XDI BIRTH OF A NATION 1 iia wo ay when Flo began to thik of hamslvs at Flpinot and nc singly ‘x Tegalogs, okanor ot Vian. One may suppor that preliinay sags inte development ‘fname onslonsest wa reache! when {de relizd tha they bad fomethng in commen st indion nanely, « common grievance spat Gee mesten. Such elzton doable remained ‘expend for many year; Bot we have an early saereat of i anda highly arculte one, by srancaymons writer of 1621 who ig Mnslf simply “Bl Indio Aravind.” This is what you are saying among yourselves: If we allow the Indians 19 Team Spanish, some of tem may turh out to be saiits and scholars who will understand what we say, dispute with us and write things against us. If we Allow them to prosper they will become rch, they will mix with us freely, sit beside us, eat a the same tate, aspire to high and important offices, become persons of distinction, Is it not shameful that they should be on the same level, Es ourselves? And, tha they may never rss from their miserable condition, that they may lwvays be poor, that we may have them serve us always, lt ws not teach diem Spanish; let vs leave them in thei ignorance: let us not help them correct the barbarous speech and stupid ideas that among them pass for polite conversation; let us not provide them with money, that being always needy they may lear wo steal, Thus we shall be able o call them thieves and thoy will have nothing o sayin thei defence because they willbe thieves. And if by a miracle they refrain from stealing being in need they will do what work they can for whatever wage they can gt. By this method or System we will aways be the masters and thy wil always be poor, miserable and ignorant, ‘bearing all injuries, unable to defend themselves. We will possess all, and all will have need for us. Was this not what your worships had in mind from the beginning. that you may always have the better of us, a8 you do? There is n0 doobt at ail abou it What then i left for the por Indian? If he tiesto reason ‘with you, he is impertinent; ifhe keeps his peace, he is a dolt, ‘And now let me esk you: 1s this what it means to be one and the same family, one and the same naton, one and the same monarchy embracing East ‘and West? Is this how the lav is observed which enjoins "most strictly that no ‘one constituted in authority, whether ecclesiastical, civil or military, should, BIRTH OF A NATION 187 ‘under any pretext whatsoever, however reasonable it may appear, comm) ‘any injury against the person of the Indian”? Or is it not rather oppression, ‘despotism, arbitrary rule, and egoism? “his wa writen inthe tame yar athe delation of Mexican independence. Two years tater the conspiaey of Novas pat Meili jopardy. Under thse circumstances the Spasith Athos in he Philipines tended 0 rege the formation of any sr of wpostaneos stociaton “trong the talives with deep distrust. Tha lnmedite reaction wat to 4otch rach movement ‘lenaly a4 maiferiaions of sience and ow questions afterward, ‘Any stccinte (dorado) of he Brotet of St. Jon of God, Aplinario dee Cus, ntno~ sod «pooh society called the Confer of St ov in is waive province ot Tayaas. The toclety wes itpproved by the ecevntiod autores and ldo diband. When i id nt, bt ‘Sled lotad s Lind of revival mstngoutde the tov of Taya, toope were dupache fom ‘nisin of geo x. Apolinni war cesured td shot. 2. The more we learn ofthe deuals ofthe occurrences in Tayabas, the more it appears, to our pained surprie, that the great victories announced with such solemnity were nothing more than a frightful massacre of old men, women, children and unarmed folk who did not even dream of defending themselves ‘They were fanatical enough to belisve that they would come back to life after, being killed, and received death on their knees. That was how almost a thou- sand of them lost their lives without any casualties being inflicted on the attac! ing troops. The arrival of this information at Manila has aroused a storm of Jignation that gives great concerr to the government, for iti, in fact, a more serious affair than the original rebellion. Orders have been seat to Tayabas to set free the rebels still being detained. [Now that the episode isthe target of public criticism, the officials who had ‘@ hand in it are all tying to disclaim responsibility. The audiencia in its capacity as court of appeal accuses the governor of having rushed into action ‘without first consulting it, as he should have, and finds fault with his conduct of the affair, particularly the order to give no quarter. The governor, for his part, throws the blame on the colonel who commanded he expedition, claiming that that officer exceeded his instructions. Inthe first panic caused by the news of Aplinari's “rbelion” «mune of prominent tiotlos und mento of Manila were wrested on rrpicion of being inplcaed i i. Nothing Wat proved apsina them aod they were evenly relate: ut the incident rolled, and served (o make lite more conciasof te widening gop beeen the peninlar Spaniads who eld the velar of govemment und everone ee 3 Sefor Koxas and the other creoles who were implicated in the Tayabas rebellion (a purely unpremeditated incident, in my opinion) have been released after seven months of preventive arrest. This whole affair, in which the Spanish government, in effect, told the creoles, “You are our enemies,” has ‘added hatred tothe jealousy that already existed between Spaniards and creoles. ‘With an unbelievable Ick of prudence, the Spaniards themselves encourage this hatred and jealousy: by arrogantly assuming an attitude of supreme contempt towards the colonial-born, The authorities are at present seriously considering ‘an ordinance which would permit only Spaniards to reside in the walled city, tho creoles being sent out to live in the suburbs.188 READINGS IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY BIRTH OF A NATION 19 ‘manthip cotld wo integrate Spain's oversenpontttion with te homeland a o produce but one ‘Spanish main.” A clavlewnenet of tk view fe tat ofthe Dominican Rina, Pray Jina Ferrando. Ifthe Spanith sudoros made it lar th they pt no tat in the loyally of thle eolo snd menizo subject they made hs even clenrer with reference to thet native woop. The naive regiments were orgtized according fo regions, bat sationed or erplyed in provinces cher then ‘hove frm which they cx, the (ea being to preven thei fnterzing with he civilian popala- Yon Than it wat the Cagayan, act the Tear repiment tha wat sent to deal with Apoiario's confer. ‘There wus someting 0 be ad for his policy as» security meavare; the rouble with i it ‘hat ay step iodide subject popalaon sometime har the opposite effet 4. Fora whole year the soldiers of the Tayabas regiment had been nursing thoughts of vengeance; vengeance which they believed they were capable of wreaking because they had heard Spaniards assert with exaggeration that their petty insurrection of last year had placed the government in danger. Last 6 If we wish to crown our magnanimous enterprise in these eastern regions, if we wish to bring to.a happy term the providential mission which God has entrusted to our country of extending and consolidating the rule of law and of Christianity to far-flung peoples atthe ends ofthe earth, we must discard the social ideas and principles prevalent across the ocean, We must maintain i this country and its provinces « paternal form of government which, without ne Blocting to raise tese peoples a8 far as possible 0 the level of He of mations hhaply more advanced in culture an¢ ideas than they, will not permit itself to be swept headlong by dangerous currenis which can only lead to a maelstrom of unrest and’ disasier. The view Is sometimes put the younger sons of a large family who have not yet come of age, but who must in the natural course of events free themselves from paternal control when they each a cerain stage of maturity. walls and joined a detachment of their unit which was on guard duty in the citadel. With the citadel in their possession, they had the city at their mercy Dut certain arillerymen opened the gates and let in loyal troops. After the battle of. several hours within the citadel the rebels were either killed or taken prisoner. However, a the height of the conflict they were heard to cry out 10 their countrymen to rise im arms and fight for independence. This was the frst time that the word, independence, had been uttered in the Philippines as a rallying cry. Itis a milestone, Your Excellency, on the road to freedom. ‘There wat + consifenble body of opinion in the colony paicaatly among the Spanish ‘ergy, ha ifthe Philippines coud somenow be tsaled off iilcctaally fem the rst ofthe ‘wold ach dangerous dheoghs at “renom” and “ndepentence” would never are. ‘The touble tres that Spaniade who elled thmclverUberae spread these pernicious ideas among their We do not think this is necessarily true of any people, whatever the stage ‘of social development they may have reached, if the colonial government is conducted as it should be according to the le of morality and justice. ‘The history of colonial countries and regions quite clearly indicate the true causes which eventually brought about their emancipation and independence. It is true that sentiments of nationalism and a greatrr or less degree of cultural ‘advancement contributed to that result; but the el: oration and stimulation of these factors must be ascribed to eaflier and more powerful forces which history identifies for those who can read it aright, and which we nced not here rehearse... Literal Spaniads could nt of coune, be kept cat of the colony, sexing they could not be pt oa of even the highest fies at home; bat determined effort we made to keep ont eral Iieratar. A permanent boar of eenort wat stop, compored of eclesascal and civil officals, Let there be less freedom to do wrong, more freedom to do right; let there be honor unsullied, generous self-sicrifice, purty of manners, religion, virtue, ‘and Christian morality, and we date to affirm without the slightest hesitation that the evil hour will never strike for any colonial people when it will deem itself happier or less miserable if emancipated from the nation that brought it civilization and Christianity, Quite the contrary; as the tes between colonies and ther respective mother ‘countries become progressively closer, their way of life, their social structure ‘and even their racial character will merge in such a way that they will form but fone people. And if this fusion is reinforced by wise laws, and by a prudent policy designed to entwine the interests of the colony with those of the metropo- lis, we shall see the diminution and even the extinction of the natural aspiration fof a people to live its own life within the narrow confines of its owh territory Its place will be taken by a broader and more potent ideal: that of one nation, ne fatherland, embracing in itself al regional autonomies. One nition, oe fatherland” — thee wre citer empty words, of they meen ht Flipnos it enlowed wih tbe sare righis and lable 10 the tame dar a jer ia Madi, Sapcanoo y Coon, in te crcl aes of xan, ‘The board of censors, by adopting an attitude at times which can only be called puerile, does nothing... but direct the attention of the public {to ‘what it forbids]... with the result that more than one importer, taking advantage Of the demand created, have gone into the enormously profitable business of supplying contraband literature, thus contributing to the'harm which a book read on the sly is bot to inflict. To ban the books of Victor Hugo, Sue, Dumas, Paul de Kock and other French writers, as well as the great majority of Spanish novelists, excepting only Pérez Escrich, serves no other purpose but to arouse a passion for possessing them, We are reminded of a mestizo... who once showed us his lite library. It contained, besides the novels mentioned above, the complete ‘works of Renan, Volney, Voliaire, Rousseau and Talleyrand.. Mere repression soled nothing, of couse, Thowghtful Spaniards perceived datas the Filipinos advanced in matetil rome and cultural maa, the growth cf natinalconcioe- ‘ctr for ple! mooomy were Inevitable. They goed, however, tha tis need reak between colony and mother couty. Ealihened and imaginative wates- 7 The citizen is obliged to conuibute what he can towards the expenses of, government in return forthe services which government provides. But the190 READINGS IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY citizen does not pay tribute, particularly if he has no property. If, then, the Philippines is an integral part ofthe Spanish nation, if natives ofthe Philippines ‘are as much Spaniards as natives of the mother country, and if the right of Citizenship granted to peninsular Spaniards must also be granted to Filipinos, ‘ibute, in the proper meaning of this term, cannot be imposed on the later. What can be demanded of them is a tax proportionate to their property, which ‘may be greater of less according as the services provided by the state for the ‘security of their persons and property are greater of less. Now, then: if this levy corresponds toa service and is measured by it—for the more property one hiss, the greater is the service the slate does him in protecting it—why should some be exempted from this levy by reason of race or from the peninsular Spaniard or the European? It is perchance because only the so-called natives and mestizos receive the protection of the state? Does not this protection extend also to those descended from Peninsulars and Europeans in the paternal line? Are only the sons of Peninsulars and Europeans o have rights, and are duties to be zeserved tall the rest bom inthe Philippines? Does this mot imply that the later are not, ate ll, Spaniards like the former? “There wer those who rnly finned hat sich winded the ct; that Flips were sec und could verb Spi According to te polis abo Faced, an enhance ce De en ny ot at cms ‘nip snd forsee fon, ¢ ne incon of Sper ond, aon Egan de Jeg with “Capitan Cl abil pia Flipino ol he principle, be expand on it ‘ene wih ops Nariacm wich Klan te slip pa fond sa ineraig 8 After Magellan _and Legaspi had discovered and conquered, one after ‘nother, these fair iss, Spain became the foster-mother here of six or right million Indians. She sent missionaries to Christianize you, judges to give you laws, soldiers to protect you from the Chinese and the Moros. And all this fhe did freely, without asking one penny from you. It was only very recently that you began to contribute a pittance, ‘But things have changed. You here are not quite sure what century you live in, but in Europe this is called the age of enlightenment, the age of material Drogress. And because it is such, one must work and one must learn; it is Recessary to use one's hands and one’s head. ‘And speaking of work, my dear capitdn, you [Filipinos] have not yet even served your apprenticeship in work. Now, everywhere in the world one serves ‘one's apprenticeship by compulsion. Do you not take your children by the arm ‘and drag them to school? Of course you do. But this is precisely what Spain has $0 far not been able to bring herself to do: take you by the arm and drag you. Alas, that formidable matron is here an indulgent grandmother; where you are concerned, the ferocious lion is a tame litle lapdog. Do you not daily cane your laborers and herdsmen, your tenants and ser- vvants? When you were petty governor, did you not punish with whip and stocks? T do not ask for so much. T suggest measures more effective than these ‘occasional chastisement, more conducive to the general good. BIRTH OF A NATION 191 For instance, my dear capitan, you say, and you say well, thatthe millions ‘of man-hours which the poor Indians supply cach year in the form of statute labor could, with prudent management, effect many good things. True; but is it not also true that you are by no means busy all year round? that time lies heavy fon your hands? that with an additional fifteen days of statute labor the provin cial governments could undertake some “good things” as well, and the locel {governments further "good things” with a further fifteen days of statute labor? ‘Suppose we stat labor? Suppose we star your apprenticeship here? Bt of courte it i nat t0 official Spain that you must look for salvation. ‘The bureaucrats who are practically the only Spaniards who have come here are ‘nothing but plaster-cast Spaniards, deficient in hot blood, lacking energy and ‘brought about by the settlers from the mother country; by the impact of master races who in some regions sweep away in others absorb the inferior and back- ‘ward peoples. Never forget, my dear Claro, that in I the cireuit ofthis globe it is only where there are white men that industry ana riches, power and light are 10 be found. ‘White immigration, therefore, is the only hope of salvation both for your selves and for this undeveloped patadise. That is why you Indians must desire, ‘encourage and pay for the settlement of many Spaniards in this Spanish teri- tory: Spaniards who will be to you, as they were to the Indians of America, a ‘model and an incentive; Spaniards who, thanks to the mysterious laws of ‘genetics; will introduce into your inbred psychosomatic organism that other ‘mystery of natural selection which extends the divine law of progress into the deepest springs of lie itself. ‘Writing of this son began to flow in a increasing scam from Spanish pent inthe 1870 and ‘74, I was largely an ance enon (othe eel of colonial arangenenia which (hacated Flpnoe were beponing to expen pusled ad wogeredSpaieds tat the education ‘hey were inpering 1 Flipinnioned inspiring in them appropriate sentiments of eritude ted loyay, only served to make them argmentaive, oburperour and aloyetier above ther {elven The agady wat at Fipinos though hey were merely being resonable 9 In November, 1870, certain sudents circulated anonymous letters critic zing the methods of instruction of the Dominicans and petitioning, not that ie religious orders be removed fram their postion of power and influcnce, but merely that new chairs be endowed for more competent professors, that educs- tion here be given the breadth and scope that it has in the mother country, and that if possible the university be withdrawn from the contol of the Dominicans ‘and placed directly under. the government where it properly belongs. They ‘argued that education is a national concem too basic to be entrusted exclusively to particular associations such as the religious orders; for no matiei how great their zeal and how admirable their sacred institute and ministry, they are, after all, composed of mortal men (morales sunt tamen), and hence are liable at times, ‘43 France and Spain can bear witness, to have objectives in the purely temporal ‘order which are contrary to the established policy of the duly constituted civil authorities. “There was nothing in this movement promoted by adolescents that could threaten even remotely the naticnal security. The suspected ring leaders,192 READINGS IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY students of civil and canon law, were youths from 16 to 23 years of age. Their ‘whole aim and object was merely to submit a petition which was in no way subversive but, on the contary, reasonable, well founded, just and lawful. They were guilty of no breach of discipline within the university. There was no disturbance or interruption of classes. ‘The leter writers remained anonymous. ‘They made no public pronouncements nor any attempt to secure a following, the best proof of this being thet the residents of the walled city, which is no more tan four square Alometer in aes, remained bisa ignorant of the whole ‘affair. ‘And yet this movement was put in the same class as the conspiracy of Novales, the rebellion of Cuesta, and the mutiny of La Madrid in Cavite. The rection and execution were traced to persons of wealth and prominence, and its object was presumed to be a separatist one. This student affair resulted in the atest not only ofa 23-year-old Iw student named Felipe Buencamino who was supposed to have stared it all, bot also a number of perfectly innocent ‘areas resident inthe provinces who didnot even understand Spanish, and one (two theatrical people whose income did not amount to P25 a day. After 9 or 11 months the cass was closed because no one was found guilty ofthe erime of conspiracy against the sate which was how tho affair was qualified a first, tor, indeed, of anything mere serious than circulating thse anonymous leters confiscated in the universiy which set forth the aims, or more precisely the legitimate aspirations ofthe stadents. erp soley tind f econ sod her sneon which wt being ie accuiieo Flip emi, fore ono moter ne Slee poginfeed By rofion sade in ws mestine or tslogy, Waa pg dn sno fi tt thld poise Hpac wo esp tey fnew be gh of cher unde ane of {eremmen, che fined eer st Geshe sd wo had eine ae Actrne apn te Lave of be aac A dtaped Spe ras long eee ‘he Tienes, od dal Poly thot non mes ben fra seed i d Pinos peciaee deers aoe met 10_ Ifthe level of general education of a country is measured, as in Europe, by the percentage of ltrcy, the Philipines compares favorably with nations classified among the more advanced. We have known very few Indians who cannot chant the Pasi in Lent. or follow the novena prayers toa stint, or read booklets of another and less pious son, called corides or saitas (Gomances), consisting of extravagant and ridiculous tales in verse of the ventures and loves of Christian apd Moorih plading. Most Indians who know how to read and writ did not lean iin schoo. 1 is kind of game for them, and they quickly acquire the sil from playing it “They learn 10 read and to form the laters atone and the same time, and in the provinces children who lve in remote villages far fom the public School will ten begin ther exereises wih a bamboo stick and a banana ea, But being able to read is ike acquiring a tool, A tool is of no advantage to anyone who does not know ow to use it. Ifthe situation is looked at from this point of view, I despair of being able to convey how slight an impression the ‘written words makes on the Iterate Indian BIRTH OF A NATION 1s. ‘Their preparation for courses of study in which the textbooks are not in their own language cannot be mere deficient. Nothing more required of them than the ability 10 read and write and an acquaintance with the four fundamental ‘operations of arithmetic. With this thin veneer of primary instruction they begin Latin and the other secondary subjects. Furthermore, the way in which these subjects are organized or graded can hardly be worse, for since only a few finish the course with an academic degree, those who do not—and they are ‘about 90% of the entering class—derive from “that time spent in liberal studies nothing of any use to them in any other walk of life. What they do derive from itis vanity and a detestable disinclination wo work. To enroll in the first year [of secondary studies] nothing more is required ‘more careful one because of the aumber of applicants) and give evidence in it that they know how to read and write, the four fundamental operations of arith ‘metic, and the catechism; that is, that they have had the rudiments of primary insuruetion, They then pay a small matriculation fee ‘With no other qualifications than the above, these students, the vast major ity of whom are completely ignorant of Spanish take up their residence in the city in complete freedom far from their parents, stacked up, many of them, in cheap rooming houses (for they have litle money), attending of not, as they please, lectures in which the professor's voice is lost in a limitless sea of un- comprehending faces, and getting something into their heads only when they are forced to commit to memory a few paragraphs from a textbook ‘The way in which these thousands of students live is almost perfectly designed to corrupt their morals. The profit they derive from their studies is ‘negligible. True, they learn a litte Spanish; but they learn along wth it much ‘that they ought not 0 leam, in the end, their parents tire of supporting them and tell them to come home, Back in their towns, a certain ar of smartness marks them out from the rest, and they are made much of. But since they have learned ‘nothing of practical value in ther state of life, and their wants are greater, they become an element of disturbance rather than of culture or advancement in their ‘communities, Admittedly cases may be cited among these young men of truly heroie perseverance in avercoming the difficulties of a long course of studies, Wwhich they are able to complete, at times, with distinction; but these are excep- tions which prove the rule... ‘We must devore serious auestion wo de problem of how so many students who begin but do not finish their studies for a professional career—and they are the great majority—may yet derive some profit from those studies. It is no ‘answer 1 remazk, as many do, that the program of secondary instruction includes some technical courses, for by far the most attractive courses in tha program are those leading to the priesthood and the professions of law and medicine. It would therefore be a measure not only of good government and ‘economic advantage but even of common humanity to see to it that those who fail to graduate as lawyers, doctors or priests should not waste their time ‘completely, but return to their towns with the certain amount of usable Knowledge and the ambition to use194 READINGS IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY ‘Azcher public ofthe pend, Francisco Cafamage, quetioned the wiefulnes wo the colony even ofthe Flas whe taotge to complete te coune Iding Yo e pretood. {Naive pests were simply “paliial dynamite” What the coary eeded wat more Hlled labore ot ore pli 1 Seven hundred and fortycight Indian priest... not only indicate a devia- tion in the choice ofa profession as mistaken as itis censurabl, but to my ‘way of thinking, givea the religious fanaticism of the Filipino people, constitute political dynamite which is bound sooner or later to explode. No one gains by this policy of ordaining Filipino priests; neither themselves, because in ex- change for the eassock they relinguish to foreigners the practice of the national crafts, industries and commerce; nor the friars, because they find in every secu- lar priest a jealous rival; nor the Philippines, because itis not gifted with talents ‘Latin; nor the mother country, which has suffered enough since the beginning of ‘the century from the thanks that she ordinarily receives from the native clergy ‘of te colonies. The rovernors and bishops ought to give weighty consideration 10 this matter, and direct the inclinations ofthe natives slong more useful lines, ‘until conditions in the Islands shall permit the employment along other lines of. 8 part of its resources without fatal injury to the general interest of the county. ‘A stout ibe sume tine, Gover Pino de River wat devaing anxious ought to this tomy question ofthe mative ery What shoald te the goverment paicyregading hen? Contin o keep them wordinae othe Spanith clergy? Trea tem a their eqs? Th eider ‘ae iced, they were plea dani 12, There is another evil tha: may be regarded as general; 11am grieved by it, ‘but can find no easy solution to it. Trefer to the treatment accorded by the regular clergy to the members of the native secular clergy who are graduated from the seminaries ofthe Islands, and who withthe tide of coadjutors serve in the various parishes as asistits to the parish priests belonging to the religious orders. This treatment is generally bad. ‘The coadjutor is given litle inthe way ‘of salary bat is put constintly to work. He has no right to a pension on retire ment and he has no security of employment. He is reduced to the condition of ‘an outcast after having been given an education and made to understand his equality before the law and his consequent legal aptitude for all the position ‘open tothe clergy. kis undoubtedly a danger to our domination to give:importance to the native secular clergy and to put them in a position to disseminate evil principles among the people: but it also seems prejudicial to the interests of Spain to ‘maintain in a posture resembl.ng the' torment of Tantalus the persons who may bbe considered the most cultured among the natives, persons on whom we im- ‘Pose duties while denying them the rights which we taught them they possess. ‘This anomalous state of affairs. deserves to be studied. I can see the solution that would be most in accord with justice, but I fail to see that which would be less dangerous and inconvenient. ‘The occurrences of Cavite of January 1872, in which the most distin- guished colonial-born clerics played a part, clearly reveal the extent of the influence they exert on the native population, and the even greater ascendancy they can acquire, thoroughly conversant as they are with the Language, thoughts BIRTH OF A NATION 19s ‘and aspirations of the native. I therefore recommend that the government de- ‘yote much thought to this problem, It may not be « ngerous atthe present time, but it can become so in the fulme, given the unpredictability of the native character and the mounting prestige of the native secular clergy. ‘Ande pri were argetly needed, many more pret thin Spin could pouty spl. ‘Whatrer he case, whether popelationinatane ora dtetionion in he competence and 2c of the sey, th fact war that for lage smbers 2 Filipinos Catholic wat no longer anything tore that's nominal finn, it docs very akc granped code of comdoctexeing Tide iafacnce on peronl spd soil behavior. 13 The moral backwardness... of the natives is great. ‘Their religious bellefs are confined, in practice, 1 the observance of the outward practices im- sm. and do not, as a general rule, make any deeper impres~ ‘sion. In their personal and family life they give themselves up to all the ex- ‘cesses that their means, or whatever other resources they can obtain at any cost, allow. Nor does it matter in the least to them that they are notable to meet their obligations; they simply acquire now debis which they will be equally unable to pay. ‘Usurers naturally take advantage of this general lack of restraint, and the ‘country is in the hands of moneylenders who with a lie capital make enormous profits. Very few people in the provinces care 1o invest their money én more or less solid enterprises yielding 10 or 12 percent, per year when there are those who are able to make more than thet per month, “Tis considered opinion ofthe high civil athory inthe Philippines finds confirmation in contemporary bandh for Francia atigned o arsh work in the Pilipies 14 The majority of these... ‘Indians... are extremely ignorant in religious ‘matters. There is no doubt at all in my mind that if a statistical survey ‘were made, the Philippines could show a proportionately greater number of people who know the catechism than Europe. But itis no less certain that the ‘general rum of Indians learn their catechism parrotwise, without real understand- ing, and without even a grasp of the literal meaning of the words ‘Tis sate of what can only be elle religious ignorance mus be bore in mind ying 10 understand te character aod divin ofthe revoltion soon to break out. A¥ forthe castes ‘det conrbtory toi the incrensng wright of taxation en that segment ofthe poplin est let bear it was ceil oe of them. 15. Every resident of the country over eighteen years of age was required to purchase a eédula personal, or document of identity. The price of the ‘cedula varied from twenty-five dollars to fifty cents, according to the supposed ‘means of the applicant. Each mar or woman holding one which cost less than ‘three dollars and a half was obliged to give fifteen days of forced labor per year, while those whose cedulas cost more than the above amount had to pay an ‘additional dollar and a half in lew of work. Evasion of this requirement was next to impossible, except for those living in very remote places, for no legal or official business could be transacted ‘without the document of identity, and it had to be presented on demand by ‘government officials. The captain of a steamer who received any passenger on Doard without a eédisla was subject to a fine of a thousand dollars.196 READINGS IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY Bat this charge was only the beginning of taxation Had a man a cocoanut srove? He must pay an annual tax of five cents on each ree. Did he want to Dress a litle oil out of his ripe cocoanuts? It was necessary to pay fora license fo mun an oil press. Had he afew bananas or little rice, so that he wished to ‘open a bit ofa shop on his ground floor and sell his surplus produce? He must pay for the privilege.’ Did he need to kill his buffalo or his hog for meat? He ‘must pay from two to four dollars for a licencia before he could doit. Did cow or his buffalo give more milk than he required? If he wished to sel it he ‘mast have his milk measured, inspected and stamped each year, and that cost money. There were taxes for keeping horses and for felling trees. All legal ‘business had to be done on stamped paper, and so on to the end of the chapter. 4 man’s wages are frequently not more than five or ten cents per day; that a large majority of the people cennot get work at any price; and that taxes are not the whole story, for the village friar is yet to be reckoned with, and he has ways ‘of his own for relieving his parishioners of their pence. ‘The simple fact is that many of these poor people spend their lives in a fruitless effort to meet their obligations to a government which neither protects their lives and property nor allows them arms to protect themselves; which itterly fails to give them justice if they become involved in legal difficulties; ‘which does not construct roads, build bridges, or open up means of land com- ‘munication and transportation; which makes no adequate provision for the edu- cation of their children, and teats them as suspects if they gain an education abroad; which offers no relief if starvation or pestilence overtakes them; which ‘even drafts the men for soldiers and then confiscates their property and ‘imprisons their wives and chilcen, because they cannot alone meet their obliga- tions to the government which their husbands, brothers and sons are fighting to defend. [A soup of young Flipiaot rade! in Spain during the final deeaes ofthe nineteenth ‘entry wok it upon themselves to al the aenion ofthe Spanth govemment and publ othe ‘pilydeerirating sittin ia the Palins and to propone specifi reforms inthe amish ‘on ofthat colony. They cared on hs ropegana fr rfrmsshiefly by meant of aie ate ‘Spnish iver pest and in their ovn periodical, La Soardad, ‘The folowing aslyss of Piilppae conden ia 87 ie rm te pon of Grecano Léger Jana of Tia. 16 The Philippines is flat broke. (I hope I may be pardoned the colloquialisey; itis the most forceful phrse I can think of wo describe its desperate straits.) ‘The Philippines doesn't have ared cent. This is regrettable, but it isthe fact. ‘The calmness with which the governors and officials of that country view the alarming crisis which the éecline of trade has brought about may occasion some surprise. It need not. itis simply an instance of the lack of foresight which characterizes colonial government, and which has ever brought colonies ‘in the past, as itis bringing the Philippines today, to the brink of ruin, Let us consider the causes of the bankrupt condition ofthe archipelago for the benefit of those whose job it is to remedy the evils that plague it today. Reserving for a future article the accidental causes of the present eritical situation, we shall fix our attention here on the essential, the decisive factors, BIRTH OF A NATION wT ‘They go deeper than is usually thought. They are rooted in our chaotic and calamitous colonial administration sin the Philippines is the prime cause ‘ut the fact that while goverment revenues continue to increase year by year, ‘and for the past few years have actually exceeded the budget, there is no mate- rial improvement at all that anyone can see in the archipelago. The Office of ‘Civil Administration administers nothing, develops nothing, and civilizes no ‘one. It sprawis snoring on a bed of paper projects. The govemor-general— ‘usually an army officer, as everyone knows—amuses himself with reviewing izing the armed forces. He has litle time to spare for gover- ing the Philippines or promoting its development. Anyone who has ever been to the Islands will agree with us that even when the peace and order situation is normal martial law is apt to be declared and constitutional guaran‘ces sus- ppended, The slightost tumult (buroca, as we say over there) puts the govern- ‘ment in’a panic. It imagines an insurrection, and courts martial spring into faction at once, A country govemod in his fashion cannot but fall into decay; and this is precisely what is happening to those fair islands of ours across the ocean, Bureaucratic tyranny and intolerance may seem at first sight to be reflec- tions ofthe backwardness of a country, and hence effects (rather than causes) of ultural crisis. But on closer examination they are seen 10 be among the most direct and fundamental causes of the pros- tration of a people, just as their anthesis, liberty isthe mainspring of national Progress. ‘After the causes mentioned atove, that which catches the attention imme- diately is the peculiarly pointless education which the natives receive in the schools, They acquire the ability to read and write, and even to write with elegance. But they never learn anything practical, because they are not taught ‘anything practical. They are aught pray, but not to work. In all these schools Spanish grammar is notable by its absence; there are certain vested interests, you see, which are opposed to the Indian learning Spanish. Absent, too, are the rudiments of physics, chemistry, geography, agronomy: studies which would certainly promote the improvement of the indi vidual and the welfare of the community. On the other hand, while Philippine schools rejoice in their ignorance of these disciplines, there are never lacking the rosary, the doxology, and the one thousand and one novenas to saints, virgins and martyrs. ‘Thus do we manage to nourish the souls, while stunting the minds, of litle children, {As for the kind of instruction dispensed in the royal and pontifical univer sity, the seminaries and the colleges, let us not even speak of that, or we shall anéver finish, ‘The rapid turn-over of civil-service personnel is another prolific soures of corruption and confusion in the Philippines, as indeed in all colonial countries, ‘The phenomenon can only be compared to a fight of locusts which devours 1 field of grain while propagating itssIf with fearful rapidity. 1 to this is added198 READINGS IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY the notorious incapacity of most of these bureaucrats, itis clear that as wave after wave of them passes through the country there will soon be nothing left, The reverse siJe of this coin, equally disastrous, is that the natives are ‘prevented from occupying any of the higher or even the middling posts of ‘government and administration, and the net result is the total lack of progress in the Philippines, the inertia :n which it rots, the backwardness of the towns. The bosses, governors, administrators and rulers being unfit for office, it matters Title to them whether the country improves or not, especially since they don't ‘expect to be there long anyway. We are perfectly aware of the fact that there are royal decrees directing also perfectly aware ofthe fect that these decrees are not observed; that the law fm this point isa dead letter, as well as everything else that has been writen on. the subject. ‘Another factor contfibuting to the critical condition of the Islands is the ‘Manila mint, whose currency, far from flooding the country with gold and silver {which was the intention}, merely enriches China and the British colonies. ‘The Chinese and the British export our gold and silver, the former to thei ‘country and the later to their colonics, by buying up, at attractive premiums, the old and silver currency sick inthe Philippines, paying for them in Mexican silver pesos which condnueo be legal tendr there. The result is tha today you will not find in the Philippies, no matter bow hard you try, the fourpeso gold Piece. The [debased] Mexican currency was legalized in the Philippines during the monetary crisis of sixteen or twenty years ago, with the solemn promise that it would be redeemed as socn as the crisis was over, Years have passed, and at this late date it circulates even yet, drastically depreciated, contributing power- {ally to the crisis we deplore. ‘What are the remedies capable of stimulating and arousing the commerce of the Philippines from its present comatose condition? The abolition of the ‘existing tariff differential on goods carried by foreign ships; free trade; freedom ‘of association: freedom of ihe press to enable Filipinos 10 study and become familiar with the advances being made in every branch of industry, commerce and agriculture: andthe spenty negotiation of treaties which will open up the ‘markets of China and Japan to our products ince China has now been admitted into the concert of nations, the Power should oblige her to coin her own currency and adopt a monetary system of her ‘own. It is not equitable that she should still be taking advantage of the currency of others, and in view of the business methods employed by her~ ‘nationals, exchange operations with her are well nigh impossible, Finally, the ports of these Istands should be declared fee wo the natives thereof, for Nature has fashioned them for the benefit ofthe people who inhabi them. To go against Nature is to go against the natural law; itis to go against the handiwork of God himself. Human justice, policy and government can only ‘work in obedience to, never in contravention of the processes of Nature. BIRTH OF A NATION 199 sles thee reforms ar forthcoming, Spin stands an exellent chance of losing the pies. Tnthe ps the protest apsinat injtice ook the frm of lca eelion, esl opprestd ‘Now, iso longer «reo tht Spain wll ave t0 rcken wit, but revolion. What vedo ‘be Wayans, Dokanor, Tagalog, fave became Flipnoe. Wha wed to be » geographical expe tion, en archipelago, has beore ttaton. Te mementos change ie deerbed in faces ty bythe mont dninguished ofthe propgans, oud Rial 17 If those who guide the destiny of the Philippines adopt an intransigent attitude, if instead of granting reforms they seek to reverse the direction Wwhich the country is taking and push to extremes their policy of rigor and repression against those elements of the population who are capable both of suffering and reflecting on their sufferings, they will merely succeed in forcing, these elements to hazard an unqulet and miserable life full of privations and isapporm ‘OF winning some ‘problematic. What, in fact, can they lose? Almost nothing. The life led by the large underprivileged class holds out litte that would make men prefer ito a slorious death... ‘All the little insurrections that have hitherto occurred in the Philippines have been the work of a few fanatics or mutinous officers who have had 10 ‘deceive or cajole or exploit their followers to achieve their ends. And so they {failed all of them. Not one of these insurrections had the people behind it; not ‘one sprang from a whole race's need; not one was fought forthe rights of man ‘of the claims of justice. This being 20, they left no lasting impression on the memory of the people. On the contrary; once the people's wounds had healed ‘and it recognized itself to have beea the victim of deceit, it applauded the fall of those who had perturbed its peaceful existence. But suppose a movement were to arise from the people itself, with the miseries of the people as its motive power? What then? If, therefore, the sound and siatesmanlike reforms proposed by our minis- ters of state do not find able and resolute officials in the colonies to translate them into action; if the reforms begun by one administration are not loyally ‘continued by those which the frequent cabinet crises call forth to succeed it if the complaints and demands of the Filipino people are always to meet with the invariable No recommended by the vested interests that batten on the depressed condition of the masses; if just claims are to be dismissed as manifestations of a ‘subversive spirit; if the country is ‘0 be denied representation in the Cortes and the lawful right (by means of this representation} to expose abuses which a chaotic logal system leaves unpunished; if, in short, we are to continue under the policy, only too successful, of alienating the affections of the natives, of heaping insult and ingratitude on their supposed lack of fecling, then we can confidently affirm that in a few years the present [untroubled] stale of affairs ‘change completely. The change is inevitable. ‘Annew factor is present which did not exist before. The soul ofthe nation hhas been: aroused; a common misfortune and a common abasement have succeeded in uniting the people of the Islands. A numerous educated clas, bo. in the archipelago and outside it, must now be reckoned with, a class brought {nto being and constantly enlarged by the myopia of certain officials who force the natives to leave the country, to educate themselves abroad, and, thanks 10ya. yoy ‘READINGS IN PHILIPPINE HISTORY the suspicion with which they are pursued, to remain abroad, there to conduct a ‘hostile campaign. This educated elite grows steadily. It is in continuous con- ‘tact with the rest of the population, And if itis no more today than the brains of the nation, it will become in a few years its whole nervous system. Then we ‘shall see what it will do. ‘Te italletdls of he Popagands Movement were refoonists, not revolutionaries. They ‘hoped that the timely inroduction of ealnial reform would not nly preserve the uncleat connec tion between the Philippines and Spain but make ik even closer and sronger. But they were ‘ealtts enough to reali that units the Spanish government aced soon, aera more radial than themtelver would take over the Isderhip of the Flipine people, So wrote Marcelo del ilar in 1894 — two years before « warehouse worker named Andrés Bonifacio raised the ery of freedom 4 Balinawak, those of a separatist insurrection, namely the rule of law and the elimina- tion of social inequality. But it is also true that if propaganda is effective, then ‘8 war of independence becomes unnecessary; and because unnecessary, un- Iikely. If legal propaganda is able to convince those who govern to perform their duties in the Philippines with honor; if it succeeds in persuading the central movement to relieve the colony of a regime destructive of liberty; if public ‘opinion gives it a hearing and statesmen their atention, and it secures for the archipelago a political system which will guarantee the security of the indivi ual, the inviolability of his home, freedom of conscience, the respect of ci and religious bodies for the laws of the state and the prescriptions of the mora- tys if it is able to bring about measures to prevent arbitrary government and harmonize the principle of authority with the rights of the subject, is it likely that the ery of revolt will awaken an answering echo in the Philippines? Who ‘will want to gamble on the uncertain isgue of a war of independence if under ‘Spanish rule he can live freely, peacefully and with dignity? Insurrection neither is nor can be an ideal, an end in itself. It can only be a ‘means; something one makes use of, and then only as a last resort. A poople subject 10 tyranny makes sure of this last resort only when, after repealed rebuffs, it reaches the sad conclusion that it cannot obtain redress by peaceful ‘means. XIV REVOLUTION Rizal believed tha the iequaies tnd injoies prevalent in is counay mer a much he ‘of Fino as of Spniach, On many ferent cccains and ln many difereat waye be ‘ied o rng hoe te pot that "here would be no tyrant if there were no slaves" If Flipiace ‘ranted wo exjy the piveges of reason, they had lean how to ery ie eames, They resumed wo the Paillpine from Burope in 1892. During te shor Interval between his ariva and frst and deportation a pli! gistor, he wed to get his countrymen to begin what be nceived tote along pei of sel-niag and seliacipine 1. Rizal conceived the idea of forming a society called Liga Filipina, which was inaugurated a few days before his deporiation to Dapitan on the island ‘of Mindanao. ‘The statutes of this society provided merely for the election by ‘the membership of local councils in the towns, a provincial council in each province, and a supreme council for the whole archipelago; They did not define the aims of the organization... ‘The society was disbanded a few days after its inauguration as a result of the founder’s deportation. Later, when it was revived by Don Domingo Franco, ‘Andrés Bonifacio and others, they gave me the post of secretary of the supreme Council. It was then that we formulated the aims of the society in a brief program of action conceived more or less in the following terms: to support La Solidaridad and the reforms which it advocated, and to collect funds for the ‘expenses not only of the periodical but of the public meetings held in Spain to ‘promote the reforms and of the delegates sponsoring them in Congress. We resolved, in other words, by converting’ the society into a politcal party, 10 ‘exhaust all peaceful and legal mears. But the society had no better luck this time; after only a few months of existence it had to be dissolved. Sul, the beginnings were promising. Most of the members of the supreme council were persons distinguished for their enlightenment, patriotism and social rank. Thanks to the activiy of Bonifacio and others, the local councils of Tondo and Trozo were quickly organized, and the organization of those of Santa Cruz, Ermita, Malate, Sampaloc, Pandacan ‘and others begun. Subsequently » small monthly contribution was asked ‘each member and the funds thus collected used to defray the exponses of the periodical, these being the most urgent. The members paid at first, but soon ‘stopped doing s0, saying that they were not in favor of the use to which the funds were put, as they were convinced that the Spanish goverament paid no attention to the periodical, nor, in fact, ig any other legal means of action, It was found upon inquiry that those appointed to organize the local coun- cil had not insisted on adherence to the society's program as a condition for ‘membership. On the contrary, Andrés Bonifacio, who had by his tireless efforts284 SOURCES. 11, Loney to Lord Stanley, Manila, 31 January 1867, PRO, F.O. 72/1155. 12. Ibid. 13) In Gregorio Sancianco y Goson, EI progreso de Filipinas (Madrid: ‘Vinda de J.M. Pérez, 1881), pp. 239-231. 14, Unsigned communication to The Friend of China and Hong Kong Gazette, 16 August 1856, in Henry Thomas Ellis, Hongkong to Manilla and the Lakes of Luzon in the Philippine Isles in the Year 1856 (London: Smith, Elder, 1859), pp. 170-173. 15. Wier, Voyage MI, 142, 16. Bowring, Visi, p. 98. Chapter 12, ‘The Muslim South 1, IOL, Factory Records, Borneo, 1648-1814, n. 46. 2. Magindanao, 15 June 1775, IOL, Home Miscellaneous Series 134, 73-74, 3. ‘Thomas Forrest, A Voyage 10 New Guinea and the Moluccas from Balambangan (London: G. Scott, 1779), pp. 277-278. 4, Renouard, Voyage I, 295. 5. Agustin Santayana in Mostero, Historia TI, 119-121, 6. Ferdinand-Philippe-Marie 4’Orleans, duc D'Alengon, Lucon et Mindanao (Paris: Michel Lévy, 1870), pp. 202-203. 7. ‘Alexander Dalrymple to Directors of East India Company London, 30 October 1769, IOL Home Miscellaneous Series 771, 195-198. 8G. Louis Domeny de Rienzi, Océanie (3 vols., Paris: 1836-1837), 1,281. 9, Jules Sébastien César Dumont d’Urville, Voyagé au pole sud et dans VOcéanie sur les corveues l'Astrolabe et la Zélée pendant les années 1837, 11838, 1839, 1840 (93 vols. and 2 Yols. atlas. Paris, 1841-1854), VII, 193. 10. Wilkes, Narrative V, 375. 11, Dumont d°Unville, Voyage VIL, 198. 12, Sonnerat, Voyage d la Nowelle Guinée, pp. 43-44. 13, Martinez de Zattiga, Estaismo 1, 18-120. 14, Renovard, Voyage I, 97. 5p. 374-375. 15, In Escosura, Mento 16, Renouard, Voyage Il, 278. 17, Fray Gregorio Rodriguez to Governor Ricafort, Manila, 28 June 1826, in Montero, Historia 11, 503. 18, Wilkes, Narrative V, 375-316. 19, Guizot to Lagrené, Paris, 9 November 1843, in Lawrence Oliphant, La Chine et le Japon (2 vols., Paris, 1860), 1, iii, This is the French translation of Oliphant’s account of Lord Elgin’s embassy, for which Guizot wrote an intro- duction, 20.11 © 21, Capt. Edward Belcher to Consul Farren, on board H.M.S. Samarang, Manila, 11 March 1845, PRO, F.0. 72/684. 22, Montero, Historia III, 128-130. 23, Ibid. II, 129-130. 24, PRO, F.0. 71/1. 25. 21 December 1851, ibid. 26, 11 May 1852, ibid. 27. 2July 1860, in Montero, Historia Il, 297-298. 28, 29 May 1861, PRO, F.0. 71/1. 29, 25 November 1872, ibid. 30, 22 January 1878, in Pacifico A. Ortiz, “Legal Aspects of the North Borneo Question,” Philippine Studies XI (Manila, 1963), 55-56. Chapter 13. Birth of a Nation 1, In Retana, Archivo V, 197-198. 2, Consul Fabre to Minister of Foreign Affairs, Manila, 15 January 1842, AMAE Corr. comm. Manille I, 2-2v. 3, Fabre to Minister of Foreign Affairs, Manila, 29 May 1842, ibid. 1,32. 4, Fabre to Minister of Foreign Affairs, Manila, 23 January 1843, ibi 0, 71-72. 5, Francisco Javier de Moya y Jiménez, Las Islas Filipinas en 1882 (Madrid, 1883), p. 219. 6. Ferrando, Dominicos V, 444-446. 7. Sancianco, Progreso, pp. 101-102. 8, Pablo Feced, Filipinas, pp. 219-226.286 ‘SOURCES. 9. Sancianco, Progreso, pp. 110-111. 10. Pan in his Comyn, pp. 403-405. 11, Francisco Canamaque, Las Islas Filipinas (Madrid: Fernando Fe, 1880), pp. 59-65. 12, Femando Primo de Rivera to Ministro de Ultramar, Manila, 31 March 1881, AHN Ultramar 5346. 13, Ibid. 14, Miguel Lucio, Brevestnsirucciones «tus nuevos religiozos franciseanos destinados a la cura de almas en Filipinas (Manila: Amigos del Pais) p. 38. ‘York: Macmillan, 1899), pp. 235-238. 16, Graciano Lopez Jaena, “La situacién aflictiva de Filipinas” (1887), in Diseursos y ariteulos varios, Jaime C. de Veyra, ed. (Manila: Bureau of Print- ing, 1951), pp. 110-114. 17. José Rizal,“ V, 280-282. 18, Marcelo Hilario del Pilar, “Tampoco” (1894), ibid. 1, 103-104. inas dentro de cien afios” (1890), in Retana, Archivo Chapter 14, Revolution 1. Apolinario Mabini, La revolucién filipina, con otros documentos de la época (2.vols., Manila: Bureau of Printing, 1931), If, 297-299. 2. Andrés Bonifacio, “Ang depat mabatid ng mga tagalog,” in Epifanio de tos Santos, “Andrés Bonifacio,” Philippine Review Il (Manila, 1918), 34-58, ‘The first number of Kalayaan appeared in January, 1896. The English tansla- tion is that of the Philippine Review with slight emendations. 3, Emilio Jacinto, “Mga aral ng Katipunan ng mga A.N.B..” in José P. ‘Santos, Buhay at mga sinulat ni Enilio Jacinto (N.p.,1935), pp. 61-63. 4, La sensacional memoria de Isabelo de tos Reyes sobre la revolucién {filipina (Madrid: J. Corrales, 1899)4pp. 48-50. 5, In The Trial of Rizal, H, ¢e la Costa, ed. (Manila: Ateneo de Manila, 1961), pp. 102-103. 6. Mabini, Revolucién Il, 302-304 7. In The Trial of Andrés Bonifacio, Carlos Quirino, ed. (Manila, 1963), p-62. Ihave revised the English translation slightly. 8, Mabini, Revolucién Tf, 305. 9. In Retana, Archivo V, no. 6, pp. 14-17. SOURCES Py 10, From a statement of Admiral Dewey to the U.S. Senate, in Dean C. Worcester, The Philippines Past and Present, Ralston Hayden, ed. (New Yor ‘Macmillan, 1930), pp. 125-126. 11.1n Planes constitucionales para Filipinas, Teodoro M. Kalaw, ed. (Manils: ‘Bureau of Printing, 1934), pp. 72-77. 12, IN, Leyba to Baldomero Aguinaldo, Secretary of War, Aparri, 4 December 1898, in Worcester-Hayden, p. 175. 13, Mabini, "A mis compatrioias,” in Retana, Archivo V. no. 8, pp. 57-62. 14, Naval Cadet LR. Sargent’s account of his and Puysuster W.B. Wilcox’s journey through central and northern Luzon, in Albert G. Robinson, The Philip- # ‘People (New York: McClure and Phillipps, 1901), 289. 15. Ibid., pp. 403-404. 16. José Alejandrino, La senda del sacrificio, pp. 95-96. 17. In Moorfield Story and Marcial P. Lichauco, The Conquest of the Philippines by the United States, 1898-1925 (New York: Putnam's, 1926), ‘pp. 106-110. 18, In Worcester-Hayden, p. 220. 19, Alejandrino, Senda, p. 95. Chapter 15. Tutelage 1. In Grayson Kirk, Philippine Independence (New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 1936), p. 17. 2, 7 April 1900, in Charles Burke Elliot, The Philippines to End of the Commission Government (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrll, 1917), pp. 488-489. 3. Worcester-Hayden, pp. 399-40. 4. Victor Heiser, An American Doctor's Odyssey (New York: Norton, 1939), pp. 117-118. 5, Ibid. pp. 164-165. 6, Worcester-Hayden, pp. 491-492, 1. Ibid. 8, Jacob Gould Schurmnan, Philippine Affairs (New York: Scribner's, 1902), 107. 9. In Kalaw, Planes constitucionates, pp. 437-4.8. 40. 8 October 1921, in William Cameron Forbes, The Philippine Islands @ vols. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1728), , 520-544