set (otag Shle of Psecusihy iccvortul of fhe Baeatrons The Government i of the Precarious: [ An Introduction 1 we fail co understand precarication, then we under stand neither the poliics nor the economy of the present Precarization is not a marginal phesomenon, even in the f sich regions of Europ. Inthe leading neoliberal Western Jndustrial nations it can no longer be outsourved t0 the sovio-geographical spaces of the periphery where it only affects others Precaiation is aot an exception, itis racher the rule lis spreading even in those aeeas that were long considered secure, Ir as become an instrument of govern= Jngand, athe sametine,a bass foreapitalistaccumolation that serves socal regulation ad conteol Precarization means move than insecure jobs, more than the lack of secusty given by waged employment. by way of insecurity and danger it embraces the whole of existence, the body, meres of sujectivation, Ie i threat ; and coercion, even while it opens op new possibilities of living and working, Precariation means living with the unforeseeable, with contingency. In the secularized modernity of the West, however, being exposed to contingency is generally regarded as a | nightmare, aslo ofall security, al orentaion, all onde,‘This monster ofthe hortomles pit can cleatly no longer be really tamed even in the post-Fordist industrial nations of the "Wes’, Fear of what isnot calculable macks the tec: niques of governing and subjectivation, merging into an inonfinate culture of measuring ce immeasurable. ‘This leads co a form of governing that at least since “Thomas Hobbes bas been viewed as no longer possible; a government that isnot legitimized by promising protece tion and security. Contrary tothe old ruleof a domination that demands obedience in exchange for protection, neoliberal governing. proceeds primarily through social insecurity, through regulating the minimum of assurance ‘while simakaneously increasing instability Inthe course ‘of the dismantling and remodelling ofthe welfae state and the rights associated with i, a form of government is established that is based on the greatest possible inseeu rity, promoted by proclaiming the alleged absence of alternatives, The way that precarization has become an instrument of government also means that its extent must ot pass a cerain chreshold such that i seriously enden= ers the existing ander: in particulae it must not lead 40 insurrection. Managing this threshold is what makes up the art of governing toca. Against this background, the question raised is not how to prevent and end the threat of precarity that is driving the disitegravion of order. Ie is rather a matter of understanding how we are governed and keep ourselves govemable specifically through precarization. In analyze Ing these techniques of goverting, approaches that in ‘various contexts imagine civil war, anomie oF the post ble break-up of society are of litle help. The question is rather ohere, within these governing mechanisms, cracks and potentials for resistance are to he found, The Goverment af the Precarous (Self }Government ‘The analsis of precarty that 1 develop in this book Focuses oa the cerm ‘government’. Michel Fouesult has shown that Western’ practices of governing can be traced hack genealogically to Christian pastoral penwer. Already jn this powerful prelude to modern governmental, what is involved isan art of governing people, not things or territories. With the pastoral form of power, specific ‘modes ofindividualization, includinghecominga West rniodern subject, are both condition and effec atthe same time. fndvidualization means isolation, and this kind of separation is primarily a matter of constituting oneself by ‘way of imaginary relationships, constituting one's ‘own inner beieg, and only secondly and to a lescr extent by ‘way of connections with others. Yer this interirity and self reference is not an expression of independence, but rather the crucial element in the pastoral relationship of ohedience! Corresponding. practices of governing consequently consi in being led in one's own conduct by others in precisely such a way as to produce relations to self that ace then perceived, in the best case, a8 independent and auronomecus. The art of governing yencrally consists in the ‘conduct of conducts in influencing the conduct of others through their individealization, This does not, however, nevitably mean thae individuals are rapped in 1 Ch Mite Foxcath, Sec, Teton, Papal: Lets at the Coe de France 1977-1978 eas, an bebe New Yosk: tae Mca, 2007 pp 20°" 2 Mio Fomeule The Saber Pirin Jes. aon, eh Power, sit Works of Foun 154-1984, li Robo Hy, London: Pega ex, 1358 9p 326-48 fers2 icons rel rewcen being ied by ther and ing sclided. Nomerous examples af counter sont the fense uf sual aa the prowess taped for conducting her cam alteay be found fa the Mille Apes Inehe eigen etuty, pastoral power underwent fundamental eeansorattone the laws to wich pple bad osujet themselves were ong laws ofthe kg othe churh bt rather the sams eso the zens this mnderm, ae, borges frm of sovetny fequired modes of ubjetinaton pstoned abate berween seitdcterniation and subjugation, beween sefcreation and cues, between feo ands iy. For the mode tne if socal and pla Conditions and one's own Ife re perce an aple o beingartaged and nnd by one own eo then eiteens~belcving in cll, sn typi thee owt soverigny, autouomy. and endo selunary subject themes tthe condita of "et modes of et govermng donot serv only o make onwsell and eer gocrmble. At the same de he potential emerges i them oo longer be gover Esistng ways and even to be ever les governed Tn the nly of governing trough sent, the gover ofthe pi pean ound eas alvacion ofthis double analece of govemmeed tnder nealiberal conven. the ambivalence Bee tein over by ether adel governmene as wel at she ambivalence br sllgovemment © beeen eve making overt and refs that im to Ren one 23 Foust, Seat, Fetes, pation, 2 “Ie Gowsrnment of the Peearous | governed in this way. When we ask in this book: why protests against government theough insccurity ate 50 slfficult and rare, this means problemacizing the obvious {dominance ofthe scr side of precarious sell government ‘This side cannot be separated from the form of labour chat is custenely becoming hegemonic, one that demands the whole person, is primarily based on communication, knowledge and affect, and becomes visible ina new way 6 virtuoso labour. isis of the Collective, Chances forthe Common. Since the formation of capitalist celations of production, there have been many for whom Ireedom of labour-power has not been a guarantee against existential valnerabil- ties, Wage labour brought nether security nor indepen: ‘dence.t Only collective welfarestate institutions thac had to be foughe for were able to ensure relative indepen- dence, essentially Soe the male breadwinner of the farily. For this form of security, relational reproduction and care work had to be feminized, domesticated and deval- ted in its quality 2s labour.’ However, the securing of predominately male independence had the advantage that the dependent workers could be organized and assembled for collective serge. ‘With the neoliberal demolition and restructuring of collective security systems and the rise of short-term and 4. Ch Robers Cau, rom Mamtl Workers 10 Wage Loe Transformation of Socal Duet, eas, Habard Boyd, Nee Bry New Jey: Tenstton Plies 2003 Sk Sia tere atonal th With Wome, the Boy and Poaine Acta, Ne ors Actor, 2008.6 | sure oF msceuerny increasingly precarious employment conditions, the Possibilities for colletively organizing, in factories oF ‘ccupaticnal groups ae also eroded. New forms of indi- vidalization through employment have appeared, which are ever less capable, ifar all, of being organized through craditional institutions of representations of interest. ow can new practices of organizing that break through these forms of individualization be found today? How can a peespeetive on social and political conditions be developed chat does nor reject relationships, connections in other words, one and dependencies among individual that imagines and practises forms of self-reliance that start from connections with others? This is possible when precacization is nor perceived and ‘combate solely as a threat, but the entire ensemble ofthe precarious is taken ina consideration and the cusrent domination-securing functions and subjective experiences ‘of precarization are taken as a starting-point for political strugles. “To understand prcearization in this way, itis necessary tevte-open the feld of concepts ofthe precarious, fallow ing sts constriction by French socialscience usage since the early 1980s, along with its entry inta the coreespond- ing debates in ether languages If precarization 1 no longer limited to lack, coercion and fear, then the demand fora simple ‘polities of de-precarization”” no longer makes Sec ao Praca a der rj nd Mecho ie tengn Unershunge, as Reese dr Mkt ct a Serhat Karakayalh an Vase Tsvos, ws, Hrpite wid de inp {che Wont De ntreatite Drbecion i aceon Hard been 3h F'kins Dan “Eotshene Adbiagentlachh, Paik der pr an one ereapecertenter percep en rer eset attempt ar ree The Governmact ofthe Peesatious | 7 sense, it socks nothing other than the reformation of traditional socialsecurity systems, Poiccs of this kind would only be meaning in ay view i it could prob lematize and break theough the hegemonie political and social-security logics of modern nation-states if precarity and precarization could thus be analyeed in their fune~ sions a instruments of domination, and Finally, if new tmodes of securing and protecting against precarty and precarization could be found in the recognition of an Ineluctable state of precarionsness ‘The Precarious and the Critique of Representation fu the late 1990s both Pieree Bourdieu and Robert Castel, ‘0 ofthe most influential sociologists inthe Feld of ier national peecarization research, explicitly teared that collective resistance in the context of precarity would become impossible" Casel took note ofthe movements of the precarious in Europe, including the transnational EucoMayDay movement only marginally and relatively late while Bourdieu was not even able eo wikess them.” Widorsprch, Rate 3 seater Polit 49 a0isi pe 3k $C. ere Bourn, “La pécar alot prea in Contefe. Popes pon senile tastane cont Fsen eae Ps [er Ra Ag 19%. 98: Bebe Co Lamsnts sik, Quisice qe protien, oer Seo, 2 reser 9 ora bi isto of he EaroMapDay meme Ges Raum, A Thousand Mache 4a Pion pple Mace st Social Homa. Aiken Desi Lis Angle Seen) 2010, m.7-30. 1 Ci, Rober Cael "Die Wish der ssialen Unie’ ‘rans Thos Arse net Cast and Kies ome Pn@ He died in early 2002, less than a year after the frst MayDay parade took place in Milan on 1 May 2001. On this traditional day of labour, aor only do the heteroge- neous precarious in many European cities problematize ‘nvr situations and experiences, which often semain invis- iblein corporis organizations, bu, starting from political practices that critique idenity and cepresentation, they also seek new forms of onginizing the unorganizable.* Precarious working and living conditions are taken as the ‘sxarting-point for politcal srugele, in oder to find possi bilities for poiical agency in neoliberal conditoos, What is unusual about these social movements i not ‘only the ways in which new forms of political struggle are tested and new perspectives on precarization developed. ‘They have also ~ and this is striking ia relation ro other social movements ~ repeatedly traversed and crossed the seemingly very separate fields ofthe cultural and the polit- ical. During the past decade, exchanges around the parly subversive knowledge of the precarious, in the commun tative search for a common ground with a view 0 ‘aciltating 2 political constituting, have frequently taken place ess in political or even university contexts than rt instizorions and social centres {as in Ialy and Spain) ‘This is only one aspect in the seaech for and inveation of new modes of coming together and omganizing, which hhave become difficult in their traditional forms, a5 Bourdieu and Castel rightly noted Abang, Ausra, Disc rage am epi de 2. Jahan Tears Msn ud New Yorn Campa 209; pp 21-3 Hee (Ciel seston he Heh atl wordt Intron, MICE Katrine Zot fir natal dmstaniche ular “Ongar none Apet 2OD6 sa lube a ipsa erate terme emcee aimee epee The Government afte Precarious | § ‘The precarious cannot be unified or represented, their Interests are so disparate that classical forms of corporate ‘organizing are no: effective. ‘The many precatious are dispersed both in relations of production and heough diverse modes of production, sehich absorb aad engender subjectvities, extend theie ceonomic exploitation, and ‘multiply identivies and work places. It is not only work ‘that is precarious and dispersed, but hie itsls, [pall their ifferences, the precarious tend to be isolated andl indi idualized, because they do shoe-tcem jobs, get by from project to project, znd often fall chrough collective soil security systems. Thece are no lobbies or forms of ‘representation forthe diverse preceriots Yer this should by 20 means be understood solely as a lack, since it also holds out the opportunity to invent sew and appropriate forms of political agency on the basis of precarious living axd working conditions. The MayDay ‘movements did’ noe so much attempt to represent a collective subject of the precavions a8 to tey out non representarianisr pacvces In this respect, the movements ‘of the precarious were the predecessors of the university ‘occupations of 2008 and 2009, as well ss of the current ‘Occupy movements and their insswence on democracy beyond representation. Paolo Virno writes: eis typical of the post Fordist multitude co foment the collapse of politica representation: not asan anarchic gesture, bu as 1 means of calmly and realistically searching for new poli forms.= ‘The different meanings of the concepr of ‘procarivus* 12 Palo Vino, Pubes uf th atlas: Now Sae Pb Sere and ee Malet Pun ine 2008 weewere repeatedly linked in the MayDay movements with the experiences ofthe individuals and with political prac tices, The Frassanito Necwork, in its definiion of precatization, outlines the ambivalence of the term, particularly in the context of migration: “Precacization thus symbolizes a concested Seld: a field in which the acermpt fo start a new cycle of exploitation alsa meets desires and subjective behaviors which express the refusal ‘of the od, so-called Fordist regime of labor and the search for another, bette, we can even say flexible life” Ia precarization an extreme degree of exploitation and a ‘liberation’ fom aditional conditions af exploitation bound up with the production apparatus of Fordism, merge into new modes of subjectivation ‘Three Dimensions ofthe Precarious ‘The conceptual composition of ‘precarious’ can be described in the broadest sense a insecurity and vulner soiy, destabilization and endangerment. The counterpart ‘of precarious is usually procection, political and social immunization against everything that is cecognized as endangerment.” Historically, we owe political ideas of proteetion rom insecurity not just zo Hobbes’ conception ‘of a security state, in which the representing sovercigi protects against the so-called nator state of man, inher: coat to which is the destruction of property and lite by 13. Thetuaante Nemonk sation Pre 2008, salle Btn 14 On he difleestSyarnce of poston a drat that age ‘ove inthe en imams, oe Label ere, Fg des Umno Elune caer ton Tosn, Zach agate 2011 ‘The Govern ofthe Presannus | 13 dangerous thers, Protection from insecurity from the precarious, tas also been the responsiility ofthe welfare states of the twentieth century.” At the same time, nether Hobbes’ Leriathan nor the welfare stare prevents the precarious, rey rather respectively engender new histori- cal forms of precarity, new insecurities, from which they are again supposed to provide protection. ‘Those who are promised security are generally unable to develop free of concem about the threatening, precarized others; they are obligated to obedieace and subordination, In a historically different way the precari fous thus represent both the cause and the elfect of domination and security. However, when domination in post-Fordist societies i ‘no longer legitimated through (social) security, and we instead experience governing through insecurity then the precarious and the immune, insecurity and security! Protection, stand ever less in 2 relation of opposition and increasingly take on a graded relationship in terms of 3 regulated threshold of being [stil) governable. A crucial ‘banc for this ovelopment is that precarization in ncolib- caismn is curently in a process of normalization, which enables governing through inseeorty. In neoliberslso precarization becomes “democratized To further expand on all these theses, I distinguish between three dimensions of che precarions: precarious: ness, precarity and yovernenental precarization. Precariousness ~ here I follow Judith Butler ~ isthe term for a socio-antologieal dimension of lives and bodies." Precaiousnessis notan anthropological eonstent, 1S. Coe Lindo wc 16 CL Joh Baer, me uf Wars Whew s Life Gri4 transhistorical state of being human, but rather a condition inherent to both hursan and non-human being, Above all, however, precariousness is not simply individ ual or something that exises ‘in ise in the philosophical senses itis always relational and therefore shared with other precarious lives. Precariousness designates some- thing chat is existencally shared, an endangerment of bodies that is ineluctable and hence not to be secured, nor only because they are morcal, br specifically because they are social, Precariousness as precarious ‘being with’ in Nancy’s sense is a condition of every life, producing very dilferent variations historically and seogcaphicaly.”” The second dimension af the precatious, precarity, is to be understoa! as a caregory of order, which desig. nates the effects of different political, social and legal sompensations of general precariousness. Precarity denotes the stration and distribution of precariousness in relations of inequality, the bieratchization of being. with that accompanies the processes of othering. This slisucsion of the precarious covers naturalized relations ‘of domination, through which belonging t0 a group is attributed or denied to individuals. Precarity involves social positionings of inseeurity, yet it implies neither modes of subjectivation nor the power of agency of those positioned. ‘The chird dimension of che precarious is the dynamics Lane on New Yorks Vers 200% ad adit Bats, Pears Life The Pwss of Nera Vance ance td New Yak Neo Ur Su kaa a Nanas ing Sng Ply ans Ree D. Rar and Ame bs Byer, Senor: Sale Unmcrty Prey 20 cof governmental precarization. This relates to modes of governing since the formation of industri capitalist conditions, and in madera Western societies cannot be separated historically from the ideologeme of bourgeois sovereignty. Alrhough precariousness designates both a condition of life and the foundation of the social and the political, it ‘was not until life enered politss~ with he biopolites thot developed in che lve eighteenth aod ninetecuth centuries as analysed by Fouczule~ that governing began tocente in a previously unknown way on preserving the life of each and every individes) in a popolation, so a8 to strengthen the state and serve the productivity of the capitals econ= ry. Inthe course cf this new art af gavernng, governable biopoliiel subjeccations emerged. In the eighteenth aad rinereenth centuie, biopoltical subjetivations increas- ingly imectwined with ideas of liberal bourgeois Freedom and democrat self determination, Governmental peecavization thus means not only destabilization through employment, but also destabilza~ tion of the conduct o life and thes of bodies and modes ‘of subjecivation, Understanding precarization as govern- ‘mental makes it possible problematize che comple interactions between an instrument of governing and the conditions of evonemic exploitation and modes of subjec- tivation, in cheir ambivalence henween subjugation and sell-empowerment. Practices of elf-empowerment do not automatically have an emancipatory effect, but are 15. CL. Mel ous, The Wl to Knowles he History of Seva, Vo. strane bet Harley edn: Reg Book, 198 Bi abel Loner, Als dis Lebo de Pl vinta, De hepa ‘xh-proveremente Necene, Nucl ad psa Pepe et ed Epo und de ope Wend pp 263-92instead to be understood in u governmental perspective as shorooghly ambivalent. They can signify modes of self government that repeescnta conformist sltdevelopment, 4 conformist self dereeminarion cnabling extraordinary governability. Practices of empowerment, however, can also break chrough, refuse, oF escape fron appeals 6 functional self-government. In a governmental perspective, precarization can be considered not only in its repressive, striating forms, but also in its ambivalently productive moments, as these emerge by way of ecchoigues of sclt-goverament. In a historical era when contingency is not only subject in a new way to conditions of economic exploitation, the term governmental precarization can also cover a procuctive way of dealing with what is iocaleulable, with what cannot be measured or modularized, with what eludes government through insecurity. [None af the three dimensions ofthe precarions occurs individually, bur rather in historically differently posived relaiions, Basically, it can be said of the relaonship bberween precasiousness and precaritythae diferent forme ‘of domination are thereby evoked. The socio-ontological level is constructed as a threat against which a political community must be protected, immunized. Legitiizing the protection of some generally requires stating the precarity of those marked as ‘other". This expecially distinguishes iberal governmentality co a high degree The threatening precariousness can be tumed into the ‘onstruction of dangerous others, positioned respectively within and outside che political and social community 25 ‘abnormal’ and ‘alien. In neoliheraism, as noted, peecae zation is curcently undergoing a process of normalization je which, though the parcerts of a liberal ordering of “The Goverment of he Precarious | 15 precarity continue coexist in 4 modified form, existential precariousness can no longer be entirely shifted through the construction of dangerous othees and warded off as precarity instead it is actualized in the individualized governmental precariation of those who are normalized tinder neoliberal conditions. in my research on the government af the precariows, 1 am interested in developing a political and social theoret- cal perspective that stars from connectedness with others and takes ditferent dimensions of the precios inte ‘consideration, In light of the existential precacioasness of ‘every (living) being, understanding social relacionality as primary does not mean starting from something thar is equally common ¢o all, Recognizing social eelaionality can only be te beginning of an entry into processes of becoming-cormon, involving discussions of possible common interests in the dfferenoness of the precarious, Sn order co invent with others new forms of ofgatiring and now orders that break with the existing fozms of governing in + ecfusal of obedience. Berlin, March 2012Chapter 1 Precariousness and Precarity How can we understand, initially at a theoretical systematic level, the connection between precerity a8 a hip of inequality on the one hand, and existew il precarioasness on the other, tke relationship the first and the second dimension of the precarious? Judith Butler offers some considerations about this in her book Frames of War. Hete she conti les to pursue the politcal-philosophical question that was already raised in her book of essays, Precarious Lifey as «0 when a life is considered grievable and therefore liveable. Within only afew pages, in the int duction to Frames of War, Burlee introdaces a second concept alongside precariousnesss thar of precarity,! 1, Base, ect ile Gea Lit in Pomes of an 255; fronton camino prarsnce aed pact, ae ‘he Iter oh Jase ue sod Aue Lac Pubs wk Cond of Purists ad Vike Mann Reser e85, Now Foon: Words Nenoorking Conon, Vesa Lier, 2008, 9p Baer, For and Agsine Pocaney Tas Ouby Thy, Cee ‘Srey 1 Daves 201) pp HAS amd Drea Take Via Rouse, wah aren Ror Jol Rar yn Cr bldoting the soloist has een used fr sect Years now expan place and Ast Aisourser on precio! alr sonal the general precariesness fh the vlmeratly ofthe Says nn sly av these danger fom which ve have meer he prove She gues sie scpedcing the ons e pear une andthe suppoing tater meer gis luna, instead posting the ack of tecopaton of fundamentally pecans hes the sarge for analysing laos domination "recaiosne a extent ae designate ha conse en geet ~ hth mas and nn hue, Barer oats an ology bat camo He andsood ae rom socal an poll condi, Those conde ons enable oily spec mee ings sking ovale for hades to survive n'a cen ways hah Soold nor be vile wahou thet beng eben Soci pola and ga cicmstans. A the me ine howeter ti prey these chcumstances ha endanger es For the rose soning to Bere sperm focusanshe pin dconinns ands al practices hgh which some le ar protected and er re ot ny i rand An Venn Th rams Rec 4 202), 2 inca tthe ot ft Farge move of 2 ance 2001 he wt mon) to oe te vce (rear) td Cama, bar se oen Synomyrtay who he dream Sele hee = fcr "Prt ant ean Pek t Row Tsid ie, Bp 7590) ae lr uted once {oF precarinsncin sn aly inka wih precariy ek ees Nee, ind Wel Rene, "Prom Rely ws Prats sed Beck het {ivr ead Uno Nervi Hae § aD Precarousess ana Precanty | 12 Precariousness becomes ‘co-extensive” at birth since ‘survival depends from the beginning on social networks, ‘on sociality ard the work of others. The fundamental social dependency of living being du to its valnerabi iny,duetothe smpossibiltyof living a wholly autonomous life also highlights ~ going beyond Butler ~ the eminent significance of reproductive work, Because life is peecati- ‘ous its crucially dependent on care and reproduction. Precarionsness relates not to life itself, but rather £0 the conditions of its existences! what is problematized here is not what makes everyone the same, but rather ‘what is shared by all. Precariousness cha i shared by all can also be understood as a separating factor: on the ‘one hand itis whae we all have in comaon, but on the ‘other it is what distinguishes and separates us from cothers. These rwo aspects of ‘shared/separated’ cannot be sharply differentiated, but should instead be consid cred in their ambivalence. Sharing and separation have aways already been inscribed in general and conditional precariousnest: commonality and difference, conjune- tion and dizjusction. Precariousness is consequently neither an immutable ‘made of being nor an existential sameness, but rather a ‘multiply insecure constitating of bodies, which is always socially conditioned. As that whioh is share, which is at once divisive and connective, precariousness denotes relational difieence, a shared ulferentness. What is ‘connective is not a preexisting common good ce which fone could have recourse; instead it is something that is only engendered in political and social agency. 4 Bun, ection i 2 Bape te erable Life.Shared precatiousness is thus a condition that both exposes ts to others and makes us dependent on the.” This social interdependence can express itself both as ‘oncem or care andl as violence. In other words: because they are precarious and hence fnte, bodies are dependent fon something outside themselves, “on others, on insite tions ond on sustained and sustainable environments* Without protection, wiehout security, without eareno ite «an suevive, and yet ae the same time, it always remains ‘exposed to risk and the danger of death. ‘No amount of will or wealth can eliminate the possibilities of ilness or accident fora living body", a8 Butier says,” ‘The assumption that life, because itis precarious and endangered, because i is exposed to an existential wulner- ability, must be or even could he legally or otherwise ‘entirely protected and secured, is nothing other than a fantasy of omnipotence. Although shey need protection, living bodies can never be completely protected, specifi cally because they are permanently exposed to social and political concltions, under which life remains precarious ‘The vondisions that enable Ife are, at the same tite, ‘exactly chose that maintain it a8 precarious, All security tetains the precarious; all protection and all eare main. tain vulluerabily; nothing guarantees invulnerability. ‘Shared precariousness as 2 relational difference does not exist heyond the social and the political. Therefore i docs not exist independently feom a second dimension of the precacious, namely that of hierarchizing precarity. 5. Aout reas i general eonon, oxy te cnaon of beg cnn sp. 23, Tp. 8 Chia pt, Precaiousness a Pecany | 21 This corresponds to. second form wf diference: shat of classifying and disriminaring differotiation, Butler underscores the paradigmatic relationship berween precariousness, prestity and domination in Western -modernity. She emphasizes the break that Hahbesian tate cheory signified, conceiving commonly shared precariows: ‘ess primarily a6 cheat: being anxious and fighcened by others and by the vulnerability shared with dem.” “Yet, precisely because each body finds ise poreaially threat” ened by others who ar, by definition, precarious 35 well forms af domination follow." Domination turns existe nial procariousness iato an anwiety towards others who ‘eause harm, who hare to be preventively fended off, and not infrequencly even destroyed, in ofder to protect those who are chreatened.!" The procariousness shared with ‘others is hierarchized and judged, and precarious ives ate segmented. This sogmonestion produces, ar the same moment, the ‘differential distribution" of symbolic and material insecurities, in other words precarty. Precarity as the hierarchized diffrence in insecutty arises from the segmentation, the extegorization, of shared precarious: ness, The classificaton of what is inelucrably. shaved 9 CE sho Raber Esponn, Commi: The Orin and any of Conny, ts. Tsy Cao, en ine 1 Bor Pero i, Grieve Li 3), 11 Beare {eve call ti id of Say cnfionaton of oct nme thang ae the pe ‘ouconeruced a thst can ened tan opie Hower be {Digerespesaus canoe ent pla any he {mic of Bupa! rma sed tne neve Ie ‘Serine ong ‘oreo nomad pn mane. 1B, Piton Li, 6 isu of he mmane crepe cot pecan eh Ly iar is bl le 2produces inequality. Precarty ean therefore be under stood asa funetional effec arising from the political and legal regulations thar are specifically supposed to protect ‘against general, existential precariousness. From this Perspective, domination means the attempe 10 safeguar Some people from existential precariousness, while at the same time this privilege of protection is based on a sifferenial distribution of the precarity ofall those who ave perceived as other and considered less worthy of protection, Chapter 2 Biopolitical Governmentality In order ro deve the third dimension of the precarious, governmental presariation, itis necessary Fst of all 0 describe the poltcal-economic framework, which T call “Piopolitical governmental? Michel Foucaule uses the concepe of “govermmentality” 10 designate the steuctural crianglersent beeen the government of a state and the techniques of sd-governiment in modern Western soxiet ies, Thisentanglmentberweenstateand popolation-sabjects can be reyarded as she poli and economic paradigm shift cowards Westera modernity ‘What bad been developing since the sixteenth century fist came to frition in the course of the eighteenth: 3 new governing technique, more precisely the lines of force fof modern governing fechaiques up to che present. Neither the wadicional sovereign, for which Foucault cites che sinteenth-century figure of Machiavelli's Principe 18 prototype, nor Hobbes’ voluntary communisy of subjects bound hy contract, in che seventeenth century, 1 On bipolicl yoverumenaiy ae a ei herte cane, Ley hlnda eb in de ath 0were incerested in leading the people for their own sake, but primarily in ruling chem for the sake of the sover- «igi Ie was only in che course of he eighteenth century, as liberalism and the bourgeoisie became hegemonic, that the population came into the focus of power, and with this'a mode of governing oriented to hetering the life of the people. For the strength ofthe sate now no longer dkpended on the sizeof tetra oan the mertst and authoritative regimentation of subjects, bur rather ‘onthe “happiness atthe populacion Methods of governing continued to change in the ‘ostse of the eighteenth century in the direction of a poliiel economy of lberaliss: a sl-limiting of govern. ing techniques in favour ofa feee matket on the one hand ard population subjects on the other, who were hound in ‘cit thinking and theieeonduct to economic paradigms as wel, These population subjects were not simply subju- fated theougly repression and obedience, but instead became governable, as Foucault wrote in his lectures on governmentalty, in so fac astheie number, ‘their lange ity, health and ways of conducting themselves Thad] conyplex and tangled relationships with these conomie processes. Liberal modes of governing supplied the Base 2 GF Foca, Sew, Teitay, Populi pp. 227-54 3 Msn wosalendyarntd the po pu temo nero stmt earn ly 4 On the hsv) anderndig of happiest iy sclera ro hte, cael Ley Toe Bream of he Coser Cp Ontize Plcy and Raison dat nonroa vond Pee ese 2007, aalatest paar 8 Mid Foucach The Beth of Rupa: acne ot te alge france. 1978974 an Caton Bab Me Sone on: aos Nala 2058 22 Biopoltcal Govermentaity seructure of modern goveenmentality, which has always been biopolitical* In other words: liberalism provided the economic and politcal frame for biopolitic, just as biopolcics appeared as “au indispensable element inthe development of eapitalism’ By che end of the cighteenth century, che strength and wealth of a state depended increasingly on the health of its population. Within a bonrgeoisliberal framework, ‘government policies with this orientation have meant, throogh ro today, establishing, producing and ehen secur ing normality. To accomplish ths, the fist eequicement was a large amount of data: statistics were prepared, the probabilities of bieth and death rates calealated, along with frequencies of lInesses, housing vonditions, mute tion, etc. However, this was uot sulicient. To esclish and’ maximize the health standards of a population equized productive biopolitcal modes of governing that promote life, as well as the active participation of every single individal in other words: it requieed each ind vidual’ sel government. In The Will to Knowledge, Foucault weites: ‘Western sman was gradually feamning what it meant co be a ving species ina living world, to have a body, conditions of existence, probabilites of life, an individual and oles: tive welfare, forces that could be modifed, anda space in which they could be distribted in sn optimal matanes.”* Foucaul describes rwo things here that Lthink ae impar- tants “Western man’ has to learn to have « body that is not dependent on particular conditions of existence, 6 For one of the fw posts whe Pouca poms out she ‘wpa Fer T taacale The Wid to Roouted Py 8 Ths 142, empha aerich means he mt learn that “his! precaiousness ‘scones fret extra bat he aninfuce, eed he has learn to develop 4 telation eo humel tot creative and proline, ont in whichis pone te shape one's ‘on body Me and stand ruse oy “ows precarious, Throughatteting mbar none coche is others re olvedeational dione i seunente.Tndvdussaon is be precondon oe the Wester liberal gvering of cteryone's bay sed se? “Binpolicalgovernmentl self goreraing dhe ars at those moments when the soca condiong of the prcaousness ofthe boy and ie ahaa ee percived by the tad 36 capable of bing snd tnd ford: Indo thes Lindsol vaya sltgeveney ‘cengthen fies of maseang one nu prectoee neat asodely a poe Pity Sars thoes how the late ihtecnth ad ery niet centers, context of Western yen discourse the lt emerged that iis largaly up tothe nda bin heehee determine heath, ese oF even the tm of death This kind of imaginary nfsorertenng ne co endeavours verre the comingeney stein wth the sia psn of is hs in of tal dispositives. e ul . tn she cone of Hhtalgovemeotl ef sechnigues, 9._Onthe genealogy ofaviasizatinn tat can he aed ck 4 Canon pastoral. de Toucan, Seat Tonaory Repel, pn 2h 10 ‘HitionSsensin, Rebar Machine Bie Gtchte der expos 1785-POr4 Fann a Mais Suan, SONI gr Biogolitte! Gorrrmentaity | 27 individualism’ in Macpherson’s sense.” These kinds of selfreations orented to the imagination of self, however, initially applied only ro the hourgeois class, before grade ally extending to the entire population by the end of the nineteenth cencury. ‘The issue here is not the legal scars Of the subject, but rather the structural conditions of normalizing societies: people must be capable of guiding themselves, of recognizing themselves as subjects of a sestlity, and learning to have a body that can remain healthy dhrough diligence (nowrishment, byene, housing conditions) or fecome ill due co lack of diligence. Specific selé-rechniques need to be developed, with the help of which the conditions of precariousness can be influenced, In this sense, the entice population must become biopo~ litical subjects'* Biopolities strives to reduce the vulnerabilicy of an existential prceariousness by way of specific techniques of sel-formation, in order 10 ensure fon average an economically productive life for the population. : ‘Wich reference to workers, imaginary sef-relatons! ofthis kind meen shar one's oven Bundy i insane the property of the selfs i is ‘one's own” body that has to be sold as Isbour-rower, In this respect a well, the moder 1 Ceawlard ss Macphenwn, The Foil Theor of Paes Insaaion Hotter 20 Lockey Onto: Oxtod Lavery Po wh 12 itor Alna Laken in ce Po ce op. Tey Hons homme,» 290 13 sed le Alber des the slr tena he spurt torte econo of cen (ne the once ‘shengus fer mcg poplatonsmatrllor cxurl in the Suton of been Ch Lous Albuses ergy ond ng See Apatariace nc ows nto om “en Brest, tL ad Padovpby ad Ctr anon, New Sih Monty Review Pen 1971p.“frec’individeal is forced to participate in reproducing him or heeself chrough powerful selivelaions, making a ood sale of thei labour-power in ocder to beable live, and live increasingly bewer, inorder to reduve Precariousness In modern societies, therefore, the "a of gavesning’'* ~ what Foucaule also called “government cconsise primarily in b ? = do wot ne repressive, but rather ia an “internalized” selF-tiscipline," 3 mode of self-control that always serves to regulate “one's own’ precaiousness. As carly as te second half ofthe seventecnth century, John Locke ~who according to Marx demonstrated that “the bourgeois way of thinking isthe noemal human way ‘of hinking'"*wrarein his Two Treatises of Government thot man is ‘master of himself, and proprietor of his ‘own person, and the actions or labour of it” For bour- seois man, a5 2 precondition for his formal freedam as 14 Fecal, Scary, Tray Poaltion 16: |S Toren that selfcawtt fscome eaaet snd ae ele st ulatry pipe ur nto. Neston fad ono e we wee hat Bet peal agai eps ‘oltre = tke a elfen sw fr ley Dele ‘onsrip nth Siete uf Carel Dao 5911972 pp 3 tad Miae Hardt and mono Nese Empty Combate Haters erty Ps, 200) Spi wheel Boga! po {ky tae genre al rahe eines of hens nt hss hese sje ation pester ma he lta the hein win tthe es sana Sead he beter "Karl Mare, °A. Contabuton 1 the Ciigur of ula many, Part Ons Theoin oe Send of Men rae 69 Npavatsana ip Aare nee Called Works MECH. ve 2 Ecincnic Woks 257=61, New Vos nteraceal abies 22, herp. 3, in Voth, Ta TreoniesofGovonment od mas Hols, aodon AM e ly 16H IL Biooitical Goveementatiy | 29 Inala pipes bona the gan En wage abs andra bands nt fll 18 Castel Lisa ily 1“other’, in the private sphere and with a female connota- tion. The governmental masculinist way of managing “one’s own precariousness through the security of prop erty ~ which in bourgeois understanding also includes wife, children and! seevancs~ began to spread to the work ing class as materializng ideology in the eaely twentieth century, with Henry Ford's introduction of the family wage. Specifically, this meant, on the one band, the senderspecific division of labour in peoduction work and, on the other hand, the reproduction work in the household that secured wage labour, but was also deval- ‘ued ard unpaid ac the same time.” Nozmalizing self-government is based om an imagina tion of coherence, identity and wholeness that gors back ro the coustruction of a male, white, bourgeois subject. Coherence is in turn one of the preconditions for modera sovereign subjects. “Inner, ‘natural eruths imagined in this way, constructions of authenticity of this kind, ‘continue up 10 the present ¢© nourish notions of being able to live one’s life freely, autoxiomously and according to one’s own decisions, in other words heing. sovereign ‘These kinds of biopolitical-governmental power and domination zelationships are not easily perceived, because they frequently appear as soveveign, self-made, fee det. sions,oras personal insights, and even today they produce the desire ro ask, ‘Who am? or How ean Fulfil myself? ‘The concept of one's own responsibilty, so. frequently 19. Cl, Aaunio Grama, Pate Nuts Va Fh and swans Joep A Bute, New Yor Clams Unies Nes 301 bee Norhank y G32 and. Nowook 22, 51, Cone Yad Coches eer Za Vb 2 So, Sale wad heen iter Hern Fran am May and onk Core 20 ‘Specally op 76-81 ipaltica Goemmentetiy | 2 invoked in she course of newliberal restructuring, func- tions in the tradition of this liberal tcchnique of selégovernment. In this widely underscood sense of the economy and. biopoites, the lines of self: marketing labour-power, af entrepreneurs of the self as a mode of subjectivation, reach back to the beginnings of modern Hberal soeicties and ate noean entitely neoliberal phenomenon. From a perspective of this kind, today's appeal 10 individual responsbiliy appears co repeat something thot had already faike to function in the nineseench century, namely the primacy of property and the construction of security on ris basis. At the heginning of bourgeois ru property was appealed to and deployed as protection against the imponderables of socially conditioned exist: fence, as security against a vulnerability ceriving om the secularized community and the rue of princes snd bing. ‘Uleimately this was only valid fora fev, and by the end fof the ninewenth century the nation-state had t9 guaran tee social security for many citizens ‘The Ambivalence of Biopolitical-Governmental Self Governing Foucaule speaks of a coversp, and this is probably one of the most important ideological achievements of liherat governientality: the ambivalence berween empowerment ‘and subjugation perceived as an ongoing, parade. The 20. tm comcast Haale, who te The Sir of Spey bribes the etepeue the eifory resco wh the eve pment of bra increas th na he eae Fr the oearch flowing osmsovereign way beheaded in the French Revolution, yet sovereignty and its cheoxzations still remain extcemely funetional for the new, modeen technique of governing, ‘though now co longer a describing a relationship between Sovereign andl subjee that covers the entice political and soxial body. With the end af aristocratic ruley there was a transfer of juridical sovereignty trom the king t0 the somcalled "people’, in other words to the individval male sitizens who were considezed a5 making up the nation. By cans of state sovereignty, the eiizen could now “exercise his or her soversign sghes2 Bue thie “democratization of sovereignty’, collectively expressed as “sovereignty of the People’, is not the outstanding achievement of bourgeois slowination. An assessment of this kind covers up and ‘eoneeals the fact char this democratic sovereignty ‘was haeavily ballasted by the mechanisms of disciplinary ‘coercion’? as Foneanlt writes, ‘The ambivalence between sel-legislation and coercion was already pointed out by Jean-Jacques Rousseau in his fon the Soviol Contract In their sovercignty, the self-governing citizens should also be subjects a the same time, “The essence of the politcal body consists in the concurrence of obedience and freedom’, according ta Rousseau. Tes only in this simuleancty of subjugation and fecedow, of regulation and empovsersient, thar the gavernabilty or self-governablity of sovereign bourgeois, 31 Mid Foes, Soy Mast Be Defend: Lact the Syed ate 7b 75 oe Dro Nay Ys a tia 25 Jn Jooqes Reupcay, Te Soc Cantata Oe tater Pobiat Write Vw Goes, Cambri Cambs ipaitice Goweramentaty | 33 subjects is achieved. Eren today, however, this bourgeois- emioeratic mode of becoming subjecrisiotapprchended ts constinating ambivalence, bur rather as a paradox, 9s ‘hough simultancous subjugation and empowerment was nnimaginable. Yet inthe eighteenth ceacury, the Western citizen had not cmsccipased himself trom subjugation fand constituted hime as sovereign. The old elation between sovereign and subject was instead shifted “nto him’, resulting in the fundamental reusion of biopoliical {governmental subjectivation ‘Although Fouesuile sees this tension and even relates it to the new art of govornmentality, the way he prob- lematizes sovereigery always remains bound up with rights (and their shies), eather than being inked with jnations ofthe capably for sell-creation, coherence and autonomy 38 condition and effect of biopolitical governmental subjectvation. “The ambivalence of the constitution of Western modern subjects is ior based solely on a particular conception vf Citizenship. Biopoliveal-governiental subjectivation in ‘eneral~ modes of se governing in nocmalizing societies takes place according.co the samve seemingly paradoxical logic as affects ciizers as (epal) subjects, in other words bberween subjugation and empowerment, Wit the biopo- litical demand! to ariest oneseli co what isnormal, everyone had to develop a reletion to themselves, co control their ‘own bodies theie own ives, By regulating themselves and ‘thus conducting themselves. Despite all individual ditfer- tence, this demand for self eyulation in both the private ‘nd the public sphere was Fundamental, bot inthe f and in the factory orn polities, 24 Fossler, Testy, Popo, 65tis pacticularly because techniques of self-government ‘emerge fromthe simultancty of subjugation and empow- cement, from the ambivalence of coercion and freedom, thar in hit seemingly paradox ovement he ind ual becomes not only 3 subject, but also a specif, adem, tree” subject. Power", according to Foucault is exercised only over free subjects, and only insofar as they are “free”. Freedom arises from the governmental ‘art ‘of governing’: ‘Freedom... is never anything other ‘hana relation between the governing and the governed.” ‘The problematization of governmental techniques of governing does not centre on the question of the emul ‘don of autonomous, free sabjects, bat rather on that of ‘regulating the relationships by which the so-called auton- ‘omous and free subjects Fest Become sich at al ‘What distinguishes liberal forms of governentality is that the governabilty ofeach and every individual within «© population always also becomes possible theaugh the way in which they conduerthemseves, The art of over ings according to Foucault, consists in conducting conduct. The power of powering is mot just exeecied Fepressvely from above. Tnstead, liberal goverumental lgouvernementale) governing entails individuals having an acting influence on the actions of others, on the possi bilities of conduct. Subjctivized in this way, this subject 25, oss The Sj an Power 9382 26. Foucault Sewn, Trang, Pepa ps 2D Mint Fowcal. 1c Like tome uel it de ower in Gullaumne te lage ad Ja Vel ey Poco Cilare Braces tera Bards. MY, DOE po BU ‘qed fe Thomas Lemke.” ‘Dyess. et Unsbhehe INeihersismoe, Widrsre einige ev srcaatcer Pla 48 (2108), 9.8998, beep 2h Rena Phe Saber and Bionoitical Governmentaty | 35 shen recurrenly pastcipates in the (re-inroduetion of the conditions for governmentaliry, because it is in this scenario tha the possibilities of agency firs aris. Individusls mosing in power eclations, by whic they are guided and governed, are always subjects who act, subjects capable of acting.” In acting, hey participate in ‘he manner in which they are goveened. Modesa subjects ‘embody liboral-democratie mods of governing through sel-government, through the way they live. Participation isthe ‘moter’ of this governmental biopolities, ye notin the conventional sense as political participation, but rather fundamental participation ehrough self govern. Ics precisely through the way they conduct themselves, how they govern themselves, that individuals become amena- ble s0 social, political and economic steering and regulation, However, the active participation of each individual in the reproduction of gaveming techniques fever serves only subjugation. Selfeonduct does nor necessarily have to comply with the dominant discipline and subordination. In the ambivalence between subj tion and empowerment, self-government can alays enable immanent struggles over the manner of leadership as well” Reducing self-government to mechanisms of subjugation would mean failing to recognize this amhiva lence, and obscuring contradictions, social struggles, ancl povenrals Fr eesitance Liberal gavernmentality nceds not only «certain form ‘of freedom, bor also ac the same time mechanisms of 23 Ch ids. 50. 50 Canny her Mickel Fuca "What Cetus a ye Hocky in yee Loni onde Hlth by Ts Pats f Th New Yor: Semen, IT. pp at a2‘feosring!" The so, fen an sec Duval prove tes sols eats acer i imaneno fiber mocap of governing, ot eat of duc to ths dynamic. The imposible ocean a bresarionsnets fds an equialen ie pore options of seazity, ubicheaeulate a ere tek both potcally and economically A cleo Protection agsinst cera exineml danger aah beverthcles posible even h faren he we Possible for everyone. . Protection and Inequaliy Within the feamework of ws wl is wallarsateparaiem of Dots, Hera goermienalty wat oe oe He forms of precacy an nequaty tough the the one hand, om the waged labour of ome scproduton area of the priate mh oe ie ah band om the pecariy of all hot exladel anne nation tate wmpeomse between capa sa a seth as shnoerals forge or poor an eae ne lng under exten’ conditions of expla colonies." At! these who did nor nice he nea ee Sormalzation of the free, soveign bourne subi along with his consonant popeey ne 3 Ct omc Srcinn, Tots, open, ea i Mel Misi ta add Mears sy Stee dR Ut ne i Jab. swan at, UME bom ste hme Micrel "Pasa 2 juphine tery i Me sera Rand, Land Mine ae Sea EIN te taser rc Mach 08, etic ey Biopoitcal Governmental ty and all those who threatened chis norm, were precarized. ‘Wesrean modernity, along with its conceptions of sovet= cignty and biopolincs, i nehinkable without “political culture of danger," without the permanent endsnger- ment of the aormal, without imaginary invasions of constant everyday theeats such as illness filth, sexuality, criminality oe the fear of ‘racial’ impurity, which mast be immunized against invasions ways.” The presomed paradox of biopolitcal governmentality is evident here in 2 further aspect: this mode of governing tmakes it post bie, as Cornelia Ot: has aptly pheased it, “for bumas heings to learn co consider themselves a3 unique “subjects”, while uriting shem at the same time as an amorphous, standardized “popnlation mass” ... The reverse side ofthe “reht to life” here is always the exe sion or destruction of ie."* The liberal mode nf governing peodluces precarities as economic, social and legal relations af inequality through systematic categorizations and hierarchizations 34 Fon Bo otis 96 CSC ey son pl Aung tne Zameen tre ots ee Sea ikea ak wor lensed Ua Fs eds Eat a Bsjens Zar Routes ies Woah hdr’ Wooadce Bic 0p 46 Common ee Gets al Gent. Zo Zana so alice ini on eae ‘Gcicerrache ne ting on fee ose mate Sherpa Gncteestaateneinarsoun Pas ene tiv cen 9% pp 108 Te hae sah On econeok venom! scion a kv, heel ey “Doro Rep atch fees Rea a Aedog denen Rola Mo Tig, Caince Dube ancioon an jn meen sen. RO ra wd aioe, ant ast oWifiem = Whines, Ketche Son 2d en, rhe si Sow: er ”according to ‘body" and “cule”, tn this sense 1 use precarity asa structural category of ordering segmented ‘elations of violence and inequality. This dimension of ‘seruetural inequality, however, is missing in Foucault's, conception of governmentality Helped by a hierarchizig and discriminating culate of ‘danger, the contradictions of liberal politcal economy are feinforced in the interplay between (recom and security, selfempowerment and compulsion, AS an immauent contradiction of lkeral governmentality, precarized devi- ance has repeatedly distored and disturbed che sabilcing {dynamics between freedom and security and has frequently triggered collective counter-behaviowe aad struggles, From the nineteenth century on, hegemonic economic modes of subjectivation and selF-government were not practised in liberal-capialise societies independently from social procection tectriques and institutions. ‘The later were intended co reduce social insecurity and keep the risk of unemployment, ilees, accident and social exela> sion calculable for an inereasing number of the national population.” Ar che xame time, the institutions of the welfare stte didnot primarily serve the protection and 87 Sin pits fers of Ye Fausauian concen of prermenalty are aly exrewed hy gr Suen Die Ache des ators statemd Deorl tio or Genes debe, Par fm Missal New Yk Cais, 200, 108 Ante Eng Wie reper ie Seen? Mcel ouis Koon dee Gomer fs Komeat qoeemntichor I homstg in Nae Peper fn Freumotion Gutéwer Rogue ed, Comer in ‘evsionsbalices Konpe an ls Pouce, aor fy Mn and New Vers Cas 2003; pp, 236-3 Ale Deron, Dos ryder Mache es Mel ci’ Wonkng Pape of he Inte for Pots eer 2, Vn 2008 38 CL Cora Pr Moma Wn Wage Labs rage ald, a roidonen Pre Bema sey, 8 ‘octal Govennertaity | 39 sccurity ofthe workers, but rather supported econemi cally productive self-government techniques. among ‘obedient and cautious citizens,” who ensured themsclves nd precaried others simultaneously. This governmental dynamic involves attempts to control the peccasiousness shared amoag al by stciating and posiioning dangerous “orhers‘as the precarious ones atthe “margins” In neolberalist the funtion ofthe precarious is nove shifted co the middle of sociery and normalized. This means that -he function of bourgeo's fresdom can now also be transformed: away from dissociation from precat= ious others and towards a subjectivizing function in normalized precarization. Whereas the precarty of the marginalized retains its threatening and davgerows poten nal, precarzation is transformed in neoliberal sto 3 normalized polisical-economic instrument. 29 OL Mie! Fons Tach and Jal Fon io Fan, Pour haat Wes of cal Vp. 1Chapter 3 Welfare State and Immunization (Current sociabscience esearch on “precarity’y! in which the concepe generally has 2 negative connotation, can be indcestood inthe genealogy ofthe liberal form af precar- ‘as inequality, hich has partly Become inscribed in the \wellarestate safegus'ding of existential precariousness. “The exclusively negative meaning of ‘precarity” goes back to the two French sociologises whose ideas still frm the fundamental analytical passmtes for institutionalize’ procarination research in the socialsciences sodiy:Vierre Bourdieu and Robert Castel? Castel’ argument exemmpli- fies che way in whios a solely negative construction of 1 The eof cacy ie guaation ruksdosignaesheonn ed ely ina ot oan para rpc Tote ‘Sica tot aipng macy the oe eee taken Rober Cael Carel hel tas bath precay lpecnatn Indian defining difesce The em prerte wd here he heblgso che pcs area cate of eer wich Saori eundeeswad wibwt agra curponents ll apps? nthe Fong wae quotation as. TEE the ature gh hy Bown fs 1997, La psa ew sight peat in Cmte fou, the Bek plies by Cave! itn n 95, Pou Mata orkor 2 Wage babs‘precarty” assumes a poliical-immunolagical function, which is partculady eeprodvced and constricted jn the adaptation of his theses in che German-language zon. ‘The biopolitical-inmunizing dynamic in Casel’s posi= sion moves berween security and protection on the one side and endangerment and threat onthe other. ‘Accordingly, in his analyses of “precarty’ che welfare state stands on the side of protection, whereas precatity” is on the side of potential endangerment ~ aot only of those affected by insufficient protection through employ” ment, bac also of society a8 a whole TT exiticize here the opposition that Castel posits between the secure welfare state and insecure “precarity’, itis not my intention to deploy a neoliberal discourse of freedom cha celebeates the liberation of individuals from, the clutches of the “nanny state"? Instead, two ques ‘Hons arise: Who was ready not (sufiienty) cafeguarded inthe Focdise welfare-state system? And in what way is social insecurity currently hecoming «component of social normality? I “precarity’ is conceived solely as thieat ail insccurigy, dis means fe # always posited in ‘contrast to a norm of security it remains inthe mode of deviation. This makes i impossible to grasp the processes ‘of normalization chat T understand as the regulation of modes of precarization and thus as a neoliberal instru ‘ment of scering and technique of governing, Bi Ser Von de her actrben, Neo: his in [Neihestumat t Mais Baw Sones and Wala Wap. Frat sad Geschvin Off Beason Prk Yobaaer Tanencs Sao Veiga 2008, pp 17-3 hee 1c ao AS xproAve der noun Wl Tats, Fac sd Sale Ta det agusron' Lesbom, Rotner Zech ir benesha 2 (2000) pp. 202-20 \Warace steve ane inmunzaten | 49 Biopolitical immunization use the concept of *biopolitical immunization’ to desig nate a modern dynamic of legitimizing and securing felations of domination, ‘This Figure of the politically ial ime immune is chaeactorized ~ in ents €0 ju nity ~ by the movement of taking ia. ‘This involves a manner of safeguarding that implies movement into what i eo be protected, Whats tobe protected can be a political community, a social eonstellaion, from which Aan evil coming from “within itselP must e differentiated inorder to protect this community. Fest, this kind of ev must be discursvely positioned at the social margin — frequently supported by a process of othering = in onder to then be split: nto one part chat is considered, in relax tion £0 immunization, as ‘capable of intograsion’, and another part that is constructed as incurable’ and deadly for the community, and that must therefore he completly excluded. Tae security of the community is segulated through che integration af a neutralized and domesticated potential danger, which is im part produced by sccuriey techniques for their own legvinieation.* {A politcel-immunologieat perspective also makes it posihle to tiquire how the threatening and dangerous is constructed in a pattern of sociaktheory argumenta- tion ~ as inthe sociological analysis of ‘precarity" ~if previous forms of immunization no longer protect against wha: is threatening and dangerous. What ideas ‘of society, state and the individual emerge, ifrelations of power and domination are understood as legitimating And reproducing themselves in an immunizing dysanic 4 Ch Lamy, Fen des Ineanen op 240,between security and insecurity, between protection and endangerment? These kinds of threat scenarios usually aio to {ee-) immunize eelations of domination. In ether words, they indicate a crisis of specific elations of domination, the Alisimegration of which is depicted as catastrophic, and Parcicularly a (re-establishing of protection and security ‘echnigues thar cam be used for steering and regulating the governed, Jn this context, security discourses cannot dispense with parameters of threat and endangerment, in order to legitinize their immunization Modern discourses of imsunization no longer solely involve porential dangers from the outside, There has long heen an awareness of immanent danger, the endan- ‘gered, weak position is part of society, and if is ‘endangerment s not controlled and cegulated, it ean only he contained at hest. Should the danger spread, however = and this kind of proclaimed potential danger under. scores the urgency of this model of argument ~ then the jotire society is endangered and threatened! with disiee tration and breakdown. One very old fear of this kind of disintegration isthe fear of ‘civil war’, with its concern about a division of society that potentially leads wo ehe collapse of “social Peace’ of the common consensus, and the end of the tunity ofa social organism. However, the greatest danger fora social or political body lies not in insurrection, not fn internal steuggle alone, hut eather in a splitoff in secession, in faling apart. Inthe constructions of modeen security societies, the threats that can lead to this donot ome from outside but instead develop in an excess that is no longer governable, that grows from within, \WotnveState and Irmunizion proteecve eegulation, Tris includes everything shat falls tout of the existing order, an excess of what is to be ordered, an excess of what, roa cect extent, can appar ently no longer be regulated or controlled, and Consequently no longer governed, and that challenges the normal exdee ‘The Retwen of Insecurity hiss in say im Mama Wares Wage Laborers Rohe Const carrey ec the mos intraconlly infertile soclogs of [abou — Shows that the poste, ine aosred ith wage [abou wes for many erin ote a he most msc, tndignied and wretched, Anyone who “sipped dows inv wage Labour ented in dependent abou” and thant sc son of esti ne vet ee Fr long tine, ng our ed over Tense in ich oe ound o's a subj to he Tint of neesty ad bet sate of precarousness tora extene dese, On a he Ls ear ad 9 tron ces nan oe boing soon al cid Earopean and Now Aner welfare sie soceed removing wage nbour fom dsndrmieyastng sch steps sins sotl risk, and hunter gle de harrow conan sed ie ‘When Camel speaks oso pots he etsning ise of niet who ‘are legally eed to S$ Ce, rom Mond Wanker Waye Laborer ps & td Heminimal social preconditions for tei independence’. In these manifestations of the welfare state, social indepen- dence is inseparably conracted with entitlement to socal bhonefts linked to employment. And social independence js to be understond as « ssfeguarded form of autonomy and celaive sovereignty with respect co existential precariousess For mote than thiry years now, however, according to stl, we have been faced with the problem of the erosion and incteasing fragility of this social welfare onstruction. In view of the massive destabilization of \wage-lahove conditions arid the renewed comprehensive subjugation of labour co the laws of the mack maintains thar we should speak ofa return of insscuriey ‘This is not simply a repetition of the old misery, but rathor an insocurty that is newly bound up with wage labour. The independence of the many is at stake here, nal with i suiety asa whole. To analyse how threatens ing this social and economic development is, Castel has suggested a chree-zone model: between a "zone of integr tion’ and a ‘ron of disaffiiation”thore isan unstable and expanding zone of "precarty’, of ‘soeal vulnerability”? ‘As | will show in the following, Castel develops his social theory within the immunological dynamic described above, between protection and threat, secu- rity and endangerment. He conceives not only the relationship berween individual and society, bur also the state, in these relations of tension. The challenge that "precarty” poses for contemporary societies ~ especially th Chel Die Wier der sven Unsichere ‘Wetae Ste and tnvanization in France and Germany ~ is described! in implicitly biopolitical immunological terms. Castes threat scenario is not only androcentric, as has aen hoon ‘noted fromthe standpoint of gender sties" He under stands precaity primarily as a threatening anomie & potentially destructive provess: his argument focuses on the ehreat of a break-up of society Tris no coincidence that Castel cites Thomas Hobbes asa meders authority for his historeal perspective an social and politcal insecurities" As mentionel caries, Hobbes was the fist modern theorist of che sate to lexi mize the subjugation of che individual ro the tule of A.eviathan with an appeal to the argument of the protec- tion and secaity of the individual. The deadly oqual and feeedom characteristic ofthe nacutal state were to he tended by way ofthe promise of protsction, Fearaf wnpro- tected vulnerability i replaced by fear of the protecting Leviathan.” Safeguarding from precariousness, which i Hobbes merges with the threatening other, sequires ‘obedience to the sovereign, OF coutse for Castel such & state of aueroritarian obedience is no. meal fe doo statically constituted societies. However, he docs take ‘over the ide thatthe state has t0 protect the individ, LCE. Regine Aakabashe, ‘Dl nls Frage ne ssl Ceslsfaraen dr Feb areruns ms Gehlert ‘a tase! and Dore ei Prtantn pp €3-#h Mlvezd Mono Ne ‘Die ick” = tine sored Kangra? Anomangrn Pst fesctledvemlypaches Pespekie, ie Cate ad Die, Prelartn, pp 29°18; Susanne Ve, “Bonihte Verses glee den Poacrngeharn fr vine pach Zotngnane i Bee Autenhache Sad Ash, Nese ob fits Perper nd Dagmscnder Ceshctnfrschons ‘natcr: Weta ocey Darypho 309, 92 TE” el cel tc soe pe 18 Ley gwen de ron ps 23-848 | stare of msteuniry becae si bth the price andthe epporaiy for living sndpendenty together n'a soe an eines ths Hea (or the eintemporiy nays of pone Fanden wage lstour conditions gan the backrop of newly related an simatancously eroded meat ar thecolletve tha prone For Castel sine the seventeenth cmt here sui mney onl ne thing tat hs ado become the framework of the avous form of modern Eutipenn statehood the insect of human exten heroes the ned or sary which emer ef lin sccany soc Sine the ofthe pores of te ie vidual in modernity aserding to Castel, hori spose politcal, ga and seal elatony have ere sponded nein ther thn he Search or apt recto." Nansen vcs that ae ened through rclaions of protection and secur smulane cl engender fling of infieseury"™ =the Somseinasns of vulneabiliy omen tog the protection ise, or rather tough 2 prcton tha Snsanalyinuthoene Altensonpasding erty ea never be established any claim fo emt always fal isang snppoitmcns and even evenness 24 Cu mies indepen snd tonya thea fen ca so ety asf hese ay a ‘seo sht na ey her oe comeprne re ee Erm wey odo nen Cah ets 15 Cote Watered sri Uae, .2. 16 GG Lisa cap and farts BWM Ghat deste osive cman’ (Cae, este rit | 9 ihe ek ofthe mal seca esr ot coi vg cy wah and gai be stmt te Cae atch args foms of hii tae goat comer nib el potion of le eae opt all menbor of cy ing ee tt pdr rans of dostion a ‘Sere tse a ic tng dom iSong tora hoe who do fr ca Tart te stn qn Aig Cal doe Se ha screen othe mort ft poe Fits cone en nd ofl egos rte seeing of prea amg ves he's nt saeco eso ae. The nha endo rowed in Ue, “Tea cette the memos ade seit cow at pss him fy Meaduise Sees nt tbe int as hs ft a ne cea wrt mas ey nl le dey yaw or ear doe aati dament commune ar or buted ‘ei. 2} look orsapenats or the morse of he wc Sse an pps sal cons trey oar wl (pup eileen oe the dire ebm an ed eacens ole Babs, Cale peas i ie of agent ‘ember f cath bwe Wieert de Dhara’ 32), Bo" CH Caney 'D Wishes der ache 23, Ht Gavel Linaantt meeps BE Gqeeh ‘De Winker der Ucn. 21 tone Oaner, taedealerin, Shean ‘aruiy Oblgations ade Sorat Cones in Cry FRED Rape, 19%. 1s valle ae opin Nowe, and fine Walewas the breadwinner ad pacriaechal prozector of the family in other words ofhis wife and children," Protective patriarchal masculnities and the correspondingly neces- Suey social ancl legal guarantee of domination in the private sphere are historically the reverse side of state protection of the madern (real) individual. In this kind bf tension the modern ambivalences associated with the need for protection and feeedom, with vulnerability and property to be protested, did not apply in particular to "those without property to female citizens orto non-citizen Inseparably interwoven wih the feminized private sphere tobe protected, te existential vulnerabilities that modern social and political security techniques are supposed t0 Safeguard against become male-heterosesualized vulner- Abilities. The comparshle potential vulnerabilities of ‘wom [illness accident, et.) were generally only indi= rectly socially safeguarded or profected through the husband as primary earner and thus principally insured person (for example in Germany until the 1970s), and they were linked with a continsed feminization of the nee for protecting I snot uncommon foe modern se. rity discourses at hath the public and the private level ro stil be heteronormarively structured This complexity 24 tn one paige Gas even pois eat wre, ive and servants nse pets te percha gai a iis ce ur tn poaion was sh oon Gependeny” Case, Tsuen evi tw at fey ere conse ea roveton. Blom thi io re ito yea eld rscgender and cneapecte dependence hie soa SBF Cte omong aera Crna Klge,"Krbe we immer Leena nd machete brates in onal ‘cher un kapealamnshetchgrPerpetine Im Era. Appelt, Brigit ‘Metter and Ageia Weer i Geslachat Reich ntemiignsen, Mtns Wessehes Derg 2013p. 82-18 “Jo EL ts Maron Young, “The Lage of Moses Pestin fare State and immunization | 52 of state provstive constrictions and so-called security societies renaine obscured in Castes analysis, fis ectsely against this background, however, that the dmoz loge of his argumentation an “precnet)" must be problematized, a “The Views of Precarty’ The great actievement of the welfare state acconing to Castel, consisted in its capacity to protect, t0 a exttain degre, even those nor safeguarded through property: dhat unprotected strata ofthe population’ permanently affected by social inscurity, by unforeseeable dangers such as ‘illness accident and tnemployment, and therefore exposed to the constant danger of poverty. Withowt such stare protection, poople are constantly exposed to insecurity a8 ifco.a contagious epidemic, as Castes wording explicitly supgests: ‘Like virus that permeates everyday lie disso ing social ties and undermining the physical structures of the individoals, social insccurty] also hae a demoralizing effect asa principal of social dissolution.” This reciprocal the virus ofthe incalculable social vulner: ability of individuals and theie unseeing dependency on ‘other, is exactly che thecat that, toa high degree, consti- tutes states ard societies, which build on protection and securities, as endangerment.” eins on he Cres Sty Sn Sgn ora of Wane Cultere and Society 1 (2003), p.1~25. eee 3 “Con tami 28 2 CE Cael rom Monel Wonkos 2 Woe abr 946 38 Gf Reber Copan, Inman he Pron ond Neston of tts ambi iy Pa 2041hindered muna! infor ~ ag a 2 pee ee ‘welt andinmuniedaginnin wos Ing ot scialinecurity under conte, ehh a fy edi sc ik Br he na the population” ie came pone pare {urs esecily bcs nda ont oe ive “protecting instances which gave Sal insurance benetits, oo In contrat th wh a + that we ae etre experienc Se eturn uf as valerate The Ye ae furding osm... the at and te hone Seonprofeiona soups ~ haw cued went Serene." In bis nae, Cat seta Se ne measure of the thet of fact focatng cane a ufo etm ofl icin 3 ee urbreak of the wis of potential diintoure ee al call ‘erty orecataton ar om sus sate the principe of fern 20 (Sth Die Wich er Umber 2, 1b Cab Lindow see. 34, empha ena (ph Ba Wik der Unacheriee pae oe 2G. Cae Ciatmtersende nee 3S Sew fae Werte Wop Laberan pes, is eile 4 ue Covel fom Ua Wee ay ose Sa ches 10 Wage Labovers, pain, 2? Gone "Die Wide ce Unichrhe ete State anc Inunizticn | 59 Covbich cannot be limited to the lower elasses of society P The relatively stablg, immanizing wellare sate, which ‘protects against social and economic insexuriies Jue 0 physical injury and social isolation, is rambling and thus elf becoming precarious, ‘So there are stable situations that are in danger of becoming destabilized. There are situations of valnerablity, in which those affected can more or less hold up far a certain time, but wich may also possibly tip. ‘Those who sre increasingly in danger of dropping our fof protective stare regulation, oF who. have already dropped out, those who in terms of sosil security seem to he ever less protected in social calletives and thus elude the order of security, are not, according to Castel, tw be understood as ‘supetlaous’ ur even excluded" ccomtrary t0 a discouse thar has been clearly evident in the socialsciences in recent years.” He repeatedly rejects analysing the ‘margit" of the welfare-stare order ~ which he understands in terms of insecurity oF “prccanity’ = as ‘superfluous’. The overflon, what is literally running ‘over, those who are considered superfious, axe aot for ‘Castel in an cutside stare." However, ashe perceives it ‘they do theeaten the "centre" — in other words, those 38. th, p31 empha 38 than 2 40_ CE ter: Cone ‘Di False des Haklasiosbet, trans Guat RoBi, in Hoe Be and Andee, Wiles Fekluiom Die Delt er ae “Uber Farr ot Mak Stietamp, 2008, pp. @-86, anf’ Case "Die Whedbee Unie "CL te sod Wich xa CE Caat De flavihedessslaonSiy and Case ede cr det Unch 5 Col Poy Mon! Workers Wage Lae ga DieWho ace "integrated ineo society, those who belong, the normalized majority who are fail) secured through employment cancion. fafetion itself i¢ not the probs lemv:a security society can never completely eliminate the risk of insecurity. The theea! to existing relations of dom nation based on seuuriy fret arises as a result of excess, ‘of transgressing ee lit of he eoleeale number of infec tions. Ie is this dynamic of the immunization of a normalization society" upon which Castel’s zone model is asd. Being counted as helonging to an inside or an outside, fr counting oneself a8 sich, 18 not an either-or qucstion for Castel, but involves rather a processual pach between zones. Instead of a strict houndary, he envisions a kind of threshold of ambivalence between inclusion and exch sian, berween the ‘zone of integration” and that of “disaffilation’. The ‘inrermediote snstable vone" is thae fof “precarty", of ingecurity “aad endangerment." “Peecarty” corresponds ro 2 ‘new form of insecurity that js highly obligated ¢o the ceumbling and dissolution ofthe protecting seuctures that had developed within wage Tabor society. Consequently one must speak... of an insecurity that continues to he surrounded and permeated by structures of safeguarding. The aim isto avoid a disas- ‘ous view of things Cstel concedes that ‘precariq" is not only @ phenom= exon of the socially weak or the “lower classe’, but that there is also ‘a “higher” form of precarity’” As an 41h bey aan de mn, 25080, 3 Covel Pram Mana Worker» Wage Labo 46 GNcL*Dhe Wate der Unearth she orig "eid p32 Wolfe Stat and immunization | 95 example he refers to ‘the so-called intermittent de spec: tacle ip France ~ chose discantinwously employed in the field of theatre, film and media’. He immediately adds, however, that ‘a precarty of shis kind certainly presents itself differenly and evokes reactions and modes of bpehavious that are different fromthe precarity in "simple ciccles™.*It's beyond question that hierarchirations and Ailferenees among the precarious must be rfleted upon. With this line oF anguinent, however, Castel nor only isolates the “highes” procarity arwibuted solely to che middie classes jrom a different form of ‘precatty" thar applies exclusively to those groups positioned a the margins of society or among the “lower clases’. With this separation he also makes the intense engagements and struggles of the intermittonts svsible, in 9 sense, even though they very quickly alled with so-called “marginal ‘roups? to farm the Préeaires Associés de Paris.” Iris 4 ee 89 CE Prcsires Arie Pari nor de peop mom one 3003, abet hppapna ye GlaltrosceCardnaton de Ineonimns ct Pcie Sie de Frere, Spetie Iste he Sate ad On, Saal Rigs aa se Appropet oP Space The Bat fhe eich orn teams. hicen Dag, tania Prevarit(jiy 2008, sss Iipitravesala Aneaelis Corsa, Whar We Dekel, We Delend For Eeyore" Traces of Paty Moto ane, Mary {FREI raenol ‘On Univeral une 3007) ana oc pe ttannevialat;amsosla Covaniand Maurin! avr ermtiets pesca, Be Eetone hn, 2b, Niro Laver, ‘Die Dymmie dee policies Eregnies. Shtrnnpaese and Micropolitan. Scan Nowy, sll Tne. Roberta Nigro, aed Ger Reon ds Inventnen Ir Gemsitam, Pekan Prtoan Ken/Dujintaon Brags Moserat Ques ‘Accomblagen, Zieh Daphanes 2011, yp. Tei The sae Dries Aas de Poe slanae of anatase96 | stare oF wstevarre ‘obviously no in Castel interest to grasp precarization as a phenomenon that is gradually becoming normalized, ‘hat also reaches the ‘centre’ and that can evoke politcal struggles across the sirata ‘of the population, On the contrary, he emphasizes that ‘precrity’ touches “espe: cially che most Usadvantaged strata, Particularly here thetc isa danger that it could becomes permanent condi tion of hie and lend 0 a ‘satiation 0 “sucessvely leaving those affected behind... which ean push them ler the edge of society" Castels destabilized zone of ‘precaity" is not one that sutomatically and inevitably leads in the direcoon of slsafiliacion and finally toa break, a secession from socr, ty, Yet the threat is obvious due eo the lack of protection evident in a situation of “vulnerability. Ie aot clear wheter the domestication and taming of those rendered Ione ad union powps, Stating it 2002 sey cated out oe Sctronsneeryone tec fas ae hein a A re enn ppt nails, ee so ‘atoms ach ao aly 20001 ane a 50 Ge he Wee de ieee 9.31 51, hid 29. The rm fener tn Cony akinge seer he enti lie ca fa {eimin Geman. Tigres hac na cntoresat ah rhe ee tert Fount, snd ih ihe Gru Scare from 20. Asaf ths ad ems ected wee ued or he iio hogsce me nd lad oe, butonlyentc inking with decay temic ae es of tower an Umncacens Ch Foek Kon Coelho Belarc Sn der Wc Stang toa Sag et ‘sons lide Cla Alwakanetlsoty Vos Nes Grin ‘end Patan Gotlbiche Vohsme wad heron Limi Kche Prgcven ea bets De, BA at inca wl be pombe agin healing ough ne ee Sony through snmunization vill Devoe possible mae tl nor cone with st seating “cisterns brs ht ne cuneate tobe meted 2 sn ee ee rec af neta Wie oremetal expan teh Cael maimams tht calls fr 3 “Matec tate within the fratnework of which wage Ror esc Constr te ase eee ees aaeesegraon. ion he ther Rand hye more rie eseEttaon ot aatinns thn oy ae eta blng xcte, hy col ve bse down eran e te eee ee iy te al bar elas normale! msjoy Sas 7 Castel’s threat society thar has now become fearful ot eye mei te £2 hc sn alin ie cr mang cn iat een sea SERTTTAS Stadcen tpn ne en cme, of Sistine an wake wee to eave tenes, pis Woo ars Spe PKs {2 el 8 an el Sen ee Bo i 1S a a Work BL GG sec tat mc a) SSeS tha gra oe gene ri ar ‘anette ene iti dvr oan ern ce ee alent eb Lad ac 2 ot weal hep 23. Labo 843,4 | evine oF insecunity scenario, He cocsders precaraation les as phenome: ton that afetsexee industal capital soca iret ways. a6 normality, instead seing society threatened more bythe danger thatthe vrs of ies fity could increasing) at its way into the cena nt the zone of integravion In she agnaryachitectre of his aore: model, is evden thae Cast i alana concerned aso wit the endangerment and insciiy of the integrated, participating, majorey made case which sem 10 he threatened hy the margins hess affected by ‘precarity’, looking their own vulnerability, thee preiioueness, the ee Tei em the perigee is fom the marginale’ ~ and Case inludes stn these not only the "white lower clas bu leo the ror dents ofthe danas that she brea, the ecsson the Aetna sent out fom the basloue vn ew “Janets cae an ‘abridgement, in which “everything that 9 society holds as theet i projected ant specie proup ae the'problemaf incur” Bat igonnshrca sensi which Tocuses othe lack of integration ofthe purported Social margins dac 10 precarious working condoms, feats che breakdown of society starting specially fons these margins’. For Castel, ‘peasy is the tent that ind wihich does noe contribute at all to sulvin, edge Ch Linens, op. 2-6 Rokr Cal, La Seana aie ine Pa a a fern ead ofthe evens the Pas Bae Ase 3008 tehet emphasise the pound sonstn of capa a ae fen of pecan ae Jah Revel Dla cares pce os ie oi aac i ne, Atala 7 B00"), ote at pulreeade ign, SP Cael sci p. 53 oped 8. ‘Wale State ant Immun zation ‘endangers the immunizing social safeguarding of the rmale citizen, making him socially vulnerable and pecear jous in new and old ways at the same time. If the break-up of society, the secession or defection of certain of fis parts, s to be warded off, then an antidote for rampant 'precarity" must be found. In Castel's loge, this antidote would consist in a secaring integration that neutralizes the danger and the participation of those endangered by social insecurities. Against the back ‘ground of cxrtent intepration debates, his argument for more integration is not an unequivocally conserva tive model that fears the loss of hegemony. of the national-ethricized majority society, but it does in ine a white majority social middle that should pzove itself » pluralistic republic by ensuring active smegea~ tiow and thus warding aff and combating "precaviey’." ‘The ‘cisafiliation’ of those who prove to be incapable ‘of integracica would then no longer theeaten the cohesiveness of society asa whole, In this kind of domi nation-securing dynarwic that Ihave called "biapoliical immunization’, security i ta be achieved in 9 twofold way, in order to stabilize and heal the constantly contaesinated self: Ie occurs ehrongh the integration oF those ‘others’ who can be neutralized, in other words 58. Sabie Hs, Ja Ble, a oarncy Moen, No Inca’ Kerra Rate Pega ‘Fas MeL ane, 2009 Sr Karape ts tha the ogee seta te grcion deter a0 eA Profi peal beat they tenet ete nue The craton fue dls sh re socal Sons ond ws ae Cleon Serkan Krskaylg “Parmesan Dis Inegratcenorl le weer Rime Koemprrna’i 35-20, here pO 59 Ch Cael, be dzriminnon native pr M2« domesticated, 36 well as through the exclusion or reiee- tion of the ‘foreigner who cannot be integrated," Regulacing rishs depends on a tolerable measure of insecurity. If cootingeney and unpredictability become dominant, then governmental security societies become ver harder to govern, Even i modern security techniques tno longer have to operate primacily through eeial homogenization an fixed stabiliztions excessive unpre sletabilty emains a potential threat to he taken seriusty Any sweakening inthe dynamic of his kind of biopalitiee) tigare ofthe immune always invites the exaugerated thet- ti of an impending disaster of looming downfall unlens thete ts a prospect of a renewed immanization, Social, Science arguments that make use of an imautoiogical ‘paradign thus frequently legitimize the re-atabilizaies oF ‘eesurmably unregulatable conditions that have become lusstable thus overlooking the potential for emancipa: tory social change that can arise specially from these kinds of teaceues, Castel is noe wholly wrong in his view of precatity and frecatization ay eating their way into the entre socieny like a bighly concagious virus that can lead to eutmult The ‘easons tor the inflammatory viral infection, however, are "i longer to be found (only in the unreasonable politcal and economic impositions to which the marginalized ore subject, but consise rather in the normalization of precarh ‘ation throughout the whole of society, and. which thevetore require responses her than an increase in inte, ration, There sno longer a centre or a middle that could Ley Figaro dee oman, pp. 2800. The dyn ‘weno aminiaten a mets te Leeatydalceonsneteg ‘avlnaly, which ofen tke wah anon of cee ‘rent, Loe. Waitin onde Aliana nena ‘Wola State ond bmunizaton 61 sity sae enough 8 Posmay he son eee oan i res oe Sean ep hn oes fam datos” Concopnay. past onl rom Shin nh pn inlet ne eet me pepe acs aera sn of ime renngh ence esis 0 Be ey eee pt poe peed rol pecan “oman yn wher gc Kemet 8 andre Wt woot hr th comenprry nxmalaton 9 etn bona chalet forms pele inte oaythecpraa mode f pode thinset spectra te fae st Weide pola epson abot conspicuous. vo0-12 6 CL Com adem gat ID £2 tit Lng emer Za Jona lc der Benger ey Rater ites rol Rawr Yo Why One Dv a tern i de Beng es Peleclon 18 oe en kon f Vese esi Tnn Rai 2012, 9p 78 abl Deny Mover, Rams ad te Cis tu Alee Derg, Thos, Cale & Suey 6 Sesh Ke det Torey. The 20 Terr rot ese on ges Rance 24Chapter 4 Precarization as an Instrument of Governing Precarization as goveenmental precarization does not vtably eat its way throug sociery like a virus spread ing resistance. On the contrary, despite the transnational struggles of the precarinas, which marked the entice 20015, and despite the protests of 2011 especially in Southern Eurcpe and the US, ic currently scoms poss at least in somre of the richer parts of Europe, for siti ro come to cerns with socal insecuriy in the most dif lent ways and in the most diverse soeial postions, 0 handle the privatization of risks and conteibte to she normalizaion of precarization through subjugation and conformity ~ borne by their fear of being eeplaceable Contraey to Castel’s threat scenario, nether the seou rigy of a social order not neoliberal governing techniques resently endangered by “precarty” spreading out from the ‘margin’. Precatization has, rather, long since artived in the so-alled middle of society. Precarious living and working conditions are currently being normalized ara structural level and have this become a fundamental goveromental instrument of governing, ‘The result of the normalization of prevarizaion,!however is certainly nor that we are currenly living in an insecurity society: we stil ive ina security sociery, but it is one chat has become goveenable through precariation, ‘The state i not withdrawing from all formerly funda mental institutions of safeguarding. In nevliberalstn, however, safeguarding no longer needs the extent of 'iberal welfare-state techniques of protection, lostead the state inereasingly limits itself to discourses and practices ‘of police and military safeguaedig, which in tun increas. ‘nply operate with disciplinary conteol and surveillance techniques.’ At the state level, political and social safe- ‘uurding age sill just aboue balanced: the more socal Safeguards are minimized, and he more precasiation Increases, she moze there isa hatte to manimize domestic security. Migrant others, in particular, must repeatedly demonstrate through assimlative integration that they are suitable forthe collective of those who are stil mi mally safeguarded ~ otherwise they can be declated a security risk. When domestic security discourses sre correlated with formalized social insecurity in neolibealism, then the fundamental dispositive of liberalism shifts. instead of lreedom and security, freedom: and insecurity now form the new couple in neoliberal yovernmentality: the state 4does not on principle limit freedom or combat insecurity, but both become the ideological precondition for govern: mestal precatization ‘What we are dealing with specifically are srateges for securing domination which rebuild existing concepts of 1 ta snen thes, Lene, ‘Dpie dr Unik, Pariin ushrt Ravin Sejer and Yrs Water eds Cuurereoeencr ed Scher Zande Barge banana eee rns 2008 Drecazalin as an astament of Governing security so that inert hovemes. «normalized mode of governing The cena paradiga of the poverabliy of Bropotceal subjection curemly consis nether in saToguarding through 4 represettive sovereign notin wellaresat insti of safoguaeding. What charac ceric pra nether naira gveromest of : ‘Accor ling to ‘Maurizio Lazzarato in his 2008 book on the government of neque all aeguards guns Paks all soco-poliel nstiutons, operate. within a acoliberal loge of ‘spose that mut Sanction wth» nin’ Thisnim Ging sesbold «pi Cal seme! specifically, che varying border area in which is repeatedly necesay to determine ane were the sk of “cil war” thaeatens the rapture of sol peace’ The immunizing demaration with respect to theetening secession singles regulated using tocnigues ofthe tinimam, she miniatitstate andthe seleepulting forces ofthe market. These foshniqus are centsal othe abilty of neoliberal police o operate with insane turning them away fom the production of socal se ‘ines owarde the praastion of socal nse. The fst of governing caennly coms lacing ane tem of pearzatin, which pohly canot he ex Calelaed, with oun of sfeguraling (0 ese that he ini accel a his hsb emt "Dopo de Dip an Ada aro and iw Brite, Rese mts Cimicher Regi Sn, Abate drip ten Keres WR, DON Mec Tatar, Le gueernnone er iniciin Croc de Patan lial, Minors Sean, 28 3 Lalauate, Le gnooncment det. p. St emphsc rt it 6The process of noemalising precarization does nor entail equality in insecurity. Within the framework of neoliberal yovernmentality, there is no need to do away ‘with inequalities: Neolbeeal logic has good reason a wast ne reduction, 10 end of inoqualiy, becasse i plays with these dif cenees and govers on che hiss of thers. ely atempss essblish a tolerable balance, ae muh balance os the society can beat, between differen noemalitis: hetween the nocmalty of poverty, of presarity (precart)and the normality of wealth Ii no Fongor concern! with rlae tive poverty’ the gap berween differen income, ror ist woncerned with the enuses of i. fe is oly terested in “absolute poverty’, which prevents individual rom play ing the game of competition... Ta order co establish cis tolerable halance,a new form of hardship the reolibeals need che insgsione ofthe welfare stare! Against this background, prevarization is «steering tech- nique af the minim at the chreshold of social vulnerability that is stil just tolerable, The focus of this, logie of governing is consequently no longer primarily on ‘egulating ixed hieracchized and identtarian differences. Ac the same tie, hose who ace sill, or newly, construed through racializing or cthnicizing ascrneions as being extremely threatening and other continue 70 be exposed to the ‘iberal” mechanisms of precarity. Precarization is therefore not an impending danger for a centre, but a Technique of governing hat i in the process of being. normalized. Precanzton aan inrument of Governing In this process, however, 2 loss of hegemony ean, in fact, be noted: that ofthe standard male Fordist employ mens eandisions, which ensured a man's ~socio-paltically supported and protected ~ independence on the basis of the domestication of wife and child:en, im turn giving these a dependent security. The private sphere of ree duction ateibated to women only signified a continual safeguard for mateied women. For heteronormacive social protection they had ro accept their structural inse curity, theinprecrity, which was protected in dependency. By way of welfare-state safeguarding, the hegemany of protective bourgeois and heteronarmative masculinity ‘was enabled, and specific normalities were prexiced, hich guaranteed he nexus between work, family and Against this hackgroumnd, not only does socal ins rity merely remuen, its governmental func fondamentally transformed. Social, economic and legal insecurity (in terms of both labour eights and osher 6 is increasingly less a dhreae thar can be projected solely ‘onto those who are dependent, marginalized, of alien “invaders, i order to legitimize positioning them in soci cry at the inner and outer peripheries, and be able to maintain ar (imaginary) ceatee of the (national) self, of the normal and of belonging, The distinction ietween the liberal, Fordise normal and the precarious that deviates and is separared ftom i has Fong since become impossi- ble. The saditional boundaries between the social ppostionings of the normal and the peceatized are dissolv= ing: precaization becomes a normality with newIncas The imaginary cute ofthe soe esr inp sented ott merc rad ea Somes sel nny sre and trong 1 nocmlity ofthe minimum dena neolieal paradigm sands na continuous lne se tous working and ving conditions in pace aie ake mation ofsaptalisn, The comig-nonea of ae Arendt, only fanetions under the condition of non-savercigity." 38 Vir Palen he fet 40 CN Vansoay ad Revs. 1, HCL Ande Whats Feta pt‘The Privatization of Risks and Cares In qcoiberal yoverning though presarzation as inccury, itis generally at the level of self government theta special rmuvle of subjectivation of anxicty enters the foreground. ‘This happens chrough a confeontatios sith the dimension ‘oF the precarious that I call ‘precasiousness'. Inthe current dynamic of governmental precatization, it comes increas. ingly dificult to divcinguish between an abstract ansieny ‘over existential precariousnes (anxiety tara body, because ‘tis mortal, canmor be made invulnerable) and a concrete fear of poliveally znd economically induced precarization (fear of unemployment of rot being able to pay the rene ‘or health-care bills ever when employed); both of these ‘egative cares averlap. As Virno writes What we haves then, isa complet oselapping of fear anc anxiety. 1 lose my jb of course Tat fore 0 conttoat a well defined danger ce which gives tse o.a specie ind of dread bur this real danger is immedi ately coloted by an unidensiable antsy One might ‘iy ear is alunysanstory rads cicamserbed danger alvys makes us face the general rik of being in this World... "the loss oF one's job, or the change which ates the features of he functions of labor or the onel- ress of metropolitan life ~ sll these aspects of our ‘elatomship wath the world asume many nf the tests Which tormetly belonged go she kind of anxieties one feels aurside dhe walls ofthe community $2 Vino, A Goomimer of the Muti,» 33, empha in he gal tanita mode, Ti dace mean, hanes ae ee Lino aero to edb he et nea hate ‘iducsty ane the Post Fords Public Spree | 89 ‘The social anil politcal nk berween a frightening preci ‘ousness (which a poltical community i supposed to protest aginst} and the threat of precarized others ‘ahrough which tele exslasion i egimize is no fongee aipable of establishing social security foe most of those “within the community, For many, the ansinus worry are ingfromenistential vulnerability iso longer distinguishable froma fear atsing fron procarization, There is no longer any reliable petection from what i unforesseahle, from ‘what cannot be planned fr, frosm contingency Due to the dismantling and remodelling of cllecive sleyuanding systems, every form of independence disap. pears in the face of the dangers of precariousness and precarization; invalcerabulty and sovereignty becume Dbvious illusions Even those who were previously secured atthe cost of national cad global others are Fosing social protection. From everyone, regardless of gener or brigins, an indiviualied capacity for rise management is now required, with which a precariousness that cannot bbe assured car be actulized in different ways aud which inateralizes differently depending on the social pos ing of precarity. The overlapping of she anxiety of precariousness and feat in precarization is evident inthe tunecasonable demand wo privatize risks. The new guslity ‘of insceurity arises not east through the erosion of work: fen’ rights, the estaicuring oF social, health and ‘educational systems, all the way through 10 the self responsible prevearion of illness and the loss of wages nd pensious, Conseqtently, 2 neolibera individualized self government and sl cespnnsibiliy is partly confronted ‘with existential precarionsness in a new way. Coupled ‘with social, poltical and economic precarization, for many the privatization of risks an their preventionmeans nothing other than che individualisation of precariousness. In the neoliberal dynamie of governmental precaciza tion, the illusion of individual secusty i maintained ‘specifically through the anxiety over being exposed t0 existential vulnerability. In ehe permanent race for the hoped-for securing of one's own life and that of one’s immediate socisl milieu against competing others, the fact that a lastingly better life cannot be an individual matter is obscured. I governmental subjectivations, however, the demands of preventive, individualist sel. protection, of selfimmsnization in| precarization, are ‘more affirmed than questioned. Self- government sad the ‘conduct of life are primarily at the service of politcal governahility and capitalist valoriaation ~ and the anxiety ‘of precariousness maintains this relation. Social pracices that are oriented not solely to the self and one’s own, milieu, bor rather t living together and to common polit- ical action, recede ever moze into the background and Ihecome ever less imaginable asa lived reality. Chapter 6 Care Crisis and Care Strike Judith Butler argues in favour of no longer regarding tomimon shared precariousness as threatening aa! divid ing it up into hiecarchized provected differences, but instead cecognizing existential vulnerability and consider ing it as a1 affirmative basis for polities, For ttle, Drecarity ints different extents forms the startngspoint for politica alliances against a logic of protection and security forsome atthe cost of marty others. Precavias «la detivay® 3 group of feminist activists from Madeid, also focus on existing logics of security and insecurity io oxder ro lastingly break through them, Precarity isthe starting-point for the Precatias as well but it is one thar must fist he explored tngcther. ‘Tit central polical and social steateqy consists m enhanc the status of care Ina further development of the Siwationist practice of FC Bae, Tretia Le 92 2a te Spach pun in se name Prose i By see Franco lirina ard Ne Holden Tatlin Ito 2 Precaran sla dues “A Wary Carel snke = Fourier" abo an orb 2005) stalls psc socdpacecohe drive, the resarias practie a i prt iteent kind of coum though hey. Ther plea practcconetapad ther own estash pitied inten eo ment oe conduct ding tours tres ha ondec to ree dttern lations te one atheros ‘ng precarious living and workiag conditions, ate ar diesen ne wad ok tltaot research’ ganeratng ino knoe rene forte pipn of ongntnan The ee ick to the idlea of co-research associated wit saa workers’ maverzent of th Tao he 1970s aswel an to panay ofcontciousteeraing devng rome ae they sek to breakthrough he haaton ed ele “ston of pscFurti Ing and wo ee he traverse no oy aces of work ne pi antec, pasa exe ed a Lond also the different modes of subjectivation involved. he Prearaea devas fat ath eoe dbrve This eration got dice e selina Sretnsants gettin on ny eee ec wire seer is an eg ay Men Peper ea, ads Enno are Cris a Cae Strike | 98 emerges in practice. che déive they pass through social spaces and explore the concitions of precarized everyday Jie, in oxder to fad ut, est ofall, what a common strug le against precarty and precarization might means As they start from the presupposition that the precarious goes far heyond the realm of work and covers the whole ‘of existence, there x nosearch Fora common identity that ‘would conjoin everyone intoa unity Instead, the Precarias ate terested i inventing ‘couumon notions in Spinaza’s sense.” Suck notions are formed by way of the affective connections of bodies, through what they have in common in their matwal affections. Common notions aise throxgh ctualizing that "which is common ro and a property of the human body aud such other bodies as are wont affect the human bod’* Developed in encounters with ‘others, in exchanges with them, both rhe multiplicity and the singularities of existence manifest themselves in Similarly to Butler, the Precarias also argue against rcs ae daa, Ei Eeltrg Pecans a aces, Wis le St” Nant Safe src Krein dr Pekar, ‘eins, pe eae: ie ot Ment ad Stefan Nowe, vl 1 Fhe ene ex bee durch a, Vena ara Kast 2001, 9 atic pn Rene Presraea denver Mara Malo de Malin xpi sly rlerto Spun, buen rte ning conan ens se (0 be based on 4 Nepgn and Deleuraninepration of Spices ‘Merse snl Nowotn slr dhs esgic, {abo se. CE Ma de Malia “Connon. Nona, art Ty and Menge and Nowary ‘Die aliste Ei resi War de Stepp 19-34 "Binet de Spins, Die Rahs ics Ondine Gearrce Dbomanratarann RIUM Eh, The Pret Cuter 200, Pt Trop, NXE. sable se eplgtendeyone ch Mend andtraditions of thinking that refuse our fundamental social relationality, warn against infection by others, maintain a logic of individualism and security, and thus perceive precarization solely as.a threat, They contrast this kind of social and political topic witha logic of care seuating the term “reproduction” and the multiplicity of care activi ties associated with if in the context of pose Fordist production conditions, and taking into consideration the ‘new forms of communicative knowledge and affect work, Jn theie militant research the Precarias focus not only on howsework, nursing, eilbraising and education, bit also ‘on work in eall centres and sex work.” Enhancing the status of these cate activities enables alternative political responses to current problems, which che interminable reformulations of the logic of threat and security ate not capable of providing. Contrary to the tradition of the politcal commumiey of protection, the Precarias a la deriva therefore develop che common notion of a ‘cate comumunity’, 3 cuidadana." The focus on care has, above all twa stratepic compo nents: an the one hand, ie ie intered co enhance the status of care work with 3 new understanding and make this the starting-point for polvieal economic considera tions. The traditional evaluation is not thereby simply 2 Prcarias a a ty “GD oer Leben in Ws dee Sirk’, p13, bare Sk and pp TD80, Spenser racial dea, a ols cnt a edal Dela caren de I ‘ncaa eles deca ip Mra Jers Msn ee ton ‘odre giver esnmis Mad Aba. 2085 pp IDES 1 "Chain Pear“ nd Nhe UU Sec the expanoton ofthe comet cea in resin, “Cad nk tate! pp Beli The So tom ada ee fom th word endl fre ans lay 99 mos none (ese Care Crisis and Cte Stk | 95 reversedy rather, the gender-specific and heteronormative distinction beteen production and reproduction isto be divested ofits foundation, ust like the separation berwecn 4 private and a public sphere.!® On the other hand, the focus on :are i intended to “return to the inital moment of anxiery”® and acknowledge our relationality. with others ~and thus also ‘our vulnerability and... ou st. «ted, pardal and unfinished constitution within the weave ‘of relationships io which we live’. According to he Precarias, we curtemiy find ourselves in a mulj-dimensional “are exsis', which is not to be separated froin the ‘precacization of existence’ with which ‘more and more people are confronted in diferent ways."* Especially among the middle lass, privatized tsk ‘management, in wbich one’s own life conduct has to be controlled throvagh slt-ciscipling, is stil correlated with the tendency of individuals to close themselves off and with demands for security from those declared as “risk ‘groups’. Iividvalization and segmentation increase, not least ofall due ta post-Fordist working conditions, which demand permanent availability. while cutting, Tahoe rights and social eights at the same time. Time and the ‘pacity for caring for others become scarce: self-care 12 chibiaapp 110618 13 ths 14 i pp CH1-12, As late fm theremin the rca eal reerea ens Hatney-cneealp ok eck ‘tant Rovwledger and °A Cybing Nase, Hah publehed Darn Harvay, Simons Crs and Momo: The Reson ane ew York Rowe, 181 1S Ch tc, “Geld oder Lehn! gp, 80-71, Pcaie ala in Die okrering de Evie En Gp nena Loe sin rip Ks, eae arbor cine arte petted ‘un praesent ber 290 py. 2987s eee jeeserves almot exclusively o (e-prodacea prof rodece 3 profitable and productive hous. Ye rer of how aes ‘zed and vchniied secre, bods emai oorealy ‘the being oF, bse nd ope t special er ie en om eae fry tale a recious) oes, and increasingly By agra Up to the present, the necessity of ‘care i to fair wages, ee In adit, cave work i lose work ils linked withthe deil of labour vgs and enucship rigs bur et lk of the tg o be cred fr oad isnot icone to reprodane¢ duty nor to privilege Reeromontathe ed toe ay ato plete dee a ee [fon thi igh. The epht to cate ay shoe eg the right not ro have to carey out such activity, mean 7 ener the righ ohave ace aber oa aE Aes this backroud, te Precatas Cal fe Ske" designe beak open ae care = as the inerwinng oF ag labour, th pena oy ‘Precariousness, and servile seifscas iene se ~ becomes capitaiaable 19 © trea, aldara 9, Caen a eae, “cate for thie “transat : a bast, eSBs, Seto Sings Honan! ean aig er (cae Crisis and Care irks | 97 an govern inal mesos wt fo on Teste tle? Car he roa ey wr Soames: hohe eco of ast Hee ‘nts dosnt mean he sponding of ae On thcconrary coe wot ese ote ee thin coun. tas Tone pats mine dures) depo Taonga ae psp toh whieh cre teks perpen mo ste ed Tones ne coment nr pene The ce se mended ocmpar ect hoe bts nd im ‘ nstruments of vision” that ‘vision Hiaraway's sense, the“ “Tine practices of care and he retools raking place within them, with their major and minor resistances, should be articulated "to produce new more liberarory and cooperative forms of affece’. Social relationships are ‘striked’, according to the Prevarias, by produ ‘excesses that flee from tae interests h profit?! This refusal, this flight, already takes place in everyday prac: tices, but it must be camposed, sciculated, actualized, constituted. Ths is why the activist researchers ask gue tions such as ‘What is your precavty?’, “What is your sicike?"2*in order to meve from singular practices to the no's er aad Blom gS THN Fran nd er Crete" Furless, sea; Hee fund Nit ly gar ab 12008), aides pcaeglor mendes Ch Heim eld we ep 12‘common notions of precarty’ and ‘strike’ in which affec tive encounters and communicative exchange with others ate manifested. When the dispersed precarious roam around conducting their mlizane research, when they suspend their isolation in tho strike, this does not lead to unification, Instead, ‘linguistic affective teritoraities are created between the points that do not already hase tervi= tories 0 priori at theie disposal. The strike practices ‘encompass interruptions and ruptures as well 35 inven tions and improvizations. In them, new forms of living together and new forms of constituting emenge, with @ view 10 changing findamentally the “increasingly precarized world’. 24 Pecaran ‘Geld oe Lae Chapter 7 Exodus and Constituting Drawing 2 line of flight out of the dispositive of care means moving avtay from the dominant model of being limited and threatened by others, and from preventive ‘ate focased on whar is one's own, in the direction of a ‘eidadaris, a care commounity in which our rlationaity ‘with others is not incersupted bur i regarded as Fund mental, This would not ausomatcally mean the end of domination, inequality and violence, nor the end of all ‘modes of governing, oF af precanty and precarization, Nor woold such a line of Might entail reversing the {dominance within the binary of individealism and cll tivisen in favour of the lattes. AS a break with binary logic, the line of flight is always immanent to power relations! Tee of Giles Dees ad Fic Gite nant to the Sure of phe See A Thad Mls pon at Sitizoplrens, ane Bran Mammy Mncipe.Unveryot Minnis Pat 1387, ate abe Giles Daou and Clare Paes Dulas ase Hugh Teinon a Bathe Hates, Ne enh Coluba Uninerty Rem, 27, pes sn pe iy hat Foust unlreatding nV pvc lis, wha alee ee ‘neal andre on them. CF Foe bc a we20 | stare oF mnsecunity "she context of militant research, the point is fst of {» fenerate common notions in order to prabe sed sscablish whats eommonly shared by way of whichehe Potential foe changing exsing conditions can be eavph, zed: In general chere is no possiblity, mot even in thie Aint pf lial proces, of refertng to a commonly shared precarioustess. Pecariousness forms ne fourde Lon eannor be generally defined, and doesnot exist per se. Ir remains undefined, specifically becaue «exist in relation to others and is thus once sosia! and political possibilities of action, Asin this background, thereare no palical perspec {hvesto be derived froma commonly shared prevattournec, that could be argued for within the logic ofthe mover Understanclng oF equality, roughly along the lines der a People are equal because all are fundamentally press cous from which the political task of a struggle for ake {ecounition ofthis human foundation could be deived Since precariousness i by no means this kind of founda Pay the starting-point for a politcal line of argument ‘ust rather bo tho ambivalence ofthat which Wohonny and dlviess i other words the relational diference and the resultant possibilty of what is common in ditfereee ness Like precariousness, what is in common is ey Something that has always aleeady existed, vo wher ‘course can be had; rather, its something fst prodecd in political action, because shared diffrentness doce ne xis outside the social and the politcal. What is in common does not have to be made visible because itn always ‘antly linked co 2, jhe ar Mice ancons, The uf Cre fe Sl x Pace PE i nes eve aad Dad Rasmus ee oma wins 1. Cather 5. Cage Meee anaes ea Pres 1988.99 Bihar ‘cous ane Consttutog | 101 ko, athe becomes percep a Hing amd nthe a Ag he ‘tends idan omental om ah cacti way wih ol Tinked with redo armoverene th aving te dos nation clon of svete. Wich Arends esd toleav te oa now sar ne begining? Tisean be enced ake nor only wih ne Rg Delere and Gusta sense, tao mth Vins pol iSite oe serene enc of ag Pony 2a distance om steric and hon cyan Sr se Hens orem of exoduvn rms of manne eect fom th rder to inte “+ nonstate to publ sphere and ah “ orm vf democracy’? ‘phe andachieves radical new ih concentrating on cial cooperation, he focuses on ‘romero vewnaiy™ hates fm pono tt ay no hs dy pol ofthis igh ov exo nc seach ala Doyo compen pl whew Ing tue sensed, My undesanding of extn Is sped by Wns in nh i of msn ie the bal exods ofthe rete from Upp hs {stg Mc No pie Ho Aad de ein in tg Codon, tvs pce teh ofthe erie‘ Kon dara Vena Toa « Kant 3008 Sd mon eatstoe | srare aF insceunsry involved the radical foundation of « new order! my inter st is in emphasizing the pocentality and movement of exodus within power relations themselves, thee reversal and the fight from them thac is alvays postble, but never leads to an outside of power. This isthe reason for stress ing the ambivalent constication ofthe self government of -yovernmental modes of subjectivation, An exodus from neoliberal governmentality arises from the fection of capitalzable self-government andthe turn to sef-conduct that tests new modes of fiving in disobedience. These kinds of rejections are nota deliverance from ll previous neo eralentanglements, butratherthe heginningofengagements and scrugeles ro no longer be governed and n0 longer tgovern oneself in this wa a cis pre A nonservile virwosiy is immanent to a servile one, just as che poeensial to Roe fram present servile vietwos I, in precarious modes of ties emerges, nor least of ll sahjetivation hemclves, The pot e that in he exodus ff the many, a cossticuting, a organizing, of the mani fold. singularities emerges, in onder co ‘return’ and fondamentally change the existing social relations One inseeument for this isthe invention of camman nations. Slt Waters ad Reraion, Now Yor ic Fee, 1986 : : 1 Onthis gue of exh ane eaning of ea ge Ley pun der omen pecath pp est and yp 294-1, label Ley Aer te Tine the eben: kx and Constiang 33 Ging’ ran fies Deven ura" it of Coin (gs Mh sable at hirano, heres ions Die Kum Kee cng gic Mee Sn NNoweany tad Gert Rasy ly Kum der Key isa Faia Kant 2010 pp 47-68 sedis and Costing | 308 Productivity That Cannot Be Completely Capitalized One important presupposition for both o political and a theoretial perspective on the common is that the new form of ‘ahour force based on communication, knowl: edge, creativity and affect is by no means exclusively producti for a new phase of capitalist accumulation ‘The economization of the socal, the coincidence of work and life the demand for the whole person to be involved in performativecognitive, affective labour, in other words, the capitalization of modes of subjectivation ~ these processes are not at all total, all-encompassing or holly determined, Evcesses, poretials forthe acicula- ‘ion of resistance, always arise. Modes of subjectivation are not always subsumed into normative political and ‘economic calls for flexibility, mobility and affective and creative work. In uncertain, fexibilized and discontins ‘ous working and living conditions, subjecivations arise thar do not entirely coreespond to the neoliberal Inge of valorization, and which may reise and refse it” “The processes of precarzation are a contested socal terrain, inwhich the steuggles of workers and thee desires for diferent forms of living and working are atculated.® 7 Ch Brigita Kose, Dic ogenuiige Hewilget dor Pokaan raver facet 2084, ses ot hp trznstemalae Dies Papadopatis Nim Spent an Vain “Taro Exape Roars Cal ond Sabroron m het Centar, Landon aa Asn Arbor aro Pet 2108 Marine Peper, Efe inagindis aod. Vale Taner “Regine dor kana nd ‘eikeepre Sbjererng io Ge Hey et as ede Ab nd Nichndrbot Enorenge sd Dems so Lobeabereen ‘tnd Posen Adc ring 399018 8 Cr rastankorRerwor, "recy Pcaition, Perit se als Ivini Caies, Jerse nes sapien Verendanjnss Poke Abssvetnise von Mitoaanen wad lope erforms of living and new social relationships are contin of precarization are also productive. - net so quickly, perhaps even not at all, ‘capitalizable. {Sli rent dr Ravens an Bip] un e’Keurie Zotichoi tie rdidemctraiche Kabarpolnks Orgorany Sereemmere 4 np Saran ron Oe ie fi, 8 200% arable atedineam, tees Cmeron, 4 On the sup pruvon fee engine cha enenutse Judes apa ake’ tony soe Ley oh Newnlage voces ard Consttutng | 105 possibility arises atthe same time of being able eo leave and scart something: new: che pozentiality of exodus anc constituting. The exodus from domination relation, the defection from ways uf being governed, does not neees: sarily lead we individualist dispersiva, buc can also Form itself anew in founding, in canstcuring. Com-posiion as a resistive movement means, a che sam time, empower ment in the sense of a constituent power. Constieuting in this sense counters netions of community or collective idemtty and does not imply a state constiutiog, i, 3 constitution chat has been coupled with self legisla and consequently with bourgeois sovereignty since the French Revolution” In contrast to this, constituting is ‘understood at both the theoretical andthe politica level as a movement thar distances itsell from sovereignty an ‘hus from the juridical. The precondition for che unfoid {ing of chis kind of constituene power is the common refusal or the common exodus, not to linger in negation or deconstructive questioning, but rather to be able to ‘The frst step in this direction is disobedience, the refusal of servile vittuesty. Especially because peevations knowledge workers actin the presence of others, they are rot only epore individualized to an extreme degree, but are also always part of the prexiucion of new socialites, In this shared viruosity the potcatial for a common constiuear power arses that opens aps space for communicating with others abous hove one wants co five 10 CisaallneYondenSirptennas Ene Pribinstiecny gender Rategr Sabine Hm Niko longer ad Ehuhath Tums ibe acetone eed. mpc, too debe wad mathe Fresbogem Wel wwe 300 Pe Tot-teesecay ptand to work, about what is needed for safeguarding and for mutual protection. “The potentiality of exodus can be linked 60 a teans- formed concept of political freedom: a ‘political freedom’ that does not mean an individual practice, but one that ‘ses the conditions of post-Fordist virtuosity for a new constituting. It is a question of joining with others, exchanging with others, acting together with others. Vireuosty under the conditions af non sovereignty means 2 common exodus and the resultant constituent power, in ‘order to intervene again ~and this isthe pivotal point in the conditions chat were refused. ‘Against this background, is i sufficient to demand improved rights of protection for the precarious and the recognition of a common precariousness in a juridical logie? Ise nor also necessary to break open the binary of sccuity and protection on the one side and what is threat feningly precarious om the other? Precaviousness as social-ontology and precariry as identtarian positioning both primarily emphasize the aspects of exposure and Yietimization. Prevariaution goes beyond this and is decidedly productive in its governmental dimension: both san instrument of governing and asa capitalist exploia tion relation, as well as a self-governing that not only implies subjugation but is also incalculable and poten: tially empowering. Technigues of selF-conduct comprise active modes of self-exploitation as well as forms of voluntary self-precarization." Ar the same time, inherent in these are also new modes of subjecivation which are 1 tube Loney, erat a ef Presaaion: Ose ovata of Cuil Prager, ace Lia Rosen ad Dagar Fink avavra Mache ed Suet TNovembes ide esate than aos ard Cnstiutng | 107 able ro dude neoliberal fosms of domination and enable new practices of resistive composition and coastitsent power. They are able to breach existing relations of domi- nation, 4 breach thae significs a certain affirmation in which Something new ean emerge. Fearsome Politics of the Precario Longer Tames When Anxiety No In the context of the mosements of the prccarious that arose in the eacly 2000s through the FuroMayDay network, there is this kind of affirmation that is not ‘opportunism but rather a potentiality of constituting ‘The term ‘precarized’, for example, was rcjected because of is passivizing and victimizing connotation ‘of being determined (by others}; instead, “precarious” and *precarization’ were reworked, na longer refering solely to ‘an evil 10 be forestalled® they became 3 self-designation.!* 1 FavoMayDey parades has be ain pce May ene the early 2000 over ene Lean ssw ap 0) patisfans, o pobenaiie te peceranion of Taig and won, ‘Saitos on e tadterl Dsy cf the Worker. The vt care ‘oper am tery fer sal poston Hower te pra the rarunainal etwas Eupablayyot olyne cr slope ‘thr ovens, sure and publi lean she mae ser FuroMaybay comme th nem tes of nnn wel a reaching ml urdetonig aeur direm raf rc {nd cole Knowle psn. Song thers, apd. somes “Precrat™(jiy 2GD!) mum, Nit Ree [Apes 2008), bh ble at hapa rate maine care en polit atr the et R08) ae apuetnte og ad Naan. ond Makinen pe 7690. 13 Reunigg A Thad Maine p78 988.low | srare oF security Wsteas soils dicouses fou on coming si deiisons of erm ike rear’ ae re aia dina as possible, in nde to determing hos snore ors affected, the opposite appro has ben taken inthe conten the FaoblayDey mevoncat Ni one here is nested negating ferences ang te precios rater inthe iit ofall the difeeces seatesand alice are soughe The erat nee ‘oreprodice or fx demarcatios through group conse Bons or categorizations derived from hea scot as happens in stting clasaations hat spn the undpeieged precarious from the beteret pec cs oF migrants an ileal perenne ee had from creative worker onthe ter, Starting fom consideration athe cone of debates shout he “autonomy of migration the theoetea al Bolles! aalses emerging rom these movements Prccaios cone om agency and selfchonen poser, ton." They eck to connets dferem expcrone ed concentrate noe only on the ghteninys estenng se of prsniation, bt also onthe smite web of eee Imetal rection thes pasting a pepecinc on the poten of resistance andthe invetionof these ee Ch Sando Mezade, “The Gane of Autonrny: Capital, Mersin and Sal Sree cam, Rego Namen Vide Se, th The Cantest Pots of Mable Bondoc and egabea London touted pe 120A Tora Nang SovshunsBippe. by Tarbulene. Ravers New’ tenpebnes Merton as don ton Espen, bake emecne, 200H, apuduprain cat, Esope Romie 15" “Gl Ris, Di eerie Frith Cae, enc ‘Sins Stop Nesosdungdetres eds and Conetasog | 109 and becomes the foundation for political practice, precarization cannor he tained with a unifying politics of representation." Parscularly agains: the background of the activists’ very diferent precarious modes of existence, various alliances arose in the EuroMayDay movenent herween precarious cultural producers, knowledge work: #5, migrant organizations, iitiaties of the unemployed, organizations of illealized persons, and even crade ‘unions, To avoid newly segmenting separating and ind- vilualizing the manield precarioss, the critical discourses and resistive practcesin the context of precarzation have Fepenely concent in she paw deca om at th feeciows have m comma ital thar deren ‘Mervative patos of knowledge production ike al tant eer’ have ego Pe we explore the Underground, and equeny vibe, tecory of every Ife wetness od insibortnatone exo ing the produciy of pecans living. and Working ‘ditions to changed of yveruingy ofa the toether and to sade ther Polisi! praces neon the nlp of the precarious have rpetly ben made xpi ri Of kent and epreenaton a nonresenatonst Pesce which con ended aba plea oom of formlessness’," or a sew form of democracy. This does 16 CE ao Vio, "Vimsity ad Rtas ps 2D, Maton Haun atl Stephon Aub ‘efomutne Represent ‘ibe edie depts do aay weg intone Hee ayy Wh wa Nik et Engen epereger son hers ond ac Man Neng 20 PPT Malo de Matin, Pr The te formauo hot mean a total bok of representation or concrete demands, but is eather the ‘ambivalent precondition for the emergence of fear as well as for the invention of new, tervifying forms of concatenation’. ‘The combination of a subjugating anxiety and an ‘oucwardly carne! fear emenges specifically in the dynam jes of governmental precarization ~ in the modes of ‘subjectivation developing init herween servilty and fear~ somenessidesticution (Entsetsen). This Ewssrzen is twofold: on the one hand, itis not a united form but a ‘composite ~ in other words constituted formless form of the many, continuing the tradition of the fearsome multi- tude, the crowd; che undefinable arbitrary many; while on the other it embraces destitution as a displacement in the sense of defection, of fleeing, and of a common exodus. In 8 destinuing, fearsome mode of constituting, a capacity of the threatened and threatening precarious: emerges ¢0 ‘ew Forms of protection that do not consist in the immunizing warding off snd eating of walnerabilicy and ‘contingency. Instead they brcak through these kinds of precarious in 2031, see Kabel ores, “Prisensche Demat. Tieng ul Esk Kee O L514 gr TK, al a ed seamen lise Lore, Demcracy nd Occasion: Hvconey fd the Need foe New Fon of Vere eam, Allee Devi, pl ten anton Ati String tna Be Wor Amsterdam Vol 2018 pp. 77-985 Lay, “Demosate sate gestern inkastnar ete Oem el Lacy an Cad Reni "Mari Exam Dsgrsin and Concenato’, eas Thoms Taboraky. Rriie Joaral of Comomporary Phish 3 Goth pp 203, male a ee 1S Rovnig, A Thnaond Machines, 127 we go. Vai “Tuan sd Drs Fapacopl rebar tine wilde Rese Hen dxverkoarn Kapton her: Wer Ange vedo mn teen Arbeit Reng aed pas iy ee dr rst, petit Eset and Consttatieg | LL, dominions yan 0 avec cone tan frases of invalerbliy and superonty. ecainegovemmetal precast bath a cond sion and’ an effect of tealteral governing through inscarty, designed ro make inlviduals povernabes 9 onesied focus om danger and heat hl renee the immanent potent ofthe empowering esate reversal or light. OF course, exacts productive cam Poreaily be eaphalzed and povemeralzed sgn, and it does noe escape the abjupating mania of overnmental” precasiation in an absolut ay Neves, and regardless of thi, through permanent Singolar refusal, the small sabotage and resieanees of precaris eveyday Ife «potently emerges that subverts the disciplining of govemmenal precatetion Sime and again. This constinene power i abo fearsome, because reas wth he nnn elnsve coors ‘ofthe bourgeois centre about the ‘theaering pesca and akimatey reverses his auton into amfonstely onnoted ‘monster praia These kinds of nerve innate stung over forms of govermgas wel soe ving cents and ways hiking, which com enya ncaleulailty no longer have be experienced ‘va threat This canbe fearsome, since inthe eeryay braces of restnce and pola srgale the pen tus havetheperental rene allo themes be divided nd dispersed for she protction af some gaat the threatening others 20 Geld Romig “The Mooxsr Pai (2007 ane 9 bentonite seers noteAcknowledgements My shanks to Judith Butler, Stefan Neworny and Gerald ‘Raunig, che European Institute for Progressive Cult Policies eipcp), and kpDkleinespostfordistisches Drama Rrigitta Kuster, Macion von Osten and Katia Reichard For making the English edition of this book possible, 1 especially thank Aileen Deri, sho has teanslated for me {or many years, and eeryone who supported the publica sion, paricalarly Navina Sitrin, Lynne Segal, Breet Neilson, Vassilis Tsianos, Dimitris Papadopoulos, Angels MeRblie, Emma Doailng, Stefano Harney, Bi Empson, and Sebastian Budgen ‘My thas as wel all rhe publishers and editors who contsibured to the development of she following texts that were preliminary to this book "Politics of Immunizavion, and the Precarious Life’ trans Rainer Emig, in Gerald Siegmwnd and Stefan Holsch tals, Dance, Politics and Co-bmmuity: Current Perspec- tives oye Politics and Communities inthe Arts, Zieh Diaphanes, 2012, pp. 265-76.14 | Aoanomeosemenrs ‘Gouvernementale Prckarisierung’, in. Isabell Lorey, Roberto Nigro and Gerald Raunia, eds, Invention I Gomeinsam. Prt, Potentia. Kon-Disjuntion. Ereignis. “Transwersalitt. Queeve Assemblagen, Ziich: Diaphanes, 2011, pp. 72-86. “Becoming, Common. Precatzation as Political Consttat- in’, trans. Aileen Derieg, efi: Searching for the Post. Capitalist Self 17 2010), available a htepe-fuxcom. “Prekavsirung, als Veeunsicherung wd Entsetze. [mmun- ‘sierung, Normaliserung und neue Furer ecregende Subjek- ‘ivieruogaweisen’, in Alexandra Manske and. Katharina Publ, ed. Prekarisionong swischon Anomie umd Normal- isionung: Geschlochtetheoretsche Bestisnaengen, Munster ‘Westflisches Dampfhoot, 2010, pp. 49-81. “Virruositt zwischen Dienstbarkeit und Exodus, Post- Totdistische Offentlichkeit, soziale Produktion und politisches Handeln’, flw/Zeitschrfs flr Geschlechrer- Forschung und Viswelle Kultur: "Das Private bleibt Politics” 49 (2010), pp. 11-23, ‘Virwosos of Freedom: On the Implosion of Poliial Virwosty and Peelitive Labour, tans. Mary O'Neil ia sranseersal ‘Creativity Hypes'(Febeuaey 2007), availaie ac uap/transversol at (also published in Germs in Clau- diy Alteahain, eal. eds, Von ‘Newer Untersebicht wed Protarit. Gesellchafiche Verbalnse und Kategorien in Unbruch, Krittche Perspoktiven auf akttelle Debat fen, Biekefeld:tascripe, 2008, pp. 153464) Ackoosodgemans ‘Vom immanenten Widerprot zur henmiaka, Rankin Biopoltische Gouvernemeneaie und Selhs:Prckarsieeing von Kolturproduzentlanen’, in Gerald Raunig andl Ut Woxgenig, eds, Kritib der Keoutowe, Viennae Turia + Kant, 2907, pp. 121-36. ‘Governmentalty and Sell-Precarization: On the Nostale ization of Cultural Producers, trans. Lisa Rosenbate and Dagmar Fink, in transversal: ‘blachines and Subietvation’ (Noverrber 2006), available at herpitransversat.a,References AAltenhain, Claudio etal, eds, Vow ‘Newer Unterschicht und Prekariat. 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