Lenin and the militarized Communist Party * 

Communist Party of Brazil (Red Fraction) 

"Small compact group, we followed a steep and difficult path, holding hands firmly. We 

are surrounded by enemies on all sides and we must march almost always under their 

fire. We are united by a decision freely made, precisely to fight against the enemies and 

not to fall in the neighboring swamp, whose inhabitants, from the beginning, reproach 

us for having separated us in a separate group and for having chosen the way of the 

fight and not that of conciliation. " 

Lenin 

What to do? 1902 

I - INTRODUCTION 

The question of the revolutionary party of the proletariat since the 

rise of Marxism has been taken as a key problem for its founders Marx 

and Engels, since the goal of Communism, human emancipation, will 

be realized through the political emancipation of the proletarian class, 

or the dictatorship of the proletariat as a period of transition 

necessary for the elimination of social classes, a condition for the 

transition to classless society, a task which demands that the 

proletariat establish itself as a political party. Marx established that 

this party should be different and opposed to all previously existing in 

history, essentially a class and internationalist party, in 

correspondence with the nature of the proletariat, as a single 

international class. 

Reaffirming Marx and Engels' principles on the class party, Lenin 

emphasized: 

"In an age of social revolution the unity of the proletariat can only be 

realized by the extreme revolutionary party of Marxism, through a 

ruthless struggle against all other parties." (1) 

Imperialism, as the upper and ultimate stage of capitalism, as 

monopolistic, parasitic, decomposing, and agonizing capitalism is the 

time for its complete sweeping of the face of the earth by the 
proletarian revolution. Lenin said: "
​ Give us an organization of 

revolutionaries and we will remove Russia in its foundations​ !" (2) 

The Great Socialist Revolution of October 1917, which celebrates its 

centenary, marks the beginning of a New Era, that of the World 

Proletarian Revolution, of the transition to classless society, the 

luminous Communism. For this great triumph, the most important 

factor was the existence of the Bolshevik Party. We have specified: the 

existence of a proletarian vanguard party as a combat organization 

endowed with solid guide thinking, a correct general political line 

whose center was expressed in a correct military line and endowed 

with a leadership, the great Lenin. 

Summing up 100 years of the struggle of the working class and the 

world revolution in 1948, President Mao said: 

"To carry out the revolution, a

​ revolutionary party is necessary​ . 

Without a revolutionary party, without a ​revolutionary​ party c

​ reated 

on the basis of Marxist-Leninist revolutionary theory and in the 

Marxist-Leninist revolutionary style , it​ is impossible to lead the 

working class and the broad masses to victory in the struggle against 

imperialism and its lackeys. In more than 100 years since the birth of 

Marxism, only thanks to the example given by the Russian 

Bolsheviks in conducting the October Revolution and the socialist 

construction by defeating the aggression of fascism, revolutionary 

new types of people have been formed and developed in the world . 

With the birth of revolutionary parties of this type,the physiognomy 

of the world revolution ​was changed​ . ​The change was so great that, 

in the midst of fire and thunder, all irreconcilable transformations 

occurred to the people of the old generation ...​ With the birth of the 

Communist Party, the physiognomy of the Chinese revolution took 

on an entirely new aspect . I​ s not this fact sufficiently clear? "​(Italics 

and underlining ours). 

This great synthesis of the experience of the first 100 years of the 

proletarian revolution highlights the need for the Party as a 

fundamental, central and decisive question. He tells us that a 

revolutionary party, a revolutionary party built on solid 

Marxist-Leninist ideological foundations, forged in the 

"Marxist-Leninist work style"​ , ie revolutionary party of a new type, 

Bolshevik, Leninist, a combat organization, of professional 

revolutionaries. 

On the relationship between the Communist Party and the process of 

world revolution, President Mao said ​"... thanks to the example given 

by the Russian Bolsheviks ... revolutionary parties of a new type were 

formed and developed in the world . ​With the birth of revolutionary 

parties of this type, the physiognomy of the world revolution 

changed​ . "
​ (​ Italics and underlining ours). 

President Mao stated that: "

​ ... the united front, the armed struggle 

and the construction of the party constitute the three fundamental 

questions ... To understand correctly these three questions and their 

interconnection is to lead the revolution correctly ..." (5) 

President Gonzalo in the historic speech after his capture established 

the need to carry out the pending and delayed task of establishing or 

reconstituting communist, Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, mainly Maoist, 

militarized parties to initiate and direct the people's war, where she 
still did not break out, even if the current armed struggles of national 

liberation into popular war were transformed, all as part and in the 

service of the world revolution, as a world popular war. 

In the struggle between Marxism and revisionism, the following 

fundamental principles of Marxism stand out: Class struggle, 

dictatorship of the proletariat, necessity of the revolutionary party of 

the proletariat (communist party), revolutionary violence, scientific 

socialism and the struggle against revisionism itself. These, in every 

practical and theoretical process of the movement of the 

revolutionary proletariat in its almost 170 years, were what 

distinguished Marxists from revisionists and other opportunists, 

whose most acute and acute struggle preceded the moments of great 

leaps, the great revolutions. Two of these pillars have always been 

more prominent in the struggle between Marxists and revisionists, 

the question of the dictatorship of the proletariat and the question of 

the necessity and class character of the revolutionary party of the 

proletariat. 
So let us approach the theme of the revolutionary party of the 

proletariat, let us stress and repeat, it is a central question that 

concentrates in itself all the problems about the revolution in a 

country and in the world. Such problems are also the subject of other 

articles published in this same journal, which are only addressed here 

as part of the main problem. 

As part of the world counter-revolution, revisionism is in crisis 

because it failed in its sinister and rotten task: to save the old order 

and defeat the Revolution. Revisionism is in crisis, but not dead and 

remains the main danger for the ICM and the World Proletarian 

Revolution. They fulfilled and fulfilled their dirty and sinister role of 

beautifying capitalism and dividing the masses, spreading by all 

means the illusion of "democracy as universal value" and 

parliamentary cretinism as a way to deal with the interests and needs 

of the masses. In this way they act with greater or lesser influence in 

all countries of the world, and in the case of Latin America they have 

risen to the front of the old state of great bourgeois and landowners, 

presiding over the repression and exploitation of the masses, 

spreading bourgeois ideology. Now they sink into an even deeper 

crisis, 

Therefore, we must vigorously repel its five attacks: ​the party, the 

dictatorship of the proletariat, revolutionary violence, socialism and 

Marxism. ​It is necessary and must be swept away also by the people's 

war, part by part, along with all the reaction. 

The historical experience of the proletarian revolution irrefutably 

confirms the necessity of the struggle against revisionism in order to 

sweep its harmful influence within the Class and the People, fighting 

it as the main danger to the revolution, and which, through the 

struggle of two lines in the fire of class struggle and inseparable form 

of the fight against imperialism, its lackeys and all the reaction, we 

can maintain the red color of the party and to advance the 

revolutionary process of each country and the MCI, in particular, to 

boost and raise high its New Great Wave , on the path of the World 

People's War, to sweep away imperialism and every reaction from the 

face of the earth. 

However, it is necessary to emphasize and emphasize that in the 

struggle against revisionism, which must be taken implacably and 

inseparably from the struggle against imperialism, its lackeys and all 

the reaction, we must argue with all forcefulness what President 

Gonzalo said, that , by its putrefying nature, revisionism was already 

born defeated and dead. That is, strategically they are like imperialism 

and all the reaction, are doomed to the dark tomb of history. 

And it must do so from the central ideological-political questions of 

the world revolution today, notably the problems related to the 

constitution or reconstitution of militarized Maoist parties to initiate 

and develop the People's War, to bring the proletarian revolution to 

its worldwide triumph by sweeping imperialism and every reaction on 

the face of the earth, and through successive cultural revolutions 

ensure that the whole world enters into Communism. 

This process necessarily involves understanding and taking a stand on 

the different experiences of People's War in the world. On the People's 

War in Nepal, for example, experience of great importance in the MCI, 

in which some even raised it as a high summit of Maoism and 

Prachanda as a great leader of the World Revolution. Many who have 

publicly rejected the Prachandist betrayal still feed in secret the 

adherence to the conception of party and revolution proclaimed by 

Prachandism, such as the need for a ​new type of Maoist party​ proposed 

by Battharai, in addition to the revisionist " f​ usion theory​ ", the thesis 

of the " G
​ lobalized imperialist state​ ", " 2
​ 1st century socialism​ " and 

"​Multi-party competition​ . " 

In the immense majority of countries (which are not in People's War) 

to reconstitute / build militarized communist parties to start the 

People's War is the main task. In countries where Popular Wars are 

already developing, understanding about the militarized communist 

party is a decisive issue in order to develop them to victory. That is, on 

this issue most of the problems are concentrated for the development 

of the World Revolution and its triumph. For this reason, the 

understanding about the militarized communist party is a decisive 

question for all those who face processes of reconstitution / 

constitution and the triggering of the People's War. 

The development of the two-line struggle on this issue is a necessary 

condition for the reunification of the Communists in the world and to 

fulfill the task assumed by the Fifth Meeting of MLM Parties and 

Organizations of Latin America to combat dispersion in the MCI and 

to hold the International Unified Maoist Conference, serving to raise 

Maoism as the leader and guide of the world proletarian revolution. 

II - LENIN AND THE BOLCHEVIQUE PARTY 

The conception of the militarized Communist Party begins with its 

formulation with President Mao, developing and completing itself 

with President Gonzalo, although his need and fulfillment had already 

been and had occurred embryo with Lenin. Therefore, to emphasize 

the importance of celebrating the 100th anniversary of the Great 

Socialist Revolution of October, we will emphasize that Lenin 

developed the principles of the New Kind Communist party to 

demonstrate its full validity in the Communist Party Militarized. 

For this reason we will not undertake a complete analysis and 

synthesis of the history of the Bolshevik Communist Party in the 

preparation of the proletarian revolution in Russia during its mishaps 

in the 1905 democratic revolution, in the offensive of the 

counterrevolution and its triumph in October 1917, and in the 

construction of socialism , a balance for which Marxism relies on the 

Compendium of History of the Communist (Bolshevik) Party of the 

USSR, elaborated under the personal direction of Comrade Stalin, as 

President Mao very well defined: "the ​highest synthesis and balance 

of the communist movement world of the last hundred years, is a 

model of integration of theory with practice, to this day the only one 

finished all over the world "​(6) We will thus focus our exposition on 

demonstrating some essential elements of the New Kind party 

necessary for understanding the Militarized Communist Party and its 

foundations and for how it was being gestated in the process that 

would become the Great Socialist Revolution of October. 

In the Revolution of 1905 the approach of the question of the taking of 

Power brought the military problem and the war to the fore. From 

then on the military question would have a central presence in the 

theoretical work and political formulation of Lenin and his struggle to 
bring them to practice, as a program and military line of the 

proletarian revolution. These are irrefutable facts of the proletarian 

revolution in Russia, the main source from which President Mao and 

later President Gonzalo took to develop and establish the necessary 

and correct formulation on these crucial problems of the proletarian 

revolution: respectively, on the necessity of the Three Fundamental 

Instruments of the Revolution (Communist Party, Popular Army and 

Unique Front) and on the Militarized Party, mainly. 

Between the years 1890 and 1900, when Marxism expanded its 

influence in Russia, the bourgeois intellectuals approached Marxism, 

rejecting its revolutionary character and creating what Lenin called 

"legal Marxism," ideological infiltration of the bourgeoisie in the 

labor movement. These different opportunist tendencies were no 

more than an expression of the revisionism that arose within the 

Second International. Lenin's struggle against these different 

opportunist currents in Russia ( e

​ conomism​ was the ​Russian 

counterpart of Bernstein's social-democratic revisionism) was at the 

same time the struggle against Western revisionism at the 

international level. 

Stalin, in his masterly F

​ oundations of Leninism​ , in systematizing the 

Leninist party theory, stated: 

"In the pre-revolutionary period ... in the period of more or less 

peaceful evolution, ... the parties of the Second International were 

the predominant force in the working-class movement, and the 

parliamentary forms of struggle were regarded as fundamental... 

In Russia the Mensheviks represented the same opportunist tendency 

as the Social-Democratic parties of Western Europe, members of the 

Second International, who after Engels's death (1895) degenerated 

into parties of "social reforms", each of which became a true 

appendix of his parliamentary fraction. 

"The party strengthens itself by debasing itself from the opportunist 

elements:​ this is one of the slogans of the Bolshevik party, as a party 

of a new type, different on principle from the Social-Democratic 

parties of the Second International." (8)​ Stalin reaffirmed the old 

teaching that Marx and Engels had preached since the advent of​ the 

Communist Party Manifesto​ and its struggles to shape the revolutionary 

party of the proletariat. 

With the advent of imperialism, these organizations have turned from 

social-pacifists to social-fetters, social-chauvinists, passing openly 

to the field of reaction as defined by Lenin: 

"The socialist parties are not clubs of debate, but organizations of 

the proletariat in struggle, and when several battalions are passed on 

to the enemy, they should be called traitors, without falling into the 

bond of hypocritical discourses that 'not all' understand 

imperialism, of which, for example, the chauvinist Kautsky and the 

chauvinist Cunow are able to write about this whole volume, that the 

problem 'has not been sufficiently analyzed', 'etc., and so on. (9) 

Comrade Stalin, synthesizing Lenin's critique of the Second 

International parties, categorically stated: 

"It means that the parties of the Second International are 

inserviceable for the revolutionary struggle of the proletariat, that 

they are not combative parties of the proletariat and that they lead 

the workers to power, if not electoral machines, suitable for 

elections to parliament and for parliamentary struggle. This explains 

precisely that, during the period of predominance of the 

opportunists of the Second International, the fundamental political 

organization of the proletariat was not the Party, but the 

parliamentary minority. It is well known that in this period the Party 

was in fact an appendage of the parliamentary minority and an 

element placed at its service. "(10) 

After the triumph of the October Revolution, the great Lenin, speaking 

of the counterrevolutionary attitude and role of opportunism, 

affirmed the need to carry the armed struggle against him: 

"The international split of the entire labor movement is now clearly 

evident (II and III International). The armed struggle and the civil 

war between the two tendencies is also a clear fact: in Russia, support 

for the Mensheviks and the "Socialist-Revolutionaries" against 

Kolchak and Denikin against the Bolsheviks; in Germany, the 

supporters of Sheidmann, Noske and Cª on the side of the 

bourgeoisie against the Spartakists; and the same in Finland, Poland, 

Hungary, etc. "(11) 

Concluding, under the characterization of the parties of the Second 

International, Comrade Stalin stated: 

"Hence the necessity of a new party, of a combative party, of a 

revolutionary party, brave enough to lead the proletarians in the 

struggle for power, sufficiently experienced to orient itself in the 

complex conditions of the revolutionary situation and flexible 

enough to circumvent all sorts of on the way to the goal. Without 

such a party one can not even think of overthrowing imperialism, of 

conquering the dictatorship of the proletariat. This new party is the 

party of Leninism. "(12) 

Lenin had taken part in the unification of the Marxist groups in 1898 

in the creation of the RSDLP, but it was in the Second Congress in 1903 

that he led the red fraction in struggle against the revisionists 

(Mensheviks), whose theses won, as a Marxist party. From then on, as 
a Bolshevik fraction, through intense theoretical-political work, he 

fought to mold it organically. 

Unlike the parties of the West, especially Europe and North America, 

the Leninist red fraction developed under conditions of utter 

clandestinity, permanently beset by the tsarist reaction. Led by Lenin, 

the Red Leninist faction was forged through its direct revolutionary 

activity, combining new and varied forms of struggle such as armed 

actions, guerrilla warfare, mass political strikes and insurrections. 

Lenin argues that the forging of this party is not an easy problem: 

"that it can not be resolved overnight​ , "

​ ​ and that these 

"organizations must be educated, they must be reformed on the 

basis of lessons learned from experience in order to be at height of 

his mission. "(13) 

Lenin's struggle against e

​ conomism​ and ​liberalism​ was at the center of 

all controversy in the early twentieth century, where issues of 

organization had gained prominence and proved to be the cornerstone 

of the problem of revolution. To this problem Lenin has consecrated 

immortal works of Marxism such as: ​Letter to One Comrade on 

Organization Problems​ , W
​ here to Begin​ , O
​ ne Step Ahead, Two Steps 

Behind​ and ​What to Do? ​(1902), among others .​  

Although at the I Congress held in 1898 the party was proclaimed, it 

had not been constituted in fact. In the first Congress no Statutes and 

no Program were established, every Central Committee elected in 

Congress was arrested and it was not reorganized again. The Social 

Democratic Party, whose left wing was led by Lenin, was effectively 

founded at the Second Congress in 1903 and constituted as a Marxist 

party as a result of the ideological crushing of opportunism, in the 

ideological unification of the struggle against the e

​ conomists​ . The 

two-line struggle in this Congress took place on the fundamental 

issue of Democratic Centralism in the party, opposing Lenin's 

revolutionary proletarian conception to the right-wing opportunist 

line of the then Menshevik Trotsky. 

Lenin in the article ​Where to start? ​(1901) established the necessity of 

facing three problems: " 1​ ) the main content of our political 

agitation; 2) our organizational tasks; 3) ​the plan​ for the creation of 
ac
​ ombat organization​ throughout Russia. "(14)​ (underlining ours) 

In his genial work W

​ hat to do? ​(1902), Lenin lays down the i​ deological 

and political foundations of the proletarian party​ that ​"only a ​party 

guided by a vanguard theory, Marxism, can play the role of a 

vanguard fighter" (15)​ in the struggle for power. (​ emphasis added) 

Lenin fights the spontaneity that adapts the party opportunistically to 

reality and has shown that ​spontaneous movement​ is no more than an 

embryonic form of the conscious movement, but "

​ nothing more than 

embryos,"​ since conscious struggle, since it could only be introduced 

from the outside as a result of the application of the scientific ideology 

of the proletariat in the spontaneous movement through its vanguard 

party. 

Was it not to mark the date of Lenin's revolution? Let us see, what is 

the opposite of spontaneous movement? The conscious movement. 

What is contrary to spontaneity? The plan. The p

​ lan​ is the superior 

expression of the understanding of the laws of movement and of the 

development of the class struggle in general and of the revolutionary 

war in a particular country for the conquest and defense of the new 
power. That is, as President Gonzalo teaches us, ​"every plan is an 

ideology". ​As in ​What to do? L

​ enin maintained the need for a single 

centralized Party of the Class, capable of putting itself at the forefront 

of the revolutionary movement. Lenin had already emphasized the 

importance of Engels' passage in "Peasant Wars in Germany," in 

which he stated: 

"We must do justice to the German workers for having exploited the 

advantages of their situation with rare intelligence. For the first time 

since the workers' movement exists, the struggle develops in a 

methodical way in its three concerted, interrelated directions: 

theoretical, political, and economic-practical (resistance to 

capitalists). In this concentric attack, so to speak, lies precisely the 

strength and invincibility of the German movement. " (16) 

Lenin fought the positions of Axelrod and Martov, who had marched 

along with him until the Second Congress of the PSODR, but who 

aligned themselves with petty-bourgeois positions on organizational 

issues. Martov argued that all those who belonged to one of their 

organizations could be party members only because they supported 

him or because they were active strikers, making room for the 

opportunism of petty-bourgeois intellectuals and other opportunists 

who did not accept the revolutionary discipline of the party. 

Lenin denounced the opportunist nature of this position, arguing that 

only those who were members of one of their organizations could be 

members of the party by subjecting themselves to their program, 

statutes, discipline, and participating in the active revolutionary 

struggle. 

Combating these opportunist tendencies that sought to use the 

workers' movement for the interests of the bourgeoisie and to 

transform the vanguard organization of the proletariat into an 

appendage of the spontaneous movement, Lenin established, ​for the 

first time, the necessity of a communist party of vanguard like an 

organization of revolutionaries professional​ , e

​ ndowed with a unity of 

steel, ideological-political-organic, will and action, a ​combat 

organization​ to direct the class by taking power, and by its very nature, 

clandestine. 
In the same work ​What to do? L
​ enin defines and establishes the 

principles of the clandestine party: 

"I affirm: 1) That there can be no solid revolutionary movement 

without a s
​ table organization of leaders​ who maintain continuity; (2) 

That the more mass the mass is spontaneously dragged into the 

struggle, as its basis and participating in it, the more indispensable 

is this organization and the more solid it must be, since otherwise it 

would be easy for the demagogues to drag the backward layers of the 

masses; 3) That this organization should be composed mainly of 

professional revolutionaries​ ; (4) That in an autocratic country the 

more we reduce the numbers of this organization, to the point of 

accepting no more than a few ​professional revolutionaries who have 

begun in the struggle against the political police,​the more difficult it 

will be to 'co-opt' it; 5) More will be the workers and the elements of 

the other classes that will be able to militate in the movement and act 

in it actively ". (17)​ (emphasis added). 

In establishing the organizational foundations for the construction of 

an organization capable of guiding the proletariat in the political 

struggle for power, A
​ step forward, two steps back​ , 1904, defined the 

fundamental axis of simultaneous ideological-political and organic 

construction the class struggle and the struggle against opportunism. 

"The proletariat, in its struggle for power, has no other weapon but 

the organization. (...) the proletariat can only become and inevitably 

become an invincible force when its ideological unity, based on the 

principles of Marxism, is cemented by the material unity of the 

organization which brings together millions of workers in an army 

of the class workers. This army will be unable to resist either the 

decrepit power of Russian autocracy or the decrepit power of 

international capital. This army will increasingly close its ranks, 

despite all the zigzags and footsteps behind, despite the 

opportunistic phrases of the Girondins of contemporary 

social-democracy, despite the presumptuous praises of the 

backward-spirited spirit despite the false glow and the anarchic 

verbiage of intellectuals . "(18) 

In fact, Lenin founded the I​ skra​ newspaper in 1900 in order to serve 

the task of the "creation" of the genuine revolutionary party of the 

proletariat that would overcome all the backwardness of the 

conceptions that swarmed over the issue from the creation of the 

RSDLP in 1898, began to formulate the new type party, which would 

complete with W
​ hat to do ?,​ in 1902. And in this extraordinary 

document that establishes the foundations and principles of the party 

of a new type, advocates a "

​ newspaper for all of Russia "​ As ​" 

collective organizer "​. But at this moment he is striking the scientific 

conception and foundations of the revolutionary party of the 

proletariat, starting from the general principles established by the 

founders Marx and Engels and placing them in correspondence with 

the development of capitalism, which passed to its higher stage of 

imperialism, as well as with the development of the class struggle and 

struggle in the international proletarian movement on the problem of 

the organization of the vanguard party of the class, a struggle in 

which the conception of the party prevailed according to the 

experience of the socialist workers parties of the Second 

International, who became a ​" appendix of the parliamentary 

minority​ , "
​ ​ as Comrade Stalin later expounded in F
​ undamentals of 

Leninism​ . 

The Mensheviks were opposed from the outset to the subordination of 

local organizations to the central leadership and to all militants to 

party discipline, who called it "blind discipline" and "seguidism." 

Lenin unmasks opportunist conceptions in the organizational arena, 

which oppose centralism in party organization, thus summarizing the 

essence of opportunistic conceptions in the organizational arena (a 

fully valid and useful question for the two-line struggle in today's 

MCI): 

"In essence, the whole position of the opportunists in matters of 

organization began to be revealed already in the discussion of the 

first paragraph; in its defense of a diffuse and not strongly cemented 

party organization; in its hostility to the idea (to the 'bureaucratic' 

idea) of the building of the party from top to bottom, starting from 

the party congress and the organizations it created; in their tendency 

to act from the bottom up, allowing any teacher, any high school 

student and any 'striker' to declare himself a member of the party; in 
its hostility to 'formalism', which requires a party member 

belonging to an organization recognized by the party; in his 

tendency to a bourgeois intellectual mentality, ready only to 

'recognize organizational relations'; in his inclination to this 

subtlety of the opportunist spirit and the anarchist phrases; in its 

tendency towards autonomism against centralism. " (19) 

What are the opportunist positions in the organizational field? In all 

aversion to centralism, opposition to centralization of ideology, 

political line and program, then express opposition in centralization 

in the organization and plan. "

​ Unity in program matters and tactical 

issues is a necessary but not sufficient condition for unifying the 

party, for centralizing the work of the party (holy God! What 

elementary things one has to rethink in these times in which all 

notions were confused!). In order to obtain this last result, it is 

necessary, moreover, the unity of organization, inconceivable, in a 

party that has barely exceeded the limits of a family circle, without 

approved statutes, without subordination of the minority to the 

majority, without subordination of the part in all. " (20) 

Lenin goes on to emphasize the need for clandestinity, refuting the 

opportunist accusations that tried to drag the proletariat to the 

"legal" terrain: 

"Without the ​reinforcement and development of discipline, 

organization, and revolutionary clandestinity,​ the struggle against 

government is impossible. Such a vigorous organization can be 

called, by its form, in an autocratic country, 'conspirator', and the 

conspiratorial form is necessary to the utmost extent ... C

​ onspiracy is 

so indispensable that it preconditions all other conditions​ (number, 

choice , etc.). But if we ask ourselves if an organization so powerful 

and so strictly secret, concentrating in its hands all the threads of 

clandestine activity, n
​ ecessarily centralized organization 

(...)​(emphasis added) 

"If we start by establishing a strong, strong revolutionary 

organization, we can ensure the stability of the movement as a 

whole, attain both social-democratic (communist) objectives and 

the objectives of trade unionism." (21) 

Lenin emphasizes that every new form of struggle disorganizes 

organizations not prepared for this new form of struggle. These new 

forms, which affirmed the path of revolutionary violence, required the 

formation of organizations of a new type, such as a combat 

organization. In other words, this n

​ ew type​ of party is combined with 

the development of the foundations of t​ he military line​ of the 

proletariat, serving as the principal and fundamental instrument 

necessary for the leadership of the proletariat and the masses in the 

revolutionary struggle for power. 

When the revolutionary situation settled and began to develop in 

Russia in 1905, Lenin refuted the opportunist positions that said that 

the "guerrillas" disorganized the p

​ opular movement​ , stating that: 

"... it is not the guerrilla actions that disorganize the movement, but 

the weakness of the Party that does not know to t​ ake in its hands 

these actions"​ . And then he adds that ​"what we have been saying is 

that disorganization corresponds equally to demoralization. It is not 

guerrilla warfare which demoralizes, but the character 

unorganized,​cluttered, non - party guerrilla actions "​ . (22) 

Lenin, in his Marxist conviction that the central problem of any and 

all revolution is the question of power, that the core of state power is 

its armed force and that according to a law of war in general that only 

an army defeats another affirmed that the crucial problem for the 

proletarian revolution was ultimately that of the class constituting an 

army, in addition to having already constituted itself as a vanguard 

party that directed it. That is, the workers and their vanguard should 

dominate "military art" and stressed that the forge of the 

revolutionary party needed to take charge of the armed actions and 

forge in them. In October 1905 he wrote a draft article pointing out the 

need for the militarization of the party and emphasized how to do it: 

"The struggle against the 'Black Centuries' is a magnificent military 

operation, which serves as t​ raining​ for soldiers of the revolutionary 

army, is a baptism of fire, and is of immense utility to the revolution. 

The detachments of the revolutionary army should make an 

immediate study of who, where, and how composes the 'Black 

Centuries', and therefore, not only be limited to propaganda (which 

is useful, but that alone is not enough), but to act by means of the 

arms, to strike to the 'Black Centuries', to kill them, to explode its 

generals quartiles, et cetera, et cetera. ​(23) 

Quoting Kaustky, when he was still a Marxist, he pointed out that: 

"It is quite natural and inevitable that the insurrection takes the 

highest and most complex forms of a protracted civil war spanning 

the whole country, that is, an armed struggle between two parts of 

the people. (...) Social-Democracy must absolutely strive to establish 

organizations that are as good as possible to direct the masses in 

these great battles and, if possible, in these small skirmishes. 

Social-Democracy must, at a time when the class struggle is 

exacerbated to the point of civil war, propose not only to take part i​ n 

this civil war, ​but also to play the leading role​ . Social-Democracy 

must educate and prepare its organizations so that they act as a 

belligerent party,​leaving no opportunity to strike a blow to the forces 

of the adversary. " (24)​(emphasis added). 

In ​The War of Guerillas​ , written in October 1906, Lenin established the 

form that should be assumed by the revolutionary party of the 

proletariat and its relation to the instruments and tasks of the 

revolution. Lenin thus summed up the question: " I​ n an age of civil 

war, the ideal of the Party of the proletariat is the Party of combat​ . 

"(25)​ This remark of Lenin is extremely important because it 

synthesizes the need to forge the party as an adequate instrument for 

the direction of the struggle for power in the form of a revolutionary 

civil war. (emphasis added). 

Lenin established the foundation of the party's m

​ ilitary line​ by 

defining "revolutionary civil war" as the way of transition to 

socialism: "
​ Without a civil war no major revolution took place in 

history without a civil war no serious Marxist imagines in the 

passage of capitalism to socialism. " (26) 

With his, T
​ wo tactics of social democracy in the democratic revolution​ and 

the various articles dealing with the military question, Lenin 

completed in fundamental the theoretical body of the party of new 

type. The congress of the Bolsheviks had been held separately from 
the conference of the Mensheviks. The RSDLP, already constituted as 

a Marxist party in the Second Congress of 1903, through the Bolshevik 

fraction advanced in its constitution as a party of a new type, although 

in the totality of its members the Leninist party was not accepted and 

did not apply. This was in the midst of the revolutionary crisis, the 

events of the Revolution of 1905, of which its fighting would continue 

until 1907, when the counterrevolution led by the s​ tolipinian​ reaction 

(27) had defeated the revolution. 

Based on the set of definitions already formulated and applied by the 

Bolsheviks, Lenin had established Democratic Centralism as the 

general principle of organization of the revolutionary proletariat, 

based on: subordination of the minority to the majority; of inferior to 

superior organisms; of each militant to the Party Committee of which 

he is a member and of all party organizations and all militants, 

without exception, to the Central Committee. Centralism that 

expresses the centralization of correct ideas, Strategic Centralization 

and Tactical Decentralization, as demonstrated in this report: 

"In the Bolshevik Party ... it applied democratic centralism. Party 

organizations did not wait for nominations from the Central 

Committee, the regional, provincial, or city (local) committees. 

Without waiting for these decisions, they worked according to local 

conditions and events, within the framework of Party decisions and 

general directives. The initiative of local Party organizations, of 

cells, was revived. If the comrades of Odessa or Moscow, whether 

those of Baku or Tiflis had always waited for the directives of the 

Central Committee, the provincial Committees, etc., which, often in 

the years of reaction and during the war, did not exist because of of 

the arrests, what would have happened? The Bolsheviks would not 

have conquered the working masses and would have had no 

influence over them. 

How did the discipline established by Lenin develop? In the resolute 

application of all decisions of the Central Committee, of the slogans 

defined by Lenin, as a ​combat order for every party​ . That this political 

line should take the form of a ​plan​ to build an organization of 

revolutionaries from all over Russia. Centralism expressed in unity of 

understanding, unity of policy, unit ​of plan​ , u
​ nit of action​ , ​unity of 

command and unity of will​. Even in 1905, as the undisputed leader of 

the Bolsheviks, the red fraction of the RSDLP, Lenin was recognized as 

the chief leader by the vast majority of party members, even though 

the Mensheviks did not abide by their resolutions and directives. 

Thus Lenin, by creatively applying Marxism to the reality of 

revolution in Russia, developed the Marxist theory of the party of the 

proletariat into a new leap, the New Type Party, corresponding to its 

second stage, Leninism, of universal validity necessary not just for 

Russia, but to advance the World Revolution. Even before the October 

Revolution (29) to triumph, Lenin already defended the necessity of 

adopting the name of the revolutionary party of the proletariat in 

accordance with its class nature, as Marx and Engels had previously 

defined, in C
​ ritique of the Goth Program​"That is to say the name of the 

Communist Party, as it came to take place after the triumph of the 

revolution, in the midst of the civil war against the white guards and 

invading armies of the main imperialist powers and their lackeys, 

passing from the name of Labor Party Socialdemocrata of Russia for 

the Communist Party of Russia (Bolshevik). 

With the triumph of the October Revolution, the Leninist Party, as a 

New Kind party, proved itself to be the only one capable of leading the 

proletariat in the struggle for power. Lenin solves the problem posed 

by Engels at the end of the nineteenth century, according to which the 

Class did not have the organic and military forms proper to take and 

to maintain the power, that was, however, to develop them. Resuming 

the revolutionary theses of Marx and Engels he forged the Marxist 

conception of the revolutionary party of the proletariat for the 

conquest of power, for the direction and exercise of the dictatorship of 

the proletariat. 

In systematizing Leninism on the issue of the Revolutionary Party of 

the Proletariat, in ​The Fundamentals of Leninism,​ Stalin highlights six 

characteristics of the party of the new type: 

"1 - The Party as a vanguard detachment of the working class" 

-​emphasizes that it is a vanguard armed with revolutionary theory, 

the scientific conception of the world, dialectical materialism, 

Marxism. That the party is the largest state of the class, is its ​political 

chief and military chief; 

"2 - The Party as an organized detachment of the working class" 

-​emphasizes that it is a detachment of the vanguard of the class, but 

it is part of the class, is an organized part of the class, exists in 

function of the class and has in it its reason to exist; 

"The Party as the superior form of class organization of the 

proletariat" -​ emphasizes that as a class-organized and avant-garde 

detachment it is its superior form of organization which binds itself to 

the whole class masses through the intermediary and elementary 

forms of organization of the class. unions, associations, etc. The 

revolutionary party of the proletariat, the communist party is a party 

of cadres and has a mass character; 

"4 - The Party as an instrument of the dictatorship of the 

proletariat" -​ emphasizes that the party is not only necessary to take 

political power, it is decisive and indispensable to direct the 

dictatorship of the class, key to the entire period of transition 

necessary to abolish classes and move to communism; 

"5 - The Party as unity of will incompatible with the existence of 

fractions"​emphasizes that the conquest of power and the exercise of 

dictatorship by the proletariat is impossible without the strongest 

discipline. An iron discipline, in turn, can not be achieved without the 

unity of will, without the unity of action, complete and absolute of the 

members of the party. Iron discipline does not exclude but rather 

presupposes the criticism and struggle of opinions, it is not blind, but 

presupposes conscious and voluntary subjection. Such discipline is 

based on the principles of democratic centralism. That is to say, once 

the struggle of opinions is over, the criticism is exhausted, and a 

resolution based on the majority is adopted, the unity of will and unity 

of action of all members of the Party is an indispensable condition of 

this iron discipline. Democratic centralism that expresses the 

centralization of correct ideas and governs the subjection of the 

minority to the majority, 

"6 - The Party strengthens itself by purging itself of the opportunist 

elements" -​ emphasizes that in order to develop and strengthen the 

proletarian parties it is necessary to purify its ranks of the opportunist 

and reformist elements, socialimperialists and socialchauvinists, 

socialpatriots and socialpacifistas. The party of the working class is 

also joined by the elements of the petty bourgeoisie and the 

bourgeoisie of the proletariat, and they carry into the party the 

conceptions of the world, the vacillations and opportunisms proper to 

this class. To defend and strengthen the class and revolutionary 

character of the Party, the struggle against revisionism and all 

opportunism must be systematic and incessant. (30) 

These six characteristics sum up brilliantly the fundamental 

principles of the Leninist party, which has been throughout its 

existence, ​a vanguard party forged in revolutionary violence and in 

the fight against opportunism. 

It was fighting trends "populist," "legalistic", "liberals" and 

"economistic" that the Bolshevik-Leninist Red fraction settled 

putting in the direction of the actions of the masses and Lenin was 
able to develop the foundations of his m
​ ilitary line​ ecom her mold the 

party of a new kind, which it had already formulated in opposition to 

the social-democratic formations of Europe and its economicist and 

Menshevik representatives in Russia. In the early days of 1905, 

particularly with the tragic events of "Bloody Sunday," the 

revolutionary situation deepened and, by the end of the year, turned 

into a revolutionary crisis, putting the problem of power on the 

agenda and with it the problem as an immediate practical matter. 

In the concentrated revolutionary period of 1905/1907 and the 

following of the ​stolipinian​ reaction (up to 1909), Lenin fundamentally 

completed the theoretical set, strategy and tactics, as well as the 

military line of the party of a new type, to direct revolution in Russia, 

and at the service of the world proletarian revolution. If with his 

masterful work ​Two tactics of Social Democracy in the Democratic 

Revolution​ developed Marxism in matters of tactics and strategy of the 

proletariat to fight for power in the ongoing democratic revolution, 

and to transform it into a socialist revolution, in "Guerilla Warfare" 

and other writings laid the basis of the solution of the military 
question for the proletariat to conquer and defend the New Power, 

sustaining Marxism against the idealistic wave with its 

masterly​Materialism and empiriocriticism. 

In the difficult period of the ​Stolippinian​ reaction , fighting the 

right-wing opportunism of the Mensheviks and others and at the 

same time the ​Ottoman​ opportunism of the " O

​ ttoman​ " (31) with its 

occultism, Lenin solved in a masterly way the combination of strict 

secret and clandestine work with work is legal and open. The various 

forms which the most advanced masses of the proletariat had created 

in their struggle for economic resistance, trade unions, mutual aid 

boxes and cultural associations were used by the Bolsheviks as points 

of support for the broader and deeper revolutionary activity among 

them. And this energetic work continued in the following years of new 

ascent of the labor movement. 

"The Bolsheviks fought strenuously to turn these legal associations 

into party support points, combining clandestine work with legal 

work with the mastery, won the majority of the unions of the two 

capitals for their side." (32) 

That is to say, the struggle for the revolutionary party of the 

proletariat was a struggle of life and death, through hard struggles of 

two lines in the intransigent defense of Marxism against capitulation 

and denial by Menshevism and other fractions, which in the end 

became liquidationist and counterrevolutionary fractions. Especially 

during the whole period of extreme difficulty for the revolution and 

for the Bolshevik party, that of the height of the S

​ tolipinian​ reaction 

,​on the one hand, and on the other, on the international level, Lenin 

denounced the preparation of the war by the main imperialist powers 

of Europe and fought hard the growing opportunist degeneration of 

the social democratic parties of their countries. In this process of 

implacable struggle Lenin understands the necessity and inevitability 

of the split in the field of socialism, as he would formulate four years 

later in the midst of the imperialist war: "

​ To explain to the masses 

the inevitability and necessity of splitting with opportunism, 

educating them to a relentless revolutionary struggle against it, to 

take into account the experience of war to reveal all the infamies of 

working-liberal politics, and not to conceal them-is the only Marxist 

line in the working-class movement of the world "​ and under this 

line of mass Lenin carries out the reconstitution of the Bolshevik 

Party, as a New Kind party, giving full shape as an authentic 

revolutionary party of the proletariat, later called the Bolshevik 

Communist Party. 

"The unity with the Mensheviks in one party thus became a betrayal 

of the working class and its party. It was necessary, therefore, to 

bring to an end the effective rupture with the Mensheviks on the 

formal and organic level, to expel them from the party. This was the 

only possible way to re-found the revolutionary party of the armed 

proletariat with a single program, a single tactic and a single class 

organization​ . " 

This process was consolidated with the 1912 Prague Conference, with 

the formalization of what had already occurred in practice, the 

expulsion of Mensheviks, O
​ ttizovers​ , Trotsky's group from P
​ ravda​ of 

Vienna, then grouped together in the anti-party "Block of August" (35 

) Here the Bolshevik Party completely conformed itself as a New 

Leninist party, as Comrade Stalin put it: " ​It was this party which the 

Bolsheviks had prepared since the days of old Iskra ... A party 

different from the usual social- democrats of the Western countries, 

free of opportunist elements and able to lead the proletariat in the 

struggle for power. " (36) 

The Prague Conference (Sixth Conference) had reconstituted the 

Bolshevik Party as a full New Kind party, had elected its Central 

Committee without any regard for the other fractions of the then 

"social-democracy". Lenin, Stalin, Ordjonikidze, Sverdlov, 

Spandarian, and others joined him. Thus the Leninist Bolsheviks were 

able to maintain the old banner of the party, and although it 

maintained the denomination of RSDLP, it was already known among 

the masses of the Russian proletariat and even internationally as the 

Bolshevik Party. After the triumph of the October Revolution, in 1918, 

the name of the Communist Party of Russia was established, defended 

by Lenin as the correct denomination corresponding to the 

revolutionary party of the New Type proletariat. 

In short, between 1903 and 1907, Lenin developed and fundamentally 

forged the theory and practice of the new-type party as the RSDLP as 

a Marxist party. Although since his Second Congress Lenin's positions 

in hard struggle had won in the party, he had been divided into two 

fractions (Bolshevik and Menshevik) with their own directions and 

press, since the Mensheviks were not subject to democratic 

centralism. Thus were the III and IV Congresses and the V Tamerfors 

Conference, events in which Lenin's theses on party, tactics and 

strategy, as well as on the forms of struggle of the proletariat always 

won, but Lenin had to follow in the irreconcilable struggle against the 

revisionist factions, especially the Mensheviks, who during the most 

difficult period of reaction​stolipiniana​ (mainly from 1907 until 1911) 

have openly the position to liquidate the party. 

But the Mensheviks were not alone in this criminal action, along with 

the ​Ottizovistas​ and others, the next one was conformed the antiparty 

"Block of August", led by the opportunist on call Trotsky. In this 

situation, Lenin, defining a fraction as " ​a group of Communist men 

who fight for the defense and application of the purest principles of 
Marxism​ " (37), argues that it is necessary for it to carry out the 

reconstitution of the party. (emphasis added) 

In the period from 1912 to 1914, again the great rise of the workers' 

movement and antecedent to the war of prey for the sharing of the 

world between the imperialist powers, the First World War, and 

during it Lenin, in his relentless combat against social patriotism, 

social-chauvinism in which the revisionist / opportunist positions of 

the Second International parties were derived, developed the military 

theory of the proletariat by arming the party with the military 

program of the proletarian revolution and sharpened precisely the 

line of action to transform the imperialist war into revolutionary civil 

war. 

"The social-chauvinists-among them the Russian Mensheviks and 

Socialist-Revolutionaries-preached ​class peace of​ the workers with 

the bourgeoisie within their country and war with other peoples 

across borders. They deceived the masses by hiding the true war 

leaders, declaring that the bourgeoisie of their country was not guilty 
of war. Many social-chauvinists became ministers of the imperialist 

governments of their countries. "(38) 

There were still disguised social-chauvinists called centrists, such as 

Kautsky, Trotsky, Martov, etc., who as Lenin denounced, overturned 

their traitorous positions with the leftist rhetoric of the 'war against 

the war': "

​ In practice the centrists supported , since its proposal not 

to vote against war credits and to limit it to abstention meant 

support for war. "(39) 

In addition to the ferocious struggle against the social-chauvinists in 

the Second International bankruptcy, fighting to ensure that war 

credits were not approved in parliaments, Lenin led the Bolsheviks to 

oppose the creation of the "workers' committees of war" proposed by 

the Russian government. The Bolshevik Party applied Lenin's line of 

"defeating his own government in the imperialist war"​ and ​"turning 

the imperialist war into revolutionary civil war" by​ organizing his 

militants in the ranks of the tsarist army in the rear and front with 

intense propaganda and shaking. 

In the period of the imperialist war, in which Russia had become part 

of the Entende (imperialist alliance of England and France) precisely 

because the large coal, iron and steel, and oil companies established in 

the country were English and mainly - Lenin was completing his 

studies on monopolies, financial capital and their relations, 

formulating that capitalism had passed from its stage of free 

competition to that of the monopolies, characterizing this event as 

the superior but particular and last phase of development of the 

capitalism: it is monopolistic capital, parasitic and decomposing and 

agonizing. Unmasking the misrepresentation of the already callous 

opportunist Kautsky on this phenomenon,​"Imperialism was war". 

"Lenin pointed out that war is an unfailing companion of capitalism. 

The sacking of foreign territories, the conquest and plundering of 

colonies, the domination of new markets had served more than once 

of motive to the capitalist states for wars of annexation. War is for 

the capitalist countries a phenomenon as natural and legitimate as 

the exploitation of the working class. "(40) 

In this period the II International entered in total divided bankruptcy 

that were their parties, as they put themselves next to the imperialist 

bourgeoisies of their countries. In congresses, such as those in 

Zimmerwald (Switzerland), even though they approved of positions 

against the war, in practice the vast majority of the parties yielded to 

rotten patriotism. The Bolsheviks were not against all wars, they were 

against only ​unjust​ wars and linked the struggle for ​peace​ to the 

victory of the proletarian cause. At the conference of internationalists 

in Kienthal, also in Switzerland, known as the Second Conference of 

Zimmerwald, it was possible to group revolutionary forces that would 

prepare the future foundation of the Third International. 

It was in the midst of the imperialist war and the most fierce struggle 

of the Bolsheviks against all social-chauvinist opportunism, centered 

on the Leninist military line and struggling to apply it, that Lenin will 

formulate his masterly works ​Imperialism, the upper phase of capitalism 

,T
​ he dictatorship of the proletariat and the renegade Kautsky​ , ​State and 

Revolution​ , among others. 

And in the early twentieth century, by studying the problems of the 

organization of the proletariat and its vanguard to bring the 

revolution to the extreme, it challenged the class by pointing out that 

the fulfillment of this task ​"to destroy the most powerful bulwark not 

only of the European reaction, but also (we can say) of the Asian 

reaction - would make the Russian proletariat the vanguard of the 

international proletariat. " (41)​ With the triumph of the Bolshevik 

Revolution, the establishment, organization, defense and expansion 

of the New Power, the centrality of the military line for the Bolshevik 

Party was confirmed as the supreme problem of the proletarian 

revolution. 

During the Civil War 1917-1921, Stalin, basing himself on Leninism, 

established the strategic axis and direction of the movement, 

crushing the opportunist right-wing positions of Trotsky's 

leadership. These issues, as we shall see below, are the background to 

the Maoist understanding of the axes and sub-axes of development of 

the People's War. 

"To organize the defeat of Denikin, the Central Committee of the 

party sent to the southern front comrades Stalin, Vorochilov, 

Ordjonikídize and Budionni. Trotsky was removed from the direction 

of the operations of the Red Army in the South. Until the arrival of 

Comrade Stalin, the command of the South front had drawn up a 

plan, together with Trotsky, according to which the main attack 

against Deníkine would be made from Tsarítsin to Novorossiisk, 

through the steppes of the Don, where the Red Army would find 

impractical paths and should cross regions populated by Cossacks, a 

considerable part of which was then under the influence of white 

guards. The comrade​Stalin made a devastating criticism of this plan 

and proposed to the Central Committee that the main attack should 

be made on the Khárkov-Donbass-Rostov line. This plan ensured a 

rapid displacement of the troops as they would pass through clearly 

friendly peasant and worker regions. In addition, the existence of a 

wide rail network allowed a regular supply of the army. Lastly, this 

plan allowed the Donbass to be freed and guarantee the country's 

fuel supply. " (42)​ (emphasis added) 

The Bolshevik Party, as a new party, was first recognized in Russia, 

but with the victory of the Great October Socialist Revolution and the 

founding of the Third International, the Communist International in 

1919 (43) was increasingly recognized in the whole world as a grand 

leap in Marxist theory of the proletarian party, necessary to all the 

countries of the world, without exception. Increasingly recognized as 

the necessary party for the revolution in each country and in a way 

indesligável to the Communist International to advance the world 

revolution and complete fulfillment of the gigantic historical task of 

the class of, through its dictatorship to eliminate the classes and to 

transpose the humanity to the society without classes, to the 

luminous Communism. 

The Second Congress of the Communist International, held in 1920, 

established the 21 conditions for the parties to enter it as the first 

recognition of the universal character of the leap represented by the 

new type party developed by Leninism. In the twelfth condition he 

stated: ​"The parties belonging to the Communist International must 

be organized on the principle of democratic centralization. At a time 

like the present one of a fierce civil war, the Communist Party can 

only play its part if it is organized as centrally as possible, if it 

maintains an almost military iron discipline, and if its central body 

has ample powers, unquestionable authority and counts on the 

unanimous confidence of the militants​ . "

​ ​(44) 

Still in the II Congress it was defined: 

"The Communist International categorically repudiates the view that 

the proletariat can carry out its revolution without having a political 

party. Every class struggle is a political struggle. The aim of this 

struggle, which is bound to ​inevitably turn into a civil war, is the 

conquest of political power.​That is why political power can only be 

won, organized and directed by a particular political party. Only in 

cases where the proletariat is guided by an organized and 

experienced party that pursues clearly defined ends and has a 

program of action that can be applied both in domestic politics and 

in foreign policy, the conquest of political power can be considered 

not as an episode but as the starting point of a long-lasting work of 

communist construction of society by the proletariat. The same class 

struggle also requires the centralization and single direction of the 

various forms of the proletarian movement (trade unions, 

cooperatives, factory committees, education, elections, etc.). The 

organizing center and leader can only be a political party. To refuse 

to believe and affirm this, refusing to submit to this principle is 

tantamount to repudiating the sole command of the contingents of 

the proletariat who act on different points. " (45)​(emphasis added). 

Lenin sustains the necessity of the transformation of the old 

parliamentary parties into parties of a new type, like a combat party: 

"The transformation of the old type of European parliamentary 

party, which is in fact reformist and only slightly revolutionary in a 

new ​type​of party, into a genuinely revolutionary, genuinely 

communist party, is an extremely difficult subject. (...) Transform 

type​to transform the ordinary daily work so that the Party becomes 

the vanguard of the revolutionary proletariat without allowing it to 

separate itself from the masses, but rather to link it more and more 

closely with and imbuing them with revolutionary consciousness 

and raising them for the revolutionary struggle, is a very difficult but 
very important task. If European communists do not take advantage 

of the (probably very short) intervals between periods of 

revolutionary battles ... for the purpose of producing this 

fundamental, internal, deep reconstruction of the whole structure 

and all the work of their parties, they will commit horrible crime 

(46) 

Soon, the V Congress of the Communist International, established the 

campaign for the ​bolshevization​ of all the communist parties. In the 

Bolshevization​ campaign, the need for the structure of the party by 

cells of workplaces, of housing, as organic forms corresponding to the 

needs of the revolutionary struggle, as opposed to its organization by 

electoral circumscription, as if the rotten parties of the II 

International. He also stressed the need to avoid a mechanical 

application: ​"We must bolster the parties by faithfully following 

Lenin's legacies and taking into account the concrete situation of 

each country." (47) 

The B
​ olshevization​ campaign was part of the struggle for the integral 

assimilation of Leninism and played an important role in arming the 

international proletariat with a combat organization. It should be 

noted, however, that the development of truly Leninist parties 

throughout the world depended on the existence of a leadership that 

would take these ideological and political foundations firmly, 

embodying them in application to the concrete reality, in order to 

develop communist parties in each country . 

In this first stage of the world proletarian revolution, its strategic 

defensive, despite all the colossal effort made by Cominter as well as 

by the Bolshevik Party and the USSR, the communist movement still 

had a low development in most countries. Few parties understood and 

correctly assumed the great contributions of the Bolshevik Party, 

getting rid of the "Menshevik baggage." Notably, the party that 

advanced most in this direction was the Communist Party of China, 

especially since the Tysuni Conference, when President Mao Tsetung 

took over his leadership after hard two-line struggles against 

right-wing deviations and mainly against opportunistic deviations of 

the "Left" majority of the Central Committee. 

In this problem lies the main cause of why the revolution was 

temporarily defeated in a set countries. Let us see that it took more 

than 15 years (from 1902 to 1917), in the midst of a tortuous process, 

passing through the defeat of the Revolution of 1905, and a hard 

struggle of two lines so that the Leninist conception of the party could 

be accepted by the Communist Movement And was, for the most part, 

the reason for the triumph of the October Revolution which confirmed 

it forcefully. This is an inevitable part of the process of struggle 

between the old and the new, between the old that resists to disappear 

and the new one still fragile in its emergence. But, although not 

deeply understood, especially on the conception of the party, 

Leninism was widely accepted in the International Communist 

Movement. 

With the triumph of the October Revolution of 1917, the victory in the 

civil war, the creation of the Communist International, the application 

of the NEP, and the beginning of the socialist construction with the 

Five Year Plans, was confirmed by the correctness of Lenin's New 

Kind Party and this as a detached part of Leninism of universal 

validity. Lenin defended and fought for the World Party of the 

Proletariat, the Communist International as the Center of Sections of 

each country. It is a question that the historical experience of the 

proletarian revolution has proved to be a long and hard struggle for 

understanding and incarnating it fully and correctly. In this we are 

advancing in raising Maoism as the guide and guide of the World 

Proletarian Revolution. 

III - CONCENTRIC CONSTRUCTION LINE AND MILITARIZED COMMUNIST PARTY 

As we stated in the introduction, the militarized Communist Party has 

its foundations in Lenin and President Mao, but was developed by 

President Gonzalo and the PCP. President Gonzalo, creatively applying 

Marxism-Leninism-Maoism to the concrete practice of the Peruvian 

Revolution, developed the theory and practice of the Communist Party 

through glorious and invincible people's war, bringing it to a new 

level, that of the Marxist-Leninist communist party - militarized 

Maoist and the line of concentric construction of the three 

instruments of the revolution. 

President Gonzalo, crushing the revisionist conceptions that separate 

the organic construction from its ideological-political base, 

established a clear principle of Ideological-Political-Organic-CIPO 

Construction, in correspondence with the current stage of our 

ideology, Maoism: "

​ On the basis ideological-political, 

simultaneously constructing the organization, in the middle of the 

class struggle and the struggle of two lines, all within and in function 

of the armed struggle for the conquest of Power. (48) 

Thus, in the first place, it develops on the ideological basis of 

Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, especially Maoism, Maoism which is 

the third, new and higher stage of Marxism, today's Marxism, and the 

contributions of universal validity of Gonzo's thought . Ideological 

base that needs to be creatively applied to the corresponding concrete 

reality of each revolution (the need for guiding thinking). Ideological 

basis is without which we can not take any correct position on any 

fundamental problem of the revolution in our time. 

Second, the political line that is the terrain of the class struggle. This 

is where the General Policy Line unfolds and specifies in its five 
elements: 1) international line, 2) Democratic Revolution (Socialist 

Revolution in the case of imperialist countries); 3) Military Line; 4) 

Line of construction of the three instruments; 5) Line of Pasta. Finally 

General Political Line, whose center is the Military Line, which is the 

basis and guide of all revolutionary proletarian action. 

It defines, therefore, that the line of construction in the stage of the 

Maoism takes place in function of the armed struggle for the conquest 

of the power. That is, before starting the people's war, everything is 

done in order to start it, begun, everything should serve its 

development. 

This great principle of construction is a powerful guide to solving the 

problems of the construction of the three instruments, to initiate and 

develop the People's War, is valid both for the dominated countries 

and for the imperialist countries. 

As far as the ideological basis is concerned, the militarized communist 

party contains two aspects: 1) it is based on 

Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism, as the third, new, and 

higher stage of Marxism; 2) starting from all previous and joining to 

this the gonzalo thought develops it to a new level. 

The militarized Communist Party is therefore a development of the 

Marxist conception of the party, unhappy with revisionists like 

Avakian and Prachanda who proclaim "originality" and "overcoming 

Lenin and Mao." The Militarized Communist Party represents the 

reaffirmation of the full validity of the principles of Marxism, through 

its development. 

On its background and foundations, President Gonzalo pointed out its 

essential aspects corresponding to the three stages of Marxism. It 

states: 

"It teaches us that Marx said that the working class creates 

organizations in its image and likeness, that is, its own 

organizations​. In the nineteenth century with Marx and Engels we 

set out with a scientific conception, w

​ ith its own doctrine, with its 

own goal, with a common goal, to take power and the means to do it: 

revolutionary violence; all this in two-line fight rather hard​ . Marx 

felt that the proletariat can not act as a class any more than by 

establishing itself as a ​distinct political party and opposed to all 

political parties created by the possessing classes​ . ​. (49) 

Starting from this principle and in correspondence with the epoch 

(consolidation of the bourgeois democratic revolution), it was 

generally fulfilled with the creation of the International Workers' 

Association (1864) and the social-democratic workers parties that 

developed in the advanced capitalist countries, mainly with the 

Second International founded by Engels (1889), as Labor Party Social 

Democrats in the early capitalist countries. 

Lenin defined imperialism as the ultimate and ultimate stage of 

capitalism, in which society is militarized to the extreme, where more 

than ever class struggle develops through civil war, hence the 

necessity of the revolutionary party of the proletariat as a combat 

organization endowed with a correct military line that occupies the 

center of all his activity. He further argued that opportunism was the 

outpost of the bourgeoisie in the labor movement and that it intended 

to combat imperialism and reaction separately from the struggle 

against revisionism, and all opportunism was hollow phraseology. 

Lenin, stating that revolution is a war and Power, its central question, 

under the harsh conditions of the tsarist autocratic regime, was able 

to use these conditions as a furnace to conceive and forge the 

revolutionary party of the proletariat as a New Kind Party, 

establishing tactics and strategy to triumph the proletarian 

revolution. 

President Gonzalo emphasized the experience of the Socialist 

Revolution of October, highlighting how his triumph became reality 

by Lenin's understanding of the issues essential to the proletariat's 

conquest of power, the main being that o

​ f the combat party,​ endowed 

with a military line and insurrection as a way: 

"That in the twentieth century Lenin understood that revolution was 

ripe and creates the new type of proletarian Party, forms the form of 

struggle: insurrection and form of organization: the detachments, 

which were mobile forms and surpassed the barricades of the last 
century , which were fixed forms. Lenin defends the necessity of 

creating n
​ ew, clandestine organizations, since the passage to 

revolutionary actions meant the dissolution of legal organizations by 

the police and that this transit is only possible if it is carried out over 

the old leaders, passing over the old Party, destroying it​ . That the 

Party should take as an example the modern army, with its own 

discipline and unique will and flexibility. (50)​ (emphasis added) 

In concrete terms, the problems that Lenin was dealing with on the 

theoretical and practical side of the party will be crucial in the 

revolutionary situation and crisis of 1905. Then, in a very objective 

way, the problems for the seizure of power by the proletariat 

presented themselves as a practical problem for the revolutionary 

party of the proletariat, and already as a party of a new type 

theoretically conceived and under construction, solved the question of 

how to direct the class and other popular masses, especially the 

peasantry, in taking power. 

As we have seen previously, in abundant quotations from Lenin's 

works in Part II-LENIN AND THE BOLCHEVIQUE PARTY, that the 

military and war problem was already at the forefront, as a task of the 

agenda for the party. Such was the resistance on this issue, not only in 

the Menshevik, but also in the Bolsheviks, which would be because of 

the party's lack of preparation for the task of assault on power, the 

main cause of the defeat of that revolution. Unprepared even from 

those who fought for applying military action as the center of party 

leadership activity with the rebellious masses. For example, the plan 

of insurrection in December 1905, implemented with decision in 

Moscow, was not taken in Petrograd. The revolutionary party of the 

proletariat to direct the seizure of power still lacked the necessary 

minimum experience. 

Many who call themselves Marxist-Leninist-Maoists do not 

understand the axis of the party's construction, contrasting with the 

claim that what Lenin had put forward as the main was the need for a 

"Russian-wide newspaper"​ , playing the role of ​"collective organizer 

"​ And that, therefore, the new type party is constructed like this. 

These are mistaken in their appreciation. Others, however, openly 

oppose the very idea of ​the new-type party, with the pilgrim 
argument that the times are other and that in no way bears any 

resemblance to the reality and conditions of the then tsarist Russia 

and therefore the party does not may be of the Leninist type, and that 

to attempt it is blind dogmatism. The latter are the brazen 

revisionists. 

Lenin posed the problem of the newspaper as a collective organizer 

there in those conditions of Russia, at the beginning of the twentieth 

century, in the conditions of dispersion of revolutionary circles, under 

the heel of tsarist political police, in the midst of immense 

communication difficulties and an immense country. However, the 

role of a newspaper as the central organ of the revolutionary party of 

the proletariat continued and remains key as the political thread 

capable of reaching places in which leaders and even militant party 

initiators can not reach yet. What was not so clear at the time, but 

which was imposed by the life and dynamics of the class struggle with 

the events of the Revolution of 1905 and its unfolding, in the years of 

the imperialist war in 1917, and with the Chinese Revolution, when it 

became clear, 
That is, already in those gone, the party of new type already 

corresponded to be ​constructed around the rifle​ . As President Gonzalo 

pointed out, when he started the struggle for the reconstitution of the 

PCP in the 1970s, the ​construction of the party around the rifle​ was 

imposed ​"Even more today, with Gonzon thought, the militarization 

of the party was established and the concentric construction of the 

three instruments of revolution​ . "

​  

Here it is important to point out that the very urgency of the military 

issue highlighted the problem of the united front (in this case, in 

particular, the peasant-worker alliance), the third instrument. This 

was imposed as a crucial problem for the party when the seizure of 

power was presented as a task of the agenda, given the backwardness 

of the country and consequent weight of the peasant masses, in 

addition to that in the old Russian reality, the tsarist army was 

nothing more than the "peasantry in arms". It was Lenin, faced with 

the reality and challenges of the revolution in Russia, who, recovering 

from a letter from Marx to Engels, demonstrated how Marx 

appreciated the role of the peasantry in the proletarian revolution. In 

it Marx affirmed ​"Here in Germany everything will depend on 

supporting the proletarian revolution with a new edition of the 

peasant wars"​. Lenin maintained the unavoidable necessity for the 

victory of the proletarian revolution to withdraw the peasantry 

masses of reserve from the bourgeoisie, transforming them into safe 

allies of the proletariat, applying what it defined, that ​"Marxism 

raised the proletariat to leader of the peasantry." 

Finally, the necessity of the Militarized Party had already been put to 

the facts in the vertiginous revolutionary situation of 1905, in which 

the question of Power for the democratic revolution had entered the 

order of the day. Although Lenin had not formulated about the 

Militarized Party as such, he argued and fought bravely for placing the 

military and war problem at the center of the general political line of 

the Bolsheviks. It must be pointed out with rigor that in the whole 

course of the 1900s the true Bolsheviks, the Leninists, were in truth 

the red fraction in hard and irreconcilable two-line struggle for the 

establishment of the party of a new type. What, strictly speaking, will 

only be fully established with the 1912 Conference (Prague), when it is 

formalized as a separate organization. 

It should be emphasized that the idea about this, Lenin had it and 

fought from its beginnings of Marxist, as it makes clear the passage of 

What To do? q
​ uoted at the head of this article: ​"Small compact group, 

we follow a steep and difficult path, hand in hand firmly. We are 

surrounded by enemies on all sides and we must march almost 

always under their fire. We are united by a decision freely made, 

precisely to fight against the enemies and not to fall in the 

neighboring swamp, whose inhabitants, from the beginning, 

reproach us for having separated us in a separate group and for 

having chosen the way of the fight and not that of conciliation. " 

With President Mao, under the conditions of the revolution in a still 

backward country - colonial / semicolonial and feudal / semi-feudal - 

conditions in which the vast majority of countries were located (ie 

where the overwhelming majority of countries and of the masses in 

the world), President Mao consolidated the prevalence of 

revolutionary violence as a way for the proletariat to conquer and 

defend its power. He asserted that ​"... they accuse us of being 

supporters of the theory of the omnipotence of war, we are in favor 

of the theory of the omnipotence of revolutionary war and this is 

Marxist,"​ stating that "

​ ... with rifles it is possible to transform the 

world"​ and that "

​ politician born of the rifle "​, the understanding of 

the need for the three fundamental instruments of the revolution, 

further specifying that "

​ The Party commands the rifle and never 

allow the rifle to command in the Party​ . "

​ (​ 51) 

President Mao said in the A

​ ppeal of the Communist (October 4, 1939)​ : "
​  

Without the armed struggle, in China there will be no place for the 

proletariat, neither for the people, nor for the Communist Party, and 

revolution can not triumph. It is in the midst of revolutionary wars 

that our Party has developed, consolidated, and Bolshevised in the 

past eighteen years; without the armed struggle, the Communist 

Party would not become what it is today. No comrade of the Party 

should ever forget this experience that we have paid with blood . 

"(52) 
And generalizes it: 

"The central task and the highest form of every revolution is the 

seizure of Power through armed force, that is, the solution of the 

problem through war. This Marxist-Leninist principle of revolution 

has universal validity, both in China and in other countries. ​"(53) 

Given the masterful management of the dialectic, synthesizing the 

law of contradiction as "unity of opposites", that "one is divided into 

two" and that "everything is contradiction," he understood that the 

communist party is a contradiction because it manifests itself in it the 

contradictions between society and the class struggle, the 

contradiction between the new and the old, and between the right and 

the wrong, the two-line struggle must be adopted as the right method 

of forging the communists and the communist party to formulate and 

to defend the red proletarian line and to fight against the opposite 

bourgeois lines and others that inevitably emerge within the party. 

Thus, in the struggle against the right in the CCP, he unleashed a new 

and hard struggle against the new revisionism of Khrushchev and his 
"Two All and Three Pacifiers", sustaining Marxism-Leninism and its 

pillars, class struggle, 

"With President Mao the class understands the need to build the 

three instruments of revolution: Party, Army and the united Front 

interrelated​ . Thus it resolves the construction of the three 

instruments in a backward, semifeudal and semicolonial country, 

through the people's war. I​ n concrete it ​solves the construction of 

the Party around the rifle​ and that is the heroic fighter who runs his 

own construction, the Army and the Front. " (54)​ (emphasis added) 

Assuming that "organization should serve politics" rather than the 

opposite, and Lenin's assertion that "there is no line enough," that 

there must be a fair means of enforcing it, only when through Maoism 

the proletariat was endowed with an integral military line, the 

People's War, which established the deepest understanding of the 

militarized communist party and its uncontrollable need for the 

process of world proletarian revolution .​ ​It is, therefore, the 

indissoluble relationship between Construction and the General 

Political Line, in which Construction is in function of the general 

political line and its center, the ​military line. 

The militarized communist party is the result of the direct 

development of the experience of the proletarian revolution, when 

with Maoism it entered its stage of the strategic offensive, when 

society was militarized in all its spheres, reaching a marked degree of 

decomposition, a time when the imperialism and every reaction will 

be wiped out from the face of the earth by the world proletarian 

revolution in the form of world popular war. 

The PCP systematized the need to militarize the communist parties 

and the concentric construction of the three fundamental instruments 

in three fundamental reasons: 

"First, because we are in the strategic offensive of the world 

revolution​ , we live the sweep of imperialism and the reaction of the 

face of the Earth in the next 50 to 100 years, a time marked by 

violence and in which all kinds of wars are expressed, we see how the 

reaction is militarizing the old States, its economy, developing wars 

of aggression, trafficking in the struggles of peoples and pointing to 

a world war, but since revolution is the main tendency in the world 

the task of the Communist Parties is to unfurl the revolution, 

shaping the main form of struggle: the people's war, to oppose the 

world revolutionary war to the world counterrevolutionary war​ . 

Second, we have to conjure capitalist restoration​ . The bourgeoisie 

when it loses the power is introduced within the party, the army uses 

and seeks to usurp the power, destroy the proletarian dictatorship to 

restore capitalism, so the Communist Parties must militarize 

themselves and exercise onímoda dictatorship of the three 

instruments, ​forjar- the popular militia and the army of the masses​ . 

For this he told us to 'forge the militants as communists first and 

foremost, as combatants and as administrators' ;​ so every militant is 

forged in the people's war and warns against any attempt to restore​ . 

Third, because we march to a militarized society​ . Militarizing the 

Party is a step towards the militarization of society, which is the 

strategic perspective to guarantee the dictatorship of the proletariat​ . 

The militarized society is the sea of ​armed masses of which we were 

told by Marx and Engels, which ensures the conquest and defense of 

the Conquered Power. We took the experience of the Chinese 

Revolution, the anti-Japanese base of Yenan that was a militarized 

society from which everything from the mouth of rifles was born, 

Party, Army, State, new politics, new economy, new culture. And 

thus develop war communism. " (55) 

It is therefore a question of building adequate parties to the needs of 

the world revolution as an instrument capable of solving three 

fundamental tasks: 

1) Start new Popular Wars: Problem of how to start the armed struggle 

like People's War; 

2) To develop the GP for the conquest of Power; 

3) Defend and develop the New Power, the Dictatorship of the 

Proletariat, conjuring up the capitalist restoration. 

These three reasons, taken as a unit, correspond to a set of 

modifications necessary for 

the Communist Party can absolutely direct the other two fundamental 

instruments of the revolution, People's Army and Front-New State, to 

carry out the democratic revolution (in the case of the vast majority of 

countries in the world), passing uninterruptedly to the socialist 

revolution developed capitalists) and cultural revolutions to bring 

everyone together into the luminous communism. 

But let's see how President Gonzalo defined the militarization of the 

communist parties: 

"The militarization of the Communist Parties is a political guideline 

that has a strategic content, since it is ​'the set of transformations, 

changes and readjustments that it needs to direct the people's war as 

the main form of struggle that manages the new State'​ , therefore the 

militarization of the Parties Communists is k

​ ey to the democratic, 

socialist and cultural revolution​ . " (56) 

"At the First National Conference, November 1979, President 

Gonzalo put forward the thesis of the need for the militarization of 

the Communist Party of Peru; In the early 1980s, as the Party 

prepared to start the People's War, it proposed to develop the 

militarization of the Party by means of actions, relying on the great 

Lenin, who said that reducing non-military work to center him on 

the military, times of peace and we entered the times of war by which 

all the troops had to be militarized. " (57) 

The understanding and application of the Axes and Strategic Plans, as 

has been developed the popular war in Peru, is presented as a key 

issue the development of the People's Wars. It is a great development 

of Marxist theory which is based on that provided by Chairman Mao: 

"Part of Chairman Mao's thesis that the task of strategy as a science 

is to study the laws of the direction of military operations that 

influence the situation of the war as a whole. The task of the science 

of campaigns and tactics is to study the laws of the direction of 

partial military operations. And it does a strategic development of 

how to conduct the war in the whole of the country and in each zone, 

bearing in mind its connection with the international situation ;​ we 

considered the axes, sub-axes, directions of movement and lines of 

movement which allow us to maintain the strategic course of war in 

all circumstances and to face all kinds of political and military 

operations that mount the counterrevolution​ . 

This development elevates the role of the communist party in the 

revolutionary war by promoting the development of the people's war 

by linking the construction of the Party to the fluidity of the 

revolutionary war. Therefore the Strategic Axes of construction from 

which are established d

​ irections of movement, sub-axes and lines of 

movement​ that are designed interrelatedly on the national territory 

for the conquest of Power in every country. Axes on which the 

strategic operational plans and their campaigns are developed​ , for 

opening and developing guerrilla zones pointing to bases of support, 

conquering them, defending them and expanding them, until the 

conquest of Power in every country. 

"The plan national, strategically centralized and tactically 

decentralized military, from which every plan is an ideology, which 

should reflect the reality and the adventures that this is to express; 

taking Stalin, linking strategy with tactics and establishes the 

strategic and operating plans, which are specifically of how the 

strategy is linked to the tactical operations; and thus, each 

Committee must draw up its strategic and operating plans within the 

overall Strategic Plan and specifically within the Common 

Strategic-Operative Plan the whole Party. " (59) 

Therefore his drawing is based on the growing understanding of the 

laws of revolutionary war in general and the specific laws of revolutionary 

war​ in the country or reality in question, of the correct analysis of the 

fundamental classes of his society and of the role of each of them in 

each stage of revolution, starting from the knowledge and mastery of 

the very laws of its economic-social development, that is, of its 

history (guiding thought). 

President Gonzalo teaches us that the whole plan must be based on 

the situation of the international and national class struggle, the 

struggle between revolution and counterrevolution in general, and 

how it impacts the more specific spheres of society, on the hill of 

revolution and on the hill of counterrevolution:​"For the elaboration 

of the Plans we always take into account the following general 

alignments: 1) The international class struggle between revolution 

and counterrevolution; the ideology; the international communist 

movement; or MRI. 2) The class struggle in the country; the 

counterrevolution; the political conjuncture; the counter-subversive 

war. 3) The development of the people's war; swing; laws and 

lessons. 4) Need to investigate. 5) People's war and construction. 6) 

The people's war and the masses. 7) The fight of two lines. 8) 

Schedule and Schedule. 9) Attitude and slogans. Be superior to 

difficulties and win higher victories! " (​ PCP - Military Line - 1988) 

(60) 

Such a question, as we can see, is a fundamental part of the need of 

the guide thought to rightly direct a revolution, so he also stressed 

that "plan is ideology", needs guide thinking. 

"It also ​links the entire construction process with the flow of popular 

war​ , based on the fact that the mobility of military operations and 

the variability of our territory give all construction work ... a variable 

character, as President Mao said​ . "

​ ​(61) 
The construction process takes place as clandestine construction, 

combining two armed party networks, the territorial network that 

encompasses a jurisdiction and the mobile network whose structure 

moves. Work networks, whose combination of their action fit and 

serve the needs of the preparation and direction of the People's War. 

Party work in which the relation between secret work, which is the 

principal and open work, is subject to that the first gives the content 

and the second the form. 

How the historical experience of the revolutions demonstrates the 

direction is a key and decisive question. This direction is the 

conformation of a group of recognized political leaders, with solid 

mastery of revolutionary theory and practical movement, forged and 

proved by the class struggle and two-line struggle, and especially of a 

leader with an ascendancy among the others. This was what the PCP 

needed: 

"In its process of development, every revolution, by the struggle of 

the proletariat as a ruling class and, above all, of the communist 

party that unfurls its unrenounceable class interests, generates a 

group of chiefs, and especially one who represents and directs it, a 

chief of authority and ancestry recognized. ​"(62) 

As evidenced by the experience of the struggle of the oppressed for 

their liberation over the millennia, the oppressed always elected their 

chiefs. At the time of capitalism, Lenin defined that the revolutionary 

party of the proletariat is a party of revolutionary leaders. Thus, the 

relationship between bosses, party, classes and masses was 

necessary, basing the necessity of the head, a head of descent on the 

others for their knowledge, theoretical domain and practical 

movement, authority acquired and sustained in the guide thought 

conformed by and in this same process. (63) 

Therefore, the formation of a leadership of the contingent of chiefs is 

not a simple task, "a direction is not improvised" as Lenin stated, but 

" t​ here is only a handful to assume the construction of a party so that 

it develops and grows" ( 64)​ (... )​ . That is, the most important thing 

is not "how many we are, but if we want". 

President Gonzalo explains to us that in the process of conformation 

of a direction his contingent and in him the men and women who 

compose it can only develop in an unequal way and by leaps: 

"And these bosses do not come in large quantities and it takes time 

for their forge ... It is a handful of bosses what a revolution generates 

in decades, what is generated in a greater amount are leaders, a 

larger amount are still cadres and a whole mass of militants. "​ And 

he goes on to show that every revolution needs a head, a leadership: "

​  

But the main thing is that a boss, a single head that stands out 

clearly, is created above the rest, and this is the that we have to 

understand and it is not for the will of anybody, it is the very reality 

of the revolution, the class and the party, that they demand and 

promote this conformation. "​ (65) 

"Engels insisted on this and told us that even a literary movement 

has a head that represents him​ ... ​We have the three grandest ones 

(Marx, Lenin, Mao Tsetung) heads of the world revolution, because 

that is their dimension; that they were also of their parties and of 

their concrete revolution is subsidiary because the main thing is that 

they are leaders of the world revolution and established for us the 

great process of the development of Marxism embodying 

Marxism-Leninism-Maoism​ . "
​ ​(66) 

It is noteworthy that the question of the Headquarters was already 

recognized in the ​Manifesto of the Communist Party​ , in his foreword of 

1883, Engels states: 

" ​Marx, the man to whom the working class of Europe and America 

owes more than any other​The fundamental idea that the whole 

Manifesto is penetrated - namely, that the economic production and 

the social structure necessarily derived from it in each historical 

epoch constitute the basis upon which the political and intellectual 

history of that time rests; that the whole history (since the 

dissolution of the primitive regime of common property of the earth) 

has been a history of class struggle, of struggle between exploited 

and exploited classes, dominant and dominated, in the different 

phases of social development; and that now this struggle has reached 

a stage where the exploited and oppressed class (the proletariat) can 

no longer emancipate itself from the class that exploits and 

oppresses it (the bourgeoisie), without emancipating, at the same 

time and forever, the whole society of exploitation, oppression and 

class struggles -​this fundamental idea belongs solely and exclusively 

to Marx. " (​ 67)​(emphasis added) 

In addition, it is necessary to take into account what the masses in 

struggle with their lore and instinct, the one of "

​ a head"​ , think and 

claim as a condition for their success. 

However, against all the attacks of the revisionism it is necessary to 

emphasize that it is Headache, which is based on a guided thought and 

not the opposite. It is not, therefore, a matter of individuals, but of the 

creative application of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, especially 

Maoism and contributions of universal value of Gonzalo thought to 

concrete reality. Head office, which as such never dies and is a 

guarantee of triumph. 

Construction Line: a party essentially built around the rifle 

In "On Marxism-Leninism-Maoism" (I Congress, 1988) the PCP 

states: 

"The problem of the construction of the instruments of the 

revolution posed to the Party an understanding of the interrelation 

of the Party, the army and the united front; and to understand and 

manage the interrelated construction of the three in the midst of war 

or in the maintenance of the new state based on the power of the 

armed people expresses a just and correct work of direction. The 

construction is guided by the principle that the just and correct 

ideological line decides everything, and it is on this 

ideological-political basis that simultaneously the organizational 

construction is developed, amidst the struggle between the 

proletarian and the bourgeois line and in the storm of struggle of 

classes, especially of war, as the main form of struggle whether 

acting or ​potential. "

​ (68) 

We emphasize "potential", because it points to the solution of the 

problem of vital importance, as it applies the policy of concentric 

construction for those facing the stage of constitution / 

reconstitution. 

"The line of concentric construction of the three instruments is the 

organic embodiment of the party's militarization." ​Without the 

militarized Communist Party there can be no concentric construction:  

"The Party is the axis of everything, it directs all three instruments, 

its own construction, absolutely that of the army and the new state 

as a joint dictatorship, pointing to the dictatorship of the 

proletariat." (69) 

Generalizing its application, since the demand for the developing 

reality of the proletarian revolution, the Militarized Communist Party 

and the Concentric Construction, is the absolute (ideological, political 

and organic) direction of the proletariat over all other instruments 

and, above all, the principal form of organization, the military before 

starting the People's War, with its inception is the People's Guerilla 

Army, supported in the Revolutionary Single Front before starting the 

people's war and with its beginning and development is Front-New 

State. The Militarized Communist Party develops with a unique 

ideological line, through a unique strategic plan, with a unique 

command, and unique action. 

The construction of the three instruments obeys the laws of the class 

struggle and that, before the people's war begins, it is done through 

the progressive application of revolutionary violence (forms of armed 

struggle), and the People's War is initiated through it. which can not 

grow rapidly, but obeys the law of incorporation of the masses in the 

War. The first jump of the beginning of the War generates a new leap 

in construction, more People's War, more masses, following the 

principle that "

​ from the tip of the rifle everything is born"​ . On the 

relationship between these three elements he synthesized: "

​  

Construction is ​base​ , people's war is the m

​ ain​ and the line, the Base 

of Party Unity ​is the guide​ ." (70) 

The concentric and militarized construction serves to ensure the 

absolute leadership of the Communist Party to the whole 

revolutionary process, building and imposing the hegemony of the 

proletariat throughout the process, unifying and concentrating all its 

direction centered on the Central Committee and the Party's Office. 

The militarized Party means that it directs and manages the other two 

instruments from within and applies everything through the Popular 

Revolutionary Army, with which it fights and produces, mobilizes, 

politicizes, organizes and arming the popular masses, creating and 

developing the New Power / New State: the Party as a leadership and 

the Revolutionary Front / New State, having in the New People's Army 

its spine, the instrument where the masses carry out revolutionary 

actions and transformations.​The Party builds the army and itself and, 

around both, builds the Revolutionary Single Front. 

Precisely for this reason the Communist Party can not be obtained 

without the Concentric Construction of the Fundamental Instruments 

of the Revolution, since without construction of the Army and 

Revolutionary Front the militarization and centralized direction of the 

revolutionary process can not be given in a correct and complete way. 

The peasant-worker alliance, the fundamental basis of the FUR, can 

not be properly established, which can only be built through the 

armed struggle for the conquest of the land for the poor peasants 

without land or with little land, 

Without the concentric construction of the Fundamental Instruments 

of the Revolution the Mass Line can not be properly applied, 

democratic Centralism can be applied, the principle of organization 

and functioning of the revolutionary proletariat, in force at all levels 

and spheres of the revolutionary process, from its higher level, its 

detachment from the vanguard, the Communist Party, through the 

intermediary forms to the grassroots organizations of the masses at 

their local, zonal, regional, national levels, as forms of organization of 

struggle and power. 

Thus systematizing, the PCP defined the six characteristics of the 

construction of the militarized party: 

- I​ deological construction:​ If militancy is forged on the basis of party 

unity, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo thought, mainly 

Gonzalo thought; 

- Political construction​ : Forging militancy in the Program and 

Statutes; general political line and military line as center, specific 

lines; general policy, specific policies; and, military plans of the 

Party. Politics must always be in charge and it is our strong point; 

- The organic construction​ : The organic follows the political and 

taking into account that it is not enough line, simultaneously it is 

necessary to assemble the organic apparatuses seeing the organic 

structure, the organic system and the party work. Organic structure, 

the Party is based on democratic centralism, especially on 

centralism; two armed party networks are established, the territorial 

network encompassing a jurisdiction and the mobile network whose 

structure moves. The organic system is the distribution of forces in 

function of the main and secondary points, where the revolution 

acts. Party work is the relationship between secret work that is 

principal and open work; importance of the five needs: democratic 

centralism, clandestinity, discipline, vigilance and secrecy, 

particularly democratic centralism. 

The direction​ . We are fully aware that no class has succeeded in 

establishing its rule in history if it has not promoted its political 

leaders, their vanguard representatives, capable of organizing the 

movement and directing it; and the Peruvian proletariat in the midst 

of the class struggle generated the leadership of the revolution and 

its highest expression: President Gonzalo's Cabinet, which manages 

revolutionary theory, has a knowledge of history and a deep 

understanding of the practical movement; which in a hard struggle 

of two lines defeated the revisionism, the liquidationism of right and 

of "left", to the right opportunist line to the rightist; reconstituted 

the Party, led it in the people's war, and became the greatest living 

Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, great political and military strategist, 

philosopher; master of communists, center of party unification. The 

reaction has two principles to destroy the revolution: to annihilate 

direction and to isolate the guerrilla from the masses, but in 

synthesis its problem is to annihilate direction, because it is the one 

that allows to maintain the course and to materialize it. Our Party 

has defined that the leadership is key and it is the duty of all the 

militants to fight constantly to defend and preserve the leadership of 

the Party and especially the direction of President Gonzalo, our Head 

of State, against any attack inside and outside the Party, in his 
direction and personal command unfurling the slogans of "Learn 

from the President Gonzalo" and "Incarnate the Gonzalo thought". 

Fight of two lines​ . The Party is a contradiction where the class 

struggle is expressed as a two-way struggle between left and right. 

The struggle of two lines is what drives the development of the Party, 

its fair and correct management derives that the left imposes itself. 

Mass Work​ . We apply the principle of 'The masses make history'. 

The Party directs the mass struggle according to the Power that is the 

main claim. " (71) 

IV - THE NEED TO RECONSTITUTE OR CONSTITUTE MAJOR COMMUNIST 

MILITARIZED PARTIES WORLDWIDE 

"As Lenin teaches us, in times of revolution we must form new organizations and go 

against the old leaders who are seeking to sell the revolution by accommodating 

themselves within the reactionary system. We can no longer use the old forms of 

struggle and organization of the masses. " 

(PCP - Line of masses) 

Understanding about the militarized communist party is a decisive 

and indispensable necessity for the reconstitution of the communist 

parties in the world and the beginning of the GP, and also for the 

communist parties that already run Popular Wars. For the former, 

they can not progress in the constitution or reconstitution of 

communist Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties to start the People's 

War, either in dominated countries or in imperialist countries. 

If the communist party is to lead the struggle for power, in the present 

age it means to constitute or reconstitute it to unleash the 

revolutionary armed struggle as the People's War, the way and 

strategy of the revolutionary proletariat for the conquest of power and 

its defense, democratic and socialist and cultural revolution and to 

move to the luminous Communism, where the Military Line occupies 

the center of the General Political Line and the Army becomes the 

main form of organization, the main instrument to mobilize, 

politicize, organize and arm the masses. Therefore the question of the 

militarization of the party is directly linked to the People's War. 

The Militarized Communist Party and the Concentric Construction of 

the Three Fundamental Instruments of the Revolution sweep away the 

conceptions of armed revisionism of "Left Front" and "armed arm", 

"political-military organization", revisionist theses that deny the 

leadership of the Communist Party on the popular army (bourgeois 

military line), as well as the new revisionism, which emerged within 

the MCI, which separates and denies the New Power and the People's 

War that creates it, relies on it and expands it until the conquest of 

Power throughout parents. 

Where does the ​new revisionism​ point to the central question of the 

party? Where do Avakian and Prachanda-Bathhatarai and 

LOD-MOVADEF in Peru concentrate their attacks? Against the theory 

and practice of the militarized party and concentric construction of 

the instruments of revolution. In politics, Avakian separates and 

denies the military line as the center of the general political line, and 

soon wants to deny the party as the axis of everything, as the axis of 

the revolutionary army and the new state, against which it theorizes 

its "solid nucleus with much elasticity" . The same as the renegade 
and traitor Prachanda with his "fusion theory," "multiparty 

competition," and "socialism of the twenty-first century." 

The revisionist and traitorous Battaharai, (variant of the revisionist 

Prachandist) thus presented the need for a "Maoist party": 

"​(...) to develop the mechanism necessary to ensure the masses in 

general, supervision, intervention and control over the Party, army 

and state, both before and after the revolution, to prevent 

bureaucratic distortions and to ensure constant proletarianization, 

so that this leads to a multiparty competition within constitutional 

structures, is definitely a recent idea and is in breach with traditional 

thinking and modality. In addition, the proposal to move a section of 

the Party to mass labor and the other section to administer the state, 

instead of involving the whole party in the affairs of the State, and to 

delegate responsibilities to the revolutionary successors instead of 

the principal leadership to administer the Party and the state for life, 

are of broad significance and consequence.​. (72) 

As Lenin said, there are some who " ​try to create something totally 

original, and in their zeal for wisdom, do nothing more than fall into 

ridicule​ . "
​ ​ (73) What does the new revisionism preach? The opposite 

conception is the concentric construction, separation between party 

and army and front-New State, where the front is for multiparty 

(bourgeois) democracy, that is, to develop the necessary party for 

multiparty (bourgeois) democracy and not construction of New 

Power, dictatorship of the proletariat conquered and defended by 

People's War. 

The essence of the new revisionism in the question of the party and 

the line of construction consists in denying the necessity of the 

militarization of the communist parties and the concentric 

construction of the three instruments. By denying the concentric 

character of its construction, the Communist party's absolute 

leadership over the two other fundamental instruments of the 

revolution is denied, deriving from the bourgeois military line, and 

consequently denying the construction of the New Power through the 

People's War, as well as denying imperative necessity of the 

dictatorship of the proletariat, concealed in its formulas of "solid 

nucleus with much elasticity" and "multiparty competition". 

In the processes of constitution and reconstitution of communist 

parties in the world, the militarization and concentric construction of 

the three instruments is a determining factor that sets the basis for 

the great leap of the beginning of the People's War, a matter of great 

importance in the experience of the World Proletarian Revolution. 

Many parties that defend the necessity of the people's war in the 

imperialist countries do not assume its basic, strategic and essential 

principle that is the question of Power, the New Power that is built 

step by step by destroying the old reactionary power, part by part, 

since the first stage of the war, that of the strategic defense, from the 

balance to the strategic offensive, with the conquest of power 

throughout the country. That is, they do not assume the military line, 

as a complete and harmonic scientific military doctrine, and more, as 

a conception of Power and of power politics of the proletariat, and 

consequently deny the need to develop militarized parties and 

concentric construction of the three instruments of the revolution. 

 
  

Today, some Maoist parties and organizations, which publicly assume 

that they prepared the beginning of the People's War, especially in the 

imperialist countries, but not only in them, erect a "wall of China" 

between the two phases, between the mainly unarmed phase of the 

struggle to the phase of the m

​ ainly​ armed struggle , with the 

construction of the New Power, the People's War, they end, applying 

the revisionist thesis of the pacific accumulation of forces, straying 

from the path, and even degenerating into revisionist parties. 

These right-wing positions claim to defend the necessity of 

militarization, but they maintain, as well as known revisionists, that 

before the beginning of the armed struggle the activity of the 

revolutionary party of the proletariat must be m

​ ainly legal​ and that 

only after the said "beginning of the armed struggle" this party must 

go underground, "militarizing itself." 

President Mao said: " ​And a revolutionary war is an antitoxin that not 

only eliminates enemy poison but also purges us of what we have to 

be unhealthy." (74) 

How could a "party" that is not structured and act as a clandestine 

party educate the masses in "revolutionary violence", keeping all its 

action in the "light of day", "under the eyes and reach of the enemy's 

hands"? Could it have called for a party, to forge leaders, cadres and 

militants to unleash the revolutionary armed struggle as a People's 

War and to direct it, while its activity is mainly developed in full 

legality? Where and when, in the historical experience of the struggle 

of the oppressed and especially of the proletarian revolution, can we 

find an example for this? The history of the class struggle, does not 
offer us such examples, on the contrary this has been, repeatedly, the 

path traveled by capitulation and revisionism. 

As President Gonzalo noted, the problem of clandestinity is not a 

simple matter, because it is connected with our conception and the 

revolution, whose task it is to conquer and defend Power. It is the very 

development of our work that leads us to new forms, new forms 

capable of arming the organisms of revolution so as to be superior to 

those of reaction. 

President Gonzalo taught us: 

"To sum up is to fight to destroy an old order and to build a new 

order, to destroy an Old State and to make a New State requires 

clandestine, to a greater or lesser degree, according to historical 

needs​ ." (75) 

Once the communist party is to take power, clandestinity is a matter 

of principle, once this ​principle has been​ abandoned, the flag of the 

revolution is effectively abandoned, as President Gonzalo pointed out: 

"​The essence of clandestinity is to hold the flags of the revolution 

erect, to persist against the wind and the tide in the interests of the 

class and the people, to fight indomitably for conquering power and 

to defend it, is to fight for a new society, for building socialism in the 

direction of communism ... serves to keep the organic forms in line 

with the forms of struggle that allow the development of proper 

direction and methods of leadership ... to serve to elevate organic 

work, the work of the party at the level of political direction, that is, 

at the level of the fulfillment of the political tasks that the political 

direction establishes according to the goals of the Party, of the 

general political line, of the military line; has to do with the style of 

work, has to see how these same forms of clandestinity allow us to 

maintain the bond with the masses, which in essence is to defend 

their interests and organize the forms of struggle in the light of 

these interests, is the connection with the masses, for this they make 

organic forms 'x'; so that we can fight with the masses to advance 

with them, or move with them when necessary, and allow us to 

handle the issues of criticism and self-criticism because they are 

partisan, that is, that allows us a whole march of the Party that 
guarantees to fulfill its tasks ". (76) that allows us a whole march of 

the Party that guarantees to fulfill its tasks ". (76) that allows us a 

whole march of the Party that guarantees to fulfill its tasks ". (76) 

The supposed forms of "cold accumulation of forces", though clothed 

with high-sounding phrases of "Maoism" and "People's War," can 

not develop more than different kinds of relivi- tionism, frenetism, 

economism, inevitably leading to opportunism and revisionism, 

which seeks to justify its accommodation to bourgeois legality. 

Without the constitution or reconstitution surrounding the rifle, that 

is, as a militarized party and armed struggle (although at this stage as 

a secondary form of struggle), communists will inevitably fall into the 

theory of cold accumulation and revisionist organizations, method, 

and style. 

President Gonzalo had already warned that parties that spent years 

preparing for armed struggle, at the time of initiating it, were divided 

and capitulated. In this issue lies the touchstone of any process of 
reconstitution of communist parties in the world, which is the object 

of a sharp struggle of two lines in the MCI. 

The communist party can only be militarized through actions, mainly 

armed. Soon its development and forging depends on the fact that 

this, as a clandestine party - in which combines open and legal work 

with illegal and secret work -, being clandestine to the reaction and 

never to the masses, educate the masses in revolutionary violence 

through armed struggle , from its most rudimentary and small forms, 

developing into more elaborate and complex. This is a necessity for 

the parties and organizations of both the dominated and the 

imperialist countries. As the PCP once again puts it: "

​ The masses have 

to educate them in the people's war, in their theory and practice, for 

educating them in the bayonet peace is to allow them to continue to 

behead them." (77) 

The class struggle, at the time when imperialism finds itself in its 

phase of sinking and sweeping through the offensive of the world 

proletarian revolution, led by Maoism and the contributions of 

universal value of Gonzalo thought, could not develop in any other 

way than through violence, in all countries, as part of the 

contradiction between revolution and counterrevolution in the world, 

and in each concrete case. Following this important Marxist principle 

all those who separate war and politics invariably fall into 

opportunism and revisionism. 

Quoting Clausewitz, Lenin always remarked that " w

​ ar is the continuation 

of politics by other means​ ." P

​ resident Mao taught us: 

"War, which has existed since the emergence of private property and 

classes, is the highest form of struggle to resolve the contradictions 

between classes, nations, states or political groups, when these 

contradictions have reached a certain stage of their development" . 

(78) 

President Mao further stated: 

"'War is the continuation of politics'. In this sense, war is political, 

and is itself a political action. There has never been, since ancient 

times, any war that has no political character. (...) But war has its 

peculiar characteristics, and in this sense, it is not the same as 

politics in general. 'War is the continuation of politics by other 

means'. When politics comes to a certain stage of its development, 

beyond which it can not continue by the usual means, the war erupts 

to sweep the obstacle of the way. (...) When the obstacle is eliminated 

and our political goal is achieved, the war will end. Until the obstacle 

is completely eliminated, the war will have to continue until the goal 

is fully achieved. (...)​It can be said then that politics is war without 

bloodshed, whereas war is political with bloodshed. ​(79) 

During the Chinese Revolution President Mao said that only one with 

an army could do politics. This is a truth that has universal validity. 

Let's see what the "PCP Line of Masses" presents to us: 

"The main form of struggle is armed struggle and the main form of 

organization is armed force; that before the outbreak of a war, all 

struggles and organizations must serve to prepare it and once the 

war has begun, it must serve to develop it ... we do the mass work ​in 

and for​ the people's war. "(80)​ (emphasis added). 

On the basis of this principle, a
​ rmed struggle is a permanent form of 

struggle between the antagonistic classes everywhere, even more 

strikingly because we live in the epoch of imperialism and the 

proletarian revolution as a struggle between revolution and 

counterrevolution, between power armed with organized reaction 

against the disorganized power of the unarmed masses. Everything 

depends, therefore, that the communist parties are constituted or 

reconstituted (as the case may be), around the rifle, assuming from 

the first days the task of arming and striving to direct the armed 

struggles of the masses in the fight against the power of armed 

reaction​, as a secondary form of struggle, from the culmination of the 

constitution / reconstitution of the communist party, this is the main 

form of struggle, the armed struggle, and the main form of 

organization, the detachments and platoons. In short, the Communist 

Party learns to make war by doing. 

With the constitution / reconstitution of the Communist Party and the 

beginning of the People's War, the Revolutionary Army, in its 

beginnings of construction, becomes the main instrument through 

which the Party carries out the work of the masses, mobilizing them, 

politicizing them, organizing -and by setting them up for the struggle 

for the conquest and defense of the New Power. 

From this understanding, the key issue for the constitution / 

reconstitution of Communist Parties and the beginning of new 

Popular Wars is resolved: the need for the prior application of the 

military line, that is, the development of the revolutionary armed 

struggle, at the same time as the constitution / reconstitution of the 

communist party, as a concentric construction of the instruments of 

the revolution and preparation to start the People's War. 

The communist party is only militarized by actions, and these actions 

are mainly military actions in its four types (armed propaganda, 

sabotage, selective annihilation and guerrilla warfare), but also the 

other actions of the class struggle. However, it is emphasized that 

these military actions are the main ones in the militarization of the 

party, and that the others are subordinated to these and should serve 
them. The struggles for demands are important, but the struggle for 

power is paramount: 

"That the militarization of the Party can only be carried out through 

concrete actions of the class struggle, of concrete military actions, 

this does not mean that we only carry out exclusively military actions 

of various kinds (guerrilla action, sabotage, selective annihilation , 

armed propaganda and agitation), but rather we must perform 

mainly these forms of struggle in order to encourage and develop the 

class struggle by indoctrinating it with facts, in this type of actions 

as forms of main struggle of the people's war. " (81) 

In the imperialist countries, and even more in the oppressed 

countries, do we not have enough examples of spontaneous armed 

actions by the masses, especially of their youth and the deeper layers 

of the proletariat, and in the case of the oppressed countries of the 

peasantry? To these parties the recommendations given by the great 

Lenin remain valid: 

"With real horror - word - I've been talking about bombs for m
​ ore 

than six months​ , but it has not been manufactured until now. (...) 

Turn to youth! It's just this, the only universal panacea. Otherwise, it 

hurts my word, they will be late (...) Then create combat detachments 

everywhere, among the students and, a

​ bove all, among the workers​(...) 

to organize immediately detachments of three, ten, thirty men. That 

they immediately arm themselves, each one as he can and with what 

he can, some with a revolver, some with a dagger, others with a rag 

soaked with oil for fire, etc., that these detachments already elect 

their leaders and as far as possible, in relation to the Combat 

Committee. (...) Do not demand the compulsory adhesion of the 

Social-Democratic Party, would be an absurd requirement for an 

armed insurrection. Do not deny yourself, to enter into relations 

with each circle, even if it is composed of three people, on the sole 

condition that you are of all confidence and that you are determined 

to fight against the tsarist army. May the circles that wish to join the 

Social-Democratic Party perfectly; but I would estimate absolutely 

erroneous​require them​ as a precondition. "(82) 

As Lenin said, an army that arises basically without weapons, the 

Popular Guerrilla Army, a

​ New Army that fulfills the political tasks of 

the Revolution. 

The Popular Guerrilla Army fulfills three tasks, corresponding in 

synthesis, to the concentric construction of the three instruments: 1) 

Combat​ , which is the main task, through which, it destroys the old 

and defends and sustains the new; 2) ​Mobilizing​ the masses for the 

revolution, a task for which it creates red organizations according to 

the need for the construction of the Single Revolutionary Front / New 

Power (83). Being in the field, the main new form Power in the Bases 

of Support, through the Popular Committees (open or closed) and in 

the cities, in the growing revolutionary organizations of the masses, 

for the construction of the new power in perspective and preparation 

of the general insurrection in the stage of strategic offensive; 3) 

Produce​, so as not to be a burden to the masses, being part of the new 

power, in the new economy, of a new democracy or socialism, 

according to the concrete case. Therefore the work of the masses of 

the Party, is carried out through the Army. 

This interrelationship between the three instruments can be 

summarized in that each and every member of the party are 

communists first and foremost, combatants and administrators, 

expressing the construction of the three instruments in the party as 

the axis of everything, and in each of its militants forged in these 

three aspects indissolubly. 

Some MCI parties, in the style of the ​Rabelocha Dyelo​ , want to 

separate the organic construction from its ideological and political 

base (either nationally or internationally) and oppose the absolute 

leadership of the Party to the other instruments and to the Revolution. 

In preaching ​organicism by​ defending supposed steps in the "real 

movement", in practice they make an apology for unprincipled unity 

(or bourgeois principles), precisely in order to avoid any theoretical 

and ideological struggle essential to the unity of the communists in 

the world. This ​organicism​ summarizes the opportunist conceptions in 

the organizational field. Lenin warned us about this danger by stating 

that: 
"Moreover, these words of Marx have been taken from his letter on 

the Gotha Program, in which he strongly condemns the eclecticism 

admitted in the formulation of the principles: since it needs to unite, 

Marx wrote to the Party leaders, achieve the practical objectives of 

the movement, but do not deal with principles, do not make 

theoretical ​concessions​ . This was the thinking of Marx, and here we 

have that among us there are people who in his name try to lessen 

the importance of theory! "(84) 

These are extremely important lessons for the International 

Communist Movement, for it ruthlessly demolishes opposing 

positions on centralism, as well as on "organicist" positions, which 

are based on organic unity rather than on ideological-political unity 

as the basis and guide of the construction line ; rejects all 

petty-bourgeois contempt for party centralism and completely 

crushes opportunist positions and his cackle over bottom-up 

construction (even in some cases being incomprehension), which 

turns the "party" into a mere appendage of the mass protest 

movement . In organic terms, this problem lies in the fundamental 

error in the construction of some Maoist parties in the world today. 

On the other hand, in the case of the Maoist parties which are already 

leading popular wars, which are building New Power in the midst of 

an ever more fierce, violent and bloody struggle, as it could not be, the 

problem of militarization and concentric construction of the three 

instruments as a key issue, to ensure the course of these revolutions 

through the absolute and just leadership of the Communist Party and 

to empower them. And it can only do so by defeating the opportunist 

lines of right and left, which inevitably inevitably emerge from time to 

time, in the party, in the revolutionary army and in the New Power, 

through negotiations, peace and concertation with the old state, 

trying to stop the proletarian red line that seeks to conquer Power in 

every country. And you can only defeat such lines​contrary​ to the 

proletariat, elevating in ideological, political, organic and military 

terms the direction of the revolutionary process, the Communist Party 

as heroic combatant, to establish with Strategic Plans of construction 

and development of the three instruments to forms superior to those 

of the enemy, serving to promote the development of War and 

construction of the New Power and its conquest throughout the 

country. 

If a correct ideological-political line is a decisive question for the 

advancement of a revolutionary process, yet it is not enough, its 

correctness must be in the form of corresponding organic forms 

capable of arming the proletariat with organizations superior to those 

of the enemy in each stage and stage of the revolutionary process, 

according to the specific laws of revolutionary war, without which the 

party can not conceive and realize this correct line, resulting in 

serious damage to the revolution. 

V - CONCLUSION 

The Militarized Communist Party is the highest expression and 

organized materialization of the scientific ideology of the proletariat, 

Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism and contributions of 

universal value of Gonzalo thought: it is its highest embodiment and 

incarnation. It is the highest form of organization and discipline of 

the revolutionary party of the proletariat for the consequently higher 

application of revolutionary violence in the necessary classless war, 

when imperialism has reached its most advanced stage of 

decomposition, a time the world is going through , in which 

imperialism and all reaction will be swept away, wholly and 

thoroughly, by the proletarian revolution. 

In its conformation and forge, in the course of the struggle for its 

Constitution or Reconstitution, in the vast majority of countries in the 

world today, the communist party must jump into the condition of a 

militarized communist party, a party essentially built around the rifle, 

to play its part of conducting and guiding the revolution through 

armed actions as preparation to start the people's war, passing to the 

center of the General Political Line the Military Line under 

development and the main form of organization to mobilize, 

politicize, organize and arm the masses, the army (or its embryo). 

Developing and forging the militarized party implies a new leap in the 

understanding and practice of partisan activity, raising the 

understanding and practice of democratic centralism, assuring the 

practice of all revolutionary activities and tasks, increasingly 

impressing objectivity in all actions. This concretely implies a new 

configuration and functioning of the revolutionary movement in 

general and of its particular direction, which then move to a new 

stage, the beginning of the new stage in the higher and higher form of 

the class struggle, that of the revolutionary armed struggle as a war 

popular, striving to develop and consolidate it, expression of higher 

political awareness and ideological forge, as essence and new 

modeling and physiognomy in its form, ultimately increasing forge of 

higher proletarian discipline. 

In ​What to do? L
​ enin characterized that the strength of the proletariat 

in the epoch of imperialism "

​ consists in the awakening of the 

masses, and their weakness, in the lack of conscience and the spirit 

of initiative of the revolutionary leaders​ . "

​ (85)​ This affirmation is 

again valid, and it is necessary for the revolutionary leaders to unfurl, 

defend and apply, mainly, to apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and 

the contributions of universal value of Gonzalo thought to the 

concrete reality of each country, constituting or reconstituting true 

Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties militarized to start the People's War, 

at the service of the world revolution. 

The Second Congress of the Communist International, in establishing 

the role of the communist parties in the proletarian revolution, 

emphasizes that the Bolshevik Revolution replaces the old classical 

form of the workers' movement of parties, unions, cooperatives, 

corresponding to the period of the Second International, Leninism: "

​  

1º) opartido, 2º) soviet, 3º) the union"​ . Today, three instruments, 

the Party, the People's Army and the Revolutionary Single Front, are 

required to be built concentrically; the party built around the rifle 

runs its own construction, the construction of the army and the front. 

Just as the campaign for Bolshevization was a key issue to advance the 

revolution in the years and decades following the great triumph of the 

Great October Socialist Revolution, it has been almost 50 years since 

the third, new and the highest stage of Marxism, Maoism, through the 

constitution or reconstitution of militarized communist parties to 

start the people's war, as well as to empower the ongoing popular 

wars and to propel the world revolution. 

President Gonzalo in the early 1990s rightly stated that the key issue 

of the proletarian revolution in the present era was to put Maoism in 

command and guidance of the World Revolution, that for this we 

demand the constitution or reconstitution of real militarized Maoist 

communist parties that unleashed the revolutionary armed struggle. 

From this issue depends the development of the New Great Wave of 

the World Proletarian Revolution. The unleashing of revolutionary 

war as a superior form of the class struggle of the proletariat, in these 

complex but favorable, objective and subjective conditions of today, 

depends only on the decision, capacity, and audacity of the persisting 

communists. It's the challenge that's inescapable! 

"In the epoch of imperialism, when the Proletarian Revolution 

became not only inevitable but achievable its triumph, it is the 

People's War applied to the concrete reality of each country, of all 

countries without exception. This is what, strictly speaking, science 

claims, Marxism, and confirms the historical experience of the 

Proletarian Revolution. In this sense the World Proletarian 

Revolution is, in general, the mass war led by the Communist Party, 

carried out by the People's Army and supported by the Frente 

Revolucionaria Única. It is the war of the proletariat for the conquest 

of power and its defense, in the revolutions of New Democracy 

(including the wars of national liberation) uninterrupted to 

Socialism, in the Socialist revolutions and in the successive 

Proletarian Cultural revolutions, to transit to the luminous 

Communism. 

The need of the militarized communist party is a fundamental and 

inseparable part of the understanding of Maoism, increasingly 

assumed by the Communists in the world. As part of the struggle 

between the new and the old, it develops and asserts itself in an 

unequal process, through the struggle of two lines in the middle of the 

class struggle, that is, the more two-line struggle and class struggle, 

the greater understanding and commitment. This task was recognized 

and assumed by nine Marxist-Leninist-Maoist parties and 

organizations that met at the Fifth Meeting of MLM Parties and 

Organizations in Latin America and the First Meeting of MLM Parties 

and Organizations in Europe. This problem and its importance were 

expressed in a set of joint declarations and, especially, in the 

declaration of the Fifth Meeting on the​International Situation and the 

Tasks of the MCI​ , which constitute a very important contribution to 

the MCI and to the revolutionaries of the whole world. 

The extremely favorable objective and subjective situation, the 

decades of persistent struggle of the proletariat against the general 

offensive of the counterrevolution, ironically wielding the banner of 

Maoism, of the universal value contributions of Gonzalo thought and 

of the people's war, has served to demarcate nowadays more than 

ever before, Marxism of revisionism of all kinds. Through hard 

struggle of two lines against the old and new revisionism, Maoism is 

imposing itself as the guide and guide of the world revolution. A new 

leap is brewing that will push the Great New Wave of the World 

Proletarian Revolution to great heights, which has already begun, 

casting its luminous flames through all the prairies of the Earth. 
  

  

Grades 

* The fundamental aim of this article, as the purpose of the 

Maoist​Review is to serve the two-line struggle in the International 

Communist Movement, is to address the fundamental issues and 

problems of the World Revolution. The aim of this article is therefore 

not to carry out a systematic exposition of the conception of the 

revolutionary party of the proletariat, in the development of Marxism 

in its three stages, but as part of the celebration of the 100th 

anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution. background of 

the militarized communist party present in Leninism and the 

Bolshevik Communist Party, sustaining its essential need to unleash 

and direct the revolutionary armed struggle as a people's war in each 

country to give new impetus to the World Revolution. 

1 Lenin. ​Closing speech on the report of the Central Executive Committee 

and the Council of People's Commissars on domestic and foreign policy at 

the VIII Congress of Soviets of all Russia. ​Complete Works, t, 45 - 1920. 

2Lenin. W
​ hat to do? ​Foreign Language Editions, Peking 1974. Page 164. 

3 Mao Tsetung. R
​ evolutionary forces of the world, unite, fight against 

imperialist aggression! O
​ E, volume IV, p. 294. Editions in foreign 

languages, Beijing 1976. 

4 Idem. 

5 Mao Tsetung. O
​ n the occasion of the appearance of The Communist. ​OE, 

volume II, p. 296. Editions in foreign languages, Beijing, 1976. 

6 Mao Tsetung. L
​ et us reform our study. ​OE, volume III, p. 21. Editions 

in foreign languages, Beijing, 1976.. 

7 Stalin. ​The Foundations of Leninism. F

​ oreign Language Editions, 

Beijing, 1968. Page 107. 

8 Central Committee of the USSR (b) H
​ istory of the Communist Party 

(Bolshevik) of the USSR​ . Ediciones de Lenguas Extranjeras. Moscow, 

1939. p. 

9 Lenin. T
​ he Bankruptcy of the Second International. ​OC, volume 26. 

Editorial Progreso, Moscow, 1984. Page 227. 

10 Stalin. T
​ he Foundations of Leninism. F
​ oreign Language Editions, 

Beijing, 1968. p. 107-108. 

11 Lenin. I ​mperialismo top del capitalism stage prologue a la edición and 

French alemán -​ Editorial Progress, Moscow, 1981. Page 12.. 

12 Stalin. T
​ he Foundations of Leninism. ​Foreign Language Editions, 

Beijing, 1968. p. 109 

13 Idem 

14 Lenin. W
​ hat to do? P
​ rologue. Foreign Language Editions, Beijing, 

1974. Page 4. 

15 Ibid. Page 32. 

16 Ibid. Page 34. 

17 Ibid. Págs. 160-161. 

18 Lenin. O
​ ne step forward, two steps back. ​Foreign Language Editions, 

Peking, 1977. Page 279. 

19 Ibid. Prologue. Page III 

20 Idem. Págs. 241-242. 

21 Idem. 

22 Lenin. ​The guerrilla war​ . From the collection: VI Lenin, Marx 

Engels Marxism. Foreign Language Editions, Beijing, 1980. Page 206. 

23 Vasiliev and Kedrov. ​Lenin militant illegal​ . In: Breaking the night. 

Pavlov Publishing, Mexico, 1946. 

24 Lenin. T
​ he guerrilla war​ . From the collection: VI Lenin, Marx 

Engels Marxism. Foreign Language Editions, Peking, 1980. Page 211. 

25 Ibid. Page 207. 

26 Lenin. ​Prophetic words. O
​ C, volume 36. Editorial Progreso, Moscow, 

1984. Page 491 

27 Piot Arkadyevich Stolypin (1862-1911). President of the Council of 

Ministers and Minister of the Interior of czarist Russia between 1906 

and 1911. 

28 Osip Piatnisky. H
​ ow to forge a Bolshevik Party. ​In: Breaking the 

night. Pavlov Publishing, Mexico, 1946. 

29 Lenin. T
​ he tasks of the proletariat in the present revolution. ​OC, 

volume 31, pp. 190-194. Editorial Progreso, Moscow, 1985. 

30 Stalin. ​The Foundations of Leninism. ​Foreign Language Editions, 

Beijing, 1968. p. 109-126. 

Supporters of the ​withdrawal​ of all legal work in all forms, expressed a 

sectarian and occult conception. 

32 Central Committee of the USSR (b) ​History of the Communist Party 

(Bolshevik) of the USSR​ . Ediciones de Lenguas Extranjeras, Moscow, 

1939. p. 

33 Lenin. ​Imperialism and the split of socialism​ . From the collection: VI 

Lenin, Marx Engels Marxism. In this paper, written in 1916, Lenin 

theoretically supported the indissoluble link between the emergence 

of imperialism and the temporary victory of opportunism in the 

workers' movement. That is to say, that in the epoch of imperialism 

the necessity of the separation between Marxists and their 

counterfeiters had become inevitable in the form of splitting in all 

terms. 

34 Central Committee of the USSR (b) ​History of the Communist Party 

(Bolshevik) of the USSR​ . Editions of Foreign Languages ​Moscow, 1939. 

p. 150 

35 Block emerged with the conference of several liquidationist groups 

organized by Trotsky to oppose the Leninist theses. 

36 Central Committee of the USSR (b) H
​ istory of the Communist Party 

(Bolshevik) of the USSR​ . Editions of Foreign Languages ​Moscow, 1939. 

pgs. 151-152. 

37 Idem. 

38 Ibid. Págs. 178-179. 

39 Ibid. P.179. 

40 Ibid. P. 

41 Lenin. W
​ hat to do? F
​ oreign Language Editions, Peking, 1974. Page 

36. 

42 Central Committee of the USSR (b) ​History of the Communist Party 

(Bolshevik) of the USSR​ . Editions of Foreign Languages ​Moscow, 1939. 

Page 257. 

43 "From the earliest days of the war, Lenin began to join forces for 

the creation of the Third International. In the manifesto against war, 

in November 1914, the Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party set 

the task of founding the Third International, replacing II, who had 

suffered a shameful bankruptcy. " ​Idem 

44 II Congress of the Communist International. 1920. 

45 Resolution on the role of the communist party in the proletarian 

revolution. II congress of the CI. 

46 Lenin. ​Notes from a publicist. O

​ C, volume 44, pp. 438-439. Editorial 

Progreso, Moscow, 1985. 

47th Congress of the Communist International. 

48 Communist Party of Peru. ​Line of construction of the three 

instruments of the revolution. ​1988. 

49 Ibid. 

50 Ibid. 

51 Mao Tsetung. ​Problems of War and Strategy​ - Selected Works. t II. 

Foreign Language Editions, Beijing, 1976. 

52 Chairman Mao Tsetung. ​On the occasion of the appearance of The 

Communist. O
​ E, volume II, p. 300. Editions in foreign languages, 

Beijing, 1976. 

53 Mao Tsetung. P
​ roblems of war and strategy. ​OE, volume II, p. 225. 

Foreign language editions, Beijing, 1976. 

54 Communist Party of Peru. L

​ ine of construction of the three 

instruments of the revolution. ​1988. 

55 Ibid. 

56 Ibid. 

57 Ibid. 

58 Communist Party of Peru. M

​ ilitary Line. ​1988. 

59 Ibid. 

60 Ibid. 

61 Ibid. 
62 Communist Party of Peru. ​Fundamentales documents​ . 1988. 

We shall not dwell on deepening and broadening the foundations of 

this essential problem of the revolution and the revolutionary party of 

the proletariat, that of leading thought and leadership. This issue is 

based scientifically in the First Congress of the PCP, in addition to 

another article in this issue " T

​ he Thought of Lenin​ " and will be the 

subject of future articles of the magazine T

​ he Maoist. 

64 ​Communist Party of Peru. Develop the construction: three bases and 

three guides. 1991. 

65 Chairman Gonzalo. T
​ hought Background. 1​ 988 

66 Ibid. 

67 Engels. Preface to the 1883 German edition of T

​ he Manifesto of the 

Communist Party. 

68 Communist Party of Peru. F

​ undamental Documents​ . 1988. 
69 Communist Party of Peru. L
​ ine of construction of the three 

instruments of the revolution. ​1988. 

70 Communist Party of Peru. S

​ ummary document of the Congress​ . 

71 Communist Party of Peru. L

​ ine of construction of the three 

instruments of the revolution. ​1988. 

72 Baburam Bhattarai. ​The ten memorable years of application and 

development of revolutionary ideas. 2006. 

73 L
​ enin. The infantile disease of "leftism" in communism. ​Foreign 

Language Editions, Beijing 1975. Page 29. 

74 Mao Tsetung. About the prolonged war .​ ​OE, volume II, p. 133. 

Editions in foreign languages, Beijing 1976. 

75 Chairman Gonzalo. III Plenary of the Central Committee. PCP, 1992. 

76 Idem. 

77 Communist Party of Peru. L

​ ine of masses. ​1988. 
78 Mao Tsetung. ​Strategic Problems of China's Revolutionary War. ​OE, 

volume I, p. 194. Editions in foreign languages, Beijing 1976. 

79 Mao Tsetung. A
​ bout the prolonged war. O
​ E, volume II, pp. 156-157. 

Foreign Language Editions, Beijing 1976. 

80 Idem. 

81 Communist Party of Peru. L

​ ine of construction of the three 

instruments of the revolution. ​1988. 

82 Lenin. T
​ o the combat committee attached to the St. Petersburg 

committee. O
​ C, vol. 11, p. 349-350. Editorial Progreso, Moscow, 1985. 

83 As regards the front / new State to take into account this starting 

from the connection between State-Front, it takes place in 

Revolutionary Front of People's Defense from Popular Committees in 

the field and cities simply as Revolutionary Movement of Defense of 

the People. The New State built it in the countryside until finally 

establishing the Power in the whole country. (PCP - Military Line) 

84 Lenin. ​What to do? F
​ oreign Language Editions, Beijing, 1974. p. 

85 Ibid. Págs. 36-37. 

86 Communist Party of Brazil (Red Fraction). P

​ eople's War and 

Revolution. T
​ he Maoist Magazine. No 1