sarduri A 4 1 1 ?1 3 2+(2) 1 15
Rusa E 2 (8) 1 11
Rusa S (?1) 1 2 2 6
Argisti R 1 1 1 1 1 5
Rusa A 2+?1 1 1 (1) 6
totals 6+?1 1 1 2+?1 2 14+(5+?1) 1 8+(3) 2 3+(9) 1 1 2 4 68

The 68 titulatures examined occur in the following 63 texts:

CTU, A 8-1, 8-3, 8-6, 8-7, 8-8, 8-11, 8-13, 8-15, 8-16, 8-17A, 8-17B, 8-20, 8-21A, 8-21B, 8-22, 8-35, 8-36, 8-38, 9-1, 9-3, 9-4, 9-7, 9-8, 9-9, 9-10,
9-15, 9-17, 9-19, 9-20, 9-21, 9-39, 10-1, 10-3, 10-5, 11-2, 11-3, 11-4, 11-8, 12-1, 12-4, 12-7, 12-8, 12-9, 14-1, 14-2.
CTU B 8-1, 8-2, 8-3, 8-4, 8-5, 8-6, 9-1, 9-2, 10-1, 12-8, 14-2, 14-3, 14-4, 14-5, 14-8, 14-9, 14-10, 14-11
A question mark in front of a number indicates that not all the titles in the titulature are preserved but the attribution to this Titulature Type is
probable. Numbers in brackets are inscriptions on metal objects (CTU B).

Table 14.05. Summary of the Title Types used in Urartian royal inscriptions from Argishti son of Minua
to the end of the kingdom. For details of Title Types see Table 14.04.

The earliest two rulers in Table 14.05 Argishti M and Sarduri A use only standard titles and most of their
titulatures have 3 or more titles. By contrast Rusa E when he used the standard titulature selected only two
titles. Rusa S in one case used a standard titulature with four titles and in another case the single title ‘mighty
king’. Argishti R twice used a standard titulature with 5 titles and once a mixed titulature consisting of two
standard titles (‘mighty king’ and ‘king of Biainili’ i.e. s2a) and the two exceptional titles (‘slave of Haldi’ and
‘just shepherd of the people’ i.e. x2). Rusa son of Sarduri too used both these exceptional titles in two of his
Urartian inscriptions, but without any of the standard titles. The same titles translated into Akkadian occur in
the Assyrian versions of his Movana and Topzawa steles (CTU A 10-3, A 10-5). Rusa S twice used the single
exceptional title ‘slave of Haldi’ as did Rusa E (1 example) and Argishti R (1 example). The exceptional titles

25
The word titulature, as Paul Zimansky has pointed out to me, is not yet in the dictionaries, but it is well embedded in the specialist
literature. It means a collection of titles used together. A ruler may employ different titulatures in a single inscription.
26
A more definitive analysis must await the complete publication of the CTU by Salvini. In the analysis presented here not all the known
inscriptions on metal objects have been studied.

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 196 MICHAEL ROAF

(and the title s1) were only used by these three rulers. All three used the title ‘slave of Haldi’ but Rusa son of
Erimena did not use the title ‘just shepherd of the people’.27
Although the number of inscriptions is small, the available evidence indicates a similarity between the
titles used by Rusa E, Rusa S, and Argishti R, both in the fact that they tend to use titulatures with a small
number of titles and in the fact that they use new titles not found in earlier texts. The titles used by Rusa A on
the other hand hark back to the mid 8th century with only one titulature consisting of two titles shared with
Rusa E and that one not using the new titles. Rusa E at least in the extant inscriptions never used more than 2
titles while Rusa S, Argishti R, and Rusa A sometimes used 4 or more as did the rulers from the first half of
the 8th century Argishti M and Sarduri A.
The pattern of titles confirms Salvini’s assertion that the titulatures used by Rusa son of Erimena were
similar to those used by Argishti son of Rusa but so were the titulatures used by Rusa son of Sarduri. The pat-
tern of titles does not support a date for Rusa E after Rusa A.

Fig. 14.04. Bulls and lions on monuments of Urartian rulers (adapted from Seidl 2004: Abb. 94)
(Argishti M: E.15. Sarduri A: F.97. Rusa E: K.2. Rusa S: G.14. Rusa A: Adilcevaz/Kefkalesi).

27
A new exceptional title might have been introduced by a ruler who wished to distinguish himself from his predecessor and it might be
argued that a usurper or a king whose father had not sat on the throne of Urartu would have been more likely to have taken this step than one
who had followed his father directly. Thus the title ‘slave of Haldi’ might have been introduced by Rusa E and the title ‘just shepherd of the
people’ by Rusa S, neither of whom was the son of the preceding ruler. The name Rusa, which is thought not to be typically Urartian, at least
in the way it was written, was borne by two of these rulers who used exceptional titles, as well as by the following king, even though it may
have been introduced by a ruler who was not in the direct line of succession. For a possible Luwian origin for the name see Simon 2008.

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 14. … RUSA SON OF ERIMENA … DURING SARGON’S EIGHTH CAMPAIGN 197

Iconographic sources
Bronze shields with raised relief images of bulls and lions and inscriptions of Rusa son of Erimena and
of Rusa son of Sarduri have been found at Toprakkale and Karmir Blur. These and similar images on monu-
ments dated by votive inscriptions to the reigns of other Urartian kings have been studied by Ursula Seidl
(2004, 2007, also Seidl this volume Chapter 12). Unfortunately none of the objects which are inscribed with
the name of Argishti son of Rusa are decorated, but a sufficient number of pieces from other reigns have
allowed Seidl to outline the iconographic development of certain motifs, in particular bulls and lions. Seidl
concluded that the animals from the reign of Rusa E were depicted in a very similar way to 8th century examples
from the reigns of Argishti M and Sarduri A. They are very different from those of Rusa A (see Fig. 14.04,
Colour plate IVa and Seidl this volume Chapter 12: Figs. 12.02 and 12.03). This analysis demonstrated that
on the grounds of art historical style Rusa E should be dated earlier than Rusa A.28 It also suggested a more
precise sequence and an attribution of Rusa E to the eighth century BC.
The proportions of the lions of Rusa E with short bodies are comparable to those of the lions of Sarduri
A and Argishti M and unlike those of the lions of Rusa S and Rusa A. The lions of Rusa son of Erimena are
closely similar in other respects to those of Argishti M and Sarduri A: They share the same treatment of the
tufts of hair on the mane, along the belly, and at the end of the tail. The lions of Rusa E and Rusa S have
similar double cusp marks on their haunches which are not seen on those of any other ruler. The lions of Rusa
E are therefore intermediate between those of Sarduri A and Rusa S, but more similar to those of Sarduri A.
The tails of the lions of Rusa S are raised like the earlier examples and not hanging down like those of Rusa
A, both on the Ayanis shield and on the stone reliefs.29 The manes and the treatment of the ears as well as the
tufts of hair along the belly of the lions of Rusa S and Rusa A are similar and distinct from those of Rusa E
and earlier rulers. Thus stylistically the lions of Rusa S are intermediate between those of Rusa E and Rusa A.30
The examination of the bulls confirms an early dating for the reign of Rusa son of Erimena. Although it
is not so easy to recognise a linear chronological development of the details of the stylisation of the bulls as it
is for the lions, there are several features, such as the treatment of the curls on the chest, the pose of the tail,
and the separation of the curls along the back from those on the upper flanks, that fit most comfortably
between Sarduri son of Argishti and Rusa son of Sarduri. The posture and proportions of the bulls of Rusa E
too match more closely those of the bulls of Sarduri A and Argishti M than those of Rusa S.31
Another decorative feature links Rusa son of Erimena with the eighth century kings Argishti M and his
son Sarduri A (Fig. 14.05). On a shield of Rusa E from Toprakkale (Seidl 2004: K.4) there is a border with a
very specific motif consisting of a wide zigzag line between hatched triangles: this motif otherwise appears
only on monuments of Sarduri A (9 examples) and Argishti M (3 examples). The guilloche band found on two
shields of Rusa E is otherwise only known from the reign of Minua, though with a different stylisation. The
only motif used on decorative bands of Rusa S is a band of linked plain buds found on an inscribed shield.
This motif is found on monuments of Urartian kings from Minua to Rusa son of Argishti including a shield
of Rusa E (Seidl 2004: K.3) and a belt of a Rusa whose father’s name is not recorded (Seidl 2004: G.10).32

28
The implications of this stylistic analysis for the re-dating of the reign of Rusa E were outlined by Seidl (2004: 124).
29
Salvini (2007c) has drawn attention to the raised tails of lions on seal impressions of Rusa A hoping to cast doubt on the validity of
this feature as a dating criterion, but see the convincing response by Seidl (this volume Chapter 12).
30
Seidl, perhaps unwilling to contest the common unquestioned consensus view of all the philologists that Rusa E could not have ruled
before Rusa S, did not consider this possibility: her main intention was to situate the reign of Rusa E and the construction of Toprakkale
before the reign of Rusa son of Argishti.
31
Salvini 2007c: 154-156 has drawn attention to a shield from Ayanis (Ay 39-01), on which there are lions and bulls in a style that he com-
pares to those Seidl would date to the 8th century. Seidl (this volume Chapter 12) agrees with the dating but points out that, since this shield is
uninscribed, there is no reason why it should not have been manufactured in the eighth century as Salvini also admitted. It is, however, notice-
able that some of the iconographic features of these animals, such as the rendering of the lion’s mane and the raised tail of the bull (Salvini
2007c: Fig. 5 on p. 155), do not fit perfectly into the scheme as illustrated in Fig. 14.02. A more detailed study might reveal local regional or
chronological variations. I am, however, convinced that the iconographic sequence adumbrated by Seidl is essentially correct.
32
Paul Zimansky has suggested to me that because no inscribed belts have been found in excavations and because there is no independent
evidence that belts were dedicated to gods in Urartu one should treat such objects with caution.

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 198 MICHAEL ROAF

The only other border motif on an object with a dedicatory inscription of Rusa A (Seidl 2004: I.12) is a row
of tassels and has its closest parallels in the reign of Ishpuini (Fig. 14.05) but this is not surprising as the art
of Ishpuini followed essentially the Assyrian forms and the object inscribed by Rusa A is a helmet whose
decoration is clearly Assyrian and which in all probability was booty from a successful attack on the Assyrians.

Fig. 14.05. Frequency of motifs on decorative bands on inscribed bronzes of Rusa E and Rusa S compared with those
on bronzes of other Urartian rulers (adapted from Seidl 2004: Abb. 93) (from top to bottom Ishpuini: B.22, 23, 31-38, 40, 41.
Minua: C.21-23, 41, 44; C.18. Argishti M: E.14-15, G.13 (for the date see n. 17); E.5, 18, 36. Sarduri A: F.97, 110;
F.86-88, 95, 101, 103, 104, 108, 109. Rusa E: K.3; K.4; K.2, 5. Rusa S: G.14. Rusa A: I.13; I.12).

Thus the most natural sequence is that the lions and bulls of Rusa son of Erimena belong between those
of Sarduri son of Argishti and Rusa son of Sarduri and that those of Rusa son of Sarduri belong between those
of Rusa son of Erimena and Rusa son of Argishti. Any other order requires a special explanation such as the
supposition that the artists in the reign of Rusa E were intentionally archaizing or that Rusa E added his
inscriptions to decorated shields that were already old.

Summary of the Urartian sources

According to the Urartian sources the major achievement of Rusa son of Erimena was the construction
of Toprakkale with its extensive irrigation system. He also erected buildings in Armavir and Arinberd.
Erimena the father of ‘Rusa son of Erimena’ is not attested as a ruler of Urartu which suggests that Rusa was
a usurper.33
Rusa son of Sarduri, on the other hand, re-established control of Musasir from the Assyrians, fought
against numerous minor rulers around Lake Sevan where he also built a temple for Haldi, and erected a stele
in Van. The Movana Stele (André-Salvini & Salvini 2002) shows that Rusa son of Sarduri was a contemporary
of Urzana and therefore in all probability a contemporary of Sargon II.
From the titulature and language used in the inscriptions of Rusa E and Rusa S it is difficult to draw any
firm conclusions as to which one preceded the other, but it is clear that they both are closer to Argishti R and
Sarduri A than to Rusa A.
The artistic style of the animals depicted on inscribed bronze shields suggests that the reign of Rusa son
of Erimena is to be situated between those of Sarduri son of Argishti and Rusa son of Sarduri, which in turn
implies that he ruled before or during the reign of Sargon II.

33
This need not imply that he was not from the ruling family: he could have been a nephew or grandson of a previous ruler.

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 14. … RUSA SON OF ERIMENA … DURING SARGON’S EIGHTH CAMPAIGN 199

3. Assyrian sources
The Assyrian synchronisms with Urartian rulers are discussed above by Andreas Fuchs. A Sarduri king
of Urartu is referred to in 743 and 735 BC.34 The next Assyrian synchronisms are in the reign of Sargon II and
mention an Urartian ruler called Ursa35: they cover the years from 719 to 714/3 when this Ursa is said to have
killed himself.
The Assyrian sources include Sargon’s royal inscriptions including his letter to the god Assur (Sg 8)36
and the state correspondence found at Nimrud and Nineveh. Unfortunately these sources referred to the king
of Urartu either by his title alone or by his name Ursa alone without mentioning who his father was, but they
do give additional information.

Inscriptions of Sargon
Superficially the evidence of the Assyrian royal inscriptions is straightforward, but recent research has
shown that their interpretation is not simple. Several different factors governed the content of the different
versions of the inscriptions. The dates of the various recensions are not certain even when there is a dated
colophon. Events are not recorded in the royal inscriptions objectively and sometimes it seems that particular
incidents occurred at a different time to that given in the inscription. Luckily the inscriptions of Sargon II have
been studied by Andreas Fuchs and his considered assessments will for the most part be followed here.
The most important sources for the relationship between Urartu and Assyria in the reigns of Sargon and
Rusa are the Annals of Sargon and the so-called Letter to the god Assur (Sg 8). There is no need here to
describe anything more than the main events recorded37 and the details given about the Urartian king. These
texts provide a chronological framework, but it should be remembered that they are not contemporary records
but are literary compositions compiled at a later date. The information presented in these texts includes the
following:
Ursa (written mUr-sa-a) was already king of Urartu and hostile to Assyria when Sargon became king of
Assyria (722 BC) and he broke a previous treaty with Assyria (Sg 8: 92-95, Fuchs this volume Chapter 09:
§1.6).
In his third year (719) Sargon deported local rulers in Iran who had conspired with Ursa (mUr-sa-a)
(Fuchs 1994: Ann.66).
In Sargon’s 6th year (716) Ursa (written mRu-sa-a and mUr-sa-a) encouraged the governors of the Man-
naean provinces of Wishdish, Zikirtu and Misi-Andia to rebel against their king Azâ, whom they killed on
Mt Waush (Fuchs 1994: Prunk 37, Ann.78-81) and who was succeeded by his brother Ullusunu (Fuchs 1994:
Prunk 39, Ann.101). Ullusunu took a pro-Urartian stand and gave some 22 Mannaean border fortresses to
Ursa (Fuchs 1994: Prunk 39 Ann.101). Fuchs (1998: 57 n. 26) interpreted a passage referring to Sargon’s
6th year (Fuchs 1998: IIIe:12b) as stating that Ursa had been forced to submit to the yoke of Assur in an earlier
campaign.

34
Although it cannot be proved beyond all possible doubt that this was Sarduri son of Argishti rather than Sarduri son of Sarduri
(see above n. 4). Sarduri son of Sarduri could theoretically have been a son of Sarduri son of Argishti. The Assyrian sources indicate that the
Sarduri referred to in 743 was the same Sarduri referred to in 735 (Fuchs this volume Chapter 09).
35
The name is almost always written in Assyrian texts as mUr-sa-a: exceptions are Fuchs 1994: Ann 101 and 84, Najafehabad ii 23
(Fuchs 2002: 1055; Levine 1972: 36-37), and one letter (SAA 5 31 r. 9b).
36
Following Radner (this volume Chapter 17) I refer to this text that describes in detail Sargon’s Eighth Campaign as Sg 8. For an earlier
edition see Thureau-Dangin 1912 (TCL 3), for the text and a German translation see Mayer 1983, and for a recent English translation see
Foster 2005.
The reasons for the composition of this text are still debated. Oppenheim (1960) proposed that this text was recited in a victory parade:
more recently scholarly opinion favours the view that it was written as a justification for actions that might have been thought sacrilegious.
Sargon’s strategic thinking is also disputed: some scholars think that Sargon was executing a carefully thought out plan, while others think
that Sargon was reacting to and taking advantage of the circumstances as they unfolded.
37
For a detailed summary with further references see Fuchs 2002.

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 200 MICHAEL ROAF

In Sargon’s 7th year (715) Sargon attacked Urartian territory, recaptured the 22 border fortresses, and
returned them to Ullusunu (Fuchs 1994: Ann.101-106).38
In Sargon’s 8th year (714), after campaigning in the northern Zagros defeating local rulers who were
allied with Ursa, Sargon fought against Ursa and Metatti of Zikirtu, defeated them at Mount Waush, marched
victoriously through Urartian territory, and returned to Assyria via the city of Musasir. Many details about this
campaign and about Ursa are recorded in Sargon’s Letter to the god Assur (Sg 8).
Ursa was (according to the Assyrians) decisively defeated at Mount Waush: ‘With my single chariot and
the horse(men) who go at my side… I plunged into his midst like a frightful javelin.’ ‘260 [or 250] members
of his royal family, officers, governors, and cavalry’ were captured and ‘to save his life he abandoned his
chariot, mounted a mare and fled before his army’ (Sg 8: 132-140).
After this battle Sargon marched through Urartian territory. In a poetic passage Sargon described the
irrigation works, the orchards, woods, fields and meadows that were built by Ursa near the city of Ulhu and
the fortress Shardurihurda in Sangibutu, a province of Urartu (Sg 8: 200-211).39
The course of his march through Armariali, the neighbouring province of Urartu, is described as follows
(Sg 8: 277-279):
On my march I came to Arbu40, the city of the father’s house (URU É.AD-su) of Ursa, and Riar, the city of Issar-
duri. 7 cities of their neighbourhood in which dwell his brothers, his royal family, (with) strong defences, - those
cities I destroyed. I levelled to the ground. The temple of Haldi, his god, I set on fire like brush and I destroyed
his shrine.
Ursa’s ancestral home (literally ‘the city of the house of his father’) was at Arbu in the district of Arma-
riali. If Ursa was a descendant of the earlier monarchs of Urartu through his father’s line, one might expect the
city of the house of his father to have been Turushpa. This suggests that Ursa’s father was not king of Urartu.
The fact that Ursa also had brothers who lived in or near Arbu suggests that his whole family came from this
region rather than from the vicinity of the Urartian capital. The city of Riar on the other hand belonged to
someone else, whose name was one that was common amongst the kings of Urartu: Issar-duri (Ishtar-duri) is
a common way that Sarduri was written in Assyrian texts: This Sarduri was probably a member of an Urartian
noble family and might even have been Sarduri son of Argishti who ruled Urartu before Ursa.41
Despite Sargon’s extensive marching through Urartian territory the rewards do not have seem to have
been all that impressive. The Urartians had removed much of their wealth to regions out of the reach of the
Assyrians. Sargon’s frustration is understandable: having won a stunning victory at Mt. Waush the Urartians
disappeared into the mountains behind the strong walls of their fortresses. The treasuries of Musasir/Ardini
filled with gifts given over centuries by the dynasty of Sarduri and at this moment cut off from its Urartian
patron through the Assyrian invasion must have been tempting. Sargon did not resist this temptation and on
his return march to Assyria stormed the holy city of Ardini/Musasir and looted the treasuries of the palace of
King Urzana and of the temple of Haldi.42
In the Temple of Haldi were found 11 silver bowls with lids given by Ursa (Sg 8: 358) and statues43
dedicated by previous rulers of Urartu including one of Ursa (Sg 8: 403-404; Fuchs 1998: Va:4):

38
His name written as mRu-sa-a appears on Sargon’s Najafehabad stele, which concerns his Seventh Campaign (Fuchs 2002: 1055a;
Levine 1972: 36-37). The broken context may refer to Rusa’s support for the Mannaeans.
39
Twice as many lines were devoted to the description of Sargon’s destruction of the region (Sg 8: 215-238) as to the description of Ursa’s
project, nevertheless it is surprising that an Assyrian king should have devoted so much space in his inscription to the building activities of his
Urartian enemy, even if Zaccagnini’s (1981) suggestion that this passage was based on an Urartian royal inscription is correct.
40
Sargon’s Annals for the 8th year mention ‘the city of Arbu, where Ursa… [Ri]a[r], the city of Ishtar-duri (i.e. Sarduri)…’ (Fuchs 1994:
Ann. 143-144).What Ursa did in Arbu is not clear. Elsewhere both Parda (Sg 8: 84) and Turushpa (Sg 8: 150) are called his royal cities: this
may simply mean that he had palaces in these two cities.
41
This identification is made without comment by Baker (2000b: 569).
42
Sargon boasted of this achievement in many of his inscriptions e.g. ‘who devastated Urartu, plundered the city of Musasir’ (Fuchs
1994: Stier 19, S4 18).
43
These were a statue of Argishti king of Urartu, a statue of Sarduri son of Ishpuini king of Urartu and (bronze statues of) a bull, cow
and calf of Sarduri son of Ishpuini (Sg 8: 400-401). Although the Assyrian scribe recorded the name and the name of his father, the dedica-
tee of these two last works is not certain: Salvini (1995a: 97) asserted that Ishpuini son of Sarduri was certainly meant, while Baker 2000b:

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 14. … RUSA SON OF ERIMENA … DURING SARGON’S EIGHTH CAMPAIGN 201

1 statue of Ursa, with his two horses and his charioteer, together with its base cast in bronze, (inscribed with) his
self-glorification ‘With my two horses and my one charioteer I took over the kingship of the land of Urartu.
This inscription, although it is clearly a literary topos,44 is one that fits a usurper rather than a legitimate
heir to a throne.45
According to Sargon’s Letter to the god Assur (Sg 8: 411-413), when he heard what Sargon had done in
Musasir, ‘Ursa … sank down to the ground, he rent his garments and bared his limbs, he pulled off his head-
band, tore his hair, beat upon his breast (heart) with his two hands, threw himself on his back; his heart stood
still, his body (liver) burned, in his mouth were cries of pain.’
But according to Sargon’s Annals (Fuchs 1994: Ann: 164), in his 8th year (714/713) ‘Ursa of Urartu –
the splendour of Assur, my lord, overwhelmed him and with his own iron dagger he stabbed himself through
the heart like a pig and ended his life.’
In his Cylinder Inscription Sargon described himself as the one ‘who devastated Urartu, plundered the
city of Musasir, in terror (great fear) of whom Ursa king of Urartu ended his life with his own weapon’ (Fuchs
1994: Zyl. 27). The Display Inscription describes the weapon in more detail46 (Fuchs 1994: Prunk 76-77):
‘Ursa king of Urartu heard of the destruction of Musasir, the carrying off of Haldi, his god, and with his own
hands ended his life with his iron girdle dagger.’
In Sargon’s 9th year (713/712) the Annals (Fuchs 1994: Ann: 199) record that ‘Ambaris of Tabal, ‘that
simpleton, who did not keep faith, sent to Ursa, king of Urartu, and Mita, king of Mushki.’ The account in the
Display Inscription (Fuchs 1994: Prunk 29-31) is more explicit. ‘Ambaris of Tabal whom I had placed on the
throne of Hullu his father, to whom I had given my daughter,… that faithless one sent a messenger to Ursa of
Urartu and Mita of Mushki, (proposing) to seize my territory.’
A description of Ursa’s suicide is included on cylinders found in Khorsabad written in 713 BC. In the
Annals this event is placed with the events of 714. But according to these same Annals in 713 (the following
year) Ambaris of Bit-Purutash appealed to Ursa of Urartu and Mita of Mushki proposing an alliance against
Sargon.
The next dated synchronism mentions Argishti in 709 BC (see Fuchs this volume Chapter 09: §1.7 for
the date). The accession of Argishti does not appear to have led to an improvement in the relations between
Assyria and Urartu.47

568 identified this Sarduri with Sarduri the father of Ishpuini, i.e. Sarduri son of Lutipri, and (citing a forthcoming study by Fuchs) suggested
that Sargon’s scribes misrepresented the Urartian royal genealogy. Seidl (2004: 127), on the other hand, considered that these statues were
not dedicated by an Urartian king but by an otherwise unattested son of king Ishpuini, an interesting suggestion in the light of Sargon’s state-
ment (Sg 8: 339-342) that has been interpreted to mean that the Urartian crown prince was confirmed in his position through a ceremony
carried out at Musasir.
44
For example Idrimi ruler of Alalah. See Hurowitz 2008: 118 for confirmation that the Assyrians identified this statue as that of Ursa
the rival of Sargon, since ‘self-glorification’ is repeatedly mentioned in other passages in the Letter describing Ursa.
45
As already pointed out by Thureau-Dangin (1912: xviii-xix). Ayvazian 2005: 198-200 has examined some of the possibilities concern-
ing ‘Rusa I’ and made the reasonable assertion that Sargon did not explicitly refer to the irregular way that Rusa became king of Urartu
because of the parallel with his own usurpation of the Assyrian throne.
Seidl (2004: 127-128) discussed what sort of a statue group this might have been and whether a chariot was included in it. Assuming that
the Ursa to whom the Assyrians attributed this group was Rusa son of Sarduri and that he was the legitimate heir and successor of his father
Sarduri as king of Urartu, she suggested that the Assyrians were mistaken in the identification and that instead this statue group illustrating
the conquest of the country would have been more suitable for the founder of the dynasty, Sarduri son of Lutipri. She also compared it to the
statue of the Persian king Darius and his horse described by Herodotus (III.84-88) (Seidl 2004: n. 712 on p. 127). If instead of representing
Rusa S it represented Rusa son of Erimena who was probably a usurper like Darius, Seidl’s objection to the attribution to Ursa loses its
force.
46
The same wording is found in Sargon’s Cyprus Stele ‘with his own hand ended his life with his iron girdle dagger’.
47
In 713 The Urartians were not allied to the Assyrians as the following passage shows: ‘Muttallu of the land of Kummuhu, a wicked
Hittite… put his faith in the king of Urartu…’ (Fuchs 1994: Prunk 112-113).
The tense relations between the Urartians and the Assyrians are described in SAA 5 3. This letter from Nashur-Bel (or Nashir-Bel, previ-
ously read Liphur-Bel, see Streck 2001: 932), Governor of Amedi and eponym in 705 BC, showed that the Assyrians feared an attack by the
Urartians and that the Urartian garrisons were on alert as far as Turushpa. Since a messenger of Argishti (LÚ*.A-KIN sà mar-gi-is-ta) is
mentioned in SAA 5 3 line 15, this must have taken place in his reign.

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 202 MICHAEL ROAF

The Assyrian state correspondence

The surviving documents from the administration of the Assyrian state are only a small part of the origi-
nal documentation but a sizable portion deal with Assyria’s relations with the regions to the north during the
reign of Sargon.48 These are mainly letters sent or received by Assyrian agents in these regions. There are
methodological difficulties in dealing with these letters mainly because of our ignorance of the context in
which they were written. The writers of the letters assumed that the recipient was aware of the general circum-
stances: they rarely provided dates, or information about the positions of persons named or conversely the
names of persons referred to by title. These and other details vital for the understanding of the documents have
to be supplied by the modern scholar. It is therefore not uncommon that scholars arrange the individual letters
in different orders, date them differently, and therefore interpret their historical content differently.49
Several of these texts mention Ursa, other Urartians by name, the king of Urartu and other officials by
their titles, and events relating to Urartu. In this context I will list some of the information that might be
relevant to the question of identifying the Urartian king against whom Sargon campaigned.
Ursa may be mentioned by name in six texts.
The troops of the chief cup-bearer of Assyria were annihilated by Ursa (mu]r-sa-a) when they attacked
Urartian territory (NL 47).50
According to a letter found in Nimrud51 the ruler of Etini52 attacked Urartu53 twice and was planning a
third attack. To deal with this Ursa (mur-sa-a) went from Turushpa against the ruler of Etini (NL 48: 9-r. 3).54
This letter continues with a description of a report being sent to Ursa in which it is stated that the Assyrian
troops are going against him for a third time (NL 48: r. 4-r. 11).55
Ursa (mur-sa-a-ma) unlike a later Urartian king did not threaten Kummu with destruction (SAA 5 95).56

48
The relevant documents are published in SAA 1, SAA 5, and CTN 5 (Parpola 1987, Lanfranchi & Parpola 1990, and Saggs 2001).
Mikko Luukko is preparing a new edition of the texts in CTN 5 for the State Archives of Assyria (SAA). These documents, although seldom
accurately dateable, have been assigned by their editors to the reign of Sargon and this assessment is followed here. As far as I know there
are no imperative reasons that eliminate the possibility that some of them either predated or post-dated the reign of Sargon. The texts from
Nimrud (CTN 5) date from the period from Tiglath-pileser III to Sargon II and it is unlikely that the diplomatic texts found there were writ-
ten after Sargon had moved his residence to Dur-Sharrukin.
49
An important contribution for the interpretation of the letters relating to Urartu (SAA 5 145, 87, 86, 144, 92, 90, 30, 173, 174) was
made by Deller (1984: 102-104). See also Lanfranchi 1983, Salvini 1984: 79-95, and Lanfranchi in the introduction to SAA 5 (Lanfranchi
& Parpola 1990: xiii-xxxiv especially xv-xx).
50
‘The rab-shaki, when he went in with armed forces, Ursa came (and) defeated him. Not one of them got away. He (Ursa) is coming on
(and) is setting up camp against the fortresses of the rab-shaki. He is going to do battle.’ (ND 2463, CTN 5: 119-120 = NL 47).
51
ND 2453, CTN 5 116-118 = NL 48. I am very grateful to Mirko Luuko for discussing this text with me and for allowing me to consult
his new edition and preliminary translation of NL 48. There are still difficulties and uncertainties in understanding and interpreting of this
letter.
52
Etini is normally identified with Etiuni / Etiuhi, which has been located to the west or north-west of Lake Sevan (Zimansky 1998:
fig. 5 on p. 61, Salvini 1995a: map 1 on p. 243) and is mentioned as the destination of successful campaigns of Minua in an inscription from
Körzüt (CTU A 5-2A = Dinçol 1976) and of Sarduri son of Argishti in his Annals from Van (CTU A 9-3, UKN 155A, HchI 103 §16). There
are no good reasons to associate these attacks by the ruler of Etini against Ursa with the activities of Rusa son of Sarduri recorded in the
Tsovinar/Kelagran inscription (see above) although they do deal with a nearby geographical area.
53
The text has kurURI (i.e. the country of Urartu) but both Saggs and Luukko suggest that perhaps the ruler of Urartu is meant (i.e.
kur
URI<-a-a>).
54
The pertinent part of this letter is translated by Luukko as: ‘Perhaps the king, my lord, will say: “What is the news of Urartu?”
The ruler of Etini (kure-ti-ni-a-a) has attacked [it] twice, he has defeated and plundered [it]. He is [attacking it] for the third time but Ursa
[went straight] from Turushpa towards the ruler of Etini and is (now) on his way.’
55
According to Luukko this letter was written by Assur-le’i (the author of NL 75) who reported that ‘when I entered Suruduriani and
attacked the cities of the other side of the Zab river, an express messenger came to Ursa, saying: “The troops of the king of Assyria are
marching against you for the third time”.’ Suruduriani may be the same place as Sarduriani (Tadmor 1994: 126 n. to line 26 and p. 303 also
SAA 5 97: r. 11) mentioned in ND 2487:2 (CTN 5: 120). It is uncertain whether this letter is to be dated before or after 714. There is noth-
ing definite to connect it with either Rusa E or Rusa S but it is possible that the attack of Sargon in 714 was one of the previous Assyrian
attacks and that the ruler of Etini invaded Urartu because of this defeat. In which case the letter would date to the time after 714 but whether
before or after the death of Rusa, which according to Assyrian sources took place in 714 or 713, is uncertain.
56
This later ruler is assumed to have been Argishti (e.g. the editors of SAA 5 entitled the letter ‘Argisti’s message to the Kummeans’ and
Fuchs 2002). Whatever the order of Rusa E and Rusa S because of the date of the archive it is difficult to contest this (see Radner this volume
Chapter 17).

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 14. … RUSA SON OF ERIMENA … DURING SARGON’S EIGHTH CAMPAIGN 203

A Rusa (written mru-sa-a) is mentioned in connection with Hu-Teshub king of Shubria in a letter sent by
Sha-Assur-dubbu governor of Tushhan who was eponym in 707 BC (SAA 5 31).57
Two other letters may have mentioned Ursa but they are so fragmentary that little solid information can
be got from them.58
The king of Urartu is mentioned in many letters included in the Sargon correspondence. This could have
been Ursa the rival of Sargon in his Eighth Campaign but might have been a different king. Here I mention
those texts that may give useful information for the identification of the Urartian ruler.
One of these letters (SAA 1 8) appears to have been written by Sargon himself to the Urartian king:
Lanfranchi identified this king with Rusa (Ursa) (Lanfranchi & Parpola 1990: xix). The poorly preserved letter
concerns a defecting (Urartian) governor whom Sargon appointed turtan (field marshal). Sargon may have
been intending to enthrone him instead of the Urartian appointee the son of Inurta-belu-usur (Baker 2000a).59
A fragmentary letter (SAA 5 93) probably recorded the killing of a king of Urartu by his nobles.60 It was
entitled by Lanfranchi and Parpola ‘A coup d’état’ and the relevant passage was translated by them as follows:
‘His magnates [sur]rounded him in […, at the out]skirts of Wai[si] and killed him.’
The letter continues mentioning ‘the turtan of the right of the family of Sarduri’ (with the heavily restored
reading md15-BÀD61) (SAA 5 93). It is not certain what the turtan did but one possibility may be that he
became king. After a gap of two lines it is recorded that someone, perhaps this turtan, had ‘[not y]et entered
Tu[rushp]a’.62 The mention of his family or clan (qinnu) rather than his own name might be significant and if
it really did refer to the next king of Urartu and the designation of the family as that of Sarduri is correct, it
might indicate a change of ruling family and even specifically a reversion to the family of Sarduri who had
been previously king of Urartu.63
Several letters dealt with the relationship between the Urartian king and the Cimmerians.64 Three letters
that were forwarded by the crown-prince Sennacherib to his father contain reports of the defeat of the Urartian
king and his army by the Cimmerians.65 The first of these (SAA 1 30) gives the report of Urzana king of
Musasir:
4b-r. 2
Urzana has written to me (according to the report of Shulmu-bel, the deputy of the Palace Herald): ‘The
troops of the Urartian king have been defeated on his expedition against the Cimmerians. The governor of
Waisi has been killed; we do not have detailed information yet but as soon as we have it, we will send you a
full report.’

57
Lanfranchi & Parpola (1990) who entitled the letter ‘Argisti puts pressure on Hu-Teshub of Shubria’ apparently date the letter to
the reign of Argishti R. Although Sha-Assur-dubbu was eponym in 707 he may well have been governor of Tushhan for several years before
he was selected as eponym. The Rusa mentioned might have been the king of Urartu. For Sha-Assur-dubbu governor of Tushhan see Radner
& Schachner 2001.
58
Ursa (mur-sa-a) is mentioned in a letter from Upaq-Shamash that the editors have called ‘Zaba-iqisa joins the camp of Rusa’
(SAA 5 162). What Rusa was doing is, however, not clear from the surviving text.
The name Ursa ([mur-sa]-a-ma) has been restored in very fragmentary letter entitled by the editors ‘Military operations in Musasir’
(SAA 5 187), partly because they have restored the name of Urzana ([mur]-za-[ni]) king of Musasir in the text.
59
The dating of this letter is uncertain as are also the details, but it is fascinating to learn that, if the editors have understood the text cor-
rectly, there were such close interchanges between the highest levels of the Assyrian and Urartian government establishments.
60
Ivantchik has suggested that instead of the Urartian king this letter may refer to the death of Aza the king of Mannaea, but the essen-
tially Urartian context of the letter speaks against this.
61 lú
tur-ta-nu / [s]a ZAG sa qi-i-ni / [m][d][15]- [BÀD]. Baker (2000b: 569) identified this Sarduri with Sarduri son of Argishti king of
Urartu.
62
Assyrian agents frequently report on the Urartian king’s presence in his capital as well as recording when he left or entered it. In this
case too it is likely that the person who had not yet entered Turushpa was the Urartian king.
63
See above for discussion of the ‘families’ of Ursa and of Sarduri.
64
Numerous studies have been made of the Cimmerians (e.g. Tokhtas’ev 1992; Ivantchik 1993, 2001a, 2001b; Lanfranchi 1999;
Lebedynsky 2004; see also Lang this volume Chapter 19). Many of these discussions are coloured by the accounts of the Cimmerians in
Greek sources and ignore the possibility that the perceptions of the Cimmerians by Greeks, Assyrians, and Urartians in the 8th, 7th, and
6th centuries might all have been significantly different. Previous studies have concentrated on identifying a Cimmerian culture (distinct from
a Scythian one). For our purposes these studies are largely irrelevant. For further discussion of the Cimmerian victory see below.
65
See below for a discussion of the date of this event.

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 204 MICHAEL ROAF

The second of these forwarded messages (SAA 1 31) includes three separate reports and mentions that
Urzana king of Musasir and his family as well as a messenger of the king of Hubushkia have gone to greet the
Urartian king:
18-15
The Ukkaean has sent me this message: ‘The troops of the Urartian king have been utterly defeated on his
expedition against the Cimmerians. Eleven of his governors have been eliminated [with] their troops; his
commander-in-chief (turtan) and two of his governors [have been taken prisoner]. He (himself) came to take
[the road to… ]’
19-20
This was the report of the Ukkaean.
21-r. 3
Assur-resuwa has written to me thus: ‘The previous report which I sent about the Urartians was that they had
suffered a terrible defeat. Now his country is quiet again and each of his magnates has gone to his province.
Kaqqadanu, his turtan (field marshal), has been taken prisoner; the Urartian king is in Wazaun.’
r. 4
This was the report of Assur-resuwa.
r. 5-15
Nabû-le’i the governor of Birate has written to me: ‘I have written to the guards of the forts along the border
concerning the news of the Urartian king and they (tell me this): ‘The troops of the Urartian king have been
utterly defeated on his expedition against the Cimmerians. Three of his magnates along with their troops have
been killed; he himself has escaped and entered his country, but his army has not yet arrived (back).’
r. 16
This was the report of Nabû-le’i.
r. 17-22
The king of Musasir and his brother and son have gone to greet the Urartian king, and the messenger of the
(king) of Hubushkia has also gone to greet him.’
In the third of these letters (SAA 1 32 = CTN 5 NL XLVI) Sennacherib sends to his father an account
given by an Itu’ean:
8-15
… the Itu’ean… I asked him [about the Urarti]ans and he told me: ‘The Urartian [and his magnates were
defeated] on their expedition [against] the Cimmerians, and they are very much afraid of the king, my lord.
They tremble and keep silent like women.’66
It is reasonable to connect this defeat with another letter (SAA 5 90, Lanfranchi & Parpola1990),67 the
beginning of which is missing. This letter reports not only that the Urartians were defeated but that the king
fled from the battle and Melartua, who is known to have been the son of the Urartian king (SAA 5 114) was
made king:
5b-15e
[Nine] of his [gov]ernors were kil[led: the gover]nor opposite the chief cup-be[arer, the gover]nor opposite
us, the governor opposite Sha-Assur-dubbu (governor of Tushhan), the governor opposite Musasir, the gover-
nor of Wazae, the governor of Shibtu[r]u, two governors opposite Kar-siparri, the governor of Shattera – in
all nine governors of his were killed.
r. 1-7
Their king, however, escaped secretly on a lone (horse) and took to the mountains. The rear part of the camp
did not see their [ki]ng and did [not] realize that he had sa[ved himself].
r. 7-10
[So, they lif]ted up Melar[tua] and [ma]de him king [alo]ng the road: Mela[rtua…]ed [the king]ship […]68
After the defeat by the Cimmerians and the king had escaped, the Urartian governors marched against the
king. This putsch appears to have been unsuccessful, because at the end of the letter the king was in Turushpa
(SAA 5 92).

66
The translation in Saggs 2001: 125-128 AA 1 (32: 8-15) differs in minor points: ‘[In the matter of] the Itu’aean person […]… I asked
him about the Urartians. He said: “Since the Urartians went to the land of the Cimmerians, [now] they are very much afraid of the king, my
lord…. they tremble (and) remain inactive.” ’
67
Another letter (SAA 5 145) may or may not be connected with this defeat. See below.
68
Fuchs (this volume Chapter 09) gives the following translation „Ihr König aber ist von seiner Seite (des Schlachtfeldes) ganz alleine
entkommen und hat sich ins Gebirge davongemacht. Als nun diejenigen, die sich hinten im Feldlager befanden, ihren König nicht mehr sahen
und [nicht] wussten, dass er sich hatte retten können, da erhoben sie den Melartua und machten ihn [am] Wegesrand zum König.“

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 14. … RUSA SON OF ERIMENA … DURING SARGON’S EIGHTH CAMPAIGN 205

This same rebellion may be the subject of SAA 5 91 in which Assur-resuwa reported on the thwarting of
a conspiracy against the Urartian king.
3-7
As regards Naragê, the chief tailor, about whom I wrote to the king, my lord: ‘He and 20 of his fellow
eunuchs, who conspired against the king have been arrested.’
7-12
The king of Urartu has now entered Turushpa and questioned them. They have dragged forth and killed the
rest of the people involved in the plot – 100 men, including the eunuchs and the bearded courtiers.
13-20
Ursene the deputy turtan and brother of Abliuqnu69 was likewise arrested in Turushpa. When Abliuqnu came
to Turushpa, he (i.e. the king) questioned him and this brother of his. No sword was drawn; they let them go.
The name of the Urartian king in these letters is not given: he was defeated by the Cimmerians but he
escaped and it is probable that the same individual put down the conspiracy of the chief tailor and the
20 eunuchs.

Summary of the Assyrian sources

The recognition of the possibility that the Assyrian sources might refer to two different Urartian kings
named Rusa means that not all Assyrian references to Ursa must refer to a single individual whether Rusa son
of Sarduri or Rusa son of Erimena and at the same time has extended the chronological range in which a Rusa
might have been reigning because we do not now have to date every Assyrian reference to Ursa to the period
before the death of Ursa in 713 or 714. Furthermore the re-establishment of Urartian rights in Musasir can be
placed later than 713, if Rusa son of Sarduri was not the opponent of Sargon in 714.
Assyrian sources give information on several subjects. The principal ones are:
– Ursa was the recognised king of Urartu from before the accession of Sargon (722 BC). Ursa was defeated
by Sargon II at the battle of Mount Waush in 714 BC, but he managed to escape.
– Ursa’s ‘father’s house’ was in Arbu in north-west Iran far from the traditional seat of the Urartian dynasty
in Tushpa. A commemorative statue in Musasir recorded that he had won the kingdom through military
action. Both these statements suggest that he was a usurper.
– There appear to have been two different noble families in Urartu, one connected with Ursa and the other
with Sarduri.
– A description of Ursa’s suicide is dated to Sargon’s 8th year (714 BC) and included on cylinders found
in Khorsabad written in 713 BC.
– In 713 BC the year after Ursa’s death according to Sargon’s Annals Ambaris of Bit-Purutash appealed to
Ursa of Urartu and Mita of Mushki proposing an alliance against Sargon. The reconciling of these state-
ments is discussed below where I suggest a possible explanation is that the proposed alliance was not
with the Ursa who was the opponent of Sargon in 714 BC but with a later king with the same name.
– An Urartian king was killed by his nobles. This could have followed Sargon’s Eighth Campaign or the
defeat by the Cimmerians or it could have taken place at another time entirely. There is no clear indica-
tion whether it was Rusa son of Erimena, Rusa son of Sarduri, or Argishti son of Rusa but there is no
reason to think that it was not one of these three rulers.
– An Urartian king occupied Musasir (see pp. 211-212), an event which was also recorded on the Movana
and Topzawa steles and so the king in question can be identified with Rusa son of Sarduri.
– An Urartian attack on the land of the Cimmerians was unsuccessful and many Urartian governors were
killed. The Urartian king fled the battle scene on horseback. In the uncertainty of the aftermath of this
defeat, the Urartian king’s son Melartua was made king.
– An Urartian king put down a conspiracy killing some of the conspirators but sparing others who had been
accused of treason.
69
Melartua and Aba[l]iuqunu governor of [ x ]-pa together with their troops are mentioned in SAA 5 114, while the Urartian king was in
Wazana (KUR.ú-a-za-na!) (or Wazama) (SAA 5 114: 4). According to SAA 5 84 Abaliuqunu was governor of Musasir. Perhaps he was
spared because of his connections with the king’s son.

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 206 MICHAEL ROAF

It is possible to create a coherent narrative from the last of these fragmentary records. The Urartian king
marched against the land of the Cimmerians. He was defeated and many of his governors were killed and
several including the field marshal Kaqqadanu were taken captive. But the king himself escaped on the back
of a mare. In the uncertainty of the aftermath of this defeat, the Urartian king’s son Melartua was made king.
A conspiracy led by the chief tailor against the Urartian king was thwarted and many of the conspirators were
put to death, but others were spared. The fate of Melartua is not recorded.
Most of the above-mentioned particulars in the Assyrian sources about an Urartian king named Ursa
could apply equally to Rusa son of Erimena or Rusa son of Sarduri. Rusa E could have claimed that he had
won his kingdom through his military endeavours if he had seized the kingdom from Rusa S and vice versa
because neither, at least according to their patronymics, was the legitimate heir of the other. On the other hand,
if Sarduri, the father of Rusa, was the immediate predecessor of the Ursa of Sargon’s Eighth Campaign,
whether his father was called Argishti or Sarduri, the house of his father would have been in Turushpa (Van)
and not in Arbu. The mentions of Riar, the city of Sarduri, both in Sargon’s Eighth Campaign and in the
Annals of his 8th year, as well as the reference to the family of Sarduri in one of the letters in the Assyrian
state correspondence suggest to me that there were different influential families in Urartu, one identified as
that of Ursa and the other that of Sarduri.70

4. A series of unfortunate events

The bare facts as outlined in the Assyrian sources have been recorded above but in order to make sense
of them it is necessary to put them into their possible historical contexts. But before examining different pos-
sible versions of the historical narrative that was the source of the Urartian and Assyrian reports, there are
three main themes that need to be discussed. These are the death of Ursa, the activities of Urzana king of
Ardini/Musasir, and the Cimmerian defeat of the Urartians.

The death of Ursa

As stated above a description of Ursa’s suicide is given in Sargon’s Annals in conjunction with the events
of 714 BC, but according to these same Annals in 713 (the following year) Ambaris of Bit-Purutash appealed
to Ursa of Urartu and Mita of Mushki proposing an alliance against Sargon.
Four possible solutions may be suggested: 1. Ambaris did not know that Ursa was already dead, when he
sent a message to him; 2. the conspiracy of Ambaris took place at an earlier date and was recorded in this
place in the Annals because it was relevant to Sargon’s removal of Ambaris in 713 BC;71 3. the Annals for
narrative purposes placed the suicide of Ursa in Sargon’s 8th year in conjunction with Sargon’s victories over
Ursa even though his suicide had taken place in his 9th year;72 and 4. the Ursa who was said to have commit-
ted suicide was not the same person as the Ursa with whom Ambaris wanted to form an alliance. The first
solution sounds unlikely as the Assyrian compiler of the annals would have realised that it was hardly convinc-
ing to accuse someone of conspiracy with someone who was already dead. The second solution although it is
not the most direct interpretation of the text would remove the problem. The third suggestion is plausible,
though one might wonder why Ambaris would have written to a ruler who had been decisively defeated by
Sargon in the previous year and was on the brink of committing suicide.73 The fourth explanation is consistent
with the Urartian evidence that there were two kings of Urartu called Rusa whose reigns were not far distant
from each other.

70
I wonder if the Assyrian sources used the name Sarduri to refer to Rusa son of Sarduri as a shorthand way of distinguishing him from
Rusa son of Erimena.
71
This was suggested to me by Andreas Fuchs (personal communication).
72
This is the view of Fuchs (this volume Chapter 09; 2002: 1056).
73
Perhaps one should not put too much reliance on Sargon’s claims to a decisive victory over Urartu and, as suggested below, it is pos-
sible that the account of Ursa’s suicide was a poetic interpretation of the assassination of the Urartian king by his nobles.

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 14. … RUSA SON OF ERIMENA … DURING SARGON’S EIGHTH CAMPAIGN 207

In the Assyrian sources there are two accounts of the death of an Urartian king. In one Ursa committed
suicide by stabbing himself with his own iron dagger, in the other an unnamed Urartian king was killed by his
own nobles. It is possible that the report of the suicide of Rusa was manufactured by the spin doctors of Sar-
gon74 and that the same Urartian king was intended in both accounts. This might have been another case of
Sargon’s scribes avoiding the subject of regicide and usurpation (see above n. 45).
If the Assyrian accounts refer to the deaths of two different kings, then the ‘suicide’ victim was certainly
Ursa the opponent of Sargon in 714 and the other king must have been killed at a later date, as Sargon’s Eighth
Campaign gives no hint that the Ursa who was hostile to Assyria at the beginning of Sargon’s reign was not
the Ursa defeated in 714 BC. The murder victim could have been a second Rusa or it could have been Argishti
son of Rusa.

The fate of Urzana

The Movana Stele (Salvini 2002b) shows that Rusa son of Sarduri was a contemporary of Urzana and
therefore in all probability a contemporary of Sargon II.
Salvini (e.g. 1995a: 82; 2007a: 464) has resolutely held the view that Rusa son of Sarduri’s attack on
Musasir took place before that of Sargon. Recently some Assyriologists who have studied this question (e.g.
Lanfranchi, Parpola, Radner) have preferred to see it as a subsequent re-conquest. If that was the case, there
would be no need to suppose an otherwise unattested Assyrian occupation of Musasir before it was looted by
Sargon in 714 and the reference to ‘gold, silver, copper, and cattle’ being brought to Musasir (Movana III 28b-
30b) is explained by the fact that Sargon had previously removed such items. If Urzana survived Sargon’s
looting of Musasir, we no longer have to date every mention of Urzana to 714 or earlier and it is easier to fit
the various different shreds of information into a comprehensible picture.
Crucial to the interpretation of the events that took place at the end of the 8th century is the role played
by Urzana, king of Musasir.75 Caught between the hammer of Assyria and the anvil of Urartu he sought to
maintain friendly relations with both. He was not alone in such endeavours: many other rulers on the fringes
of Assyria such as Ullusunu of Mannea followed similar pragmatic policies shifting allegiances as an Assyrian
army approached. In fact Urzana seems to have made himself useful both to the Urartians and to the Assyrians
and they seem to have accepted his acknowledgement of two masters. Salvini in his standard history of Urartu
(1995a: 82) maintained that Sargon’s invasion of Urartu and his conquest of Musasir spelt the end for both
Rusa and Urzana: ‚Für beide Herrscher, den Urartäer und den König von Musasir, bedeutete nämlich das Jahr
714 das politische Ende.‘ Various considerations, however, make it almost certain that Urzana remained in
power in Musasir for several years after its sack by Sargon.
Despite the hostile rhetoric addressed towards him in Sargon’s Letter to Assur, Urzana appears to have
been left in charge in Musasir. Sargon does not claim that he killed him or that he deported him but instead
stated ‘in (my) triumph I made him sit at the city gate’,76 while ‘his wife, his sons, his daughters, his people,
the seed of his father’s house’ were taken hostage to Assyria77 as was the city god Haldi and his consort
Bagbartu (Sg 8: 348).

74
There was no pressing reason for Rusa to have committed suicide. After the Assyrian troops had withdrawn, the Urartian state was left
intact and Musasir was soon to return to the Urartian sphere of influence. As I discussed in a talk at the 54th Rencontre d’Assyriologie in
Würzburg in July 2008 (Roaf in press a), the suicide of a ruler when his life was not immediately threatened is an extremely rare event,
though often a successor has claimed that the previous ruler had taken his own life.
75
The seal of Urzana is discussed below by Karen Radner (this volume Chapter 17). The style of the seal is Assyrian and could certainly
have been a gift from the Assyrian king to Urzana. It might have been amongst the booty taken by Sargon. The Akkadian inscription has a
description of Musasir, which puns on the name and has negative connotations, and might have been added by the Assyrians. The various
restorations of the third line (proposed by Radner and by other scholars) are not impossible, but none of them are entirely satisfactory.
76
Sargon mentioned neither having removed him from his kingship nor having executed him. The same treatment was meted out to
Urzana when he was captured by Rusa son of Sarduri. There are many other examples of such seemingly clement behaviour by Assyrian and
other ancient Near Eastern rulers, which may surprise us but which were no doubt seen as Realpolitik.
77
After the defeat of the Urartian king by the Cimmerians the king of Musasir, his brother, and his son went to greet the Urartian king
(SAA 1 31: r. 17-22) showing that not all of his family remained as hostages in Assyria.

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 208 MICHAEL ROAF

Fig. 14.06. Assyrian Eponym Chronicle. The reverse of exemplar B4.

The tablet originally had four columns see n. 80 for details. Year 714 begins in line r. 8b; after Millard 1994: pl. 16.

The entry in the Assyrian Eponym Chronicle for 714 BC (Fig. 14.06-07; Millard 1994: 47, 60, B4: r. 8b)
reads [a-na KURur-a]r-†i URUmu-Òa-Òir hal-di-a which Millard (1994: 47, 60) translated as ‘[to Ur]artu, Musasir,
Haldia’ and Radner this volume Chapter 17: n. 64 as ‘against Urar†u, MuÒaÒir and Haldi’, which makes
slightly more sense though it is perhaps surprising that an Assyrian king campaigned against a god.78 Perhaps
hal-di-a79 should be seen as in apposition to Musasir.
If Millard’s proposal that the following line refers to the events of the following year is correct, the entry
is not only laconic but also enigmatic. If, on the other hand, the next line continued to describe the events of
714 and the entry for 713 began one line further on,80 it would be possible for Haldi to have been the subject

78
I am grateful to Andreas Fuchs and Karen Radner for their advice about possible interpretations of the entries for 714 and 713 in the
Eponym Chronicle, but they should not be blamed for the suggestions made here. This discussion of the eponym list was written before I
became aware of the suggestions about these passages by Tadmor (1958: 84-87).
79
Andreas Fuchs kindly informs me that this is the normal way the name of the god Haldi was written in Assyrian texts and that the final
a is unexplained.
80
The tablets on which the Eponym Chronicle was written normally have four columns separated by single or double vertical ruled lines.
The left hand column is narrower than the other three and either has the phrase ina li-me or ina lim-me ‘in the eponym year of’ or has a ditto
mark consisting of three diagonal wedges or is empty. The next column has the name of the eponym official, the following column has his
position as king, official, or the city or province in the case of governors. The right hand column contains details of an event that occurred
in that year. Occasionally the description of the event may start already in the third column (e.g. B4: 11b for year 831). When the events
concerning one year extend over two lines then the second and third and fourth columns of the second line are used and even on one occasion
the first or left hand column (e.g. B2: 24b for year 788). Therefore if 714 continued in line r. 9b there would have been sufficient space avail-
able for quite a long passage.

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 14. … RUSA SON OF ERIMENA … DURING SARGON’S EIGHTH CAMPAIGN 209

r. 8b ditto || md
15. BÀD || sa URU
TAB – ha || a–na KUR
ur–a]r–†i URU
mu–Òa–Òir hal–di–a
r. 9b ditto || md
as+sur–ba–ni || s a kal – h a || G]AL . MES ina KUR
el – li – pa
r. 10b || xx xx xx xx || hal – di – a || É ] GIBIL e – ta – rab
URU
r. 11b || hal – di – a || it – ta – lak || a – n ] a mu – Òa – Òir

r. 8b ditto || Ishtar-duri || of Arrapha || against Urartu Musasir (and) Haldi.

r. 9b ditto || Ashur-bani || of Kalhu || The magnates in Ellipi.

r. 10b || xxxx || Haldi || entered his new temple.

r. 11b || Haldi || went || to Musasir.

r. 8b ditto || md
15. BÀD || sa URU
TAB – ha || a–na KUR
ur–a]r–†i URU
mu–Òa–Òir hal–di–a
r. 9b || TA URU KUR
mu–Òa–Òir || it – tal – ka || G]AL . MES ina el – li – pa
r. 10b ditto || md
as+sur–ba–ni || sa kal–ha hal–di–a || É ] GIBIL e – ta – rab
URU
r. 11b || hal – di – a || it – ta – lak || a – n]a mu – Òa – Òir

r. 8b ditto || Ishtar-duri || of Arrapha || against Urartu (and) Musasir. Haldi

r. 9b || from Musasir || came || The magnates in Ellipi.

r. 10b ditto || Ashur-bani || of Kalhu. Haldi || entered his new temple.

r. 11b || Haldi || went || to Musasir.

Fig. 14.07. Excerpt from the Eponym Chronicle B4 r. 8b-11b, with possible restored readings and possible translations
according to whether the events of year 713 began (a) in line r. 9b or (b) in line r. 10b.

of a sentence such as ‘Haldi came from Musasir’ hal-di-a TA URUmu-Òa-Òir it-tal-ka comparable to the entry
for 831 BC on the same tablet (B4: 11b).81
In a letter (SAA 1 7) plausibly written to Urzana and entitled by the editor ‘The gods of Musasir’ the
Assyrian king offered give back his (Urzana’s) gods in exchange for information:
[But shou]ld you say: ‘Let [the king my lord] give [my gods] back to me […]’ then quickly [gather and send me]
information (and) [I will] soon [gi]ve your gods back to you. […] the city of Musa[sir]; stay there!
This arrangement seems to have been put into effect,82 possibly as early as 713 BC if the mention of a
new temple and Musasir in the Eponym Chronicle for this year can be associated with the return of Haldi to
his home city.83 The restorations suggested in Fig. 14.07 are very tentative and there is no compelling need to
insist that the return of Haldi took place in this year but it is possible that either in line r. 10b or r. 11b this event

81
According to Fuchs (pers. comm.) there is no reason why the nobles should not have been in Ellipi in 714 and, since Sargon himself
campaigned in Ellipi in 713, one would not have expected the activities of the nobles in Ellipi to have been mentioned in that year.
82
At some time Urzana planned a journey to Assyria via Alamu, Hiptunu (Tell Haftun in the region of Dasht-i Herir), Mushi, Issete, and
Arbil (SAA 5 136). Perhaps this was the occasion when he successfully negotiated the return of the gods of Musasir.
83
Both Radner and Fuchs tell me that my hope that GIBIL could be interpreted as an adverb and not as an adjective and that the passage
might be translated as ‘[the god Haldi] entered (his) temple anew’ presents semantic difficulties, as the word is not used in this sense. If the
entry for 713 began in line r. 9b there would have been plenty of space to insert the name of Haldi and other remarks in columns two and
three. If the entry for 713 began in line r. 10b there is insufficient space to insert the name of Haldi in the right hand column and it would
have had to be inserted at the end of the third column after the name of the city of Kalhu. A similar use of the third column is found on the
same tablet (B4: 11b). In any case the entry in line r. 11b probably contained more than just ‘[t]o Musasir’ and the text in the left hand column
of this line could have given further details about what happened in Musasir or it could have dealt with a different subject.

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 210 MICHAEL ROAF

was recorded.84 In any case the mention of Musasir at the end of line r. 11b certainly concerns 713 BC and
shows that the Assyrians were involved in some activity in Musasir in 713 and that it was not in this year that
Rusa son of Sarduri re-affirmed his right to worship at the Haldi Temple. It therefore effectively eliminates the
possibility that Rusa’s occupation of Musasir took place before Ursa’s death in 713: it must have taken place
either earlier (which as discussed above is very unlikely) or it must have taken place later and the Ursa who
died could not have been Rusa son of Sarduri.
Haldi was certainly present in Musasir at the time of the Urartian re-occupation of Musasir, since Rusa
son of Sarduri and the Urartian governors were able to undertake their worship of Haldi without difficulty
(see above and Fig. 14.03).
Numerous Assyrian officials informed the king of the preparations being made for an Urartian invasion
of Musasir and of its progress. Assur-resuwa the Assyrian agent in Kumme gave the names of five Urartian
governors gathering in Waisi: ‘Setini the governor opposite Assur-resuwa, Kaqqadanu the governor opposite
Ukku,85 Sakuatâ of Qaniun, Siplia of Alzi, and Tuki of Armiraliu’ (SAA 5 87: 4-12). In another letter (SAA 5
88: 4-r. 8) he told the king:
3000 foot soldiers, their prefects, and the commanders of the kallapu troops of Setini, the governor opposite me,
have set out towards Musasir and crossed the Black River. All the pack animals of Setini are with him. The troops
of Sunâ, the governor opposite Ukku, have also set out towards Musasir. I have heard that the king is in Waisi;
he will be going but has not yet departed.
A letter recorded that the governor of Waisi had entered Musasir (SAA 5 11: rev.6b-7b). This was con-
firmed in a letter (SAA 5 147) known as the Urzana Letter sent to his Assyrian masters by Urzana himself in
which he announced that the Urartian king was on his way and in which he presented his excuses for not
following the command of the Assyrian king and preventing the Urartians from worshipping in Musasir.86
1
A [tab]let of Urzana to the Pa[lace] Herald. Good health to y[ou]!
4
As to [wh]at you wrote me: ‘Is the king of Urartu on his way (there) with assembled troops? Where is he
staying?’
9
The governor of Waisi and the governor next to the Ukkean have come and are doing service in the temple.
They say:
13
‘The king is on his way; he is staying in Waisi, and further governors are coming to Musasir to do the service.’
r. 3
As to what you wrote to me: ‘Nobody may take part in the service without the king’s permission’ –
r. 8
when the Assyrian king came here, could I hold him back? He did what he did. So how could I hold back
this one.
A letter (SAA 5 112: 1b-5b) written shortly afterwards confirmed that after the Urartian king did indeed
arrive in Musasir after his officials had taken control of the city: ‘Kaq]qa[danu en]tered Waisi in the month of

84
The same conclusion was reached by Tadmor (1958: 84-87) who restored line r. 11b as [ || ta-a-rat || dHal-di-a || a-n]a URUmu-Òa-Òir and
wrote ‘the reconstructed entry suggested above, “the return of the god Haldia to Musasir” analogous to that of the year 754 seems to be the
only possible restoration as it records a religious event, thus continuing the subject of the preceding line.’
Andreas Fuchs has suggested to me that the Assyrian composer of the Eponym Chronicle would have had less interest in the return of
Haldi to Musasir than Urzana and Rusa had and that it is wishful thinking on my part to make a restoration of this sort. There is, however,
another god whose movements are included in the Eponym Chronicle, namely the ‘Great God’ of Der who comes from Der in 831 and goes
to Der in 814 and 785 (perhaps having left Der in the aftermath of one of the attacks on Der in 795 or 794. Der was a buffer state like Musa-
sir and godnapping was a common practice and was sometimes followed by the return of the gods at a later date. If Urzana re-acquired his
god soon after 714, this may well have been due to his abilities as a diplomat, surely exercised with extreme skill as he not only survived an
Assyrian invasion but also an Urartian one and even after that continued to maintain good relations with the Assyrians.
85
This may be a mistake: In SAA 5 88 Sunâ is the governor opposite Ukku. Kaqqadanu may have been the turtanu (field marshal) as
well as the governor of an Urartian province.
86
Urzana also wrote a further apologetic letter to the king (SAA 5 146). It is uncertain in which year this was written. In this letter he
excused himself for not visiting the king because of the weather (snow blocked the roads) and for not bringing a suitable gift (the very reason
that Sargon used to justify his attack on Urzana and Musasir in 714).

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 14. … RUSA SON OF ERIMENA … DURING SARGON’S EIGHTH CAMPAIGN 211

Tishri (i.e. ca. September/October). The king entered the city after him.’ Urzana’s brother relayed the news to
the Assyrians that the Urartian king had returned to Musasir (SAA 5 148): ‘As to the news of the Urart[ian],
the brother of Urzan[a] has c[ome to] Shulmu-bel (the deputy of the Palace Herald), [saying]: “He has
returned […]” ’
According to the steles erected by Rusa son of Sarduri (Fig. 14.03), when Rusa came to Musasir Urzana
fled to Assyria, but in a subsequent battle was captured (or perhaps he allowed himself to be captured). A letter
(SAA 5 89) from Assur-resuwa may record this event as it seems to state that Urzana was taken to Waisi by
Kaqqadanu.
Urzana was re-instated as king of Musasir and allowed the Urartian king to carry out the religious cere-
monies that he wanted to. This must surely have happened after 714. How long after is a matter for conjecture.
Given the possibility that Rusa son of Sarduri was not the Ursa whose death was reported in the Annals for
Sargon’s 8th year this could have been any time before Argishti sat on the throne.
Most scholars who believe that the Urartian counterattack on Musasir took place after Sargon’s have slot-
ted it in between that event and Ursa’s death in 714 or 713, simply because they had not considered any other
possibility. The timeslot may be even more reduced if the mention of Musasir in the Eponym Chronicle for
713 indicates that the Assyrians were still in control of Musasir at this time. The identification of the Ursa, to
whom Ambaris appealed according to Sargon’s Annals for year 9, with the ruler defeated by Sargon again
allows only a short interval in which Rusa son of Sarduri might have invaded Musasir but only at the cost of
proposing that although the death of Ursa was recorded in the account of year 8 it in fact did not take place
until the following year or that the conspiracy although recorded in year 9 in fact dated from some earlier
period. Even if there were sufficient time for Rusa to have re-grouped his forces and organised the attack, such
a victory of Rusa over Musasir would hardly have provided a reason for Rusa to have committed suicide or
for him to have been killed by his nobles (see above).
Part of the information provided by Urzana to the Assyrians concerned the defeat of the Urartians by the
Cimmerians. If the suggestion for dating this event to between 710 and 707 BC discussed in the following
section is correct, it would confirm that Urzana continued to rule in Musasir some years after 714 BC.

The Cimmerian defeat of the Urartians

Lanfranchi (1983) in his study of the Assyrian documents proposed that the gathering of Urartian forces
in Waisi and the subsequent conquest of Musasir by Rusa, the ‘coup d’état’ in Waisi (SAA 5 93), and the
defeat of the Urartian army by the Cimmerians were related events that took place close in time and formed
the background for Sargon’s attack on Musasir. As we have seen it is unlikely that Rusa son of Sarduri
(re-)conquered Ardini/Musasir and that Urzana wrote his letter to the Assyrian Palace Herald justifying his
duplicitous activities before Sargon’s occupation of Musasir. Placing these events after Sargon’s attack but
before Ursa’s death in 714 or 713 requires all the events to be forced into a short period of time. It is easier to
suppose that Rusa son of Sarduri’s re-establishment of Urartian rights to worship at Ardini and the Cimmerian
debacle were not directly related. The absence of any mention of the Cimmerian incident in Sargon’s royal
inscriptions recording the military campaigns involving Urartu that culminated in 714 BC suggests that it did
not take place during these campaigns but was a later event in the reign of Rusa son of Sarduri or his successor.
The location of the battle and indeed of the land of the Cimmerians (called by the Assyrians KURGa-mir)
is uncertain, but it probably lay to the north or north-east of Lake Sevan. The Tsovinar rock inscription on the
southern shore of the lake recorded the victory of Rusa son of Sarduri over the ruler of Guriaini lying on the
further side of the lake. According to SAA 5 92: 5-8, ‘Guriania is a district between Urartu and Cimmeria: it
pays tribute to the Urartians.’ In a broken passage in the same letter (SAA 5 92: 8-14) it appears that after the
Cimmerian defeat the Urartian troops regrouped in Guriania only to suffer further hardships at the hands of the
Cimmerians.
The date of the Cimmerian defeat and the identity of the Urartian king cannot be established with cer-
tainty. It has been argued that the letter (SAA 1 31) reporting containing reports of this event should be dated
to before 713 BC, because it recorded the receipt of a letter from Tabal sent by Nabu-le’i the major-domo

93688_Krol_Acta-Iranica_14.indd 211 24/02/12 13:19

 212 MICHAEL ROAF

(LÚGAL-É) of Ahat-abisha. It has generally been assumed that Ahat-abisha was the daughter of Sargon87 who
was married to Ambaris king of Tabal and who would have left Tabal in 713 when Ambaris and his family,
following his conspiracy with Mita of Mushki and Ursa of Urartu, were deported to Assyria by Sargon
(Thureau-Dangin 1912: xiv-xv).88 Postgate (1973: 31), however, argued that, after Ambaris had been deported,
‘it is possible that his wife, Sargon’s daughter was left in Bit-burutas to administer the province and perhaps
to maintain the fiction of an unbroken dynasty’. It is also possible that Nabu-le’i was left in charge of Ahat-
abisha’s interests in Tabal when his mistress was taken to Assyria or that Ambaris and his family might have
subsequently been allowed to return to Tabal.
Reports of the Cimmerian defeat were sent both by Urzana and by Sha-Assur-dubbu (eponym in 707 BC
who probably succeeded Ashipâ as governor of Tushhan): it is plausible that these reports were sent after 714.
The Urartian king could then have been Rusa son of Sarduri. There would have been enough time for Rusa S
to have consolidated his authority as king after the death of Rusa son of Erimena, to have re-established his
authority over Musasir, and to have campaigned in Guriania. His initial successes there might have encouraged
him to venture further and attack the Cimmerians with disastrous consequences. His son and successor Arg-
ishti when he became king might have changed his name from Melartua to Argishti after his inauspicious first
coronation. There may have been a custom in Urartu as in many other countries for the kings to take a throne
name: Rusa son of Argishti was also known as Yaya (Fuchs this volume Chapter 09: §1.8; SAA 4 18:4 Starr
1990), which might have been his name before he became king.89
Alternatively the Cimmerian victory could have been over Argishti son of Rusa. Fuchs (this volume
Chapter 09: §5) following Mayer (1993: 170-173) makes a convincing case for the Cimmerian victory to have
occurred between 710 and 707 when Sargon was not in Assyria and specifically in the second half of 709 BC
when Argishti was already on the throne. If this is correct, Urzana was acting as an Assyrian agent four years
after Sargon had sacked his city, since he reported on the defeat of the Urartians by the Cimmerians. The
Urartian Kaqqadanu, whose role in the Urartian occupation of Musasir had been recorded in several Assyrian
letters, was taken prisoner in the battle with the Cimmerians. This again confirms that it took place after the
capture of Musasir by Rusa S.
Urzana is also mentioned in connection with another attack of the Cimmerians on Urartu, this time from
the direction of Mannaea.90 After the greeting formula it begins (SAA 5 145):
4-13
The Cimmerian (king) has departed from Mannaea, this […] and entered Urartu. He is… [in] Hu’diadae (a
town in Urartu); Sarduri (md15-BÀD) is […] in Tur[u]shpa.
14-r. 5
The messenger of the governor of Wais[i] has gone to Ur[za]na for [help], saying: ‘Let yo[ur] troops come to
(aid) the people of Pulia and Suriana.
r. 6-8
All of Urartu is extremely frightened.
The editors entitled this letter ‘Cimmerian invasion of Urartu’ and suggested that this Sarduri was an
Urartian commander,91 but one might expect the king to be named here.92 It is possible that the Sarduri son of

87
There is no definite proof that Ahat-abisha was the daughter of Sargon: She could have been someone else.
88
This argument was accepted by Aro-Valjus 1998. Fuchs (2002: 1056a) stated that Rusa suffered a terrible defeat at the hands of the
‘Cimmerians, which must have happened in 713 at the latest’. In this article he supported this statement by a reference to the Assyrian cor-
respondence, and indicated that the justification for this statement would be found in section b. But in section b there are no further details
or supporting arguments. It is possible that he was thinking of this proposal. Fuchs has since changed his opinion (see above Chapter 09).
Lanfranchi (1983: 133-134) discussed the date and wrote that the arguments for a date before or after 713 based on the mention of Nabu-le’i,
the major-domo of Ahat-abisha, ‘are speculative hypotheses and do not attain a sufficient degree of credibility’.
89
See also discussion of Uedipri above. It is unlikely that Inushpua who was mentioned together with his father Minua (neither being
given the title king) in inscriptions of his grandfather changed his name to Argishti when he became king for Minua retained his name when
he became ruler of Urartu: It is often assumed that there was a co-regency under Ishpuini and Minua but the mention of his son’s name (and
that of his grandson) in some of his inscriptions is not a pressing reason to think that Ishpuini did not rule alone and can be easily explained
as a device to ensure the smooth succession of the Urartian kingship.
90
Given reports of the later mobility of the Cimmerians it is possible that this incident was related to the Cimmerian defeat of the Urar-
tians, but evidence is lacking.
91
Baker 2000b: 570 is non-committal about the role played by this Sarduri.

93688_Krol_Acta-Iranica_14.indd 212 24/02/12 13:19

 14. … RUSA SON OF ERIMENA … DURING SARGON’S EIGHTH CAMPAIGN 213

Sarduri whose inscription was found on a shield in Karmir-Blur was meant but none of the other Urartian
kings called Sarduri are likely to have ruled at this time. Alternatively, as suggested above, the name Sarduri
may have been used by the Assyrians to describe Rusa son of Sarduri (to avoid confusion with Rusa son of
Erimena) or that this name could describe any ruler of the house of Sarduri, whether Sarduri A, Rusa S, or
Argishti R.
There is thus no definite evidence identifying the Urartian king defeated by the Cimmerians with the
opponent of Sargon in 714 BC, and it is easier to reconcile the various accounts if the Cimmerian victory took
place at a later date, after the death of Ursa the opponent of Sargon and after the Urartians had re-established
their rights to worship at Musasir, i.e. in the reign of Rusa son of Sarduri or in that of his successor.

5. Possible historical narratives

Having examined the relevant sources I wish now to explore in more detail the possibility that Rusa son
of Erimena was the opponent of Sargon and that after his death he was succeeded by Rusa son of Sarduri, who
was the father of his successor Argishti. My aim is to offer a plausible story. There are, however, many uncer-
tainties, much must be speculation, and alternative narratives cannot be ruled out. The possibility that two of
the Rusas were identical and that, for example, at some point in his reign, perhaps for dynastic or political
reasons, Rusa Erimenahi chose to call himself Rusa Sardurihi, makes no difference to the historical sequence
as long as the names were used in succession and not at the same time.
It is almost certain that the Urartian ruler in 735 was Sarduri son of Argishti (there is a very slim chance
that he was Sarduri son of Sarduri) and that he was followed by a Rusa (there is a possibility that Sarduri son
of Sarduri came between Sarduri A and Rusa). Similarly assuming that the Assyrian scribe had not made an
error, the ruler of Urartu in 709 BC was Argishti and the only Argishti we know about is Argishti son of
Rusa. Within the limits established by these two fixed points there are various possible orders for the rulers of
Urartu in the second half of the 8th century BC. The alternative schemes may be classified according to
whether the opponent of Sargon in 714 was Rusa son of Erimena (1) or Rusa son of Sarduri (2) and according
to whether Rusa son of Sarduri succeeded Rusa son of Erimena (A) or vice versa (B) or whether either Rusa
E or Rusa S ruled after Argishti R (C). These possibilities, together with a further possibility (1A+B) that Rusa
son of Sarduri was deposed by Rusa son of Erimena and then regained the throne after his death, are shown in
Table 14.06.93

Dates 1A 1A+B 1B 1C 2A 2B 2C

to 735 or later Sarduri A/S Sarduri A/S Sarduri A/S Sarduri A/S Sarduri A/S Sarduri A/S Sarduri A/S
before the accession of Ursa Rusa S Rusa S Rusa E
from 722 or earlier
Rusa E Rusa E Rusa E Rusa E Rusa S Rusa S Rusa S
to the death of Ursa
after the death of Ursa Rusa S Rusa S Argisti R Argisti R Argisti R Rusa E Argisti R
from 709 or earlier Argisti R Argisti R Argisti R Argisti R Argisti R Argisti R Argisti R
after 709 Rusa S Rusa E
from 672 or earlier Rusa A Rusa A Rusa A Rusa A Rusa A Rusa A Rusa A

Table 14.06. Possible sequences of rulers of Urartu from Sarduri A to Rusa A.

92
See above for another Assyrian report (SAA 5 93) about someone who had not yet entered the Urartian capital. In both cases it is prob-
able that the movements of the Urartian king were being monitored, as such movements are attested in many other Assyrian intelligence
reports.
93
There are also other possibilities such as Sarduri A or S regained the throne after being deposed by Rusa E or that the reign of Sarduri
S followed that of Rusa E as suggested above. While theoretically possible, they do not alter the general argument but make the reign of Rusa
S rather shorter.

93688_Krol_Acta-Iranica_14.indd 213 24/02/12 13:19

 214 MICHAEL ROAF

1A. Sarduri A/S–Rusa E (opponent of Sargon)–Rusa S–Argisti R

Putting together some of the possibilities suggested above one might propose the following as a feasible
scenario. Rusa son of Erimena seized the throne before the beginning of Sargon’s reign (i.e. before 722 BC)
(Sg 8: 92). It is tempting to think that this might have occurred in the wake of the invasion of Tiglath-pileser III
who in 735 BC besieged Sarduri in the Urartian capital Tushpa (see Fuchs this volume Chapter 09: §1.5).94
During the early part of his reign he was occupied with building projects, in Rusahinili and Ulhu amongst
others. Shortly after the accession of Sargon relations deteriorated, culminating in outright war and the defeat
of Rusa at Mount Waush and Sargon’s looting of Musasir in 714 BC. In 714 Rusa son of Erimena died. He
may have died from natural causes, he may have committed suicide, or he may have been killed in a palace
coup d’état: this third option is in my opinion the most likely.
He was succeeded by a member of the family of Sarduri. This was Rusa son of Sarduri. He conspired
with Ambaris and led a successful counterattack against Musasir that was recorded in the Topzawa, Mergeh
Karvan, and Movana steles. Once the situation in Musasir had been settled to his satisfaction, he campaigned
in the north around Lake Sevan. After a successful campaign recorded in the Tsovinar rock inscription, he
ventured too far and was defeated by the Cimmerians. Rusa escaped with his life but in the confusion a rebel
party placed his son Melartua on the throne. Rusa, however, managed to put down this conspiracy leaving
some of the main actors alive. These events would have taken place between 714 and 709 BC. Within a year
or so he was replaced on the throne by his son Argishti who was recognised by the Assyrians as king of Urartu
in 709 BC.
This is just one way that the evidence from both Urartian and Assyrian sources can be fitted into a his-
torical narrative, in which Rusa son of Erimena seized the throne from Sarduri and on his death Rusa son of
Sarduri was able to recapture the kingship for the Sarduri branch of the family.95 It matches the clear icono-
graphic development of the lions on the shields and it does not require the death of Ursa and the conspiracy
of Ambaris as recorded in Sargon’s Annals to be re-dated.

1A+B. Sarduri A/S–Rusa S–Rusa E (opponent of Sargon)–Rusa S–Argisti R

This is essentially the same as 1A and is consistent with the evidence. Rusa S would have been deposed
by Rusa E who then in the aftermath of Sargon’s invasion would have seized back the throne and gone on to
reconquer Musasir. It would allow ample time for Rusa S to have campaigned near Lake Sevan in the first part
of his reign and for both Rusa E and Rusa S to have carried out the building activities recorded in the inscrip-
tions. The shield of Rusa S would then have been decorated in his second period of rule.

1B. Sarduri A/S–Rusa S–Rusa E (opponent of Sargon)–Argisti R

This is in my opinion extremely unlikely: not only would Rusa S have to have attacked Musasir some time
before 722 (by which time Rusa E was on the throne) but Urzana and Kaqqadanu would have to have retained
their same positions under two or possibly three different Urartian kings until the Cimmerian invasions.

94
Rusa E might have been placed on the throne by Tiglath-pileser III and subsequently could have been an ally of his son and successor
Shalmaneser V. Sargon’s rebellion against Shalmaneser would have been seen as a hostile act against one of Urartu’s allies and Rusa E
would automatically have become an enemy of the usurper Sargon II.
Alternatively Rusa E’s accession could have happened later and he could have deposed either a Sarduri or Rusa S. What happened to the
ruler against whom Rusa E rebelled is not certain, but, if he was a Sarduri, it is likely that he did not survive the rebellion. Rusa S (either as
king or as a son of the previous ruler) might have escaped to a neighbouring state hostile to the kingdom of Rusa E. If Rusa S had taken
refuge in Assyria, the Assyrian king would probably have mentioned the fact and later have claimed credit for having (re-)established Rusa
S on the throne. Furthermore Rusa S’s activities in Musasir were against the interests and wishes of the Assyrian king.
95
Clearly much of this is speculation and there are several other alternative narratives in which Rusa E was the opponent of Sargon that
are also in agreement with the available evidence. There is, I would submit, no decisive evidence proving that such a scenario is not possible.
Rusa E being defeated by Sargon and being succeeded by Rusa S allows for greater flexibility in the chronology and makes a more logical
narrative than the other scenarios. But historical events do not always follow the most logical scheme.

93688_Krol_Acta-Iranica_14.indd 214 24/02/12 13:19

 14. … RUSA SON OF ERIMENA … DURING SARGON’S EIGHTH CAMPAIGN 215

1C. Sarduri A/S–Rusa E (opponent of Sargon)–Argisti R–Rusa S

This would require Argishti R to have been the son of Rusa E who would have died or been killed in 714.
Argishti would have had a relatively short rule and could have been defeated by the Cimmerians. Rusa S could
have re-conquered Musasir after 709 BC. Urzana would have survived after his city was looted by Sargon for
at least five years and perhaps longer to allow enough time for Argishti to have founded two towns, to have
improved the agricultural infrastructure in Erci≥, and to have campaigned in southern Armenia and Iranian
East Azerbaijan,96 all the while ignoring the Assyrian presence in the holy city of Ardini leaving it up to his
successor to drive out the Assyrians. This scheme and scheme 2C reject the neat three generation father-son
succession of the other sequences: Rusa–Argishti son of Rusa–Rusa son of Argishti, but it does place Rusa E
between Sarduri A and Rusa S as suggested by the iconographic analysis.

2A. Sarduri A/S–Rusa E–Rusa S (opponent of Sargon)–Argisti R

According to this scheme Rusa son of Erimena is not mentioned in the Assyrian sources. He usurped the
throne and started a major building project at Toprakkale. Rusa S won back the throne for the family of
Sarduri with the help of two horses and a charioteer before the beginning of the reign of Sargon. Rusa S’s
victorious counterattack on Musasir as well as the conspiracy of Ambaris and Mita would have taken place
after the summer of 714 and before the end of 713, by which time Rusa’s death had been reported in Asssyria.
The Cimmerian victory took place in the reign of Argishti and nobles such as Kaqqadanu, who had served
under Rusa S, remained in office under Argishti. In effect this is identical with the traditional sequence of rul-
ers but places Rusa E in the relative position which best matches the development of Urartian iconography.

2B. Sarduri A/S–Rusa S (opponent of Sargon)–Rusa E–Argisti R

This is the scheme favoured by Seidl (2007 and this volume Chapter 12) although the sequence does not
match the iconographic evidence that she herself has published. Rusa S usurped the throne with the help
of two horses and a charioteer:97 one might think that this would not have been necessary, if his father was
Sarduri king of Urartu, but one can imagine circumstances in which his peaceful accession to the throne did
not take place: for example, his father might not have been king Sarduri or he could have taken the throne
from his brother Sarduri son of Sarduri by force. Rusa S’s counterattack on Musasir would have taken place
almost immediately after Sargon’s return to Assyria or in the following year if the date of the death of Rusa
(whether suicide or murder) given in Sargon’s Annals is re-assigned to the following year. After this Rusa E
seized the throne and, depending on the precise date of his accession either he or his predecessor could have
conspired with Ambaris and Mita against Sargon. Within the next 4 years Rusa E was involved in a major
building project at Toprakkale. Either in the short reign of Rusa E or in that of his successor (who might have
been his son) the disastrous Urartian invasion of the Cimmerian territory took place.

2C. Sarduri A/S–Rusa S (opponent of Sargon)–Argisti R–Rusa E

This is the scheme favoured by Fuchs (this volume Chapter 09). It is similar to 2A with the same neces-
sity for reassigning the death of Ursa or the conspiracy of Ambaris recorded in Sargon’s Annals. Fuchs’s sug-
gestion that Rusa S’s conquest of Musasir from the Assyrians took place before rather than after 714 is neces-
sitated by the short time available if Rusa S was defeated by Sargon and does not follow the logical sequence
suggested by a straightforward reading of the Assyrian and Urartian sources relating to Musasir. In this scheme

96
For a short summary of Argishti R’s activities see the Introduction Chapter 01 (Fig. 01.10) or Salvini 1995a: 99-103.
97
See above n. 45 for discussion of Seidl’s (2004: 127-128) alternative interpretation of this statue group as depicting Sarduri son of
Lutipri.

93688_Krol_Acta-Iranica_14.indd 215 24/02/12 13:19

 216 MICHAEL ROAF

the events of Rusa E’s reign took place later and were not mentioned in the Assyrian sources. Like 1C this
sequence breaks up the neat father-son succession, but, if Rusa E was a usurper, this is to be expected. Further-
more it does not match the order suggested by the iconography.

Conclusion
These are all possible scenarios, though 1B and 1C have little to recommend them. If 2A, 2B, or 2C is
followed, Rusa son of Sarduri’s attack on Musasir must have occurred in the brief period between Sargon’s
looting of Musasir and Rusa’s death and, despite this victory and Ambaris’ recognition that Urartu was still a
powerful player in international affairs, Rusa almost immediately committed suicide or was killed in a rebel-
lion. This is a very tight schedule and one in which the deeds of Rusa S veer from defeat, to victory, and then
to despair in an unexpected sequence. According to 2B within the space of four years or less Rusa son of Eri-
mena had to establish himself as the legitimate ruler and set about a major building project. Either Rusa E or
Argishti was defeated by the Cimmerians and put down a subsequent rebellion. Furthermore vassals and
nobles of Rusa son of Sarduri, such as Urzana and Kaqqadanu, remained loyal to the Urartian throne despite
the usurpation. Placing Rusa E after Rusa S as in 2B and especially in 2C does not fit the evidence of the
iconography: and, although it would be possible to argue that a usurper would seek legitimacy by using
archaic forms, such a suggestion would be more convincing if there were no other possible order. 1A is the
scheme that is most plausible, as it fits most easily and most closely the art historical and the textual evidence
both from Assyria and from Urartu.
The question posed in the title of this chapter ‘Could Rusa son of Erimena have been king of Urartu dur-
ing Sargon’s Eighth Campaign?’ can therefore be answered emphatically in the affirmative. There is no evi-
dence that eliminates this possibility. Furthermore, although Rusa son of Sarduri cannot be totally ruled out as
Sargon’s opponent in 714, the available evidence strongly supports the thesis that it was Rusa son of Erimena
who was defeated by Sargon and that after the death of Rusa son of Erimena Rusa son of Sarduri seized the
throne and in due course mounted a successful counterattack against Musasir bringing it once more into the
Urartian sphere of influence.

93688_Krol_Acta-Iranica_14.indd 216 24/02/12 13:19

524 COLOUR PLATE IV

Pl. IVa. Shield of Rusa son of Sarduri, found at Karmir Blur, Yerevan State Historical Museum 2303/10.
Photo Ervand Grekyan. (M. Roaf Chapter 14)

Pl. IVb. Red-slipped, burnished pottery jar with excised Pl. IVc. Lion’s head attached to
triangles filled with white paste AG 64-42, height 56 cm the bronze inscribed shield from Ayanis.
(Muscarella 1973: Fig. 24). (O. Muscarella Chapter 18) (A. Çilingiroglu Chapter 20)
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1999 Das tagarzeitliche Gräberfeld Belyj Jar I in Charkassien, Archäologie in Eurasien 8, Rahden
ZUTTERMAN, C.
2003 The bow in the Ancient Near East, a re-evaluation of archery from the late 2nd millenium to the
end of the Achaemenid Empire, Iranica Antiqua 38: 119-165

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 INDEX OF GODS, PERSONS, PEOPLES, AND PLACES

Because some places and people mentioned in this book have more than one name (for example an Urar-
tian, an Assyrian and a modern or traditional name), because these names are spelled in various ways by dif-
ferent authors and because there are several people and places with the same name (e.g. Rusa, Sarduri,
Argishtihinili), we have included information in the index entries, which will help to distinguish the various
references.
The index is not intended to be a comprehensive concordance of all the names that are mentioned in this
volume: many names are not included either because they are names that the reader is not likely to want to
look up in the index (for example SS Athenia (p. 4) the ship in which the finds from Van were not transported
at the beginning of the Second World War) or because the references are too frequent or too general to make
it useful to list them (e.g. Assyria, Urartu, Biainili etc.). When a large number of names are listed in the text,
as for example the list of Urartian gods in Table 01.04 on p. 29 or the list of surveyed sites in NW Iran on
pp. 86-88, these are included only when they are also discussed elsewhere in the volume. The numerous page
references for the most frequently mentioned entries, such as the names of the Urartian kings and the principal
sites where Urartian remains have been found, have been subdivided according to subject in a not always
entirely successful attempt to make them more informative for the reader.
For maps showing the locations of the main Urartian archaeological sites and inscriptions see Figs. 01.02,
01.05-11, 01.15 and 14.01-02. In order to avoid confusion and to save space we have included the names
of the fathers of the rulers of Urartu abbreviated to the first letter of their names, as explained on pp. 12 and
187-8, thus Argishti M for Argishti son of Minua and Rusa S for Rusa son of Sarduri. When it has been
thought useful, dates have been included in brackets before the page numbers. In the case of Assyrian eponym
officials the dates are those when they held that office. In other cases they are the dates when the individual is
attested. All dates are BC.
Minor variations in spelling have been normalised without comment: for example, Adad-nerari even though
some authors have chosen to spell it as Adad-narari or Adad-nirari. In other cases brackets have been used
to indicate variant spellings e.g. Abaliuqunu (Abaluqunu, Abliuqnu). Words beginning with S are to be found
under Sh, other special letters, such as Ç, ∑, Ë and ™, are entered as if the diacritical marks were not there.

A dam, 62
inscription of Rusa A, 107, 116, 185
Abaliuqunu (Abaluqunu, Abliuqnu), Urartian provincial gov- stone doorway relief, 31, 35, 56, 196, 370-1 Fig. 24.24
ernor of [x]-pa (perhaps the province opposite Adramelos, 222 see also Arda-mullissi
Musasir), 205 Adrammelech, 222 see also Arda-mullissi
Adad-nerari I, king of Assyria (1305-1274), 246 Agrab Tepe, archaeological site SW of Lake Urmia, 81, 88,
Adad-nerari II, king of Assyria (911-891), 256-7, 428 183, 265, 267, 269, 272-6, 278-9, 383
Adad-nerari III, king of Assyria (810-783), 136, 139, 147, Ahat-abisha (Ahat-abisa), daughter of Sargon II and wife of
150, 158 Ambaris, king of Tabal, 155, 212
Adamhan, Urartian rock inscription of Sarduri A, 16 Ahiram, king of Byblos, sarcophagus of, 342-3 Fig. 23.03a
Adaruta, Urartian god, 29, 248 see also Andaruttu Mount Aisa Mount, near Musasir, 245 see also Uaisa
Adilcevaz, settlement near Kef Kalesi, 4-5, 19, 32-3, 62, 106, Ajabshir, rock inscription see Javangaleh
311, 392, 395 see also Kef Kalesi Alamu, town between Musasir and Arba’il, 209, 248
bronze belt, 392, 395 Allahverdikand, Urartian fortress, N of Lake Urmia, 62, 65,
cemetery, 32-3 79-80, 82, 87

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 504 BIAINILI-URARTU

Altıntepe, Urartian site, near Erzincan, 4-5, 412 Ardini, Urartian name for Musasir see Arinu, Musasir
bronze analyses, 422 Ardumuzan see Arda-Mullissi
bronze belt, 442 Argishti (Argisti), name of two Urartian kings and other indi-
bronze furniture fittings, 433-4, 439-40 viduals
columned hall, 317, 321-4 Fig. 22.02, 327, 334-7 Argishti as non-royal name on clay bullae from Ayanis,
hieroglyphic Luwian inscriptions on pithoi, 126 185, 234
inscriptions of Argishti R, 170 Argishti (I) (Argisti, Irgisti) son of Minua, king of Urartu,
ivories, 339-41, 346-50 15-16
quiver, 405 annals, 4, 7, 56, 104-5, 115 Abb. 08.04, 118-9 Abb.
temple, 170, 295-300 Figs. 20.03-04 and 20.07, 310-13 08.09, 135, 149-53, 161
tomb, 32 Assyrian synchronisms, 11, 15, 133, 136, 140, 145,
wall painting, 35, 324-5 Figs. 22.03-05, 329-32, 335-7 158, 188
Altyn-Depe, archaeological site in Turkmenistan, 420 bronze statue looted from Musasir, 35, 136, 200, 413,
Alzi, land added to the Assyrian province of Nairi, also 430
known as Enzi, 139-40 founder of Argishtihinili (modern Armavir), 4, 23, 40,
Alzi, Urartian province, 210 105, 151
Ambaris, king of Tabal / Bit-Purutash (713), 137, 155, 181, founder of Erebuni (modern Arinberd), 4, 58, 104-5,
201, 205-6, 211-2, 214-6 151, 327, 331, 448
Amedi, Assyrian province, region of Diyarbakir, 201, 260 Horhor Tomb at Van Kalesi, 15, 32, 34
Anara Mount, near Ukku, 258 iconography of lions and bulls, 196-198, Fig. 14.04
Andaria, Urartian governor and turtanu (field marshal) inscribed bronzes found in Karmir Blur, 146, 191, 236,
(c. 657), 143 354-5 Figs. 24.01-02
Andaruttu Mount (perhaps to be identified with the Baradost inscribed helmet, 387
range), 248-50, 253 see also Adaruta, Urartian god Javangaleh inscription, 15, 125, 163
Anhitte, king of Shubria (882, 854, 846), 260-1 Morevdere inscription, 15, 124, 163
Anzaf, Lower (A≥agı Anzaf), Urartian citadel, 4-5, 13, 36 titulature, 194-6
inscriptions of Ishpuini, 13 Argishti (II) (Argisti) son of Rusa, king of Urartu, 17-18
Anzaf, Upper (Yukarı Anzaf), Urartian citadel, 4-5, 36 alliance with Muttallu of Kummuh, 137, 141, 156, 181
hieroglyphs on pithoi, 126 and Altıntepe, 170, 295
inscribed clay tablets, 8, 234, 397 Assyrian synchronisms, 11, 18, 133, 137, 141, 145,
shield, 30 Fig. 01.14, 105, 116, 253, 364-9, Figs. 24.15- 158, 181, 188, 200, 213, 231
17 and 24.19-22, 383, 400 defeat by the Cimmerians, 18, 156-7, 212
temple, 53, 295, 298, 300 fortresses renamed Argisti irdusi ‘Garrison of Argishti’
Anzavur(tepe) see Aznavur and Haldiei irdusi ‘Garrison of Haldi’, 18, 117-8
Ara the Beautiful, legendary king of Armenia, 175 founder of Argishtihinili N of Lake Van, 18, 55
ArAGATS Project, 45 relations with Kumme, 202, 257
Aramale see Armarili titulature, 147, 179, 185, 194-6
Arame (Aramu, Arrame), king of Urartu (859, 856, 846) Van Stele, 397-8
and Ashurnasirpal II, 139, 158, 160 Argishti irdusi (Argisti irdusi), ‘Garrison of Argishti’, for-
origin of the name, 10, 159, 160, 172, 446 tress, 18, 118
and Shalmaneser III, 10, 133, 135, 138, 158, 163, 167- Argishtihinili, Urartian citadel, modern Armavir and Davti
8, 267, 379, 390, 429 Blur see Armavir
Aramus, Urartian citadel in Armenia, 42 Argishtihinili, Urartian settlement N of Lake Van, founded
Arapzengi see Körzut by Argishti R, 18
Ararat Arinberd (Arin-Berd), Urartian citadel, ancient Erebuni
name derived from Urartu, 1, 411, 449 (Irpuni), 4, 39, 373, 412
references in the Bible, 142, 217-25, 229, 232-3, 448 bronze belts, 392
Arba’il (Arbela), city in Assyria, modern Arbil (Erbil) columned hall, 317, 327, 333-4, 336
Urartian ambassadors at the court of Ashurbanipal in, founded by Argishti M, 4, 15, 17, 22-3, 50, 58, 104-5,
19-20 (Fig. 01.20), 137-8, 144, 227-8 108, 151
Urzana’s planned visit, 209, 248 inaccuracy of published plans, 4, 326-7 Abb. 22.06-07
Arbu, Urartian city in the province Armarili, 159, 200, 205-6 inscription of Rusa E, 179, 189-90, 198, 231, 234
Arda-Mullissi (Urdu-Mullissi, Ardamuzan, Adrammelech, outer town (residential quarters), 172, 318
Adramelos), son and murderer of Sennacherib, post-Urartian levels, 171, 175 Fig. 11.06a, 318, 321,
142-4, 222 336, 446, 449

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 INDEX OF GODS, PERSONS, PEOPLES, AND PLACES 505

Arinberd (cont.) Arzan, necropolis, Tuva, Siberia, 281-2 Abb. 19.02, 284, 414
pottery, 170 Arzashkun (Arzaskun ArÒaskun), royal city of Arame, 10
pre-Urartian levels, 170-1 Fig. 11.01 Fig. 01.03, 159, 164, 167-8, 379-80, 388-90, 429,
seal impression, 172 Fig. 11.03 446
stamps on pottery, 353 Asarhaddon see Esarhaddon
temples, 104, 106, 295, 327, 370 Aschkenas (Ashkenas), kingdom, perhaps Scythia, 223-4,
Urartian destruction level, 183 233
wall-paintings, 35, 171 Fig. 11.02, 324, 327-32 Abb. Aschkuza (Askuza, Iskuza), Assyrian name for Scythian,
22.08-09, 335-6 233
Arinna, Hittite city (not the same as Arinu), 246 Ashipa (Asipâ), governor of Tushhan, 212
Arinu (Arinum, Arini, Arrinu, Arrunum), early name for Ashur (Assur, Assur)
Ardini/Musasir, 245-6, 252 see also Musasir chief god of Assyria, 105-6, 245-6, 252, 370, 372, 403
AriÒa (Ariaza), prince of Kumme, 256-7 god mentioned in Ke≥i≥ Göl stele, 106
Armariali see Armarili 159 Sargon’s letter to Ashur, 6, 22-3, 136, 187-8, 199-201,
Armarili (Aramale, Armariali, Armiraliu), province of Urartu, 207, 247-8, 252, 254, 262-4, 413
159, 168, 200, 210 see also Arme Ashurbanipal (Assurbanipal, Assur-bani-apli), king of Assyria
Armavir (Armavir and Davti Blur), Urartian citadel, ancient (668-631)
Argishtihinili ambassadors of Ursa at the court of, 19-20 Fig. 01.12,
columned hall, 317, 333-4, 336 137-8, 144, 228
destruction level, 183, 231 archery, 402, 407-8
founded by Argishti M, 4, 15, 17, 22-3, 40, 105, 151 art style, 287, 330-1
inscription of Rusa A, 19, 185 relations with Urartu, 142-4
inscription of Rusa E, 127, 179, 189-90, 198, 231, 234, synchronism with Sarduri, 20, 133, 138, 144-6, 158,
333 185-7, 228, 231, 234-5
outer town (residential quarters), 23, 57, 90-2 Fig. synchronism with Ursa (Rusa), 20, 133, 144, 158, 228,
06.01, 97-8 231, 241
post-Urartian occupation, 321 Ashur-bel-kala (Assur-bel-kala), king of Assyria (1073-1056),
stamps on pottery, 352-4 Figs. 24.03-04, 358, 361 428
stone niches, 34, 312 Ashur-etel-ilani (Assur-etel-ilani), king of Assyria (c. 630-
Arme, land defeated by Sarduri A, possibly Armarili, 153-4 627)
Armen of Thessaly, eponymous ancestor of the Armenians, Ashurnasirpal II (Assurnasirpal, Assur-naÒir-apli), king of
169 Assyria (883-859)
Armenia, equated with Urartu (Urastu), 20 and Anhitte of Shubria, 260
equated with Ararat, 218, 225 Balawat Gates, 160, 388-9, 429 Fig. 31.01, 440
Armenium, town in Thessaly, 169 campaigns against Urartu, 139, 163, 379, 427-9
Armiraliu see Armarili and Kumme, 256
Arquqi, land near Lake Sevan conquered by Sarduri A, 16, metalwork, 431-4 Fig. 31.04, 436
154 and Mount Nisir, 220
Arrame see Arame and Musasir, 245
Arrinu see Arinu and Nairi, 10, 428
Arrunum see Arinu Ashur-nerari V (Assur-nerari), king of Assyria (754-745),
ArÒashkun see Arzashkun mentioned in Annals of Sarduri A as Assurnirarini
ArÒibi, horse of Minua, 24 Adadinirariehi, 16, 133, 140, 153-4, 158, 430
Arsiu (Harusa) Mount, 246 Ashur-resuwa (Assur-reÒuwa), Assyrian representative in
Arslantepe (Eski Malatya), ancient Meli†ea, 15-6, 340, 343, Kumme, 204-5, 210-1, 257
350 see also Meli†ea Ashur-uballit I (Assur-uballi†), king of Assyria (c. 1363-1328),
Artashat (Artaxata), early capital of Armenia, 42, 166, 183 246
Artashavan, Urartian site in Armenia, 373-7 Ashur-uballit II (Assur-uballi†), king of Assyria (c. 611-609),
Artaxata see Artashat, town on the Araxes River, 166 229
Artaxias I, king of Armenia (190-160), 449 Assur see Ashur
Artu’arasau (Ar†u’arasi), Urartian god, 29, 192 Ayanis, Urartian citadel, ancient Rusahinili Eidurukai, 4-5,
Arubani, Urartian goddess, consort of Haldi, 29 see also 26, 36, 106, 116, 148, 241, 265, 412
Bagbartu animal bones, 24, 97
Aruni Mount, in Tumme, 389 arrows and arrowheads, 236, 404-7 Abb. 28.05
Arzabia, region near Ukku, 259 bronze belt, 98-9, 109, 392, 442, Colour plate Ib

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 506 BIAINILI-URARTU

Ayanis (cont.) Uppume, 260-1 Fig. 17.08

dendrochronological date, 148, 233, 275 Baradost mountains, 248-50, 253
destruction level, 183, 186, 236-7, 241, 275, 321, 447 Bard Burrideh, Achaemenid dam, 70-1
founded by Rusa A, 4, 19, 53, 55, 104, 178-9, 234, 265 Barrua (Bit-Barru), land in W Iran, probably Urartian Baru-
inscribed clay tablets and bullae, 8, 28, 114, 126, 184-5, 234 ata, 150
inscriptions on pithoi, 126, Colour plate IIa-b Baruata, land in W Iran, probably Assyrian Barrua / Bit-
lions on shield of Rusa A, 179-80 Fig. 12.03, 197 Barru, 150-1
lions on uninscribed shield, 180, 197 Bastam, Urartian citadel, ancient Rusai-URU.TUR, 4-5, 26,
metal analyses, 422 39, 53-5, 64 Abb. 04.04, 78-9, 265, 412
outer town (residential quarters), 23-4, 41, 56-7, 90-9 animal bones, 24, 231
Figs. 06.01-08, 106-9, 184 ‘bone rooms’, 24, 28, 36, 183, 231, Colour Plate IIIa
plant remains, 23-4, 92, 305-6 building phases, 184
quiver, 407 bulla with year-name of Rusa A, 147, 177, 181
seal impressions, 28, 36, 183-4 Abb. 13.01 canal, 62
shield with lion’s head, 301-3 Fig. 20.14, 305-6, Col- columned halls, 317, 319, 333-4
our plate IVc, 413 destruction level, 183, 186, 230-1, 233, 239-41
suri (spear) of Haldi, 106, 364 Fig. 24.14, 367 drainage, 76
stone piers, 34, 297 Fig. 20.07, 302-3 Figs. 20.13 and founded by Rusa A, 4, 19, 53, 55, 104, 143, 179, 181,
20.15, 314-5 Fig. 21.10, 318-9 185, 231, 234, 265
Temple of Haldi, 19, 32, 37, 180, 233, 295-307 Figs. function, 62, 78-86
20.05-18, 312, 314-5 Fig. 21.10 horse harness (psalion), 276
temple inscription of Rusa A, 19, 27, 57, 92, 106-7, inscribed clay tablets and bullae, 8, 28, 36, 98, 186
143, 177, 184-5, 189 outer town (residential quarters), 23, 57, 89-92 Fig.
wall painting, 35 06.01, 97-8
wooden artefacts, 37 plant remains, 23
Aza, region, in Ararat Plain, 54-5 seal impressions, 28, 36, 180 Figs. 12.04-05, 183-5
Aza, king of Mannaea, 136, 141, 199, 203 Abb. 13.01-02
Aznavur(tepe) (Anzavur), Urartian site, also referred to as spear heads, 362
Patnos, 5, 13, 53, 116 stables, 24
botanical remains, 23 temple, 295, 370
bronze plaques, 443 Behistun see Bisutun
candelabrum dedicated by Minua, 439, 447 Beniamin, site in Armenia, 174-5
metal analyses, 422 Berossus, 217, 220, 222
temple, 295, 298, 311, 314 Bes, god, 291-2 Abb. 19.11-12
Beytu≥≥ebap, possible location of Kumme, 255
Biainili, Urartian name for the region called by the Assyrians
B Urartu, 1, 448, and passim
as a designation of pottery and other aspects of mate-
Babel see Babylon rial culture (also Tosp/Van, Toprakkale, Urartian
Babilu, Urartian name for a region in western Iran, 16, 150-1 Red Polished), 378, 445
Babutta, Urartian fortress near Kumme, 256-7 as part of royal title, 40, 191, 193-195
Babylon (Babel), 137, 156 surviving in the name Van, 1, 449
in the Bible 220, 223-5, 229 written as Pa-[…] in an Assyrian text, 137, 263
Bagbartu (or Bagmastu), goddess, Assyrian name for the Bihura, land attacked by Argishti M, 151
consort of Haldi, 29, 207, 252 see also Arubani Birate, province of Assyria, 204
Bagın (Palın) Stele of Minua, 14, 104 Birkleyn, 263 see also Tigris Tunnel
Bagmashtu see Bagbartu Bisutun (Behistun) Inscription, 20, 44, 169, 232
Balawat Gates of Ashurnasirpal II in the Mamu Temple, 160, Bit-Adini, land and Assyrian province, region of Til Barsip,
388-9, 429 Fig. 31.01, 440 340
Balawat Gates of Shalmaneser III, 3, 6, 168, 380 Abb. 26.01, Bit-Agusi, land and Assyrian province, region of Arpad, 10
380, 382-3, 385-7, 390, 429 Fig. 31.02, 440 Bit-Bahiani, land, region of Tell Halaf, 350
destruction of Arzashkun, 10 Fig. 01.03 Bit-Barrû (Barrua), land in W Iran, probably Urartian Baruata,
Sea of Nairi, 164-5 Abb. 10.02 150-1
Tigris Tunnel, 264 Fig. 17.09 Bit-Hamban, land and Assyrian province, in western Iran, 150

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 INDEX OF GODS, PERSONS, PEOPLES, AND PLACES 507

Bit-Purutash (Bit-Purutas, Bit-Burutas), land and Assyrian Colchis, region in W Georgia, perhaps Urartian Qulha, 58,
province in Turkey, also known as Tabal, 201, 205- 154, 427
6, 212 see also Ambaris, Tabal Commagene see Kummuh
Bit-Sagabi, land in western Iran 150 Cudi Dagı, mountain in Turkey, ancient Mount Nipur, 254-5
Bit-Sangibuti (Sangibutu), land in western Iran, not the same Cyprus Stele of Sargon II, 201
as the Urartian province Sangibutu, 150 Cyrus (Kyros), King of Persia (c. 559-530)
Bit-Zamani, land and Assyrian province, region of Diyarbakir, conquest of Armenia, 232, 318
10, 340 conquest of Babylon, 220
Black River, a tributary of the Upper Zab, 210 conquest of Media, 322
Black Stone of Lord Aberdeen with inscription of Esarhaddon, and the end of Urartu, 183, 232
372 and Pasargadae, 314-8, 320, 334
Bogazköy (Hattusa), capital of the Hittites, 61, 254, 333-4 and Tigran king of Armenia, 173
Bs’tr (Bz’tr), possible name of Musasir in the Qalaychi Stele,
245
Bukan see Qalaychi, Taraqeh D
Bustu, land attacked by Argishti M, 151
Byblos, Phoenician city, 342-3 Dahaneh-ye Gholaman, Achaemenid centre in SE Iran, 333
Bz’tr (Bs’tr), possible name of Musasir in the Qalaychi Stele, Daian-Ashur, turtanu (field marshal) of Assyria, 429
245 Dajeni see Dayenu
Damascus (Damaskus), 151-3
Dannutu sa mar Babili, also known as Silhazi Mount, 150
C Darius I, king of Persia (522-486), 27, 32, 201, 232, 315-6,
320, 332, 334
Carchemish (Karkemisch), 340, 343, 346-8, 350, 412 Davti Blur see Armavir
Çavu≥tepe, Urartian citadel, ancient Sardurihinili, previously Dayenu (Dajeni), region part of Nairi, 139, 428
Haikaberd, 4-5, 17, 412 Dedeli, Urartian cemetery near Lake Van, 32
bronzework, 36, 422 Diauehi, region or tribe near Erzurum, 58, 124
columned halls, 333-4 Didgan, Achaemenid dam, 63-4, 68-9
destruction level, 183, 231, 236 Dilkaya, Urartian cemetery near Lake Van, 32
fortifications, 40, 43 Fig. 02.03 Dinkha Tepe, archaeological site near Lake Urmia, 279
horse harness (psalion), 276 Dosoq Qal’eh (Tepe Dosoq), Urartian fortress, SW of Lake
inscribed clay tablets and bullae, 8, 234, 397 Urmia, 88, 167
inscribed pithoi, 58 Dur-Katlimmu, modern Tell Sheikh Hamad, Assyrian pro-
stamps on pottery, 353 vincial capital, 362
stone niches, 34, 312 Dur-Sharrukin (Dur-Sarrukin) see Khorsabad
temple inscription of Rusa A, 177 Dvin, archaeological site in Armenia, 373-4, 377 Fig. 25.05
temples, 17, 295, 297-302, 370
Çelebibagı Stele of Argishti R, 191
Certomlyk (Chertomlyk), burial mound in Ukraine, 405-6 E
Chaldaea (Chaldäa), Babylonian kingdom, 3, 223
Chaldaioi (Chaldians), people from eastern Anatolia men- Edremit, rock inscription of Tariria wife of Minua, 58, 123
tioned in Xenophon, 3, 173 Abb. 08.14
Chaldian (Chaldisch), mistaken nomenclature for Urartian, 1, Eiduru Mount, perhaps Süphan Dag or Goren Dagı/Ireini Dagı,
3, 228 106, 148 see also Ayanis (Rusahinili Eidurukai)
Chambarak, site in Armenia, 377 Fig. 25.05 Eiduru, Urartian god, 106, 181
Chaour (Shaur) Palace in Susa, Iran, 332 Elam, 20, 137, 142, 144, 146, 228
Chrtanoc, Urartian cemetery near Golovino in Armenia, 395 Elamuni Mount, 245-246
see also Golovino Elamunia, River, Greater Zab or one of its tributaries, 246
Cimmerian (Kimmerier), 241, 276 see also Gamir(ra) Elizki (Elizkun), town in Ukku, 255
alliance with Urartu against Assyria, 137, 263 Ellipi, land in western Iran, 209
attack on Urartu, 141, 212 Enzi, land added to the Assyrian province of Nairi, also known
type of bow, 399 as Alzi, 139-40
victory over Urartu, 18, 21, 104, 135, 155-6, 158-9, Erbil see Arba’il
161, 188, 203-7, 211-6, 259 Erci≥, region N of Lake Van, 18, 55, 179, 215

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Erebuni (Irpuni), Urartian citadel see Arinberd Gavar (Nor-Bayazet, Kamo, Kyavar), Urartian site on W coast
Erek Dag, identified with Mount Qilbani, 128-9, 178 see also of Lake Sevan, 191-2, 357
Rusahinili Qilbanikai Gawre Shinke Pass, 244 Fig. 17.01, 250 Fig. 17.04, 256
Erek Dag, rock inscription of Rusa E, 55, 132 Abb. 08.26, Gegharot, pre-Urartian fortress in Armenia, 46 Fig. 02.05,
178, 189-91 48-51 Fig. 02.07
Eriahi, land attacked by Argishti M, 154 Gilurani, wood near Van Kalesi, 397
Erikua(hi), land invaded by Minua, 28, 119 Gilzanu, land, probably near the S end of Lake Urmia, 24,
Erimena, Urartian personal name borne by several individuals 139, 163-6
father of Rusa king of Urartu, 12, 113, 129, 133, 158, Gimir see Gamir
160-1, 172-3, 179, 191 Giyimli see Serbartepe
on seal impression on a tablet in Karmir Blur (perhaps Godin Tepe, archaeological site in Media, 317-9, 333-4
part of the name of a LÚA.ZUM.LI official some- Golovino, cemetery in Armenia, 373, 377, 394-5
times identified as Erimena son of Argishti, Eri- Gordion, capital of Phrygia, 322, 340, 420
mena son of Rusa, or Rusa son of Erimena), 133, Goren Dagı, Ireini Dagı, perhaps Mount Eiduru, 106
160, 179, 184, 191, 231, 234 Gövelek Stele, part of Ke≥i≥ Göl Stele of Rusa E, 106, 127
Urartian name of Arame king of Urartu, 10, 158, 160- Abb. 08.20-21, 129, 132, 134, 147, 178-9, 189-91,
1, 446 234 see also Ke≥i≥ Göl Stele
Erkiuni, land attacked by Argishti M, 151 Gre Migro, archaeological site near Batman, perhaps Kul-
Ernis, Urartian cemetery near Lake Van, 32 limeri, 260 see also Kullimeri
Erzincan, stone relief, 35 Güney Tepe, outer town at Ayanis, 93-4, 106, 108
Esarhaddon (Asarhaddon, Assur-ahu-iddina), king of Assyria Guriania (Guriaini), land between Urartu and Gamir NE of
(681-669) Lake Sevan, 156, 191, 211-2
in the Bible, 222 Gutium, region E of Assyria, 136, 150-1, 254
Black Stone of Lord Aberdeen, 372 Guzana see Halaf
conquest of Shubria, 137, 143, 261-4
relations with Urartu, 142-4, 224, 263
synchronism with Ursa (Rusa), 133, 135, 148, 158, H
227-8, 231, 263
Eski Dogubeyazıt, Urartian tomb NE of Lake Van, 32, 35 Habhu, mountainous region N of Assyria, 243, 253, 256,
Fig. 01.17 428, 430
Eski Malatya see Arslantepe, Meli†ea Habıbu≥agı, rock inscription of Sarduri A (also known as
Esmail Agha see Qaleh Ismail Agha Izoglu, Izoli), 16, 120 Abb. 08.10, 163
Etini, land normally identified with Etiuni/Etiuhi, 202 see Habruri (previously read Kirruru), probably the Herir Plain,
also Etiuhi, Etiuni 389
Etini Mount, in Tumme, 389 Haftavan, Urartian site W of Lake Urmia, 5, 80, 167-8, 265
Etiuhi, land W of Lake Sevan, probably identical with Etiuni, Haftun, Tell, archaeological site NE of Arba’il, probably
13, 154, 202 see also Etini, Etiuni ancient Hiptunu, 209, 248
Etiuni, land W of Lake Sevan, probably identical with Etiuhi, 7, Hagi Stele of Argishti R, 191
15-7, 19, 107, 151, 154, 377-8 see also Etini, Etiuhi Haikaberd (Haykaberd), Armenian name of Çavu≥tepe, 177,
Etiuni, a designation of pottery or other aspects of material 353 see also Çavu≥tepe
culture, also called Lchashen-Metsamor, 377-8, 445 Hakkari (perhaps ancient Ukku), 243, 255, 257-8
Evoghlu, stone relief, 35 see also Qiz Qal’eh Halaf, Tell (ancient Guzana) capital of Bit Bahiani, 343
Haldi, Urartian god, head of the Urartian pantheon, 3, 14, 28,
30, 43, 101, 105-7, 147, 193, 306, 381
F dedications to Haldi, 37, 126-7, 191, 305, 355, 439
Gates of Haldi (Door of Haldi), 29, 32, 105, 253
Fum, possible location of Uppummu, 260 god of Musasir, 244-5, 389
and marks on pottery and bronze bowls, 358, 362-3,
370, 372
G pre-Urartian Haldi, 105, 246
promotion under Ishpuini, 14, 28, 105, 253, 381, 389
Gamir(ra) (Gimir), land of the Cimmerians N of Lake Sevan, and red slipped pottery, 170
155-6, 211 return to Musasir, 209-10
Garaushinke Pass see Gawre Shinke Pass in royal titles, 193-6

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Haldi (cont.) Hezekiah (Hiskia), king of Judah, 221-2

sacrifices to, 14, 19, 28-9, 106 Hilaruada, king of Meli†ea, 15-6
on shield from Anzaf, 30, 105, 253, 364-70 Hiptunu (Hiptuna), ancient settlement, probably Tell Haftun,
suri (spear) of Haldi, 28, 105-6, 126, 363-4, 367 209, 248
‘Weapons of Haldi’, 29, 305 Hiskia see Hezekiah
Haldi Temples, 29-30, 32, 315, 363 see also Musasir Hnaberd, pre-Urartian fortress in Armenia, 48
in Altıntepe, 330 Horom, Urartian citadel in Armenia, 24, 40, 170, 183, 351,
in Arbu or Riar, 200 360, 370, Colour Plate Vb
in Arinberd, 326-7, 330-2 Horsabad see Khorsabad
in Ayanis, 233, 295-307, 314 Ho≥ab (Güzelsu), fortress E of Lake Van, 34
in Çavu≥tepe, 298 Hu’diadae, city in Urartu, 212
in Toprakkale, 3, 181, 191, 311, 340 Hubushkia, land near Mannaea, 7 Fig. 01.02, 139, 163, 204,
Haldia, Assyrian name for the god Haldi, 208, 210 see also 243, 258, 267
Haldi Hullu, king of Tabal, father of Ambaris, 201
Haldiei irdusi, fortress named ‘Garrison of Haldi’, 18, 117 Hu-Teshub (Hu-Tessub), king of Shubria, 203, 261
Haldi-URU, settlement named ‘town of Haldi’, 191 Hu†uini, Urartian god, 29, 106
Hali†u, land conquered by Rusa A, 107
Halpi, part of Kummuh, 136, 153-4
Harhar, city in W Iran, 319 Fig. 21.12 I
Harhar, land and Assyrian province in W Iran, 150, 319
Harir see Herir Iarsha (Iarsa), Urartian god, also read Iubsha (Iubsa), 4, 104,
Harusa (Arsiu) Mount, near Musasir, 245-6 106, 322
Hasanlu, archaeological site SW of Lake Urmia, 5, 265- Iasaddu(?), city in Kumme, 256
273 Idrimi, king of Alalah, 201, 261
armour and weapons, 383-90, 400 Ijane, land attacked by Argishti M, 151
bronze belt, 392-6 Ik-Tessub, king of Shubria, 261-263
date of destruction of IVB, 278-9 Ildarunia River, near Karmir Blur, 43
columned halls, 317, 333-4 Inurta, Assyrian form of Ninurta see Ninurta
and Gilzanu, 164 Inurta-belu-uÒur, father of a ruler, 203
glazed wall plaques, 34 Inurta-kibsi-uÒur, Assyrian governor of Nairi, 139
level IIIA, 269, 272, 335 Inushpua (Inuspua), son of Minua, 10-1, 13, 20, 32, 102,
level IIIB, 267-73, 276, 279, 335 113, 157-60, 212
level IVB, 167-8, 267-71 Ipume see Uppummu
level IVC, 267 Ireini Dagı (Goren Dagı), perhaps Mount Eiduru, 106
and nomadic horse riders, 276-8 Irgisti see Argishti son of Minua, king of Urartu
stables, 24 Irmushini (Irmusini), Urartian god, 29, 106
trident, 358 Irmushini Temple, Çavu≥tepe, 295 Fig. 20.01, 297-8, 301
‘triple road system’, 24 Irpuni (Erebuni), Urartian citadel, modern Arinberd see
Urartian remains, 22, 80, 84, 87, 265, 267, 275 Arinberd
Hasmetu, probably erroneous reading of Kul(li)meri, 260 Isaiah (Jesaja), 218, 221-5
Hate, Urartian name for the region round Meli†ea/Milid, not Ishmael Agha see Qaleh Ishmael Agha
identical with Assyrian Hatti, 15, 19, 58, 104, 107, Ishpuini (Ispuini) son of Sarduri, king of Urartu, 10-1, 13-4,
151 113, 133, 136, 139, 158 see also Kelishin Stele,
Hatti see Hate Sarduri son of Ishpuini, Ushpina
Hattusha (Hattusa) see Bogazköy and Anzaf, 4
Hayastan, modern Armenian name for Armenia, 449 see also art style, 198, 383, 387
Hayk‘ ‘co-regency’ with Minua, 10, 13-4, 20, 113, 133, 212, 389
Hayk, eponymous founder of Armenia, 170 and Haldi, 14, 28, 105, 253, 381, 389
Hayk‘ (Hayk, Hayastan), modern Armenian name for Arme- inscribed bronzes, 30, 431, 440
nia, 169, 449 Ishtar (Istar), Mesopotamian goddess, 138, 262, 372, 402
Haykaberd see Haikaberd Ishtar-duri (Istar-duri, Issar-duri), Assyrian governor of Arra-
Herir Plain (Dasht-i Harir), probably ancient Habruri, 209, pha, eponym official (714), 136, 209
248 see also Habruri Ishtar-duri (Istar-duri, Issar-duri), Assyrian writing of the
Herodotus, 169, 201, 229, 233, 239, 290, 363, 448 Urartian name Sarduri see also Sarduri

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 510 BIAINILI-URARTU

Ishtar-duri (cont.) Karahan, inscription of Ishpuini, 13

and the city Riar, 159, 200 Karakuyu, Hittite dam, 61 Abb. 04.01
turtanu (field marshal) from the family of, 203 Karata≥, inscription of Sarduri A, 55
in Tushpa, 212 Karchaghbyur, Urartian cemetery at S end of Lake Sevan,
Urartian king, contemporary with Ashurbanipal, 20, 373-5
133, 138, 145, 149, 188, 234 Karkemisch see Carchemish
Urartian king, contemporary with Tiglath-pileser III, Karmir Blur, ancient Teisebai-URU, Urartian citadel, 4, 24,
136, 149, 188 26, 34, 37, 54-5, 170, 235 Abb. 16.01, 362, 412
Ismail Agha see Qaleh Ismail Agha bronze belts, 392, 394-6, 442
Ispilini, son of Batu, 397 bronze bowls, 189, 191, 351, 354-358, 360-1, 363,
Ispuini see Ishpuini 366-7, 431
Israel, 220, 224-5 bronzework, 36, 146, 405-6, 447
Issar-duri see Ishtar-duri destruction level, 183, 186, 229, 231-3, 236
Issete, town between Musasir and Arbil (written 1-te), 209, 248 horse harness (psalion), 276
Istakhri, 164 inscribed clay tablets and bullae, 8, 114, 179, 187, 192,
Istar see Ishtar 230, 234
Itu’a, land, 151 outer town (residential quarters), 23, 57, 90-2, 97-8,
Itu’aean (Itu’ean), tribe, 204 172
Iubsha (Iubsa), Urartian god, also read Iarsha (Iarsa), 4, 104, pottery, 373, 375, 377-8, Colour Plate VII.1
106, 322, 327 and Rusa A, 4, 19, 53, 56, 104, 143, 179, 181, 231, 234
Izoglu (Izoli), rock inscription of Sarduri A, also known as ‘Scythian’ finds, 229, 237-8, 276
Habıbu≥agı, 16, 120 Abb. 08.10, 163 shield of Rusa S, 191-2, 197, Colour Plate IVa
Izzia, person from Kumme, 257 shield of Sarduri S, 146, 184, 187, 213, 235
stamps on pottery, 353-4 Fig. 24.05, 362
stone base for mud-brick pier, 309-10 Fig. 21.04
J temple and temple inscription, 19, 107, 177, 185, 295
Zvartnots Stele, 43
Jaja see Yaya Kar-siparri, city opposite which was an Urartian province,
Javangaleh (Javankale), rock inscription of Argishti M, near perhaps the same as Zapparia, 204
Ajabshir, 15, 125 Abb. 08.17, 265 Kashiari (Kasiari, Kasijari) Mount, Tur Abdin, 139, 261
Jehoiachim (Jojakim), king of Judah, 229 Kayalıdere, Urartian site, 4-5, 32, 36, 58, 126, 265
Jeremiah (Jeremia), Biblical prophet, 173, 218, 223-5, 229- bronzework, 433-5, 442
33, 238-40 temple, 295 Fig. 20.02, 297-8, 300, 304, 311, 314
Jerusalem, capital of Judah, 218, 221-3, 225 Kef Kalesi (Kefkalesi) Urartian citadel, 4-5, see also Adilcevaz
Jesaja see Isaiah columned hall with stone piers, 34, 312, 318, 333-4
Jojakim see Jehoiachim reliefs on stone piers, 35, 180, 196, 285, 311-2, 359,
Judah (Juda), 220-5 370-1 Fig. 24.24
and Rusa A, 4-5, 19, 53, 55, 104, 143, 153, 179, 181, 234
temple and temple inscription, 19, 295
K Kelagran see Tsovinar
Kelermes, cemetery in N Caucasus, 276, 283-6, 288-291,
Ka’bah-i Zardusht (Ka’bah,), tower in Naqsh-i Rustam near 293
Persepolis see Naqsh-i Rustam Kelishin Pass, 248-9, 256
Kaisaran (Kaissaran), rock inscription of Rusa E, 132, 189-91 Kelishin (Kel-i Shin) Stele of Ishpuini and Minua, 2, 14, 30,
Kakme, possible Mannaean name for Biainili/Urartu, 1 193, 248, 267, 355
Kaleköy, Urartian rock-cut tomb NE of Elazıg, 19, 32 Ke≥i≥ Göl, dam and reservoir, Rusai Òue (Rusa Lake), 23,
Kalhu (modern Nimrud), Assyrian royal residence see Nimrud 55-6 Fig. 03.03, 62, 131, 177-9
Kamo (Gavar, Nor-Bayazet, Kyavar) on W coast of Lake Ke≥i≥ Göl 1 see Ke≥i≥ Göl Stele, Gövelek Stele
Sevan, 191-2, 357 Ke≥i≥ Göl 2 see Savacık Stele
Kancıklı, Urartian fortress N of Lake Van, 58-9 Fig. 03.05 Ke≥i≥ Göl Stele of Rusa E, sometimes called Ke≥i≥ Göl 1, 3,
Kaqqadanu, turtanu (field marshal) of Urartu, 204, 206, 210- 55, 104, 129 Abb. 08.23, 131 Abb. 08.25, 147, 188,
2, 214-6, 258 193, 445 see also Savacık Stele
Karagündüz, Urartian tomb E of Lake Van, 32 join with Gövelek Stele, 106, 127, 129, 132, 134, 147,
rock inscription of Ishpuini and Minua, 267 178-9, 185, 189-91, 234

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Khorsabad (Horsabad), Assyrian royal residence, ancient Dur- Malatya see Arslantepe, Meli†ea
Sharrukin (Dur-Sarrukin), 136, 144, 201-2, 205, 255, Malazgirt, Urartian tomb with relief, near Mu≥, 35
329-30, 360, 437-8 see also Musasir Haldi Temple Mana see Mannaea
Kidin-Haldi, Assyrian personal name, 246 Maniye, king of Ukku, 258-9
Kimmerier see Cimmerian Mannaea (Mannea, Mana, Minni), land, 24, 136, 139, 145,
Kirruru see Habruri 212, 318-9 see also Aza, Ullusunu
Kishesim (Kisesim), land and Assyrian province in W Iran, and Argishti M, 15, 125, 151, 153
150 in the Bible, 223-4, 229, 233
Kishtan (Kistan), part of Kummuh, 136, 153-4 and Sarduri A, 16, 154
Kızılbel, tomb in Lycia, 333 and Sargon, 141, 199-200
Kordlar Tepe, archaeological site W of Lake Urmia, 5, 167-8 Mat Haburatim, region also known as Ullubu, 255-6
Körzüt (Arapzengi), Urartian site, 53-4, 59, 119, 122, 202, 295 Meher Kapısı (Meherkapı, Mheri dur), rock-cut niche and
Kuarlini, region near Karmir Blur, 43 inscription of Ispuini and Minua, 7, 14, 28-30, 32,
Kuchak, Urartian cemetery in Armenia, 373-4, 377 56-7 Fig. 03.04, 105-6, 248, 253, 256, 305
Kul Tarike, cemetery in W Iran, 267 Melar†ua, son of an Urartian king, crowned king, 20, 155,
Kulkhai, land, probably Colchis, 427 see also Qulha 157-61, 204-6, 212, 214
Kullimeri, Urartian Qulmeri, capital of Shubria, perhaps Gre Melgunov-Litoj see Litoj
Migro, 244 Fig. 17.01, 260, 263 Meli†ea, town and region, Assyrian Milid, modern Eski
Kumarbi, Hurrian god, 254 Malatya, Arslantepe, 15-6, 20, 54, 151, 154 see
Kumme (Kummu), city and land, Urartian Qumenu, perhaps also Arslantepe
modern Beytu≥≥ebap, 29, 202, 210, 243-5, 254-60, Menua see Minua
264 Mergeh Karvan, bilingual inscription of Rusa S, 191-3, 211,
Kumme, pass of, neribi Kumme, perhaps Süvrihalil pass, 255 214, 248
Kummuh (Commagene), land and Assyrian province, Urar- Meshta (Mesta), town S of Lake Urmia, 13, 267, 279
tian Qumaha, on the Euphrates in Turkey, 16-17, Metatti, king of Zikirtu, 200
136-7, 141, 153-4, 156, 181, 201, 261, 428 Metraku, ruler of Uparia, 253
Kunnu, city in Kumme, 256 Metsamor, cemetery in Armenia, 373-4, 427 see also
KUR
URI, logogram for Urartu, 103 Lchashen-Metsamor
Ku≥aklı, Hittite dam and city, ancient Sarissa, 61, 237 Mê-Turan, town in E Iraq, modern Tell Haddad and Tell as-
Kyavar (Gavar, Kamo, Kyavar, Nor-Bayazet), 191-2, 357 Sib, 263
Kyros see Cyrus Mheri dur see Meher Kapısı
Milid see Meli†ea
Milla Mergi, rock inscription of Tiglath-pileser III, 256
L Minni, form found in the Bible for Mannaea, 223-4, 233 see
also Mannaea
Lachish (Lachisch), modern Tell ed-Duweir, 221-2, 438 Minua (Menua) son of Ishpuini, king of Urartu, 10-1, 13-5,
Lake, Kirsopp and Silva, excavators of Van Kalesi, 4, 36 24, 53, 133, 140, 157-8 see also Kelishin Stele,
Lchashen-Metsamor, Early Iron Age pottery style also called Meher Kapısı, Minua Canal
Etiuni, 377-8 ArÒibi, his horse, 24
Libluini, town conquered by Sarduri A, NE of Lake Urmia, 16 bronze bowls found in Karmir Blur, 189, 354-6
Liç, Urartian cemetery, N of Lake Van, 392 building projects, 14-15, 24, 53, 58-9, 107, 119, 122-4,
Lidbubu, name of a man from Kumme, 256 295
Liphur-Bel see Nashir-Bel ‘co-regency’ with Ishpuini, 10, 13-4, 20, 113, 133, 212,
Litoj (Melgunov-Litoj), burial mound in Ukraine, 287-91 389
Lori Berd, cemetery, 387 inscribed bronzework, 146, 387, 431, 439
Luhiuni, town in Erikua, 28, 119 military campaigns, 14, 28, 104, 119, 140, 256
Lushia (Lusia), region, 139 Tariria, his queen, 20, 55, 123
Lutibri (Lutipri), father of Sarduri king of Urartu, 158-9 Minua Canal (Ëamram Su, Semiramis Canal), 15, 23, 55, 62,
76, 123
Minyas, region, possibly Mannaea, 217, 220
M Misi-Andia, province of Mannaea, 199
Mita, king of Mushki, identified with Midas, king of Phry-
Mahmudabad Tepe, inscription of Rusa S, 191-2 gia, 201, 205-6, 212, 215
Mahuz, Tell, archaeological site near Kirkuk, Iraq, 438 Mithra, Iranian god, 253

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Mithras, Roman god, 253 Nabû-tappûtu-alik, Assyrian eponym official (c. 613), 262
Morevdere, rock inscription of Argishti M, also known as Nabû-uÒalla, governor of the Assyrian province of Tamnuna,
Ortakent, 15, 124 Abb. 08.16, 163 255
Moses of Choren (Movses Khorenats’i), 169-70, 173, 311, Nairi, name used by early Urartian kings for Biainili/Urartu,
449 10, 103
Movana Stele, bilingual inscription of Rusa S, 191-5, 198, Nairi (Na’iri), province of Assyria, 139
205, 207, 211, 214, 248 Nairi, region N of Assyria containing several kingdoms, 10,
Movses Khorenats’i see Moses of Choren, 311 103, 428-9
Mujesir (Mudjesir), archaeological site near Rowanduz, Iraq, Nairi, Sea of, Lake Van or Lake Urmia, 164-5, 267, 428-9
perhaps ancient Musasir, 34, 250, 389 Najafehabad Stele of Sargon II, 199-200
Musasir (MuÒaÒir, MuÒru), city and land, Urartian Ardini, Nalaini, Urartian god, 29, 106
Arinu see also Ardini, MuÒru, Urzana Namri, land in central Zagros, part of Gutium, perhaps Urar-
Abaliuqunu, Urartian governor (perhaps of the prov- tian Babilu, 150-1, 154
ince opposite Musasir), 205 Naqsh-i Rustam, burial place of the Persian kings, near
Eponym Chronicle, 208-10 Persepolis, 32, 309-11, 314, 316, 320
gods of Musasir, 29-30, 209 Naragê, chief tailor in Urartu, 205
Haldi Temple, 14, 28, 31, 34, 105, 193-4, 200, 245-6, Nashir-Bel (Nashur-Bel), previously read Liphur-Bel, Assyr-
267 ian governor of Amedi, 201
Haldi Temple in relief from Khorsabad, 252-3 Fig. Nashteban, rock inscription of Argishti R, 18
17.06, 300-2 Fig. 20.11, 304-5, 312 Fig. 21.07, Nashur-Bel see Nashir-Bel, 201
314-5, 320, 359, 361-3 Fig. 24.12, 430-1 Fig. Nebuchadnessar (Nebukadnezar), king of Babylon (605–
31.03, 440 562), 218
‘homeland’ of the Urartian dynasty, 103, 105, 243 Ner(e)be-sa-bitani (Ner(e)be), place in Mount Kashiari, 139
Ishpuini’s visit, 14, 248, 389 Nergal, Mesopotamian god, 105
Kelishin Stele, 14, 30, 248, 355 Nicolaus Damascenus (Nikolaus von Damaskus), 217, 220
location, 31, 247-52, 389 Nimme, mountainous land NE of Assyria, sometimes equated
Mergeh Karvan Stele, 6, 14, 193-4, 211 with Tumme, 389
Movana Stele, 193-4, 211 Nimrud, Assyrian royal residence, ancient Kalhu, 154, 209,
Mujesir, identification with, 34, 250, 389 245, 256, 260, 262, 360, 414, 434, 443
Qalaychi Stele, 245 ivories, 339-50, 386
relations with Assyria, 245-54 metalwork, 383, 420, 432-5, 440
Rusa S, reconquest by, 17, 193-4, 198, 205, 207, 210- reliefs, 431-2, 435, 441
6, 248 state archives, 140, 199, 202, 243, 255
Sargon’s capture and looting, 6, 17, 25, 37, 58, 194, wall paintings and glazed bricks, 329-30
200-1, 207, 216, 252-4, 257, 264, 340, 349, 355, Nineveh, Assyrian royal residence, 138, 258-9 Fig. 17.07,
405, 413, 430-1 360, 403
and the son of the king of Urartu, 28, 201, 253 state archives, 27, 199, 243, 257
statues of Urartian kings, 35, 37, 187, 198, 200-1, 205, Ninlil (Mullissu), Assyrian goddess, 438
413, 430 Ninurta, Assyrian Inurta, Mesopotamian god, 105, 262, 403
Topzawa Stele, 6, 14, 193-4, 214 Nipur Mount, modern Cudi Dagı, 255
Urzana’s seal, 207, 247, 253 NiÒir Mount, perhaps to be identified with Pir Omar Gudrun,
Mushi (Musi), town between Musasir and Arba’il, 209, 248 220
Mushki (Muski), land and people, probably identical with Noah’s Ark, 1, 217-21, 225, 448
Phrygia and Phrygians, 19, 107, 201, 205-6, 212 Nor-Armavir, 424 see also Armavir
MuÒru (MuÒri), early name for Musasir, 245-6 Nor-Bayazet (Gavar, Kamo, Kyavar), 191-2, 357
Muttallu, king of Kummuh, 137, 156, 201 Nor≥untepe, archaeological site near Elazıg, 54, 278
Nush-i Jan, archaeological site in Media, 317-20, 333-4
Nuzi, archaeological site near Kirkuk, 404, 420, 440
N

Na’iri see Nairi O

Nabû-le’i, governor of the Assyrian province of Birate, 204
Nabû-le’i, rab-biti (major-domo) of Ahat-abisa, 155, 211-2 Oghlu Qal’eh see Qaleh Oghlu
Nabû-sar-ahhesu, Assyrian eponym official (c. 646), 138 Ojasar Ilandagh, rock inscription of Ishpuini and Minua, 13

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Ortakent, rock inscription of Argishti M, also known as Mor- Qaleh Siah, Urartian fortress N of Lake Urmia, 80, 87, 167
evdere, 15, 124 Abb. 08.16, 163 Qaniun, province of Urartu, 210
Oshakan, Urartian fortress and cemetery in Armenia, 42, Qilbani Mount (probably modern Erek Dag), 55, 106, 129
373-5 see also Rusahinili Qilbanikai
Oxus Treasure (Oxus-Schatz), 291-2, 414 Qilibani, Urartian god, presumably the same as Qilbani, 29,
106
Qiz Qaleh (Qaleh Evoghlu), Urartian fortress N of Lake
P Urmia, 79-80, 84, 86
Qulha, land attacked by Sarduri A, perhaps Colchis, 154
Pa-[…], possible Assyrian writing of Biainili, 137, 263 Qulmeri, Urartian name for Kullimeri and Shubria, 260 see
Paddir(a), land in W Iran, 150 also Kullimeri, Shubria
Palın see Bagın Qumaha, Urartian name for Kummuh, 16-7, 153-4 see also
Palu, rock inscription of Minua and rock-cut tomb, 14, 32, 163 Kummuh
Parda, royal Urartian city, 200 Qumane (Qumanu), land, probably located near Alqos, Iraq,
Parnialdê, Shubrian augur, 261-2 243, 245, 428
Parsua (Urartian Parsua, Assyrian Parsuas), land in W Iran, Qumenu, Urartian name for Kumme see Kumme
13, 16, 150-1, 267, 316
Pa≥a Tepe, archaeological site near Patnos, 321
Pasargadae, Persian royal residence, 314, 317-8, 333-4 R
irrigation works, 64, 67, 75 see also Tang-i Bulaghi
Zendan-i Suleiman, tower, 309-10, 315-6, 318, 320 Rabat Tepe, archaeological site near Sardasht, Iran, 252
Patnos see Aznavur Razliq, rock inscription of Argishti R, 18, 118
Pazyryk, cemetery in the Altai, 290-3, 403 Riar (Rijar), city in the Urartian province Armarili, 159, 200,
Persepolis, Persian royal residence, 76, 291, 317, 323, 332, 206
359-60, 362 see also Naqsh-i Rustam Rusa, name of three Urartian kings and several other indi-
Persepolis Fortification Tablets, 253 viduals see also Ursa
Phrygia see Mushki bronze bowls found in Karmir Blur inscribed with the
Pir Omar Gudrun Mount, perhaps ancient Mount NiÒir, 220 name of Rusa, 146, 189, 191, 354-6
Pirabat, rock inscription of Ishpuini and Minua, 13 candelabrum found in Toprakkale inscribed with the
Pulia, region in Urartu, 212 name of Rusa, 177, 439
Puluadi, land attacked by Sarduri A, 154 possible non-Urartian origin of the name, 26
Pumu see Uppummu sequence of the Urartian kings called Rusa, 12, 102,
113, 132-4, 146-7, 149, 158, 160-1, 177, 179, 181,
186-8, 191, 213-6, 228-9, 234, 236, 241, 445-6
Q Urartian form of the name written Ursa in Assyrian
texts, 17, 26
Qairanu, land defeated by Rusa A, 107 Rusa son of Argishti, king of Urartu, 8, 11, 18, 40, 53, 145, 172
Qal’eh see Qaleh administrative reforms, 102, 104-5
Qalatgah, Urartian citadel, 79-80, 84-6, 166, 265, 267, 272, Armavir, construction at, 19
278 art style, 147, 179-81, 185, 196-8, 234, 330
inscription of Ishpuini and Minua, 13, 163, 265-7 Fig. Ayanis, inscribed shield found in, 306
18.02 Aza, agricultural works in, 43, 55
Ulhu or Waisi (Uishe), identified with, 265 clay tablets and bullae, 8, 27-8, 184-5, 234
Qalaychi, archaeological site S of Lake Urmia, 245 date of death, 146
Qaleh Evoghlu see Qiz Qaleh and the end of Urartu, 20, 183, 186, 236-7, 446
Qaleh Haidari (Qal’eh Heydari, Qaleh Haydari), Urartian founder of Kef Kalesi, 4, 19, 53, 371
fortress NW of Lake Urmia, 73-4, 80-2, 86 founder of Rusahinili Eidurukai (Ayanis), 4, 19, 53, 57,
Qaleh Ismael Agha (Qal’eh Ismail Aqa, Qaleh Ishmael Agha, 106-7, 148, 265, 295, 314, 353, 355
Esmail Agha), Urartian site W of Lake Urmia, 5, founder of Rusahinili Qilbanikai (Toprakkale), 53, 127,
79-80, 83-6, 167 129, 132, 147, 177, 295
rock-cut tomb, 32, 167 founder of Rusai-URU.TUR (Bastam), 4, 19, 53, 79,
identified with Waisi (Uishe), 265 184, 233, 265, 353-4
Qaleh Oghlu (Oghlu Qal’eh), Urartian fortress N of Lake founder of Teishebai-URU (Karmir Blur), 4, 19, 53,
Urmia, 82-3, 87, 167 233, 353

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 514 BIAINILI-URARTU

Rusa son of Argishti (cont.) mentioned in year-name of Rusa A, 147, 177

queen, 20 Rusai Òue (Rusa Lake) see Ke≥i≥ Göl
seal, royal, 28, 36, 183-4 Abb. 13.01, 267, 354 Rusai-URU.TUR inscribed on a bronze bowl found in Karmir
seals, LÚA.ZUM.LI (‘Prinzensiegel’), 28, 185, 231, 446 Blur, 189, 354-6
stone reliefs, 35 Rusai-URU.TUR, Urartian citadel, modern Bastam see Bastam
titulature, 179, 185, 194-6, 198
Toprakkale, bronze fittings and podium for throne at,
37, 181, 330, 435-7 S, Ë, ≤
Toprakkale, erected throne in, 12, 147, 177, 181, 437
Toprakkale, inscribed objects at, 177-8 S see Sh
Yaya, as alternative name, 137, 212, 263 Sakçe Gözü (Sakçagözü), archaeological site near Gaziantep,
Ziwiye, seal impression found at, 36, 267 339, 342, 346-7, 349-50
Zvartnots Stele, 43 Sakuatâ, Urartian governor of Qaniun, 210
Rusa son of Erimena, king of Urartu, 8, 11-2, 17, 145, 147, Salmanassar see Shalmaneser
172-3, 183-7, 190, 213-6 Samas see Shamash
Arinberd, construction at, 59, 179, 189, 198, 333, 336 Ëamram Su (Semiramis Canal) see Minua Canal
Armavir, construction at, 59, 179, 189, 198 Samsi- see Shamshi-
art style, 147, 179-81, 185, 196-8, 234 Sangar, Urartian rock-cut tomb and fortress, near Maku, Iran,
Gövelek Stele, 106, 127, 129-31, 134, 178, 185, 189- 32, 80, 83, 87
91, 234 Sangibutu (Bit-Sangibuti), land in W Iran, not the same as
Ke≥i≥ Göl Stele, 23, 55, 106, 127, 131, 147-8, 178, the Urartian province Sangibutu, 150
185, 189-91, 234, 445 Sangibutu, province of Urartu, not the same as Assyrian San-
Rusahinili Qilbanikai (Toprakkale), founder of, 4, 12, gibutu (Bit-Sangibuti), 200
53, 147-8, 178, 181, 191, 198, 295, 353, 445 Sanherib see Sennacherib
Savacık Stele, 106, 127, 129-31, 134, 178, 185, 189- Sar (Sarduri), on clay bullae from Ayanis, 185, 234
91, 234 Sarakap, Urartian site in Armenia, 377
titulature, 147, 179, 185, 194-6, 198 Sardaurri, Assyrian form of the Urartian name Sarduri, 133,
Toprakkale, inscribed objects at, 177, 179, 411 136, 188 see also Sarduri
usurpation of the throne, 191, 198 Sarduri, Urartian personal name, name of three or four Urar-
Rusa son of Erimena on seal impression in Karmir Blur see tian kings and of various other individuals, for
Erimena Assyrian forms of the name see Ishtar-duri, Sar,
Rusa son of Rusa, LÚA.ZUM.LI official, 21, 230-1 Sardaurri, Seduri
Rusa son of Sarduri, king of Urartu, 8, 11, 17, 213-6 bronze bowls found in Karmir Blur inscribed with the
art style, 188, 196-8 name of Sarduri, 146, 189, 354, 431
Cimmerians, possible defeat by, 212-3 and the city Riar, 159, 200
inscribed bronze shields, 146, 191 as non-royal name, 184-6, 234-6
Musasir recaptured, 17, 193-4, 198, 205, 207, 210-6, turtanu (field marshal), from the family of, 203, 206
248, 251 in Tushpa, 212-3
Mergeh Karvan and Movana Steles, 191-4, 198, 205, Sarduri son of Argishti, king of Urartu see also Sardaurri,
207, 248, 267 Ishtar-duri
titulature, 194-6, 198 annals, 4, 7, 16-7, 24, 56, 60, 104, 107, 116, 125-6,
Topzawa Stele, 191-4, 198, 205, 207, 248, 267 149-50, 153-4, 161, 202
Tsovinar rock inscription, 191-2, 202, 211, 214 art style, 196-8
and Urzana, 193-4, 198, 205, 207, 211, 248-9 and Ashur-nerari V, king of Assyria, 16, 133, 140,
Van Stele, 188, 192-3 153-4, 158, 430
Rusa, son of Sarduri, LÚA.ZUM.LI official, 192, 230-1 Assyrian synchronisms, 11, 17, 136, 140, 145, 149,
Rusa Lake (Rusai Òue) see Ke≥i≥ Göl 154, 158-9, 188, 199, 213-4
Rusahinili, distinction between Rusahinili Eidurukai and depicted on relief of Tiglath-pileser III, 441
Rusahinili Qilbanikai, 104, 106, 148, 178, 181 father of Sarduri S, 146, 149, 158
Rusahinili Eidurukai, Urartian citadel, modern Ayanis, 4-5, founder of Sardurihinili (Çavu≥tepe), 4, 17, 58, 295
19, 106, 181 see also Ayanis Habıbu≥agı rock inscription, 16, 120 Abb. 08.10,
Rusahinili Qilbanikai, Urartian citadel, modern Toprakkale, 163
4-5, 12, 17, 21, 23, 55, 132, 178, 181, 186, 214, Karmir Blur, inscribed bronzes, 146, 236
437, 445 see also Toprakkale Kayalıdere, builder of temple in, 295

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 INDEX OF GODS, PERSONS, PEOPLES, AND PLACES 515

Sarduri son of Argishti (cont.) Savacık Stele of Rusa E, sometimes called Ke≥i≥ Göl 2, 2,
Ta≥köprü rock inscription, 16, 116-20 130, 134, 178, 189-91
titulature, 189, 195-6, 198 Seduri, an Assyrian form of Sarduri, 133, 135, 139, 145, 149,
Sarduri son of Ishpuini, 187, 198, 413, 430 429 see also Sarduri son of Lutipri
identification with Ishpuini S, Sarduri L or a crown Semiramis, legendary queen of Assyria, 20, 23, 311, 411
prince of Urartu, 200-1 Semiramis Canal see Minua Canal
Sarduri son of Lutipri, king of Urartu see also Seduri Sennacherib (Sanherib, Sîn-ahhe-eriba), crown prince and
Assyrian synchronisms, 11, 145, 158 king of Assyria (704-681)
founder of new dynasty, 159, 201, 267, 379, 381 as crown prince, 137, 155-6, 203-4
founder of Tushpa (Van Kalesi), 4, 103 see also Van as king, 133, 135, 141, 158
Kalesi siege of Jerusalem, 221-2
inscriptions in Assyrian, 6, 10, 14, 103, 381, 427 sons flee to Ararat/Shubria, 142-3, 222, 225, 262
inscriptions at Van Kalesi, 6, 10, 14, 28, 163, 379 throne at Lachish, 438
statue at Musasir, 201 and Ukku, 255, 258-9
Sarduri son of Rusa, LÚA.ZUM.LI official, 133, 230-1 Seqindel, rock inscription of Sarduri A and Urartian fortress,
Sarduri son of Rusa, identified with Sarduri king of Urartu 16, 80-1, 85-6, 163
contemporary with Ashurbanipal, 133, 145-6, 148 Serbartepe (Serbar Tepe), archaeological site SE of Lake
Sarduri son of Sarduri, king of Urartu, 133, 145-9, 158, 188, Van, also known as Giyimli, 31, 175, 412, 443, 447
199, 212-3 Setini, Urartian provincial governor, 210
contemporary with Assurbanipal, 133 Sha-Ashur-dubbu (Sa-Assur-dubbu), Assyrian governor of
inscribed bronze shield found in Karmir Blur, 146, Tushhan, 203-4, 212
184, 187, 235-6 Shalmaneser (Salmanassar, Salmanu-asared) name of several
son of Sarduri A, 146, 149, 158, 199, 213, 235-6 kings of Assyria see below
Sarduri son of Sarduri, LÚA.ZUM.LI official, 187, 230-1, 235 Shalmaneser I, king of Assyria (1273-1244)
Sarduri (Ishtar-duri), king of Urartu, contemporary with and Musasir (MuÒru), 246, 251, 254
Ashurbanipal (646/642), 11, 20, 133, 138, 145, 149, and Urartu (Uruatri), 9, 26, 427-8
172, 181, 186, 188, 227-9, 234, 236, 446 Shalmaneser III, king of Assyria (858-824), 10, 133, 163-8
identified as son of Sarduri, 133 see also Balawat Gates
identified as son of Rusa, 145-6, 148-9, 158 and Arame, 10, 133, 135, 138-9, 158, 159, 267, 379,
Sarduriani, Urartian city, perhaps the same as Suruduriani, 202 390, 429
Sardurihinili see Çavu≥tepe and Arzashkun, 379, 388-90
Sardursburg see Van Kalesi, Sardursburg and Musasir, 251
Sarezer, son and murderer of Sennacherib, 222 and Sarduri, 10, 133, 135, 139, 158, 379
Sargon II (Sarrukin), king of Assyria (721-705) and Sugunia, 267, 379
Ahat-abisha, his daughter, 155, 212 and Tigris Tunnel, 264
and Argishti king of Urartu, 18, 133, 141, 158, 231 and Uppummu, 260-1
diplomatic correspondence, 6, 155-6, 161, 199, 202-3, and Urartu, 3, 6, 10, 380, 388, 427, 429-30, 440
207-10, 243-4, 246, 248, 255-9, 261-3 Shalmaneser IV, king of Assyria (782-773), 133, 136, 140,
Letter to the god Assur describing his 8th Campaign, 6, 150, 158, 430
22-3, 54, 136, 159, 187-8, 199-201, 207, 247-8, Shalmaneser V, king of Assyria (726-722), 136, 146, 158,
252, 254, 262-4, 413 214
and Musasir, 17, 25, 194, 200-1, 207, 252-4, 264, 300, Shamash (Samas), Assyrian Sun God, 137
312, 340, 349, 413, 424, 430 Shamash-da’’inanni (Samas-da’’inanni), Assyrian eponym
Najafehabad Stele of Sargon II, 199-200 official (c. 644), 138
and North-West Palace in Nimrud, 341 Shamash-nuri (Samas-nuri), Assyrian eponym official (866),
royal inscriptions, 136-7, 181, 199-201, 205-6 139
and Shubria, 260-1, 263 Shamshi-Adad V (Samsi-Adad), king of Assyria (823-811),
and Ukku, 258-9 14, 58, 133, 136, 139, 158, 430-1
and Urartu, 22, 24, 54, 107, 141, 191, 200 Shamshi-ilu (Samsi-ilu) turtanu (field marshal) of Assyria,
and Ursa king of Urartu, 17, 133, 136-7, 140-1, 155-6, 15, 136, 140, 150-1, 153
158, 187-8, 191, 199-207, 213-6, 228, 254 Shanidar, cave and village, near Rowanduz, Iraq, 248-9, 253,
and Urzana, 194, 198, 207-12, 246-7, 249, 251 256
victory at Mount Waush, 17, 136, 141, 200, 205 Shardurihurda, Urartian fortress in Sangibutu, 200
Satkuri, city in Kumme, 256 Shattera (Sattera), province of Urartu, 204

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 516 BIAINILI-URARTU

Shebitu (Sebitu), Urartian god, 29, 192 Tanaat see Thanahat

Shemshara, archaeological site near Dukan, Iraq, ancient Tang-i Bulaghi (Tang-i Bulaq), Achaemenid canal near
Susarra, 251-2, 254 Pasargadae, 64, 66-7
Shibturu (Sibturu), province of Urartu, 204 Tapsia, town near Kumme, subsequently an Urartian fortress,
Shisheh, rock inscription of Argishti R, 18, 117 256
Shiuini (Siuini, Shivini) Urartian Sun God, 9, 29-30 Fig. Taraqeh (Tragheh), rock inscription naming Ishpuini, near
01.14, 56, 105-6, 364 Bukan, Iran, 13, 267
Shubartu (Subartu, Subir), region, 260 Targuni, land conquered by Rusa A, 107
Shubria (Subria, Subre), land, Urartian Qulmeri, 137, 139, Tariria, Queen of Urartu, consort of Minua, previously
143, 203, 243-5, 260-4 thought to be a daughter of Minua, 20, 55, 123
Shulmu-bel (Sulmu-bel), Assyrian official, deputy of the Pal- Tariu, land attacked by Argishti M, 151
ace Herald, 203, 211 Tashtepe (Tastepe), rock inscription of Minua, 14, 125, 265,
Shusharra (Susarra) see Shemshara, 251, 254-5 272
Siah Qal’eh see Qaleh Siah Ta≥köprü, rock inscription of Sarduri A, 116-7
Silhazi Mount, in W Iran, also known as Dannutu sa mar Tatarlı, tomb in Lydia, 333
Babili, 150 Teisheba (Teiseba), Urartian Storm God, 4, 19, 29-30, 56,
∑illi-Haldi, personal name, 246 105-6, 191-2, 256, 362, 364
∑iluquni, land conquered by Rusa A, perhaps the same as Teishebai.URU (Teisebai-URU), Urartian citadel, modern
∑uluqu, 107 Karmir Blur see Karmir Blur
Simigi, Hurrian Sun God, 106 Teshup (Tesub, Tessub), Hurrian god, 29, 254, 256, 263
Sîn-sar-iskun, king of Assyria (627-612), 158 Teumman, king of Elam, 20, 137, 142
Sîn-sum-lisir, chief eunuch and king of Assyria (c. 627), 158 Thanahat (Tanaat) Stele of Argishti R, 18, 107, 118
Siplia, Urartian governor of Alzi, 210 Tiglath-pileser I, king of Assyria (1114-1076), 245-6, 264,
Strabo, 169, 320, 420, 449 428
Subir (Shubartu, Subartu), region, 260 Tiglath-pileser III (Tiglatpileser III., Tukulti-apil-Esarra),
Sugu’, land, part of Habhu, 428 king of Assyria (744-727), 150, 202, 256-7, 261-2,
Sugunia, Urartian city, perhaps near Lake Urmia, 138, 163-5, 322, 329-30, 437, 440-1
267, 379-80, 388-9, 429 relations with Urartu, 17, 133, 136, 140, 153, 158, 214,
Suhni, land added to the Assyrian province of Nairi, 139-40 430
∑uluqu, land mentioned by Argishti R, perhaps the same as Tigran, king of Armenia, 173
∑iluquni and Armenian Tsluk, 107 Tigris Tunnel (Tigris Grotto, Tigris Source), modern Birk-
Sunâ, governor of the Urartian province opposite Ukku, 210, leyn, 139, 261, 263-4, 428-9
258 Til Barsip, Assyrian provincial capital, modern Tell Ahmar
Süngüta≥i see Zivin 329, 437
∑upani (∑upa), land N of Malatya, perhaps classical Sophene Tille Höyük, archaeological site near Adiyaman, Turkey,
58, 104 322, 333-4
Süphan Dag, possibly Mount Eiduru, 106 Titia, Urartian provincial governor, 14, 104
Süphan Dam, built by Minua, 59 Tli, cemetery in Georgia, 392-3, 442
Suriana, region in Urartu, 212 Toprakkale near Ele≥kirt, inscription of Ishpuini and Minua,
Surp Pogos Stele of Sarduri A, 153 13
Suruduriani, Urartian city, perhaps the same as Sarduriani, Toprakkale (Toprak Kale), Urartian citadel, ancient Rusahi-
202 nili Qilbanikai, 2-5, 33, 104, 183, 231, 317, 411 see
Susa, royal residence of the Persian kings, 332-4, 337 also Rusahinili Qilbanikai
Süvrihalil Pass, perhaps the pass of Kumme, 255 arrowheads, 404
‘bone rooms’, 28
candelabrum, 177, 439
T founded by Rusa A, 53, 104, 127, 132, 147, 177, 231
founded by Rusa E, 4, 12, 23, 53, 104, 132, 147-8, 178,
Tabal, land and Assyrian province, also known as Bit- 185, 191, 198, 234, 445
Purutash, perhaps Urartian Tablani, 19, 107, 137, founded by Rusa S, 148, 177
155, 201, 211-2, 253, 430 inscribed clay tablets and bullae, 8, 21, 23, 177
Tablani, land, perhaps Assyrian Tabal, 19, 107 inscribed pithoi, 126
Tabriz Kapısı see Van Kalesi irrigation works for, 17, 23, 55, 62, 178, 181, 191, 198
Tala Mount, near Musasir, 245 see also Ke≥i≥ Göl

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 INDEX OF GODS, PERSONS, PEOPLES, AND PLACES 517

Toprakkale (cont.) Ukku (perhaps to be identified with Hakkari), 243-4, 255,

ivories, 339-41, 346-50 257-60
metalwork, 21, 36, 396, 411-2, 415, 422 Urartian province opposite Ukku, 210
seal impressions, 36 Ulhu, Urartian city, 23, 54, 191, 200, 214
shields of Rusa E, 127, 147, 179-80, 189-90, 197, 231 Qalatgah, identified with, 265
stamps on pottery, 351-2, 358 Uliba see Ullubu
temple, 295, 297-8, 302, 311-2 Ullikummi, Hurrian monster, 254
temple inscription of Rusa A, 19, 177, 185 Ullubu (Ulluba, Urartian Uliba), region annexed to Assyria,
throne of Rusa A, 12, 37, 147, 177, 181, 330, 435-8 also known as Mat Haburatim, 256-7
Toprakkale Ware, also known as Urartian Red Polished, 37 Ullusunu, king of Mannaea, brother and successor of Aza,
Topzawa Stele, bilingual inscription of Rusa S, 191-3, 195, 136, 141, 199-200, 207
205, 214, 248, 250, 267 Umeshini Canal, constructed by Rusa A, 43
Traghe see Taraqeh Uppa Mount near Ukku, 258
Tsluk see ∑uluqu Uppummu (Ipume, Pumu), capital of Shubria, possibly Fum,
Tsovak, rock inscription of Sarduri A, 16 260-1 Fig. 17.08, 263
Tsovinar (previously Kelagran), rock inscription of Rusa S, Ura, town on Upper Zab, 255 see also Urau
191-2, 202, 211, 214 Urar†u, Assyrian name for Biainili see Uras†u, Ura†ri, KURURI
™uaraÒi, land, 151 Uras†u, Babylonian form of Assyrian Urar†u, 20, 103, 169,
Tuatehi, land, 151 230, 232
Tuki, Urartian governor of Armarili, 210 Ura†ri (Urua†ri), early form of the name Urar†u, 9, 103-4,
Tukulti-Ninurta I, king of Assyria (1233-1197), 10, 246, 428 246, 427
Tukulti-Ninurta II, king of Assyria (890-884), 428 Urau (Ú-ra-ú), town on an itinerary to Kumme, 254-5 see
Tulihu, city near Lake Sevan, 16, 153-4 also Ura
Tumme (Tummu), mountainous land NE of Assyria, some- Urdu-Mulissi see Arda-Mullissi
KUR
times equated with Nimme, 389, 428 URI, logogram for Urartu, 103
Tur Abdin see Kashiari Mount, 261 Urina (Urini) Mount, in Tumme, 389
Turushpa (™uruspa) see ™ushpa Urme, land, conquered by Argishti M, 151, 154
Tushhan (Tushan), Assyrian provincial capital, modern Ursa, Assyrian form of the Urartian name Rusa, 17, 26,
Ziyaret Tepe see Ziyaret Tepe 187-8 see also Rusa
Tushpa (™uspa), capital of Urartu (Assyrian Turushpa Ursa, king of Urartu, contemporary with Assurbanipal (c.
(™uruspa), Armenian Tosp, modern Van Kalesi, 1-2, 652), probably Rusa A, 20, 133, 137-8, 144-5, 149,
10, 53 see also Van Kalesi 158, 188, 228
and Arame, 167 identified with Rusa E, 228
in Assyrian texts, 26, 136, 140, 167, 200-6, 262 Ursa, king of Urartu, contemporary with Esarhaddon, (c.
in Babylonian Chronicle, 229-30 673/2), probably Rusa A, 137, 145, 148-9, 158,
burial site of Urartian kings, 32 188, 228, 263
irrigation works for see Ke≥i≥ Göl and Minua Canal identified with Rusa E, 133, 228
Tiglath-pileser III, besieged by, 17, 136, 140, 214 known as Yaya (Jaja), 137, 212, 263
title ‘ruler of the city of Tushpa’, 40, 194 Ursa, king(s) of Urartu, contemporary with Sargon II, 17,
Tushpue (™uspue), Urartian goddess, consort of Shiuini, 30 136, 141, 155-6, 187-8, 199-207, 228, 254
Ambaris king of Tabal, alliance with, 137, 155, 181,
201, 205-6, 211-2, 214-6
U and Arbu, city of Ursa’s father, 159, 200, 205-6
death, 17, 136-7, 188, 201, 205-7, 210-1, 213-4
Ua, Urartian god, 29, 106 despair after the looting of Musasir, 201, 254, 262
Uaisa (Uasi) see Waisi identified as Rusa E, 228
Uajais see Waush identified as Rusa E before his death and as Rusa S
Uaush (Uaus) see Waush thereafter, 17, 188-216
Uedipri, personal name, perhaps referring to Rusa S, 192, 212 identified as Rusa S, 17, 133, 145, 149, 158, 188
Uelikuhi see Welikuhi statue in Musasir, 200-1, 413, 430
Uesi see Waisi and Ulhu and its irrigation system, 23, 54, 191, 200,
Uishe see Waisi 214, 265
Uiteruhi, land, 104 and Urzana, 188, 211, 430
Ukkaean i.e. king of Ukku, 204, 255 usurpation of the throne, 201, 205

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 518 BIAINILI-URARTU

Ursene, deputy turtanu (field marshal) of Urartu, 205 identified with,Qaleh Ismael Agha, 265
Urua†ri (Ura†ri), early forms of the name Urar†u, 9, 103-4, Waush (Waus) Mount, Uaus (Uajais), perhaps Urartian Wushe
246, 427 (Wuse), 17-8, 136, 141, 199-200, 205, 214, 246, 250
Urzana, king of Ardini/Musasir, 188, 214-6 see also Waisi
in Assyrian diplomatic correspondence, 203-4, 209-12, Wazae (Wazama, Wazana, Wazaun), city and province in
248 Urartu, 204-5
and Rusa S, 193-4, 198, 207, 211, 249 Welikuhi (Uelikuhi), land near S end of Lake Sevan, 104,
in Sargon’s Eighth Campaign, 194, 200, 207, 249, 251, 153-4
430 Werakhram see Verahram
seal, 207, 246-7, 253 Wishdish, province of Mannaea, 199
Ushpina (Uspina), name of Urartian king in inscriptions of Wushe (Wuse) see Waisi, Waush
the Assyrian king Shamshi-Adad V, 14, 133, 136,
139, 145, 149 see also Ishpuini
X

V Xenophon, 3, 169, 448

Xerxes, inscription at Van Kalesi, 2, 321
Van, possibly derived from Biainili, 1, 449
Van Kalesi (Vankale), capital of Urartu, Urartian Tushpa
(™uspa), Assyrian Turushpa (™uruspa), Armenian Y
Tosp, 2, 4-5, 10-1 Fig. 01.04, 39, 53, 79, 119, 121-
2, 206, 248 Yaya (Jaja), alternative name for Ursa (Rusa son of Argishti),
Achaemenian remains, 2, 32, 321 137, 212, 263
Analı Kız see Hazine Kapısı Yazılıta≥, rock inscription of Minua, 124
Hazine Kapısı, also called Analı Kız, rock monument Ye≥ilalıç, rock niche with inscription of Ishpuini and Minua,
containing the Annals of Sarduri A, 16, 56, 60, 32
116, 125-6, 202 see also Sarduri son of Argishti Yoncatepe, Urartian site and cemetery, E of Lake Van, 23,
Horhor Tomb of Argishti M containing his Annals, 15, 32
32, 34, 118, 150-3 see also Argishti son of Minua
irrigation works see Ke≥i≥ Göl and Minua Canal
Little (Küçük) Horhor Tomb, 32 Z
Minua inscriptions, 24, 119, 122-3
Sardursburg, 10, 28, 123 Zapparia, city near Musasir, perhaps the same as Kar-sippari,
stele with relief, 35 251
stables, sirsini of Minua, 24 Zendan-e Suleiman, archaeological site near Takht-i Sulei-
stone statue, 34 man, Iran, 72, 83, 87
susi temple of Haldi, 31, 370 Zendan-i Suleiman, tower in Pasargadae see Pasargadae
Tabriz Kapısı, rock niche with inscription of Ishpuini, Zikirtu, region disputed between Mannaea and Urartu, 141,
Minua and Inushpua, 13, 32 199-200
Xerxes inscription, 2, 321 Zincirli, archaeological site, ancient Sam’al, near Islahiye,
Van Stele of Argishti R, 397-8 Turkey, 343, 350, 407
Van Stele of Rusa S, 188, 191-2, 198 Zivin (Süngüta≥i), rock inscription of Minua, 14
Verahram (Verakhram, Werakhram), Urartian fortress, near Zivistan, inscription of Minua, 13
Maku, Iran, 32, 74-5, 79-81, 83-6 Ziwiye (Ziviye, Ziwiyeh),
armour, 387
columned hall, 318-9
W goldwork, 414
ivories, 340, 349
Waisi (Uaisa, Uasi, Uesi, Uishe), city and province of Urartu, seal impression of Rusa A, 36, 267
perhaps Urartian Wushe (Wuse), 203, 210-2, 246 Ziyaret Tepe, Assyrian provincial capital, ancient Tushhan
see also Waush (Tushan), 203-4, 212, 260, 262, 428
identified with Qalatgah, 265 Zvartnots Stele of Rusa A, 19, 43

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 BIAINILI-URARTU
The Proceedings of the Symposium held in Munich
12-14 October 2007
Tagungsbericht des Münchner Symposiums
12.-14. Oktober 2007

EDITED BY

S. KROLL, C. GRUBER, U. HELLWAG, M. ROAF & P. ZIMANSKY

PEETERS
2012

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vii-viii

01 THE EDITORS
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1-38
02 ADAM SMITH
The prehistory of an Urartian landscape . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39-52
03 CHARLES BURNEY
The economy of Urartu: probabilities and problems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53-60
04 WOLFRAM KLEISS
Urartäische und achämenidische Wasserbauten . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61-76
05 RAFFAELE BISCIONE
Urartian fortifications in Iran: an attempt at a hierarchical classification . . . . . . . 77-88
06 ELIZABETH STONE
Social differentiation within Urartian settlements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 89-99
07 PAUL ZIMANSKY
Urartu as empire: cultural integration in the kingdom of Van . . . . . . . . . . 101-110
08 MIRJO SALVINI
Das Corpus der urartäischen Inschriften . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111-134
09 ANDREAS FUCHS
Urar†u in der Zeit . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135-161
10 STEPHAN KROLL
Salmanassar III. und das frühe Urartu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163-168
11 FELIX TER-MARTIROSOV
From the state of Urartu to the formation of the Armenian kingdom . . . . . . . . 169-176
12 URSULA SEIDL
Rusa son of Erimena, Rusa son of Argisti and Rusahinili/Toprakkale . . . . . . . . 177-181
13 STEPHAN KROLL
Rusa Erimena in archäologischem Kontext . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183-186
14 MICHAEL ROAF
Could Rusa son of Erimena have been king of Urartu during Sargon’s Eighth Campaign? . 187-216
15 PETER MARINKOVIC
Urartu in der Bibel . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 217-225
16 URSULA HELLWAG
Der Niedergang Urartus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 227-241
17 KAREN RADNER
Between a rock and a hard place: MuÒaÒir, Kumme, Ukku and Subria – the buffer states
between Assyria and Urar†u . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 243-264
18 OSCAR MUSCARELLA
Hasanlu and Urartu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 265-279
19 AMEI LANG
Urartu und die Nomaden: Zur Adaption altorientalischer Motive im reiternomadischen
Kunsthandwerk des 7.-5. Jh. v. Chr. in Eurasien . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 281-293

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 VI TABLE OF CONTENTS

20 ALTAN ÇILINGIROGLU
Urartian temples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 295-307
21 DAVID STRONACH
Urartu’s impact on Achaemenid and pre-Achaemenid architecture in Iran . . . . . . 309-320
22 ASTRID NUNN
Wandmalerei in Urartu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 321-337
23 GEORGINA HERRMANN
Some Assyrianizing ivories found at Nimrud: could they be Urartian? . . . . . . . . 339-350
24 MICHAEL ROAF
Towers with plants or spears on altars: some thoughts on an Urartian motif . . . . . . 351-372
25 PAVEL AVETISYAN & ARSEN BOBOKHYAN
The pottery traditions in Armenia from the eighth to the seventh centuries BC . . . . . 373-378
26 CHRISTIAN PILLER
Bewaffnung und Tracht urartäischer und nordwestiranischer Krieger des 9. Jahrhunderts
v. Chr.: Ein Beitrag zur historischen Geographie des frühen Urartu . . . . . . . . 379-390
27 KAREN RUBINSON
Urartian (?) belts and some antecedents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 391-396
28 ESTHER FINDLING & BARBARA MUHLE
Bogen und Pfeil: Ihr Einsatz im frühen 1. Jt. v. Chr. in Urartu und seinem Nachbarland
Assyrien . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 397-410
29 RALF WARTKE
Bemerkungen zur Metallurgie Urartus . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 411-416
30 SUSANNE GREIFF, ZAHRA HEZARKHANI, DIETRICH ANKNER & MICHAEL MÜLLER-KARPE
Frühes Messing? Zur Verwendung von Zink in urartäischen Kupferlegierungen . . . . . 417-426
31 JOHN CURTIS
Assyrian and Urartian metalwork: independence or interdependence? . . . . . . . . 427-443
32 STEPHAN KROLL, MICHAEL ROAF & PAUL ZIMANSKY
Afterword: The future of Urartu’s past . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 445-450

Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 451-502
Index of persons, gods, peoples, and places . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 503-518
Colour plates . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 519-528

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