POLITICAL AND GENERAL HISTORY

OF

THE DISTRICT OF TINNEVELLY,

IN THE

PRESIDENCY OF MADRAS,

FROM TIIE EARLIEST PERIOD TO ITS CESSION TO THE

ENGLISH GOVERNMENT IN A.D. 1801.

BY

The Right Rev. R. CALDWELL, D.D., LL.D., Bishop,

HONORARY MEMBER OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

FELLOW OF THE MADRAS UNIVERSITY.

i ," j '
, ,

" " " 1 " ' " "

0

MADRAS:

PRINTED BY E. KEYS, AT THE GOVERNMENT PRESS.

1881.
 MORSE STEPHEN"
HEAIRY

"
' "
" " "

* " *
" " " "

" "

*'"*''"/"'"" "
'

___
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER I.

EASIEST PERIOD
EESPEOTING THE
"* WITHOUT
******* 1.
Aleanin"- of the word "history,
l
Paucity of sources of Htr- tato
* , ,"
"/, "

J- '

'jt "h Historical information

IntbdduCTION.- 2
lNReasons-hv
the Hindus JrtojtagJ".
Noit
eared
made
little
a good beginning 2

from without, 2. Learned ^mrn Natives m

^.^ E hesfc

Information from
.and
inscnptionj
disappeared
"gJ^J^ ^J 3. i*" A '*"
^ Qrigi lly dtstwctfirom
of Ten-
Tamil works have
lj
^.
poinon
f Madura 3. Meaning
tfXtfilfa^ra, 3. Tinnevelly ongmu a of
beg'Qotrepre8entativeS
'Audi,
3. ArlM ^J^'^Sir* \h'elowest probably aboriginal 4.
castes

the earliest inhabitants

of
r^^at
Ihe \ eiiaias, 4
*.
Stone implements, 4. Sepulchral wgo.
The Paraiyas and Pallas,
4. " g Descripti0n ot the lam-
,

The
lESv*+ *""" *. Atte"S^VSSffiR The mountain Potigai, 6.

.___" a rt.-^u, ofi/i* Tamraparni." -"0^a %"**?" ""

w^tv^'s hill and in th-
ne

to

of the of
S^oibm 8 The Cbittar, 8. Meaning name
^ ^.^ men m

S 8 W. 0/ the """?aZ"hr^ ofte mnu " Tdmraparnl, 9.

"
The tree

Tinnevellv. Where? 9.
^f1?^ 9. Later
i^ater
namelof
names
Ceylon,
j
9. Identity of
.
the
of
"IV v^T leaves' 9. Taprobane, which application
orTninevellyPwitb^me^^lO
Tlmraparn\ the oldest Wbic^ PP^ rf
Greek M 10. name
*MJ"" Tamraparnl 11.
the mme was earlier, the mouth of the

Greeks, 10. The

Greeks, 11.
Chittar
IM
11 The hank near
^ fijto 12.
The Bettigo of the ^[Tpdndvas
The Pandyas
12.
l~ Derivation of '
P"ndya,
origin
of the Tamil dynasties,12.
three ^ ^^ u
^ t

Anna's intermarriage withthe *1^J"JZ" the %

early Singhalese
urth the

Pandya Titles, Mftran'/3-s./!faleSe

13. The
princes with Pandya names ', 14- The

Pdndyas,n. Vijaya'smarmge^ J^es^pnn

Date of
crvili8ation14 ereat
Th-
reservoirs of 14. Ceylon, Jfco^TNotiee80f the Pdndyas, 16. Infonna-

SS"Wl!- ^r^neLtoHerSie^lS.
Pearls,- 16. The Pdndyas'
tion collectedby Megasthenes. ^-^t^e I", formation
Korkat about furjnshed
Embassy to Augustus 16. W?Ij"2"
Kolkhoi of the t-neeks 17.
u
Situation of Kolkhoi
17
^e Gmto,
Korkal,
19.
17. The ^0WM to
iv tfe Greeks, 18 tape vo m

Imuortance of this identification, Kumari in Indian liter-

18
TV
JEn of Cape Comorin in the Penplus, 19 ^^V Paumben as known,to
SureP20 KumaVi hut an ace on
not
the
a river,
2
sea
coa^O ^
Koti,
* flta*4 21. Kory iden ibed
w^h ^ ^ ^ India, 2222-
of Kolis and Kory 22 "
T/^f''" J Greek intercourse with Southern
act of a
Various cities "^_*^ "/L^S
boast,
Phenician Trade,
z_. t
23. Courageous
Greek trade with the Tinnevelly
23. Cosmas Indicopleustes,23.
Greek mariner,

CHAPTER II.

niuuu u
..
.
, _", 04 The northern boundary
Boundaries of the Pandya ^"^^^S^e" boundaries,25.
^"^""T
of the Pandya country
Pand"as,
24 Ih"
^"^
-'o.
^cnkottaboundary, 25. *"***"" "
the 1 an 03;as, -o.
the Cheras and the AU" o" Indian
ma references to

Nanies early Paridya kings

of the
26 Lists
unWn,
^ 01 t
^ ^ ,? ^
^
liTsof Pandva kings antrustyorthy, 27 B endra chol,, s

Temple
_

n;;m0Sr,,,ord,d.
27.
"J ""* gji;"-;^X^, 28. to
30.
R"^"
SSSSSWS. 5:tPKarikala .date,
.

29. Pamanuja
Sff ST ChCla,

511688
IV TABLE OP CONTENTS.

Varddhana's conversion, 30. Kulasekhara Deva, 30. Singhalese accounts, 30. The

ChGla-Pdndyas, 31. Dr. Burnell's researches, 31. Vlra Chola, 31. Sundara Pandya
ChOla, 31. Dr. Burnell's succession of Cholas, 32. Sundara Pandya, 32. Sources of

information about Sundara Pandya, 32. Sundara Pandya'szeal against the Jainas, 32.
Sundara Pandya the last in the list,32. Muhammadan influences in Sundara's reign,
33. Reasons for Sundara Pandya s patronage of Muhammadans, 33. Sundara's war

with his brother, 33. Sundara's Muhammadan ministers, 34. Another Muhammadan

account, 34. Malik Kafur's invasion, 34. Marco Polo's Sonder Bandi, 35. Sundara's

brothers, 35. Sundara's date still a desideratum, 35. Ma'har, 36. Origin of the
term Ma'bar, 36. Settlement of Muhammadan Arabs on both coasts, 36. Kayal, 36.
Kayal visited by Marco Polo, 37. Portuguese notice of Kayal, 37. Meaning of
Kayal, 37. Korkai and Kayal, 37. Marco Polo's notice of Kayal, 38. Trade of

Kayal, 38. Horse trade at Kayal, 38. Use of the horse by Indian soldiers, 39.
"Wassaf's account, 39. Marco Polo's arrival in India, 40. Pearl fisherydescribed, 40.
Divers, 40. Profits to the king, 41. Relics of Kayal, 41. Remains of Chinese and
Arabian earthenware, 41. Kayalpattanam a different place, 41. The Muhammadan

Interregnum, 42. The Muhammadans gain the upper hand for a time, 42. Ibn Batuta,
42. Kingdoms of Dwdra-xamudra
The and ]'ijaya-nagara, 42. Paramount powers, 42.

Dwara-samudra, 43. Kings of Dvara-samudra, 43. Ramanuja's flightto Dvara-samudra,

43. Defeat of the Ballala king, 44. End of the Ballala dynasty, 44. Canarese traces
in Tinnevelly, 44. List of Dvara-samudra Kings, 45. Vijaya-nagara, 45. Origin of
Vijaya-nagara, 45. Names of Vijaya-nagara, 45. List of Vijaya-nagara kings, 46.
Dr. Burnell's list of Vijaya-nagara kings, 46. The Nayakas, 47. Differences between
the two lists unimportant, 47. Spread of Telugu in the south, 47. Krishna Rayar, 48.
Conquests over the Cholas and Pandyas, 48. Arrival of the Portuguese in this reign,
48. Kingdom of Narsinga, 49. Overthrow of Vijaya-nagara, 49. Origin of Ettaiya-
Zemindar, 49. Last days of the Vijaya-nagara dynasty, 50. Grant of Madras
puram
to the English by the Raja of Chandragiri, 50. Succession of Paramount Powers in
Southern India, 50. Pandyas, Cholas, 50. Pandyas again, Nayakas, the Nawab, 51.

CHAPTER III.

From A.D. 1365 to 1731.

THE PERIOD OF THE SECOND DYNASTY OF PANDYAS AND

OF THE NAYAKAS.

Second scries of Pandya Kings, 52. Tarakrama Pandya, 52. Kampana Udaiyar, 52.
Dated inscriptionsof the later Pandyas, 53. Tcnkasi
inscription,53. Srivaikuntham
inscription,53. Ati-Vira-Rama Pandya, 53. The last of the Pandyas, 54. Value of

inscriptionsas compared with oral information, 54. Vijaya-nagara supremacy, 54. The

Nayakat of Madura, 55. Sources of the history of the Nayakas, 55. Letters of the
Jesuits, 55. Commencement of the Nayaka rule, 55. The Badages" of Xavicr, 55.
"

Origin of the intervention of Vijaya-nagara.55. Visvan"thaN"yaka, 66. Number of the

Poligars, 56. Origin of the Pn/igarx of cite South, 56. Visvanatha's policy,56, Parties
to be conciliated, 56. Visvanatha's plan of conciliation, 57. Investiture of the Poligars,
57. Doubtfulness traditions,67. Etymology of "Poligar," 68.
of these Results of the
appointment, 58. Defence of the Poligar system, 58. Krishnapuram, 59. Rebellion of

Ettaiyapuram, 59. Royal representatives in Tinnevelly, 60. Tigers on the sea coast, 60.
List of the Nayakas, 60. Listof the Nayakas of Madura, 60. Tirumalai Nayaka, 61.
Buildingserected by him, 61. Mangamma}, 61. NdyaLa Titles, 61. The Nayakas did
n t style themselves kini^s, 61. The Kaittakkaj, 62. Characteristics of the Kdyafca
Rule, 62. Reputation of the 1'a.ndyas as rulers, 62. Reputation of the Nayakas, 62.
Misrule bidden by shows, 62. Works of public utilityalmost unknown, 63. tration
Adminis-
of laws, 03. Aniouts on tAe Tdmraparni, 63. Legend of 'the Kannadian Anai,
64. Date of this anient, 64. Another form of the legend, 64. Ariyanayakapuram
anient, (ii;. Stittamalli anicut, 66. Marudur anicut, 66. Puthugudi anicut, 66. The
Portuguese on tin- coast of Tinnevelly,67. Vasco da Gama's information, 67. The
Portuguese at Cochin, 67. Barbosa's information, 67. The king of Travancoro at
Kayal, 67. Tin first expeditionof t he Portuguese, 68.
"
Embassy of the Paravas to
Cochin, 68. The Portuguese in power along the coast, 68. Inroads ofthe Badages" "

69, Ravages of the Badages,69, Who wire theyP 69. Collectors of Vijaya-nagara
taxes, 69. Kavier's appeal to the king of Travancoro, 69. Power of the Travancore
king, 70. Designs of the Nayakas on Travancoro, 70. Motives of the "Badages,"
70. Explanation "t" the hostility of the Badages, 71. The policy of the Portuguese, 71.
Qovernmenl of tbe coast, 71. Profits of the pearl fishery, 71. Portuguese claim aban- doned,
71. I'vmnaikayal, 72. Annals of the Portuguese on the coast, 72. Printing
 Table op contents. v

in Tuticorin
1 75
Tr'
"
ort"g"ese
e

S/i ^fc
Coral, 75.
, ,
T t;
hilTho"" "-
^vemVoi "2
of the Tutioorin 75
mg
shells
name

found inl, nd 76
Fi,f Tn
***""* 76.
Bea
TutieoHnt'aken l^afiS*?! cfforts f"r it" reHef 77
^SLrtSffiL'J7*^T^8
corin, 76.
Later notiwa of Tuticorin 78
Boats the islands, 77.
7? SI-*?5uPV.Z.'
8ent to
time' 78" ^S^Tj/er
Iut.eonntak,nhvtheI)utch
"" AM, 78. I)"t,h factories 79
^S^JSfS^T 7" ^P^tion of Tuticorin
^ 8?
Appearance of Tuticorin, 79^ The hNhen 9
m"?"P"ly in the fishery,
j9 of the Pear) FisherviTirS,'v^1
Fa,I"re8 SO the pearl fishevv
x"
MarHn succour
tfcl
in
8"f
relatingtoTuticori?
v v
X.
with Poliaaw aiwiiw
^^ 82. Dates
lJutch alliance
Cw?rT? thT" BtTSSffifi
Tuticorin during the Pol rQ^ucbon of cotton screwing,
" 1801, 84. Tuticorin at^eS,^.

CHAPTEK IV.

THE PERIOD OF THE NAWAB OF ARCOT to m"

YUSCIF KHAN'S A^^SlmiT^^^

.
Cha
^ffittiC^^ftn8^ ChrdaS^a^richinopoJv85
EKS^ Sfifc -86"
-9*.
Sata^mTs^V^r
86. Arrival of

^ stron"est fort south

89" Mea"g and
ori4 of tfle 89. Ag-e of
f^Y df-lgnS' n *
0I18m, "} name,
English
Construction of the fort 90 and inner forts- W.
buthek^t Ii2
the founder 90
90.
ine rounder
n
91. First Selp the NawaV* Govern-
garrison rendered
^^mpany
E"d?t?on
to

""* ."" """""Sfc B"rf J^ English

93 Id"^ 93
"Sd off
t^
Poligar Kat aboma Nayaia93 pTtS iT1^8' ^ CaP^re
o? Nel icotafa
of the
defines J the fort w" ^7""^ "3Kg
94. Massacre
delay%f dI^S ^tt0"Me '

f"tlesS The M
fete 96
"^ Hero/* 97.
t* ^"government,
Travancore troops retire 97
J'
t"
Mahfuz Khan's policv j" 98
ys-
u?7, t97- ilVi, j t"v
Defeit nf
of m
Wahfuz Khan's troons 9S Another defeat. 98 wM*""
^eieat 7i pl\ ,
v
Eastern Polio-ars 99

its adva, taZ' "?'

E ?07grL ""i? "","""""""'
^^srS^ffi-j^ ;"
Plundering habit* of the
Hdfci^ 108.
;=:ioTPOrtiM,
CHAPTER V.

MUHAMMAD YUSUF khavs i".rv.Tr T0 T,,E CAr"E "*

M^;vrDN^s
VI TABLE OF CONTENTS.

Poligar of Sivagiri,114. Mahfuz Khan

field,115. takes the
Mahfuz Khan's attempted
treachery, 115. Mahfuz Khan's exactions, 115.
Siege of Palamcotta, 116. Surrender
of Madura, 116. Submission of the Ettaiyapuram Poligar, 116. Yusuf Khan's successes,
116. Proposals ahout Mahfuz Khan, 117. Confederacy against Yusuf, 117. Successes
of the confederates, 117. Yusuf s reprisals, 118. Yusuf called to help the English, 118.
Palamcotta besieged, 118. Yusuf Khan's Return, 118. Mahfuz Khan's expectations,
118. Confederacy of the eastern Poligars, 119. Yusuf' s expedition against the
Poligars, 119. Capture of Kollarpatti fort, 119. The Poligar of Uttuinalai, 120.
Travancore troops, 120. Alliance of the king of Travancore and Yusuf, 120. Vada-
garai's flight at Puli Devar's fears, 121. Travancore' s proposals, 121. Attack on a

subsidiary fort,121. Yusuf receives supplies,122. Description of Vasudgvanallur fort,

122. Attack on the fort, 122. Successful defence, 123. Yusuf's return, 123. His
enforced inactivity, 123. Depredations of the Poligars, 123. Hostilities of the 31 y-
soreans, 124. butch Invasion, 124. A Dutch force arrives from Colombo, 124. Yusuf's
preparation, 124. Retreat of the Dutch, 124. Yusuf Khan's operations renewed, 12o.
Yusuf and the Puli Devar, 125. Revenue Administration in TinneveUy by the Xawab, 125.
Lushington's letter, 125. Succession administrators, 125. of Yusuf's administration,
126. Fluctuations in revenue, 126.
Yusuf Khan's Muhammad
Rebellion,127. Yu.-uf's
offer to rent the province, 127. Yusuf's position,127. Dissatisfaction of Government,
127. Government suspicions of his designs, 128. Yusuf's reasons for rebelling,128.
Yusuf's forces, 128. General Lawrence's force, 129. Yusuf's negotiations with the
French, 129. Treachery of the French Commander, 129. Yusuf Khan's death, 129.
Results of Yusuf's death, 130. Yusuf's successors, 130. State of Madura after Yusuf
Khan's death, 131.

CHAPTER VI.

TlNNEVELLY ANNALS FROM 1764- TO 1799.

PART I.

FROM THE DEATH OF YUSUF KHAN TO THE ASSIGNMENT OF

REVENUE IN 1781.

Events following the death

of Yusuf Khan, 132. Protection of Palamcotta, 132. Retirement
of the Travancore troops, 132. Armed followers of the Poligars near Palamcotta, 133.
Complaints of Government against the Nawab, 133. Major Flint attempts to reduce
Poligar fort, 133. Flint's unsuccessful campaign, 134. Pdnjdlatnkuriehi, 134. ing
Mean-
of the name ranjalamkurichi, 134. Succeeding Events of the Year, 135. Assault on

Panjalamkurichi a failure, 135. Determination of Government, 135. Colonel Campbell's

campaign, 135. Abandonment of Sett u r, 136. Abandonment of Sivagiri, 136. Attack
on Yasudevanallur, 136. Colonel Campbell's care for the people, 137. Cantonment at
Nankaranaiyanarkovil, 137. Cessation* of hostilities, 138. Arrangements made by the
Nawab's manager, 138. Hyder Ali's communication with the Poligars,138. blage
Assem-
of Col laries,138. Behaviour of the Poligars towards Hyder Ali, 139. Burning
of TinneveUy Cutclierry,139. Postal Communication between Madras and Bombay in the
hitter half of the Eighteenth Century, 139. Letters to Bombay how sent, 139. Overland
Communications, 139. Earliest date in Palamcotta church-yard, 140. Expedition
against Sivagiri,140. Insults offered to Hindus. 140. Spices in Palamcotta, 141.
Dutch estimate of Hyder Ali, 141. Dutch alliance with Poligars, 142. Meditated
Cession of TiiDuitlli/ to the Dutch, 142.

PART IT.

FROM THE ASSIGNMENT OF REVENUE IN 1781 TO THE COMMENCEMENT

OF THE BANNERMAN-POElOAK WAR.

The Assignment, 143. Committee of Assigned Revenue, Superintendents of Assigned

143.
Revenue, lit. Intentions of Government, 144. First Collector
of TinneveUy, 144.

Capture Tutioorin, 144.

of Complaints of die Paravas, 146. Dispute between the.
renter the Collector, 146.
and Dissatisfaction with Mr. Proctor, 115. Conduct of
European functionaries,146. Commission to Mr. Irwin, 146. Instructions to Mr.
Irwin,
116. Tutioorin Complaints, 147. Mr. Irwin duties, 147.
enters on Mr. Proctor
bis
ordered to leave, 117. Mr. Irwin invites Colonel Fullarton, 148. Colonel Fullarton'a
expeditionas related by himtelf, 148. Strength of the Poligars,1 18. Difficulties of the
situation, 149. Invitation to reduce the Poligars, 149. March into TinneveUy, 149.
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. Vll

Attack on Panjalamkurichi, 149. Abandonment of the fort. 150.

Attack on Sivagiri,
151. Abandonment of the fort, 151. Terms offered to the
Poligars, 151. Terms
declined, 152. Attack on the stronghold, 152. Capture of the stronghold, 152. cess
Suc-
of the expedition, 153. The Colonel's threat, 153. Conditions of peace imposed,
154. Satisfaction of Government, 154. Kattaboma's treaty with the Dutch, 154.
Pearl fishery, 154. Mr. Irwin's policy, 154. Instance of filial duty, 155. Swartz's
visit,155. Tuticorin given up, 155. Surrender of tke Assignment, 155. The surrender
of the Assignment reluctantly agreed to by Government, 155. Irwiu's forebodings,
156. The Nawab's relations with the Poligars, 156. His losses, 156. The Nawab's
Administration, 157. Effects of the Nawab's rule, 157. Improvements introduced by
Government, 157. Board of Revenue, 158. Fears of Tippu Sultan, 158. Cultivation
of spices, 158. The Period of the Assumption, 159. Difference between the ment
Assign-
and the Assumption, 159. Mr. Torin Collector under the Assumption, 159.
Puli Devar again, 160. Torin's opinion of the results of Fullarton's lenity, 160. The
Treaty of 1792. Conditions of the new treaty, 160. New appointments, 161. Colonel
Maxwell's expedition, 161. Colonel Maxwell's settlement, 161. Mr. Landon, Collector,
162. Marudur anicut, 162. Troubles at Settur, 162. The Government obliged to
temporise, 163. Disorders increasing, 163. Proposed disarming of the Poligars, 163.
Mr. Powney, Collector, 164. Orders of Court of Directors, 164. A Poligar shot by
another Poligar, 164. Rebellious conduct of the Sivagiri Poligar's son, 165. Uttu-
malai Poligar, 165. Mr. Jackson, Collector, 165. Major Bannernian, 166. Mr.
Lushington, Collector, 166.

CHAPTER VII.

THE BANNERMAN-POLIGAR WAR.

Sketch of the Political Position between 1781 and 1801, 167. The Assignment of 1781, 167.
Treaty of 1787, 168. Assumption 1790, 168. Treaty of 1792, 168. The Nawab's
debts, 169. Lord Hobart's proposal, 169. Final determination of the Government,
169. View of the Political Position of Tinnevellyand the Poligar Country generally taken by
the Court of Directors prior to the commencement of the last Poligar wars, 170. Evils of
divided authority, 170. Small amount of the Nawab's collections,170. Transfer of
tribute, 170. The Company's obligations,170. Poligar misgovernment, 171. Antici- pated
loss to the Company, 171. A better system to be introduced, 171. The Nawab's
refusal anticipated, 172. Conclusion arrived at, 172. Kattaboma. Ndyaka, 172. cession
Suc-
of the Poligars of Panjalamkurichi, 172. The Poligar's brothers, 173. Ettai-
yapuram, 173. Events preceding Major Bannerman' s Expedition, 173. Conduct of
Kattaboma, 173. Orders of Government, 173. Commencement of final struggle, 173.
Kattaboma breaks away, 174. Mr. Jackson's proceedings disapproved, 174. boma
Katta-
defended, 174. Kattaboma condemned, 175. Subsequent letter of the Board of
Revenue to the Madras Government, 175. Extracts, 175. Hopes of Government, 175.
Collector superseded, 175. An inquiry to be instituted,176. Fresh orders from ernment,
Gov-
176. Recapitulation, 176. Disapproval of Jackson's severity,176. Acquittal
of the murder of Lieutenant Clarke, 177. A new arrangement to be made, 177. clusion
Con-
arrived at, 177. Mr. Jackson's character, 177. Mr. Lushington's dealings
with Kattaboma, 178. He refers to Government, 178. An expedition recommended,
178. Different sides taken by different Poligars, 178. Troops set free by the taking of
Seringapatam, 179. Major Bannerman'' s Expedition, 179. Letter of Government to the
Board of Revenue, 180. Reasons of Government, 180. Proclamation by the Collector,
180. To all Poligars, Landholders, and Inhabitants of every description within the coun- tries

commonly called the Tinnevelly Pollams, 180. Attempt to take Panjalamkurichi, 181.
To the Secretary to Government, 182. Call to the Poligar to surrender, 182. The
Poligar's escape anticipated, 182. Failure of the attack, 182. Dissatisfaction with
Native troops, 183. The fort abandoned, 183. The Poligar's end, 183. Major Ban-
nerman
to the Secretary to Government, 183. Particulars of Major Bannerman's tion,
expedi-
183. Events which followed the Poligar'sescape, 184. Assistance of Ettaiyapuram,
184. Capture of important prisoners, 184. Subrahmanya Pillai's guilt and sentence,
185. Two principal offenders executed, 185. Kattaboma taken, 187. Assembly to
witness the execution of Kattaboma, 187. Sentence on Kattaboma, 187. Address to
the assembled Poligars, 188. Execution of Kattaboma, 188. Disloyal Poligars dispos-
sessed,
189. Disarmament ordered, 189. Penalties for disobedience, 189. Explanation
of reasons, 190. Forts to be demolished, 190. Poligars ask for help to demolish their
forts, 191. Approval of Government, 191. Results, 191. Proclamations inscribed on
brass, 192. Leniency to certain Poligars, 192. Banishment of dangerous persons, 192.
Mapillai Vanniyan, 193. Reappearance of the demolished forts, 193. Major Banner-
man's success, 193.
Till TABLE OF CONTENTS.

CHAPTER Till.

THE LAST POLIGAR WAR, 194.

Events preceding the outbreak, 194. General Welsh's account, 194. Mr. Hughes's account,
194. The two Panjalamkurichi brothers, 19.5. Escape of the prisoners from the Falamcotta
Jail subsequent events, 195.
and Position of things prior to the outbreak, 195. Escape
of the prisoners, 195. Unavailing pursuit, 196. Measures adopted by the authorities,
196. Attack on the camp by the Poligars, 196. Arrival of troops at Panjalanikurichi,

197. Condition of the fort, 197. Retreat from Panjalamkurichi, 197. Preparations for
resistance, 197. Hughes's opinion, 198. Failure of attack in Kadalgudi, 198. Defence
of Srivaikuntham, 199. The Native Christians, 199. Welsh's error, 199. Return to

Panjalamkurichi, 200. March to Panjalamkurichi, 200. Skirmish on the way, 200.

Description of fort, 201. The assault on the fort, 201. The defence, 201. Bravery of
the enemy, 202. Aid of E^taiyapuram, 202. More extensive preparations, 202. Help
obtained from Ceylon, 202. Sortie from the fort in a storm, 203. The final assault, 203.
A breach made by the battery, 204. Successful assault, 204. The enemy abandon the
Killed and wounded, 204. The interior of the fort, 205. Description of the
fort, 204.
enemy's defences, 205. Destruction of the fort, 205. Reminiscences of the Dumb ther,
bro-

206. Veneration in which the dumb brother was held, 206. He is discovered
amongst the wounded, 206. His concealment, 207. Tombs At Ottapiddramont mile from "

Panjalamkurichi, 207. In the Cemetery at Panjalamkurichi, 207. The Panjalamkurichi

Epic, 207. Victory Canto, 208.

CHAPTER IX.

CONCLUSION OF THE POLIGAR WAR, CESSION OF THE CARNATIC

TO THE ENGLISH GOVERNMENT.

Transfer of the war to Sivagangai, 209. Armed retainers of the Poligars still at large,
209. Welsh's estimate of the Poligars, 209. Kamudi, Fort
209. Ramnad,of209.
Colonel Martinz, 210. Junction with Colonel Innes's force, 210. The "
Murdoos" and
"
Sherewele," 210. The two Marava States, 210. Orme's Nellicotah, 210. Description of
Sivagangai, 211. The people of Sivagangai, 211. Usurpation in Sivagangai, 211.
Conditions offered to the rulers of Sivagangai, 211. Death of the chief, 212. Colonel
Stewart's expedition, 212. The Murdoos, 212. Origin of the title Marudu, 212. The

two brothers, 213. Vellai Marudu, 213. Chinna Marudu, 213. End of the Marudus,
214. The village of the Marudus, 214. Reasons for Kattaboma's taking refuge in
Sivagangai, 214. Mr. Lushington's policy, 215. Explanation of the hostilityof the
Marudus, 215. Smaller forts attacked, 215. Small naval war, 215. Success of Master
Attendant of Paumben, 216. The Capture of Kdlaiydrkovil, 216. Nature of the enemy's
resistance, 216. Burning of Siruvayal, 216. A road to be cut through the jungle, 217.
Attack post, 217.
on aAnother post taken, 217. A post taken, 218. A redoubt
erected, 218. The .attempt to cut through the jungle abandoned, 218. Attempts to
letters, 219. The force moves off, 219. The true heir proclaimed, 219. Success
convey
of the measure, 220. Capture of a fortified pagoda, 220. Meaning of Kalaij arkovil,
220. Attack on the place in three divisions,220. Success of the advance through the
forest,220. Meeting of the attacking forces, 221. Description of Kalaiyarkovil, 221.
Events that followed the capture of Kdlaiydrkovil, 221. Advance to Mangalam, 221.
The rebels disbanded, 222. Execution of the principal rebels, 222. Results of the
victory,222. Minor rebels sent to Tuticorin, 222. Fate of Panjalamkurichi, 222.
Capture of Sivattaiya, 223. Nanguneri, 223.
The Lushington's dealings
Maravas of
with the Kaval^ars, 223. Remuneration of Kavalgars, 224. Exception of the Nangu-
neri
Maravars, 224. Loyal Poligars rewarded, 225. Cession of the country to the English
Government, 225. Results of the cession, 225. Proclamation, 226. Consequences of
the rebellion, 226. Future condition of Poligars, 226. Kattaboma's offence, 226. Sup-
} "
s.sion of the rebellion,226.
i " Proofs of British Government's strength, 226. ment
Punish-
of rebellion necessary, 226. Loyalty rewarded, 226. Estates of rebels not appro-
priated
by Government, 227. Hopes for the futuro, 227. All weapons prohibited, 227.
Arms no longer necessary, 227. Evil custom to be relinquished, 227. Amnesty to
all but a few, 227. A permanent assessment promised to the Poligars,228. Concluding
Remarks, 228. Professor Wilson's anticipations,228. War the normal condition of
the country, 229. Condition of things getting steadily worse, 229. The Poligar has
become a Zamindar, 229. Improvements introduced, 229. Good government, 230.
Proportionate numbers of English and Natives, 230. Prospects for the future, 230.
Note on the Separation of Rdmndd from Tinnevtlly,231.
 TABLE OF ( ONTEJCTS. fX

CHAPTER X.

Missions in Tinnevelly prior to the Cession of the Country to

the English, 1801.

PART I.

ROMAN CATHOLIC MISSIONS, 232.

Portuguese expedition,
232. Baptism of the Paravas on the Tinnevelly coast, 232. Xavier,
232. Francis arrival and
Xavier's work, 232. Estimate of Xavier, 233. Visits from
Xavier's administration, 234. Xavier's successor's death, 234.
villageto village,233.
The period after Xavier, 235. Missions on the coast in 1600, 235. Tuticorin, 235.
Kdmaiydndyakanpatti, 230. Inscription,236. Date of inscription,236. Zemindar's
of the troubles, 237. Conduct of the Dutch, 237. Intolerance of the
name, 236. Origin
237. Beschi, 238. Beschi a Tamil scholar, 238. Memoirs of Beschi, 239.
Dutch, as

Errors in regard to date, 239. Beschi's stations, 240. His life in danger, 240. Beschi

his Tamil in Tinnevelly, 241. Dewan to Chanda Saheb, 241. Flight of Beschi
acquired
Beschi's last days at Manapar, 242. His death,
on the approach of Mahrattas, 242.
243. Beschi's 243. Period afterBeschi,243.
grave,

PART II.

MISSIONS OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.

Swartz, 244. Congregation and Church in Palamcotta, 244. Jaenicke,244. Satyanathan,

245. Fever caught in the hills,245. Commencement of the Ghristianization oftheShan-
ars, 246. First Shanar convert, 246. Establishment of Mudalur, 246. Hough, 247.

APPENDICES,

APPENDIX I.

RELATIONS BETWEEN TRAVANCORE AND TINNEVELLY.

Alternations of Government in the Southern Districts, 251. Inscriptionsin Tinnevelly,

251. Shermadevi, 252. Gains and losses, 252. Travancore annals when historical,
252. Appeal for help to the Ndyakas of Madura, whose head-quarterswere at that time in,
Trichinopoly,253. Appeal to Trichinopoly for help, 253. Trichinopolycontingent,
253. Maravartroops, 253. A rival embassy to Tvirhinopoly, 254. Help obtained from
Tinnevelly Maravas, 255. Aid from Tinnevelly Poligars,255. Annexations in Tinne-
velly,
2b f). Irruption of Chmida Sahib and- Bada Sahib, 256. Invasion of Chunda Sahib,
256. The enemy bought off,256. Collision with the Naivab, 256. Possessions in Tinne-
velly
lost,256. Negotiations,256. Travancorians retreat from Kalakadu, 257. Kala- kadu
regained,257. Treaty with the Nawab, 257.Subsidy to the Nawab, 258. Maphuz
Khan a nil Yusuf Khan, 258. Battles with the Muhammadans, 258. Yusuf Khan's army,
258. Yusuf Khan's rebellion, 259. The Nawab seizes possession,259. The claim to
Kalakadu, 259. The claim to Kalakadu renounced, 260. Travancore contingent sent to
assist the British Forces, 260. Travancore aid againstHyder Ali, 200.
Dangers from Poli-
gars,
261. Examination of public works, 261. Major Banner man, the firstRepresenta-
tive
of the British Government in Travancore in 1788 and 1789, 261. Tippu's proposals,
261. The first British Resident in Travancore, 261. New treaty signed in 1805, 262.
Insurrection in Travancore ; attack on the Resident ; taking of the Travancore Lines in 1809,
262. Causes of the outbreak, 262. The Dewan seeks allies, 263. Plot to assassinate the
B sident,263. Failure of attack on the Resident, 263. Massacre of English officers
and sepoys, 264. The Resident's report to Government, 264. Quilon troops attacked,
Reinforcement,205. The inhabitants of Tinnevellywarned by the Madras Govern-
X TABLE OF CONTENTS.

ment not to take part in the rebellion, 266. Proclamation of the Madras Government to the

inhabitants of Travancore, 266. A force to be sent to restore order, 266. Taking of the

Travaneore Lines, 267. General Welsh, 267. Description of the lines, 267. Successful

assault, 267. March towards Trevandrum, 268. Events at Trevandrum, 268. Flight
of the Dewan, 269. Death of the Dewan, 269. Fate of the rest of the rebels, 269.

Political Results, 270. Aitchison's Treaties, 270. Shenkottai, 270.

APPENDIX II.

ACCOUNT OF THE FLOODS AND PESTILENTIAL FEVER IN TINNEVELLY

IN 1810-12.

Letters from Mr. Hepburn, the Collector, to the Board of Revenue in 1811, 272.

APPENDIX III.

TINNEVELLY NATIVE AUTHORS.

Madura College, 276. Agastya, 277. Namtndhdr, 277. Alvar-tirunagari, 277. lation
Trans-

of the Mahdbhdrata, 278. Sri-villiputtUr, 278. Parimelafagar, 278. N'lti-neri,-

vUakkam, 279. Sri-vaikuntham, 279.

APPENDIX IY.

SEPULCHRAL URNS IN TINNEVELLY.

Shape of 279. Mode of interment, 280. Characteristics of the human remains, 280.
urns,

Description of contents, 280. Native theories, 281. Interpretation of names, 281.

People interred not pygmies, 281. Not Hindus by religion, 282.

APPENDIX V.

EXPLORATIONS AT KORKAI AND KAYAL.

ivnrk;ii identified, 282. Kayal, 283. Retirement of the sea from both places, 2S3. vations
Exca-

at Korkai, 284. Geology of Korkai, 284. Recent appearance

of shells, 284.

No traces of the Greeks, 284. Image of Budha, 285. Sepulchral urns,

285. Petrified

human bones, 285. Explorations at Kayal, 285. China and Arabian pottery, 286.

Superstitious fears, 286. Wonderful occurrence to an explorer, 286. Discovery of Arabic

 HISTOEY OF TIMEVELLY,

FROM THE EARLIEST PERIOD TO ITS CESSION TO THE

ENGLISH GOVERNMENT IN A.D. 1801.

CHAPTER I.

INFORMATION FROM WITHOUT RESPECTING THE

EARLIEST PERIOD.

Introduction. "
Paucity of Sources of History.

Very little is known with certainty of the early history of most Chapter I,

districts in India. It is a singular fact that the Hindus, though ~. .

M
fond of philosophy and poetry, of law, mathematics, and archi- the word

of music and the and of

"
hl9tory-
teeture, drama, especially religious or

theosophic speculations and disquisitions,seem never to have cared

anything for history. The original meaning of the word

"
"
history is investigation, and the Hindus never to have
appear
cared to investigate. There is hardly anything in the Indian

Epic or Puranas that can be dignified by this name. The

poems

only histories, properly so called, India has produced were written

in, and pertained to, regions that can only be included in the

general name of India with some qualification. These are the

Raja-tarangini1 of Cashmere and the Maha-wanso2 of Ceylon.

These compositions, it is true, are not free from poetical rations
exagge-
and evince much carelessness about in details, but
accuracy
on the whole they be accepted as historical. Can it be that
may
it was through the prevalence in India of a succession of

dreamy philosophies that history became virtually an unknown

department of literature ? This have had something to do

may
with it, but perhaps the chief cause was the fondness of the mass

1
Raja-tarangini, stream of kings written in A.D. 1148.

2
Maha-wanso (= San.sk. vamsa) The Great Dynasty, written between A.D.

459 and 477.

 2 HISTORY OF TINNEYELLY.

Chapter I. of the people in all ages for poeticalembellishment. Ifc seemed

to them a dull thing to record any event in the historyof a king
Reasons w'xy
the Hindus or a country exactlyas it happened. It could be made to appear
cared little
so much more interesting if the poetical narrator's fertile imagina-
tion
for historical
truth. were allowed free play. Whatever the cause may have been,
the fact cannot be disputed that historical certaintywith regard
to the of
earlyhistory any part of India, if attainable at all,is
attainable not by means of any kind of historical compositionin

verse or prose proceeding from Indian literati, belonging to the

district, but solelyby means of coins and inscriptions and the

Historical statements contained in books written by persons belonging to

information nations. the
from without.
foreign Light is thrown, for instance, on early
historyof the Pandyas and Cholas by the SinghaleseMaha-wanso,
and we are indebted for some interesting items of information

respectingthe historyof Southern India to the Greeks, to the

Muhammadans of the North, and to European Christian travellers.

I
may here appropriatelyquote a portion of my Address
delivered at the Convocation of the Universityof Madras in 1879.
Learned "
The study of the history, ancient archaeologyof
literature, and
Natives in
the country will never reach anything like
completeness of develop-
ment
Northern
India have or realize results of national importance till it is sj-stematically
made good
a undertaken by educated Natives. Learned Natives of Calcutta and
beginning.
Bombay, trained in European modes of thought and vieing -with

Europeans in zeal for historical accuracy, have already made a

promising beginning in this department of research. I trust that the

Native scholars of the South will resolve that they will not be left
behind race. in the
most important The
educated Natives can aid
render to the
study of the history of their country is by means of a
Information search after inscriptions,many of which, hitherto unnoticed and
from
unknown, they will find inviting their attention on the walls of the
inscriptions
and coins. temples in almost every villagein the interior. The only ancient
Indian history worthy of the name is that Avhich has been spelledout
from inscriptions and coins. Popular legends and poeticalmyths, by
whatever' they are dignified,
name may be discarded,not only without

loss, but with

positiveadvantage. No guide but our own intelligence
is better than a faithless guide. Something has already been done

in the direction of the search for, and decipherment of, inscriptionsby

Europeans, though less systematicallyin Madras than in Calcutta

and Bombay, but much remains to be done, and will always remain,
till educated Natives enter upon this branch of study with the zeal
with which so many people in Europe have devoted themselves to it.

Facilities Natives possess various facilities for this study which are denied to
enjoyed by Europeans livingin They India.
no reason havesun. to fear the
Natives.
They genorally stop in their journeys without
can inconvenience and
examine any antiquitythey see ; and whilst Europeans must be content

with examining only the inscriptions on the outer walls of temples,

inscriptions in the interior ako can be examined by Natives. They

will also be allowed to examine inscriptions
on copper platesin the
 EARLIEST PERIOD. o

possessionof respectableNative families which would not readily be Chapteb I .

allowed to pass into the hands of Europeans.

A Immbler, but stillvery important, branch of work
archaeological Earliest
in this ramil work*
lies open to every educated Hindu in the Tamil districts

Presidency. Let him set himself, before it is too late,to search out
pGarod.
and discover the vernacular works that are commonly supposed to be

lost The names only of Tamil works of the earlier period

many
survive, and works composed at amust have been still earlier
many
period of which even forgotten. Tamil literature
the names have been

seems to have known no youth. Like Minerva, the goddess of learn-ing

amongst the Greeks, it seems to have sprung, full-grown and

fully armed, from the head of Jupiter. The explanation of this is
that every work pertaining to, or illustrative of, the youth of the
language appears to have perished. Probably, however, a careful
search made by educated Natives in houses and mathas would be
rewarded by some valuable discoveries."

The District of Tinnevelly not originally distinct

from that of madura.

Another difficultyunder which the early historyof TinnevellyTinnevelly

labours is
early that in
district had no separate on"inall5'"
times this

existence,but formed merely the southern portionof the Pandya Madura,

country, and this was the position it occupied under the Cholas,
the early Muhammadans, and the Nayakas, as well as under the
Pandyas themselves. It was not till the incorporationof the

kingdom of Madura, includingits various districts and depend-encies

into the territories under the rule of the Nawab of A root,
about A.D. 1744, that the district of Tinnevelly came to be

regarded,at first for revenue purposes alone, as independentof,

or at least as distinct from, the District of Madura. The only
in classical Tamil which looks like for
name a name Tinnevelly,
Meaning of
r'311-13411'*'-
as distinct from Madura, is Ten-Pandi, the Southern Pandya
country ; but this is represented as the name of one of the twelve
districts in the Tamil country in which bad Tamil (Kodun-Tamil)
is spoken ; and it is evident that it could not have been intended
that the whole
Tinnevelly of by should
name.
be denoted this
The interpretation of some persons is that by Ten-Pandi is meant
that portionof Tinnevelly which lies to the south of the Tamra-
river. Others of opinion that the term denotes
parni are only
Nanji-nadu, the Tamil portion of South Travancore, lying to the
south-west of Tinnevelly and the north- west of Cape Comorin.
Tamil has always been the language of the whole of Tinnevelly,
and Cape Comorin is represented in the Tamil classics as the
southern boundary of the region in which Tamil is spoken. The

boundary could not well be carried fuiiher south without being

carried out to sea, but Tamil has always been spoken, as I know
from inscriptions, in Nanji-nadu.
 HISTORY OF TINNEVET.LV.

Earliest Inhabitants of Tinnevelly.

Chapter I.Nothing is known as yet of the earliest inhabitants of Tinne-

Th" hiiuribes veily"except that whoever they were they could not have been
not represent- Aryans. The hill tribes called in Malaynlam Malayarasas (hill
^
kings),and in Tamil Kanikkaras (hereditary proprietors of land),
earliest
inhabitants of are not, I think, to be regarded, like the Tudas of the Nllagiris,
as surviving representatives of the earliest inhabitants of the

plains; but, like the hill tribes of the Pulneys, appear to be the
descendants of some Hinduised low-country people of a later
period,who were driven to the hills by oppressionor who tarily
volun-

migrated thither. Probably the earliest inhabitants came to

that it will
be mixed up so completelywith succeedingimmigrants
be impossiblenow to distinguishthem. Perhaps the best repre-
The lowest sentatives at present of the earliest race of inhabitants are those

bly^aoonginal
long-oppressedtribes that are now considered the lowest,in the

social scale,the Paraiyas and Pallas. We meet with

occasionally
traditions of a more or less reliable character respecting the
arrival of most other tribes from other parts of the country. There

can be no doubt, for instance,of the fact that the Brahmans came

from the north. There can be no doubt also about the arrival

from the north of the Nayakas and other Telugu castes. It

is commonly supposed that the Vellalas eame from the Chola

country, the Maravas from the Paninad country, and the Shanars

from Ceylon. Such traditions,it is true, are too uncertain to be

of much ethnologicalvalue, but it is a noticeable circumstance

The Paraiy.iBthat there is no tradition whatever of the arrival in the country

and Pallas.
a^. any ^^q 0f the Pallas Paraiyas. From
and the silence of

tradition it may therefore,perhaps, be inferred that those tribes

were already in the district when other bunds of immigrants,

representedby the other tribes or castes we now find, arrived.

The names by which they are now called are not necessarily of

the same antiquity as the tribes themselves. "Paraiya" means

"
a drummer ;
"
Palla appears to mean a man who works in low-

lying lands, and both these names connect them with a somewhat

developed state of society. If they were really the oldest tribes

that settled in the they

district, must have subsisted mainly by the

chase, like the rude tribe

commonly called Vedas, and partlyby
the cultivation of dry grains. The cultivation of rice by means of

irrigationwould seem from etymologicalreasons to have been a

The Vellalas. specialtyof the Vellalas. Vel, the root of Vellala, seems to be

identical with Vel, the root of Vellam, water used for irrigation.
Stono The only traces of the earliest inhabitants of Tinnevelly that
implements.
survive? so far as
T
ara aware at present,are certain stone ments
imple-
that have been found near Shermadevi (Cheran-ma-devI)
and Puthugudi. They were taken to Berlin by Dr. Jagor. These
 EARLIEST PERIOD. D

implements betokened some little progress in civilization,

as the Chapter I.

sides were rounded and the curves symmetrical. This would

identify them with what has been

age.' I am called the '
neolithic
unable to regard the
sepulchralurns or everywhere jarsfound almost
iu Tinnevelly as relics of the earliest period,notwithstanding the
interest that attaches to them and the mystery which hangs over
them. The excellence of the pottery and the circumstance that

copper ornaments have sometimes been found in the urns show

that the people who buried their dead in those urns, whoever

they were, and at however early a period they may have lived,
were a comparatively civilised race.1

"Whatever relics of the period stillsurvive will be found,

oldest Sepulchral
urns'
I think, like the stone implements referred to above, not in the
valley of the
Tamraparni itself,which must have been too

frequentlycovered with water and too marshy to allow of human

habitations being erected upon it at the outset, but on the gravelly
slopeson either side of the valley,constituting the primeval banks
of the stream. One place of this description called Aditta-nallur,

near Puthugudi, has been found particularlyrich in sepulchral

urns, "c. I should not expect to find relics of the oldest period
anywhere near the sea, as I consider it certain that the land has
been slowly but steadilyrising above the ancient sea level for

ages, probably even before man made his appearance in the

district. The rise of the land all through the historical period
is capable,I think, of proof. Near Kulasekharapattanam, a town
and port of some antiquity,pieces of broken pottery are
occasionally f ound imbedded in the gritstone, a marine formation

abounding in sea shells of existingspecies, found all along the

coast. I have a specimen in my possessionfound about a mile
from the sea-shore,but I regard this as proving,not the immense

antiquity of the pottery,which does not appear to differ in the

least from the pottery now in use, but rather the comparatively
recent of
origin some portions of the gritstone.

The Tamraparni River.

historyof the dawn of a higher civilisation in TinnevellyAttraction

If the of
could brought to light,I have no doubt that the Tamraparni, tne T"mra-
be
the great river of Tinnevelly,would be found to occupy the most

prominent place in the picture. It must have been the facilities

afforded by this stream for the cultivation of rice which attracted

to its banks family family of settlers from the north of a

after

higher class than the rude, black aborigines. This river like the
Kaveri, but unlike most Indian streams, is fed by both monsoons "

1
See Appendix.
 HISTORY OK I1NNEVF.I.LY.

Chapter I. the south-western and the north-eastern " and is seen in full flood

twice a year. It
through a narrow but very
flows alluvial rich

valley,originally formed by itself,when natural forces appear to

have been stronger than they are now, by the process of denuda-tion,
and then filled up by itself in later periodsby the process of

sedimentary deposition. It flows smoothly to the sea without

torrents and along a bed which, instead of being hollowed deeper

Description and deeper every year, and thus becoming less and less capableof
of the parni.
Tamra-
being utilised for irrigation, gets silted up a little from year to
year, so that at length in the lower half of its course, between
Palamcotta and the sea, it has become necessary to confine it
within artificial banks. Such a river would necessarilyprove an

attraction to if not
settlers, from the very first,
yet at least from
the first appearance in the district of a people systematically
practisingagricultureand acquaintedwith the cultivation of rice
by irrigation.

Origin of the Tamraparni. " Agastya's Hill.

The moun. TheTamraparni rises on a noble conical mountain called Potigai,

tain Potigai.
more commonly called Potiyam, or Potiya-ma-malai, the meaning
of which is probably a placeof concealment," as will be explained
"

below. Locally it is called Periya Potigai,the great Potigai,

to distinguishit from a smaller mountain adjoining it called
Aindu-talai Potigai, the Potigai with the five heads. This

mountain is the highestin the Tinnevellyrange of ghauts, being

6,800 feet in height, and is regarded by Native poets as the distin-
guishing

mountain of the Pandyas, one of the titles of the Pandya

king being lord of Potiyam.'

'
This mountain stands back nearly

ten miles from the rest of the mountains of the range, so that the
"
Agaftier.' Tamraparni which takes its rise upon it drains a considerable

extent of mountain country before it emerges into

plains. the

Potiyam is visible from Palamcotta, the capitalof Tinnevelly,

and is still more distinctlyvisible from Trevandrum, the capital
of Travancore, on the western side of the range. It is usually
Supposed to called Agastyar's Hill, or by the Euglish simply Agastier,'from '

be inaccessi-
ble. the tradition that the great rishi Agastya, when he retired from

the world after civilising the south, took up his abode in its in-
accessibl

recesses. It was long supposed by all Natives to be in-

accessibl

on account of the force of the charms with which

Agastya
had fenced in his retreat,but Europeans have frequently found
their way to the top, and some years ago, a meteorological
observatorywas erected near the top by Dr. Broun, the Astronomer
Rainfall on of the Maharaja of Travancore. The rainfall on the top of
A^astj'H's in the year.
the mountain was found to amount to 300 inches
hill and in
the plains. The rainfall at Palamcotta, half way between the mountains and
 8 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY,

Chapter I. bathing at the waterfalls in theupper part of its course is sup-

posed
in these times to be meritorious.
specially
Falls of the There are two of these waterfalls on the main stream, one

Tamraparni called Vanatlrtham (from the name of an Asura called Vana) on

the slopeof Potiyaru,and another still more frequented,about 90

feet in height,at Papa-nasakani (destruction of sin). The latter
is commonly called Kalyanitlrtkam, the sacred bathing placeof
Kalyani (Parvati),but by some Kalyana-tlrtham,the wedding
bathingplace, that is,the placewhere Parvati's marriage to Siva
was exhibited to Agastya. This fall is at the placewhere the

Tamraparni leaves the mountains and enters the plains. There is

another celebrated waterfall,not far from Vana-tirtham, called

Pamban-aruvi, the snake waterfall,so called on account of its

long snake-like appearance when seen from a distance. It consists

of two falls, t he upper 500 feet in height,the lower 200 feet.
This remarkable fall is not on the main stream, but on a tributary,
"
which rises on the five-headed Potigai."

Falls of Courtallum.

The Chittar. The northern tributaryto the Tamraparni, which does not join
it till near the sea, is called the Chitra-nadi,the beautiful river,
vulgarly Chittar,the little river. The falls on this stream, at
Courtallum, are much celebrated,and
Europeans are and Hindus

equallyfond of bathing in them, though for different reasons. It

be asserted without risk of exaggeration that Courtallum is
may
the finest fresh- water bathing placein the world. Two forms of
the name Courtallum are given in the Courtallum Sthala-purana,
one with tt,the other with RR=ttr. If the form of the word
"
adopted be Kuttalam, the meaning will be "
the wild Atti tree

Meaning of parviflora),
(BaiiJiinia and the name will then signifythe temple
the name of
or village near the Kuttalam tree. This form of the word,
Kuttralam.
Kuttalam, is said to be Sanskrit,but I can find no trace of it in
Sanskrit If the form
dictionary. adopted be Kuttralam, which
any
is the one in common use, it will mean the alam, destruction,
literally poison,of Kuttru, sin,a meaning equivalentto that of
the other great sacred bathing place along this range, viz.,
Pavanasam (properlyPapanasakam, annihilation of sin). Alam
is from the Sanskrit hala-hala or hiihala, a deadly poison."This "

is the meaning generallyattributed to the name of the place in

the Sthala-purana. This shape of the word Kuttru is not found
in any dictionary,but one of the most common Tamil words for

Courtallum sin is Kuttram, which is substantially the same. The lowest of

falls. called by the Natives
the three falls of Courtallum is commonly

Vada-aruvi, the northern fall. It consists of two the

falls, united

height of which is about 180 feet. The upper pool of this fall

they call Ponguruakadal,the boilingsea, the depth of which is 38

 EARLIEST PERIOD. y

feet. The second fall is called Sembagatavi tlrtham, the sacred Chapter I.

bathing placeof the

Sembaga forest. Sembaga is the Tamil form

of the Sanskrit Champaka (the Miehclia Champaka). The third

is called Tenaruvi, the honey fall. A poetical

name of Courtallum

is Tnkudam, which may best be rendered, the three plateausor

platforms. The spicescultivated at Courtallum were introduced

by Mr. Casamajor in 1800.

Mouth of the Tamraparni.

The earlyHindus must have been acquainted with the mouth

of the Tamraparni long before they knew anything of its inland

course or of the falls in the mountains, so that I conclude that it

was near its mouth, and probably at junction the place where its
with the sea took place, that people bathed and performed
austerities,
as the gods are representedto have done, in the time The first set-
tkroent of
of the Mahabharata. It would seem probable
r
that there also, at
civilised men
... .

Korkai, was formed the first settlement of civilised men in inTinnevelly.

where?
Tinnevelljr,and that it was there that the name of Tamraparni, by
which the river became known, was first given to it.

Meaning and Origin of the name Tamraparni.

The meaning of the name Tamraparni, considered in is 'The

itself, tree with
re
clear,but
sufficiently its in this connexion
application is far from

being self-evident. Tamra means red, parni, from parna, a leaf,

that which has leaves,that is,a tree. Tamraparni might therefore
be expectedto mean a tree with red leaves,but this is a strange
derivation for the name of a river,and the idea naturallysug-
gests
itself that legend capableof explainingthe
some event or

name lies
beyond. especially It is
worthy of notice that tins very
name was the oldest name for Ceylon. It was called Tambapanni

by the early Buddhists, three centimes before Christ, in king

Asoka's inscription at Girnar, and when the Greeks first visited
India in the time of Alexander the Great and began to inquire,
with their usual zeal for knowledge, about India, the countries
and peoples it contained, and the neighbouring countries, they
ascertained the existence of a great adjacent island which they
were told was called Taprobane a mispronunciationof Taniba- Taprohane.
"

pannT. Lanka, the beautiful island,is the name by which Ceylon Later names
is called in the Ramayana, and ot Cevlon-
ordinarilyin the Maha-wanso.
Sinihalam, however, is the name by which it was called by the later
Buddhistic writers,from which came in regularsuccession the forms

Sihalam, Silam, Selen-dib,Serendib, Zeelan, Ceylan,and Ceylon.

[Dib is the Arabic survival of the Sanskrit dvipa,island.] From
the form Silam comes the Tamil Ilam. Simha means a lion,
Simhala the lion country, that is, either the country of the

lion-slayersor more probably the country of the lion-like men.

Tambapanni, or Tamraparni, as the name is more correctly

2
 10 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter i. written in Sanskrit, is said in the Maha-wanso to have been the

name of the first settlement formed by Vijaya and his followers
in Lanka, from which the name came to be applied to the whole

Identity of island "

see Tumour's Maha-wanso, p. 57. This settlement seems
the Tamra-
^0 have Deen near Putlam on the western coast of Ceylon,
of I '
parni in-
. . .
*

nevelTy with nearly oppositethe mouth of the chief river in Tinnevelly; and it
'

name of maJ regarded as certain that the two names

De had a common

Ceylon. origin,one being derived from the other,like Boston in the United
States and Boston in England. The name of the river may have
been derived from the name of the settlement ; or vice versd, the
name of the settlement may have been derived from the name of
the river. The
only question is, which use of the word was the
Which earlier ?It may
be supposed that a colony from the mouth of the

the namiTvas TamraparnI in

Tinnevelly carried the name over with it to a
the earlier, settlement founded by it on the opposite coast of Cej'lon. Or, on
the other hand, after the Aryan adventurers under Vijaya settled
in Ceylon, they may have formed a settlement on the Tinnevelly
coast and given the chief river on the coast the name of the town
from which they came. The general and natural course of

migration would doubtless be from the mainland to the island ;

but there may occasionallyhave been reflex waves of migration

even in the earliest times, as there certainly were later on, traces
of which survive in the existence in Tinnevellyand the western
coast of castes whose and
traditions, even in some instances,whose
names, connect them with Ceylon. The marriage relations into
which Vijaya and are his followers
said to have entered with the

Pandyas would also make them acquainted witli Korkai at the

mouth of the TamraparnI, the oldest capital of the Pandyas, which
must have been their capitalat that time, and the river may thus
have been indebted for its name to those Singhalese visitors. At
all events it seems more natural that TamraparnI, the tree with "

the red loaves," should have been first the name of a tree, then of

a town, then of a then

district, of a river (itbeing not uncommon

in India for villages

to receive their names from remarkable trees),
than that it should have been the name of a liver at the outset.
Lassen TamraparnI
interprets to mean
"
a tank with red lotuses,"
but this derivation seems to be
quite unsupported. In Tamil
poeticalliterature the first member of the compound is omitted
and the river is called the Porunei, that is,the Parni, alone. The

English sometimes erroneously write and pronounce the name as

Tamrapoorney, but the error is derived from the old practiceof

writingthe second part of the name Purni, instead of Parni.

Greek Name for the TamraparnI.

Tho Solon
The Greeks in the time of Ptolemy called the river by the name
of
the Greeks. 0f the Solen. This is a remarkable circumstance, because they had
 EARLIEST PERIOD. 11

called Ceylon for several centuries by the name of Taprobane,and Chapter I.

the name being identical with this name

of the river of Ceylon,
one would have expected that they would have called it also by

the name of Taprobane. It might almost be supposed that

TamraparnI was not the name of the river in actual use when

the Greek merchants arrived in Southern India, but this supposition

is inconsistent with the use of the name in the Mahabharata, for the
bulk of the Mahabharata is probably much more ancient than the

commencement of Greek commercial relations with the South,

which dates only from the Christian era, and there is no reason to

suppose that the portionof the Mahabharata in which the refer-

rence to the river is contained could have been inserted at a later

periodfor sectarian purposes. The connection in which the name

stands in the geographical lists in the Puranas is also unsectarian.

It seems therefore necessary to suppose that the river, though
called the Solen by the Greeks, was even then called the parnI
Tamra-

by the
natives, by or at least the Brahmans. How is this
to be explained? Lassen supposes that the old name of the cipal
prin-
stream was Sylaur,which also he supposes to be the present
name of the tributarystream. No such name, however, Sylaur
as

is, or appears ever to have been, in use. This is evidently a

mistake for Sytaur,the name by which I find that the river was

called by English officials as late as 1810. The mistake is only

of t for /. In our times the name is generallywritten Chittaur,The Chittar.

and this stands for Sittar or Chittar,which means the little river.
It is evident also that the tributaryriver could never have been
the principal
stream, because it drains a much smaller extent of
"
hill country.
"
Solen has a meaning in Greek, and may fore
there-
have been intended to be a Greek word. One of its meanings
is a shell fish,and for want of a better explanationit may perhaps
be held that the river was called by this name by the Greeks on The chanks
*he
account of the chanks, then as now, found in great numbers near
ncar

its mouth. The chank is the Turbinella ra/pa. Up to the present Tamraparni.
time the greater number of the chanks used in commerce are

found in the seaadjacent to the mouth of thisriver,and every

field in the neighbouring country bears witness,by the chanks
found imbedded the
alluvium, to
in the fact that they abounded
here at that early period also,when the delta was being formed.
Chanks seem alwaysto have been used throughoutIndia as ments
instru-
of music (orrather as instruments of noise ?) and in Northern
India they are much used
making ornaments. as The a material for
Greeks spoke of the Solen as taking its rise on a mountain called The Botti^o
conceivable tlleGreeka-
Bettigo,and it seems that by this name the}'meant to
represent Potigai," the "
name of the mountain on which we have
seen that the TamraparnI rises. This enables us to identifythe
Bettigo of the Greeks,like the Malaya of the Puranas, the mountain
on which the Tamraparnirises,with the Southern Ghauts.
 12 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

The Cheras, Cholas, and Pandyas.

Chapter I. The Tamil people,or as Sanskrit,the Dravidas,

they are called in
were divided in ancient times into three
great divisions, the Cheras,
Legendary
origin of the Cholas, and Pandyas. The arrangement of the names is climactic,

dynasties. and denotes that the Pandyas were supposed in those times to have
the preeminence,a suppositionwhich appears to be in accordance
with the facts of the case. According to Tamil legendsCheran,
Cholan, and Pandyan were three brothers who at first lived and

ruled in common at Korkai, near the mouth of the Tamraparni.

The lands held by all three in common were at Mukkani (the
three properties)near Korkai. Eventually a separationtook
place. Pandiyan remained at home. Cheran and Cholan went
forth to seek their fortunes and founded kingdoms of their own to
the north and west. We have a similar representation, perhaps
merely an echo of the Tamil tradition, i n the Hari-vamsa and
several Puranas in which Pandya, Kerala, Kola, and Chola are
representedas the four sons of Akrida, or of Dashyanta, the

adopted son of Turvasu, a princeof the Lunar line of Kshatriyas.

Who the Kola referred to here was is not clear. Was he supposed
to be the ancestor of the Kolas or Kolarians of Central India ?
This is very improbable. Kola is said to be identified by the
Kerala Mahatmya with Kolam, or Kolattunadu, North Malabar.
This derivation involves but it is the only reasonable
difficulties,
one I have met with.

The Pandyas.

Derivation of The Sanskrit name Pandya is written in Tamil Pandiya, but

1
P"ndya.'
the more completelyTamilised form Pandi is still more commonly
used all over Southern Pandya, not from the
India. I derive

Tamil and Malayalam Pandu, ancient,though that is a very tempt-

ing
derivation, but from the Sanskrit Pandu, the name of the

father of the five Pandava brothers. This very form Pandya, in

the sense of a descendant Pandu, is mentioned, as I am

of

informed by Professor Max Midler, by Katyayana, the immediate

successor of Panini. It is evident that the kings of this race by
their adoption of this name meant to claim kindred with tho
celebrated Pandava brothers,and the marriage of Arjuna with

the daughter of the Pandya king seems to have been recorded,

or invented, as an evidence of this relationship.The earliest

indubitable reference to the Pandya kingdom in the records of

Northern India is in one of Asoka's about

inscriptions B.C. 250.

ArJI'Na's INTERMARRIAGE WITH THE PANDYAS.

\ :! OF This marriage is supposed to be referred to in the Adi-parva

Aijmia to the
Madura.
of the Maha-bharata. In the Sanskrit original,however,
is not called Pandya, but is merely mentioned by his
king a name
 EARLIEST TERIOD. 13

"as Chitravahana, and his cityis called,not Madura, but Manipura. Chapteb I.

This city is placed in Monier Williams' Sanskrit Dictionary in

the Kalinga country, not in or near the country of the Pandyas.
The king'sdaughter'sname is Chitrilngada. Arjuna marries the
damsel and remains in Manipura, accordingto his pledge,till a

son is born, who is called Babhruvahana. The Tamil prose

translation of the Mahabharata boldlyidentifies
Manipura with

Madura, calls Chitravahana a king, and also identifies

Pandya
him with Malayadhvaja, the second king in the Madura lists of

Pandyas. This identification might be concluded to be a wholly

unwarranted invention of the Tamil translator were it not for an

incident related in the South Indian edition of the Sanskrit text

of the Maha-bharata. It is therein stated (in the Sabha-parva)
that Saha-deva, one of the Pandava brothers,in the course of his

dig-vijayatour, visited Manipura and greeted his sister-in-law

Ohitrangada, Arjuna's wife. In this narrative Manipura is

described as the residence of the Tandy a king, and Saha-deva
receives from the
king Pandya presents. This himself valuable
statement vindicates the honesty of the Tamil translator,but
unfortunatelythe doubt is only removed a step further back, for
Professor Wilson states that this incident is not contained in the
northern copiesof the Maha-bharata. It was not in his own copy,
and he had five copiesin Benares examined, in none of which was

the incident mentioned. This seems fatal to the identification. He

mentions also that in
Bhagavata Purana the
Arjuna's bride is
represented as the daughter,not of the Pandya king, but of the
serpent king of Manipura.

Oldest Pandya Titles.

The Pandya dynasty may have existed before this relationship

The Maran.

with the Pandava brothers was thought of, for Maran, not Pandi-

yan, appears to have been the most ancient name of the head of
the dynasty. In the
given titles
Pandya king to the in old
I
inscriptions have
always found the Maran" "
stand at the head
of the list,and I found a portion of Korkai itself called, not
Pandya-Mangalam, but Mara-Mangalam, the good fortune of "

the Maran." The names seem to have gone in pairs, Mara and
Korkai, Pandya and Madura. Korkai-ali, ruler of Korkai, is a
title given to Kulasekhara, the supposed founder of the Pandya

dynasty,by the author of the Vettri-verkai,himself a Pandya

king.
0

Intkucourse of the early Singhalese with the Pandyas.

Korkai, at the mouth of the Tamraparni, must have been the

residence of the Pandyas at that earlyperiod, six centimes before
 14 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter I. Christ,when the king of Tamraparnl (Ceylon)is said to have sent

over ambassadors to negotiatean alliance by marriage with the
"
Pandyas. "
The Southern Madhura is the place where the

Pandyas are said to have lived and reigned at that time, but this

may have been an anachronism, the very existence of Korkai

having most probably at the date of the composition of the Maha-

wanso been forgotten. The particularPandya king who then

Vijaya's mar . reigned is not mentioned, and the name as written in the Pali of
riage. the Maha-wanso differs slightlyfrom the form current in India.
He is called sometimes Pandawo, which is evidently meant for

Pandava, and Pandu, which stands either for Pandu, the father of
the Pandavas, or for Pandi, the common Tamil form of Pandya.
According to the story Vijaya married first a Yaksha, or demon-

princess (a princessof the aboriginalVedas ?), but afterwards

sent over to the continent for a human bride, in order that he

might get himself duly inaugurated as a sovereign. Pandya The

king gave him his daughter, as requested,and she was accompa- nied
to Ceylon by a great retinue of maidens, who were given in
marriage to Vijaya'scompanions. Vijaya,accordingto the story,
had no son of his own, but he appointed a son of his brother to be
his successor. This prince is called in Pali Pandu-vasa-deva, by
Singhalese which we are probably to understand Pandu- vamsa-deva, and
princes with he is said have from
though to come Sinihapura, the city in
Pandya
names. Northern India from which Vijaya himself came, we can scarcely
err in concluding that he was reallya princeof Pandya extraction.
The fourth prince in the line was called Pandukabhaya, a name
which evidently also betokens some connexion with the Pandyas.
It is worthy of notice that it was by those two princes with
Pandya names (princes from Tinnevelly?) that the three great
reservoirs for which Ceylon is famous are said to have been made.

The great May it hence be concluded that the idea of making reservoirs for
reservoirs of
irrigation was borrowed by the early Singhalese from the peoplo
Ceylon.
of the Tinnevelly or Madura coast ? Vijaya is said to have
bestowed on his Pandya father-in-law annually two lakhs worth
of chanks and pearls. Does this mean that at that time Ceylon
was tributaryto the Pandyas ? This at least seems certain from
these statements that it was the belief of the earliest Singhalese

Date of that the Pandya kingdom was in existence before the arrival in
introduction
of Aryan
Ceylon of Vijaya and his colony of adventurers,that is,before the
civilisation. introduction into Ceylon of Aryan civilisation, which can hardly
have been later than 550 B.C. This seems to carry up the era

of the first introduction of Aryan civilisation into the

Pandya
country, probablyat Korkai, to a very early period ; shall we say
about 700 B.C. ? Ceylon was often invaded in early times by
Tamilians (Damilos) from the mainland, but the invaders seem
generally to have been, not Pandyas, but Cholas.
 16 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter I. markets eagerlybuy up as such and carry away, while it is even

more greedilybought up by the wealthy Romans of to-day, as it
Pearls. was wont to be by the wealthy Greeks long ago. This article is the

sea pearl, called in the Indian tongue (?)margarita. But Heracles,

it is said,appreciatingits beauty as a wearing ornament, caused

it to be brought from all the seas into India that he might adorn
with it the person of his daughter."

Translation from Schwanbeck's Megasthenes by J. W. McCrindlet

Esq., Indian Antiquary for September 1877.1
The exact situation of the country of Pandaia and some culars
parti-
in its administration are given in another extract from

Megasthenes byhanded down another Greek writer :

"
Heracles

begat a daughter in India whom he called Pandaia. To her he

assigned that portionof India which lies to the southward and

extends to the sea, while he distributed the people subjectto her
rule into 365 villages,
giving orders that one villageshould each
day bring to the treasury the royal tribute,so that the queen
might always have the assistance of those men whose turn it was

to pay the tribute in coercingthose who for the time being were
defaulters in their payments." Indian Antiquary for December
"

1877.

Pliny,following apparentlyanother passage of Megasthenes, in

his enumeration of Indian nations, mentions a nation called
Pandae. We cannot doubt that the Pandyas, wherever he may
have supposed them to be located,were the people referred to.

His statement that the Pandae alone among Indian nations were

ruled by women, though not correct, so far as is known, if

supposed to relate to the Pandyas of

Madura, may be regarded as
applicableto
sufficiently thepeculiar social usages of the Malabar

coast, where almost every inheritance still runs in the female line,
and Pliny's
where, in own time, at least,if not also in that of

Megasthenes, the Pandyas of Madura had colonies.

Pliny expressly mentions that

portionof the western coast a

was in his time (A.D. 77) under the rule of king Pandion, " far

away from his mediterranean emporium of Modoura ;" yet he

remarks that this name, with others in the same neighbourhood,
was new to him. He evidently had no idea that the people of
king Pandion were identical with the Pandae he had already
described.

The Pandyas Embassy to Augustus.

Porna or No information respectingthe Pandya country in general or

l'uiuliuu ?
Tinnevellyin is suppliedto us
particular by the Greeks between

Siuee then publishedseparately.

 EARLIEST PERIOD. 17

the time of the successors of Alexander and the commencement of Chapter I.

Greek commercial intercourse with India, in the earlyyears of the

Christian era, when we begin to be supplied with information of
an interestingnature. I regard it as nearly certain that the
Indian king who embassy to the Emperor Augustus, was
sent an

not Poms, but

Pandion, the
king of the Pandyas, called in Tamil
"
the Pandiyan." The earliest account of the embassy is given by
Strabo (A.D. 20). The statement generallymade by the Greek
and Roman historians who refer to this embassy is that it was sent

by the Indi, without further explanation as to who those Indians

"
were. Strabo says the embassy was from king Pandion ; or
"
accordingto others (whose opinionapparentlyhe did not endorse)
"
"
from king Porus." One of those others was Nicolaus "

Damascenus, quoted by Strabo, who says he saw the ambassadors

himself. The name of Porus had been known in Europe for several

centuries,through the historians of Alexander's Indian campaign,

and it was natural that Greeks should fall into the mistake of

supposing every Indian king a successor of Porus, whereas the

name Pandion was one which up to that time had never been
known and could not have been invented. This Indian
embassy has a placein the Chronicon of Eusebius (320 A.D.), but
neither in the ordinary (defective)Greek text of the
Chronicon,
nor in the Armenian version,is the name of the king from whom
it proceeded mentioned. Fortunately, however, the name, as

written by Eusebius, appears in the Chronographiaof Georgius

Syncellus (A.D. 800), whose work has been used to restore or
complete the Greek test of the Chronicon, and who says, under the
head of the 185th olympiad, Pandion, king of the Indians,sends
"

an embassy to Augustus, desiringto become his friend and ally."

This incident is an interestingproof of the advanced social and

political positionoccupiedby the Pandyas, probably in consequence

of the foreigntrade they carried on, viz., at Korkai, in connexion
with the pearlfishery,and also on the Malabar coast. After the
termination of the political relations that subsisted between the
successors of Alexander and the princesof Northern India we thus
find that the Pandyas were the only Indian princeswho perceived
the advantages of a European alliance.

Information about Korkai furnished by the Greeks.

More is known about Korkai from the Greeks than from Native The Kolkhoi

writings or traditions. by the author of the q th?

It is mentioned

PeriplusMaris Erythraei,the circumnavigation of the Erythraean

or Red Sea (by which we are to understand the whole Arabian
Ocean from the mouth of the Red Sea to the Bay of Bengal),an
"
intelligentGreek merchant who visited India probably about KoShcri*
"

3
 tP^firriTiirtrttii-W-'
'"""''fiff

HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter I. A.D. 80. It is mentioned also by Ptolemy the Geographer

A.D. 130. By these it is called "
Kolkhoi emporium." It is
one of the very few placesin India found in the ancient series of

maps called from the name of their discoverer the PeutingerTables.

The date of these tables is unknown, but on examining the Asian

segments, I came to the conclusion that the author could not have
had any acquaintance with Ptolemy, and that therefore probably
he lived at an earlier period. Some of the European segments
seemed to me to belong to (orto have been brought down to) a
later date. Both Periplusand Ptolemy agree in
the author of the

representingKolkhoi as the
headquartersof the pearlfishery at
that time and as included in the dominions of king Pandion.
it
Ptolemy places immediately to the north of the River Solen. It
was the first port visited by the Greeks after rounding Cape
Comorin and the fir.stplaceon the Tinnevelly coast whose name

was recorded by them. The Gulf of Manaar was called by them

from the name of this placethe Colkhic Gulf, from which it may
be included that Kolkhoi was considered by them a placeof much
importance. It is called in the PeutingerTables Colcis Indorum,
the Colcis of the Indians,to distinguish it from the better known
Korkai. Colchis on the Black Sea. The Tamil name of the placeis almost
identical with the Greek. It is Kolkai, and though this is now

euphonically pronounced Korkai, through the necessary change of

/ into r before k, yet it is still pronounced Kolkai on the western
coast,and I have found it written Kolkai in an old Tamil inscription
in the temple at Tiruchendur. This placeis now three or four
miles inland,but there are abundant traces of its havingstood at
one time in the sea coast and of having at a previousperiod been
under the sea. I have found the tradition that it was once the
centre of the pearltrade and the seat of civil government
principal
in the south still survivingamongst peoplein the neighbourhood.
Afer the sea had retired from Kolkhoi, in consequence of the

gradual elevation of the line of coast, a new emporium arose

between it and the sea, whichacquiredgroat celebrity during the

middle ages. This was Kayal, a place to which I shall presently
refer. This identificationof Kolchoi with Kolkai is one of much

importance,because, being perfectlycertain,it helps forward

Importnnco
other identifications. Kol in Tamil means to slay,kai, hand or

of this arm. Kolkai therefore would seem to moan the hand or arm of
i'1'iitiGcation
which
slaughter, is said to be an old poetical
name for an army, a

the first instrument of government in a rude age. Kai is

camp,
capablealso of place of concealment,
meaning place,e.g., Poti-kai,
the name of the mountain from which the river of Korkai takes
its rise. Compare the name Coleroon,properlyKollidam,the place
of slaughter.It is worthy of notice that in so far as the two
 EARLIES1 PERIOD.
10

words included in the of Kolkai are concerned, the Tamil Chapter I.

name

language does not seem to have altered day to

from that this.

has been euphonised by Sandhi, but the

The junctionof the words

words themselves remain the same.

The line of coast including South Tinnevelly and South

Travancore was called Paralia,by the author of the Periplus. It
commenced at what they called "
the red cliffs " south of Quilon,
and included not only Cape Comorin, but also Korkai. Paralia is

the Greek word for coast ; it does not appear to me to be the

Greek mode of writing a native name, for Ptolemy mentions

several Paralias. The coast mentioned by this name included

Ptolemy's country of the Aii, South Travancore, and that of the

Kare'i, South Tinnevelly. The Kare'i of the one writer inhabited

the Paralia of the other. Karai in Tamil means a coast, from the

verbal root karai, to be melted down, to be washed away, and is

obviously identical in meaning with the Greek Paralia. It is

worthy of notice that to the present time several portionsof

up
the Tinnevelly coast are called Karaichuttru, the coast circuit,
whilst a caste of fishermen farther north are called Karaiyar,
coast people. This Tamil word for coast occurs in the names of

several places mentioned by Ptolemy, though the places

themselves have not been identified,e.g., Peringkarai. If this

name had been written Perung instead of Pering, it would have

been identical,letter for letter,with the Tamil of the present

time. The meaning would have been "
great-shore."

Cape Comorin as known to the Greeks.

Cape Comorin is not now in

Tinnevelly,but in Travancore,but Description of
as it belonged
originally to Tinnevelly, being the southern extre- Sf?JeCJJri"
mity of the Pandya country, and as it is so near the Tinnevellyplus,
boundary and is so celebrated a place, it seems desirable that I
shoidd mention here what is said about
by the Greeks. It is it

called Komaria Akron, Cape Komaria, by Ptolemy, and Komarei

or simply Komar by the author of the Periplus. The latter says,
"
After Bakare occurs the mountain called Pyrrhos (or the Red)

towards the south, near another district of the country called

Paralia (where the pearl-fisheries
are which belong to kingPandion),
and cityof the of Kolkhoi. In this tract the first
a name
place
met with is called Balita,which has a good harbour and a village
on its shore. Next to this is another place called Komar, where
is the cape of the same name and a haven. Those who wish to
consecrate the closing part of their lives to
religioncome hither
and bathe and engage themselves to celibacy. This is also done
by women ; since it is related that the goddess once on a time
resided at the place and bathed. From Komarei towards the
 rs-J-j+aret. fr, ,ifi: y ft'M'iWl

20 HISTORY OF TINNEYELLY.

Chapter I. south the country extends as far

fishing for
as Kolkhoi, where the

pearlsis earned on. Condemned

are employed in this criminals
service. King Pandion is the owner of the fisher}'. To Kolkhoi
succeeds another coast lyingalong a gulf having a district in the
interior bearingthe name of Argalon. In this singleplace are
obtained the pearls collected near the island of Epiodoros."

When the writer says "it is related " that the goddess used to
bathe there it seems to be impliedthat he had heard of the existence
of some written statement to this effect. Probablyhowever he only
meant that a tradition to that effect was in existence and was

believed. This monthly bathingin honour of the goddess Durga,

called also Kumari, is still continued at Cape Comorin, but is not

practised to the same extent as in former times.

Kumari or The placehas derived its name from the Sanskrit Kumari, a
Kumari in
virgin,one of the names of the goddess Durga, the presiding
Indian rature.
lite-

divinityof the place,but the shape which this word has taken is,

especially Komar, distinctively

in Tamilian. In ordinaryTamil
Kumari becomes Kumari ; and in the vulgar dialect of the people

residingin the neighbourhoodof the Cape a virginis neither

Kumari nor Kumari, but Kumar, pronounced Komar. It is
remarkable that this vulgarcorruption of the Sanskrit is identical
with the name givento the placeby the author of the Periplus . . .

Through the continued encroachments of the sea, the harbour the

Greek mariners found at Cape Comorin has completely
disappeared
;
but a fresh water well remains in the centre of a rock,a littleway
out at sea.

Kumari in Tamil, Kumari in Sanskrit,is regardedby Puranic

writers as the name of a river,one of the seven great sacred rivers
of India. The southern portionof the peninsulais called by the
same name. It is said to be so called after the name of Kumari,
a daughterof Bharata, the first Emperor of India, who was made
by her father queen of the south. The Pandya king is called
Kumari lord of the Kumari
(s)-serppan, shore,because to him the
landslyingalongthe banks of the Kumari belonged. It might be
supposed that by the Kumari river the TamraparnI was meant,
but this cannot the case, for the name
have been Kumari is not
ncluded in the classical listof the names of this river. The Native
tradition is to the effect that there was originally
a river at Cape
Knman not sacred river where
a
Comorin, a real river "
a people went to bathe, "

river but n,

place'thoon
but that this river has been swallowed up by the sea. This might
sea coast. been it not been for the
perhaps have believed,had explicit
state-
ment
contained in the Periplus. No Native tradition goes back
so far or
possesses anythingliko such weight as this statement of
an intelligentGreek. It is evident, therefore,that in ancient
times,as now, it was in the sea, not in a river, that peoplebathed.
 EARLIEST PERIOD.
21

to the witnesses against Chapter I.

Besides this,the title given Pandya king
this idea, for serppu denotes a coast of the sea, not the banks of a

river. Knniari(s)-serppan means therefore lord of the Kumari sea-

coast. It is certain also,that the Kumari in whose honor people

bathed Cape Comorin
at was not king Bharata's daughter,but the
also called Kumari, whose specialname at Cape
goddess Durga,
Comorin is BhagavatI, This little episode about Cape Comorin

shows how little reliance is to be placed on Native traditions,when

not corroborated by information derived from independent sources.

Paumben as known to the Greeks.

It may not be out of place that I should mention what the Kory identi-
fied
"

fi V
Greeks said of Paumben, the island on which the celebrated temple Koti.
of Ramesvarani stands, though place like Cape Comorin
that

lies beyond the boundary of Tinnevelly. Cape Comorin is in

Travancore ; Paumben in the zemindari of Ramnad and district

of Madura. Ptolemy describes a place called Kory as an island in

the Argalic Gulf or Palk Strait. Elsewhere he describes it as a

for it
correctly, both, if it is to be identified, I have
cape, and was as

no doubt it is,with Paumben, a long narrow island terminatingin

a long spitof sand. The entire bay between Point Calymere and
the island of Paumben is called poeticallyRama's bow, and each
end is called Dhanush koti,the tip of the bow or simply koti (in
Tamil kodi) the tip,end, or corner. The most celebrated of these
kotis was that at Ramesvaram, at the extremity of Paumben, and
this word koti would
naturallytake the shape, especiallywhen
pronounced by foreigners,of Kori. The ease with which this

change might take place is shown by the circumstance that this

very word koti, as the name of a high number, is written and

pronounced crore. It is remarkable that the Portuguese, without

knowing anything of the Kory of the Greeks, called the same spit
of land Cape Ramanacoru.
"
The island of Paumben, snake-like," takes its name from the The Paumben
" channel-
channel through the Adam's "
Bridge reef, formerly tortuous,
though now straight, by which shipspass from the Gulf of Manaar
to Palk Strait or the Bay of Tondi. Ramesvaram, the name of the
celebrated temple at the eastern extremity of the island,means
Rama's Isvara,Rama's Lord, that is Siva recognisedand worshipped
by Rama, accordingto the Saivas, as his lord. Isvara at the end of a
compound generallydenotes Siva. A name identical with this in

meaning is Rama-natha, Rama's Lord, the first part of Rama-natha-

puram, the name of the capitalof the Ramnad (Rama-natha)
Zemindari, in which the island of Paumben is included. This
recognitionof Siva by Rama is supposed to have been made on

Rama's return from Ceylon.

".FT)""Xti!i""J"ll"ii"^j*4

22 HISTORY OF TINNEYELLY.

Chapter I. In the various Greek and Roman geographicalworks priorto

the time of Ptolemy,the name Kolis
occupiesan important
Identityof
Kolis and place. In Ptolemy Kolis disappearsand Kory, a name viously
pre-
Kory. instead.
unknown, comes up I have little doubt that
Kolis and Kory were and
identical, that the placemeant by
both was the island cape of Paumben or Ramesvaram. This appears
from the circumstance that it is stated by Pliny to be the
promontory of India which was nearest Ceylon,between which and
it there was only a shallow sea. As it was regarded also as the
southernmost might be
point of India, it supposed that Cape
Comorin was times precedingPtolemy Cape
meant, but in the
Comorin was not known to be a cape. PomponiousMela described
Kolis as an "angle,"a meaning which corresponds to that of koti in
the Indian languages. He supposed it to be the termination
towards the east of the southern coast, which extended according to

him thus far nearlydue east from the Indus.

"
The Pandion" and Madura as known to the Greeks.
Various cities I have alreadymentioned that the Pandyan king was called
called
Pandion by the Greeks. They called the peoplealso Pandiones.
Madura.
In this they were correct,for the people have alwaysbeen called
by the same name as the prince. He was the Pandi, and they
the Pandis. Ptolemy's name for Madura is Modoura, described

by him as Basileion Pandionis,'the royal city of Pandion.

'

Pliny spells the name Modura. The Sanskrit mode of spelling

this name is Mathura. It is called the Southern Mathura in

Sanskrit,to it from
distinguish the originalMathura, Krishna's
in
birth-place the north-west,called
by the earlier Methora

Greeks, "the Modoura of the gods" by Ptolemy,and Muttra by

the modern English. There is another place, of the same name,
Matura in the south of Ceylon,and there is a small island called

Madura, in the Eastern Archipelago, which received its name from

Brahman immigrantsfrom India.

Date of Greek intercourse with Southern India.

Greek trade The arrival in India of the Greek merchants from whom
with the their information to have
Ptolemy and others obtained appears
Tinnevclly
been with the conquest of Egypt by the
Coast. contemporaneous
Romans. The earliest Roman coins found in India are those of
A large number of Roman Imperial
the Emperor Augustus.
found the Malabar
aurci (goldcoins)were some years ago on
coast; upwards of thirtytypes of which, commencing with the
earlier coins of Augustus and includingsome of Nero, were

desoribed by me in a paper printedat Trevandrum in 1851 by

the Slaharajft of Travancore,to whom the coins belonged. The
 -yaoett

24 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

CHAPTER II.

FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE RULE OF THE

PANDYAS TO THE PEEIOD OF THE SUPREMACY OF

THE VIJAYANAGAEA KINGS.

Boundaries of the Pandya Country.

Chapter II. There certain current in Tamil which

are geographicalstanzas
Geographical givethe boundaries and extent of the three Tamil kingdoms " the
stanzas. the
Chera, Chola, and Pandya. These stanzas are regardedby
Tamil people as classical and authoritative. According to the
stanza relating to thePandya kingdom its boundaries were the
river Vellaru to the north,Kumari (Cape Comorin) to the south,
the sea (thatis the Gulf of Manaar and Palk Strait or the Bay of
"
Tondi)to the east,and "
the greathighway to the west. Of these
boundary of
thePandya boundaries the eastern, viz.,the sea, calls for no remark. The
river Vellaru,which in the
is represented Pandya stanza as the
northern boundary of the Pandya country,is also in
represented
the Chola stanza as the southern boundary of the Chola country.
The boundary line between two such bellicose nations
restless, as

the Pandyas and continually

Cholas shifting.
must have been
We know indeed that at Pandya country
one time the whole of the
was incorporated into the Chola country. On some auspicious
occasion,however, when both parties, having become thoroughly
exhausted by continuous wars, were perhapscementingpeace by
a marriage, their representatives seem to have been able to agree
in fixing on the Vellaru as their common boundary, which
settlement having been arrived at, the poetsof both sides seem to

have been commissioned toperpetuate the remembrance of the

boundary in verse. The Vellaru,adoptedas their common ary,

bound-
is not the Vellaru which falls into the sea near Porto Novo,
for this would exclude the Cholas from Tan jore, the most valuable

portionof their dominions. The Vellaru,referred to rises in the

hills near Marungapuri in the Trichinopoly takes a south-

District, easterly
course throughthe Native state of Puducotta, and falls
into the sea in Palk Strait,south of Point Calymere. This
identification of the Vellaru is confirmed by the circumstance that
it was an old custom prevalent
amongst the Nattukkottai Chetties
that their women should never be allowed to cross the Vellaru, it

beiugconsidered an act of bad omen for women to cross boundaries.

 EARLY HINDI PERIOD. 25

According to this Trichinopolybelonged

identification, to the Chapter ji.

Cholas, not Pandyas, which was

to the
doubtless the case in early

times, Uraiyur, near Trichinopoly (the Orthoura of Ptolemy),

having been the ancient Chola capital. It was during the
Nayaka period that Trichinopolybecame a portionof the domi-
nions
of the kingsof Madura. Trichinopoly, indeed, not Madura,
was regardedby the later Nayaks as their capital. The southern The southern
boundary of the Pandyas was Cape Comorin. The western boundaries.

boundary of the Pandyas, that is,the most westerlypoint their

dominions reached at the time the stanza was written, is called

Peruvali,the great highway. In another stanza the same is

way
called Valuti-kal,1that is, the Pandya "
king'sway." This was

the pass leadinginto Travancore through the hills near Courtallum.

The particularpass referred to was the Achchan-kovil In
pass.
later times this pass came to be less frequented,
and the principal

pass through those hills now is that at Ariyankavu. According

to this,the whole of Nanji-nadu,the district in South Travancore
lying to the north-west of Cape Comorin, would fall within the

Pandya boundary. The entrance to the Achchan-kovil is

pass
further to the west even than the town called Travancore,the little
town from which the kingdom of Travancore takes its name. The

accuracy of this representationis confirmed by all the Nanji-nadu

inscriptions.
The Cholas and
Pandyas agreed as we have seen in adopt-Boundary
ing a common boundary. The Cheras and Pandyas do not cheras and6
seem to have been equallyinclined to agree, for whilst the Pandyas tne Pandyas.

representedthe Achchan-kovil pass as their western boundary,the

Chera stanza representsthe eastern boundary of the Cheras to be,
not the Achchan-kovil pass, but Tenkasi. This would make over

to Travancore a considerable slice of the TinnevellyTaluk of

Tenkasi, including Courtallum itself. It is quite possiblethat
Tenkasi may at some time or another have come into the possession
of Travancore, but inscriptions
prove that in the loth and 16th
centuries at least it belonged to the Pandyas. The adoption of
Tenkasi, instead of the Achchan-kovil pass, as the most westerly
point of the Pandya dominions, would save to Travancore the
ancestral town of the dynasty, Travancore Nanji-nadu but
itself,
would remain a portionof the Pandya country as before. Another The Shen-
kotta

boundary.
1 Vakiti is a poetical name for the Pandya king ; kal means a Achchan-
way.
kovil is the temple of Achchan, that is,of Appan, father. The father referred to is
Siva. It is worthy of notice that the use of Achchan for Appan isgiven by the
classical Tamil grammars as an illustration of the Tamil of the Kuda-nadu, the
western country, that is, Travancore. Ariyan-kavu means Aryan's guard. Aryan,
or Arva. that is, Hari-hara-putra,the common Tamil equivalent of whose name is
Aiyanar, is supposed to be guardian of boundaries. Kavu is the Malayalam
equivalent of the Tamil kaval, guard.
4
 26 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter II. Chera stanza makes Shenkotta the western boundary of the Cheras.

This is almost exactlyin accordance with the present arrangement.

The boundary Tinnevelly and Travancore
between passes at

present, I believe,through the town of Shenkotta. Formerly it

lay a little to the eastward, so that the whole of the town belonged
to Travancore. What is called the Taluk of
Shenkotta, that is,
the district between Shenkotta and the hills,appears to have

belonged originallyto the Pandyas, but has been a portion of

Travancore for centuries. It was held for some time of the Nawab

of Arcotby Raja the of Travancore (see Appendix), but was finally

with
incorporated Travancore in 1809. Shenkotta lies about due

south of the Achchan-kovil pass, so that it would be equally

suitable to be regarded as the most westerlypoint of the Pandya
country.
The extent, that is, the area, of each of the three countries is

representedin the various stanzas as follows : the Chera country

800 miles ; Chola 240 ; Pandya 560.

Pandya Kings.

Names of the The existence of a Pandya kingdom and dynasty can be traced

Sn~sun-aya
back, as we have seen, several centuries before the Christian era by
known.
means of the Asoka and
inscriptions the notices contained in the

Maha-wanso, the Maha-bharata, and the writingsof Megasthenes.

The existence of the dynasty, however, is all that can be concluded
with certainty from these notices ; no name
any king has
of

survived. We learn from the Greek geographers who wrote after

the Christian era that the Pandya dynasty not only survived till

their time, but rose to specialimportance amongst the Indian

Indian refer- states,but still no name of any Pandya king appears. The next

Pandyas* ie
authentic reference to the Pandyas after the visit of the Greeks
and before the compositionof the Maha-wanso, is that which is

contained in the Brihat-samhita, one of the astronomical,or rather

works
astrological, of Varaha-mihira, an Indian astronomer who

lived in A.D. 404. (See Dr. Kern's Translation Royal in Journal of

Asiatic Society.) He mentions incidentally the Pandya king," "

the river Tamraparni, and the chank and pearl fisheries. When
the Dravidas are mentioned as distinct from Cholas, as they
the

Lists of sometimes are in the Maha-bharata and the Puranas, the Pandyas
SSSj.""8*
must be meant. I should be delightedto be able to supplement the
worthy. deficiencies of the Greeks and the early Indian authorities by
list of the Pandya kings from Pandyan but I
supplyinga sources,

regretto say that I can place no oonfidenoe whatever in the lists of

Pandya kings furnished by local poetsand panegyrists.I should
be happy to avail myself of any information respecting the
Pa n"h;i and their affairs coming Erom tlir outside,but T believe
 i \KI.\ HINDI PERIOD. 2(

it is the greatest possible error to trust to home-made lists of Chapter II.

kings,in the absence of reliable contemporary information from

coins and inscriptions.Any who is curious on the subject
person
may consult Professor Wilson's Historical Sketch of the Kingdom.
of Pandya and the Abstract of the Madura Sthala Purana tained
con-

in Nelson's Madura Manual (Part II, p. 8), togetherwith

its lists of kings from Kulasekhara, the supposed founder of the
djmasty,to the last Pandya, Kubja or Sundara. A very cursory
perusal of that composition will show that its contents are almost
entirelymythical. There is a Tamil version of the Madura Lists of the
Madurai"ura.
Purana, called the Tiruvilaiyadal Purana, which is stillfuller than
the originalof incredible marvels. This translation is said to
have been made at the request of the poet-king Ati-vira-rama

Pandya, and if so, this must have been some time towards the end
of the 16th century A.D. I do not mean to assert that the names

of all the kings in the Madura

regarded lists
purely are to be as

inventions of later times. I

they have been
mean only that until
verified by inscriptions, which has not yet been the case, they are
of no conceivable historical value. For the present they must
take rank, I fear, with the long roll of pre-ChristianCaledonian

kings, whose picturesornament the walls in Holyrood Palace,

Edinburgh. It seems better,therefore, that I should leave those

lists for the present unnoticed. One name only in those lists has
hitherto,so far as I am aware, been authenticated by a coin ; that
is Samara Kolahala (dinof war, a rather
title, than a name), which
I found on a coin belonging to Sir Walter Elliot. The date,
however, is unknown ; this is a department of research in which

very little has yet been done.

The names of the two last Pandya kings belonging to the Two last
/
originalline of Pandyas appear in an inscription,
as I learn from nam^
d
Dr. Burnell, at Chillambaram (Chidambaram). These are

Vikrama Pandya and his son Vlra Pandya. This Vlra Pandya
was conquered by Rajendra Chola (called also Vlra Chola and
Kopparakesari Varma). As we know that this event happened in

1064, we now know also that the two Pandya reignsof Vikrama
and PandyaVlra preceded date, that they and therefore that

preceded the Chola occupation of the Pandya country. Many

Pandya kings seem to have borne this name of Vlra, but probably

one of them was more famed than the rest, for we find the name

given to various
villagesin the records, e.g., Vira-Pandya-patta-
nam and
Vlra-Pandya-puram. It will be seen also that there was
'
a
'
measuring rod of Vlra Pandya used in subsequentreigns.

The Ch5la Occupation.

The occupationof the entire Pandya country by the Cholas is

Rajendra
not even alluded to in the Madura Purana, nor is the name of any Chola.
 28 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chaptek II. of the Chola kings contained in the Madura lists. This could not
have been
owing to the Purana having been composed and the
lists completed before the Chola occupationcommenced, for the
last king in the lists, Kubja or Sundara, reignedlong after,proba- bly
200 years after,the reign of the first Chola who ruled over
the Pandya kingdom, Rajendra Chola, who commenced to reign
in A.D. 1064. It is uncertain whether Rajendra Chola gained
the sovereigntyof the Pandya country by conquest or by volun- tary

cession, but I think it could not have been by conquest, for in

Rajendra two inscriptions belonging to his reign which I found in an old
S
temple near Cape Comorin, one dated in the fourth year of his reign,
vict'r v

Ahava-Malla. and the other in the fifth, a victory said to have been achieved by
him over Ahava-Malla (a Jaina king of the Chalukya race) on the
banks of the Tunga-bhadra, is recorded. I conclude, therefore,
that if he had acquired his sovereigntyover the Pandyas in a

similar way by war and conquest, the fact would certainlyhave

been mentioned. If some person livingin the Chola country had
asserted that Rajendra Chola had annexed the Pandya country

to his own the

territories, assertion would have been of no value,
for it is customary for every petty sovereignin India to be repre-
sented
by his poets and panegyrists as having conquered all his

neighbours. The value of the assertion,however, becomes widely

different when we find it in inscriptions on templesin the conquered
or annexed country itself,recorded by persons who must formerly
have been subjectsof the old dynasty,but who now set themselves
to glorifythe new.

It is a remarkable circumstance that the remembrance of

the Chola occupationof the Pandya country has entirely disap-

peared
from the minds of the people. I have never }ret met
with Native who had even heard of it. Yet it is a fact
any
respectingwhich there cannot be the smallest shade of doubt.

The country is full of testifyingto it. Rajendra

inscriptions
Chola has also been shown to have reigned over
by inscriptions the
Northern Circars,in succession to the eastern
Kalinga country, or

branch of the Chalukyas. I have found inscriptionsin Rajendra's

in every part of Tinnevelly, and also far Kottar in

reign as as

South Travancore, which was at that time considered a portion of

the Pandya country. Generally he is called simply Rajendra
Chola, but in one inscriptionthe names of both dynasties are
combined, in a manner very common in subsequent reigns, viz.,
Ee is supposed to have reigned 49
Rajendra Chola-Pandyan.
One of my is
Tinnevelly inscriptions in the 80th year of
years.
his reign.

Date of the Some traditions represent Kambar, the Tamil poet, as publish-
Tamil poelicalversion of the Ramayana in this
jng \x[s celebrated
reign,others as publishing il in the reign of Rajendra'ssuccessor
 EARLY HINDU PERIOD, 29

Kulotunga Chola. Possiblythe work may have been commenced Chapter II.

in the former reign and finished in the latter. Supposing it were

possibleto depend with certaintyon either of the above-mentioned

traditions, it would show that the memorial verse prefixed to
Kambar's Rimayana, and which represents it as having been
publishedin A.D. 886, could not have been authentic, this date

being too earlyby more than 250 years. Kambar is quoted by the
Buddhist Grammarian Buddhamitra, who also appears to have lived
in Rajendra Chola's time "
if indeed Vlra Chola, to whom the

grammar was dedicated, and Rajendra Chola were one and the

same person, as Dr. Burnell believed. Rajendra Chola's name is

identified with that of Siva in an inscriptionat Kottar in South
Travancore. temple is said toThe have been erected by Kulotunga
"

Chola, in Kottar, the good town of the triple-crownedChola, to

the great divinity Rajendra Cholesvara," that is, either to

Rajendra Chola considered as identified with Siva, or rather

probably to Siva as worshipped by Rajendra Chola.1

I found several records of giftsin this and other temples in the Temple to

south dedicated
Rajendra Chola, one of which
to was by Sundara ^jendra
Pandya, a clear proof that, Sundara Pandya lived, not before
Rajendra Chola, but after,and therefore that as Sundara Pandya's
name is in the Madura list of kings,the names of Rajendra Chola
and his Chola successors ought to have been there also.

Kulotunga Chola appears from Chalukya inscriptions to have Kulotunga

oa'
succeeded Rajendra in A.D. 1112. Dr. Burnell placesthe com-

mencement of his reign in 1128. He also must have had a long

reign,as I have an inscription of his dated in the 44th year of his

reign. The Chola or Chola- Pandya kings that followed appear to

have been Karikala Chola, Vlra Chola, Yikrama Chola. Each of
these is in some styledChola-
inscriptions Pandya. I have found

nothing which throws any lighton their date, except that they were

all posterior to Rajendra Chola and that they all lived before
Sundara Pandya, the last king of the old Pandya line.

Karikala Chola's name occupiesan important placein Chola Karikala

traditions in connection with the life of Ramanuja, the great

Vaishnava teacher, but it is uncertain whether the Karikala Chola
mentioned in Tinnevellyinscriptionsis the same or another
person
person of the same name. Dr. Burnell placesthe Karikala Chola
of Tanjore somewhere about 950 A.D. This would be too early
for any successor of Kulotunga Chola, as the Karikala of Tinnevelly
seems to have been. It is also too early for the date of the Kari-

1
Compare the Roimn title, Divus Augustus, that is, Augustus regarded as deified
after his death. A parallel case is that of RamgSwara or R"man"tha, Siva as

worshipped by Rama. T am acquainted with a temple in which Siva is called

lyesvara,that i". Siva as worshipped by th"' Pandyas.
 30 BISTORT 01 I IVNKVEI.I.Y.

Chapter II. kala Chola by whom Ramanuja was persecuted. Ranianuja is said

to have fled from Karikala's persecutionsto the Court of Bitti

Deva, the Ballala kiug of Dwara-samudra, whom he converted

from the Jaina to the Vaishnava faith. The king on his conversion

took the new name of Vishnu Varddhana, and this event has always
been placed beginning in the of the 12th century. Rice in his

Mysore places
inscriptions it in A.D. 1117. This is one of the most
Ramanuja's
date. in South Indian it date
important eras history,as gives us a on

which we can depend, and from which we can calculate backwards

and forwards. For instance,as Kambar, the author of the Tamil

poeticalversion of the Ramayana, refers to Ramanuja by name in

his Sadagopar Antadi, we learn that Kambar's date must have

been subsequent to A.D. 1100, not A.D. 886, as a certain verse

prefixedto the Tamil Ramayana states. There seems no room for a

Karikala Chola in the Chola country in the

beginning of the 12th

century. The ground seems preoccupiedby Vlra or Rajendra

Chola, Vikrama Chola, and Kulotunga Chola, but there may have
been a princeof the name,
local an ardent Saiva, between Rajen-
Vishnu dra's death and Kulotunga's accession. Anyhow it is not a matter
Varddhana's which
of much importance, for it is only tradition gives the name
conversion.
of Ramanuja's persecutor as Karikala Chola, whereas the date of
Vishnu Varddhana's conversion rests on the evidence of inscriptions.

Kulasekhara There seems reason for placingat this period in this list of
Deva.
Chola-Pandya kings a king called Kulasekhara Deva, who may
possiblybe the Kales Dewar, who, accordingto the Muhammadan
historians,immediately preceded Sundara Pandya, and was indeed,
according them,
to his father. I have seen many of Kulasekhara' 8

inscriptions in Tinnevelly ; there is one on the walls of the Tinne-

vellyTemple. There are also two in Sir Walter Elliot'scollection,

which were found at Tiruppuvanam in the Madura District,but in
none is he styled either Chola or Pandya, but always simply
Kulasekhara Deva. It is uncertain whether there were two princes
of the name or only one. One person of the name is represented

by the Singhalese as having been conquered by thorn about A.D.

1173, another as having conquered them and earned away the

sacred tooth-relic about A.D. 1310. The impression however is

Singhalese
accounts. left on my mind that a confusion of dates has taken place in the

Singhaleserecords, and that there was only one princeof this name,
who must have been a great prince ruling over a wide extent of

territory,seeingthat Sir Walter Elliot found an inscription of his

in the Chalukya country. If Kulasekhara Deva is to be placed in

tie' list of Chola- l'iindyas, it will be neoessary to give a still earlier

place to a Vlra Pandya, one of the many prinoeswho seem to have

been called by that name. In an inscription of Kulasekharars

mention is made of the use in the measurement of land of '

Vlra-

Pandya's measuring rod.' i liis makes Vlra anterior to Kulase-

 82 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter II. line of rail. He took the name of Sundara Pandya-Chola,according

to an in Karuvur.
inscription
Dr. Burneii's Dr. Burnell makes Vikrama Chola Rajendra Chola's successor
Choias.
f"r fifteen years, and placesnext to him Kulotunga Chola II, the
Kulotunga Chola whose name appears so often in Tinnevelly

inscriptions.He makes him succeed Vikrama Chola in 1128,

which givesan interval of fifteen years between Rajendra'sdeath
and Kulotunga's succession. According to the Chalukya inscrip-
tions,
as we have seen, Eajendra was immediately succeeded by
Kulotunga.
Sundara Pandya.

Sources of We have more information supplied to us respectingSundara

information Deva than other of the sovereignsof Madura.
Pandya any We

Pandya. have not only the legendary accounts contained in two Puranas,
the Sthala Purana of Madura and tlie Tiruttondar Puranam (or
Puranam of Siva's sacred disciples),but also accounts which

professto be historical contained in the Singhalese annals and in

the Indian histories of the Muhammadan historians Wassaf,
Rashiduddin, and Amir Khusru. We have also notices contained
in the memoirs of Marco Polo, the Venetian traveller. standing
Notwith-
this apparent wealth of information, the accounts we

have received are inextricablyconfused. It might indeed be

supposed (as it has been) that there were several Pandya kings of
the name, but this theory does not seem to me to be in accordance
with the facts. It seems to me that there could only have been

one Sundara Pandya of sufficient eminence to have the

placein
historyhe has received and to be mentioned as a reigning sove-
reign

in so many and
inscriptions, that what we have got to do is

to endeavour to extract from the various statements we have before

us some respectinghim
particulars which may safelybe accepted.
Sundara 1. It would appear that he was originally Saiva,that a lie then
p*n.dyil's became
zcal
a Jaina, and that he was finallyreconverted to Saivism

Juiuas. by the miracles performed by Grnana-sambandha, a great Saiva

teacher belonging to the Chola country, who was invited to

Madura by Sundara's wife, who was a Chola princess. On this

occasion he is said to have impaled eightthousand Jainas. Before
his reconversion to Saivism he was said to have been a hunch-back,
and hence called Kubja or Kim, but on his reconversion he was

and
straightened, hence his name is said to have been changed to
Sundara, the beautiful. I find, however, from inscriptionsthat
he was called Sundara from the commencement of his reign.

Probably Kubja or Kun was merely a niok-name.

Sundara 2. He seems to have been the last sovereignof the old line of
Pandya the Sis Btands last in
Pandya or Chola-Pandya kings. name every
list : and even if all the other names, or most of them, had been
 EARLY H1M)\ PERIOD. 33

inventions,it probable that the

is last name would be historical. Chapter II.

This is converted
probability into a certaintyby the statements

of the Muhammadan who

historians, show that on Sundara's death
the Madura kingdom fell into the hands of Muhammadans. In

this particularall native traditions are in conformity with the

Muhammadan statements. Even during Sundara's life it is evident

that the Muhammadans had been risingto power. Pashiduddin

writes, Within the last few

"
years (writtentowards 1300) Sender
Bandi was Dewar, who, with his three brothers, obtained power in
different directions and Malic-al-Taki-uddin, brother of Shaikh
Jumaluddin, was his minister and adviser,to whom he assigned

the government of Fatan, Male Fatan, and Kail." Here, it will

be seen we have Marco Polo's Sender Bandi Dewar and his

brothers. "
In the year 692 A.H. (A.D. 1293) the Dewar died

and his wealth and possessionsfell into the hands of his adversaries
and opponents, and Shaikh Jumaluddin, who succeeded him,
obtained,it is said,an accession of 700 bullock-loads of jewels,"
"c. The Persian historian Wassaf the
givesprecisely same account.

There is a difference only as to Sundara's successor. According

to Wassaf he was succeeded by his brother. This discrepancyis
not serious,for both statements may in a measure be true, and the
brother's accession may have been merely nominal, the minister
being really ruler as before. We learn from an inscriptionin
"
Nelson's "
Madura Manual that in A.D. 1573 Virappa Nayaka
confirmed a made
grant originally by Kun Pandi, that is,Sundara
Pandya, to a mosque in Madura, from which it appears that
Muhammadan influences must have been at work at Sundara's Muhammadan
"^uences
court. In those days the power of the Muhammadans was
m

Sundara s
. ,-, , . .

extending so rapidly on every hand that where it received an inch reign.

it would not be slow in taking an ell.

Reasons for Scndara Pandya's Patronage or Muhammadans.

It would be interestingto know, however, what led to Sundara Sundara's

13
Pandya' s fallingso completelyinto Muhammadan hands that he brother.
made over to them the principalplaces in his kingdom even in
his lifetime. A reason is mentioned by Wassaf, which would

certainly be an adequate reason, if it could be acceptedas histori- cally

true. The difficulty in acceptingit arises from a discrepancy
in point of dates, but this difficulty would be removed if we

supposed Wassaf to have misapprehended his dates,whilst he was

correct in regard to his main facts. His statements are very
circumstantial and have about them an air of truth. According
to him Kales Dewar (probablyKulasekhara Deva) had two sons,
the elder of whom, Sundar Pandi, was the
legitimate, Vira
younger,
Pandi, was illegitimate.As Vira Pandi was remarkable for his

5
 34 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chaptek II. shrewdness and his father nominated him his successor.,
courage as

which so enraged Sundar that he killed his father and placed the
crown upon his head. Upon this Vlra collected an and
army
gave battle to Sundar. At first Vlra was beaten and fell into the
hands of the length
enemy ; but assistance from
at he received

Perumal, the son of the daughter of Kulasekhara, whereupon

Sundar fled to Delhi, where he placed himself under the protec-
tion
of Alauddin. Vlra Pandi thereupon, the historian says,
became firmly established in the kingdom. The Singhalese
annals give also some account of these a
affairs, nd both accounts

agree in leaving Vlra on the throne. Seeing, however, that

Sundara Pandya's name is the last on the list of the genuine

Pandya kings, and that he was immediately succeeded by the

Muhammadans, I conclude that Sundara must have returned from
Sundara's Delhi with force of Muhammadan allies sufficient to re-establish
a

"ministers. himself on the throne "and sufficient also to reduce his authorityto
a mere cipher. It* would appear notwithstanding this that Vlra
-also continued to live and to reign, and even that he outlived

Sundara, seeingthat it is stated by Wassaf that on Sundara's

death immense treasures "
fell to the share of the brother who
"succeeded him," and also that "
Malik-i-'azam Taki-uddln
continued 'prime minister as before,and in fact ruler of that

kingdom." He was succeeded in that position by his son

Surajuddin and his grandson Nizani-uddin.
Another
According to Amir Khusru, another Muhammadan historian,
Vlra Pandya and Sundara Pandya were both kings of Ma'bar
account.

(the Coromandel Coast) when the invasion by Ala-ud-din's army

took place. His account of the invasion is as follows : Ala-ud- "

'din's army under his General Malik Naib or Malik Kafur left
Delhi in November 1310, and reduced Dwara-Samudra, the

capital of the Ballala kings. While on his march to Dwara-

samudra, it is said that he arrived
place called Bandrl where
at a

he stayed to make inquiriesrespectingthe countries further on.

Here he was informed that the two Pais of Ma'bar, the elder

named Blr Pandya and the younger Sundar Pandya, who had up
to that time continued on friendly terms, had advanced against
each other with hostile intentions,and that Belial Deo, the Rai
of Dwara-samudra, on hearing of this fact,had marched for the

Malik Tvafm's attacking their two empty

of cities and plundering the
purpose
invasion. the Muham-
madan
merchants, but that, on hearing of the advance of

army, ho had returned to his own country. After the

capture of Dwara-samudra, it is stated that Malik Naib marched

to Birdhul, the capitalof the elder of the two Rais "

'
the
yellow-
faced Blr.' He took the city and destroyed all the temples there.
From Birdhul lu- advanced to Kham, and thence to Mai lira

(Madura), the dwelling place of the younger brother, Sundar

 EARLY HINDU PERIOD. 35

Pandya. He found tlie city empty, as the Rai had fled with his Chapter H.

Panis, leaving two or three elephantsbehind him. These were

captured and the temple in which they had been left burnt.

Immediately after this Malik Kafur returned to Delhi." " Elliot's

Muhammadan Historians.

When Malik Kafur'sarmy appeared,the king of Ma'bar, accord-

ing
to "Wassaf,hid himself in the jungles. According to Ferishta
Malik Kafur conquered the whole county as far as Ptamesvaram,
where he built a mosque. No tradition,however, of his having
done so survives amongst the Muhammadans of Ramesvaram, or

Paumben.

According to the Muhammadan historians we

appear to have Marco Polo's

two rulers in Ma'bar within twenty years bearing the name of i'ondcrBan(w-
Sundara Pandya, and for this reason Colonel
principally Yule was

unable to accept my identification of the Sonder Bandi of Marco

Polo with the Sundara Pandya of the inscriptions.In the second
edition of my Dravidian Grammar I have gonefully into the-
whole subjectagain (see Introduction and Appendix), and think
I have answered some of the objectionsthat were put forward.
It is clear from both the Muhammadan historians that at the close
of the loth century reigned there a Pandya in Madura Sundara
who was Dewar that is,as
the title,
they interpreted lord para-
"

mount
of Ma'bar, the Pandya-Chola country. He was, it is true,
one of four (or five)brothers who had acquired power in different
directions,yet still he alone was called Dewar, and is said to have
been possessedof immense wealth. Marco Polo also, though he Sundara's

speaks of his kings,"yet speaks of Sonder alone as Drotners-

brothers as
"

"a crowned king," and giveshim distinctly the title of Bandi ; so

that it is evident that in some respects he was regarded as supreme.
There is no trace in Sundara's inscriptions of his brothers,or of his

power being in any degree shared by them, or of the positionhe

and they heldbeing one that they had "acquired,"instead' of being

one that they had inherited ; but these are particulars which would
not be likelyto make their appearance in inscriptions ; and there
is nothing in the inscriptions or traditions inconsistent with the

supposition that he had brothers who had acquiredpower together

with himself. All that is to stipulate i n order to bring
necessary
the accounts into agreement is that in some sense he alone shoidd
be Pandi Devar, or lord paramount, so that his name only should

appear in the
inscriptions,and in this,as it cular
parti-
seems to me, no

difficulty
can be involved. Ifinallyarrive at the conclusion Sundara's
that,pending the discoveryof a dated inscriptionin which Sundara ^^.a^,,
Pandya is mentioned, I see no valid reason why we should
hesitate to identifythe Sundar of the Muhammadan historians both
with Marco Polo's Sonder and with the Sundara or Kiin. Pandya
"""HH^H

36 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter II. of the Saiva revival. Mr. Moore givesa summary of this discussion
in his Manual,
Trichinopoly and adds "

"
I have obtained copiesof a considerable number of in
inscriptions
the Trichinopoly District in which Sundara Pandya is mentioned.

They show that he ruled

clearly over this part of the country as well as

Madura, but they throw no lighton the vexed question as to the

time at which he lived, as they are not dated."

Ma' BAR.

Origin of the Ma'bar means the

literally passage. It was the name givenby
the earlyArabian merchants to that portionof the Coromandel
Coast which was nearest Ceylon,and from which it was easiest to

over to the island from the continent. It was afterwards

pass
taken to mean the whole coast from Quilon to Nellore,including
both Pandya the and the Chola kingdoms. Ma'bar is mentioned

(Maparh)in the Chinese annals as one of the foreignkingdoms

which sent tribute to the Emperor Kublai Khan in 1286, and
Pauthier givensome has
very curious and interesting
extracts from
Chinese regardingthe diplomaticintercourse with Ma'bar
sources

in 1280 and the following years. Among other pointsthese men-

tion

the five brothers who were Sultans and an envoy Chamalating

(Jumal-ud-din) who had been sent from Ma'bar to the Mongol

Court." Colonel Yule's Marco Polo,II, 273.
Settlement of Muhammadan Arabs seem to have settled first on the Malabar

^rabTon
both
Coast in the 9th century,and thence to have spreadto the eastern
coasts. coast and Ceylon. principal Their
settlement on the eastern coast
is in Tinnevelly.Heathen
Kayalpattanam Arabs, that is,the
Sabaeans of Southern Arabia, frequentedthe coasts of India long
before,followingthe lead of the Greeks. The mixed race sisting
con-

of the descendants of those Arab merchants are called

Mapillason the western coast, Lebbies on the eastern. By the

Tamil people they are generallystyledTulukkar (Turks) or
Jonagar(Yavanas !) .
Their ordinarytitle is Maraikan or Marakfin,
a word which means steersman, implying that they were first
known sailors,which
as doubtless is correct. They have no
acquaintance with Hindustani, but speakTamil or Malayalam,the
vernacular of the country in which they live. The Hindustani-

speakingMuhammadans " Patans and others " came from ern

North-
India and form a totallydifferent class.

Kayal.

One of the most interesting

events in the historyof Tinnevelly
duringthe middle ages was Marco Polo's visit to Kayal,which took
placein A.D. 1292. What and where was Kayal ?
1 quote Colonol Yule's Marco Tolo, Vol. II. 307 :"
 EARL'S HINDU PERIOD. 37

'
Kail, now forg-otten,
was long a famous port on the coast of what Chapter II.

is now the Tinnevelly District of the Madras Presidency. It is men-

"

;
Tr ., ,

onr'n Kayal visited

i i ,i ", , -n i'i -, """
turned as a port oi Ma bar by our author s contemporary lvashid-ud-dm, })V Marco

though the has

perverted by careless transcription
name beeninto Polo.
IPawal andKabal (see Elliot, I, pp. 69-72). It is also mistranscribed
as Kfibil in Quatremore's publicationof Abdurrazzak, who mentions Portuguese
it as a place situated
'
opposito the island of Serendib, otherwise ?-otlrc"j "

called Cejdon,' and as being the extremity of what he was led to

regard as Malabar (p. 19). It is mentioned as Cahila, the site of the

pearl-fishery, by Nicolo Conti (p. 7). The Eoteiro of Vasco da Gama,

in the report of what was learned on his first voyage, notes it as Caell,
a state having a Mussulman king and a Christian (for which read

Kafir) people. Here were many pearls. Giovanni Empoli notices

it (Gael) also for the pearl-fishery,
as do Varthema and Barbosa.
From the latter we learn that it was still a considerable sea port,
having rich Muhammadau merchants, and was visited by ships
many
from Malabar, Coromandel, and Bengal. In the time of the last
writers it belonged to the king of Kaulam (Quilon) who generally
resided at Kail.

1
The real site of this once celebrated port has, I believe,till now
never been
identified in any published work. I had, like others
before supposed the still existingKayal -pattanam to have been in
me,
all probabilitythe place, and I am again indebted to the kindness of
the Rev. Dr. Caldwell for conclusive and most interestinginformation
on this subject. He writes : "

' " The Cail of Marco Polo, commonly called in the neighbourhood Meaning of
old Kayal, and erroneouslynamed Koil in the Ordnance Map of India, Kayal.
is situated near the Tamraparni river, about a mile and a half from
its mouth. The Tamil word kayal means '
a backwater, a lagoon
opening into the sea,'and the map shows the existence of a large
number of these kayals or backwaters near the mouth of the river.

Many of these kayals have now dried up more or less completely,and

in several of them salt pans have been established. The name of

Kayal was naturally given to a town erected on the margin of a kayal ;

and this circumstance occasioned also the adoption of the name of
Punnaikkayal, as the name of
neighbouring place,and served to
a

give currency to the name of Kayal-pattanam, assumed by Sonagar-

pattanam, both those placesbeing in the vicinityof kayals." '

It was during a visit I paid to Korkai in 1861 that I identified Korkai and

it with the Kolkhoi of the Greeks, and the interest of this identi- Kayal-
fication was heightened by the conclusion at which I arrived at
the same time that an insignificantplace called Old Kayal, about
half way between Korkai and the sea, was to be identified with
the Cael of Marco Polo, the important
most cityand sea port on

the eastern coast of India during the middle

ages. It was not
however till nearly ten years afterwards,when Colonel Yule was
preparing his edition of Marco Polo, that these identifications
were made known to him and through him were made public.
^^^^mmmmm

38 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter II. Both placesare situated on the delta of the Taniraparni, Korkai
within five, Kayal within two, miles of the sea ; hut each was
originallyon the sea coast. It seemed remarkahle that the sites
of two such famous placesshould thus have been discovered in the

same but
neighbourhood, a glanceat the geology of the neigh-
bourhood
disclosed the reason why each had been abandoned in

turn. As the silt accumulated in the sea near the mouth of the

river,or as the line of coast roser or from both causes, Korkai was

found at lengthto be too far inland for the convenience of a borne

sea-

lagoon" rose in its stead on

trade, and Kayal,meaning "
a

the sea shore and attained probablyto still greater dimensions..

Kayal has now shrunk into a petty village, inhabited partlyby

Muhammadans, partlyby Roman Catholic fishermen,with a still'

smaller hamlet adjoining inhabited by Brahmans and Vellalas.

The followingis Marco Polo's notice of Kayal Colonel Yule' "

II, 305, Concerningthe City of Cail :""

"

Marco Polo's '

Cail is noble city,and belongsto Ashar
a great and (Ishwara?),.
notice of
the eldest of the brother-kings.It is at this citythat all the
five
Kayal.
shipstouch that come from the west, as from Hormus (Hormuz), and'
from Kis (an island in the Persian Gulf), and from Aden, and all
Arabia, laden with horses and with other things for sale. And this-
brings a great concourse of peoplefrom the country round about, and
so there is great business done in this cityof Cail. The king possesses.
vast treasures, and wears upon his person great store of rich jewels.
He maintains great state and administers his
kingdom with great
extends favor merchants and foreigners,
equity,and great to so"

that very glad to

they are visit his city. The king has some 300.

wives, for in those parts the man who has most wives is most thought
* #
0f" *

Trade of Kayal having been the principalport in Ma'bar, much of what

Kayal. Ma'bar, its trade, "c, reallyappliesto Kayal.
Marco Polo says about
The king of Kayal was not an independentprince,but the deputy
(and brother) of the real king of the whole of Ma'bar at that time,
Sundara Pandya Deva, who is called by Marco Polo '
Sonder Bandi.

Davar,' and who ruled Pandya

over both the and the Chola countries.
I have found of Sundara
inscriptions Pandya at a placecalled Mara-

Mangalam, justoutside Kayal. Polo continues : "

'
Here are no horses bred ; and thus a great part of the wealth of the

country is wasted in purchasing horses. You must know that the

merchants of Kis and Hormes, Dofar (Dhafar on the Yemen Coast),
and Soer (Suhar in Oman) and Aden collect a great number of horses,
and these they bring to the territories of this king four and of his
brothers. For a horse will fetch among them 500 saggi of gold,worth
Horse tradcat more than 100 marks of silver (that is about 2,200 rupees !),and vast
Kayal numbers sold there Indeed this king wants to buy
are every year.
more than 2,000 horses every year, and so do his four brothers "who
are kings likewise. The reason why they want so many horses every
 40 HISTORY OF TIXNEYELLY.

Chapter II. The following is Marco Polo's descriptionof the pearlfishery.

The Ma'bar,
term as used at that time both by Polo and by the
Marco
Polo's Arabs, included, as we have seen, the greater part of the Coro-
arrival in
mandel Coast but when
pearl fisheryof Ma'bar is referred to
; the
India.
we are to understand, I think, mainly the southern portion of
Ma'bar, from Eamesvaram to Cape Comorin, constituting the eastern
coast of the Gulf of Manaar, the fisherycarried on on the Eamnad
coastbeing of less importance. The port mentioned, but not

named, by Polo must have been near, ifwith, not identical

Kilakarai ; or it may have been a place called Periya Pattanam,
the great city,a place now some miles inland, the greatness of
which has entirelypassed [Was this the
away. place which Ibn
Batuta called Fattan, that is,the Pattanam ?]. Marco writes : "

Pearl fishery '

When you leave the island of Seilan and sail westward about 60
described.
miles, you come to the great province of Maabar which is styled
India the Greater ; it is the best of all the Indies and is on the
mainland. You must know that in this province there are five kmars,
who are own brothers. I will tell about each in turn. The
you
province is the finest and noblest in the world. At this end of the
province reigns one of those five royal brothers, who is a crowned
king, and his name is Sonder Bandi Davar. In his kingdom they
find very fine and great pearls ; and I will tell you how they are got.
You must know that the sea here forms a gulf between the island of
Seilan and the mainland. And all round this gulf the water has a

depth of no more than 10 or 12 fathoms, and in some placesno more

than two fathoms. The pearl-fisherstake their vessels, great and

small, and proceed into this gulf where they stop from the beginning
of April till the middle of May. They go first to a place called
Bettelar, and (then) go 60 miles into the gulf. Here they cast anchor
and shift from their large vessels into small boats. You must know
that the many merchants who go divide into various companies, and
each of these must engage a number of men on wages, hiring them
for April and half of May. Of all the produce they have first to p ay
the king, as his royalty, the tenth part. And they must also pay
those men who charm the great fishes to prevent them from injuring
the divers whilst engaged in seeking pearlsunder water, one-twentieth

part of all that they take. These fish-charmers are termed Abraiaman
(Brahmans ?) ; and their charm holds good for that day only, for at

night they dissolve the charm so that the fishes can work mischief at
their will. These Abraiamans know also how to charm beasts and
birds and every livingthing. When tho men have got into the small
boats they jump into the water and dive to the bottom, which may be
at a depth of from 1 to 12 fathoms, and there they remain as long as

they are able. And there they find tho shells that contain tho pearls
Divers. and these they put into a net bag tied round the waist, and mount up
to the surface with them, and then dive anew. Wlion they can't
hold theii breath any longer they come up again, and after a little
down they go once more, and so they go on all day. The shells are
 i:\lil\ i! I \ in PERTOir.

,11 fashion like oysters or sea-hoods. And in theso shells are found Chapter 1L

pearls,great and small, of every kind, stickingin the flesh of the

shell-fish. In this manner pearls are fished in great quantities,for kin
thence in fact come the pearls which are spread all over the world.
And I can tell you the king of that state hath a very groat receiptand
treasure from his dues upon those pearls. As soon as the middle of

May is past no more of those pearl-shellsare found there. It is true,.

however, that a long way from that spot, some 300 miles distant, they
are also found ; but that is in September and the first half of
October.'
We must now return to Marco Polo's Kayal. Unlikely as the Relics of

to be identical with the "

and noble aya
place may now seem great '

"
city described by Polo, its identityis established by the relics
of its ancient greatnesswhich are still discoverable. For two or

three miles north of the present villageof Kayal and a mile and a

half inland,as far indeed as Mara-mangalarn, the whole plainis

covered with broken tiles and remnants of pottery " evidences of
the perfecttruth of Marco Polo's statement regardingKayal and
its trade and of the identityof Kayal with the sea port of Ma'bar
mentioned by the Muhammadan historians. According those Remains
to of

of vessels from. Chinese and

statements Kayal was frequented by multitudes
the Arabian Coast and the Persian Grulf,and also by vessels from earthenware.

China junks " " in one of which Marco Polo himself arrived ; and
accordinglyI picked up everywhere on the plain broken
open
piecesof Arabian pottery and of China porcelainof all shapes,
colours, and qualities. I couldeasily, if I had chosen, have
collected a cart load in a singleday ; but the piecesinto which.
they had been broken by the plough and the feet of bullocks were

so small that they could not be put togetherso as to assume the

shape of a vessel. I set a band of excavators at work one day in.

digging up a portion of the plainat hazard. At a depth of three

feet beneath the present surfacethey came on the chunamed
floor of a house, but found nothing of importance. The extent of
the site of
Kayal was so great a month, that it would take
instead of
singleday merely, to exploreit properly. The people
a

of Kayal, Korkai, and the neighbourhood have forgotten the

existence of any trade between Kayal and China, though the
broken piecesof China pottery which lie all about might have
helped them to keep the fact in their remembrance. I found,
however, that they retained a distinct tradition of the trade of
Kayal with Arabia and the Persian Gulf, probably because that
trade survived to comparativelyrecent times. They had also a
tradition of European merchants, doubtless Portuguese, having
lived in the place before its final abandonment as a sea port.
I have alreadymentioned that must be taken
care not to identifyK"yaT-
Marco Polo's Kayal with Kayal nattanam, another town on the P.'l^11 !i;mi a
"/ r "
";
.. .
dittere
rent
coast, a modern place,but now large,containingabout 7;000 place.
very
0'
*"""*"-.

42 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter II. Muhammadans. There small port in the

is another same bourhood
neigh-
a littleto the north of Kayalpattanani called "
Pinnacael

properlyPunnai-k-k;Vval,
in the maps, but this also is a place of

comparatively
recent origin, and many of the inhabitants, as of

Kayalpattanam, state that their ancestors came originally from

Kayal,subsequently to the arrival of the Portuguese.

The Muhammadan Interregnum.

The Muham. Ibn Batuta,a Muhammadan servant of the Emperors of Delhi,

madans gain
the
visited Ma'bar in 1348-49 on his way to Quilon for the purpose
upper
hand" for a of embarkingthere,on in one
business, of the Chinese
his master's
time.
junkswhich then visited that portannually. He found the whole
of Ma'bar, including both the Pandya and the Chola countries,
under the government of Muhammadan kings. This subjection
of the country to the Muhammadans had lasted since Kafur's
invasion in 1311. The couutry had been governed for the

Emperors of Delhi by governors deputedby for twenty or them

thirtyyears. At length one of those governors, Jelal-ud-din

Hasan, a Sherif or Seiad, revolted againstMuhammad Toghlak
and made himself independent. This circumstance is mentioned

by Ferishta. The power of the Muhammadans, however, does not

for Ibn Batuta found

seem to have beenvery firmlyestablished,
that there had and on
alreadybeen several internal revolts, ing
land-
"
in Ma'bar reigningsultan at war with
he found the the

heathen,"that is probablywith some of,

survivingrepresentatives
Itm Batuta. or sympathisers with, the expelledPandya princes. Possibly,
however,the sultan's foes may have been the Maravas of Ramnad,
for as Ibn Batuta was wrecked, on his voyage across the Grulf of
Manaar from Ceylon,in the shallow part of the sea, the place
where he landed and near which he found the sultan must have
been in the Ramnad country,the country of the Maravas, a like
war-

to
race not likely to remain long in quietsubjection petty
Muhammadan princes. This Muhammadan interregnum is

mentioned in Historical Manuscripts.

Taylor's It is therein said

to have lasted from 1323 to 1370, viz.,for 47 years. Probably

this was meant the
to represent periodof the independentMuham-
madan

government. It is also said therein that the name of the

Pandya king conqueredand sent to Delhi by the Muhammadans

was Parakrama Pandya. Ibn Batuta says that the sultan of
Ma'liar reignedat Maturah (Madura). The king'spalace was
there. He it was a largecityand not unlike Delhi.
says

The Kingdoms of Dwara-samudra and Vijaya-nagaua.

From the commencement of the decay

power of theof the
Paramount

Cholas in the 12th century, the kingdoms of Dwara-

powers.
Pandyas and
 EARLY HINDU PERIOD. 43

samudra and Vijaya-nagaraoccupied the positionof paramount Chapter II.

powers in Southern India. It seems desirable,therefore,that I

should mention such respectingthose kingdoms as seem
particulars
necessary for a right apprehension of the mediaeval history of
Madura and Tinnevelly.

DwARA-SAMUDRA.

I have not met with the name of Dwara-samudra in any Tamil

inscription
or composition,but it is well known that the strong
Telugu dynasty of Vijaya-nagara
preceded by a strong was

Canarese dynasty. This is sometimes popularly called a Mysore

dynasty, but the name of Mysore belongs to a much later period.
It is properly,and still more commonly, called a Kannada, that is,
a Canarese dynasty, the English word Canarese" being intended "

to representthat which pertainsto Kannada or Canara, an abbre-

viation

of Karnata or Karnataka.1 The later name is identical

with our term Carnatic,but it denoted originally,

not the country
below the
ghauts, now, as it does
great above but the tableland

the ghauts, including Mysore. The capital of this Canarese

dynasty was Dwara-samudra, a place about the centre of the

Mysore country, and about 105 miles north-west of Seringapatam.

D vara- samudra is written in all the inscriptions of the Mysore

country Dora-samudra. Dora for dvara,however, is merely a local
dialectic change. The modern name of the place is Halebldu, or

Haleyabldu, the old abode.2 The kings of the Dvara-samudra Kings of

Dvara-samu-
dynasty were called the Hoysalas, or more commonly the Ballalas,
from bala, prowess, and are known to have exercised for a time

some sort of paramount power over the Pandya, Chola, and other

ancient kingdoms of the south.

The first king of this dynasty who acquired sovereigntyover Ramanuja'a

an extensive range of districts was Bitti Deva, converted by ^Shtto
Ramanujacharya from Jainismto the Vaishnava faith,and known samudra.

after his conversion as Vishnu Varddhana. His conversion dated

probably from 1117. Ramanuja had fled from the persecutionof

Karikala Chola, an ardent Saiva. Vishnu Varddhana became ere

long the most powerful monarch of his time in Southern India,

and he is expresslystated to have subdued the Cholas, Pandyas,
Keralas. This would perhaps
and statement notgo for much
were it not for the traces of the supremacy of this Kannada power
which made themselves manifest from about this time in the south,

1 Kamataka probably meant originally the black country, that is, the black
cotton-soil country.
2 The sculpture of the old temple at Halebidu receives from Ferguson the highest
praise.
 44 HISTORY OF TINM.WU.Y.

'Chapter II. as is evident especially

from the statements of the Muhammadan
historians.

in?l*
"kthe ^ie ^unammadans appeared in the Dekhan in 1295, when
Ala-ud-din took Devagiri. The Ballala dominions were invaded

by a Muhammadan army under Hazardinari, commonly called

Malik Kafur, the general of Ala-ud-din, the second king of the
house of Khilji or second Pathan dynasty. A great battle was

fought in 1311 in which the Ballala king was defeated and taken

piisoner. Dvara-samudra was sacked and the enemy returned to

Delhi literallyladen with gold. Kafur was sent to conquer the

whole of the south of India, and the capture of Dvara-samudra,

at that time considered the capitalof the south, was the principal

objectof his ambition. After the taking of Dvara-samudra Kafur

descended upon Ma'bar, which he regarded, and which was

regarded by Ferishta, Muhammadan the a feudatory historian,as

dependency of the Dvara-saniudra kingdom. General Wilks
End of the could not make out what placewas meant by Ma'bar, but it is now
we^ known to have meant the Chola and Pandya kingdoms, or,
dynasty
speaking generally,the Coromandel Coast. Another expedition
sent by Muhammad III of the house of Toghlak in 1326 pletely
com-

demolished the cityof Dvara-samudra. The Ballala kings,

however, were not totally annihilated. They removed their seat of

government to a place called Tonnur, about nine miles north of

Seringapatam. Even after the rise of the Vijayanagara dynasty

(in 1336), the Ballalas were permitted to exercise some sort of

authority up to the year 1387.

Thus ended the rule of this powerful line, consistingof nine

chief princes,and thence called the Nava Ballala ; which from a

small beginning had, by the valour of its several bers,

mem-
very
subdued the whole of Karnataka \ip to the Krishna, with
Tuluva on the west, Dravida (the Tamil
country, including
especiallythe Cholas and Pandyas) on the east, and part of
Telingana on the north-east. "
Rice's Mysore Inscriptions.

Canarese Wherever we Tinnevellytraces of any important position

find in
in
traces
having been occupied,or any important work having been done,
by a Kannadi or Canarese man, " instances of which we have in
the " Canadian anicut," that is the Kannada man's anient, and
the person called Palaiyan, a Canarese man, who is said to have

built the oldest portionof the fort at Palamcottah " we have reason

to conclude that they belonged to the periodbefore the ment

commence-

of the rule of the Nayakas in Madura, when paramount

authority over the south was claimed by the Kannada kings of
Dvara-samudra.

followingis a
The list oi these kings, given in Rioe's Mysore
Inscriptions
: "
 K\R1.Y HINDI PKKIOD. 45

Chapter II,
( lhanna
Kongu Uesa List of Dv"ra-
l'lsviiptaoBS, Basavana
Kala
Rajakal samudra
jnana.
Kings.

Sala, Eoysala 984-1043

1039-1047 Vinay"dita 1043-1073 -1068
1065 Yereyanga, Pereyanga, Vlra Ganga . ,
1073-1114
1117-1138 Bitti Deva, Vishnu Varddhana, Tri 1114-1145 1099-1147
bhuvana Malla
1142-1191 Vijaya Narasimha, Vlra Narasimha 1145-1188 1147-1174

1191-1207 Viia'1'..illala 1188-1233 1174

1223 Vila Narasimha 1233-1249 -1237
1252 Soma, Vlra Somesvara 1249-1268 1237-1283
1262-1287 Vna Narasimha 1268-1308 1283-1313
1310 Ballala Deva

VlJAYA-NAGARA.

when Dvara-samudra fell. This city and Origin of

Vijaya-nagara arose

state, the most famous and powerful states of ^gara" the of Southern

India, was founded in 1336 by two refugeesfrom Warangal (Oru-

kallu,a single stone), a place included in the Nizam's country,
after its capture by the Muhammadans in 1323. Their names were

said to have been Hakka, who assumed the name of Harihara, and

Bukka, and they are said to have received valuable assistance

from the Madhava.1 The capitalwas called both Vidya-

sage

nagara Vijaya-nagara. Rice considers Vidya-nagara, the city

and

of learning, the originalform, and this name to have

supposes
been given to it in compliment to the sage Vidyaranya, who was
chieflyinstrumental in its foundation. By a natural transition
Vidya-nagara passed into Vijaya-nagara, the city of victory,the Names of

historians and the Bisnagar of the naga-

Bijanagar of the Muhammadan ra.

early Europeans. It is also commonly known as Anegundi, a

Canarese name elephant pit which is properly a villageon the
" "

other side of the river. Vijaya-nagara was erected on the banks

Tunga-bhadra, in what is the district of

of the Pampa or now

Bellary. The beauty of the ruins of this city,near Hampi, show

what the
grandeur of the capitalof the Rayas must have been in

the days prosperity.

of its

The succession and dates of the

Vijaya-nagara kings as tradi-
tionally

handed down are much confused. The following list,

Mr. Rice says, is approximately correct, based on many tions
inscrip-
he has examined : "

1 Madhava is generally said to have been a brother of the still more celebrated

Sayana, and is sometimes regarded as one of th" authors of the great commentary
on the Vedas. By others he is identified with S"yana and as such is said to have

been surnamcd Vidyaranva. the forest of learning

"HHMBnflEanOTOBHB

46 HISTORY OF TINXEVELLY.

Chapter II. A.D.

j.
~. Harihara, Hakka, Hariyappa . . . .
1336-1350

Bukka, Vlra Bukkanna 1350-1379

Vijaya-naga" .. .. ..

ra kings. Harihara 1379-1401

Deva Raya, Vijaya Raya, Vijaya Bukka. 1401-1451

Mallikarjuna, Vlra Mallanna, Praudha 1451-1465

Deva.

Virupaksha .. .. .. .. ..
1465-1479
Narasa, Narasimha .. .. ..
1479-1487
Vlra Narasimha, Immadi Narasinga . .
1487-1508
Krishna Raya .. .. .. ..
1508-1530

Achyuta Raya .. .. .. ..
1530-1542

Sadaslva Raya (Rama Raja, regent,

till 1565) 1542-1573
usurps the throne .. ..

Sri Ranga Raya (TirumalaRaja, brother

of Rama Raja, 1566) 1574-1587
Vlra Venkatapati,"c. .. .. ..
1587

The is Dr. BurnelTs

following list of the
kings of the Vijaya-
nagara dynasty. See Dravidian p. 55.
Palaeography,
Dr. Burnell's ""
Rayas of Vijayanagara ; from about 1320 to 1565.
iv_ The
ljaya"
naeara
The
"
followingis the list as I have been able to correct it from
Vamcabrahmana,' p. xvi); the dates,
'
kings. several sources (see my
however, are only approximate.
Sangama of the Yadava familyand Lunar race ! !

Hariyappa (1336-1350).
Bukka I (1350-1379) m. Gaurambika.

Harihara (1379-1401).
I
Bukka II (1401-1418)m. Tippamba.

Devaraja,Viradeva or Vlrabhupati(1418-1434) Krishuaraja

married Padamamba and MallSmba

Vijaya (? 1434-1454) and others ?

Praudha Deva (? 1456-1477)
Mallikarjuna (1481-1487)
Ramacandra (1487)
Virflpaxa(1488-1490) Narasimha (1490-1508)

j I
Vlranarasimha (Krishnaraja(1508-1530.)
Acyuta (1534-42.)
"
made
(Sad"L"jiva) an alliance Viceroy J. de Castro in 154(i).
with
"
(This Sadiiqiva succeeded as a child
: thirtyyears was this kingdom

governedby three brethren which were tyrants, the which keeping

"^^f*m6S^^^^0^

48 HISTOKV ol I I \ \ I \ Kf.l.Y.

Chapter II. dynasty, but the of Vijaya-nagarawere

founders Telugus and
made Telugu language of administration throughout their
the
dominions. The district of country in which they established
of
themselves, though not a portion Mysore, was a portion of the
Kannada country or country in which Canarese was spoken.
Right in the heart of this Canarese district a new Telugu dynasty
set up a Telugu coru-t,supportedby a Telugu arm}7, and sending
forth Telugu colonies and expeditions into all parts of the south
This explains the position occupiedby the Telugu lieutenants of
Vijaya-nagara Madura, and also in part the positionoccupied
at

by Telugu Poligarsand settlers throughout the Trichinopolyr

Madura, and TinnevellyDistricts. It was during the reignof
Krishna Krishna Rayar that Vijaya-nagara rose to its greatestimportance.
Rayar. He reignedfrom 1508 to 1530. It is certain at least that his
reign fell between these two dates. The state of Vijaya-nagara
was the most powerfulHindu state that ever existed south of the
Krishna, and Krishna Rayar has the reputation of havingbeen
the ablest, most enlightened, and most successful of the riders of.
that state. He is celebrated as havingbeen a munificent patron
of Telugu literature. About 1520 the Muhammadans sustained
from him a severe defeat,in consequence of which they were kept
in check for a considerable period. After his time the kingdom
Conquests began to decline. Next to him perhaps in fame, but priorto him
over the
in pointof time,we have to placeNarasimha, or Vira Narasimha,
Chola s and
Pandyas. Rayar, whose reigncommenced in 1487, and who is said to have
been the firstking of this line who extended his conquests into the
Chola and Pandya countries. The forts of Chandragiriand
Velur are said to have been built by him. By some, however,
they are said to have beeu built by his great successor Krishna

Raya. It was the rise of the strong Hindu kingdom of Vijaya-

nagara which opposed the firstbarrier to the progress southward
of the Muhanimadan arms, and for nearlytwo centuries this barrier
was found effectual. After a time the Vijaya-nagarakingdom
ceased to keep the power of the Muhammadans in cheek.
Arrival of the It was in Narasimha Rayar'sreign that the Portuguesefirst
Portuguese As in
in this reign. arrived in
India. They arrived at Calicut in 1498. 1311
the Muhammadans have seen, the Pandya and Chola
found, as we

kings of Ma'bar, that is, the Coromandel Coast, feudatories of the

Canarese king of Dvara-samudra, so on the arrival of the Portu-
guese
the
only kingdom that seemed to them to have any real

independentexistence was that of They described

Vijaya-nagara.
the Coromandel Coast, which they called Choramandala, as the
province of the
tilth Rayar's empire; and they regarded this

provinceas extending from Quilon to Orissa,an extent greater

than that of the Ma'bar of their Arabpredecessors. One of the
names by whieh the early Portuguesedenoted the whole of
 EARL'S HINDI PERIOD. 49

Southern India was the

kingdom of Narsinga, doubtless from the Chapter II.

name of the great Ray a, they found on the throne.

Parbosa in 1516 says : "

"
Beyond this river commences the kingdom of Narsinga, which Kingdom of
contains five very large provinces, with each a language of its Nar8mga
own. The first which stretches along the coast to Malabar is called
Tulinate (that is Tulu-nadu) or the modern province of South Canara ;
another lies in the interior. Another has the name of Telinga, which
confines with the kingdom of Orissa. Another is Canari, in which
is the great city of Bisnaga and then the
; kingdom of Charamendel,
the language of which is Tamul." Colonel Yule and Dr. Burnell, in
Indian Antiquary for June 1879.
The writers state that the text of this notice has been put
togetherfrom three versions of Barbosa. The Vijaya-nagara
kingdom was sometimes called Karnataka, the Carnatic, and
sometimes by a corruption of this name, Canara.
Whilst the Muhammadans were growing in the Hindu Overthrow of
power
states misspent their opportunities and wasted their strength in VlJaJ'a-
rm""m*u
mutual wars. At length in 1564 Kama Rayar, the reigning
king of Vijaya-nagara,
whose had provoked the hostility
arrogance
of the Muhammadan to the north, was defeated and to
powers put
death by combination
princes. of those The battle in
a great
which he fell was
fought at Talikota,on the 25th of January 1565.
Vijaya-nagara itself was at the same time ruthlesslydestroyed.
It is from this time I date the largestinflux of Telugu settlers
into the southern districts of the Tamil There
country. are

probably at least a million of people in the Tamil districts of

Telugu origin,and I think it probablethat the ancestors of a very
largenumber of these fled for protectionto the Telugu rulers of
Madura and Tan jore to escape the oppression of the Muham-
madans
to which they had been exposed in their Telugu homes.
The account traditionally preserved in the family of the Zemin- Origin of
dar of Ettaiyapuram in Tinnevelly be taken as an illustration Ettaiyapuram
may
of the mode in which these emigrationsgenerallyoriginatedand
were carried on. The followingis a summary of the statements
contained in the native history
of the family: "

On the defeat of Anna Deva Raja, king of Vijayanagaram,by

Muhammad Alauddin, one Kumaramuttu
Ettappa Nayaka, the
ancestor of the Ettaiyapuram Zemindars, fled from Chandragiri,
in company with 64 armed relations,300 men at amis, and 1 ,000

dependents,with a certain number of accountants and others,and

took refugewith Ati Vira Parakrama Pandya Raja at Madura, who
appointedthem to repress outrages in the country of the Kaliars,
and gave them
villagestherein for their maintenance.
some This
is represented to have taken place between 1423 and 1443. In

process of time they moved on towards the south and became

7
""^"""i^MMBMHBWHBBMBaBB

50 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY

Chapter II. of
possessed Yarious in
villages the TinnevellyDistrict,
one of
which, to which they gave the name of Ettaiyapurani,
they made
their capital.
There are some historical in this
discrepancies account. Vijaya-
nagara was not taken by Alauddin. The reference may be to the

takingof Dvara-samudra by Alauddin's lieutenant Kafur in 1311.

The last king of Vijaya-nagarawas not Anna Deva Raja, but
Ramaraja, who was defeated and slain by a combination of the
Muhammadan princesof the Dekhan in 1565. Chandragiriwas
taken by the Muliammadans in 1645. The generaloutline only of
the storycan be accepted as in the main correct.
Last days of Notwithstanding the destruction of Vijaya-nagara, the dynasty
the Vijaya. was not entirely destroyed. The family had stillstrengthenough
nagara
dynasty. left to establish themselves afresh in another place. For this
purpose they fortified Pennakonda (orPenugonda),a steephill 97
miles north of Bangalore, situated like Vijaya-nagara in the modern
district of Bellary,and converted it into a hill fort of great

strengthwith a fortified cityat the foot,where they continued for

about a century to keep up kinglystate and to exercise more or

less authority over other princes, south of the Krishna, including

the
especially Nayaka rulers of Madura and Tan jore, in accordance
with what they believed to be their ancestral rights.After a time
those various feudatoryprinces made themselves independentof
the feeble survivors of the Vijaya-nagaradynasty,both in reality
and in name. The most important of the new independentprinces
that arose was the Raja of Mysore. One of the few surviving
lineal representatives of the ancient familywas the Raja of Chan-
dragiri,
and it was from the last of the Chandragiri Rajas that the
Englishobtained a grant of the site of the town of Madras on the
Grant of 1st March 1640. It was from the name of Chennappa, this
"
Raja'slieutenant, that the town came to be called by the natives
English by
the Raja of
Chennapattanam, Chennapa's town. The Chandragiri dynasty
lagm.
was finally subverted by the Muhammadans in 1645.

Succession of Paramount Powers in Southern India.

P"fldayas, The outline of the of

history the successive dynastiesthat cised
exer-
Cholas.
power in Southern India is clear enough,however
supreme
doubtful most of the details may be. First the Pandyas,properly

so who
called, bore rule in Madura and Tinnevellyfrom the firs
establishment of civil government to the middle of the 11th

century, seem during the greaterpartof that time to have been the
in Southern India. From about the middle of
paramount power
the 11th century the Cholas rose to the
positionof the paramount
bore rule,directly for about two centuries
indirectly,
power and
or

and a half over the whole Ooromandel Coast from Orissa to Cape
 EARL'S HINDI: PERIOD. 51

Comorin, including even

the Tamil or
southern port ion of Travancore. Chapter II.

During the later period of the Chola or Chola-Pandya rule

mount
para-

over
all the southern princes claimed by the
power was

Ballala dynasty of Dwara-samudra, though it

may
be doubtful in

what degree the so

claimed really exercised sub- Pandyas
power was or

nutted to. After a

short-lived subjugation of the south by the jfagakas,
Muhammadans, from the beginning to the middle of the 14th the Nawab.

century, the paramount fell into the hands of the of

power kings

Vijaya-nagara, who succeeded to all and than all the

more
sions
posses-

and the Ballalas and Cholas had

power acquired, and who for

nearly two centimes exercised the they claimed. After the

power

middle of the 16th century no one be said to have been

power can

really paramount in Southern India till the the

appearance on scene

of the Nawab of Arcot about the middle of the 18th century.

9SNH^9^^^BBBBIHBHBBBB^^^HBBOBBHDDDflOBHRIIIni^l^H^"H

52 HISTORY OF TINXEVELLY.

CHAPTER III.

FROM A.D. 1365 TO 1731.

THE PERIOD OF THE SECOND DYNASTY OF PANDYAS

AND OF THE N A YAK AS.

Secosd Series of Pandya Kings.

Chapter III. The Pandya kings,or a line of kingscallingthemselves by the

same name, succeeded after a time in gettingthe better of the
Muhammadans and resumed their ancient sway. The Muhamma-
dan rule commenced in 1311, and Ibn Batuta found it stillin full

vigour in 1348 ; but I have found an inscription of one of the

Pandya kings of the new line possibly the first of the line
" at "

Kottar (now in South Travancore, but formerly considered a

portionof the Pandyan country), dated in the Saka year corre-

sponding

to A.D. 1370, in the fifth year of Parakrama Pandi Deva.

Parakrama 1365 must have been the of Parakrama's accession,and it
year
supplies us with a date from which the commencement of the new

dynastymay safely be calculated.

Whether the Pandyas received any help towards thrusting out

the Muhammadans is not perfectly but

certain, it may be presumed
that they did. It does not seem probablethat they could have
achieved their independencealone,and tradition representsthem
as receivinghelpfrom Canarese generals.It is stated in one of
the quasi-historical documents publishedby Mr. Taylor that in
1372 a Mysore (that is,a Canarese or Kannada) generalnamed
Kampana Kampana Udaiyar reduced the Muhammadan invaders of Madura
Udmyar. ^0 and
submission, it is further stated in one of the Mackenzie MSS.
that this
generalwas an agent of Bukka Rayar, the first Rayar of
Vijaya-nagara.Bukka became king of Vijaya-nagarain 1350. It
would seem, that
therefore, Bukka conceived it right to claim in
behalf of his new state of Vijaya-nagarasome portionof the
generalsuzerainty* said to have been exercised over the various
s!atcs of the south by the later kingsof the precedingCanarese
dynasty of Dwara-samudra. It maybe concluded,therefore,
that
Erom the outset it was in some degree,throughhelp received Erom
that the second line of
Vijaya-nagara, Pandyas succeeded in ousting
the Muhammadans and rising to power. The Muhammadans
state that in 1374 Mujahid Sha overran the countries between
and ( 'apeComorin, and advanced, like Malik
Vijaya-nagara Kafur,
 I.WKK HINDU PERIOD. 53

to Uameswaram. If he did which seems to me Chapter III,

ever so, very
doubtful, the invasion must have been a mere plundering expedi-
tion
which left no trace behind it.
I have not been able to work out anything like a complete list Pated
pit-"i i. oi it -ri iii
inscriptions
of the Pandya kings of the second line. Jb ortuuately, however, 0f tne later

the custom of
dating inscriptions, not merely by the year of the Pandyas.

king'sreign,but by the Saka or some recognisedera, which had

almost always prevailedin Northern and Central India and in the

Telugu and Canarese countries,but had been unknown in the old

Pandya country, came to be acted upon during this period,so that

the few particulars I have collected may be regarded as historically
certain. All the inscriptions here referred to are in Tinnevelly,

except the first of the line already referred to, which is in South

Travancore. The next prince,after the one mentioned in that

inscription, with an interval of sixty-sixyears still to be filled up,

was Ponnan Perumal Parakrama Pandi, whose reign commenced,

as I find by an inscription on a pillar in Tenkasi (the Southern Tenkasi
u

Benares) oppositethe temple,in the Saka year correspondingto

A.D. 1431. This inscription of Ponnan Perumal Parakrama Pandi

is a sort of proclamationto the effect that the work of the temple

having been finished in the short period of seventeen years, it

should be concluded that it was not a work of man, but a divine
work ! The interval may partly perhaps be filled up a tradition
related by the people at Tenkasi, who say that the Ponnan
Perumal Parakrama Pandi who built the temple was precededby
his father, Kasi Kanda Parakrama Pandi, i.e.,the Parakrama
Pandi who visited Benares.
princeis Vira Pandi, in The next

whose reign I have found two inscriptions at Sri-vaikuntham on Sri-vaikun-

the northern bank of the Tamraparni. They are dated in different t^am

years of his reign,but both agree in making his reign commence

in 1437. His predecessor'sreign,therefore,was very short. It
commenced, as we have seen, in 1431 and ended in 1437. The
next prince noticed in inscriptions is another Vira Pandi, who
commenced to reign,accordingto the Mackenzie MSS., in 1475.
He is mentioned in an inscription as reigningin 1490. The next,
whose inscription I find in the temple at Courtallum, was also
called Parakrama Pandi and commenced to reign in 1516. The
next, probably without an interval,was Vikrama Pandi. His

reign commenced in 1543. The next reign,probably without an

interval,was that of Vallabha Deva, called also Ati- Vira- Rama Ati-Vira-

Pandya, who commenced to reign,according an p^dv-v to in

inscription
Courtallum, in 1565. This inscriptionwas dated in his fortieth

year, that is, in 1605. Another inscription of his in Tenkasi

makes his reign commence in 1562. In this inscription he is
called simply Ati-Vlra-Pama Pandya, not also Vallabha Deva.
Dr. Burncll informs me that, according to a grant in copper
"am

54 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter III belongingto a Matha in the TanjoreDistrict,Ati-Vlra-Rama must

have died in 1610. This gives him an unusuallylong reign,but
is not incredible. The same grant representshim as succeeded by
a Sundara Pandya. Dr. Burnell has a grant of this Sundara
Pandya dated in the thirteenth year of his reign. This must have
been A.D. 1623. So far as appears from the inscriptions I have
found in
Tinnevellyitself, Ati-Vlra-Rama seems to have been the
last of his line. As, however, he was a man of learningand
culture,and a poet of considerable eminence, his line may be said
to have set in glory.
The last of The unreliableness of populartraditions and verbal statements
the Pamlyas.
regardingevents belonging
to the distant past,as compared with
information derived from
inscriptions, may be illustrated by a
comparisonof the dates above with those furnished
"

given to
Mr. Tumbull, a surveyor, who was making inquiries for Colonel
Mackenzie about 1820. See his Geographicaland Statistical
Memoir of Tinnevelly printedat Palamcottah in 1877,p. 25. l In

givingan account of the town, temple,and ancient fort of Tenkasi,

Mr. Tumbull gave the names and dates of several Pandya kings
who were said to have been, directly or indirectly, connected with
the place. Ati-Vlra-Rama Pandya is represented in this account
as having commenced his reign in A.D. 1099 ; whereas a Tamil

inscription belongingto his reign,found in the templeat that

very place, states that his reign commenced in 1562. A similar
inscription in the Court allum temple in Sanskrit makes his reign
Value of commence nearlyat the same date,viz.,in 1565. So also Ponnan
insertions
as compared
Perumal Parakrama Pandya, in whose reign the Tenkasi temple
with oral was built,was stated by Mr. Turnbull's informants to have
information.
commenced his reign in 1309; whereas the inscription on the
pillar t he
opposite temple, referred to above,places the ment
commence-

of his reignin 1431.

Vijaya- Throughout the greaternumber of the reignsof these Pandya

nagara
kingsof the later line,the kingsof Vijaya-nagaraappear to have
supremacy.
exercised supreme authority, but I think it may be assumed that
they did not interfere much in the internal a Hairs of the country,
that theycontented themselves with receiving tribute and occasion-
ally
militaryhelp,and that the principal result of their suze- rainty

was that the various petty states included within their

nominal rule were protectedfrom foreigninvasion,and then-
propensity
to spend their time in with
fighting one another kepi
in check.

'This interesting memoir, compiledapparentlyabout L823, was discovered in

the India Office by H. K Puckle,Esq formerljCollector of Tinnevelly,aftei
.

it had lain there unnoticed for more than fiftj

yi
 5G HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter hi.
prince referred to may have been Parakraraa Pandi, who menced
com-
to reign,as we have seen, in 1516.
Visvanatha Nagania is said to have declared himself independent, where-
upon
Nayaka.
his son, Visvanatha Nayaka, volunteered to go and reduce his
father to submission. This the son is said to have succeeded in
doing, and was rewarded for his
loyaltyby being made lieutenant
or governor of Madura in the Vijaya-nagara Raja's interest. It
is not stated that he, like his father,made himself by his own act

independent of his master ; but the result was not dissimilar,for

the power and dignity that had been conferred himself
upon
personally,as a mark of royal favour, descended to his posterity
for fifteen generations. Visvanatha Nayaka seems to have been
a man of energy and administrative power. It was by him that
Madura is said to have been fortified. Trichinopolywas also said
to have been
acquired by him from the king of Tan jore, in

exchange for Vallam, and incorporatedin the Madura country, in

which it continued to be included till the periodof the supremacy
of the Nawab of Arcot. He also quelleda formidable insurrection
in Tinnevellyheaded by five confederate chiefs,said to have been
brothers,who styledthemselves the five Pandavas.
Number of As the number of Poligars or Palaiyakaras in Tinnevelly is
the Poligars.
considerable,though not equal to what it is in Madura (there "

are at present 22 zemindaries in Tinnevelly and 26 in Madura,

including the two very extensive zemindaries of Ramnad and

Sivaganga), I here cite Mr. Nelson's account of the state of things

"

in the Pandya country generally, which is said to have led to the

appointment of Palaiyakaras(Poligars, now Zemindars) by Visva-

natha
Na}\aka on his settinghimself to the task of pacifying the
country :"

Origin of the Poligars of the South.

Vi"vanatha's '"
"Whilst the settlement of the southern districts was being effected,
policy. Visvanatha found it necessary to attempt to provide for the stability

of the dynasty of which he hoped to be the founder, by identifyingits

interests withprincipalmen
those of of the
the country ; and by
renderinghis rule equally popular with all classes of society. But the
task appeared to be one of almost hopeless difficulty. He had

brought witli him to Madura crowds of dependents and adherents of

his own caste, who had as a body proved themselves to be faithful

and obedient and had dono his work excollently well. These men were

all of them greedilylooking for their rewards : and unless provided

Parties to be for with lavish liberalitywould very soon show their teeth. Then
conciliated. he had found
there wore the old Tamil hereditary chieftains, whom
considerable territories and Their good will it
possessed of power.
at most and most difficult to secure. Accustomed
was once necessary
from generation to generation to perpetually recurring periods of

anarchy, they knew only too well how to draw profitfrom misnde :
 LATER HINDU TERIOD. 57

and as they sulkilylooked on at the doings of the Telugu intruder,it Chapter III.

seemed ridiculous to expect that they would ever acquiesce in the

establishment of order
sovereign power. and Moreover they could
not but regard with feelingsof the bitterest jealousyand hatred the
foreignerswho surrounded the governor's person, and who seemed
about to appropriateto themselves all the highest offices and ments
emolu-
in his gift. Then again there were the impoverished and
discontented adherents of the Pandyas men who could hope for "

eveiything from revolution ; from peace and quiet nothing. And

lastly there were the bold and turbulent Telugu and Canarese adven- turers,
whose ancestors had seized with a strong grip the northern and
western divisions of the country ; who paid no man tribute ; and
whose lawless could ill-brook the curb and
tempers spur of a strong visvanatha's
It Visvanatha's task to reconcile the conflictingPlai? oi couei-
government. was
a
interests of all these classes,to smooth away differences,and to conci-

bate affection : and to do this in a strange country and with an empty

\, purse ! At last he contrived a scheme by which it seemed possibleto
attain success. Its objectwas to enrich and ennoble the most power-
fid of each class, and at the same time secure their and their
descendants' allegianceto himself and his successors. This scheme,

though possiblyas good as any that could at such a time be devised,

was nevertheless fraught with all the elements of danger, and in the
end contributed largely,as we shall see, to the subversion of the

Nayaka dynasty. Its details were as follows. There were seventy-

two bastions to the fort of Madura, and each of them was now

formally placed in charge of a particularchief, who was bound for

himself and his heirs to keep his post at all times and under all
circumstances. He also bound to pay fixed annual tribute
was a ; to
supply and keep in readiness quota a of troops for the
governor's
armies ; and to keep the governor's peace over a particidartract of
country. And in consideration of his promise to perform these and Investiture of

other services,a grant made to him of of Poligars.

was a tract country consist-
ing of a certain number of
villages,proportionedto his rank and the
favour with which Visvanatha
and Arya Nayaka respectivelyregarded
him, together with the title of Palaiyakaran (Poligar). In addition
to this, each grantee was presented with valuable gifts; titles and
privileges were conferred upon him amid much pomp and ceremony,
and nothing was omitted which coidd in any way add to the nity
solem-
and importance of the governor'sact. Such was the origin of
the famous Madura Palaiyakaras, of some of whom the descendants
are still possessedof their ancestors' feuds, if not of their rank and
power."
It
appears to me very doubtful whether all the Poligarsin DouLtfulnes3
these tratii_
Madura and Tinnevelly were appointed in this manner by one ".f
Nayaka ruler alone, whether Visvanatha himself, the supposed
founder of the dynasty, or any other. The documents on which
Mr. Nelson relied seem to me to possess little or no historical value.
All that regarded,I think,as probableis that
can be the existence of
the Poligarsas a class dates from the periodof the commencement
8
^^^mm

58 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter III. of the rule of the Nayakas. Very few of the Zemindars (the
principal exception is the Setupati of Ramnad) can claim that their
estates or chiefships were conferred upon them prior to the Nayaka

periodby the old Pandya kings.

Etymology of The title of Poligaris said by General "Wilks to have been given
t'oligar.
ky ^e yijaya_nagarakings (though he does not say by which
of them) to the chiefs of the Telugu colonies planted in the

neighbouringprovincesfor the purpose of overawingthe original

inhabitants. The Tamil name is Palaiyakkara, the literalmeaning
of which is the holder of a camp, secondlythe holder of a barony on

militarytenure. But the English seem to have taken their name

Poligar, not from the Tamil Palaiyakkara,but from the Telugu

Palegadu, or the Canarese Palegara, the meaning of which is iden- tical.

[Gadu and gara are equivalent to kara.] In like manner the

Englishseem to have taken their word Pollam, a Poligar's holding,
rather from the Telugu Palem-u, than from the Tamil Palai}ram.
The Vijaya-nagaraPoligarwas held to be a lord over thirty-three
villages, but there is no trace of any such rule as to number in the
Tamil country. The Poligar is said to have been originally in
the Kannada country called an Odeyar (proprietor, pronounced
Wodeyar) The
.
Tamil form of this title is Udaiyar, and this is
often used by Zemindars in the Tamil country. I have found it
sometimes in inscriptions included amongst the titles of ancient

kings.
Results of the
Looking at the result of the appointment of Poligarsby the
rulers of Madura, it can hardly be said that the idea of governing
the country by means of an order of rude, rapacious feudal nobles,
such as the Poligarsgenerallywere, turned out to be a happy one,

for down to the periodof their final subjection and submission to

British authority in 1801, whenever they were not at war with the
central authority they were at war with one another,and it was
rarelypossible to collect from them the tribute or revenue due to
the central authority without a display militaryforce,which
of
added greatlyboth to the unpopularityand the expense of the
collection.
See an account of the position
occupiedby the Poligarsat a

later periodin ChapterIV.

Defence of Mr. Stuart in his Tinncvolly Manual, quotingthe above
after

system.lgir estimato of the results of the appointmentof by the riders of

Poligars
Madura, endeavours to extenuate the evils of the system. He says,
"
this/ remark would, however, apply with equal force to feudal

institutionsin Europe in the middle ages, and as these served their

purpose in the age of the world in which they flourished,it is
perhapsreasonable to suppose thatprotection foes and
from foreign
internal order and progress, though frequentlyaccompaniedby
 LATER HINDU PERIOD. 59

oppressionand misrule,were secured by this means to an extent Chapteh hi

which would have been otherwise impossible." It is so seldom

that one hears a good word about the Poligars that I quote these
remarks of Mr. Stuart with pleasure. He does not questiontheir
misdeeds, but endeavours to extenuate them by a historical

parallel. I fear,however, that the misdeeds of the Poligarswere

more systematicand audacious than those of the feudal nobles of
Europe in the middle admitting,however, the appro-
ages. Even
priateness
of the
parallel,
not much seems to be gained by it, for,
whether in Europe or in Southern India, the foreignfoes that " "

were most sedulouslyguarded againstwere not foreigners, properly

so called, but the legitimaterulers of the country, and it was not
tillthe Poligars of the Highlands of Scotland and of the Rhine,
like the Poligarsof Tinnevelly,had submitted to the dominion of
"
the central government that "
internal order and progress were

in any degree secured.

The
only other incidents connected with Tinnevelly
I find in the

history of the Madura Nayakas are the following: "

Arya Nayaka Mudali having succeeded in quietingthe country, Krishna,

the Nayaka ruler,Kumara Krisknappa (or Krishnania), occupiedPnnu"
himself,it is said,in buildinga town to the east of Palamcottah,
which he called after himself Krishnapuram. This statement,
however, is not supported by local Krishnapuram evidence. This

appears to have been built by

Mayil-erum-perumal,
a Mudali called
who being originallya Saiva became a convert to the worship of
Krishna and afterwards a Tadar (Dasa) or Vaishnava devotee.
The work of this temple is considered to be particularly beautiful.
This new town of Krishnappa's being a great success, he is said to
have built another of the same sort to the westward called
Kadaiyam Krishnapuram, the Krishnapuram which is near

Kadaiyam. It lies between Tenkasi and Brahmadesam. nappa

Krish-
died in 1573. Nelson, p. 105.
"
During the rule of Tirumala Nayaka, for some reason which cannot Rebellion
now be discovered, the powerful Polig-ar of Ettaiyapurani in the Ettal"*a-

Tinnevelly District put himself at the head of a confederation of

Poligarsand took up arms againstthe king. The Setupati,the Poligar
of Eamnad, being the chief of all the Poligars,was entrusted with the
duty of quelling the rebellion and performed it most satisfactorily.
The leader of the rebels was put to death, and the others severely
punished, and in a few months tranquillity
was completelyrestored.
For this service he was rewarded by the gift of a large slice of land
in the neighbourhood Maiiar of koil and entrusted with the duty of
protectingthe pearl fishery,which yielded considerable sums of money
to the royal treasury." Nelson's Madura.
The latter clause means, I think, that the pearlfisheryto the
north of the island of Paumben was now admitted to be the
mm

60 HISTORY OF TINKEVJ4LLY.

Chapter III. propertyof the Ranmad Setupati, whilst the rest of the fishery,
by far the largestportionof it,extendingfrom Pamnben to the
of
neighbourhood Cape Comorin, remained as before in the king's
own hands.
"Another and much
higherofficial (thau the Collector of Customs)
Koyal re.
presentativeswas the Administrator Governor of the Tinnevelly
or country. "When
y" the king lived in Madura it was highly necessary to placea man of
abilityin charge of the southern districts and vest him with large

powers ; and it became stillmore necessary to do this when Trichinopoly

was made the capital."
There is an inscription
near Sheranmadevi in which one Vlra-
raghavaMudaliar is described as the Karya-kartta,or agent, of
Virappa Nayaka in the beginningof the seventeenth century.
Tirumalai's younger brother,Kumaramuttu, claimed the right
of succeeding to the throne. In virtue,
however, of some negotia-
tions
he consented to waive his claim and acceptedin lieu of the
crown the district of Sivakasi and other territoriesin the Tinne-
velly
province.
Tigers on the A French Missionary's letter written in 1700 states that "for

some time past a large jungleon the Tinnevellycoast had been

infested by tigers to such a degreethat after sunset no inhabitant
of any village situated in its neighbourhood dared to move outside
his door. Watch was kept in every villageat night,and large
fires were lighted for the purpose of scaringthe monsters away.
Even in the day time travelling was not quitesafe ; and numbers

of peoplehad disappeared who had without doubt been seized and

devoured in lonely places." This fact is noticeable,inasmuch
as tigers have been for many years unknown in the Madura and

Tinnevelly Districts (except in the vicinity cf the mountains) ; and

their existence in large numbers on the sea coast in 1700 would

seem to show that the country was then much more sparsely
populatedand contained many more uncultivated tracts than at
the presentday.

List of the Nayakas.

List of the The followingis a list of the Nayaka rulers of Madura with
Nayakas of the authorities followed
^ j^es of their accession,according to
' "
Madura. .

by Mr. Taylorand Mr. Nelson. The reader is requested,however.

to remember that I have shown that the commencement of the
rule of the Nayakas is probably to be placedat least thirtyyears
earlier :- "

Visvanatha Nayaka .. .. .. ..
1559

Kumara KrishiiappaNayaka .. ..
1563
1573
Periya Virappa Nayaka .. .. ..

Visvanatha II Nayaka 1573

Lingaiya Nayaka "i

1595
Visvappa Nayaka j
 HINDU PERIOD.
61
LATER

Mutfcu Rrishnappa Nfiyaka 1602 Chapter ELI.

Muttu Virappa Nayaka ..

1009
.. ..

Tirumalai Nayaka .. ..
1623
.. ..

Muttu Alakadri Nayaka . . . . . .

1659

Choka Natka Nayaka .. .. ..

1602

Eanga Kriskna Muttu Virappa Nayaka ..

1682

Manganirual (Queen Eegent) .. ..

1689

Vijaya Eanga Ckoka Natka Nayaka ..

1704

Mmakski Annual (Queen Eegent) .. ..

1731

Ckanda Sakeb's usurpation . . . . . .

1736

By far the most distinguishedprinceof the Nayaka dynasty was Tirumala

Tiriunalai Nayaka (from 1623 to 1659), a princewhose magnificent^ay"kl1-
tastes are attested by the remains of the buildings he erected

at Madura, especially the remains of his palace, a Saracenic structure,

which is the grandest building of its kind in Southern India.

What is now called the palace was originallylittle more than the

hall of audience. He erected another palace of much smaller Buildings

dimensions, but in the same of

style architecture, Srlvilliputtur
at hhn."
in Tinnevelly, where it is said he liked to reside occasionally.
The remains of the Madura palace are now utilised for courts and

other publicoffices. The greaterpart of Tirumalai Nayaka's reign

was disfiguredby exhausting and impoliticwars. The next most

noticeable personage in the Nayaka line was the Queen Regent

Mangammal (from 1689 to 1704), who ruled as regent during Mangammal.
the minority of her grandson. She eschewed wars and cultivated

the arts of peace, and all through Tinnevelly,as well as in Madura

and the adjacent districts, she achieved a reputation which survives
to the present day as the greatest maker of roads, planter of
avenues, digger of wells,and builder of choultries the royal houses
of Madura ever produced. It has become customary to attribute
to her avenue found where in the country. I have
every any
found, for instance,that all the avenues in theneighbourhood of
Courtallum are attributed to Mangammal. Having done so much
she is supposed to have done all.

Nayaka Titles.

It is worthy of notice that the

Nayakas never called themselves The Nayaka3
"
kings of Madura. They professedto be lieutenants of the great themselves

Rayalu of Vijaya-nagara and nothing more ; and even when they kings,
refused the tribute due to their lord paramount or waged war
againsthim, they seem do not to have cared to clutch at a higher
title. They assumed all the state and wielded all the power of
kings, but seem to have been deterred by some feeling of ditary
here-

loyalty from assuming the name. "We have seen also that
there were Pandya kings survivingand nominally reigning in the
 62 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter III. Madura country at least down to 1605, notwithstandingthe temporaneous

con-

existence of the Nayakas. Nayaka in Sanskrit

means a leader, a chief,but as used in Southern India it is the

hereditarytitle of certain
Telugu castes. In Telugu the mascu- line

singularis written
Nayudu, in Tamil Nayakkan. There are
several divisions among the Nayakas, and it is said that the
Madura royal dynasty belonged to the division of the caste called

Vaduga-Nayakas, commonly called simply Vadugas, the Badages

of Xavier. The ordinary name by which the Nayaka rulers of
Madura are styled in the Tamil country, at least in the south, is
The Karttak- the Karttakkal."
"
People speak of such and such an event as
happening in the days of the Karttakkal. This is the Tamil plural
of the Sanskrit Karta, a doer, an agent, a representative.This
title seems to have been chosen as being one that involved less

assumption than the title of king, and yet had more of a royal
sound than Nayaka, which after all was only a caste title. Perhaps
the best renderingof the title of Kartta in this connection would be
"
High Commissioner."

Characteristics of the Nayaka Eule.

Reputation of It is unfortunate for the reputation of the Nayakas as rulers

l
asridJi's^
th^ so mucn more is known about them and their proceedings
than about their Pandya and Chola predecessors. The Pandyas
and Cholas left behind them few or no records of their rule. It is
often,therefore,taken for granted that their rule must have been
characterised by an unfailingrespect for
justice. The age iu
which they lived has become the patrimony of the poets, who
describe it as a golden age of lighttaxes, of freedom from oppres-
Reputation of
sion"0f rain three times a month, and of universal happiness. On
the other hand the Nayakas lived and ruled at so recent a period,
and so much was written about
by European them at the time
Missionaries residing in
territory, their
that the entire public and

private character of most of them stands exposed to that fierce "

lightwhich beats upon a throne." Judged therefore not merely

by modern European standards of right and wrong, but even

by the standards furnished by Hindu and Muhammadan books of

authority,the Nayakas must be decided to have fallen far short of
Misruli hid- their duty as rulers. Their reigns record little more than a

disgracefulcatalogue of debaucheries, treacheries,plunderings,

oppressions,murders, and civil commotions, relieved only by the
factitious splendour of giftsto temples,idols,and priests, by means
of which they apparently succeeded in getting the Brahmans and

poets to speak well of them, and thus in keeping the mass of the

people patientunder their misrule.

 64 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter hi. charitable work by Khan Saheb, in the years of the Salivahana and
Quilon eras answering to A.D. 1759." Khan Saheb means the
celebrated Muhammad Yusuf Khan, who was in at that
power
time and about whom we shall hear much in the sequel. The
natives in the neighbourhood say with much probabilitythat the
anicut was originallymade by the ancient Pand}Ta kings, but
repairedand strengthenedby Khan Saheb.

Legend of the 3. The most famous of the anicuts is that which is called
Kunnadian
by
Anai- the English the Canadian anicut. "Canadian" stands for Kannadi-

yan, and the

meaning is the anicut made by the Kannadi or

Kannadiyan, is, by the Canaresethatman. This is opposite

Anibasamudram. Of the many legends current respectingthis
Kannadiyan one is to the effect that he was placed, in possession
of immense wealth by a local divinity, who ordered him to devote
this wealth to the construction of an anicut. One form of the

legend is that all the anicuts were made by the same person. A

cow, it seems, was sent forth as a guide,and wherever the cow lay
down an anicut was to be constructed. The cow lay down six
times between Ambasamudram and the sea, and accordinglysix
anicuts were made by the Kannadi out of the same supernatural
supply of funds. Another and milder form of the legend is that

only this one anicut which bears his name was made by the

Kannadi, and that the cow was commissioned only to mark out the
channel leading from this one anicut. Wherever the cow went

a channel was to be dug, and wherever she lay down they were to
make a tank. The only particular in these legends which seems

likelyto be true is that the maker of the anicut was public-

some

spiritedKannadi or Canarese man, probably a of

representative
the Madura government for the time being.
Date of this The date of the construction of this anicut is unknown, but it
anicut.
may be placed any time between the commencement of the
fourteenth century and the close of the sixteenth. There are

in a temple near
inscriptions the channel, one of which is dated in
the beginning of the seventeenth century. There is a little temple

near the anicut itself,where a sacrifice is offered yearlyto the local

divinity,on the 5th of June, on which occasion the sluice is

ceremoniallyopened and the water allowed to enter the channel.

There said to have
is a choultryat Shermadevy (Cheran-mfi-devI)
been built by the same Kannadi.

A nother form Another form of the legend is given in Shungoonny Mcnon's

of the li gt ad.
History of Travancore.
" It would soom that a Telugu(?) Brahman, commonly known by
the name of Kunnadia, received a donation of a largo number of gold
coins from the Maha Rajah Prathapa Budra of Voloor ; that this

Brahman, by the advice of the sage Agastyar, who resided ou a hill

in Thiruadi DCsam (Travancore), built an anicut in existence)

(still
 LATER HINDU PERIOD. 05

across tlio Thambraverni river,and opened an irrigationcanal from Chapter III.

that spot to the extent of about twenty-one miles ; that with the

surplus money he built a sathram at ChSra Maha, Devi feedinga

for
certain number of Brahtnans daily; and that he appointed the holder
of the copper plateas the perpetualmanager of that institution."
The writer quotes the substance of the language of the plate
itself :"
"
A copy of the copper sasanum in question was procuredby us. It

purports to have been executed by Narayanappaya of the Kunnadian.

family of Bharadwaja Gothram (line)of Brahmans,

professingthe
Rig Veda, and who received a donation
Kalapurusha Danum called
from Maha Rajah Gajapathi Prathapa Rudra Rayer, who reigned at
Veloor ; that he, the recipient,resolvingto perform some charitywith
the money proceeded to Thrippathi, and on invoking Vencatachala
Swamy obtained that deity'sblessing, and in accordance with the
commands of the swami he repairedto the southern kingdom called
Thiruadi Desam (Travancore country) where on the Malayachala

mountain, he met the sage Agastyar by whose order he excavated an

irrigation canal for the benefit of the Brahmans : with the surplus
money he resolved to institute a sathram for the daily feeding of
Brahmans and accordinglyconstructed a building on the southern
banks of the Thambraverni and on the western side of Chera-Maha
Devi Alakiyappen Swamy Kovil ; Narayana Pillay, the son of

Gopala Pillay,Brahman of Sreevatsa Gothram (line),professingthe

Yajur Veda, and residingin the old villageor Brahman hamlet, built
by Cheren Perumal Rajah, was entrusted with the management of
this sathram, a perpetual grant being made to Narayana Pillay by
this copper platedocument, executed on Thursday, Shrawana asterism,
Punchami Aushada month, Sowmmya Nama year of Kali 3342 (242
A.D.) for the maintenance of the sathram of certain lands purchased
for 2587 Kali Yuga Ramen ' Madura vella fanams, together with
nine slaves of the soil at the rate of one hundred and thirty-five
fanams,
accompanied by a scale of the dailyexpenditureto be made and men-
tioning

a fixed suni as remuneration to the SuperintendentNarayana

Pillay.
" To this sathram, pepper was to be supplied from Travancore, as

that spice was a produce of that country and could not be obtained
without the
king's permission. It was given gratis,and in the year
970 M.E. (1795 A.D.), three years previous to his death, the old
Rama Rajah ordered a commutation priceof one hundred and eighty
Kali fanams to be paid to the sathram, which sum is paid to the

present time."
This account of the originof the anicut is
evidentlyas legendary
and as little trustworthyas the others. It throws
light,however,
on the
personalityof the Kannadiyan. It may be regarded
as certain
from the plate that he was a Brahman. The date
assignedto the transaction in the plate,
viz.,A.D. 242, is of course a

1 "
One Kali Yuga Ramen fanam ia stillthe currency of Travancore.

9
 66 HKIORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter III
pure invention. I have never found the use of the
year of the
Kali yuga era or of the year of the cycleof in
Jupiter any inscrip-
tion
in Tinnevelly older than the fifteenth century A.D. But the
date is contradicted by a statement contained in the plateitself.
The king from whom the Kannadi or Canarese Brahman received
this donation was not one of the ancient Pandya, Chola or Chera

kings,but a monarch of comparativelymodern times, a member of

the Velur branch of the Rayars. When
Vijaya-nagara empire the

was overthrown by the Muhammadans

1564 various princes in

belonging to the defeated but still powerful Rayar family

established themselves in various places, one of which was Velur.
Tirumalai Nayaka, the greatest of the Nayakas of Madura (from
1623 to 1659) acknowledged the Rayar of Velur as his feudal

superior. Prataba Rudra was a common name amongst the Telugu

dynasties. The date of the construction of the anicut is thus

brought down within the range of probability.

Ariyanftyaka- 4. The next anicut is that of Ariyanayakapuram. It will be
puram anient
remembered that Ariya-nayaka was a person great importance of

in the earliest period of Nayaka history. It does not follow

however that this Ariya-nayaka had anything to do with the

erection of this anicut,which receives its name from the name of

the villagenearest to it.

Suttamalli 5. The fifth anicut is that of Suttamalli. This important anicut

anicut.
supplieswater of irrigation
to the town of Tinnevelly and the
neighbourhood.
Palavur 6. The sixth is suppliesPalamcottah
at Palavur and the and
anicut.
neighbourhood. The channel leading from the latter is called

Palaiyan's channel, and is attributed, with the original fort of

Palamcottah, to one Palaiyan,who was also a Kannadi. The latter

Kannadi is said to have been a descendant of the former. Palavur

is on the left bank of the river, though the channel which leads

from italong the rightbank.

runs

Marudur 7. Of all the anicuts on the TamraparnI the one which supplies
anicut.
the largestextent of paddy cultivation is that at Marudur, some

miles to the east of Palamcottah. This anicut was almost wholly

rebuilt in 1792, during the Collectorshipof Mr. Torin (as an

and
testifies), great improvements again made in
inscription were

it in 1807 by Colonel Caldwell.

Puthugudi 8. The eight anicuts, the one that is nearest to the

last of the
anicut.
sea, between Puthugudi and Srlvaikuntham, was constructed only
a few years ago by Lieutenant Shepherd. The river is here 800
The anicut cost eleven lakhs. This is the only
yards broad.
anicut on the TamraparnI wholly constructed by the British
Government. All the anicuts, however, have been strengthened
since the country under British rule.
and improved came
 later hindu period. 67

Chapter hi.
The Portuguese on the Coast of Tinnevelly.

The Portuguese arrived at Calicut on the 20th of May 1498. Vasco da

They came iu three small vessels under the command of Vasco da p*ma 8

J lntormation.
...

Gama, the first European mariner who found his way to India by
doublingthe Cape of (rood Hope. He Europe returned to the

followingyear, when he presentedto his sovereigna summary of

the events of his
voyage and of his discoveries. Ho therein
mentioned a placeon the Tinnevellycoast, Cael (Kayal),where he

was told that

pearlswere found, and which he was informed was

under a Mussulman
king. Not long after we find a king of

Quilon livingat Kayal, but it may have been true that in Vasco
da Gama's time the ruler of the place was a Muhammadan, for it

was from the Muhammadans that the Paravas shortlyafter asked

to be protected; we know from other sources that the dans

Muhamma-

were numerous and powerful along the coast at that time,

and I have found in Kayal itself a tradition that the last king of
the placewas a Muhammadan.

The first settlement of thePortuguese in India was at Cochin, The

where they established a factoryin 1502. In the followingyear Portuguese
they erected a fort there. From that time they became virtually
masters of the whole sea coast of India, and ere long drove all
Moorish, that is,all Muhammadan, vessels from the sea, except
those that consented Portuguese passes.
to Barbosa, a Barbosa's
receive
who visited many in the east shortly information.
Portuguese Captain, places
after,relates that in 1514 he found Cael (Kayal) belonging to the
king of Quilon, who generally resided there. By the king of
Quilon we are to understand the sovereignwho at a later period
was styled,as now, the king of Travancore. Marco Polo in 1293

distinguished between the kingdom of Quilon and the kingdom of

Travancore, the latter of which he called the kingdom of Coniari." "

At the time, however, of the arrival of the Portuguese Travancore

was found to have absorbed Quilon. If we are to suppose that the

king of Quilon found by Barbosa Kayal

at was the reigningking
of Travancore himself,he must, accordingto Travancore authorities,
have been Sri Vira Ravivarma. It does not seem certain however
that it was the
reigning Raja himself, for each of the Raja's
brothers called Raja, and a little later on, in Xavier's
is commonly

time, we find that it was a relative of the king who was residingat The king of
at
Kayal. However this may be, it is clear that Kayal was regarded Travancore
by the earliest Portuguese as belongingto Travancore, and that the
king of Travancore was regarded as the legitimatesovereignof the
whole of the south of Tinnevelly. This is quitein accordance with

Tinnevellytraditions and inscriptions, and in particular with the

records contained in the temple at Trichendur. At that time the

Pandya Rajas had sunk into insignificance, and Hie Nayakas of

 68 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter III. Madura had not yet consolidated their power. It was natural
therefore that
king the of the
adjacent territoryof Travancore
should take the
opportunity of bringing at least the southern
of
portion Tinnevellyunder his rule.
In 1517 the Portuguese established a settlement,with a fort,at
Colombo in Ceylon ; and in 1522 they sent a commission from
Cochin to Mailapur, or Saint Thome, near Madras, to search for
the body of Saint Thomas, which was supposed to have been
preserved in the church at a place called the Little Mount. "We
cannot doubt that long ere that date they had explored the whole
of the Tinnevellycoast, and made themselves acquainted with the
lucrative pearlfisheryto which their attention had been called by
Vasco da Grama, and which had been carried on along that coast
from the beginning of the historical periodto that time,

The First Expedition of the Portuguese.

Embassy of The first recorded appearance, however, of any Portuguese

the Paravas
exj"edition
on the Tinnevellycoast was in 1532, when a deputation
to Cochin.
of Paravas, people of the fisher caste, came to Cochin for the

purpose of obtainingthe aid of the Portuguese againstthe Moors

or Muhammadans. The chief place along the coast then as now

inhabited by Muhammadans was Kayalpattanam, a town not to

be confounded, as it has often been, with Kayal, now called Old

Kayal. deputation to Cochin

The is said to have comprised
seventy persons. They were successful in their application, and

an expedition was fitted out. Father Michael Vaz, the Vicar-

General at Cochin, accompanied the fleet with some priests, and is
described by Xavier some years afterwards as the true father of "

the Comorin Christians." The applicationof the Paravas to the

Portuguese at Cochin and the plan they adopted of securingtheir

help by promising to embrace their religionwere owing, it is said,
to the advice given them by a native, himself a recent convert,
The called Joam de Cruz. The members of the deputation were
Portuguese baptisedat Cochin by Father Vaz, and on his arrival on the coast,
in power
along the after the overthrow of the Muhammadans, 20,000 Paravas, inhabit-
ing
coast. been
thirtyvillages,
are said to have baptised.Looking at these
circumstances I think we cannot err insettingdown 1532 as the

date of the commencement of the Portuguese power on the

Tinnevelly coast. Xavier writes that the chiefs of the Saracens

(Muhammadans) were slain and that power thoir utterly

was

broken. By 1542, when he first visited the coast, the pearlfishery

had fallen entirelyinto Portuguese hands. The placeswhere the

Portuguese had established themselves in Xavier's lime were

Manapadu, Punnaikayal, Tutioorin, and Vembar, but it will

appear afterwards, from notes from early Portuguese writers

 LATER TflNDTT PERIOD. 69

communicated to me by Dr. Buruell, that till about 1582 Chapter III,

Punnaikayal was their principalsettlement and Tuticorin a place

of less importance.

Inroads of the
"
Badages."

Between 1532, the date of the expeditionagainstthe "

Moors ", Ravages of

the first year of Xavier's residence on the theBadaSes-

and 1542, coast, a new

enemy came upon the scene, an enemy much more formidable than

the Moors, and one with which even the Portuguese found it more
"
difficult to deal. These were the "
Badages whose
ravages are so

frequently described and so patheticallydeplored in Xavier's

letters. Xavier representsthem as lawless
by another marauders ;

writer, as we shallsee, they are

as described
tax-gatherers; and
doubtless both representations were correct,for this extraordinary
combination of the characters of tax-gatherer and marauder

continued to be common in the south till the cession of the Carnatic

to the East India Company. In one villagenear Cape Comorin

Xavier himself was a witness of the horrors the Badages had
and
inflicted, it will presentlybe seen that even the Portuguese
settlements themselves were not safe.

Who were Badages ?

these I have already mentioned that Who were

that is,Nayakas. they ?

"
Badages
"
stands for Vadugas, The Canarese
form of the name is Badaga, the literal meaning is northern, and

theNayakas are so called in the Tamil country because being

Telugus they came from the north. The division of the Nayakas
called Vadugas is that of Tirumalai Nayaka' s caste. Their title

as a caste is Nayaka or Nayudu, but the name by which they are

ordinarilycalled and by which they are from

distinguished other

Nayakas is Vadugas. A Jesuit writer of that time describes the

Badages as
"
the collectors of the royal taxes, a race of overbearing
and insolent men, and commonly called Nairs." Here the writer,Collectors of

tha the Vijaya-

who resided on the western coast, inaccuratelyuses Malayalam
term Nair (Nayar) instead of the correspondingTamil Naik, or

Nayaka. In other respectshis definition is correct. One sion

expres-
he uses is noticeable "
"
the royaltaxes." This meant the taxes

claimed by the Ray as of Vijaya-nagara (or the kings of Narsinga,

as they were generally called by the Portuguese),which were
exacted through their lieutenants at Madura and elsewhere, who
had not yet succeeded in making themselves independent of their
masters. Xavier used a variety of means for protecting the
Christian villages, that is,the villagesof the Paravas along the Xavier's
the of which his appeal to the
coast, from the violence of Badages, one was

intercession in their behalf with the king of Travancore. He Travancore.

calls this king by the strange name of Iniquitribirimus."The "

onty portion of this name which seems capableof explanationis

 70 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter III. the last,birimus, which probably stands for Varnia, the Kshatriya
title affixed to the personal name of each Travancore king.
According to the Travancore lists the king at that time was colled

Udaya Martanda Varma who reigned from 1537 to 1560. No

name in the list and no Hindu name I know seems to bear any
resemblance to Iniquitri. The copierof Xavier's letter probably
mistook his writing. Can the name have been intended for that
of a king of Travancore who reigned some time previously,Vira
Ravi ?
"
Power of the Xavier describes
king as the great king of Travancore
this "

Travancore all South India. Again

an(j Speaks 0f hjm as having authorityover
he speaks of the oppressedParavas as the king's subjects. He
mentions that a near relative of the king resided at Tael1 (that ia
Cael Kayal).
=
It is evident, however, that the power of the

king of Travancore along the Tinnevelly coast had become at that

time little better than nominal. He gave his sympathy, but
the follow-
ing
apparentlywas unable to render any real assistance ; and

year we find that Travancore itself was invaded by the

than when they
Badages""
greaterforce and better armed in

went against the poor fishermen of the coast. According to some

accounts the Raja was more indebted to Xavier than to his force
*
Nayfkas"on of Nairs for deliverance from this danger,a panichaving,it is said,
Travancore. "been produced in the ranks of the Badages by Xavier's sudden

in the front of their host. The Badages failed in their

appearance
attempt to
conquer Travancore, but from that time forward we

hear no more of the power of the king of Travancore in Tinnevelly,

and from time to time we find the Nayaka rulers of Madura

claiming the right of levyingtribute on Travancore itself. It is

admitted, however, that the king of Travancore paid them tribute

only when compelled. At the time these conflicts were occurring

between the Badages and the Paravas the Pandya kings of the

second series still professedto reignover the whole country. The

Pandya of that time, accordingto an inscriptionof mine, was
Vikrama Pandya. But nobody seems to have cared about him

or taken any notice of him.

Motives of the What can have been the motive of the of the
specialhostility
"
Badages." "
Tjadages,
"
that is. of the Nayaka emissaries of
and representatives

the Vijaya-nagara Payas and their Madura deputies against the

unwarlike Parava fishermen along the coast of Tinnevelly? They

were said to have expressed their "

determination to expel the

1 The name nf this place is written Tael, Tale or Tala. As it is said to have

been two leagues from Manapftdu, Talai, a fishing village on the coast, would
app" u
been meant. It is however,
difficult, to suppose that a relation of the king
to have
of Travancore would he livingat a poor fishingvillage, when it was so much more

natural tor him to live at Kayal where Barbosa net long hefore found the king
written by mistake Tael.
himsi If. Cael would easilyhave bet D
 72 HISTORY OF TIXNEVEI.LY,

Chapter III, find also from authority that in 1609 the Paravas
another paid
their dues, not Portuguese, but
to to thetherepresentatives of
the Madura Government. Bishop Barretto in 1615 complains
that the people were much oppressedby the Nayaka of Madura.

Punnaikaval. The principalsettlement of the

Portuguese for about fiftyyears
after their arrival seems to have been Punnaikayal. Punnai means

the Indian laurel, Kayal a lagoon opening into the sea. Old
Kayal is situated to the north of the TamraparnI river, kayal
Punnai-
to the south, very near the mouth and righton the seashore.
It is now only a fishingvillage, but some traces remain of its
former greatness. The foundations of some European bungalows
and warehouses are still seen, with a portion of an encircling
wall ; and a distinct tradition survives of the existence of a fort

during the Portuguese period,of a siege,a battle, and a defeat.

This it will be seen is quitein accordance with the historical

notice which will be found beneath under the head of 1552.

There is also a by
tradition hands of the
of the enemy death the

of Father (Antonio Criminalis),

Antonio X avier's successor.

For the following items of information about Punnaikayal

subsequently to Xavier's time, I am indebted to Dr. Burnell,
who has taken them from early Portuguese writers, especially
DeSousa :"

Annals of 1551. Two hospitalsand a seminary founded at Punicale.

the Portu-
guese
the
on
1552. At Punicale, the chief place on coast, there the was a mud

coast.
fort. This fort was taken by the Badages, Countinho, Captain of
the Fishery, being defeated.
1553. Punicale retaken by the fleet from Calicut.
1560. There was a garrisonat Punicale of fiftymen.
1563. Shortly after 1563, when Cresar Frederic visited the coast,
the fishers for pearls still continued to pay for permission to the
representativeof the King of Portugal. The Madura Nayakas had,
therefore,not yet succeeded in gaining supreme power.
1570. Great famine on the fishery coast. Father Henriquez
established famine relief houses, in some of which fiftypersons were

daily fed.
Don Sebastian limits to the Christian fishermen the tithes on

pearls.
1578. DeSousa states that in 1578 Father Joao de Faria cut Tamil

types and printed certain religiousbooks the same year on the

Pescaria coast, that is, on the coast of Tinncvelly. The books were

the Doctrina Christiana,the Flos Sanctorum (an epitome of the lives

of the Saints),and some others.

Printing Paulinus a Sancto Bartolomreo seems to make the same ment

state-
introduced.
with reference to Cochin. He says that at Cochin in 1577
Printing at
a lay brother,Joannes Gonsalves, cut Malabar-Tamil types and
Cochin.
printed a Doctrina Christiana, and that the next year a Flos
Sanctorum followed. It certainlylooks very much as if the same
 LATER HINDU PERIOD. 73

If of these Chapter III.

incident were referred to by both writers. one narra-

tives is to be accepted and the other rejected,the one which has

the best claim to be acceptedis the one which relates to Tinnevelly,

as DeSousa compiledhis book from MSS. in Groa in the seventeenth

century, a century before Paulinus. This is interesting

an

incident, as being the first introduction of printing on the

Coromandel Coast. It does not seem to have been carried on any

further. The next Tamil printingwe hear of is at Ambalakadu
in the Cochin country in 1679.

The Pearl Fishery.

I subjoin here Caesar of the pearlfishery

Frederic's
description
as earned on in his time. It seems probablethat his observations
were made at Kayal (or Punnaikayal) that being the only place ,

on the coast he mentions. Csesar Frederic was a Venetian merchant,

a fellow-countryman of Marco Polo. He spent eighteenyears in

India between 1563 and 1581, and his visit to Tinnevellyand the

scene of the pearlfisherymust have been in or soon after 1563 :"

"
Of the Pearl Fishery in toe Gulf of Mannar.

'"
The sea along the which
Cape Comorin to the
coast extends from

low land of Kayal and the island

(Ceylon)is called the pearl of Zeilan

fishery. This fishery is made every year, beginning in March or

April, and lasts fiftydays. The fishery is by no means made every

year at one place, but one year at one place,and another year at
another place; all however in the same sea. When the fishing
season approaches, some good divers are sent to discover where

the greatest quantity of oysters are to be found under water ; and

then directlyfacing that place which is chosen for the fisherya
village with a number of houses, and a bazaar, all of stone, is built,
which stands as long as the fisherylasts,and is
amply suppliedwith
all necessaries. Sometimes it happens near placesalreadyinhabited,
and at other times at a distance from any habitations. The fishers

or divers are all Christians of the countiy, and all are permitted
to engage in this fishery,
on payment of certain duties to the king
of Portugal and to the churches of the Friars of Saint Paul on that

coast. Happening to be there one year my in I

peregrinations, saw

the order used in fishingwhich is as follows : "

"
During of the fishery,
the continuance
there are always three or
four armed galliotsstationed to defend
foists or the fishermen from

pirates. Usually the fishing boats unite in companies of three or four

together. These boats resemble our pilot boats at Venice, but are

somewhat smaller, having seven or eightmen in each. I have seen

of a morning a great number of these boats go out to fish,anchoring

in 15 or 18 fathoms water, which is the ordinary depth along this

coast. When at anchor, they cast a rope into the sea, having a great

10
 74 HISTORY OF TIXXEYELLY.

Chatter III. stone at one end. Then a man having his ears well stopped,and his
body anointed with oil, and a basket hanging to his neck or under his
left arm, goes down to the bottom of the sea along the rope, and fills
his basket with oysters as fast as he can. "When that is full,he
shakes the rope, and his companions draw him up with the basket.
The divers follow each other in succession in this manner till the boat
is loaded with oysters, and they return evening to the fishingvillage.
at

Then each boat or company makes their

heaps of oysters at some
distance from each other, so that a long row of great heaps of oysters

are seen piledalong the shore. These are not touched till the fishing
is over, when each compan}' sits down beside its own heap, and falls
to opening the oyster, which is now easy, as the fish within are all

dead and dry. If every oyster had pearls in them it would be a

profitableoccupation,but there are many which have none. There

are certain persons(Chettis)who are learned

called in pearls;
Chitini
and are enipkryedto sort and value them according to their weight,
beauty, and goodness,dividing them into four sorts. The first sort

which are round are named aia of Portugal, as they are bought by
the Portuguese. The second, which are not round, are named aia of

Bengal. The third, which are inferior to the second, are called aia of

Canara, which is the name of the kingdom of Bijanagur or Narsinga,

into which they are sold. And the fourth, or lowest kind, is called

aia of Cambaia,1 being sold into the country. Thus sorted, and prices
affixed to each, there are merchants from all countries ready with

their so that in a few days all the pearlsare bought up ing

accord-
money,
to their goodness and weight."
The author Tinnevelly Census, in which
of the Eeport on the

the above is included, observes of this descriptionof the pearl

fisherythat it is as applicableto the method of procedure at the

"

present day, as when it was written nearly 300 years ago, except
that from some causes but little understood the banks of recent

unfortunatelyceased to furnish
have a supply of the valuable
years
oystersyieldingthe pearlof commerce."

TuTICORIX UXDER THE PORTUGUESE.

The
first appearance of the Portuguese in force in Tuticorin was

in 1532, when the fleet despatched from Cochin broke the power
of the Muhammadans along the coast and the Paravas were

baptisedby Father Michael Vaz and his assistant priests. The

number said to have
baptised Avas, as been has been said,20,000
from Cape Comorin
inhabitingthirtyvillages northwards. Of tins.

1 It is not oliai what word was meant by "ia. Haya, horse, was the title of the

first of eight varieties of pearls sent hy king Devenipiatissain B.C. 306 to King
Asoka. .See Emerson Tcnnent's Ceylon. Each of C;esar Frederic's varieties.

however, was called the aia of such and such a kingdom. Can the ordinary word
(in Tamil ayam), which means "tax" have been int. mlcd? This is the
Bya
impressionof the Tuticorin traders-,
as they say the tax to the Portuguese, "c, was

paid in n.urls.
 LATER HINDU PERIOD. 75

Tuticorin
villages was one, but it is uncertain when a regularsettle- Chapter III.

ment was formed there by the Portuguese. In 1543, when the

celebrated Xavier arrived,Tuticorin had a Portuguese Governor.
The establishment of the settlement there must, therefore, be Date of the
establishment
placed somewhere in the tenyears between 1532 and lc42, but
from 1532 for some fiftyyears the inhabitants of Tuticorin were Portuguese
inl utlcorm-
regarded, like the rest of the baptised Paravas, as Portuguese
subjects.
Tuticorin is the European equivalentof the Tamil name of the

placeTuttukkudi. The cerebral d of Tuttukkudi became r in the

mouth of
Europeans by that rule of
mispronunciationby which
Manappadu, another placein the neighbourhood,became Manapar.
The final n in Tuticorin was added for some such euphonic reasons
as turned Kochchi into Cochin and Kumari into Comorin. The Meaning of

meaning of the name Tuttukkudi is said to be the town where ^wriii

the wellsget filled up ; from
tuttu (properlyturttu),to fill up
a well,and kudi, a placeof habitation,a town. This derivation,
whether the true one or not, has at least the merit of being

appropriate, for in Tuticorin the silting of old wells and the

up
opening out of new ones are events of almost daily occurrence.
Tuticorin was not only a village, but appears to have been a place
of some little trade,before the arrival of the Portuguese but the
;
Portuguese were especiallyattracted to it by the advantages
offered by its harbour, which is the only place that can be called
a harbour along the entire Coromandel Coast. The harbour is
well sheltered from wind by islands and spitsof sand.
every
Unfortunatelyit is so shallow that only vessels of sixty tons'
burthen can load in it. Had it not been for this disadvantage
Tuticorin might have eclipsedMadras. The Portuguese,as we
have seen, made Punnaikayal their chief station for a time, but as Tuticorirm
there is only an open road-stead there,without thing that harbour,
any
could be called a harbour, they made Tuticorin their chief ment
settle-
from about 1580.
Probably the vessels used by the early
Portuguese,though Europe, were built in
not much larger than
good-sizedcountry craft,so that they would be able to load and
unload inside the harbour. Probably also the harbour was a few
feet deeper then than it is now. This indeed be
may regarded not
as a probability,but as a certainty, for there is abundant evidence
to prove that the whole coast has been steadily risinglittle by little
out of the sea for ages.
The principalisland,that on light-housestands, is which the
called Pandiyan-tlvu,the island Pandyan. Coral, called in of the
Tamil nurai-kal,foam-stone, is formed abundantly in the shallow Coral,
water outside the islands. Whenever people dig in the town of
Tuticorin they find about two feet beneath the surface a thin layer,
generallyonly a few inches in thickness, of a fine-grained grit-
 76 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter III. stone, called by the natives uppukal, salt-stone,formed by the

indurationof the uj)per surface of the sea bed when the sea covered
the place. Underneath this stratum we find sea sand, the larger
grainsabove, the smaller below, as is usual in sedimentary deposi-
tions.
Sea sand and shells,including deep sea shells,are found
lying on the surface of the ground or a few inches beneath the

surface,as far inland as Korampallam, at the fifth milestone on

the road to Palamcottah. The grit-stoneformation lies beneath,

as elsewhere,all along the coast, and is found half a mile further
inland. It also is full of recent shells ; but with this difference
that the shells in the grit-stoneare fossilised and very much
comminuted. The shells
lying on the surface are not fossilised,
many of them are nearly perfect,and some retain traces of their

originalcolour. I found the open country near the Korampallam

Grit-stone, tank covered with

deep sea shells,such as chanks, pectens,oysters,
and a few pearl-oysters.I found in placesalso largequantitiesof
sea shore shells. The place in the vicinityof the Korampallam
sluice,where I found these chanks, "c, is 11 feet above the present
level of the sea at Tuticorin. Chanks are usually found in
7-fathom water, but may take a minimum
we depth of 5 fathoms,
and reckon 30 feet for the depth of their habitat. This added to

11 givesus about 40 feet,as the depth of the sea which swept over

Deep sea shells Tuticorin at that earlyperiodwhen these shell fish were livingin
found inland. ^ sea Korampallam. The natives of Tuticorin confirm
DOttoin at

this conclusion by a so-called tradition. They say that it was at

Korampallam, when the sea came up to that place,that Tuticorin

first began to be built,and that as the sea retired they built their
houses further and further to the eastward, till they reached the

placewhere Tuticorin now stands, and where it has stood ever

since the arrival of the white men. This seems to me a tradition
invented to account for the fact which people help could not

observing,that sea shells were found lying on the surface of the

ground at Korampallam. I do not think it probablethat the date
of the commencement of the elevation of the land was so recent as

this tradition would make us believe,though probably it was after

Tinnevellybegan to be inhabited. Sec Appendix IV.

First Reliable Notices of Tuticorin.

Governor of The first reliable notices of the Portuguese settlement at

Tuticorin. I find in Xavier's which written the
Tuticorin letters, were on spot,
or in the neighbourhood, in 1542-44. Tuticorin had then a

Portuguese Governor, who was probably also the Governor of the

other settlements on the coast, for in his letters to his assistant,

Francis Mancias, Xavier always speaks of the Governor in the

singular. It is probably that it was the same functionary who

 LATER HINDI: PERIOD. 77

The III.
was afterwards called Captain of the Fishery. principalChapter
letter relatingto Tuticorin is one which records a disaster. It

was dated (a small Parava villagethree miles south of

at Alendale

Trichendur, properlyAlandulai), 5th September 1541. An attack

had been made by the dreaded B adages (Nayakas from Madura)

on the Governor of Tuticorin. Xavier's letter on the subjectwas Tuticorin

addressed to Mancias at Punnaikayal. says: He "I have justga(we^

received the most terrible news respecting the Governor (of
Tuticorin),that his ship has been burnt, and his house on shore

also destroyed by fire ; that he has himself been robbed of every

thing, and has retired to the islands in broken and
spirits utter

destitution. Fly to his relief,I conjure you in the name of

charity; carry you with as many as

you can get togetherof your Xavier's

people at Punieale, and all the boats which are there, filled with rel"*f8
and
provisions, with
especially a supply of fresh water. Use the

utmost despatch,for the extremity of the man's distress admits of

no delay. I am writingto the Patangats1(headmen) of Combutur

and Bembare2 in the most urgent terms, to render you every

possibleassistance in dischargeof their bounden duty to their

Governor. Let them load many boats as are

as fit for the service Boats sent to

with provisionsand fresh water, for it is well known that they are
deficient in that necessary. I wish many boats to be sent, that
these may be the means of carryingover to the mainland the crowd

of all ages, who were driven to take refuge in these inhospitable

rocks by the same incursion as drove the Governor thither." He

adds :
"
The same calamityhas overwhelmed very many Christians
also." This calamity came to an end ere long,but by what means

does not appear.

Two months later Xavier writes to Mancias again : "
Tell N.
Barbosa (theGovernor or Captain of the Fishery) from me not to

employ any person in the pearl fisheries at Tuticorin,who have

taken possessionof the houses of the Christian exiles ;
King as the
and the Viceroy have given me authorityin this matter, I positively
forbid it." To understand the style of language employed by
Xavier it is necessary that he to remember had been made a Royal Xavier's
Commissioner with extraordinary powers. About the same time he authonty-
obtained an order from the King of Portugal that the pearlfishery
should be entirelyin the hands of the Christians.

For the followingparticulars Tuticorin

respecting I am indebted

as before to Dr. Burnell.

1
Patangat means Pattangkatti(title-
wearer), the title of a headman amongst the

Paravas.
2
Bembare is easily identified with Vembar, but it was a long time before I

discovered that by Combutur"

"
(confounded by some with far-off Coimbatore) we

are to understand Kombukireiyur, a small fishingvillagenear Kayalpa^anam.

 78 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter III. Correa, writing about 1560, says that in 15-14 (when as we

have seen Xavier himself was on the coast) the places in which
there were most Christians were Tuticorin and Manapadu.
Later notices A church was built at Tuticorin in 1582 (DeSousa). It was
of Tuticorin.
dedicated to "
Nossa Senhora da Piedade," and 600 persons municated
com-

at the first mass said in it. This name is supposed to

be an error "
See in the chapter on Roman Catholic Missions a

quotation from Guerrero in 1600 relatingto the name of this

church.
In Lunchoten's (1596) Cael appears, but not Tuticorin.
map
He only mentions a Captain of the Fishery.
I find the followingnames of placeson or near the coast tioned
men-

in Xavier's letters : Tuticorin,Manapadu, Punnaikayal, "

Kombukiraiyur, Alandulai, Kayal, Talai, Virapandiyanpattanam,

Vembaru, Pudicurim (Pudukudi), Trinchandour (Tiruchendur),
Pattanani.
Tuticorin Baldseus mentions that the Dutch took Tuticorin from the
taken by the 1658. He mentions the existence
Dutch. Portuguese in of churches along
the coast, but says nothing of Portuguese settlements. It may be
assumed that by that time Tuticorin was the only placeon the

coast where the Portuguese continued to bear rule. Baldseus says

that Tuticorin was not fortified,
and this appears from his view.
It will be seen that a fort was erected in Tuticorin by the Dutch
shortlybefore 1700. Prior to that, however, the portionof the
town which is now inhabited by the higher Hindu castes was

called Vadi, the enclosure. Both during the Portugueseperiod

and during that of the Dutch the chief trade of Tuticorin was

with Ceylon.
Relics of the In addition to the Groanese Church at Tuticorin the only other
1'oituguese relic of the have
time.
Portuguese period I seen is a tomb-stone of a

Native Roman Catholic female with a Portuguese name, dated

1618. The oldest thing in Tuticorin appears to be a great Baobab
tree, near the church, probably plantedthere by some earlyArab
merchants and said by tradition to have been standingthere before
the church was erected. The Baobab is the Adansonia Diffitata,
an African tree, called the monkey-broad by the Negroes. The
natives of Tuticorin call it "the tree without a name."

Tuticorin under the Dutch.

The first mercantile expeditiondespatched by the Dutch to

the east was in 1595. In 1602 the first Dutch ship was seen in

Ceylon, which from period till 1658, when the Portuguese were
expelledfrom Ceylon and the Coromandel Coast, the Dutch and
the Portuguese were incessantlyat war. Colombo was taken by
the Dutch in 1655, three years before the capture of Tuticorin.
 so HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter III. The prince thought fit to receive the presents, and promised fine
things,but has not yet been so good as his word.
Dutch mono The Dutch had already obtained from the king of Madura the
poly in the
fishery. monopoly of the fisheryof the Tinnevelly coast, and drew a

considerable revenue from licenses

they granted to to fish,which
all applicantsat the rate of
occasionallymore sixtyecus1
for and
each vessel employed, the number of licensed vessels amounting
often to as many as six or seven hundred. The conch-shell fishery
was also theirs within the same limits as the pearl fishery, and

yielded a considerable profit. Their ordinary trade was in cloths

manufactured at Madura, for which they gave in exchange Japan
leather and Molucca spices. The Jesuit Missionary,from whose
letters these particularshave been obtained, furnishes an account
of the manner in which the pearl fisherywas carried on by the
Dutch in 1700. Though I have already quoted the descriptions
of Marco Polo and Caasar Frederic, I cannot forbear quoting
this description also,which is particularly full and clear : "

Martin's Account of the Pearl Fishery in 1700.

"
In the early part of the year the Dutch sent out ten or twelve
vessels in different directions to test the localities in which it appeared
desirable that the fisheryof the j^ear should be carried on ; and from
each vessel a few divers were let down, who brought each a few
up
thousand oysters, which were heaped upon the shore in separate heaps
of a thousand each, and opened and examined. If the pearls found
in each heap were found by the appraisersto be worth an ecu or more,
the beds from which the oysters were taken were held to be capable
of yielding a rich harvest ; if they were worth no more than thirty
sous, the beds were considered unlikely to yield a profit over and
above the expense of working them. As soon as the testing was
completed, it was publiclyannounced either that there would or that
there would not be a fisherythat year. In the former case enormous

crowds of people assembled on the coast on the day appointed for the

commencement of the fishery; traders came there with wares of all

kinds ; the roadstead was crowded with shipping ; drums were

beaten and muskets fired ; and everywhere the greatest excitement

prevailed,until the Dutch Commissioners arrived from Colombo with

great pomp and ordered the proceedings to be opened with a salute of

cannon. Immediately afterwards fishing the weighed vessels all

anchor and stood out to preceded by two large Dutch

sea, sloops,
which in due time drew off to the right and left,and marked the limits

of the fishery; and when each vessel reached half of its comple-
its place, ment
of divers plunged into the sea, each with a heavy stone tied to his
feet to make sink rapidlyand furnished
him with a sack in which to put

his oysters, and having a rope tied round his body, the end of which

1 The writer heing a Frenchman mentions a French coin then current. The ecu

contained five francs. The name is now obsolete.

 LATER HINDU PERIOD. 81

was passed round a pulley and held by some of the boatmen. Thus Chapter IIL

equipped the diver plunged in, and on reaching the bottom filled his
sack with oysters until pulled a stringwith
his breath failed ; when he
which he was provided,and the signalbeing perceived by the boat- men

above, he was forthwith hauled up by the rope, together with his

sack of oysters. No artificial appliances of any kind were used to
enable the men to stay under water for long periods : they were
accustomed to the work from infancyalmost, and consequently did it
easilyand well. Some were much more skilful and lastingthan others,
and it was usual to pay them no proportion to their powers a practice "

which led to much emulation and occasionallyto fatal results.

Anxious to outdo all his fellows, a diver would sometimes persistin
until
collecting he was too weak to pull the string ; and would be

drawn up at last half or quite drowned. And very often a greedy

man would attack and rob a successful neighbour under water : and
instances were known in which divers who had been thus treated
took down knives and murdered their plunderersat the bottom of the

sea. As soon as all the first set of divers had come up, and their

takingshad been examined and thrown into the hold, the second set

went down. After an interval the first set dived again, and after
them the second ; and so on turn by turn. The work was very
exhausting,and the strongestman could not dive oftener than seven or

eight times in a day ; so that the day's diving was finished always
before noon.

"
The divingover, the vessels returned to the coast and discharged
their cargoes : and the oysters were all thrown into a kind of park
and left for two or three days, at the end of which time they opened
and disclosed their treasures.pearls having been extracted
The
from the shells and carefully washed, were placed in a metal receptacle
containingsome five or six colanders of graduated sizes,which were

fitted one into another so as to leave a space between the bottoms of

every two, and piercedwith holes of varying sizes ; that which had
were

the largest holes being the topmost colander, and that which had
the smallest being the undermost. When dropped into colander No. 1
all but the very finest pearls fell through into No. 2, and most of them

passed into Nos. 3, 4, and 5 ; whilst the smallest of all,the seeds.

were strained off into the receptacleat the bottom. When all had

staid in their proper colanders,they were classified and valued ingly.

accord-
The largestor those of the first class were the most valuable :

and it is expressly stated in the letter from which this information is

extracted that the value of any given pearl was appraised almost
exclusivelywith reference to its size, and was held to be affected but
little by shape its and lustre.
over, generally The valuation the Dutch

1nought the finest pearls. They considered that they had a rightof pre- emption
: at the same time they did not compel individuals to sell if

unwilling. All the pearlstaken on the first day belonged by express

reservation to the king or to the Setupati, according as the place of
their taking lay off the coasts of the one or the other. The Dutch did

not, as was often asserted, claim the pearls taken on the second da}-.
11
 82 HISTORY OF TINXEYELLY.

Chapter III. They had other and more certain modes of making profit,of which
the very best was to bring plenty of ca^h into a market where cash was

not plentifuland so enable themselves to purchase at very easy prices.

The amounts of oysters found in different years varied infinitely.
Some years the divers had only to pick up as fast as they were able,
and as long as they could keep under water ; in others they could only
find a few here and there. In 1700 the testing was most encouraging,
and an unusually large number of boat-owners took out licenses to

fish ; but the season proved most disastrous. Only a few thousands
were taken on the first day by all the divers together,and a day or two
afterwards not a single oyster could be found. It was supposed by
many that strong under-currents had suddenly set in owing to some

unknown cause and covered the oysters with layers of sand. ever
What-
the cause, the results of the failure were most ruinous. Several
merchants had advanced large svims of money to the boat-owners on

which
speculation, were of course lost. The boat-owners had in like

manner advanced money to the divers and others, and they also lost
their money. And the Dutch did not make anything like their usual
profit."
Failures in period described
In the earlier by Marco Polo and Csesar
fishery!'Frederic the pearlfisheryseems never to have proved a failure. It
was carried
successfully on on some bank or another off the coast

year after year ; but in later times failures frequentlyoccurred.

The first of these failures I find mentioned took place about thirty

years after Caesar Frederic's visit and lasted for an entire tion.
genera-
I have learnt from Dr. Burnell that
Barretto, Bishop of
Cochin, in an account of the Missions publishedin 1615, says that
the pearl fisheryalong the coast, of which he gives a description,
had failed for thirty-fouryears. It commenced again,he says,
four years ago. This appears to have been the commencement of
those frequentfailures which have formed the principal characteristic
of the fisheryin modern times. In 1700 we see Father Martin's
account of the failure that year. The first time the fisherywas
conducted under the East India
Company's Government was in

1784, Mr. Irwin being Superintendent

then of "
Assigned
Revenue," or Collector,and this proved a failure. The cause of
these failures I
is, understand, stillinvolved in mystery.
The earliest date I have found on a Dutch tomb-stone in
Tuticorin is 1706.

nutrii The only reference to the Dutch in Tuticorin contained in

alliance with
Qrmo ^y{\\ be found further in connexion with the of
on events
roliflrars
insi the 1700. It would appear that the Poligarswere frequentlyreceiving
English encouragement and assistance from the Dutch.

Later on we learn from Colonel Fullarton that the Dutch entered

into regularalliance with the

a refractoryPoligarsof Tinnevelly
against the English; nor was this an empty suspicion the part on

of the English of that time, founded on for on

national jealousy,
 LATER HINDU PERIOD. 83

thecapture of Panjalainkuriohi by Colonel Fullarton in 1783 the Chapter III.

originalof a treaty between the Dutch Government of Colombo

and Kattaboma Nayaka was found in his fort.

I appendprincipalepochs in the historyof

the the occupationDatesrelatiDg
to lutlconn-
of Tuticorin,though some of these come down to a later date than

that at which it was intended that this narrative should terminate.

1. The Dutch took Tuticorin from the Portuguese in 1658.

2. It was taken from the Dutch by the English in 1782.
3. It was restored by the English to the Dutch in 1785, in

consequence of the treaty of 2nd September 1783.

4. It was taken again by the English in 1795.
5. And was again given back to the Dutch on the 9th
February 1818.
6. It was finallyceded peacefullyby the Dutch to the English
on the 1st June 1825.

During the last Poligarwar Tuticorin was taken from the Tuticorin

English and held for a short time by the Poligar of Panialam- j".mgtne
..__,.. .
roligar war.
kurichi. This was in the beginningof 1801. A young subaltern

was in command of the fort of Tuticorin with a company of sepoys.

Unfortunately,while he was defending the fort on one side the

native officer under him capitulatedand admitted the on
enemy
the other. The rebels disarmed the sepoys and then set them at
and
liberty, permitted the English officer to embark ina fishing
boat for an English settlement. They found an Englishman,
Mr. Baggott, who was Master Attendant of Tuticorin,and carried
him off a prisoner. His wife followed him into the fort where the

Poligar had taken up his headquarters and petitionedfor her

husband's life,whereupon the Poligar set him at liberty and
restored to him his property. There were Dutch residents
many
in Tuticorin, but these were unmolested by the Poligar. He
considered them neutrals,or indeed friends,for the sympathies of
the Dutch all through the troubles in Tinnevelly were rather on

the side of the enemy than on ours. A son of this Mr. Baggott
was well known in Tuticorin in connection with the cotton trade

many years afterwards.

I have the
pleasureof adding here (though they belong to a later introduction
period)some particularsrespectingthe introduction of the screwing of of cott"n
8Ciei
cotton into Tuticorin,kindly furnished me by the gentleman by whom
it was introduced, C. Groves, Esq.,of Liverpool,now of New Brighton,
Cheshire. This was in 1831, nearly fifty Mr. Groves, who,
years ago.
with his brother, had then a house in Colombo, came across to
Tuticorin for the purpose of seeing whether cotton could not be
screwed there and shipped directlyto England. Up to that time
Tinnevelly cotton was either sent unscrewed to Madras, or it was

partially screwed in Palamcottah and then sent from Tuticorin to

Madras to be properly screwed. Mr. Groves landed at Tuticorin on

 84 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter III. the 1st March. 1831 and went immediately to Palameottah to see Mr.

Hughes (about whom we hear much in connection with the Poligar

wars), who at that time had all the cotton business in his hands. He

bought 200 bales of him, and after he left his agent in Colombo sent a

vessel to Tuticorin to take these bales to London. This was the first

shipment of cotton ever made directly from Tuticorin to Europe, and it

answered well financially. The following in 1832, Mr. Groves

year,
had the first cotton screw erected in Tuticorin in connection with his

Colombo business. Afterwards other screws were erected by Madras

merchants and others. At first Mr. Baggott, who succeeded his

father as Master Attendant in Tuticorin, acted as Groves and Co.'s

agent, but after they withdrew he carried on the cotton screwing

business on his own account.

Some relics of Mr. Hughes's screw may still be seen lying about

near the Court House in Palameottah.

Tuticorin in At the end of 1801, on the termination of the Poligar war,

180 L
General (then Captain) "Welsh was sent to command Tuticorin and

superintend the transportation to Penang of seventy of the pal

princi-
rebels. He describes it as having a large fortified factory,
washed by the sea and as a neat little town, the front street of

which, on the sea-shore, had some good houses in it. The native

inhabitants were about five thousand in number. From this place,

he the by sea to Colombo is performed in one or two
says, passage

days, the gulf always having strong winds blowing, either or

up

down, which are equally available going or returning. He describes

the Factory-house, inhabited by the Dutch Governor, as a very

well-furnished, and very

cool habitation, besides which he
roomy,
had garden house about three miles inland. The Tuticorin fort
a

was destroyed by the English in 1810.

Tuticorin at I add that the Tuticorin of the present is not only the chief
may
present. but the of the
seaport in Tinnevelly, principal emporium cotton

trade in Southern India. It was always a thriving place, but it

has recently received a great impetus from being made the southern

terminus of the railway connecting Tinnevelly with Trichinopoly

and Madras. It is one of the few towns in Tinnevelly which are

under municipal government, and had a population in 1871 of

nearly 11,000.
 NAWAB OF AllCOT's PERIOD. 85

CHAPTER IV.

THE PERIOD OF THE NAWAB"t)F ARGOT, TO MUHAMMAD

YUSUF KHAN'S ADMINISTRATION.

End of the Rule of the Nayakas of Madura.

"We must now return to the

closingperiod of the Nayaka admini- Chapter IV.

stration. I must content myself, however, with a brief record of

facts,as Trichinopoly had now become the capitalof the Nayaka

dominions, instead of Madura, and, this place being still more

remote than Madura from Tinnevelly,hardly any reference to

Tinnevelly affairs appears in the records of the time. It was not

until the contest for the Nawabship of Arcot arose between Chanda

Saheb, the protege of the French, and Muhammad Ali, the protege
of the English,that Tinnevelly seems to have been regarded as a

district of any importance.

In 1731, the last of the Nayaka kings,Yijayaranga-chokka-natha,
died without issue,and was succeeded by his queen Mmakshi, who
adopted,as heir to the throne, the son of a member of the
royal
family, in whose name she ruled as regent. A party, however,
arose who endeavoured
depose Mmakshi to
and set up instead

VangaruTirumalai, the father of the boy she had adopted. Mmakshi

remained in possessionof the fort of Trichinopoly,its palaceand

treasures,whilst most of the country outside fell away

Trichinopoly
to ber rival.

Chanda Saheb at Trichinopoly.

Hearing of these disputesthe Nawab of Arcot sent an in

army,
1734, under the command of his son Safdar Ali and his relation
and Dewan Chanda Saheb, nominally for collecting the of
purpose
tribute,but really to
any seize opportunitythat
might offer for
gettingpossessionof Trichinopoly. Chanda Saheb after having Chanda
taken an oath, it is said,on the Koran that he would do nothing f1"b)'(']'
to the queen's detriment, was admitted with a body of troops into
the city,whereupon he soon succeeded in usurping the entire

government, first of the portion of country which remained in the

queen'spossession, then of Madura and the districts which adhered

to Vangaru Tirumalai.
Chanda Saheb now threw off the mask and showed himself in
his true colours. His schemes had all succeeded ; the Madura
 86 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter iv. kingdom, or at all events the greater and more important portion
of it,was held by
troops ; Vangaru his Tirumalai was a refugee;

and Minakshi helplesswoman,

was alivingin a buildingwhich he
Chanda Saheb could at any moment seize and turn into a prison. Accordingly,

kingdom.
*n ^^6, he openly proclaimedhimself to be the ruler of the Madura
kingdom, and, locking up the queen in her palace, assumed to
himself all the and dignity of a sovereign prince. And
power
thinking after awhile that the queen might find means to do him
harm, and that she was an expense to him, and findingperhaps
that the presence of the poor woman in the palacewas productive
of unpleasantaction on the part of what he supposed to be his con-
science,

he began to take into consideration the advisabilityof

murdering her. But he was saved the trouble of committing this
fresh crime. Her misfortunes were more than Minakshi could

endure, and, weary of her life,she took poison and placed herself
beyond the reach of her betrayer. Nelson, III. 260. "

Mahrattas at Trichinopoly.

The next turn brought the Mahrattas, for the

of fortune first time,

into the ancient Pandya kingdom. According to Nelson's account,

which seems to be more reliable here than Orme's, Vangaru
Tirumalai found that his only chance was to call to his aid a power
stronger than that of Chanda begged the Saheb. He therefore
Arrival of the Mahrattas of Sattarato come and help him. Accordingly,in 1739,
*[4hyatta Raghuji Bhonslai and Futta Singh, the Mahratta generals,
marched southward at the head of a largebody of cavalry, and after

defeating the Nawab of Arcot, Daust Ali, laid siegeto Trichino-

poly.

They were assisted by the King of Tan jore and the other
Hindu princesin the neighbourhood, who were anxious to see the
Muhammadans expelled. The fortress was on the point of being-
taken when Chanda Saheb surrendered it, with himself, to the

Mahrattas, by whom he was sent a prisonerto Sattara. This took

place in March 1741, and the capture of Chanda Saheb had been

already precededby the death of his brother Bada Saheb, who had

been appointedGovernor of Madura. After taking Trichinopoly

the Mahratta leaders appointed Morari Rau to be Governor rarily,
tempo-
and the latter appointed Appaji Rau to be the Governor of

the less important fortress of Madura. The Governor of Madura

Mahrattas in was doubtless nominally Governor also of Tinnevelly, but there is
of
possession n0tLjnO; to show
o
that he was actuallyin possessionof Tinnevelly or
sovereign i-i- m. j
have made into and
powi t
any part of it,though he may incursions it,
it may be assumed without hesitation that the Poligarspaid very
little attention to his commands.
Sir Madhava Rau, History of Travancore
in his (which I have
only seen in mentions
the vernacular), some additional particulars
 88 HISTORY OF TIXXEVELLY.

Chapter IV, Town of Tinnevelly.

The town of Tinnevellywas the more ancient capitalof the trict,

dis-
as Palamcotta is the more modern. It is uncertain whether
Tinnevellywas anything more than one of the principaltowns in
the district during the time of the Pandya kings,but it seems to be
certain that during the greater portionof the period of the rule of
the Nayakas at Madura it was regardedas the capitalof the south- ern

portion of their dominions. Its only rival in importance was

Strivillyputtoor (Srlvillipputtur), where some of the Nayaka rulers

Town of liked occasionally to reside. It is strange that,though the capital

Tinnevelly of a district, and the rich centre of a rich neighbourhood, it seems
always a

place of im- never to have been fortified. Probably there was always a strong- hold
portance.
at Palamcotta, only about three miles off,and this may always
have been regarded as a sufficient protection, as we know it was at
a later period, to the town of Tinnevelly and the towns and villages
in the neighbourhood. Tinnevellyshould be written Tiru-nel-veli,
and the meaning of this name is the sacred rice hedge," from tiru
"

(the Tamilised form of the Sanskrit srl),sacred;nel,paddy, rice in

the husk ; and veli,hedge. The Sthalapurana of the Tinnevelly
"
temple representsnel as meaning bambu," as well as rice or paddy.
Hence it givesalso the meaning, the sacred bambu hedge. This
meaning would be a very appropriateone, but I can find no trace of
nel having the meaning of paddy in any dictionary. The absence
of this meaning in the dictionarydoes not quite settle the matter?
but it renders this derivation somewhat doubtful. The ordinary
legendary derivation of the name is founded, not on any reference
Meaning of
"
Tiru-nel- to a bambu, but on the ordinary meaning of nel,paddy, rice in the
veli."
husk. The story goes, that a man belonging to this place (which
then must have had a different name, bambu hedge ?) went to the
river to bathe, having previouslyspread out a quantity of paddy

near his house to dry. Whilst he was bathing a heavy shower of

rain came on. He left the river and ran home expectingto find his
paddy wet and spoiled,when, behold ! he found that the rain had
fallen all round the paddy, but not a drop on the paddy itself.
Hence he praisedSiva as he who had made a hedge round his paddy,
and built a temple to his honour, whereupon the name of the place

was altered to Tiru-nel-veli, the sacred rice hedge. The purana

Sthala-

givesboth meanings and givesthe legend quoted above in

confirmation of the second. It identifies Tiru-nel-veli with Daruka-

vana, where who

the rishis, were Siva's opponents, performed sacri-
fice,

and the linga here with the linga that grew there out of a

bambu. Hence at a certain festival a young bambu plant is mad''

to appear growing beside the linga. Siva's consort, as wor-
to be shipped

in the Tinnevelly temple, is called Kantimati (fern,of

Kantimat), the lovely one. The towna of Tinnevelly is now a

municipality,with a populationof 20,000.

 NAWAB OF ARCOT's PERIOD. 89

PALAMCOTTA. Chapter IV.

Palanicotta,the present capitalof the district of Tinnevelly,is a

with
municipality, a populationof about 18,000. It is situated
about a mile to the south of the TamraparnI,whilst Tinnevellylies
two miles to the north. Intercourse and traffic between the two

towns have been facilitated since 1844 by a beautiful bridge over the

Tamraparni, by erected Colonel Horsley at the sole expense of a

wealthy native, Sulochana Mudaliyar. Few traces now remain of

the fortifications of Palamcotta, most of which have been removed

as longernecessary, but when the English firstarrived

no in Tinne- Palamcotta

vellythey found it the strongestfort south of Madura. It was a ^l^tfol

fortified town, as well as a fort,and was defended by a double Madura,

system of the
fortifications, outer line lower than the inner,with a

completeset of bastions and stronglyfortified gates. The whole of

the fortifications were cased with cut stone. It was the only stone-

built fort in the TinnevellyDistrict. Madura was frequentlytaken

and retaken,but
Palamcotta lay so far to the south that it was never

exposed to any attack from Europeans, and never sustained any

serious assault from natives. If Tippu Sultan had succeeded in

takingthe northern Travancore lines in 1789 and bringinghis forces Tippu's

round by Tinnevellyand Madura for the purpose of taking the de81Sns-

English in the rear, as he hoped to do, the strengthof the fort of

Palamcotta might have been put to the test.
Palamcotta is in Tamil Falaiyangkottai, which means camp-fort,
from palaiyam, originally camp, secondarily
a an estate held on

militarytenure, and kottai,a fort. The Telugu form which corre- sponds

to palaiyam is palem (u), from which it might be concluded

that the earlyEnglish got their pronunciation and spellingof the
word from their Telugu followers. The derivation I have here

given is that which accords best with the spellingof the name in
actual use, but the derivation of the name almost universally
acceptedby natives requiresit to be written,not Palaiyangkottai,
Meaning and
origia of the
but Palaiyankottai. They represent Palaiyan as a man's name,
name.

admitting however that it may have originallybeen a title. As a

title it would mean the holder of a camp. This would virtually be
identical with the more common title Poligar,and it is noticeable
that tradition representsthis Palaiyan as aCanarese man, and that
the ordinarytitle of
Poligarin Canarese is Paleya, i.e.,
a Palaiyan.
This derivation by the is confirmed
circumstance that the water
channel which bringswater of irrigation from the Palavur anicut to
Palamcotta and the neighbourhood is always called Palaiyan-kal,
that is, Pa laivan's "channel. The native idea is that the fort of

Palamcotta, that is,the old fort,or the oldest portionof the more
recent fort,was built by this Palaiyan about 200 years ago. This
of course is a very vague estimate. It would place the erection of
12
 90 HISTORY OF TINXEVEI.I.Y

Chapter IV. the fort in the time of the Nayakas of Madura, whereas if the
founder of the fort and the excavator of the channel were really
as tradition invariably states,a Kannadi, which there is no reason

to doubt, it would appear probablethat he lived in the still earlier

Age of the
periodwhen the Kannadi kings of Dwara-samudra held supreme
founder.
power. Two reasons may be adduced, on the other hand, for adher-
ing
to the derivation which accords with the ordinary spellingand
consequentlyregarding the first part of the name of Palamcotta as

denoting a camp. One is that Palamcotta is called, it is said,in

some old documents Vilangkulam Palaiyam, the camp of Vilang-
kulam ; another is that there is a large villageto the westward
called Melapalaiyam, the western camp. Palaiyam, however, in the
latter case may mean merely a suburb.
A poetical name for Palamcotta is Mangai-nagaram, the cityof
the maiden, but who this maiden was is at present unknown. A
tradition survives of the existence of a town in ancient times on

the site on which the fort of

subsequentlybuilt- Palamcotta was

A petty king lived there,it is said,called Pranda Baja, who has

given his name to various placesin and about the fort,including
a tank.
It had always been noticed that many of the stones in the
walls of the Palamcotta fort had
previously been portions of
some Hindu temple,and this is clearlyproved by the carvingsand
Construction that
inscriptions remain. These temple stones were found not only
in the outer fort,which was undoubtedly built in the Nawab's

time, but also in the walls of the inner fort,which is said to have
been erected by a Hindu. this,given by One explanation of
natives,is that Palaiyan, though scrupleto avail a Hindu, did not

himself of the stones of abandoned temples,and in particular that

he made use of the stones of a great wall which formerly surrounded
the temple at Muttukrishnapuram, a place about five miles east
of Palamcotta, a temple which had been erected about a hundred

years before the fort by one Mayilerum Perumal Mudali, a convert

from the Saiva to the Vaishnava religion. Another and more

probable explanationis that, not only was the outer fort wholly
built by the Muhammadan commandant during the period of
the Nawab's rule, but that the wall of the inner fort also was

completed and strengthenedby him, when he not only made use

of the stones dilapidatedtemples, but

of also,it is said, pulled
Outer and down some temples for the purpose. One of the temples said to
inner forts.
have been appropriated in this manner was that at Murttiyapurani,
a placn on the banks of the river near Palamcotta. The outer

and lower fort used to be called the Pillaikkottai, or child fort.

This name was probably given to it on account of it being the

smaller of the two, but some natives assert that it meant the fort

of the Pillai,that is,of Muhammad Yusuf Khan, commonly called

 NAWAB OF A.RCOT's PERIOD. 91

simply Khan Saheb, who was often called "

the Pillai,"in conse- Chapter iv.

qnence of his having originallybeen, not a Muhammadan, but a

Vellala Hindu, a caste to which the title Pillai pertains.

During the time the East India Company carried on trade they
had a Commercial Agent in Palamcotta. They had a warehouse

for their goods,and also a cotton-screw near the Agent's house on

the banks of the river. See

in page 83 the account of the first
introduction of cotton screwing into Tuticorin. The first reference
to Palamcotta in Orme is in 1756, in which it was stated that the

ramparts of the fort were in ruins,and only capableof resisting

an enemy which had no battering cannon. Muhammad Yusuf
Khan was appointed to command the troops and carry on the

revenue administration in Madura and Tinnevelly in the same

year, soon after which doubtless he commenced to make the fort of

Palamcotta a place of greater strength. It appears to have been

garrisonedby the English from 1765. The first reference

to it English

in the journals of Swartz, the eminent missionary, is in 1771, garnson-

when he speaks of it as a fort belonging to the Nawab, but having

an English garrison. The earliest date in the English churchyard

in Palamcotta is 1775.

First PIelp rendered by the East India Company to the

Nawab's Government in Tinnevelly, and First English

Expedition into Tinnevelly.

Orme, Vol. I. "

" The countries lying between the Coleroon and the

extremity of the peninsula did not openly throw off their allegiance
to Muhammad Ali, but were lukewarm in his interests : he therefore

(in 1751) sent 2,500 horse and 3,000 peons, under the command of
his brother Abdul-rahim, togetherwith a detachment of 30 Europeans,
to settle the government of Tinnevelly, a city lying 160 miles to the
south of Trichinopoly, and capitalof a territorywhich extends to Cape

Comorin. Abdul-rahim met with no resistance from the people of

the country, but found it difficult to restrain his troops from revolt ;
for most of the officers being renters, were indebted to their prince as

much as he was indebted to their soldiers, and expected as the price

of their defection that Chanda-saheb would not only remit what they
owed to the Government, but likewise furnish for the
pay of
money
their troops. However, great promises, and the vigilance of Lieutenant
Innis.* who commanded the English detachment, prevented them The first En g-
froru carrying their schemes into execution ; but the same spirit of lishman in
mneve ?"
revolt manifested itself more openly in another part of Muhammad
Ali's dominions.
"
Alam Khan, a soldier of fortune, who had formerly been in the
service of Chanda-saheb, and afterwards in that of the King of Tanjore,
had latelyleft this prince and came to Madura, where his reputation

"
Probably the first Englishman who was ever seen in Tinnevelly.
 92 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter IV. as an excellent officer soon gained him influence and respect, which he

employed to corrupt the garrison, and succeeded so well, that the

troops created him governor, and consented to maintain the cityunder

his authority for Chanda-saheb, whom he acknowledged as his

sovereign.
"
country ofThe Madura lies between those of Trichinopoly and
Tinnevelly, and is as extensive as either of them. The city was in

ancient times the residence of a prince who was sovereign of all the

Importance of three. Its form is nearly a square 4,000 yards in circumference,

Madura.
fortified with a double wall and a ditch. The loss of this place, by
cuttingoff the communication between Trichinopolyand the countries
of Tinnevelly,deprived Muhammad Ali of more than one-half of the
dominions which at this time remained under his jurisdiction. On

receiving the news, Captain Cope offered his services to retake it. He

was unsuccessful and had to march back to Trichinopolywith a greatly

diminished force. This occurred in 1751. In 1755, we reach events
in the history of Tinnesrellyof greater interest and importance.
"
At the request of the Nawab a force of 500 Europeans and 2,000
sepoys was, in 1755, ordered to proceed into the countries of Madura
and Tinnevelly to assist in reducing them to his obedience. Mahfuz

Khan (the Nawab's elder brother) was appointed by the Nawab his

representative in those countries, but from first to last was found to

be either a lukewarm, useless friend, or an open enemy. The Nawab

Mahfuz
Khan's himself accompanied the expedition as far as Manapar (Mana-parai),
expedition in the hands of rebellious little to the south of
a place a Poligar,a
Trichinopoly,and then returned. The whole force was commanded

by Colonel Heron, an English officer recently arrived in the country,

whilst the sepoys were under the specialcommand of a native."

Colonel Heron's Expedition and Muhammad Yusuf Khan.

The commander of the native force under Colonel Heron was

a distinguished native soldier called Muhammad Yusuf Khan.

respectingthis not mentioned

I give here some particulars person

by Orme.
of For time prior to 1754 Yusuf Khan had been employed
Career some

Muhammad
as Commander of the Company's Native troops, in which capacity
Yusuf
Khan. he showed so much abilityand zeal and gave such entire satisfac-
tion

to his European superiors,that at the recommendation of

General Lawrence, then Commander-in-Chief, the Government, on

the 25th March 1754, conferred upon regular commission

him a

as the "
Commander of all the Company's Sepoys," and at the
same time presented to him a gold medal as a mark of their

favour
We have seen that Yusuf Khan led a force into Tinnevellyin
1756 restoringorder.
for the purpose of The Government issued

their instructions to him through Captain Calliaud on the 14th

March that year, from which it appeared that he was entrusted,

 NAWAB OF ARCOT's PERIOD, 93

not only with the command of the forces, but with the collection Chapter IV.

of the revenue and the settlement of all difficulties connected

therewith. The only condition was that he was to report his

proceedingsfrom time to time to Captain Calliaud and to remit

all moneys to him. His success as that civil administrator from

time till 1 763 appears from Mr. Lushington's statements, which

will be quoted hereafter. He is well remembered by the people
by the name Kansa, a local corruptionof Khan
of Saheb. His

time is commonly spoken of as the days of Kansa." "

"
Colonel Heron's force took opposition,and whilst The Raja of
Madura without

there they received an important deputation the Poligar Marawar p^o^g8 from

(that is, from the Setupati,the Poligar or Raja of Ramnad) whose

country adjoins the north-eastern portionof Tinnevelly. The Poligar
apologizedfor his conduct during the warsiding with Chanda-saheb
in

and the Mysoreans, desired to be pardoned for that offence, and

intreated to be received into alliance with the English, under whose

protectionhe promised to remain faithful to the Nawab. As a proof

of the sincerityof his intentions, he offeredgive the Company two
to

settlements on the sea-coast of his country, opposite to Ceylon, which,

as he justly observed, woidd greatly facilitate their future nications

commu-

Tinnevelly, for they had at present no

with other way of

approaching that city but by a tedious and difficult march of several

hundred miles ; whereas reinforcements might come by sea from Madras

or Fort St. David in four or five days to the settlements he intended to

give, from which the march to Tinnevelly was no more than fiftymiles.
These offers Colonel Heron deemed so advantageous, that without

consulting the Presidency, he entered into an the Poligar, alliance with

and, as a mark of theEnglish friendship,gave his deputies three Eng- lish

flags,with permission to hoist them in their country, wheresoever

they should think proper. After the business was concluded Colonel
Heron took Kovilgudi, a fortified temple where the fugitiveGovernor
of Madura had taken refuge, and from which the English soldiers Idols carried
"
unthinkingly carried off with other plunder those little copper idols, '

which brought upon them so much trouble in the Nattam Pass on their

way back.
"
The army arrived at the town of Tinnevelly about the middle of

March. The renters, both of the capitaland of the open country,

acknowledged the Nawab without hesitation,but many of the bouring
neigh-
Poligarsmade pretences to evade the payment of the tribute

due from them. The most considerable of these was Catabomonaig,

whose country lies about fiftymiles north-east from Tinnevelly, and
it being imagined that the inferior woidd
Poligai\s not hold out long
after he should have submitted, a detachment of 200 Europeans and

500 with two field pieces,was sent to reduce him."

sepoys,
This Catabomonaig (properly Kattaboma Nayaka) was the The Poligar

Poligar of '
Panialam crutch
(properlyPanjalani kurichi) a fort ^;a^oma
'

near the present taluk town of Ottapidarum. This was the first
of many expeditionssent against this place,the last expedition,
 94 HISTORY OF TIXXEVEEEY.

Chapter IV. and tlie

only one perfectly successful being in 1801. Each of the
later Poligarswas also called Kattaboma Nayaka, this name being
the family title. The chieftain of Colonel Heron's time was Jaga-
vlra Kattaboma Nayaka. He died in 1760. His successor, who
died in 1791, was still more decidedly hostile to the English, and
this hostility culminated in the next two, one of whom was hanged
by Major Bannerman in 1 799 and the other by Colonel Agnew,
Fate of his togetherwith the Sivagangai Poligar, in 1801. The expedition
successors.
sent by Colonel Heron againstPanjalam kurichi came to nothing,

as his whole force was almost immediately recalled to Trichino-

poly.
"
Some days after the despatch of that expedition another ment,
detach-

consistingof 100 Europeans and 300 sepoys, with two field

pieces, was sent to attack the fort of Nelli-kotah, situated forty miles
to the south of Tinnevelly. These troops set out at midnight, and
performed the march in eighteen hours : the Poligar, startled at the
suddenness of their approach, sent out a deputy, who pretended he came

to capitulate, and promised that his master would pay the money
demanded of him in a few days ; but suspicions being entertained of
his veracity, it was determined to detain him as a pledge for the
execution of what he had promised, and he was delivered over to the

Capture of charge of a guard. The troojis were so much fatigued by the sive
exces-

Nullicotah. march had advanced centinels

just made, that even
they the
coxdd not keep awake, and the deputy perceiving all the soldiers who

were appointed to guard him fast asleep, made his escape out of the

camp, and returned to the fort, from whence the Poligar had sent
him only to gain time in order to make the necessary preparations for
his defence. This being discovered early in the morning, it was mined
deter-

to storm the place, of which the defences were nothing more

than a mud-wall with round towers. The troops had brought no

scaling ladders, but the outside of the wall was sloping,and had
many clefts worn in it by the rain, so that the assault, although
hazardous, was nevertheless practicable. It was made both by the

Europeans and sepoys with undaunted courage in several parties at

the same time ; each of which gained the parapet without being once

Massaore of repulsed,when the garrisonretired to the buildingsof the fort, where

the defenders usual in
they called out for quarter ; but the soldiers, as desperate
assaults, were so much exasperatedby a sense of the danger to which
they had exposed themselves, they put all they met to the sword,
that

not excepting the women and children, suffering only six persons out

of four hundred to escape alive. Sorry we are to say, that the troops
and officers who bore the greatest part in this shocking barbarity
were the bravest of Englishmen, having most of them served under
Colonel Lawrence on the plains of Trichinopoly: but those who

contemplate human nature will find many reasons, supported by

examples, to dissent from the common opinion,that cruelty is incom-
patible

with courage."
For many years T was unable to find any trace of this Nelli-
 96 HISTORY OF TINXEVELLY.

Chapter IV. whose influence at that time throughout the whole of the western

part of Tinnevelly,through the fame of his abilities,

was immense.
"
It was the misfortune of Colonel Heron place the utmost
to

confidence in his interpreter,and to be constantly betrayed by him ;

for before the army arrived in sight of the fort, this man had informed
The Puli the Poligar that they had no battering cannon, and that they would
D"var's
fort.
not remain long before the place : the Poligar, therefore, secure in his

fort, which was built of stone and very strong, answered the summons

with insolence ; upon which the field pieces and two cohorns fired

smartly upon the walls for several hours ; but this annoyance ing
produc-
no effect, another message was sent, offering that the army
should retire, provided he would pa}' 20,000 rupees. The Poligar
relyingon the information which he had received from the interpreter,
and encouraged by this relaxation in the terms which were at first

proposed to him, answered with great contempt, that such a sum could

not be raised in his whole countrv, and that he knew the value of

money too well to pay a single rupee. By this time the army were

much distressed for provisions of all kinds, and the sepoys ready to

mutiny for want of pay ; both which Mahf uz Khan had promised, but
had neglectedto supply. It was therefore determined to march away
to Madura, where they arrived, accompanied by Mahf uz Khan, on the
22nd of May."
Colonel As Colonel Heron disappearsfrom the historyof Tinnevelly
now

Heron's fate I must this opportunity of adding that he was

take soon after
recalled to Madras, tried by a court-martial, and dismissed the
service.

Renewed Conflicts.

"
It appeared that whatsoever
soon submissions had been made in
the provinces of Madura and Tinnevelly during the expedition of
Colonel Heron had proceeded entirelyfrom the dread of the English

troops, whose intrepidityas well as the efficacy of their arms far

exceeded the modes of any warfare which had ever been seen in these
countries ; and they were no sooner depaited than the Colleries swarmed
abroad again into all the subjected districts that lay exposed to
their depredations, whilst their chiefs confederated to prevent by more

effectual means the establishment of Mahfuz Khan's authority.From

this time, these countries became a field of no little conflict,
and tinued
con-

so for several years, which renders it necessary to explain the

various interests which produced the present confusions, fertile after-
wards
of more.

"
When Alum Khan, in the beginning of the year 1752, marched from
Madura to the assistance of Chanda-saheb, then besieging Trichino-
poly, he left the countries of Madura and Tinnevelly under the

Three Pa tun management of three Patan officers, named Muhammad Bavki,

leaders. Catteck
Muhammad Mainach, and Nabi
Kattak) ; Cawn (Nabi Khan
the first of these was generally known by the appellation of Mianah,
the second of Moodemiah (Mohi-ud-din Mian?), but Nabi Khan
Kattak by his own proper name. They appear afterwards to have
 NAWAB OF ARCOT's PERIOD. 97

acknowledged the sovereignty of tlio Nawab, but it is certain that Chapter IV.

notwithstandingthat acknowledgment they continued only for to act

themselves ; granting immunities, remitting tributes, and even selling
forts and districts for presents of ready money. This venality,coin-
ciding
with the spirit of independence and encroachment common to all

the Poligars, procured them not only wealth, but attachments. In

this mode of licentious government, they continued agreeing amongst
themselves in the division of the spoil,and ruling with much power, Their mis-

until the expeditionof Colonel Heron ; when Mianah, who commanded g"vernment-
in the city of Madura, abandoned it,and took refuge with the bouring
neigh-
Poligars of Nattam ; Moodemiah and Nabi Khan Kattak
retired from Tinnevelly to the
Poligarof Nellitangaville, better known

by the name of Piili Devar. All

the three only waited for the depar-
ture
of the English troops to dispute the dominion with Mahfuz
Khan when left to himself. Amongst other alienations, Moodemiah
had sold to the King of Travancore a range of districts extending

thirtymiles from Kalakadu to Cape Comorin, and lying at the foot of

the mountains which separate Travancore from Tinnevelly. The fort
of Kalakadu with several others of less defence were sold with the
districts. With the assistance of a Flemish officer,named De Lanoy, Travancore

the King of Travancore had in

disciplined the method of European army-

infantry a body of 10,000 Nairs, the military tribe of Malabar Coast,

and besides these Nairs maintained 20,000 other foot of various arms."

The Travancore King to whom

the Nawab's agent Moodemiah
is said to have sold a portionof Tinnevelly near Kalakadu, in or

about 1752, was Martanda Varma, who succeeded to the throne

in 1729 and lived till 1758.

"
The districts which the king had purchased of Moodemiah were

maintained by about 2,000 of his irregular foot, who, having no

enemies to oppose, were sufficient for thecommon guards and military
attendance, which in Hindustan always support the authority of the
government in the collection of the revenues. But these troops on the Travancore
retire'
arrival of the army with Colonel
Tinnevelly were Heron
so at terri- tr00P8
fied by the reports of their exploits,and especiallyby the sanguinary
example in their neighbourhood, at the sacking of Nellicotah,that
they abandoned, not only their districts, but the fort of Kalakadu wise,
like-
which were soon after taken possessionof by a detachment of
300 horse and 500 foot sent by Mahfuz Khan from Tinnevelly. As
soon as the English troops retired from before Nellitangaville, and
it was known that they were recalled to Trichinopoly, Moodemiah
went to Travancore in order to encourage the king to recover the
districts which his troops had abandoned ; at the same time the Piili
Devar, besides lettingloose his Colleries
plunder, formed a camp to

ready to move and join the Travancores as soon as they should arrive.
Mahfuz Khan received of these schemes
intelligence and preparations
on his return from Nattam and Madura, and immediately proceeded
to Tinnevelly.

"Besides the 1,000 sepoys belonging to the Company which were

left with him by Colonel Heron, he received 600 more raised and sent

13
 98 HTSTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter IV to him by the Nawab ; but these

in no respect equal to the
were

Company's, who had been trained in the

campaigns of Trichinopoly;
Mahfuz
Khan's policy and Mahfuz Khan himself, having no militaryideas, excepting that of
levying troops,had augmented the force he brought with him from the
Carnatic to 2,500 horse and 4,000 foot. Five hundred of the horse
and a 1,000 of the foot were left to defend the city of Madura and its
districts ; but the Company's sepoys proceeded with him to Tinnevelly.
Before he arrived there, Moodemiah had returned with 2,000 Nairs,
and the same number of other foot, which the King of Travancore had
entrusted to his command. They were joined by the forces of the
Puli Devar near Kalakadu ; where the troops stationed by Mahfuz
Defeat of Khan in these routed. Three
parts assembled, gave battle, and were
Mahfuz
hundred of the Nawab's sepoys were in the action, who, to lighten
Khan's troops
their threw
flight, away their muskets, which were collected by the
Puli Devar's people, and regarded by them as a very valuable prize.
Immediately after this success, the enemy invested the fugitivesin the
fort of Kalakadu ; but before they could reduce it, the troops of
Travancore returned home, pretending they were recalled by the

emergency of some disturbances in their own country ; however, it is

more probable,that they retreated from the dread of encountering the

army, and more especially the cavalryof Mahfuz Khan, which were

approaching. Moodemiah went with them, and the Puli Devar retired

to his fort and woods, against which Mahfuz Khan proceeded,and

encamped near the fort, which he could not take ; but in this situation
repressedthe incursion of the Puli Devar's Colleries into the districts
of Tinnevelly, and content with this advantage, gave out with tation
osten-

that he had settled the country. These vaunts were soon tradicted.
con-

In the month of September, Moodemiah returned from

Travancore, with a large body of troops, and again defeated those of

Kalakadu, who in this battle suffered more than in the former ; for

Another 200 of their horse and 500 sepoys were made prisoners ; and, what
defeat. the the time of harvest, when the
aggravated loss, it was rents are

collected,of which the Travancores took possession,and maintained

their ground. Mahfuz Khan, nevertheless, continued before the

Puli Devar's
place; whose troops in the month of November cut off a

detachment of two companies of sepoys which had been sent to escort

provisions. They were of those belonging to the Company, and the

cunimanders of both were killed.

"
Mahfuz Khan, after before
loitering the Pali Devar's place until

the middle of November, returned to Tinnevelly, in order to borrow

money for the payment of his troops, which could only be obtained by
of the land to the lenders. Meanwhile the Puli
giving assignments
1 "ovar with Moodomiah and Nabi Khan Kattak, encouraged by their

late successes extended their views. The Puli Devar, more from the

Bubtiltyand activityof his character, than the extent of his territory

and force, acquired had all the
the ascendance in the councils of

western Poligarsof Tinnevelly. Of these, the most powerful was the

identi-
Western Poligarof Vadagherri (Vadagarai). The Vadagarai Pollam was

Poligars. oal with that of Chokkampatti, whose districts adjoin on the west to

th.' 1'fdi Devar's, and exceeded them in extent and inhabitants. He

 NAWAB OF ARGOT'S PERIOD. 99

nevertheless conformed to whatsoever the Pali Devar suggested, and Chapter IV.

sent his men on call. The Poligarsto the eastward of Tinne-

every
velly were under the direction of Kattaboma Nayaka. The Piili DSvar

proposed a union between the two divisions ; but Kattaboma Nayaka,

as well as his dependent of Ettaiyapuram, having given hostages to Eastern
Colonel Heron, who were in prison at Trichinopoly, feared for their Poligars.

safety,and refused. The Poligarsof Madura, whose districts lie along

the foot of the mountains to the west, were solicited with more success,
and promised their assistance. Mianah, the fugitivecolleague of
Moodemiah. and Nabi Khan Kattack, at the same up the
time spirited

Poligarsof Nattam to join the league,of which the immediate object

was nothing less than to get possession of the cityof Madura. Such an

extensive confederacy scarcelybe kept a secret.

coidd The Presidency

of Madras received intelligence of it from Captain Calliaud, who

commanded in Trichinopoly, and the Nawab from the Governor of

Madura. They were, and with reason, greatlyalarmed ; for Madura, Fears for
and bulwark both of its Midura.
by its situation, extent, defences, is the own

and the territoryof Tinnevelly,over Trichinopoly neither of which

could maintainauthority,if Madura were

any wrested from its depen-
dence.
The Presidency, although from the first convinced of Mahfuz
Khan's incapacity, had hitherto,from deference to the Nawab, treated

him with indulgenceand respect : but seeing now the whole brought
into risk by the successes and designsof the Poligars, they determined

to take the administration of these countries into their own hands.

"A native of Tinnevelly,named Moodilee (Mudali) came about this A Mudali's

time to Madras, and made proposals to take the whole country at proposals.
farm ; but it required time to gain the knowledge necessary to adjust

the terms." [Mudali is not a personal name, but a caste title. The

person referred Dalavay Mudalis, a family by which

to was one of the
this office long series of years.
was held
His own for
name wasa

probably Tittarappa (properlyTirttarappa) Mudali. Dalavay is a

hereditary name in the family]. "Meanwhile it was immediately Madura to be

for the defence but defended,
necessary to provide of the country ; as no part of
the European force could be spared from the services of the Carnatic,
it was resolved to send a 1,000 which were to be
joined by
sepoys,
those left with Mahfuz Khan, as well as those belonging to the
Nawab, and to put the whole of this body under the command of
Muhammad Yusuf Khan. Yusuf Khan proceeded toTrichinopoly
soon after the English returned from Vellore and
Captain
army ;
Calliaud was instructed to send him forward with the appointed force
and equipments.
"
Meanwhile the Puli DSvar, Nabi Khan Kattak, and Moodemiah
with their allies had proceeded to action, and in the middle of February
entered the districts of Nadamundulum (Nadumandalam)* which
occupy a considerable extent, about midway between the city of
Madura and the Pfdi DPvar's place. The fort which commands these
districts is called Chevelpetore (Srivilliputtur),
and is situated at the Srivilliputtur.

"
Xadumandalam, the middle circuit,denoted what is now the Taluk of Srivilli-
puttur.
 100 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter IV. foot of the western mountains, about 45 miles south-west of Madura.
The troops stationed for the defence of the fort and districts were

under the command of Abdul Pahim, a half-brother to the Nawab and

to Mahfuz Khan, the same with whom Lieutenant Innis marched into
those countries in the year 1751, and of Abdul-mally, another relation
to the family. The foot, excepting200 sepoys, were the usual rabble
allotted to the guard of villages; but there were 500 horse, esteemed
the best in Mahfuz Khan's service, who, proud of their prowess, and
theirqualityof Muhammadans, held the as Indians and of no
enemy,
The cavalry militaryreputation, in utter contempt, and encouraged their own
beaten.
commanders to risk a battle ; in which tbey were surrounded, but with
sufficient gallantry and considerable loss cut their way through, and
retired to Srlvilliputtiir.Here Abdul Rahim and Abdul-mally
intended to maintain themselves until succours should arrive, either
from Madura or Tinnevelly; but the men of the cavalry, dissatisfied
for want of pay, and fearful of losing their horses through want of

provisionsduring the siege,marched away, and many of them joined

the enemy : the fort was immediately invested and soon after reduced,
but the two commanders escaped again.
"
This success encouraged the Madura Poligars,who had hitherto
only looked on to join according to their promise ; and the whole
camp now consisted of 25,000 men, of which 1,000 were cavalry.
Their chiefs, animated superiorityof numbers, determined to
by this

give battle to Mahfuz Khan at Tinnevelly,before they attacked the

city of Madura. By this time Mahfuz Khan had prevailed on

Kattaboma Nayaka, by the cession of some districts and the promise

of other advantages to join him with the forces of the eastern Poligars,
and had likewise levied all the horse and foot of whatsoever kind

which could be procured; but his principalstrength was 1,500 the

horse he had before, and the body of 1,000 sepoys belonging to the
Companj'-under the command of Jemaul Saheb, whose losses had been

Mahfuz recruited with effective men. The battle was fought on the 21st of
Khan's vie with
March, within seven miles of Tinnevelly, and was maintained
tory near
Tinnevelly more obstinacy than usual in the fightsof this country, until Moode-
miah fell ; he was cut down charging bravely with his cavalry. The
rout then became general; 2,000 Colleries were slain, and 300 horse,
with all the cannon and elephants,were taken. This victory saved
Madura, for it entirely broke the of the confederates, all of
army
whom, and the Pfili Devar with as much terror as any, hurried from

the field to the shelter of their respectivehomes."

Muhammad Yusuf Khan's Administration.

Yusuf Khan's " The news of the victory was brought to Trichinopolyon the 24th
approach. Q" ]yjarcj1)Dy whieh time Muhammad Yusuf was ready to proceed.
His detachment consisted of 1,200 sepoys, 100 Caffries, 150 Colleries,
and 4 field pieces,with an 1 8 pounder managed by Europeans. For

some time the departureof the detachment,

before Kattaboma Nayaka
and the Poligar of Ettaiyapuram had been treating with Captain
Culliaud for the redemption of their hostages, and it was agreed that
 NAWAB OF A.RCOT's PERIOD. 101

the money should be paid on their being delivered to Tondiinan. Chapter IV.

Muhammad Yusuf, therefore, took the hostages him, with and directed
his march to Puducottah, the principaltown belonging to Tondiman,
to whose care they were surrendered. On the 6th May 1756 he

arrived at Madura, from whence having employed some days in ting

refit-

his carriages and stores, he proceeded to the fort of SiivilliputtOr,

which, notwithstanding their late defeat, remained in the hands of the

; but they abandoned it on his appearance. Leaving a cient

suffi-
enemy
garrison to defend it in future, heproceeded across the Nada-

munduluni (Nadumandalam) country Cayetar (Kaittar)

to a town

about 25 miles (18 miles) north of Tinnevelly, where Mahfuz Khan

was waiting for him with his victorious but inactive army.

During this progress Muhammad Yusuf had not been able to Yusuf's waut

collect from the for the maintenance of his "* muney-

any money revenues troops,
because the ravages of the Poligars had ruined most of the villages
and cultivated lands of the country through which he
passed ; and the
real detriment of these devastations was increased by the pretences
they fui'nished the landholders to falsify their accounts, and plead
exemptions for more than they had lost. He found Mahfuz Khan in
distress than himself, unable either to fulfil the stipulations at
greater
which he had rented the country from Colonel Heron, or to supply the

of the Company's sepoys left with him under the command of

pay
Jemaul Saheb, or even to furnish enough, exclusive of long arrears,
for the daily subsistence of his own troops. This distress naturally
deprived him of the necessary authority over the Jamadars, or officers
of his cavalry, who in Hindustan, as the ancient mercenary Captains
of Italy, hire out their bands and
gain not a little by the
bargain.
Every kind of disorder likewise prevailedin all the other departments Mahfuz
of the time that the indolence and Khan's
his administration, at same irreso- mis-

lution of his own character confirmed all the evils which had been
introduced into his government.
From Kaittar, Mahfuz Khan and Muhammad Yusuf moved with the Kattaboma
whole to the woods of Ettaiyapuram, which lies about 30 miles Nayak;*
army
to the east of Kaittar. Kattaboma Nayaka and the Poligar of Ettaiya- nates.
puram were in the camp. The former had by his agents redeemed
his hostages at Puducottah, but the other still dela}ed ; and this
motion was made to excite his fears, although no threats were used.
He nevertheless still procrastinated,and his alliance was at this time
deemed too valuable to compel him by the exercise of hostilities.
From Ettaiyapuram they crossed
Coilorepettah(Kollar- the country to

patti,commonly called Kollapatti) a strong fort situated near the great

road. It belonged to a Poligar named Condam-Naigue (Kandama
Nayaka) who on the first summons promised without hesitation to

pay the tribute demanded of him ; but continued day after day to send

pretences and excuses instead of the money. At length Muhammad

Yusuf, finding himself trifled with, battered and then stormed the fort. Capture of
It was well defended. The serjeant of the Coffres, and eight of that Kollai'PaWi"

company wore killed, and 65 were wounded : the Colleries suffered

 102 HISTORY OF T1NNEVELLY.

Chapter IV. still more, and all who were not killed were made prisoners,amongst
whom the Poligar himself. From Kollarpatti, the whole army ceeded
pro-
to Srivilliputtur,and encamped under this fort on the 10th of

June, where most of the neighbouring Poligars, terrified by the

example of made
Kollarpatti, their submissions either in person or by
their agents. Even the Ptili Devar with his usual duplicitysent one

with proposals of reconciliation, and the Poligar of Elayirampannai,

whose place lies between Kollarpattiand Srivilliputtur,redeemed his

hostages. But the Poligar of Calancandan (Kollamkondan, now

included in the Settur Zemindary), which lies 13 miles north-east of

Srivilliputtur,
paying no regard to the usual summons, Muhammad
Yusuf marched and attacked his fort, which was abandoned after a

slightresistance."

The Poligars.

It is desirable, before
going further,to take this opportunityof
explaininga little more particularly the positionoccupiedby the

Poligarsand why they proved themselves on all occasions so trouble-

some.
See also the account of the first introduction of this class
into Tinnevelly in Chapter III.

A palaiyam or pollam, as the English wrote it,was not merely

a jaghireor zemindary. It was a district conferred by the sover-
eign

on a chief, the holder of which, the Palaiyakaran or Poligar,

was bound, not only to pay his lord annually peishcushor tribute,
but also to help his lord in his wars. Palaiyam literally means

Origin of the a camp, Palaiyakaran (as has been shown in p. 58) means the chief
Poligars.
of a camp. It may, therefore, be concluded that originallythe
Poligar was the leader of a body of armed men, who placed his
services at the disposalof his sovereign, and who held the district
he received in return for his services by a militarytenure. He

was always to consider his territory,not as a nadu, a country, but

as a palaiyam, an encampment. Hence, though the sovereignmay
have exercised civil and criminal rightsin the portionof country
that remained in his own direct possession, he does not seem to

Relation of have attempted to exercise,or even to have claimed, the rightof

the Poligar to
exercising- civil or criminal jurisdiction whatever within the
any
limits of his Poligars' domains. If his tribute were paid and his
feudatory sent him assistance in his wars his demands were satisfied.

A very considerable portion of Southern India, south of Trichi-

nopoly, had passed into the hands of Poligars. In Madura and

Dindigul hardly any thing remained in the sovereign's possession ;

and in Tinnevelly the greater part of the country north of the

Tamraparni river was in the possessionof Poligars.

When the English first made their acquaintancewith Tinnevelly

they found the whole country, whether in the hands of the Poligars

or nominally in the hands of the central government, in a state of

 104 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter IV
jingle and dazzle tke
"
scare cavalry ; and their approach,is scarcelyless
foi-midable to infantry not disciplined
with fire-arms."
The lance referred to is called in Tamil a
"
Vallaiyam." The
name survives,but it is Scarcely possibleto see a specimen of this
formidable weapon now.

Kaval.

The claim of kaval was a favourite device

employed by the
Poligarsfor the purpose of extending their power. Every village
from time immemorial had its Kaval-karas (writtenby the English
Cauwalgars) or watchmen, who were remunerated for their services

by a small fee. The right of exercisingthis function and of

levying a still heavier fee was in time claimed by Poligarsand the
their dependents, and this claim had been so generallysubmitted
to that Mr. Lushington found in 1799 that out of 2,113 villages
in Tinnevellythe kaval of 1,635^ was in the hands of the Poligars.
Another step in advance was taken when the Poligars,wherever

they found they could not appoint their own dependents to the
kaval of a village, rigorously levied an annual contribution on the
Kaval-karas appointedby others. But a still more formidable engine
PifffTPTlt of oppression was the d/sai-kdval,or district watch, erroneously
kinds of
called desa-kdval by the Europeans which the Poligars managed
kaval.
in time to add on to the villagekaval. This may originallyhave
only been a fee for the exercise of a wider guardianship,especially
over roads and wastes, than the villagewatchmen were able to
undertake. Probably also the amount claimed was originally
insignificant and was paid willingly. Mr. Lushington said in
1799, it was originally only one-tenth of the amount which was

claimed in his time, but it had been arbitrarily increased,especially

between 1740 and 1760, when the province of Tinnevelly was
convulsed by the struggleof contending interests. This contribu- tion

was levied by the Poligars from the defenceless villagers as

the priceof their forbearingto plunder them, and was confirmed

by the strengthof the Poligarsand the inability of the Nawab's

Government to enforce a due authority over them. Mr. Lushington
"
adds, that when this contribution is not quietly submitted to,
torture and the
whip are applied,the whole peorde of the village
put into confinement, every occupation interdicted,the cattle

pounded, the inhabitants

captiveto, and not unfrequently
taken
murdered in, the
pollams (the Poligar'sown domains), and in short
every outrage of violence and cruelty is committed until their

purposes are obtained.

Miscellaneous
"
The influence of the Poligars is also used in callingupon the
exactions. inhabitants for additional assessments various such
on pretences, as

hunting batta, marriage oxpenses, presents for vakeels, "c, undefined

and unlimited ; and such is the- dread which they have inspiredinto
 NAWAB OF ARCOT's PERIOD. *l(Jo

tho cultivators of the circar lands by remaining armed in the midst Chapter IV.

of a country otherwise in profound peace, that these requisitions are

never resisted."

I add here from the "

TinnevellyMantlal "
Mr. Stuart's account
of the Poligarsaud their system of kaval :
"

"
The Maravar or Yannian caste peculiar to Southern India has a

history of its own of considerable interest. To this class belonged

most of the Poligarsor feudal chieftains who disputedwith the Eng-
lish
the possessionof Tinnevellyduring the latter half of the last and

the first years of the present century ; as feudal chiefs and at the same

time heads of a numerous caste or class of the population,and one

whose characteristics were eminently adapted for the role of followers

of a chieftain, bold, active, enterprising,cunning, and
turbulent
this class constituted
capricious, themselves, or were constituted by the
peacefulcultivators,their protectors in times of bloodshed and rapine

when no central authority capable of keeping the peace existed.

"Hence arose the systems of desha (disai)and stalam kaval, or the Explanation
of villages of kaval Pa"'"
guard of a tract of country comprising a number against
marauders in armed bands, and the guard of separate villages,
open
their houses and crops, againstsecret theft. The feudal chief received

a contribution from the area around his fort in consideration of tion

protec-
afforded againstarmed invasion. His servants of the same caste,
spreading themselves among the villages,received fees and sometimes
rent-free land for undertaking to protect the property of the villagers

againsttheft,or to restore an equivalent in value for anything so lost.

Claims to desha kaval fees as well as to villagekaval fees are of com-
mon

occurrence to the present day."

It wall be interesting
now to quote and compare Mr. Stuart's
account of the Zemindars of the present time : "

"
The condition of the tenants under the different zemindars, or the
mittahs into which some ancient zemindaris have been divided by sale
owing to improvidence and misfortune, is by no means so satisfactory
as that of the
ryots in Government taluks. The assessments are

heavier everywhere, and, as a rule,the system of dividing the crop

prevailsfor the wet lands, a system much less advantageous to the
cultivators than that of fixed money-rents universal in Government

taluks, as these are sufficiently moderate to leave the ryots ample

encouragement to improve their lands.
In the main, however,
"
the tenants of the zemindaris are fairlyoff,Relation of
Zemindars to
and, especiallyin the cotton lands, many of them are substantial
farmers well
reach of poverty.
out of
The exchange of puttas and
muchilkas has
strictly been
enforced by the Courts of late years, and
has introduced much stability and independence as well as a good deal
of frivolous and vexatious litigationbetween landlord and tenant.

Money-rents are universally assessed upon dry lands, but numerous

vexatious cesses are still a fruitful source of dispute between the

zemindars and their ryots.
"
Of the whole district 27 per cent, is zemindari. There are twenty Number of

zemindaris and of them Zemindanes.

proper thirty-sixmittahs, most portions of
11
 106 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

'huth; [V. zemindaris broken up by the improvidence and misfortunes of ancient

zemindars, sold for debts and purchased by rich Vellalars, Natukottai

Chetties,and other moneyed native gentlemen.
"
The twenty zemindaris vary in size from 863 acres, with a peish-
cush of 25 rupees, to 337,581 acres, assessed at a peishcush of 88,376
rupees.
"The thirty-sixmittahs, in like manner, vary from 234 acres, sessed
as-

at 213 rupees, to 18,716 acres, paying Rupees 6,423 to Govern-

ment.

"
The principalZemindar of Ettiapuram is by caste a Tottian. His
ancestors supported the British Government in the wars with the

Poligars, and received in recompense, besides other gifts,a large

share of the confiscated lands of the principalPoligar rebel chief of

ranjalamkurichi. This zemindari is situated to the north-east of the

district, and consists chieflyof black cotton fertile

plainssufficiently
and populous, yielding a revenue to the zemindar of about three
lakhs of rupees.
"The Zemindaris of Sevagiriand Seturcome next, and are situated

at the foot of the Western Ghauts in the north-west portionof Tinne-

velly. They contain a considerable area of land supplied
well-irrigated
by streams from the mountains, but the dry lands are of the red and

sandy series, and, except under wells,are of little value.

"These zemindars, as well those of Uttumalai, Singampatti,and
Arkad (the two latter under the Court of Wards) are all of the old

Poligar Maravar families. Their estates are carefullymanaged and

their ryots in the main contented. Some of the finest of the ghaut
forests Tinnevellyare claimed as the property of the Zemindaris
of of

Sevagiri,Setur, and Singampatti, but these mountain boundaries are

mostly in disputewith the Government.

The
"
ancient Zemindari of Chokampatti, having a peishcush of
Pupees 25,550, came under the hammer in 1868, and fell in eighteen

lots to various persons who are now known as Mittahdars."

Mr. Stuart then givesa list in detail of the various zemindaris

and mittahs in Tinnevelly, with their area, population, and

peishcush.

Colonel Fuli.arton's Description of Tinnevelly.

I cannot do better than give here the descriptionof the tion

condi-
of Tinnevelly written in 17b3, at the time when misrule was

at its height,by Colonel Fullarton. This account derives tional

addi-
interest from the fact
description of that it is the first

Tinnevelly,as far as I am aware, which ever saw the light. By

insertingthis account here, I may seem somewhat to anticipate

events,but I think it will be found that the narrative,especially in

connexion with the affairs of the Poligars, will henceforth be more

intelligible.
" The last,but not the Least,considerable of your southern territories
is Tinnevelly. It is a hundred and fifteen miles in length and seventy
 NAWAB OF ARGOT'S PERIOD. 10?

miles in breadth. A ridge of inaccessible mountains divides it on the Cuaptbk IV

north from the wild valleysof Watrap and Outumpollam, belonging to

Tipoo Sultan. It stretches to the confines of Madura and Ramnad

on the north-east and east, reaches to the sea upon the south, and
borders on the west with the RajShship of Travancore, both ing
terminat-

near Cape Comorin. Nature has been bountiful- to this province.Produc-

[ts surf ace is generallyflat,from the sea-coast, till it approaches the Jay61"288 " *

mountains on its northern boundary. The rivers by which it is inter-

sected

ensure luxuriant crops of rice, and the driest parts yieldcotton in

abundance. The productions of the neighbouring Island of Ceylon

would flourish here, and thus render us the rivals of the Dutch in the

cinnamon trade ; but the peculiartenure under which the country has
been held, the convulsions it has endured from the first intrusions of

the Musselmen in the course of this century, and the depravityof its
rulers, have counteracted the benefits of nature. Even when a native Bad govern-

rajsh governed Tinnevelly, the flat and open country only was j?bn*
Iiei!,n'"
reduced. This was let for specificsums to great renters, who were ta.o-es.

invested with despoticpowers, and harassed tlie peaceful subjects;

while various leaders,who possessed considerable territory,maintained
armed forces, and withheld their stipulatedtribute on the first appear-
ance
of disturbance. These chiefs, as well as their subjects,
are called

Poligars; they amount, present, thirty-two,capable of bringing at to

thirty thousand troops into the field. They

brave, though undisciplined,
have also fortified towns and strongholds in the mountains, whither
they retire in cases of emergency. Besides the territorythat these
Poligars possess under the range of hills that form the northern

boundary of Tinnevelly,many of them hold

ample tracts in the flat

and cultivated country. Adverse to industry, they suffer their Plundering

own

plunder p ?.
'

possessionsto remain waste, while they invade each other, and

their industrious neighbours. Such is the dread of these ravagers,
that every district in the province has been forced to purchase their
forbearance by enormous contributions. In this situation }rou have
rather cati.se to wonder that your Superintendent, Mr. Irwin, should
have been enabled to procure so large an increase of revenue, than
that its
produce should, in no recorded period, have borne any
proportion to its natural advantages."
It would be unfair, however, even to the Poligar if I allowed his The

rival in oppression,the renter, to pass unnoticed, and " "

here I must
"
Rente.t s

1 x x " '
.
oppression*
avail myself again of Colonel Fullarton's graphic and vigorous
description.The Poligarsurvives to our time, though only in his
peaceful descendant, the Zemindar, but the "
renter," who in
Colonel Fullarton's time, as all
through the periodof the Nawab's

government, was such a formidable reality, has left behind him no

and
representative, has passed entirely into oblivion.
"
It was not possiblefor the English Government entirelyto repress
the misconduct of inferior instruments* who are eager to perpetuate'

* "
The. black agents who manage the whole detail of collection in the different
districts." "
Colonel Fullarton's Note.
 108 history of tinneyelly,

Chapter IV. oppressionand to enforce unusual measures by unprecedented means.

The situation of the country rendered it necessary to continue the

practiceof renting extensive districts to the highest bidder ; although

every precautionwas adopted to prevent the abuse of power, still the
collections could not be enforced unless an unrestrained authority were
vested in the renter. His object,too, frequently is, to ransack and

embezzle, that he may go off at last enriched with the spoilsof his

province. The fact is, that in every part of India where the renters

are established, not only the ryot and the husbandman, but the facturer,
manu-

the artificer,and every other Indian inhabitant, is wholly at

the mercy of those ministers of public exaction.

The farmer's "
The established practice throughout this part of the peninsula has
proportion. for ages been to allow the farmer one-half of the produce of his crop
for the maintenance of his family, and the recurvation of the land ;
while the other is appropriated to the Circar. In the richest soils,
under the cowle of Hyder, producing three annual crops, it is hardly
known that less than forty per cent, of the crop produced has been
allotted to the husbandman. Yet renters on the coast have not

scrupledto imprison reputablefarmers, and to inflict on them extreme

severitiesof punishment, for refusing to accept of sixteen in the

hundred, as the proportion out of which they were to maintain a

family, to furnish stock and implements of husbandry, cattle,seed,

and all expenses incident to the cultivation of their lands. But should
the unfortunate ryot be forced to submit to such conditions,he has still

a long list of cruel impositionsto endure. He must labour week after

week at the
repairof water-courses, tanks, and embankments of rivers.
His cattle, sheep, and every other portion of his property is at the
disposal of the renter, and his life might pay the forfeit of refusal.
Should he presume to reap his harvest when ripe, without a mandate

Helplessness from the renter, whose peons, conicopolies, and retainers attend on the
of the ryot. occasion, nothing short of bodily torture and a confiscation of the little

that is left him could expiate the offence. Would he sell any part
of his scanty portion,he cannot be permitted while the Circar has any
to dispose of ; would he convey anything to a distant market, he is

stopped at every village by the collectors of Sunkum or Gabella

(transitduties),who exact a duty for eveiy article exported,imported,
or disposedof. So unsupportable is this evil, that between Negapa-
tam and Palghautchorry, not more than three hundred miles, there are
about thirty places of collection, or, in other words, a tax is levied
every ten miles upon the produce of the country ; thus facture
manu-

and commerce are exposed to disasters hardly less severe than

those which have occasioned the decline of cultivation.

Extraordi-
" But these form only a small proportion of the powers with which the
nary powers renter is invested. Ho sink or raise the exchange of specie at his
may
of the renter
own discretion ; he may prevent the sale of grain,or sell it at the
most exorbitant rates ; thus, at any time he may, and frequently does,
occasion general famine. maintaininga useless rabble, whom
Besides
he employs under the appellationof peons, at the public expense, he

may require any militaryforce he finds necessary for the business of

 N AW A 11 OF
ARCOT's PERIOD.
109

oppression, and few inferior oflieers woidd have weight enough to Chapter IV.

justify their refusal of such aid. Should

any one, however, dispute
those should the military officers refuse to prostitute military
powers,

service to the distress of wretched individuals, or

should the Civil

Superintendent [the '

Superintendent of Assigned Revenues,' the

Collector of that time] remonstrate against s\ich abuse, nothing could

be more pleasing to the renter he derives, from thence, innumerable

;

arguments for non-performance of engagements, and for long list of

a

defalcations. But there are

still some
other not less extraordinary
constituents in the complex endowments of a renter. He unites, in his

all the branches of judicial or

civil authority, and if he
own person,

happens to be a Brahmin, he also be termed the representative of

may

ecclesiastical jurisdiction. I will not enlarge on

the of
consequences

thus huddling into the of one

wretched of those
person mercenary

that ought to constitute the dignity and lustre of

powers supreme

executive authority."
 110 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

CHAPTER V.

MUHAMMAD YTJSUF KHAN'S ADMINISTRATION, TO THE

CAPTUKE OF MADUEA AND HIS DEATH.

Further Operations of Muhammad Yusuf Khan.

Chapteh y. "We must now return to Orme and to 1756.

"Yusuf Khan with Mahfuz Khan,
respectivetroops, and their
remained Srivilliputtur
at during the months of June and July till all
the adjoining Poligars had either made their submissions or seemed

willing to be quiet. He then requested Mahfuz Khan to march out

of the country, and proceed with his troops to Areot, accordingto the
injunctionsof his brother the Nawab, who would be ready to settle
accounts with him, and pay what arrears might be due to his soldiery.

He then allotted six companies to garrison Srivilliputtur, and guard

the adjacent country; and with the rest, about 2,000, in which were

included those levied by the Nawab, and sent to Mahfuz Khan, he

proceeded from Srivilliputturon the 1st of August, and on the 10th

arrived at the town of Tinnevelly.
"
By this time the Presidency of Madras had made arrangements for

the management of these countries, and concluded an agreement with

Mudali, the native of Tinnevelly, who came to Madras on this purpose

Financial in the April. The district of Madura
month of proper was then con-

%.j!', sidered exceedingly unproductive. It had shrunk into very small

dimensions through the encroachments of the territories of the Poligars,
and what remained hardly repaid the cultivation. From these ments
detri-
and defects, the annual revenue of the whole territoryseldom
exceeds ; at the same
1,20,000
rupees time that the maintenance of the

city,its garrison, and other military posts in the country raise the

to triple this sum. On the other hand, the country now

expenses
rated under Tinnevelly is of much greater extent and fertility,
monly
com-

yieldinga revenue from 11 to 12,00,000 rupees a year; but

should Madura and its districts be in the hands of an enemy, the

country of Tinnevelly would bo constantly exposed to the most ruinous

attacks,and could receive no support from Trichinopoly; which renders

it necessary to maintain the one at a certain loss, as the only means

of securing the advantages which may be derived from the other.

The family of Mudali, having for 100 years been employed in farming
districts in both countries, had in this long course of time rented

every part,and knew the propertiesof each. He accordinglyrefused

 112 HISTORY OF TIXXEYELLY.

Chapter V. "Meanwhile, the dissension between the Company's sepoys and their
renter at Tinnevelly had increased, and had produced evil
consequences.
Mudali by his contract was only obligedto furnish the pay of the sepoys
employed by himself ; but Muhammad Yusuf, by a wrong tion,
interpreta-
imagined that Mudali was obligedto maintain the whole number
wheresoever employed ; and moreover to dischargethe arrears of their

pay, of which two months were due on his arrival in the country. In

consequence of this mistake, Jemaul Saheb, who commanded the sepoys

in Tinnevelly, demanded the
refusingto pay amount, and on Mudali's
The Poligara it, confined him under a guard for several days, during which he
"f
T-dTv H* orclered the Pali Dgvar and tne otlier Poligars quit
to the town with
threats of severe punishment if they remained any longer. They
departed immediately; but, instead of returning to their homes, the
Pfdi Devar went to Nabi Khan Kattak and offered him his assistance,
both in men and by money ; and their
representations,Katta- united
boma Nuyaka was to join induced
their league. At the same time the

troops of Travancore kept their ground, and continued their depreda-

tions
in the districts dependent on Kalakadu. The hopes of the
advantages which might be derived from these confusions were much
more agreeable to the disposition of Berkatoolah (Barakat-ulla) than
the success of his negotiationwith the English,by which he was to

obtain nothing more than the pardon of his offences ; and in the
middle of November, as soon as the ground was sufficiently dry to
march, he went from the city and put himself at the head of the 500

horse, which had gone out before, were nowand joinedto those of Nabi
Khan Kattak and the troops of the Poligars. The whole force amounted

to 10,000 men, of which 1,000 were horse. They were assembled about

forty miles to the

Madura, south of
proceeding directly and instead of

to the south, in the open country, struck to the east into the districts of
Kattaboma Nayaka, a part of whose woods extends within a few miles
of the town of Tinnevelly. Issuingfrom thence night,before their
at

approach was known, they entered the town atdaybreak by several

avenues, which were weakly guarded ; for Mudali a few days before
had marched with the greatest part of the sepoys and his other force
about twenty miles to the south-east, in order to protect the districts of
Alwar Tinnevelly (AlvarTirunagari),against which he had been led

to believe the enemy designed to bend their attack.

"
The enemy remained two days in Tinnevelly, plundered much, but
"p0Tt 0f
Palamcotta- committed no cruelties ; and during this delay Mudali regained the

fort of Palamcotta, which stands on the other side of the river about

three miles from the town. The fort is spacious,but the ramparts
were in ruins, nevertheless capable of resistingan enemy, which had

no battering cannon. Matchlocks and musketry were fired without

any mischief for two days, during which the cavalry ravaged the
country round. Muhammad Yusuf, who still continued at Secunder

maly (Skandar malai), before Madura, received no certain intelligence

of the enemy's design until four days after they were in motion; he

immediately struck his camp and proceeded towards Tinnevelly, and

Battle at they hearing of his approach collected and advanced
all their parties to
Gangai kon-
him hat tie. The two armies mot on the 1st of December at
dan. give
 MUHAMMAD YUSUF KHAn's PERIOD. 113

Gangadorain* (Gangai kondan) about twenty (twelve)miles north of Chapter V.

Tinnevelly. The inferiorityof numbers was much more than compen-

sated
by superiorskill;the Company's sepoys faced the enemy on every
side with advantage of situation and discipline, and the field pieces

were firod with much execution against the cavalry, whose fortunes

depending on the preservationof their horses, they quitted the contest

and the field. The next day Muhammad Yusuf proceeded to Tinne-
velly,

and from thence marched into the desolated districts,in order to

give heart to the inhabitants, and recall them to their occupations.

"
The Poligarsreturned to their woods, and Barakat-ulla with his Self sacrifice

Khan Kattak and of Brahmin

cavalry to Madura ; but Nabi went to Srivilliputtur, a

not having means to attack the fort, in which were some sepoys, puttur.
attempted to escalade the pagoda in the town, on which one of the

Brahmins went to the top of the high tower over the gateway, and after

a short but loud prayer of execration, threw

headlong to the himself

which dashed although his brains

Muhani-
out the
pavement, ; enemy,
madans, were so much afraid of incurring the general detestation of

the country, if their attempts against the pagoda should incite any

more acts of such enthusiastic devotion,that they immediately retreated

out of the town.
" In Captain Calliaud,whilst regulating the affairs of
the meantime, Captain
the Tinnevelly, acquired intelligence
renter at that the confederates Calliaud's
p ans'
were treatingwith the Mysoreans at Dindigul for aid against the
English and their adherents, the Pali Devar offeringto pay down
5,00,000 rupees, and the Jamadars of Mahfuz Khan to give up the

districts of Sholavandan, in which are comprised a strong pass and the

only road between Madura and Dindigul. Nevertheless it was not

intended that the country, when conquered, should be given either to

the Mysorean or Mahfuz Khan. It was to be restored to a descendant

of the ancient kings,who lived in concealment in the country of the

greater Maravar : and Mahfuz Khan was to have a suitable ment

establish-
in Mysore. This news increased the necessity of attacking
Madura as soon as possible; but the arrangements Tinnevellywere
at

not finished until the 10th of April, on which day Captain Calliaud
began his march from thence with 180 Europeans, 2,500 sepoys, six,
field pieces,and 500 horse: Muhammad Yusuf commanded the sepoys,
and Mudali what horse were levied by himself. Six companies of

sepoys were left for the defence of Tinnevelly, and the same number
in the fort of Palamcotta.
" A few days after, Barakat-ulla and Nabi Khan Kattak went with
500 horse to the Pilli Devar' s place. The Commander Muhammad

*
Gangadaram. This stands for Gangai kondan, commonly called Gengundan, a

village on the Chitra-nadi, or Chittar, near which is a railway station. Gangai

kondan, receiver of the Ganges, is a name^of Siva, and the popular notion is that as
Siva is worshipped there under that name the Ganges reappears in that place as in

bo many other places in various parts of India. The Sanskrit form of this name is

Gangadhara, which Orme's informants seem to have followed, instead of the Tamil,

perhaps hecause there is a town of that name in the Tanjore country. There was

a Choja prince of the name of Gangai kondan, who is said to have been made king of
the Pandyas, with the title of Sundara Chola Pandya.
15
 114 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter V. Yusuf, on receivingthe summons of Lieutenant Rumbold, had returned

.
from the districts he was visitingto Tinnevelly, where leaving as
Kumbold's before 1,000 sepoys, he proceeded with the rest, about 1,800, towards
movement. Madura. The renter Mudali, naturally timorous, resolved to pany
accom-

the greater force, and besides his usual retinue was attended

by 100 good horse which he had lately levied. They arrived on

the 16th of December at (langadaram, where Muhammad Yusuf,

hearing of Lieutenant Rumbold's departure from Madura, halted to

observe the motions of the enemy, and remained there until he received

information that Nabi Khan Kattak and Barakat-ulla passed to had

the Pali Devar's, on which he proceeded te and encamped

Srivilliputtur,
there, in order to awe the Poligars in this part of the country from
joiningthe During the march Mudali sent one of his relations
enemy.
named Algapa (Alagappa) to negotiatea reconciliation with the Puli
Puli Devar's Devar, and offer districts as the fee of his alliance. The Puli
some

Devar, who never refused or kept his word on any occasion, sent an

agent with Alagappa to the camp at Srivilliputtur,and at the same

time sent his troops to join Barakat-ulla and Nabi Khan Kattak.

The agent, under the usual pretext of doing honour to his embassy,
was accompanied by two or three hundred of colleries. Muhammad

Yusuf entirelydisapproved of the intercourse, as he knew the Pfdi

Devar's character, and that some of his people were at this very time

plundering to the westward of Tinnevelly. Unfortunately during

this mood indignationfive of the agent'scolleries were
of taken steal-

Yusuf'aexcee- ing horses and oxen belonging to the camp, and being brought to
sive seventy. death
Muhammad Yusuf he immediately put them to by blowing
them off from the mouth of a cannon a sanguinary execution, not "

Pall Devar's infrequent in Hindustan, and in this case atrocious. The agent, with
W*th
MflMnT a^ n^s retinue of colleries,immediately ran away from the camp ; and

Khan. their injury determined the Puli Devar, perhaps for the first time in

his life,to act

some good with faith toward those with whom he was

connected. knowing the irresolution

But of Mahfuz Khan, he, with
his usual cunning, was afraid of trusting him in Madura exposed to
the overtures and negotiations of the English, and insisted that he

should come from thence to Nellitangaville and remain at all times

under his ward. In Barakat-ulla, who was with

own consequence
the Puli Ddvar, sent for Mahfuz Khan, who in the end of December

went from the citywith 500 horse."

It would be tedious and unprofitable

to record in detail every

incident that occurred from month to month. It will be better to

content myself with mentioning anything that occurred which

seemed to have some specialfeatures of interest.

" Barakat-ulla and Nabi Khan Kattak set off from Nellitangaville
with 500 horse, leaving Mahfuz Khan with the Pfili DCvar. Skirting
Poligar along the hills halted evening at the fort of tho Poligar
The they one
of Sivagiri. Vanjah of Shevagherry ["Vaniah" stands here for Vanniya, the
casto title of a branch of the Marava caste, to which the
name or
also
Sivagiri Poligar belonged. The Elayiram pannei Poligar was a

Muham-
Vanniya]. The Sivagiri Poligar having been gained over by
 MUHAMMAD YUSUF KHAn's PERIOD. 115

mail Yusuf sent out his colleries,who, iu the middle of the night, Chapter V.

fell upon this body of cavalry, and with their screams and fireworks

dispersedthe whole and took 40 of their horses.

"
The rebellious Jamadars who had seized and retained possessionof Mahfuz

Madura expected assistance from Mahfuz Khan with the western ?^f i"ke8
Poligars of Tinnevelly, but were doomed to be disappointed. Five

hundred horse and a thousand foot remained with Mahfuz Khan at

when
Nellitangaville, Barakat-ulla left him and came away to defend
Madura, which Calliaud at the same time was marching to attack with

the main body of the English troops from As soon as Tinnevelly.

Calliaud was out of sight, Mahfuz Khan and the Puli Devar took

the field,and were joined by other Poligars,which all together made

a camp of ten thousand men. This army marched from ville
Nellitanga-
up
in the latter end of April,and advanced beyond Alvar Kurichi

within fifteen miles of Tinnevelly, but were deterred by the sepoys

left there from attempting the town ; nor did they immediately plun-
der
or terrifythe inhabitants of the open country, because the harvest,
from which they intended to collect money, would not be reaped until
the middle of June ; however, they published their mandates that all
who were accountable to the renter Mudali should then become
accountable to them. In the meantime Mahfuz Khan negotiated with
the King of Travancore for assistance,with the profferof Kalakadu

and all the other districts to which the king had ever made any tension
pre-
; but lest this should fail he, with his usual uncertainty,renewed
his negotiationswith the English, and sent off an agent with letters Mahfuz

to Calliaud, proposing to rent the country from them on the security ? n.s,
of substantial shroffs. Lieutenant Rumbold received the offers,whilst treachery.
Calliaud was returned to the relief of Trichinopoly,and thinking them
worth attention,sent a Jamadar of Sepoys named Ramanaig, u;ith an
intelligentMoorman, to confer with Mahfuz Khan in his They
camp.
were accompanied by an escort of fifty sepoys ; but just before their

arrival,Mahfuz Khan had received information that six companies of

of the twelve left at Tinnevelly and Palamcotta were ordered
sepoys
to join the camp at Madura ; which changed his schemes and, instead
of negotiating,he surrounded the two deputies and their escort with
his horse, and threatened to put them all to the sword, if they did not

send an order to the sepoys in garrison at Palamcotta to deliver the

fort to him. The deputieswith their escort stood to their arms, and
said they would rather die ; but just as the fightwas going to begin
one of Mahfuz Khan's Jamadars named Alii Saheb declared his detes-
tation
of the treachery and joined the sepoys with the horse of his
command, on which the rest recollected themselves and retired ; but
Alii Saheb having still some suspicionsfor the safety of the deputies
and their escort marched with them to Palamcotta and delivered them
safe into the fort.
"
Soon after the six companies of sepoys began their march from

Tinnevelly to Madura, and the harvest began on which the enemy's

army entered the town, where Mahfuz Khan proclaimed his dominion Khan's exae-
which his agents and dependants exercised with much violence and tions.
 116 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

CHArTER V. injustice. Even the shroffs, or bankers, did not escape, although the
necessity and neutralityof their occupation protects their persons and

property throughout Hindostan from the violence either of the despot

or the conqueror. The main body of his invested the fort of
army
Palamcotta, -which the sepoj-s within easily defended, and with loss
to the enemy ; but there was danger from scarcity of provisions ;
to prevent which Basappa Nayaka, the commander of the sepoys,
solicited the assistance of the Poligar Kattaboma Nayaka, who lated
stipu-
the cession of some lands convenient to his districts,which
Siege of Pa-
lamcotta.
being promised, he took the field with his own troops and those of
his dependant of Ettaiyapuram. On their arrival the garrison sallied
and in a slight skirmish obliged the enemy to raise the siege; after
which the two Poligars returned to their homes, and Kattaboma

Nayaka from his came and joined the English before Madura.
camp
Mahfuz Khan continuing at Tinnevelly, neither sent nor troops
money
to the Jamadars, but suffered the incomes to be dissipated,notwith-
standing
Barakat-ulla had continually represented to him that the

scarcity of provisions in Madura was daily increasingfrom the want

of money to pay for them and of parties in the field to facilitate their
Surrender of after the Jamadar
importation. Shortly surrendered Madura to tain
Cap-
Madura.
Calliaud for a sum of money claimed by them of Mahfuz Khan's

arrears of pay.
(i
Muhammad Yusuf, returning from Madura, sent invitations to the

cavalry with Mahfuz Khan and whatsoever other bodies were acting
as plunderers in the Tinnevelly country. Passing along the districts
of Ettaiyapuram, the Poligar redeemed his hostages which were in

Submission of the camp, paying 18,700 rupees, the balance of his fine. The army
the Ettaiya- arrived
puram
Poligar
at the town of Tinnevelly about the middle of November,
from whence Mahfuz Khan on their approach had retired to Nelli-

tangaville. He had during his residence there made various attempts

to get possessionof the fort of Palamcotta, but had taken Kalakadu
and given it to the King of Travancore. Muhammad Yusuf with a

part of the army marched immediately against this place, which the
Travancores abandoned without resistance, and, being followed by him,
retired behind their walls in the passes of the mountains at the foot of
the promontory. At the same time the appearance of other ments
detach-

drove away the guards which Mahfuz Khan had placed in

Yusuf Khan's Papankulam, Alvarkurichi, and Bermadats (Bralmiadeeam), and those
successes.
stationedby the Poligar of Vadagherry (Yadagarai) in Tirancourchy

(Tarankurichi). All these places lie to the north-west of Tinnevelly

about Nellitangaville, and parties of sepoys were left to maintain
thorn. Before this time no farther expectation remained of Mudali's

abilities to manage the revenues ; and ho was called to Madras, in

order to exhibit and explain the details of his administration ; but

remained sick and settlinghis accounts in the woods of Tondiman.

"
Captain Calliaud' s convinced
porsonalrepresentations the Madras
Crovernment that the disturbances would never cease, nor any revenue

bo collected adequate to the military expenses, whilst Mahfuz Khan

maintained pretensionsand
his foree, alliances in thoso countries. It
 MUHAMMAD YUSUF KHAn's PERIOD. 117

was therefore proposed to the Nawab, who still continued at Madras, Chapter V.
that Mahfuz Khan should be assured of receiving an annual income
sufficient for his decent maintenance out of the revenues, provided he
would quit the country with his cavalry, and
his other troops. disband

By this plan, if nothing should bo

got, nothing would be lust ; and Proposals
iIutlfuz
the French, frustrated of all connexions, would find it impracticable to j}'^ut

get footing in these provinces. The Nawab approved the proposal

and sent an agent to treat with Mahfuz Khan.
"
The agent sent by the Nawab to Mahfuz Khan arrived atNellitan-

gavilloon the 28th of February, and found him there encamped in

paltry tents with 50 horse, ostentatious of his poverty, pretending
much discontent againsthis allies,and much attachment to the Nawab ;
but when terms of reconciliation were proposed, nothing less would
satisfyhim than the government of the whole country as an appanage
in fee ; indeed he was never master of his own opinion, and at present
not of his will,for the western Poligars,elated by the rising superi-
ority
of the French in the Carnatic, took the field,and obliged him,
who depended upon them for his subsistence,to lend his name, and to

appear with them in person as the pretensionof their hostilities. The

army was composed of the troops of the Puli Devar, of Vadagarai of

the three minor Poligars,Cotaltava,* Naduvakuriehi, and Sorandai ;
and from the eastern side of Ettaiyapuram, the dependent of Kat(a- Confederacy
boma who himself continued firm his a6amstiu8uf'
Nayaka, to new connexion with
the Euglish. The confederates had likewise persuaded the Poligar of
Shatore under
(Settiir) the hills,whose fort is only fifteen miles to the
south of SrTvilliputtur
to enter so far into their views as to admit

a body of the Puli Devar's colleries into his fort, with whom and
his own ho made
depredations into the adjacent country, whilst
Muhammad Yusuf, apprehensive of the arrival of Haidar Ali and the

French, kept his force collected in Madura. As soon as the news of

Haidar Ali's departure was confirmed, Muhammad Yusuf took the
field and marched againt Settur. The Poligar on his appearance
made submissions, turned out the Puli Devar's men, and paid a fine in

money ; but English troops returned

as soon as tothe
Srlvilliputtur
he renewed his depredations,on which Muhammad Yusuf attacked
the fort again, which the Poligar,after a slightresistance abandoned ;
and one of his relations was appointed in his stead. In the mean Successes of

time the confederates had in various attacks from Nollitangaville

"
thfconfede-
rates.
taken all the posts between this place and Tinnevelly,and of
many
the men placed to guard them were put to the sword ; at Taran-
kurichi, which was taken by assault in the night,27 horsemen and a

greater number of sepoys were killed. The confederates,elated with

these successes, threatened all who did not join them, and attacked
the Poligar of Ootamaleo (Uttumalai) because he had refused. They
likewise prepared to take possession of Tinnevelly, and boasted that

they would reduce the fort of Palamcotta. But the approach of

Muhammad Yusuf from Srivilliputtflr
stopped their nor had
progress,

*
A sub-division of Maravas arc called Kottali Devan.
 118 HISTORY OF TINNF.VELLY.

Chapter V. they courage to give him battle

; but having strengthened the posts
they had taken, retreated Nellitangaville,
to sending,however, detach-
ments
to harass and interrupt his operations, but without success ;
for all their parties which ventured to meet or could not avoid the
Yusuf a encounter of the sepoys were beaten, and by the end of April all the
reprisals. taken recovered. Muhammad
posts which had been were Yusuf then
resolved to carry war enemy's the begininto the country, and to with
Yusuf called the Poligar of Vadagarai, although the most distant, because the most
to help the in the plain were in flames, and
English.
powerful of the alliance. His villages

the troops had begun to penetrate into the wood which encloses his

fort, when Yusuf received advices and instructions from the dency
Presi-

at Madras and from Captain Calliaud at Trichinopoly,which

called him and the troops under his command to services of much

greater necessity importance. This service was

and to help the
operationsof the English in Madras and the neighbourhood, whilst the

Biege of Madras was carried on by the French. In May the ing

follow-

year (1759) intelligence was received that the garrison of sepoys

at Palamcotta in the country of Tinnevelly had ventured to stand an

engagement in the field against Mahfuz Khan and the Pali Devar

Palamcotta joined by most of the other Poligars,and although the enemy quitted
besieged. the field, so of the were killed and wounded that the
many sepoys
garrisoncould no longer appear out of the fort. It had before been

resolved to send Muhammad Yusuf into the southern countries as

"
soon as the army in the field could be diminished without risk.

Yusuf Khan's Return.

"
Yusuf Khan arrived at Madura on the 4th of May, and had been

absent ten months. The force he left in the country, when called

away, was fourteen companies of sepoys, six in the fort of Madura, five

in Palamcotta, and three at Tinnevelly. Nothing more could be

expected from either of these bodies than to defend the ground in sight
of the walls they garrisoned. Accordingly all the districts of both

provinces from the forest of Nattam to the gates of Travancore lay

subject to their contributions or exposed to their ravages. The

declension of the English affairs,which began with the surrender of

Fort St. David (on which Muhammad Yusuf was recalled) and tinued
con-

until the French were obliged to raise the siegeof Madras, kept
Mahfuz Khan in continual hopes that he shoidd be joined by a body

of French troops, and established with their assistance in the ment

govern-
of those countries ; and the administration of Pondicherry by
their letters and emissaries encouraged him to think so. Waiting this
Mahfuz
Khan's fortune, he remained with the Puli Devar stylinghimself and styled a
expectations. without other of subsistence than what
sovereign,but any means

the Pilli Devar chose to supply, who, never regulatinghis money by

words, scarcely furnished him with common necessaries. The return

of Yusuf Khan bettered his condition ; as tho Puli Devar was afraid

he might at length listen to a reconcdiation with the Nawab, and

Mahfuz Khan, always governed by the love of ease, felt no resentment

at the humility to which he had been reduced. He presidedat least

 120 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter V. "with every change of circumstances, wrote a letter to Muhammad

Yusuf offeringto quit his allies and proceed to the Carnatic, vided
pro-
he was allowed a suitable jaghire for his maintenance. He
even asked a safe
guard to come to Tinnevelly. Muhammad Yusuf,
without authority, assured him that his requests should be complied
with, and recommended them to the Presidenc}r,by whom they were
referred to the Nawab.

The Poligar
"
The midland country, for thirtymiles to the north of the town of
of tJttumalai. is open and of
Tinnevelly, great cultivation, and, lying between the
eastern and western Poligars,had been the favourite field of their

depredations. The principal station from which the western made

their inroads into these districts was the fort and wood of Uttumalai,
situated thirty-five miles north-west of Tinnevelly. The Poligar,
grown rich by easy plunder, had many colleries, who were well
armed ; and Muhammad Yusuf, soon after his arrival at Tinnevelly,
marched against him with the greatest part of his force, and in a

few days reduced his fort, in which he placed some troops, and
stationed a guard of fiftyhorse and some peons and colleries in a

place called Shorandah (Sorandai) as an intermediate post. He was

no sooner returned to Tinnevelly than a multitude of colleries ing

belong-
to the Puli Devar and Vadagarai surprisedthe guard at Sorandai,

and either killed or took all their horses with their riders, on which
Muhammad Yusuf detached seven companies of sepo}'S, who recovered
the post and remained in it, in order to protect the adjacent country.
Equal confusion prevailedin the districts to the south of Tinnevell}r.
The troops of the Maliaver, or King of Travancore, were making
incursions from their wall to seize tho harvests at the foot of the hills
from Kalakadu to Cape Comorin. Tho variety of distractions which
existed on every side coidd not be all opposed at the same time, unless
Travancore embodied than all tho of the
a greater army were revenues two vinces
pro-
troops.
could defray. Put the
king was the least inveterate enemy to the
English, because the Poligar of Vadagarai had provoked his resent-
ment

by continually employing his colleries to make depredations

in hiscountry on the other side of the mountains, through the pass of

Shencottah, which lies fifteen miles to the south of Vadagarai. On this

ground of common enmity Muhammad Yusuf opened a negotiation

with tho king, who consented to a conference at the gates of his

country near tho promontory. They met in tho end of

August, and
tho intorviow passed with much politenessand seeming cordiality.
Alliance of Tho king at least publicly demanded nothing and agreed to desist
tho King of from his inroads into the districts of Tinnevelly and to act with a
Travancore
and
considerable force in conjunction with Muhammad Yusuf against
Yutuf.
Vadagarai and tho Puli DGvar. On the 3rd
September Muhammad
of

Yusuf, still remaining at tho gates of Travancore, was joinod by 1,000

of tho king's sepoys hoavy muskets armed with made in his own try,
coun-

and disciplined, although awkwardly, in the European manner ;

but they were well supplied with stores and ammunition. He then

returned to Tinnevelly, and marching from thence with his whole

force, in deference to tho king proceeded directlyagainst Vadagarai,

 MUHAMMAD YlsiF KHAN's PERTOD. V21

although twenty miles the

beyond Nellitangaville, residence of the Puli Chapter V.

Devar. When arrived near Shencottah he was joined by an army

full as large as his own, consistingof 10,000 more of the king'stroops

of various kinds of infantry, who had marched through the pass.

This was perhaps the greatest force that had been assembled for some

centuries in this country. Vadagarai defended his woods for a day,

in which about 100 men were killed and wounded on both sides ; but

in the night abandoned his fort, and escaped away to the Puli Devar

at Nellitangaville.
' "
The arrival of such a guest, who, for the first time,had been reduced Yadagarai's
to such distress, frightened the Puli Devar, and set his cunning to rjfvar'*
fears.
work to divert the storm from himself. The repulse of the English
troops at the attack of the pettah at Vandiwash on the 30th of Septem-
ber
was known in the country, and was believed, as the French had

representedit, a signal defeat. Mahfuz Khan had received letters

from Bassaulet Jung and the Government of Pondicherry, which

encouraged him to think that they should very soon overpower the

English in the Carnatic, when he might expect to be substituted for

his brother Muhammad Ali, who was to be deposed from the Nawab-

ship. This correspondenceand expectationsthe Puli Devar com-

these municated

to the King of Travancore, and offered,if he woidd quit the

English and join Mahfuz
Khan against them, to give him whatsoever
districts in the Tinnevelly country might lie convenient to his own.

The king immediately exposed these documents to Muhammad Yusuf,

and standing on his importance,demanded the cession of Kalakadu
and the adjacentdistricts,for which he had so long contended against
the Nawab's Government. He said, that more territorythan he claimed
had alreadybeen recovered with his assistance ; that what might be
refused by one would be readily given to him by another ; and that, Travancore's
ProP0ha 8-
if he should join the Poligars,the Nawab's authority woidd never be
established in the Tinnevelly country. Muhammad Yusuf, whilst plexed
per-
with this dilemma, was informed that the two eighteen-pounders
with 500 muskets, which had been sent, accordingto his request, from
Madras, were lost at sea ; and that the two six-pounders,although
landed, were stopped by the Dutch agents at Tuticorin. This chance
mis-

gave greater weight to the king'sarguments, and greater value

to his assistance ; for the force of Muhammad Yusuf alone was not

sufficient to reduce the Pfdi Devar, whom all the best colleries in the

country flockingto defend.

were He therefore surrendered the dis-
tricts
which the king demanded, and the Presidency approved the
cession ; but the Nawab suspectedthat it had been promised by Yusuf
at his first interview with the king in order to secure his future assist-
ance
to his own ambitious views.
"As soon as this agreement was settled the Travancores moved again Attack on a

in conjunction with his troops. On the 16th of November they in- subsidiary
vested the wood and fort of Easaltaver (probablyIsvara DSvar), which
was one of the dependenciesof the Puli Devar. The colleries defended
the wood three days and then abandoned both, and retired to tangaville.
Nelli-
After this success the want of ammunition obliged Mu-
1G
 122 HISTORY OF TINXEVELLY,

Chapter V. hammad Yusuf to remain until he received supplies from Madura,

Palamcotta, andAnjengo. The army of Travancore, to prevent dis-
gusts
from disparityof customs, encamped separately,but in sightof
Muhammad Yusuf's ; and on the 20th of November a body of 5 or

6,000 colleries attacked the camp of the Travancores in day,

open
Muhammad Yusuf, on the first alarm, sent his horse and followed
with his sepoys and other foot ; but the colleries retreated before they
came up, and their nirubleness, with the ruggedness of the countiy,
rendered the pursuitof little avail. They had killed and wounded 100

of the Travancores before they went off. A day or two after this mish
skir-
Muhammad Yusuf received three howitzers, with some stores,
and a supply of ammunition from Anjengo ; and the two six-pounders
Yusuf with their shot likewise came up from Tuticorin ; he then moved with
receives his allies,and the 4th of December set down before AVashinelore
on
supplies
(Vasudevanallur) another fort
dependent on the Puli Devar, much

stronger than any he had, excepting Nellitangaville,

from which it is
situated twenty miles to the north-west and twelve in the same tion
direc-
from Uttumalai.

"
Vasudevanallur stood within three miles from the great range of

mountains, at the foot of which ran a thick wood, extending two miles
into the plain, and within 1,300 yards of the west and south sides of
the fort ; but turned to a much greater distance on the north, and to

the east the plain was open, and everywhere covered with profuse
cidtivation. A very extensive pettah,the residence of some thousand

inhabitants, commenced within forty yards, and extended 1,200 to

Description of the north-east of the walls : a thick thorn hedge, with barriers, sur-
rounded

Vasudeva fort. The

both the pettah and the extent of the fort was 650
nallur fort
of mud, but almost hard brick
by 300 yards ; it was as as ; it had four

large square towers, one at each angle, and several smaller, which
were round, between. Every tower was a separate redoubt, enclosed
by a parapet, to command within as well as without the fort. The access

to the tower was a steep ramp, only two feet broad, the entrance a

narrow wicket in the parapet ; the curtain between the towers had no

parapet, and was slopingon both sides from a base of

only a rampart
15 feet to 3 at top ; but the slope from within was much less sharp

than from without, so that, if assaidted, the defenders might easily

run up to the top. The parapets of the towers have circular holes for
the use of small arms, but openings prepared for cannon,
no of which

there was not a singlepiece in the fort. [See the account of the cap-

Attack on the ture of this fort in 1767 by Colonel Donald Campbell.] This tion
descrip-
fort the other
only suits Vasudevanallur, for forts in the Madura and

Tiunevelly countries have parapets with loop-holes to their ramparts,

as well as to their towers ; but all are of earth excepting Madura and

Palamcotta. The
importance of Vasudevanallur, ami the great force
which was come against it, brought some thousands of colleries to its

relief; 1 mt all, excepting 8 or 900 chosen men allotted to defend the

walls, kepi in the woods. From whence every day and night parties
sallied, and alarmed or attached one or other, and sometimes both the

camps ; and greater bodies on three different days made general

 MUHAMMAD YUSUF KHAn's PERIOD. 123

attacks on the batteries,of which these continued interruptions retarded Chapter V.

the construction, insomuch that they were not finished until the 26th,

twenty days after the arrival of the armies; but the howitzers had menced
com-

before. The only efficacious gun was the eighteen-poundcr

which Muhammad Yusuf had brought from Madura, for the rest were

only six-pounders and lower ; but from excessive firingthe eighteen-

pounder burst the day after it was mounted ; and by this time all the

ammunition as well of the batteries as troops, exceptingthe quantity

which prudence required to be reserved for defence, was expended.
However, part of the parapet of the tower fired upon was beaten down,
and Muhammad Yusuf resolved to storm the next day. Many troops of
both armies waited on the assault, and as soon as it began, the Puli

Devar, with 3,000 chosen colleries, who had marched in the night
from issued
Nellitangaville, from the wood and fell upon the camp
of Muhammad Yusuf, drove away the troops that guarded it, and
began to commit every kind of destruction. Muhammad Yusuf sent

back large body to repulsethem,

a and continued the assault ; but the

garrison within received double animation from the Puli DSvar's Successful

which announced them the usual and the defence,

success, was to by war cry
sounding of their conchs. All the other colleries collected in the

woods appeared likewise, as if on the same notice, and in different

bands attacked the troops at the batteries and at the foot of the

breach ; and, although continually repidsed,continually rallied, and

with the resolution of the garrison saved the fort until the evening,
and then waited in the woods to interrupt the renewal of the assault

in the night ; but so much of the reserved ammunition had been

expended in the day that Muhammad Yusuf deemed it dangerous to

remain any longer before the fort, and drew off his artillery.Two
hundred of his troops and of the Travancores were killed,but more of

the enemy. The next day he moved to a distance, and dismissed the Yusuf s

who return.
Travancores, proceeded through the pass of Shencottah to their

own country, and Muhammad Yusuf returned with his own troops and
those lent him by Tondiman and the Maravars to the town of Tinne-

velly.
"
No events of great importance had happened during the course of His enforced

this (1760) in the of Commandant, inactlvity-

year country Tinnevelly. The
Muhammad Yusuf, after the repulsebefore Vasudevanallur in the end
of the precedingyear, was, from the want of batteringcannon, no longer
in a condition to attack the stronger holds of the Poligars; and contented

himself, until supplied, with posting the greatest part of his army in
stations to check the Puli Devar and the western Poligars; but remained
himself with the rest Tinnevelly,watching
at Kattaboma Nayaka and
the eastern. The departure of Mahfuz Khan from in
Nellitangaville
the month of January left the Puli Devar and his allies no longer the
pretext of opposing the authority of the Nawab in support of the rights
of his elder brother ; and they debated whether they should treat with
Muhammad Yusuf or wait the event of Mahfuz Khan's journey, who Depredations
"f
they supposed would return to them, if not received on his own terms ^c
v l-i ir -l t xi "
,
"
i o "" " i
Poligars.
by the JNawab. In tins uncertainty they formed no designs,
vigorous
 124 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter V. and employed their colleries in night robberies 'wherever they could
elude the stations of Muhammad Yusuf ; biit
attempted nothing in the
open field or day. Nevertheless these depredations were so ruinous
to the cultivation that Muhammad Yusuf thought it worth the expense
to draw off some of their dependents and entertain them in the pany's
Com-
service as best able to retaliate the same mischief on those
by
whom they had been emplo}*ed ; and towards the end of April several
of these petty leaders with their followers, amotmting in the whole to
of
Hostilities^
the Mysore-
2,000 colleries,joined him at Tinnevelly and faithfullyentered on the
ans
duties for which they had engaged. Nothing, however, like regular
fightinghappened until the end of May, when Kattaboma Nayaka
appeared at the head of two or three thousand men, near Ettai}'a-
puram and stood the
companies drawn
attack
sepoys, of seven of
from the limits towards by whom
Nellitangaville, they were dispersed,
but with little loss. In May Muhammad Yusuf received intelligence
of the hostilities commenced by the Mysoreans from Dindigul and the
orders of the Presidency to oppose them ; in consequence of which he
sent the detachment we have mentioned, of 1,500 sepoys, 300 horse,
and 3,000 peons."

Dutch Invasion.

A Dutch "
They were scarcelygone, when a new and unexpected alarm arose
force arrives
in the Tinnevelly country. The Dutch Government at the Island of
from
Colombo. Ceylon had received a large reinforcement of European troops from
Batavia, which assembled at the port of Colombo, opposite to Cape
Comorin, from whence a part of them arrived in the beginning of June

at Tuticorin, a Dutch fort on the continent 40 miles east of Tinnevelly.

Two hundred Europeans with equipments, tents, and field pieces im-
mediately

encamped, giving out that they should shortly be reinforced

by more than their own number, and that 400 other Europeans had

left Batavia at the same time with themselves, and were gone to

Cochin on the Malabar Coast, in order to join the King of Travancore.

Yusuf's
preparations.The natives were frightened and pretended to have discovered that

the force they saw was intended to assist the Poligars driving the
in

English out of the country of Tinnevelly, and to begin by attacking

the town. Muhammad Yusuf immediately sent to the Dutch chief at

Tuticorin to demand an explanation; who answered that he should give

none. A few days after the troops advanced inland and halted at

Alvar Tinnevelly (Alvar Tirunagari), a town in a very fertile district

situated 20 miles south-east of Tinnevelly and the same distance west

south-
Retri it of
the Dutch. of Tuticorin, and at the same time another body of 200 Europeans
landed from Colombo at Mauapar, 20 miles to the south-east of Alvar

Tinnevelly. Muhammad Yusuf had previouslydrawn troops from the

eastorn stations, and marching with 4,000 sepoys, and some horse,
appeared in sight of the Dutch troops at Alvar Tinnevelly in the ing
even-

of the 18th of June, who, in ensuing night, decamped in strict

the

silence and man hod back to Tuticorin. Those atManapar went away

thither likewise in the same embarkations which brought them; and

more was heard of this alarm."

 muhammad yusuf kila.vs period. l25

Yusuf Khan's Operations Chapter v.

renewed.

"The depredations of the Poligars continued; but, deprived of Yusuf and

'
Mahfuz Khan, and hearing how closelyPondicherry was invested, they jj^'v.u."
ventured nothing more. The Pali Devar's colleries were as usual the

most active in the robberies; and to repress them Muhammad Yusuf

again stationed the greatest part of his force towards Nellitangaville,

which in December encamped at the foot of the hills within three miles
of tins place and Muhammad Yusuf joined them from Tinnevelly on the

12th; he had purchased several eighteen-pounders at Tuticorin, and

had the two mortars sent to him the year before from Anjengo, but no

shot or shells for either, and was moreover in want of gun-powder and

flints,all which he expected from Trichinopoly,and whilst waiting for

them made such preparations as the country afforded to attack tangaville

Nelli-
in form. On the 20th of the month, the colleries with the
PfQi DSvar at their head, attacked his camp, sallyingas usual on all

quarters at once and persisted until 100 of them fell ; but they killed

ten of Muhammad Yusuf's men, and wounded seventy, and some

horses."

Unfortunately Orme's narrative here breaks off. From this

time I have to depend for information the results of my
on own

examination of the Government records,preservedin the Govern-

ment
Office and Office of the Board of Revenue, Madras, and in
the Treasury in Tinnevelly.

Revenue Administration in Tinnevelly by the Nawab.

It has already been seen that the rule of the Nawab of the Lushington's
e
Carnatic commenced in Tinnevelly,as in the other districts in the
Carnatic, in 1744, when Anwar-u-din Khan was appointed Nawab

by the Nizam. The various districts in the south by were held

officers appointedby Anwar-u-din. Anwar Khan appointed was

Fauzdar and Amil of Tinnevelly, with whose appointment the

accounts of the revenue administration of Tinnevelly commence.
I quote here from a letter of Mr. Lushington,Collector of Tinne-
velly,
to the Board of Revenue, dated, in the year after the transfer
of the Carnatic to the Company, 28th May 1802. It
givesthe names
of the administrators of the revenue in Tinnevellyfrom 1744 to
1783.
Anwar Khan was succeeded, he says, by Mir Ghulam Hussein Succession of

Khan and Hussein Mahomed Khan, their jointmanagement com- Jorsimstra

prisinga period of six years from 1744 to 1749. He mentions
the amount of the jamabandi for each in
chakrams, but this
year
I omit. A\rhen Anwar-u-din Khan was slain in battle an Amil (a
native revenue officer)named Alam Khan was deputed by
Chanda Saheb to take charge of Tinnevelly, who managed the
district in his master's behalf in 1750 and 1751. To him succeeded
for a short lime TittarappaMudali and Mundi Miya (Moodemiah),
 126 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter V. the agent of Chanda Saheb. The latter was slain near Tinnevelly.
Upon Moodemiah's death the authorityof Mahfuz Khan (theelder
brother and for a time the of
representative the Nawab Mahomed
Ali) was established in the country. This was for 1754 and 1755.
He formeddesign of becoming independent of the Nawab, but
the
Issoof (Yusuf) Khan, by the vigour of his mind, frustrated this
ambitious design,and, re-establishing the power of Mahomed Ali

Khan, delivered the management of the provincefor a year, 1756,

to Alagappa Mudali. The distracted state of the country, owing

to the depredations of the Poligars,requiringgreater energy for

their reduction than Alagappa Mudali possessed, Yusuf Khan was

appointed to the sole administration from 1757 to 1763. He ruled

the country for six years.

Ytisuf's "
During the three first years of Yusuf Khan's management he was
administra-
tion. engaged in constant struggles with the Poligars, with very various
success ; the necessities of the Company during this anxious period in
the Carnatic demanded the employment of his force, and of his extra-
ordinary

military talents in more central parts of it. Tinnevelly was

therefore left in his absence a prey to the depredations of the Poligars

and the perfidious machinations of Mahfuz Khan, aided by the
adherents of Travancore wholly
; the latter indeed assumed during
this period the most fertile taluk
province,Kalakadu, but when of the
Yusuf Khan could be spared from the siege of Madras to return to

Tinnevelly, he had the address not only to detach the Raja of core
Travan-
from the league, but to acquire his assistance in punishing the
Poligars. Notwithstanding the disadvantages (under which he

laboured) of an usurped authority, he accomplished, by the vigour of

his mind and military talents, the complete subjugation of the
province. In his time the tribute of the Poligars was regularly
collected ; privateproperty was in no danger from their depredations;
and the revenue of the Circa r lands was very largelyincreased. The
effect of the subordination he established may be seen in his jama-
bandies from the year 1761 to 1764."

Fluctuations Mudali's in 1764

Dalavay Alagappa management was ; Raja
in revenue.
Hukumat Rani's from 1 765 to 1769 ;
Sheik Mahomed Ali's in
1770. The administration of Syed Mahomed Khan commenced
in 1771 and lasted till 1775.

Two worthy of note happened at this time.

incidents In 1771
the cutcherryof Tinnevelly,with all the records,was burnt to the

ground, and in 1 774 there was a famine of unusual severity. In

1780 the Poligars,again tempted by the war which raged in the
Carnatic,threw off their allegianceand nearly overran the province,
in consequence of which the revenue was reduced to a minimum for
several viz., from an annual average of eight lakhs of
years,
chakrams to of half a lakh. In 1 783 commenced
an average
Mr. Irwin's or t h"- Company's administration,when the collections
 128 HISTORY OF TINNEYELLY.

Chapter V. merely a device to gain time. They replied that they could not
consent to allow him to retain the provinces
management of those

any longer,and that the only he

securinghis life
means had for
and effects was to surrender himself unconditionally.
Government The first time I find Government
expressingtheir suspicions was
suspicions of
in October. Some
European troops were to march from Anjengo
his designs.
to Madras by land, but they were ordered to remain at Anjengo
till further orders, lest they should be intercepted by Yusuf Khan
"
"
as, said they, we are
"
very uncertain at present with regard to
the intentions of Yusuf Khan, who, we fear,hath some thought of
departing from his allegiance to the Nawab." In December it
was clearlyascertained that he was enlistingtroops in Tanjore and
the Tondiman's country, whereupon letters were written to the
various Rajas and others warning them not to render him any
assistance.

Yusuf's No statement of Muhammad Yusuf Khan's reasons throwingfor

reasons for
off his allegianceappears in record. It can only be
conjectured
rebelling.
that he
was irritated againstthe Nawab, and consequentlyagainst
the Nawab's upholders,the English,by the refusal of his offer to
rent Tinnevellyand Madura Probably,however, his chief reason .

was that he had come to consider himself strong enough to thrust

both of his masters aside and set up for himself, as had been done
before him by every successful lieutenant. The latest examples
of this had been Chanda Saheb and Hyder Ali. Doxibtless he
would have succeeded in his purpose if he had had to deal only
with a feeble Nawab of Arcot or a still feebler Raja of Mysore,
but it was with the English that he had to deal,and ing
notwithstand-
his long service under them he quitemiscalculated their power.

On the
April 1763, General
11th Lawrence wrote to the
Government recommending that a strong force should be sent

immediately againstYusuf Khan. He stated that Yusuf Khan

Yusuf's had at last declared himself independent. He had provided

foices.
the forts of Pajamcotta and Madura with stores and heavy
artillery,and put many other forts of less consequence in a state

of defence. His forces were estimated at 27,530 men, including

15,000 colleries badly armed. The rest were well armed, and he
had succeeded in enlisting200 European foot soldiers,mostly
Frenchmen, and 30 French troopers,all under the command of a

Frenchman called was Marchand.

equipped His force with twelve

or fourteen lightpiecesof field artilleryand two howitzers,most of

which had belonged to the Company. He had made Madura his

head-quarters. He was daily receivingreinforcements from the

French and from Hyder Ali's army, and General Lawrence dered
consi-
him a man of such enterprisinggenius and ambition that it

Mas necessary to proceed againsthim at once, lest, like another "

 MUHAMMAD YUSUF KHAN's PERIOD. 129

Chanda Saheb," he should Company another ten ChaptebV.

entail on the

years'war. He did not think it prudent or practicable to proceed

againstso dangerous a rebel through narrow passes and intricate

woods with a small force. The force he asked for was as follows :"

European cavalry163 ; artilleryfor 10 guns, 2 howitzers, 100 ; General

European military,rank and 'file

600 ; Coffres or Topasses (the^fcnce'9
latter soldiers)100 ; Company's sepoys
Eurasian 50 companies,
"

includingofficers,5,000 ; Nawab's sepoys 2,000 ;

"
Black horse

2,000. The entire force he appliedfor amounted to 9,963 men. He

did not obtain the force he asked for, and the force granted him

proved insufficient. In particularit was not strong enough in

cannon. Batteringcannon had to be sent for from but

Trichinopoly,
even after its arrival the carried
operations on were not successful.

Colonel Monson, who was in command troops,had to retire

of the

for the rainy season of 1763 to a placewhere the

troops could pass
the monsoon with greatersafety and comfort. Swartz, the cele-
brated

missionary, visited the camp for two months during the

siegeto give spiritual comfort to the sick and wounded.

Whilst the siege was going on Yusuf Khan endeavoured to

obtain the help of the French. Peace had been declared between

France and England, so that the Pondioherry Government could

not send him help in men and munitions, but they called upon the
English Government to countermand their expeditionagainsthim, Yusuf s

on the ground that he was their ally, and that to wage war againstn"?w?tlons
their allywas virtually wage war
to against them. The English French.
Government to have made no reply to this ingenious
appear
representation.The siegecontinued with various fortunes till the
14th October 1764, when another assault was made. The assault

failed,but Marchand, the Commander of the French contingent,

Treachery of

came to the conclusion that it was now his best policyto capitulate,
COmmander
and in order to secure the most favourable terms for himself and
his followers he traitorouslyseized his commander, Yusuf Khan,
and delivered him up to Major Donald Campbell, the English
officer in command.
I have not been able to discover any written record of the Yusuf Khan's

manner in which Yusuf Khan disposedof.

was Nelson states on

native authoritythat "

the gallant soldier who had served in so

many campaigns,always with marked distinction,

was seized by a
confidential servant and given over to his enemies, who, in May

1763 (error, see above),with a want of mercy which at this time

seems all but inexcusable, hung him like a dog." This tion
termina-
of his career would be in accordance with the instructions
issued by Government in the previousyear at the commencement
of the siegeto General Lawrence. They say that if Yusuf Khan
were taken alive it was their wish that he should be sent to Madras,
"
not from any willingnessto show him favour, but that they
17
 130 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter V. might in their cooler hours disposeof him in such a manner as

might appear proper." "

We confess to you," they say,
"
that we

think he will be a dangerous man to be entrusted in the hands of

the Nawab, if his intentions are to make him a state prisoner; but
if it be agreeable to you to order the Commanding officer to
execute him upon the first tree in sightof the army, it will be quite
to us."
satisfactory Though there is no documentary evidence to
be found I regard it as certain that the latter recommendation was

carried into effect. It seems hard that such a man should have come

to such an ignominious end. This must, however, have been one of

the alternatives present to his mind from the commencement of his

rebellion. He must have expected,if successful,to reign as a

prince; if he failed,to be hanged as a traitor. Khan Saheb was

hanged near the about two miles to the west of Madura.

camp
He was buried spot on the hanged and a small
where he was

was erected over his tomb. An inscription describes it as

mosque
"the Mosque of Khan Saheb." An intelligent old Muhammadan
inhabitant of Madura, the uncle of the Cazi, who accompanied me
to the spot,was full of the particulars of his death, as handed down

to him by his ancestors. He was seized whilst at prayers by

"
"
Mussoo Mursan (Monsieur Marchand) and his Hindu Dewan,
Sinavasa Row, and was hanged, he said,by the orders of the Nawab.
The old man professedto be 85 years of age, and proved to me the
retentiveness of his memory by correctly repeating to me the

names of the principalrebel Poligarshanged in the Madura and

Tinnevelly countries in 1"01. He confirmed the tradition that

Khan Saheb was originally a Hindu. As there is no account of
Khan Saheb's death on record,we may perhaps venture to con-
clude

that the order for his execution,as the old man stated,pro-
ceeded
not from English,but
the from the Nawab himself. We

give the English Commander the benefit of the doubt.

may
On the capture of Madura and of Yusuf Khan the rebellion

collapsed,but the country having lost one of the most vigorous

rulers it had ever had, its financial prosperityrapidlydeclined.
Results of
"
To Yusuf Khan," says Mr. Lushington, "succeeded one of the
Yusuf Mudali's however, continued but
s
family of the ; his management, for
death.
eight months when he was displaced by a Hindu named Rajah
Hukumat Ram. The jamabandy of his management fell considerably
short of those of Yusuf Khan, and his immediate successor, Shaik

Muhammed Ali, who charge

was in
country of
months, the for nine

reduced it still Tempted by the imbecility of their superin-

more. tendence,
the Poligars returned to their former licentiousness and

continued in the indxdgence of their inveterato habits of encroachment

and violence with little intermission from that period until their
transfer to the Company's authority in 1792; nor did even this

Yusuf 8 arrangement produce that improvement in the conduct and condition

successors of these feudatories which had been hoped from it j the fluctuating
 MUHAMMAD YUSUF
KHAN's PERIOD. 131

administration of the Nawab had given such confidence and success to Chapter V.

their rebellious character, and the weak policy and corruption of his

Amils had encouraged and confirmed in the Poligars so strong an

influence over
the minds of His Highness' subjects, that, under the

weakness of a
divided authority, a
solid reform was impracticable.
The vigour of Yusuf Khan's measures was
indeed felt for some
time

after he suffered the death of a rebel, but the Poligars soon forgot
the terror of his name
and relapsed into former habits."

"With regard to Madura Nelson states that after Yusuf Khan's

death it was placed under the administration of Abiral Khan.

He adds "
the state of things in Madura during this period of

Muhammadan domination
may
be imagined from the following

facts, which were

communicated to me by the grandson of one
of

these officers, and the truth of which I see no occasion to doubt.

About the
year
1772 there were only two substantial brick and state of

Madura after
stone buildings in the whole town, namely, the old palace and the

residence of the Muhammadan the only other dwellings

manager ; death.

were
mud hovels thatched or
tiled." Thus far Mr. Nelson. This

state of things was not peculiar to Madura. I have sought but

have been unable to find trace of the existence of private

any any

house in Tinnevelly, whether in the towns or

in the rural districts,

built of stone or
burnt brick by private native prior to the
any

assignment of the Nawab's revenues to the Company's government

in 1781. This fact furnishes us

with most telling illustration of
a

the difference between the anarchy that had prevailed before, and

the order and security that began to be introduced by the strong,

peaceful government of the English.

 132 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

CHAPTER VI.

TINNEVELLY ANNALS FEOM 1764 TO 1799.

PART I.

FROM THE DEATH OF YTJSTJF KHAN TO THE ASSIGNMENT OF

REVENUE IN 1781.

Events following the death of Yusuf Khan.

Chapter VI. Colonel Donald Campbell, the officer in command in Madura and
the south, was anxious to march into Tinnevelly,after the capture
of Madura and Yusuf Khan about the end of 1764, to secure it

against the inroads of king of Travancore. the Government

Protection of did not apprehend that king of Travancorethe would commence

Palamcotta. at least till he knew their determination
hostilities, regarding the
Kalakadu districts. They judged it necessary, however, that
Palamcotta and any other post in that neighbourhood should be
reinforced so as to protect the Kalakadu country from surprise.
1765. Accommodation is ordered to be provided at Palamcotta
for troops. The king of Travancore endeavours to recover the
Kalakadu district. The Nawab's sepoys are detained to defend
Palamcotta. Captain Harper sets out with a detachment to the
relief of Kalakadu. It is reportedon the 25th May that Kalakadu
is held by 2,000 armed Travancorians. During the absence of the
Company's troops three or four hundred Collaries plunder the
town of Tinnevelly. The Nawab's people are helpless. Pana-
gudi and Tirukurungudi had been abandoned to the Travancore
the detachments which held those placesbeing very small.
army,
Those who capitulated had to promise to retire to Palamcotta.

Shencotta also had been abandoned to the Travancorians by the

Retirement of Nawab's troops. On the 12th of June the Travancorians retired
^rom Kalakadu. They made stand at Tirukurungudi, and
core troops! a

Colonel Campbell was preparing to march againstthem, when

they retired within the Aramboly lines. A complaint being made
that the officers' quarters in Palamcotta are incommodious,
Government order improvements to be made at the Nawab's

they also order the erection of a new magazine.

expense ;
1766. Captain Frisrhman was at this time Commandant of

Palamcotta, and as such the Company's in Tinnc-

representative
 PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 133

velly. The good effects produced by Yusuf Khan's

rigorous Chapter VI.

administration were now at an end, and to add to the

difficulty
always felt in keeping the Poligarsin check and gettingthem to
pay their tribute, most of the troops that had been brought down
the previousyear toagainstTravancore
act had been withdrawn,

on account of the necessityof counteracting the designs of Hyder

Ali further north. All this was laid before Government by
Captain Frischman in a letter dated 4th October, from which it

appears that within fifteen or twenty miles of Palamcotta it was Armed follow-
the
estimated that there were 20,000 armed
'
Collaries roaming1 about ^Vf
m
p roligars near
and ransacking every villagethey came to. Captain Frischman Palamcotta.

had fitted out an expedition of the Nawab's troops under "

the
"
Buxy (the Nawab's Commander " Bakhshi, a Muhammadan
Commander-in-Chief) for the purpose of reducing a fort to the

north-aest,doubtless Panjalanikurichi. It was a strong force with

artilleryand a body of 1,000 horse, but Captain Frischman plained

com-

that it did nothing but merely waited outside the fort. He

"
complained that half of the Nawab's troops were
"
mere coolies
and that their arms bad
incapableof repair. There were
were and

4,000 of them, but half the number would suffice if they were paid
and disciplinedby the Company. Such was the state of the

coimtry that the tappal had ceased and he found it very difficult
to communicate with his out-stations. Ensign Foulsum of the
Nawab's service,who commanded at Vadagarai, had attempted to

relieve Vassa Nellore (Vasudeva-nallur) which was besieged by

Poligars, but before his arrival the garrison had surrendered

through want of water, and had leave to return with their arms
to Tinnevelly. Foulsum had a skirmish with a body of 12,000

Poligars and then retired to his fort. The Government order on Complaints of
this letter is to the effect that much Government
they are concerned to find
ft op h i n s i" i rif^

that whenever their troops are withdrawn petty PoligarNawab.

every
takes the opportunity of plundering. They have often represented
to the Nawab that it would be much better for him and for the

country if he would consent to place the disciplineand pay of his

troops in their hands, and though he had never yet consented they
would represent to him again the necessityof this arrangement.
The closed with
year 1766 the failure of an attempt on the part Major Flint

of Major Flint to reduce some of the more turbulent Poligarsto reduce Poligar
obedience. On the 23rd of December he marched from Srivilli- fort.

puttur for the purpose of attackingthe fort of Calacunda (Kollam-

kondan). On the 27th an escort he sent back to Srlvilliputturfor
grain was attacked by the Poligars. A strong force was sent out
to the support of the escort, but even this combined force was

attacked and the attack was continued to within three miles of the

camp. On the 29th, after a breach had been effected in the wall
of the fort,an assault was made, but the place was defended by
 134 HISTORY OF TIN'NEVELLY.

Chapter VI. such numbers and with such resolution that the assaultingparty,
after holding its
ground for half
an hour, to return had with
considerable loss. Captain Painter and five Europeans were killed
and several Europeans were wounded. The Poligarto whom the
fort belonged had not got above 200 men of his own, but he was
reinforced by partiessent to his help by all the other Poligars.
On his retreat Major Flint had to fight his way through the
enemy. Captain Harper was in command of his rear guard.
"lint's unsuc- 1767. This year opens with another unsuccessful campaign
cessful cam

paign
againstthe Poligars. Major Flint retired first to Eaja Palaiyam,
then to Sitheath (Sittuttu ?),then to Parambur, where he joined
the camp of the Buxy."
"
Subsequently he got a supply of
heavier artillery from Captain Frischman at Palamcotta and set
out to attack the fort of Panjalamkurichi. There were two other
forts in the Ettaiyapuram country that he intended to attack first,
but he altered his intention and commenced with Panjfilanikurichi,
as being the most importantplace. Government were very anxi-
ous
for his success, as they foresaw that the Poligars would be

greatly encouraged by the failure of his recent attempt to take

Kollamkondan, but as he was now well suppliedwith heavy guns
and ammunition they hoped his future attacks on the forts of the
Poligarswould be successful.

Panjalamkurichi.

Meaning of The importanceof Panjalamkurichi in the annals of Tinnevelly

the name
requiresthat a few words should be said about it here. The name
Panjalam.
kurichi. has come up already in Orme's History, Colonel Heron having
led an expeditionagainstit in 1755. That expedition,however,
was recalled, and it does not appear that Panjalamkurichi was
then reallyattacked. The first of the long series of siegesit sus-tained

from the English was from Major Flint in 1767. lamkurichi

Panja-
was a large mud fort, situated near the present
taluk town of Ottapidaram. Being the headquarters of a
Poligar,the whole palaiyam was called by this name. Panchala

means anything pertaining to Panchala, now the

"
Doab the "

country of Draupadi, the wife of the five Pandava brothers.

The name must have been given to the place by some person
interested in the stories of the Mahabharata. The second portion
of the name is one of the many Tamil words denoting a village.
It especially denotes a villagein a forest or amongst the hills.
There is no trace of a forest now in the neighbourhood,but up to
the time of the last Poligarwar nearly the whole black cotton soil
country in the north of Tinnevellywas covered with thick woods.
The conqueror that has cleared away those woods is cotton. But

cotton would never have been able to prevailagainstthe woods, if

 136 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter VI. From Kollamkondan the Colonel marched on the 3rd to

Shattoor (thatis,Settur, a placenot to be confounded with Sattur),
Abandonment
of Settur. where he met with more resistance. A considerable force of the
had taken positionoutside the fort from which they
enemy up a
galled portion a of his camp. They were dislodged with some

and driven
difficulty into the pettah,but in this service two officers
and 46 sepoys were wounded and three sepoys killed. Above 89
of the were killed and more than 100 wounded. Colonel
enemy
Campbell placedbatteries
postedguards fort,but and all round the
before the works were completedthe enemy, fearingthat they were
about to be hemmed in, made their escape in the night. As soon
as he had notice of their elopement he sent after them Captain
"
Harper's battalion and the Nawab's horse,but, he says, they were
far too nimble for the former, and as for the latter he found them

generallymore detrimental than useful. They consumed a great

deal of provisionsand did no kind of good." Colonel Campbell

found Settur a stronger place than he had supposed. The fort
seemed to him almost as largeas Palamcotta, and the pettah was
encircled with a strong thorn hedge. He found in the fort about

1,000 bullock-loads of grain. He demolished the fort before

leaving it.
Abandonment The Colonel's next objectof attack and his next disappointment
nagin.
wag Sivagiri. On his arrival there on the 10th from Settur he
found the fort alreadyabandoned. Its defenders on hearing of his
approach fled from it to the hills,where, however, he pitiedthe
deplorable condition they must have found themselves in, and
concluded that they must have become truly penitent for their
resistance to authority and convinced of its folly. He considered
that much of the disloyaltythat prevailedwas owing to the mis-
government and oppression to which the Poligars as well as the
rest of the people were subjectedby the Nawab. In Sivagiri,
which must have been inhabited, he thought,by 20,000 people,
neither man, woman, nor child could be found. He found the fort
of Sivagirilargerand stronger than that at Settur. If the defences
had been completely finished before they arrived,the taking of it
would have been attended with some loss. He spent five or six

days in levellingthe fort. Colonel Campbell greatlyadmired the

of
fertility the neighbourhood, as appears from the conclusion of
his letter to Government : "

"I heartily wish the Nawab would fall upon some method to

preservo this delightful

country from absolute devastation. It isreally
melancholy to rofloct that unless a speedy and an effectual remedy is
applied these fertile fields, the most beautiful I have ever seen, will

next year be a barren waste."

Attack on His next letter was from Washinellore (Vasudeva-nallur) on the

V
28th May. He arrived there on the 13th, leavingMajor Flint to
nallor.
 PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 137

finish the demolition of the

Sivagirifort. He was joinedon the Chapter vi.

17th by Major Flint, and on the night of the 18th the garrison

attempted to get away by Captain Harper's post,but were beaten

back. On the 19th he commenced a cannonade of the fort in the
hope of effecting breach,but the wall
a practicable being constructed
of sunbaked bricks cemented with clay,upwards of 500 shot were

poured into one placewithout effect. Heavy rain now commenced

which continued without intermission till the 25th "

(the south-
west
monsoon had evidently commenced that year some weeks
earlier than usual) "

taking advantage of which the garrisonforced

their way out at three different places about 4 o'clock on the

morning of the 20th and made their escape to the adjacenthills.

The first fire of the besiegersdid execution,but the second charge,
owing to the rain,would go off. Vasudeva-nallur
not being,he
said, "
a fort of long standingand commanding as fine a grain
country as he had met with, he resolved not to demolish it,but to

garrisonit with all the Nawab's troopshe had, under one Mr. Peter
Davidson, who had the appointment of captainunder the Nawab
and had the reputationof being a person of
energy." This he
considered the strongestfort he had seen during his campaign (see "

the descriptionof this fort in the account of its siegeby Yusuf

Khan) " and he was astonished at the contempt of death the Oollaries
evinced during the cannonade. As fast as a breach was made, in
the midst of shot and shell they went on quietlyrepairingit with
palmyras and straw. He concluded as before by recommending Colonel

more reasonable treatment of the people by the Nawab. All that Campbell's
o
A "
care

could be done by a European force Government might depend on people.

being done by the troops under his command, but he was anxious
that some accommodation should be come to with the people,for
which he had received no authority. There were three small forts
to the southward of him, and by the time he had reduced them he

hoped to receive the Government's commands. He considered that

the Nawab had no time to lose, for without some agreement the

people would never be persuaded to return and cultivate their

fields. The Grovernment were glad to hear of the reduction of
Vasudeva-nallur, but did notapprove of the Nawab's troops being
left in important a
so Campbell to place,and ordered Colonel

garrisonit with the Company's troops.

Pending the arrival of authorityfrom the Nawab to treat with Cantonment

the Poligars, Colonel Campbell appointed Captain Harper to estab- ^Jjjjj!*"

lish a cantonment in Sankaranaiyanarkovil.On the 13th June kovil.

he wrote him an excellent letter of instructions as to the behaviour

of his men, whether
Europeans or sepoys, pointingout the neces-
sity

of their acting towards the people with justice and derness.

ten-

Shortly after this the Nawab's letters authorising an

accommodation with the Poligarsarrived, wheieupon Colonel

18
 138 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter VI. Campbell announced a cessation of hostilities and sent for the

Cessation vakils of the various with

Poligars, whom he entered into arrange-
of
hostilities. ments for the settlement of their dues and the punctual payment
of their tribute in future. The Government recommended the
Nawab to leave Colonel Campbell perfectlyfree to act as he should
think best.

Arrangements Colonel Campbell's pacification of the country was very short -

"
Nawab's lived. Within two months Captain Frischman, Commandant at

manager. Palamcotta, informed the Government that on Colonel Campbell

leaving the country with his troops the various Poligarsbegan to
refuse,as they had always done before,to pay the tribute they
had agreed to. In this contumacious conduct the Poligar of
Sivagiriwas the leader. Captain Frischman succeeded in induc-
ing
them all to come to some terms again, which was brought
about mainly through the exertions of Baja Hookoometron " '

(Hukumat Ram), the Nawab's manager or financial administrator

in Tinnevelly at that time. He was also materiallyaided by the

Poligarof Verdigarry (Vadagarai),who had been deprivedof the

whole of his pollam some time before,but had now nine villages
restored to him in order to engage him to the Nawab's interest.
This was in August 1767. Among other arrangements made

during this time the Nawab's

manager banished
Poligars of the

Sivagiriand Panjalamkurichi from Tinnevelly and appointed

Hyder Ali's others in their places. On the 2nd of September Grovernment were

communica- Commandant that AH had

informed by the Hyder written to all
the Poligars,callingupon them to join him againstthe Nawab
Poligars.
and the British,and assuring them that if they joinedhim not
only would all their ancient possessionsbe restored to them, but
he would give each of them several additional villages.
In the course of 1767 95 English recruits who had landed at

Anjengo were ordered to stay at Palamcotta till further orders.

1768. In February Lieutenant-Colonel Frischman is ordered to

join the army in the field againstHyder Ali, and Captain Browne
is appointed Commandant of Palamcotta in his room. Colonel
Frischman is to supply Captain Browne with all the information in
his power relative to the several Poligars, and Captain Browne is

to afford the Nawab's manager all the assistance in his power to

keep them in proper order.

On the 10th Juno Captain Browne reports that he had sent
three companies of sepoys with a serjeantto destroy a fort which
a Poligarwas rebuilding. The name of the fort is not given., but
the name of the Poligaris said to have been Cambo-Naig," that is "

probably Kamaiya-Nayaka. In August he is ordered to send troops

and guns to reinforce Colonel Wood in command at Trichinopoly, but

Assemblage of is unable to comply with the requisition on account of the troubles

CoUanes.
j^ apprehendsfrom the large bodies of Collaries,some eight or
 TERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 139

nine thousand in number, that were assemblingunder thepretence Chaptef VI.

of settlingsome disputesamong themselves, but really for the

purpose of plundering the Sircar districts.
On the 24th October he reportsthat the emissaries of the possessed
dis-

Poligars of Sivagiriand Panjalamkurichi were raising

disturbances in those districts. Both these Poligarswere at that

time livingin the Raja of Ramnad's country, and it was supposed

that they were receivingencouragement in their plots from him.
Government accordingly wrote a letter to the Raja of Ramnad

warning him againstthis line of action.

Captain Browne
1769. engages the Poligars to act againstBehaviour of

Hyder Ali. They appear to act loyally at first,but afterwards J^^^1'8

join the enemy. He complains that the Nawab's troops behaved Hyder Ali.
shamefully.
1770. worth
Nothing transpires recording.
1771.
Captain with his battalion to Madras,
Browne is ordered
and Captain Cooke is appointed in his place- Mr. Gumming is

Paymaster and Storekeeper.

The Tinnevelly cutcherry was burnt down this year with all Burning of
the records it contained. Tinnevelly
cutcherry.

Postal Communication between Madras and Bombay in the

latter half of the eighteenth century.

Letters fc"
In 1771 I find it mentioned that a packet of letters from Madras
l Bombay how
.

to Bombay was sent by Government to the Commanding Officer sent.

at Palamcotta for transmission by him to Anjengo, a small town

in the coast of Travancore between Trevandruni and Quilon, then

belonging to the East India Company, from which it was to be

sent on by sea by the earliest opportunityto theBombay Govern-

ment.
Packets of letters were sent from Bombay to Madras in
the same manner. This round-about mode of communication
lasted rightinto the beginning of the nineteenth century, in sequence
con-

of the normal condition of the districts intermediate

between Madras and Bombay being one through
insecurity, of the

wars and commotions caused by Hyder Ali, Tippu Sultan, and the
Mahrattas. Though inland was communication
at that so time Overland
commuiui^-
imperfect, the beginnings of an overland communication had
tiona.
already been developed. Duplicatesof urgent letters to the Court
of Directors from the Madras Government were repeatedlysent
home rid Bassorah in the Persian Gulf, and duplicatesof left pis

from home arrived by the same route.

Orrne, the historian, is said to have been born at Anjengo.

The first reference to Palamcotta in the journals of Swartz,
the eminent Missionary, is in 1771.
 140 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter VI. 1772. An

expeditionwas planned for the reduction of the
Poligars in and Madura
Tinnevelly,especiallythe Poligar of
Nalukottai, that is,Sivagangai. It was entrusted to the mand
com-

of Major Braithwaite,but was not carried into effect in con-

sequence

of troops being more urgentlyrequired further north.

1773. Nothing happens in Tinnevellyworthy of record.
1774. In this year there was a severe famine.

Earliest date 1775. The only incident of the year is that Captain Cooke is
ordered with his battalion to Madras and succeeded by Captain
cottachui h-
yard. Hopkins from Vellore. The earliest date I have found in the

English church-yardat Palamcotta is in 1775.

1776. Captain Hopkins writes on the 7th January that the
PoligarKattaboma Nayaka, who had been driven from Panjalam-
kurichi by the Nawab's manager Raja Hukumat Ram in 1767,
had returned and put to death the Poligarwho had been appointed
in his room by Syed Mahomed Khan in 1771, and that he was

again in possession. The Nawab's people,in Syed Mahomed

Khan's absence,had collected a considerable force of horse and

foot,who emcamped near

were Panjalamkurichiand
were ordered

to take place. Nothing more

the seems to have been heard that

year of that attempt to take Panjalamkurichi.

1777. On the 16th February Captain Hopkins reportsthat two
of the Nawab's battalions with a brigade of guns, under the com-
mand

of Captain Pickard of the Nawab's service, marched from

Tinnevellyagainstthe Poligars. The force was sent out to collect

the Nawab's revenues from the Poligars, who as usual had refused

to pay. The expeditionwas especially directed againstSivagiri,

where a largenumber of Collaries had collected. Strange to say
Expedition
against Siva- of
^he NawaD's force was joinedby the Poligar Panjalamkurichi
with 4,000 men. This was in consequence of his having made his

peace with the Nawab's manager.

This force invested Sivagiriand attempted to reduce it. It is
not stated what the result was probably as usual a failure
" and a

compromise.
Captain Eidington succeeds Captain Browne and soon after is

ordered to resignhis command.

1778. Captain Barrington is appointed to the command of

Palamcotta in supersession of Captain Eidington.

On the 6th April Captain Barrington is ordered to send five

companies of his battalion to assist the Nawab's manager in collect-

ing

the peshcush due from the Poligars. In the event of their

resistance he was not to use force without express orders from

Government.
[nsults offered 1779. Colonel Braithwaite whilst passingthrough Tinnevelly
reports to Government the violence shown to the Hindus by the
Nawab's people at the Moharram. They had broken an image
 PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 141

to piecesand killed several Brahmans. This had led to the aban- Chapter VI.

donment of all cultivation and manufactures on the part of the

Hindus, who insisted on justiceand revenge. He feared that the

who
TinnevellyPoligars, were aresolute people,possessedof many

strongholds,
might take the opportunityof breaking into rebellion.
He reportsalso that the country was distracted by the animosities
of the Nawab's late Fauzdar, the present one, and Dalavay Mudali,
the Hindu renter. Colonel Braithwaite was then on his way with

a considerable force to Anjengo, where his troops were to embark

for Tellicherry
to take part in the fruitless operationsof the army

on the Malabar Coast. CaptainBarrington writes from Palamcotta

that he found it very difficult to obtain suppliesfor Colonel waite'

Braith-

s force,on account of the disturbed state of the country

consequent the insult offered by the Muhammadans to the
upon
Hindus. Towards the end of the year Captain Eidington is

reappointedto the command of Palamcotta.

1780. CaptainEidington reportsthat there had been an ment

engage-
between the Nawab's troops Sivagiri. and the Poligar of

All the Poligarsnow openly or virtually threw off their allegiance,

so that there was a great diminution in the revenue. Captain
Eidington discovered that some of the Poligarswere in ence
correspond-
with Hyder Ali. At this time the Paymaster at Palamcotta
Mr. "William Light, by whom the cultivation of spiceswas
was Spices in
He had Palamcotta.
first introduced into Tinnevelly. brought two young
cinnamon trees from Colombo. The state of the Tinnevellycountry

was now so unsettled and unsatisfactory that the President of the

Madras Council was requestedto have a personalinterview with

the Nawab on the subject. Fortunately a more satisfactory

arrangement was at hand and was introduced at the close of the

followingyear.
The Tinnevelly Register,or Register of the Native
Mission
Christians resident in Palamcotta, begins in this year, 1780.
1781. Captain Eidington informs Government that the Sivagiri

Poligar had invited Hyder Ali to send troops into the Tinnevelly

country. He also states that he was convinced that the renter

(Raja Hukumat Ram) was secretlyon Hyder Ali's side, being a

near relative of
Raja," the "
Colt
appointed by who had been

Hyder Raja Tinnevelly. He reportsthat he could

of Madura and

get very little assistance from the Raja of Travancore towards

protectingthe country from Hyder. The Dutch of Tuticorin Dutch eeti.

of
promised the assistance of their Government of Colombo againstmat"'
Hyder Ali, whom they described as the common enemy of all

Europeans. It will be seen that a little later on they took a dif-ferent

line.
In February Captain Eidington despatches Lieutenant Halcott
with of the fort at Srlvilliputtur,
three companies to get possession
 142 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter VI. both in order to keep the restless Poligarof Sivagiriin check and
also to secure possessionof a place which he considered the key of
Tinnevelly. He mentions that the real chief of Sivagiriwas at
that time in Palamcotta in prison. Lieutenant Halcott was

attacked near Madura by 3,000 Collaries and three or four dred

hun-
horse,whom he beat off with loss to them and some to himself.

Captain Eidington also mentions that

Hyder Ali had sent as

to the Poligarsto stir them

messengers up againstthe Nawab and
the British, he had entered into negotiations with several of the

principalPoligars, and found that they were willingto enter into

Dutch alliance an engagement, provided their relations who were in prison were
with Poligars.reiea8e(j jje ag]-8 for 2j000 stand of arms in placeof those taken

by the Collaries in the Ramnad country. Later in the year the

Dutch were strengtheningTuticorin and apparently preparing for
a war with the English. They were renderinggreat assistance to
Kattaboma Nayaka of Panjalamkiirichi, who had actuallyhoisted
Dutch colours. This Poligarhad been beaten off from the fort of
Comrah (Kamudi), in the Ramnad country, with the loss of a
hundred men. In October on account of complaintsmade against
him Captain Eidington supersededby Captain
is Bilcliffe.

Meditated Cession of Tinnevelly to the Dutch.

In 1781 Mr. Hastings, then Governor-General, endeavoured to

enter into
a treaty with the Dutch, the effect of which, if it had

proved successful,would have been to convert Tinnevellyinto a

Dutch province. The object of that measure was to obtain,

through the GTovernors of Colombo and Cochin, a militaryforce to

assist in the expulsionof Hyder from the Carnatic. But as these
Governors acted under the authorityof the Government of Batavia,
for whose sanction there was no leisure to wait, a tempting
advantage was represented as necessary to prevailupon them to

incur so unusual a responsibility. The negotiationwas carried

on through the medium of the Director of the Dutch Settlements in

Bengal ; and it was stipulated that for 1,000 European infantry,

200 European artillery, and 1,000 Malays, who should be paid and
maintained by the Company during the periodof their service,the
province of Tinnevelly should be ceded to the Dutch, together
with the libertyof making conquests in the neighbourhood of

Cochin, and the exclusive rightto the pearl fisheryon the whole
of the coast south from Pame"vavaram. In name and appearance
the sovereigntyof the Nawab, Muhammad Ali, was not to be

infringed, a nd the treaty, framed and concluded for him, was to be

ratified by his signature. The small value of the cession and the
extreme danger of the Carnatic were urged as the motives to induce
compliance on the part both of the Nawab and of the Government of
 144 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter VI. its guidance. The Governor of Madras at this time was Lord

Macartney. In virtue styledat

of this
arrangement functionaries
Superin.
tendents of first Receivers of Superintendents of
Assigned Revenue, then
Revenue. Assigned Revenue, were appointed in various places. A shorter
title by which they were generally known was Civil Superin-
tendents
or simply Superintendents. These were the first civil

officers appointed for the administration of affairs in the interior.

Up to that time, as we have seen, the only civil administration

with which the English Government had anything to do, that is,
the enforcement of the payment of the Nawab's revenue, was

carried on by the militaryofficers in command of the troops in the

various districts.
Intentions of The Government hoped that this new arrangement would contri-
nme '

bute in various to the prosperityof the country. In the

ways
instructions they conclude
issued to by saying,
the Committee
"
By attendingto these points the Company may arrive at much

useful knowledge. They may be gradually able to free the

country from oppression,to recover the lands and manufactures

from their present most deplorablestate, greatly to improve the

revenue, and finallyto establish wealth, credit, and prosperity
throughout the country." This view of the objectsof Government
was, I need hardly say, widely different from that entertained by
the Government of the Nawab.
"
^ir8t The first "
Receiver of Assigned Revenue appointedto Tinne-

velly virtuallythe first Tinnevelly Collector was Mr. George

Tinnevelly. " "

Proctor. He had been Auditor of Accounts in Madras, and then

member newly-appointedCommittee
of the of Assigned Revenue.
Lord Macartney's letter appointing him Receiver in Tinnevellywas

dated 8th December 1781. Another letter a few days later gave
him similar authorityin Madura ; another respectingthe Ramnad
peshcush. The Nawab gave orders to his Fauzdars and Amildars
in Tinnevelly to obey the new functionary, whilst the Madras
Government ordered Captain Eidington and Lieutenant-Colonel
Nixon to render him any military assistance that he might require.

He was accompanied by Mr. Orpen as his assistant.

1782. APoligar named Sivarama Talaivan had erected a fort
Tirukurungudi near Tirukurungudi and was plundering the
""

neighbourhood. The commandant sent a detachment, which took

"
the fort and destroyed it. " Sivarama Talaivan is the hereditary
name of the head of a powerful Marava family in that place.
War
having broken out between the Dutch and the English,
Commandant
Captain Bilcliffe, at Palamcotta, sends a party under
Capture of
Lieutenant Wheeler to take possession of Tuticorin. The small
lutieonn.
" " rm_
Dutch garrisonwere prisoners.Seventeen guns taken. There
made

were 200 men garrisonbelonging to Panjalamkurichi,who

in the
fled on seeingthe approach of the Company's troops. It must have
 PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 145

the Dutch, for their Chapter VI.

been because they did not care to fight for
behaviour at their own fort whenever it was attacked was very-
different .
The Dutch factories at Punnaikayal and Manapadu
were demolished. The outworks erected by the Dutch at Tuticorin

were also destroyed,and it was ordered that if a Dutch force landed

the fort of Tuticorin was up and

to bedestroyed. The Complaints of
blown
the paraA a3-
native inhabitants the Paravas, represented
of Tuticorin,especially
to Mr. Proctor,and representedto Government, the
Mr. Proctor
done
injustice by party Mr. Wheeler
the in seizingon their
under

property, with that of the Dutch, and requiring them to pay

" "
gratificationsfor the privilegeof returningto the town and

living under English protection.Government considered such

conduct most culpable and ordered the commanding officer to
confine himself to his duties in the fort.
In April 1782 Mr. Proctor wrote to the Committee complainingDispute
of the conduct of the renter, who at that time was Trimoliparenter an(i the

(Tirumalaiyappa)Mudali, to
was the effect that he unduly raisingCollector.
the price of the Government grain,listeningto the advice of
CaptainGibbings instead of his own, and playinginto the hands of
the Poligars. He proposedthat a new renter should be appointed,
and that the Receiver of Revenue (thatis himself)should have
absolute authorityover him. He first proposed that Tittarappa
Mudali, the nephew of the present renter, should be appointed,and
then Ranga Row, a stranger,then an Amil in Madura. The then
renter (TirumalaiyappaMudali) at the same time complainedto
the Committee of Mr. Proctor's conduct; a complaintwas also made
"
by the Company's Sherishtadar," and there was a serious understanding
mis-
between Mr. Proctor and the commanding officer.

Captain Gibbingsand the rest of their servants in Tinnevellywere

ordered by the Committee to refrain from all interference in matters
of revenue, but in other the
particulars Committee were disposed
not
to adopt Mr. Proctor's recommendations. On the contrary they
found fault with him for in
interfering the rate of exchange,and for
having failed to send them any account of his receiptsfrom the
time of his arrival. He was ordered to send them his accounts
monthly in future.
The Committee's dissatisfaction with Mr. Proctor's
management Dissatisfac-
Mr'
appears from the conclusion at which they arrived,that " some p"n^h
further regulations were to fulfil all the objectsof the
necessary
Assignment." They, therefore,resolved to recur to the directions
at first given them by Government and proposed that from time
to time as should deputationsshould proceed,
appear necessary
composed of members of the
Committee, through the several
assigned countries. The
superintendenceproposed being only Conduct of
temporary would not, they thought, prove prejudicial. The 1:'u"i.'0;in .

language they used bore heavilynot only on Mr. Proctor,but on

19
 146 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY

Chapter VI. the other European functionaries

employed in the interior. hitherto

They say this temporary superintendencewould not allow any "

temptationfor interfering in the money transactions or intrigues

of the country, nor would it be liable to the objections that the
Committee are of opinion lie againstall the European superin- tendence
that has yet been established under the Company's
government." The gentleman sent to Tinnevellyas a deputation
from the Committee was Mr. Eyles Irwin, but his appointment
falls amongst the incidents of 1783.
In December 1782 a letter was written during Mr. Proctor's
absence in Madras
by Mr. Orpen, his Assistant, Mr. Light, the
Paymaster, and
Captain Bileliffe, the Commandant, asking per-
mission
to use strong measures againstthe renter.
1783. On the 27th January the Committee repliedto the letter
of the previousmonth from Palamcotta, to the effect that they were
to wait till the arrival of Mr. Irwin, as they intended to entrust to
him the management of all their affairs in Tinnevelly.

On the 28th January a Commission was issued by Lord

Macartney to Mr. Irwin to proceedto Tinnevellywith full authority
from the Committee of Assigned Revenue. The Commission

begins thus :
"

Commission "The state of the Tinnevelly province,as representedby the Com-

to Mr. Irwin, has determined send in
mittee of Assigned Revenue, us to a person
whom we can confide to enquire into and remove, as far as may be

practicable,the misunderstandings and dissensions which have arisen

there to the prejudice of the revenue, and we have appointed you
for the service, not only from the trust we repose in your zeal and

capacity, but in compliance also with an early recommendation

preferredto us by the Committee for employing its members sionally

occa-

making in circuits throughout the different districts of the

Carnatic, agreeably to the originalinstitution of the Committee."

Instructions The Government were unable to determine which of the complaints

to Mr.Irwm. from
an(j recriminations that had come before them Tinnevelly
were most worthy
investigation, but they recommended
of Mr.
Irwin on his arrival to proceed to investigate such of the com-
plaints

as appeared to him to have any probable foundation,

"
particularly the insinuation thrown out by the late renter against
Mr. Proctor concerningundue advantages made by the measurement
of grain and exchange of money." Mr. Irwin is recommended to

bearing a reasonable proportionto their

"arrange that a fixed tribute,
possessions and not liable to alteration, should be paid by the
Poli gars ; also that the complaintsof the renters againstthe ryots
:uid of the ryots againstthe renters should be inquired into and
equitablysettled. He is directed to endeavour to acquireas much
knowledge as possibleof the condition of things in general in
Tinnevelly,in order that the welfare and improvement of the
 PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 147

country promoted. He is to inquirewhether

be any of the Chapter VI.
may
natural productions of the country are capable of being improved,
and especially whether the cultivation of spicescan be developed.
He is to endeavour to throw light on the prospects of the pearl
fishery, as also on the commerce of Tuticorin and the settlements
in the Gulf of Manaar. All orders relatingto revenue affairs sent

previouslyto other persons are to be transferred to him, including

the orders sent to Mr. Light for the inspection of the repairs of

tanks, as Government do not wish any other gentleman in Tinne-

velly to have the least pretence for interfering in the affairs of the

country. He is directed to exercise a general oversight in

Madura, as well as in Tinnevelly,there being no other person
in charge there, and all militaryofficers are ordered to obey his

requisitions.They are to furnish him with a suitable escort in his

tours through the country. The Government add that they
wished him to correspondwith Mr. John Sulivan, Tan jore, whose
judgment and experience could not fail to be of value. Mr.
Sulivan was at that time Resident of Tanjore
"
and dent
Superinten-
of Assigned Revenues of Trichinopolyand Marawar." The
latter term meant Ramnad and Sivagangai. Finally, they say they
allow him seven pagodas per diem for his expenses, the sum that

was allowed to Mr. Proctor, "

Receiver of the Revenues in the

Tinnevellycountry,"and Captain'spay andbatta to his Assistant.

In another letter he was instructed to inquireinto the complaintsTuticorin

comp a
of the Parava inhabitants of Tuticorin. He was also instructed to

present an honorary dress to the head of the Paravas (the Jati-

talaivar)in the name of the Madras Government.
Mr. Irwin landed
Anjengo from the Company's shipsgoing on
at

to Bombay, whence he
proceeded to Palamcotta, where he arrived
on the 4th of March. Immediately on his arrival at Palamcotta
he set out for Tri van drum, to wait on the king and present him
with a letter with which he was charged from the Madras ment,
Govern-

requestinghis assistance in the operationsagainst Hyder

Ali.

Mr. Irwin requested that another Assistant

appointedMr. Trwin should be
instead of Mr.
Orpen, who had been removed. Mr. Torin (after- Jjjj his on

wards Collector)was appointedhis Assistant,then Mr. Kindersley.

Soon after his arrival in Tinnevelly he presided in a court of

inquiry held by the authorityof Government to inquireinto Mr.

Proctor's proceedings. The court considered Mr. Proctor's accounts
unsatisfactory.It was found that he had entered in his accounts

many items of expenditure of a personal nature without the

authority of Government. It was found also that balances of

receipts of revenue still remained in his hands. In consequence of Mr. Proctor

this decision of the court he was relieved from his duties in the "rdere(i t0
leave.
.
,
district and ordered to proceed to the Presidency. Government
 148 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter VI. requiredhim to refund what he had improperly received,and on

his delaying to do this ordered a suit to be instituted againsthim
in the Mayor's Court, Madras.
In April Mr. Irwin in a letter to Government states the obstacles
he finds standing in the way of every plan for the improvement of
the country. First and foremost amongst those obstacles he places
the refractory disposition of the Poligars. Their licentiousness," "

lie says, not having been curbed

"
or checked for these five .years

past,they are now become so hardened in their contumacy as to

render it impracticable to reduce them to a proper sense of their
interest and duty but by force of arms." It was evident that

things were gettingripe for Colonel Fullarton's expedition. The

operations which he refers as having taken place five years
to
before were those of Captain Pickard in 1777 and of Captain

Barrington in 1778.
Mr. Irwin Jn August the Government give Mr. Irwin full powers to rent
C.ionel
the revenues of Tinnevelly to the best of his judgment. He
Fullarton. writes Colonel Fullarton that
repeatedly to proposing a portion
of the southern army should be employed under his command in
the
settling Tinnevellycountry. These letters, with the sanction of

Government, led to Colonel Fullarton's expedition. Of this expe- dition

Colonel Fullarton himself gives a graphic account. His
able report to the Madras Government entitled "
A View of the

English Interests in India," republishedin Madras in 1867, will

amply repay perusal.

Colonel Fullarton's Expedition as related by himself.

"
The districts of Madura, Meliir, and Pallemery (Pallimadai) were
so harassed with Colleries,Poligars, and the enemy, that your troops
and subjectswere often attacked within range of forts,and the tries
sen-

tired at on the works. All the Poligars of Tinnevelly were in

rebellion, and closely connected with the Dutch Government at

Colombo, from whence attempts were meditated, in conjunction with

them and with Mapillai Devar, to reduce those countries and the

Strength of Marava dominions. Nearly one hundred thousand Poligars and Col-
the Fuligurs. leries southern
were in arms throughout the provinces,and being con-
sidered

hostile to Government, looked to publicconfusion as their safe-

guard

against punishment. Your southern force was inadequate to

repress outrages and to retrieve your

these affairs. The treasury was

drained, the country depopulated,the revenues exacted by the enemy,

the troops undisciplined, ill-paid,poorly fed and unsuccessfully com-
mand*

d. During the course of these proceedings,your southern pro*

vinces remained in their former confusion. The Poligars,Colleries,
and other tributaries, ever since the commencement of the war had
thrown oh' all appearance of allegiance. No civil arrangement could
be attempted without a military force, and nothing less than the whole
seemed adequate to their reduction. While such a considerable
army
 PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTKKVKNTION. 149

portionof the southern provinces remained in defiance of the Com- Chapteb 71.

pany's Government, it was vain to think of supporting the current .

""TT .

charges of the establishment, far less could we hope to reduce the the situation.

arrears, and to prepare important operations,

for in the probable event

of a recommencement of It became
hostilities.indispensable,there-
fore,

to restore the tranquillityof those provincesby vigorous military

measures as the only means to render them productiveof revenue."

After having-reduced the Poligarsof Melur and Sivagangei to

obedience, Colonel Fullarton marched southwards. "There next

remained a more importantundertaking. The numerous Poligars

of Tinnevelly,who had rebelled on the commencement of the war,

committed dailyravages Cape Comorin. from

They Madura to

subdued forts and occupied districts belonging to the Circar,or

held by a tenure different from their own. I had been repeatedlyInvitation to
urged by Mr. Irwin, Superintendentof Madura and Tinnevelly,rcduce^the
to proceedagainstthe Poligars, in order to restore tranquillity and

recover the revenues. It was now, for the first time, in my power
to direct my towards
operations that quarter,at a moment when the
most powerful of the Poligarsin confederacy againstyour ment,
Govern-
and in alliance with the Dutch, had assembled twelve or

fourteen thousand men, and were actuallybesieging the fort of

Chocumpatty (Chokkampatti), a Poligar place of some strength,

below the hills that form the north-west boundary of the province.
"
When it was determined that we should march towards velly,
Tinne-

during the interval requisitefor Colonels Stuart and

Elphinstone'sdetachments to reach Dindigul, my objectwas to

strike an unexpectedblow, and to intimidate the Poligarsinto sub- mission.
Of all the Tinnevellychiefs,the principal in power and

delinquency,exceptingSivagiri, was Kattaboma Nayaka. He was

personally engaged at the of
siege Chocumpatty, from whence his
fort of Panjalamkurichi,on the south-east quarterof Tinnevelly,is
distant more than seventy miles. The visual route to Tinnevelly

passes by Madura ; and the Poligars,hearing of our movement

towards Sivagangei, looked for us in that direction. To favour

this opinion,I ordered provisions for the army to be prepared at March into
mneve J-
Madura, kept my real intention perfectlyconcealed,and moved off
with the force from Sivagangei,on the evening of 8th August, to
Tropichetty(Tint Pachetti),a placetwenty miles distant on the
southern border of the Melur country. I there joined the remain- der
of the army, and leavingthe 7th battalion and some irregulars
to restrain the Colleries at Melur, we proceeded next morning by
Pallemery (Pallimadai), Pandalgoody, and Naiglapore (Nagala-
puram), and readied the fort of Panjalamkurichi on the fourth day, Attack on

being "-"
one hundred miles from Sivagangei.1
O O
As soon as the line ,Fa"J:',
kUM'
-un"
111.

1
Fahrenheit's thermometer was frequently above 110 degrees duiiny these
ma relies.
 1oO HISTORY OF TIXNEVELI.Y.

Chapter VI. approached the fort, a flagwas sent desiringthe headmen to open

their and hold conference : they refused. The 18-pounders

gates a

were, therefore,halted in the rear of an embankment, facing the

north-east angle of the works ; a hasty battery was constructed,
and in three hours were ready to on the bastion. The
we open
works were manned with several thousand people,and every cumstance
cir-

denoted an intention of resistance. It was material to

storm delay,in order to strike terror by despatchand also

without
lest Kattaboma Nayaka, with his confederate chiefs,might hasten
to obstruct our operations. We opened on the bastion,but finding
ourselves retarded by its thickness, we resolved to breach the

adjoiningcurtain,and to render the defences of the bastion unten- able

by the besieged. They kept up a constant and well-directed

fire, and notwithstanding our utmost efforts, it was dark before a

practicablebreach was effected ; the attack was therefore deferred

until the moon should rise. The storming party consisted of two

companies of Europeans, supported by the 13th and 24th Camatic

Battalions, and continued in the rear of the battery. The cavalry,
the 1st, and lightinfantry battalions, were posted at right angles
with the other three salient angles of the fort,with detachments

fronting each gateway, in order to prevent the besieged from

receivingsuppliesor making their escape, while the other troops
remained to defend the camp, which was within random shot.
"
Our next objectwas to remove a strong hedge fronting the
breach and surrounding the whole fort,as is the practicein the

Poligar system of defence. dangerous service was

This effected

with unusual skill by Ensign Cunningham, commanding the

Pioneers, and about 10 at night, with the advantage of bright

moonshine, the storm commenced. Our troops after they gained

the summit of the breach found no sufficient space to lodge them-
selves,

and the interior wall having no slope or talus,they could

Abandonment not push forward from the summit as they advanced. The defen-

ders were numerousopposed us so vigorouslywith pikes and

and

musketry that we were obliged at last to retire,and reached the

considerable slaughter on both sides. Immediate
battery with
measures were taken to renew the charge,but the Poligars, ened
disheart-

with their loss,abandoned the place,and sallied forth at the

exhausted
eastern gate. The corps postedround the works were so

by the preceding marches that the fugitiveseffected their escape;

the rest were taken prisoners. The breach was covered with dead

bodies, and the placecontained a large assortment of guns, powder,

shot, arms, and other military stores, which were of course applied
to the publicservice. 40,000 star pagodas were also found, and
immediately distributed to the troops. Your Board was pleasedto
confirm this distribution on the than which
footing of prize-money,
no measure could more tend
effectually to animate the army in our
 152 HISTORY OF TINNEYELLY,

Chapter vi. ance that the troops would be

withdrawn, and that they would be
recommended to forgiveness.They wished to confer with me,
but refused to visit me in camp. As their distrust arose from

various outrages committed against them

by former commanders,
instead of increasingtheir apprehensionsby any of
appearance
distrust or resentment, I proposed to meet them alone and unat-
tended

at their own barrier,

adding that if any accident befel me,

it would not pass Sivagiri Chief, Kattaboma

unresented. The

Nayaka, deposedand the Chocumpatty, with a large

Poligarof
Terms retinue,met me in front of their embankment ; before they finished
declined
their explanations it was dark, and a musket inadvertentlyfired in
the rear alarmed our advanced picket,who thought it was aimed
at me. To prevent the ill-consequences of that mistake, I took
leave of the Poligarsexpressingmy wish to hear of their acceding

to the terms proposed. We refrained from hostility next day, but

findillS that they trifled witn proposals, the line was ordered under
rtrSiofd.the
arms on the morning following, and we made the distribution of
attack. It proved as desperateas any contest in that species of
Indian warfare, not only from the numbers and obstinacy of the

Poligars, but from the peculiar circumstances which had acquired

for this placethe reputation of impregnability. The attack com- menced

by the Europeans and four battalions of sepoys moving

againstthe embankment which covers the wood. The Poligars, in
full force,opposed us, but troops remained
our with their firelocks

shouldered,under a heavy fire,until they approached the ment

embank-

; there they gave a general dischargeand rushed upon the

enemy. By the vigour of this advance we got possessionof the
summit, the took post on
Poligars the verge of the adjoining
wood,
and disputedevery step with great loss on both sides.
Capture of " After
reconnoitring we found that the comby could not be
the
tin: strong-
e

hold approached in front. We proceeded, therefore,to cut a road

through the impenetrable thickets for three miles to the base of the
hill that bounds the comby on the west. The Pioneers, under
Ensign Cunningham, laboured with indefatigable industry;Captain
Gardiner of the 102nd supported them with the Europeans, and
Captain Blacker with the 3rd and 24th Carnatic Battalions
advanced their field pieces as fast as the road was cleared. These
were strengthenedby troops in their rear forming a tion
communica-
with those in front, For this purpose two other battalions
were posted within the wood, and as soon as we gained the bankment
em-

the camp moved near it and concentrated our force.

We continued to cut our way eightunder an unabating fire from
thousand Poligars, who constantlypressed upon our advanced party,
rushed upon the line of attack, piked the bullocks that were
dragging the guns and killed many of our people. But those
attempts were repulsedby perseverance, and before sunset we had
 PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 153

opened a passage entirelyto the mountain. It is extremelyhigh, Chapter VI.

rocky,and in many placesalmost perpendicular.Having resolved

to attack from this unexpected quarter, the troops undertook the
service,and attained the summit. The Poligar partiesposted to
guard that eminence being routed after much firingon all hands
we descended on the other side and flanked the comby. The
enemy seeingus masters of the mountain retreated under cover of
the night by paths inaccessible to regular troops, and we took
possession of this wonderful recess. The particularsrespecting
ordnance, stores,and provisionsfound in the placeare stated in my
letter of the 3rd Se'ptember. We left the 3rd and 9th Battalions
to secure the magazines and moved the army to Srivilliputtur
within
four marches of Madura in order to awe the Northern Poligarsof
Tinnevelly.
"
It was little more than a month since we had left Trichinopoly.
Success of the
Your authoritywas re-established throughoutthe whole track that expedition,
we had traversed, extending more than three hundred miles and
;
besides the arrangement with the SivagangeiRaja, we were masters
of the two strongest placesbelonging to the Poligars. We re-mained

some time
expectationof their proposing a general
in

accommodation, but
they knew that Tippu still invested Manga-
lore,and that I must quicklyjoin the force at Dindigul. This
intelligence corroborated their spirit of procrastination. I there-
fore
convened the Vakeels ' whom the chief Poligarshad sent to
treat with me in camp, and directed them to inform their respective

principals that I should leave the provinceon the 21st September.

I added that if they did not return to their allegiance, I should The Colonel's
make tllreat"
a vow to Siven,the Grentoo god,whose attribute is vengeance,
to march back and spread destruction throughout every possession
of the defaulting Poligars: this declaration alarmed the whole

assembly. I wrote to Mr. Irwin expressingmy regret on leaving

the province before any settlement was concluded with the Poligars.
He forwarded to me the terms on which he thought it expedientto
restore their forts to Kattaboma Nayaka and Sivagiri. Vakeels from
these chiefs waited on me at Trimungulam (Tirmnangalam) and 2

stipulated in the name of their masters that they would pay thirty
thousand chuekrums each, in lieu of all preceding claims. They
likewise gave their bonds for fifteen thousand pagodas,or "G,000
each, in consideration of the restitution of their forts. I farther
exacted obligationsthat the defences of Panjalamkurichishould
be demolished,the guns, stores,and ammunition removed to Palam-

eotta,and that the road which we cleared to the comby of Sivagiri

should continue open ; that the means of defence should be removed

1
Vakeels are deputies,agents, or ambassadors.
2
Trimungulam (Tirumang-alam) is twelve miles south-west of Madura.

20
 154 HISTORY OF TIXXFVF.I.I.Y

Chapter VI. from the place,and that the southern commanders and the pany's
Com-
troops should at all times be admitted within their forts and
Conditions of
posed.
im- I concluded
peace barriers. with injunctionsto observe a more sive
submis-
conduct if they valued their lives,property, or posterity. As
soon as the restitution of the forts and 1 could
prisoners possibly
take place,the 3rd and 9th Battalions,under Captain Mackinnon,
were directed to march from Sivagiriand to join me at Dindigul,
whither proceededby the route of Madura."
I
In the beginning of the followingyear Colonel Fullarton visited

Tinnevellyagain,but only for the purpose of expeditingthe col-

lection

of money and means of transport for the force with which

he was preparing to Tippu with Sultan.

cope
Satisfaction of On the 26th October LMr. Irwin mentions that Kattaboma
Government. It will be
Nayaka and the SivagiriPoligar had submitted. seen

from a general reviewing

order positionof
of Government, the

things in 1875, that they were highly gratifiedboth with the

militaryresults of Colonel Fullarton's expedition and with the
financial settlement he had made.
Kattaboma's Mr. Irwin transmits the and
originals translations of Kattaboma
treaty with
Nayaka's correspondencewith the Dutch and their treatywith him,
the Dutch.

found in his fort on its capture,as mentioned by Colonel Fullarton

in his narrative,which he observes will fullyjustifythe severity
with which he was treated. He recommends also that if the

Dutch should return to Tuticorin, peace having been concluded, as

was expected,measures should be taken to prevent them from
and encouragement to Kattaboma Nayaka
giving their support as

before.
Pearl fishery 1784. The first pearl fishery carried on by the East India

in ] 784, under Mr. Irwin's superintendence,but the

Company was

result,as has so often been the case since,was unsatisfactory.

Mr. Irwin's
In a letter to the May Mr. Irwin representsthe
Committee in
policy.
advantagesthat have accrued to the provincefrom the combination
of severity and clemency in Colonel Fullarton's dealingswith the
In carrying out this policy himself he states that he
Poligars.
had released most of the Toligar prisonersheld in detention in

Palamcotta jail, in the belief that this unexpected act of clemency

would confirm them in their allegianceto the Company. The
had been imprisoned for than
Poligarof Kollarpatti more twenty
His who was an infant when his father was committed
years. son,
to prison,had succeeded to the pollam and had been in possession
ever since. Notwithstanding this he appliedfor his fathers release
and in Mr. Irwin's presence he voluntarilyresignedto his father

1 the prisoners there was the daughter of Kattaboma Nayaka, who.

Among as

well as all the others,amounting to many hundreds, were treated with the utmost

attention.
 rERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 155

the authorityhe had so long held. Mr. Irwin was much struck Chapter VI.

with this instance of filial duty. Hindu readers will be reminded

Instance of

of Bharata's behaviour to his brother Rama. filial duty.

In October he repeats that the and Sivagiri
Panjalamkurichi
Poligars,who had singled out for punishment by Colonel
been

Fullarton,were still very punctual in their payments, and he hopes

that the rest of the Poligarswill learn to be equallypunctual.

1785. Swartz visited Palamcotta in 1785, when he dedicated Swartz'a

V1S1
the church that had been erected there. '

Commandant
Captain Bilcliffe, of Palamcotta, is directed to make Tuticoria
glven up-
over Tuticorin,with the stations dependent on it,to Mr. Meckern,
the Dutch Governor, in behalf of the Dutch. The treaty,in virtue

of which this cession was at lengthmade, had been entered into two

before,viz., in 1783. Towards the end of the year Mr.

years
Torin acted as Paymaster for Mr. Oakes. The appointment of

Paymaster was then always held by civilians.

Surrender of the Assignment.

The principalevent of this year, and one which productiveThe surrender

was

of much mischief to every district in the country, Tinnevelly"ls^*ent

included,was the surrender to the Nawab of the assignment of his reluctantly

revenues, in virtue of which the civil administration of the Com- ^S^it.

with all its advantages, ceased for years.
seven The render
sur-
pany,
ineffectual protestson the part of the
took place,after many
Madras Government, on the 28th of June, whereupon the ings
proceed-
of the Committee of Assigned Revenue came to an end, and

the Committee itself was soon after dissolved. They were to cease

specialallowances from the 5th of July, but

receivingtheir were

to continue to meet as a committee till all the balances were settled.

They were thanked by the Supreme Government for their zealous

services. On the 24th June Mr. Irwin wrote a letter to ment

Govern-

earnestlydeprecatingthe surrender of "the assignment,as a

fraught with the worst consequences. In the

retrograde
measure

event of the surrender appearing to be inevitable he pleadedthat a

stipulation should be inserted,exempting Tinnevellyand Madura

from its operation till October. He argued that those two districts
having been remodelled by himself were in an exceptional tion.
posi-
Reforms and pacificatory
measures had been introduced,
but there had not been time to them far. His wish could
carry
not be acceded to. Before his letter reached Madras the surrender

had been formally made. In virtue of this conclusion,on the 10th

Mr. Irwin reports that he had delivered over the district to

July,
the Amildars on that date, with the balance due from the 28th of

June. In doing so he againexpressedhis apprehensionof the evils

In September Mr. Irwin his
that were likely to ensue. on way
 156 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter VI. from Tinnevelly to Madras, at Melur in Madura, writes to Govern-

ment
a letter in which he highlylauds the conduct of Mr. Torin,
his Revenue Assistant in the Madura who
District, was afterwards
the firstCollector of under
Tinnevelly the Assumptionin 1790 and
Irwin's the Treatyof 1792. After his arrival in Madras, in October he
foreboding
submitted to Government in respecting
an the
able letterhis views
condition of the southern districtsfrom Triehinopoly Tinnevelly
to
that had been under his charge, reiterating his conviction that all
the old evils would revive and gatherstrength throughthe with-
drawal
of the Company's authority, both on the side of the
Nawab's agents, who would now be able to misgovernwith impu-
nity,
and on that of the Poligars,whose habits of insurrection and

plunderwould now go on unchecked.

The Committee of AssignedEevenue, in resigning their func-
tions,
submitted to Government, on the 31st of December, a ral
gene-
statement of their theyenlargedon the
in which
proceedings,
circumstances of the Tinnevelly Poligars, the impolicyof the

dealings with them of the Nawab's agents, and the principles on

which their own method of dealing with them had been grounded.
They describe the Poligars a s thirty
-two in number, with an array
of followers armed with pikes and matchlocks, estimated at 30,000

men, and possessed of strongholds which the Nawab's troopshad

often found it difficult to reduce and from which, even if they

taken, it was to escape into the woods. When the

were easy
Nawab was stronghe levied as much tribute from the Poligarsas
The Nawab's fear induced them to yield; when, on the other hand, he was weak

the^olig.irs. he nad to content himself with their and wait

offerings
gratuitous
for a more favourable opportunity his demands.
for enforcing
Mr. Irwin calculated in 1783 that,duringthe eighteenyears
of the
previous, average tribute of more than one lakh of chakrams

per annum due by the Poligars onlyan average of about 40,000

chakrams per annum in consequence of which,
reached the treasury,
if they balanced this small
against gainwhat was lost by depre-
dations
and expended on militaryexpeditions, it would appear
His losses. that the Nawab must have been a loser of several lakhs of pagodas
in his transactions with the Poligarsduring that time. But "

this,"theysay, was not the onlyinconvenience

"
attending the

system. A state of frequent warfare and perpetual distrust took

place of that mutual confidence which ought to have made the

Poligarsgood subjects in time of peace and useful auxiliaries in

time of war. The consequence was naturallythat when Hyder
Ali invaded the Carnatic in 1780 theyavailed themselves of that
opportunity to withhold the payment of their tribute, to plunder
the country,and commit other acts of violence and hostility which

obliged Company
the to send a large force ngninst them in the
midst of the war. The army under the command of Colonel

_
m
 PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 157

Fullarton by a well-timed expeditionagainsttwo of the principalChapter VI.

Poligarsbrought the whole to a sense of obedience,and the equity

of the subsequentsettlement improved that obedience into a real
confidence in the Company's government."
In another paragraph they expressed their regret at having The Nawab's
ra"
learnt that,though so short a time had elapsed since the Assign-
j^
ment had been surrendered into the Nawab's hands, he had already
"
commenced, as in former times, to anticipatethe revenue by
borrowing money and requiring advances from the different
renters as the price of their
practicethey confirmation." This

deprecatednot only because of the interest that would have to be

paid on the sums borrowed, but still more on account of the power
it placed in the hands of the renter to reimburse himself at the

expense of the country.

They proceededalso to compare the expensiveness of the Nawab's

government with the inexpensivenessof theirs during the Assign-

ment.
When uncontrolled authority came into their hands they
reduced the Nawab's separate disbursements upon the peace
establishment from thirteen and a half lakhs of pagodas per annum
to little more than two lakhs ; and during the time they had the
collection of the revenue, even in time of war, the chargesdid not
exceed 11 per cent,
upon the gross jumma of the assignment.
I
append to this statement the followingdescriptionby Mr.

Lushington of the state of disorder into which Tinnevellyrelapsed,

after the Assignment was surrendered and Mr. Irwin left the
districtin 1785, tillthe commencement of the periodof the tion
Assump-
and Mr. Torin's management in 1790 :
"

"
With the knowledge of these facts it will natural Effects of the
appear very
rule,
that the inhabitants should look back to the Company's management Nawab's
as an era of comparativehappiness,and contrast it in a very feeling

manner with three succeeding years of extortion under Iktibar Khan,

when the system of mortgage and
gadayom (sale)prevailed in its
worst rigours. From these intolerable oppressions the inhabitants'
fled in numbers to Travancore, and the ruin of the country was fast

approaching ; but the fears of the Nawab were at length raised to the
calamities of the country by the remonstrances of the Eight Honourable
Lord Hobart. The accuracy with which the evils of this system were

developed,the determination
subsequently shown by the Company's
Government to put an end to them, and especiallythe establishment
of the Commercial Investment about this period may be said with the
strictest truth to have arrested the destruction of Tinnevelly,for the
alarm excited at His Highness' Durbar and in the breasts of all those
who participated in these enormities materiallychanged the nature of
His Highness' management. The system of usurious mortgage grew Improvements
from that period into disuse, for those introduced by-
pernicious transactions which
had before covered the provincewere of a very different character
from the inferior advantages that a few adventurers subsequently
derived from a partial and fearful monopoly of grain."
 158 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter vl Iktibar Khan, commonly styled "the Cawn," was the Nawab's
manager in Tinnevellyduring most of this period.
Board of 1786. On the 1st May 1786 the Board of Eevenue was consti-
Revenue.
tuted at MadraS-

The Commandant of Palamcotta placesfive companies of Captain

Blacker's battalion at Saakaranaiyanarkovilat the "request" of
Iktibar Khan, the Nawab's manager.
1787. Mr. Oakes resumes his post of Paymaster in Palamcotta.
A disputetakes placebetween Major McLeod, an officer at the head
of a detachment, and the Paymaster, respectingthe loss his troops
had sustained by the rate of exchange the Paymaster had fixed.
Colonel Bridges is Commandant of Palamcotta, and reports in
February that the Nawab's Fauzdar had assembled a considerable
force at Tenkanji, (properlyTenkasi, the Southern Benares,com- monly

Tenkanji, the southern Conjeveram), for the purpose of

operatingagainstthe Poligar of Chokkampatti, who had built a
fort and was furnishingit with arms and provisions. Colonel

Bridges had recommended that the Fauzdar should not commence

hostilities without the consent of the Madras Government.

Fears of 1788. A Dutch detachment marches from Tuticorin to Cochin,

Tippu Sultan. ^th 0f which places then belonged to the Dutch. The Madras
Government advises that they be warned passing through that in
the territories of Travancore and Cochin
they should take great
care not to be interceptedby Tippu Sultan. Tippu'sassault on the
northern Travancore lines was in the following
year.
Cultivation of 1789. In January Mr. Oakes
resignsand Mr. Torin, who had
epues. previouslyacted him, for is
appointedPaymaster and Storekeeper
in his room. Mr. Torin requests the grant of a pieceof land in
Palamcotta for the cultivation of cinnamon on a largerscale. The
of
piece ground he asked for was near the Nawab's garden and the

Company's garden. It was close also to the Paymaster'shouse.

According to tradition this cinnamon garden was identical with a

piece of land now cultivated with paddy to the north-east of the

Judge's house. The commencement of this cultivation was by

Mr. Light, a previousPaymaster. (See 1780). The experiment,so
far as it had gone, was a promising one. It was from the two
trees brought from Ceylon by Mr. Light that he had been going
on propagatingmore. It would be easy to make cinnamon trees

grow in the alluvial soil near the river at Palamcotta, but in so

hot and dry a climate the cultivation would not be found to pay.

It was from Mr. Torin's trees that cinnamon was introduced into
the "
Spice Gardens" at Courtallum. See 1791.
A proposition of Mr. Torin's to rebuild the Paymaster'shouse
(hisown) at a cost of 1,000 pagodas is sanctioned.

1790. All the Paymasters south of the Coleroon, including

Palamcotta, are ordered to be ready to comply with all the requisi-
 160 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter VI. 1791. Specimens of the cinnamon grown at Palamcotta are sent
to Madras and approved. Mr. Torin
proceedsto cultivate ries.
mulber-
Cinnamon cultivation by Mr. Torin to
is extended Tenkasi.

Probably Courtallum is meant, though it is also said that the

cultivation of
spiceswas introduced into Courtallum in 1800 by
Mr. Casamajor.
On the 11th October Mr. Torin sends to Government, for the in-
formation

of the Governor-General, Lord Cornwallis, an account

of the conduct Tinnevelly Poligars. He states that the

of the

lenityshown to two of them the Poligarsof Sivagiriand Panja-

"

lamkurichi by Colonel Fullarton

"
had only encouraged them in
their rebellious spirit, and recommends that more decided measures

should be adopted,especially with regardto Panjalamkurichi. He

mentions that a militaryguard had been sent to occupy the fort

Pali Devar of Puli Devar, but that the Devar' s men had taken up the men of
again. ^e guar(j"bodily^
weapons and all,carried them out and set them

down outside the fort. He mentions this incident as showing both

their dread of our power and their resolution not to submit.

Torin's Mr. opinion of the result of Colonel Fullarton's policy

Torin's

t^resultt differed widely,we see, from Mr. Irwin's. His representations led
of
Fullarton's to Colonel Maxwell's expedition. But the result showed as the "

lemty. result of every similar expedition, whether before or after showed "

that no permanent pacification would be brought about, whether

by lenity or by more
" "
decided measures," so long as the double
"

government of the Nawab and the Company subsisted. Having

two masters the Poligarsalways succeeded in defying both. The

Government are so much gratified with Mr. Torin's zeal and gence
dili-

that his pay and allowances are doubled. He is constantly

endeavouring without success to induce the late renter, Tlttarappa

Mudali, to refund the taxes received by him.

The Treaty of 1792.

Conditions of 1792. This occupiesa still more important place in the

year
periodthan 1781 1790, for the treaty entered into
treaty historyof the or

this between the Nawab and the East India Company

year
remained in force for nine years " a long time for any such arrange-
ment
to last and" came to an end only on the formal and final

transfer of the country from the Nawab to the English Government

in 1801. The treaty was signed on the 12th July, but virtually it

dated from the beginning of the year. By this treaty the Madras
Government undertook to collect the whole of the Poligarpeshcush

or tribute at their own expense and risk. The Nawab was not to

be responsibleeither for any that

deficiency might arise in the

Poligars'payments, or for the incurred by any coercive

expense
which it might become to adopt to enforce
measures necessary
from them. With the exceptionof few districts the rest
payment a
 PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 161

of the country was management of the Nawab

to be restored to the Chapter VI.

on certain conditions. Amongst the excepted districts were the

includingTinnovelly and Madura.

districts south of Trichinopoly,
These were to remain in the Company's hands till the revenue, after

deducting the chargesof collection,equalledthe amount of the

kist that had fallen into arrears. One of the conditions of the

treaty was that in time of war the entire management of the

country was to be in the Company's hands.

A new commission, in virtue of thetreaty,was issued to Mr. New appoint-
meu s'
Torin on the same date as the the 12th July.
treaty itself, lie
was hereby appointed Collector of the Zemindar "
and Poligar
peshcush in the Tinnevelly,Madura, Trichinopoly, Ramnadpuram,
and Shevigunga Districts." This was in advance of the special
"
instructions he was shortly to receive from the Board of Assumed
Revenue." Those instructions related especially to his co-opera-
tion
with Lieutenant- Colonel Maxwell in the expeditionon which
he was about to enter.

In accordance with Mr. Torin's Government

representations Colonel

had determined to send a detachment, under Colonel Maxwell, into Mar?"r

.... .
expedition.
Tinnevelly. The objectof the
special expedition punish was
"
to

the Poligarof Sivagiri, who in contempt of all authority, and of

o
every principle justice f a nd humanity, had made a violent attack
with his peons on the Poligar of Settur and put him and his

family to death." He was instructed to endeavour to apprehend

the Poligar of Sivagiri, and not to operate against the other

Poligarsexcept in the event of his findingthem confederates with

him. The existence of this confederacywas ere long clearly
proved. Colonel Maxwell set out on his expeditionin July and
proceeded from Madura to Srlvilliputtur.From thence he
marched on Sivagiri. He attacked and reduced the "kombai" (the
hill stockade)of the SivagiriPoligar,in Which service Captains
Steward and Torrens greatlydistinguishedthemselves. See the
account of the capture of this strongholdby Colonel Pullarton in
1783.
Colonel Maxwell now proceeded, in conjunctionwith Mr. Torin, Colonel
to make a settlement with the various
TinnevellyPoligars,but 8ettiement.
they did not agree in some particularsas to the course that ought
to be taken. Orders were issued by Colonel Maxwell, in accord-
ance
with the instructions of the Board, respecting the arrears due
by the Poligars. No remission was to be made to Sivagiri. The

Chokkampatti Poligar refused to accept Colonel Maxwell's offer

and was deposed. Chennalgudi Pollam was temporarily resumed.
"iic element in the settlement made by Colonel Maxwell was that
a certain Sankaralingam Pillai should be prohibited from receiving

any employment or encouragement from any of the Poligars.

This Sankaralingam Pillai was one of the who subse-
persons
21
 162 HISTORY OF T1NNEVELLY.

Chapter VI. quently instigatedthe son of

Poligar of Sivagiri to rebel the
against his father. Mr. Torin
disapproved Colonel Maxwell's
policy towards this man, and Colonel Maxwell complained to
Government of Mr. Torin's interference with his authority. He
also represented Mr. Torin's dubash, or confidential in
interpreter,
whose faithfulness his master placedimplicitreliance,as secretly
in league with the Poligars. On a reference being made to
Government Mr. Torin was ordered to dismiss his dubash and
Colonel Maxwell's authorityover Poligars was the affairs of the
made absolute. Hereupon Mr. Torin resigned,and his dubash
was sent to Madras under a guard. Mr. Torin's Assistant at this
Mr. Landon, time was Mr. Thomas Scott Jackson. His resignation was accepted,
Collector.
and Mr. James Landon was appointedhis successor. He gave over

charge to Mr. Landon on the 12th November 1792. Mr. Landon

was to receive 250
pagodas per mensem and 1| per cent, commission
at the of
expiration the year. Mr. Torin's name is chieflybered
remem-

in Tinnevelly in connection with the rebuilding of the

Marudur Marudur anicut. An inscriptionon the anicut records his name
anicut.
and the year 1792. Colonel Maxwell's Secretary or Assistant
throughout these expeditionswas Captain Bannerman, afterwards
in command of a similar but more important expeditionin 1799.
1793. Mr. Balmain is Assistant to Mr. Landon, and at Mr.
Landon's request receives an addition to his salaryof 50 pagodas
per mensem.

Mr. Landon states that the

Poligar of Woodoocaud (probably
Orkadu) had murdered a Tahsildar employed in his district by the
Nawab's manager.
Troubles at The Settur Poligar being a minor his pollam isplaced under a
Settur.
manager by Mr. Landon, but the
manager is dispossessedand
imprisoned by a usurper. Government, sensible that such less
law-

acts, if allowed to pass entirelyunnoticed, would lead to

greater mischief, now directed Captain Dighton to proceed with

his detachment against Settur in order to capture the usurping

manager. He appeared before the fort in July 1793, but the

gates were closed againt him, and the troops of the Ootoomaly
(TJttumalai) and Ovidiapuram (Avudaiyarpuram) Zemindars, who

were within the walls,threatened to open fire on him if he did not

withdraw. He withdrew, but the Collector ordered Major Stevenson
to proceed with his
Captain Dighton's
troops to and to assistance

apprehend tho two Poligars. Government, however, despatched

orders to Major Stevenson forbiddinghim to attack the rebels,and

desiringhim to content himself with warnings for the present.

Government also interdicted Mr. Landon from interferingin the
police and internal management of the pollams,and told him that
he was to confino himself to the duty of collecting the peshcush.

They held that no further right but that of collection was con-
 PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 1G3

ferred on the Company by the treaty of 1792 with the Nawab. ChaptbkVI.

Tho Government felt obligedto temporisefrom want of troops,but The Qovern-

this policywould necessarily have reduced the country ere long to mcnt obliged

anarchy. These counter orders of GTovernment were sufficient to

embolden even the most inconsiderable Poligars,and accordingly

Major Stevenson, a few days subsequently,warned Government

against a general rising, at the same time announcing that

Kattaboma Nayaka was plundering the eastern parts of the
province and murdering the people, and that Puli Devar had

thrown himself across the path of Lieutenant St. Leger in his

pursuitof the manager of Settur and closed the gates of his fort

against him. In the settlement made by Colonel Maxwell shortly

before the boundaries of the several pollams were rearranged,
and part of this new arrangement was that two villagesshould be
transferred from Panjalamkurichi to Ettaiyapuram. Kattaboma
Nayaka, however, positivelyrefused to surrender those villages,

and the Collector was unable to enforce obedience. Captain

Dighton commanding Streevalapatore (Srlvilliputtur) also informed

Government that danger was approaching, as the Poligarshad

bodies of armed peons marching about daily,but the Government
had no troops to spare. The Poligarsregarded the inactivity of

Government as a sign of weakness, and so (in 1798) Kattaboma

Nayaka's people attacked and plundered the important towns of

Alvar-Tinnevelly (Alvar-Tirunagari) and Streeviguntam (Sri-Disorders
and carried off the inhabitants of each town. increasing-
vaikuntham) principal
Notwithstanding the weakness that had been shown by Govern- Proposed
ment and their inability to enforce obedience, they requested Mr. ^p^jfj^*
Landon, in conjunctionwith Major Stevenson, to determine how

an object involving the greatest possibledifficulty should be

accomplished, that is, how the Poligars should be disarmed,

whether gradually by peaceable means or all at once by force.
This subjectof the disarming of the Poligars occupied from this

time onward the attention of successive Governments, but nothing

was actuallydone beyond the writing of paragraphs no measures "

were adopted for carrying their wishes into effect till the close of "

Major Bannerman's campaign in 1799. Government also request

Mr. Landon to inquireinto and report upon the claim set up by
the Poligarsto disai-kdml (or district watch) fees. This question
assumed largerproportionsas time went on, but it was not finally
settled till the country was ceded to the Company in Mr. Lushing-
ton's collect orate in 1801.
1794. Colonel Campbell is Commandant of Palamcotta. The
Board of Revenue, alarmed at the progress of rebellion,
recommend
Government to order detachments of troops to be stationed in
various parts of Tinnevelly for the purpose of keeping the Poligars
in check. This recommendation does not seem to have been acted on.
 164 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter VI Mr. Landon died this the 22nd June. Mr.

year on Balmain,
his Assistant,took temporary charge. Mr. Landon's successor
Mr. Powney was

Collector. Mr. George Powney, who had been Resident at TreYandram from
1788. He was the first Resident there. At this time, as in
Mr. Torin's,the Collector of
Poligarpeshcush had authorityover
all the Pollgars from Trichinopoly to Tinnevelly,including the
Manapara Poligars, the Raja of Ramnad, and the Poligar of Siva-
gangai.
Mr. Powney is directed by Government to proceed with the

inquiriescommenced by Mr. Landon into the claim of the Tinne-

velly
Poligarsto disai-kaval.
1795. The Commandant of Srlvilliputtur complains of the
robberies committed by the dependents of the SivagiriPoligar,
and Mr. Powney expresses his regret that detachments of troops,

according to Colonel Maxwell's plan and the Collector's ation,

recommend-
had not been located in various placesto keep the Poligarsin

awe. Mr. Powney receives and publishesan ordei of Government

respectingthe Poligar districts, in which the Poligarsare prohibited
from obeying any orders of the Nawab, except such as are municated
com-

to them through the channel of the Company's Govern- ment.

Tuticorin is taken this year from the Dutch.
Orders of Court
The of Directors send out positiveorders for disarming "

Court of
Directors. the Poligars,for punishing the refractory, for adjusting their
disputed claims, and for the introduction of such a system of
internal arrangement as shall have a tendency to restore these
distressed provincesfrom their present anarchy
state of and misery
to a state of subordination and prosperity." Extracts from another
letter from the Court of Directors dated the same year to a similar
effect will be found further on in the sketch of the political
position
between 1781 and 1801.
The Board of Revenue request the Collector of Tinnevelly to
report on the best mode of carrying these orders of the Court of
Directors into effect. It seems scarcelynecessary to repeat here
what has been so often shown, that neither recommendations,
"
expostulations, nor
"
positiveorders the slightest could produce
improvement so long as the double Government lasted. It would
be only like issuingorders for oil and water to combine.

1796. Measures are adopted by Mr. Powney to obtain the

voluntary surrender of the fort of Chokkampatti to the Company.
1797. The Nawab complainsof the refractory,disrespectful haviour
be-

and predatoryhabits of the Tinnevelly Poligars. Govern- ment

order the Collector to inquire strictlyinto these complaints.

A Poligar Mr. Powney reports to the Board of Revenue Poligar that the
shot by
another
of Orkadu had been shot during a hunting expedition by the
Poligar. Poligarof Singampatti, whom he describes as a drunkard and a

man of violence,but laments that there was no power competent to

 PERIOD OF ENGLISH INTERVENTION. 165

administer criminal justicein the pollams,so that it seemed impos- Chapter VI.

sible to bring the offender to trial.

In paragraph he states that the son of the Poligar of Rebellious

another
C*
Sivagiii, instigatedby Mauply Vanien (MapillaiVanniyan) and ^^
Sankaralingam Pillai,had conspiredagainst his father's govern- Sivagiri
ment and taken measures to wrest the management of the pollams Follou1' 8

from his hands. It will subsequentlybe seen that this rebellious

son was in league with the rebellious Panjalamkurichi Poligar.

Before Mr. Powney left the district he reported that the rebels
collected by the SivagiriPoligar's son had been dispersed, but that
the son himself had escaped to the hills. Sankaralingam Pillai,
however, was caught and sent to the Presidency to be transported
to Bencoolen in Sumatra " the Andaman Islands of that period.
The followingparagraphs in a letter from the Board of Revenue
to the Governor of Madras in 1 797 throw some additional light on
this transaction. They also seem to indicate the complicityof the
Uttumalai Poligar: "

"
Should the operations of the detachment prove successful in Uttumalai
Vanien and Sankaralirigam Pillai,we "P""8'ar-
securing the person of Mauply
recommended that Mr. Powney should be authorized to send them
under a guard to the Presidency. Your Lordship in reply entirely
approved of this suggestion, as well as of the conduct of the Collector
under the circumstances represented. By subsequent information from
Mr. Powney we were advised that Captain Dighton, having received
that
intelligence Sankaralingam Pillai had taken refuge in the malai
Uttu-

Pollam, despatched a guard of sepoys with some of the Sivagiri

peons in search of him, who seized him and were conducting him to

the Collector's cutcherry when Uttumalai's peons assembled to the

number of about 300 and rescued him. It was, however, satisfactory
to us to find from a further report that the Uttumalai Poligar had not
so far lost all sense of his
duty to the Company as to hesitate in
deliveringup the person of Sankaralingam Pillai upon his requisition.

But as the attack of his people upon the Company's sepoys, if done
either b}This order or with his connivance, must be considered a very
flagrant breach of his
allegiance, we have informed Mr. Powney that
it behoves him to trace by every possiblemeans with whom it origi-
nated.
We have, therefore, directed him to summon the Poligar and
all the parties concerned in this affair immediately to his cutcherry,
and, after making such examinations as to his judgment may appear
necessary, to transmit the whole with his opinion of the punishment
that should be inflicted for our consideration."

At the close of this year Mr. Powney is succeeded as Collector Mr. Jackson
ColIec
by Mr. Jackson. The principalevents of his time will take their

place in the account of the Bannerman-Poligar war, which will be

found in the next part.

1798. Kaittar discontinued as a station for troops,and Captain
Bannennan ordered to join his corps.
 166 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter VI. 1799. In the beginning of this Captain (now Major)

year

Bannerman was not permitted to his battalion to the

accompany
Major
Bannerman. field in the final campaign against Tippu Sultan, but was charged
with negotiations with the Kaja of Travancore and the collection

of cattle and other supplies for the Bombay He was rarily

tempo-
army.

appointed Resident of Travancore with a salary of 250

pagodas a
month. His campaign against the Poligars in Tinne-

velly commenced, as
will be later on
in the shortly
seen, year,

after Tippu Sultan's fall.

Mr. Lushing- Mr. Lushington succeeds Mr. Jackson as

Collector of Tinnevelly
ton Collector.
the 12th January 1799. The events of his period will be found
on

in the next chapter.

 168 HISTORY OF TTNNEVELLY.

Chapter VII. by the Company and an annual payment by the Nawab out of the
revenue for the
payment was of
promised his debts instead,with
Treaty of territorial securityfor punctuality. Another treaty was made on

the 24th February 1787, differing but little from the precedingone
in regard to the amount of the annual payment that was to be

made, but containingan important proviso,binding the Company

to supply the Nawab with troops for the securityand "
collection
of his revenue, the support of his authority, or the good order and
Government of his dominions, whenever he represented to Govern-
ment
the
necessityof such a force and the
objectsto be obtained
thereby." This, as we shall see,
was naturallydisapprovedby the
Madras Government as establishing
a divided authority and im-
peding
their attempts to establish order.
Assumption Negotiationswith the Nawab for the assumption of the revenues
of the Carnatic and the control of their expenditurehaving failed,
the Madras Government took the
management of the country into
their own hands, without treaty,by a proclamation on the 7th of
August 1790. A Board of Assumed Revenue, virtuallyonly a
department of the Board of Revenue, was constituted in Madras.
The preceding period from 1781 to 1790 was called the Period of
the Assignment ; the periodfrom 1790 to 1792, the Period of the

Assumption.
Treaty of On the 12th of July 1792, a new treaty was concluded with the
Nawab which provided that the whole country should be garrisoned
by British troops,for the expenses of which the Nawab should make

an adequate contribution. In the event of war the Company was to

take the entire management of the affairs of the country into its

own hands, but in time of peace all that it was to be permittedto

do for the good government country of the was to collect the pesh-
cush or tributeof the Poligars in the Nawab's name and give him
credit for it in his contribution. See further details under the head
of 1792. By this arrangement the Poligars were brought more
directlythan before under the control of the English Government.
It seemed even to give the Government a distinct and definite

right to reduce the Poligars to submission, but this right,as we

shall see, was in a great measure neutralised by the circumstance

that the sovereigntyover the Poligarswas still allowed to remain
in the Nawab's hands, so that the measures adopted by the English
Government to establish order were more or less thwarted. The
civil officersappointed under treaty 1792 to represent the
the of
Government were commonly styled Collectors of Poligar Pesh- "

cush." l The subsidy due by the Nawab was regularlypaid,but

1 This
functionary's titles seem to have heen various and indefinite. Mr.
very
Torin, the first Collector of the series, was generally styled Collector of Assigned "

Poligar Peshcush south of the Coleroon," Collector of Poligar Peshcush

" south of
the Coleroon," or sometimes simply Collector south of the Coleroon."
" In the
 THE BANNEllMAN-POLIGAR WAR. 169

to enable him to meet his liabilities he contracted heavy loans and CHArTEitVII.

to those
liquidate loans he assignedto his creditors the revenue of
The wawav8
various districts of the country. assign-debts, It is true that in 1781 an

ment of revenue had been made to the Company ; but the ment
assign-
of the revenues of the country to irresponsible privateindivi-
duals
was a very different proceeding, and one which led to much

oppressionand misery.
The arrangements introduced by the treaty of 1792 not having
been found to work well, several attempts were made to remedy
their defects,one of which was a specialarrangement made for the
regulationof the collection of disai-kaval and talam-kaval fees in

Tinnevelly. In 1795 the Madras Government endeavoured to

effect a satisfactory
more arrangement with the Nawab with

respect to the Poligars,southern

especiallythose of Tinnevelly
and Madura. The rightof levying,receiving, and appropriating
the Poligar Peshcush possessedby the Company by treaty was
found to contribute little to good government, so long as the right
of sovereignty remained with the Nawab. The then Governor of LordHobart's
P10Posa
Madras, Lord Hobart, on the failure of his endeavours to obtain
"

the concurrence of the Nawab to the arrangement he proposed,

intimated his intention to resume the district of Tinnevellyfor the
of
liquidation the debt termed " The Cavalry Loan." To this,
however, the
Supreme Government refused its assent. For tional
addi-

respectingeach
particulars of these arrangements see the
notices of the events of each year.
At length after the discovery,
on the captureof Seringapatam,
that a treasonable correspondence had been carried on by the two
late Nawabs, Mahomed Ali and his son, with Tippu Sultan, the Final deter-

British Government determined to assume the entire th^Govern-

possession
and government of the Carnatic,making a provisionfor the familyment.
of the Nawab. This was carried into effect by a treaty entered
into with the grandson of Mahomed Ali on the 31st
July 1801.
On that happy day results were achieved by a single stroke of a

letter of Government conferring on him his appointment he is appointed Collector "

of Zemindar and
Poligar Peshcush in the Tinnevelly, Madura, Trichinopoly,
Ramnadpuram, and Shevigunga Districts." I find a long list of titles given to
Mr. Lushington in official documents. He is styled Collector of Poligar Peshcush
and Ramnad, Collector of Ramnad and Poligar Peshcush, Collector of the Assigned
Peshcush, Collector of Southern Peshcush, Collector in (not yet of) Tinnevelly,
and sometimes simply Collector for short. On his appointment by the authority
of the Governor of Fort St. George in Council on the 31st July 1801, on the final
cession of the Carnatic by the Nawab, ho is addressed as Collector of Southern "

Poligar Peshcush," but the designation in the body of the document of the appoint-
ment
then conferred him is that of "
Collector of the Province of
upon Tinnevelly."
From this there was but
step to the later title still in use,
a Collector of Tinne-
velly." "

In 1781 the title of Collector" "

belonged to a class of native subordinates
resembling Tahsildars, and the European civilian was called" Receiver." The
subordinate "collected," the chief received." "

22
 170 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter VII. which fifty-seven of and of

pen years war twenty years tion
negotia-
had failed to effect. See Aitchison's Treaties and Engage-
ments.

View of the* Political Position of Tinnevelly and the

Poligar Country generally taken by the Court of tors

Direc-
prior to the commencement of the last Poligar Wars.

''Extract of a general letter from the Honourable the Court of

Directors, in the Public Department, dated 10th June 1795.
"
55. The disastrous of the hostile conduct of the
consequences Raja
of Ramnad againstthe Cheroker '
or Minister of Shivagangai, as men-
tioned

in your advices and proceedings, but more particularlyin the

latter,have given us very great concern ; and we observe what is
Evils of divid stated in your subsequent despatch of the 29th of September last that
ed authority.
it is impossibleto apply any effectual remedy to the general evil, so
long as a divided authority over the Poligar countries shall be mitted
per-
to exist.

"61. But what in realitywas the nature and extent of the authority
exercised by the Nawab over these Poligars both previous and quent
subse-
to this treaty ?

Small amount "It was scarcelyfelt among them, and with all the exertions he could
of the
make, it is a fact recorded and incontrovertible, that the sum he was
Nawab's lections.
col-
able to collect from them on account of their stipulatedpeshcush, in
the course of seven years, did not exceed the amount collected by the

Company under the Assignment in less than two years.

Transfer of
"
62. Under this shadow of authoritypossessed by the Nawab over

tribute. and
the Poligars,receivinga small collected precarious revenue
at a

heavy expense, the Nawab by the 5th article of the treaty of the 12th
of Jvdy, 1792, most advantageously for himself, assigned over to the
Company, the tribute or peshcush payable by certain Poligars,which
was taken at their full amount, as part of his subsidy, and which

peshcush or tribute was to be collected by the Company at their own

expense and risk, without charging the Nawab either the expenses

attending the collection, or with any deficiencies that might arise

thereon. The Nawab's sovereignty over the said Poligars is recog- nised
by the 6th article, and the Company engage to the utmost of

their power, and consistentlywith the realisation of the tribute or cush

pesh-
from them, to enforce the allegiance and submission of the said

Poligars, to the said Nawab in all customary ceremonies, and in

furnishingthe Poligar peons according to established custom for the

collection of revonue, "c, and all acts of authority are to be exercised

in the Nawab's name.

The Com- "

It is however,
difficult, to conceive for what the words ' and
pany's
tions.
obliga-
purpose
in furnishing the Poligar peons, according to established custom, for

the collection of the revenues,' were introduced into the treaty, since

1 This title will be explained further on.

 I UK BANNKKM \.\-l'("l ICAI! WAR. 171

the collection of the revenue is by the preceding article entirelyChaftek VI I.

assigned to the Company.

"63. Divested of the sword, and relinquishingthe power of collecting

a revenue, it is not easy to define what rightsof sovereignty,contended

forby the Nawab with so much zeal and jealousy, remain behind.

They cannot perhaps be more aptly described than in the words of the

treaty, customarj" ceremonies. The nominal sovereignty of the Nawab

over the Poligarswe do not attempt to deny, at the same time, we are

only bound to preserve it so far as may be consistent with the tion

realiza-

of the tribute, which, he has thus assigned over to us ; and of the

circumstances which have a tendency materially to affect that

many
object in the districts under the Poligars,may be mentioned the

following. Their keeping up a military force, by which they are

enabled to make war or commit depredations, as their local interests

or their passions may lead them, upon each other. Their adoptionof
means, whether of finance or internal regulation which have a natural Poligar mis-

the regular pay- government,

tendency to impoverish their treasuries and prevent
ments of thepeshcush made over to the Company. Their committing
acts of cruelty,and oppression on the inhabitants. These must ever

have a tendency to depopulate a country, and of course to affect the

revenue ; and if we have not the power of applying a remedy in these

and similar cases, it is evident that we shall ultimately lose that

revenue which we have acquired right the of collecting.And thus

the treaty will become not only nugatory, as far as it respectsthe portion
pro-
of the Nawab's subsidy to be received from the Poligars,but
considerable annual loss will likewise accrue to the Company so long Anticipated
as the beforementioned abuses are suffered to exist. l"ss
Company.
"
64. We shall here collect into one point of view such parts of your
records as have principallyled to the present discussion, and which
have convinced us of the necessity, so forciblyurged by the Bengal
Government and by yourselves, of adopting some decisive measures

for the better government of the districts under the several Poligars.
" 66. Upon the whole therefore,after having given to this important
subject every degree of deliberation which it merits, as well with spect
re-

to the power express vested

stipulations, as in us under with

respect to the authority reserved

degree to the Nawab of over the

Poligars; and reflectingalso,that by our determination, we neither

wrest from His Highness one single prerogative, which it was in his

power to exercise, or which he did actuallyexercise over these people,

in virtue of his nominal sovereignty, either previousor subsequent to
the late treaty ; nor add one inch of territoryto our possessions,or a

single pagoda to our treasury. We have resolved to empower you

upon the sole authority of Company the to take such measures from
time to time, with the approbationof the Governor-General and cil,
Coun-

as shall be deemed expedient, and consistent with the situation

of affairs on the receiptof this despatch, for disarming the Poligars,
for punishing the for adjusting their disputed claims, and
refractory,
:^ better
for the introduction of such a system of internal arrangement as shall
have a tendency to restore those distressed provinces, from their pre- introduced
 172 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter VII. sent state of anarchy and misery, to a state of subordination and
'

prosperity.
The Nawab's
"
It were to be wished, that upon your representationof the absolute
refusal antici- necessitywe are under of prescribing this line of conduct for the
Pa e
Poligar tributaries, His Highness's acquiescence could be obtained
'

herein ; but from the tenor of some of his late letters upon record,
this acquiescence is more to be desired than expected. AVe can only,
therefore, in case of his refusal, direct you to take the most effectual

means to counteract his endeavours to thwart the execution of these

orders ; which cannot but be considered, as disinterested on our part,
as highly essential to the happiness of thousands, as contributingto
the peace and prosperityof the country, and therefore as ultimately
beneficial to the real and permanent interests of the Nawab."

Conclusion It is evident from the above that though the course of events in
arrived at.
Tinnevellywas likelyto vary a little from time to time as decisive
or -temporising counsels predominated,yet that it was unreasonable
to expect that any thorough or permanent reform could be effected,
that the oppressionand misrule of the Poligarsand renters could
be brought to an end, that peace could be firmlyestablished,or
that any solid foundation could be laid for future prosperity, till
the entire undivided sovereignty over all classes in the country
should come to be vested in the English Government, and the
Nawab be allowed to retire from the business of government on a

pension.

Kattaboma Nayaka.

Succession of The Poligarof Panjalamkurichiwas a Nayaka of the Kambala

the Poligars of division of the caste. The by which he
name was known,
kurichi. Kattaboma Nayaka, was not his personal name, buttitle priated
a
appro-
to the head of the family,though a personal at the
name

outset. The first of the line mentioned in the genealogicallist

prepared by Mr. Jackson, the Collector,succeeded to the palaivani
in 1709. I find four persons of this name mentioned in the annals
of the time. The first was the Kattaboma Nayaka againstwhom
Colonel Heron sent an expeditionin 1755. The second succeeded
in 1760, the third in 1791, the fourth in 1799. Both the third
and the fourth were hanged.Telugu name, to Boma is a common

which in the Tamil country descriptive Tamil adjectivesare

prefixedas Cliinna Boma, Little Boma, or Katta (properlyKattai)
Boma, Short Boma. The English mode of writingthe name was

Catatonia Naig, which was shortened into the Cat," the name by "

which he was ordinarily c alled by the English soldiers. The last

Kattaboma Nayaka was called Karuttaiya,properlyVira Pandya
Kattaboma. He had a dumb brother,a celebrated character, of
whom some account will be given in the sequel,and whose name

appears as
"
Kumaraswami Nayaka, the dumb-boy," in the list of
 IHK BANNERMAN-POLIGAR WAR. 173

prisonerssent toAgnew at the close of the war.

Colonel Another Chapter VII.

brother,younger than
dumb-boy," "
andthe
perhaps the real head
The poli ,8
of the party during the two last rebellions, was Suppa Nayaka, brothers,
commonly called Sivattaiya, whose name we shall find amongst the
last list of prisoners. Karuttaiyaand Sivattaiya mean respectively
dark-complexionedand fair-complexioned literally black and red. "

The Panjalamkurichi Poligar'sgreat rival was the Poligarof Ettaiya-

Ettaiyapuram, whose palaiyam was situated a little to the north.

Ettaiyapuram is said to take its name from one Ettappa Nayaka,

the traditional founder of the family. The placeis said by the
Native historian of the family to have been founded in 1565 during
the reign of Kumara Krishnappa Nayaka, ruler of Madura.

Ett'appa and Ett'aiyaare equivalentforms.

Events preceding Major Bannerman's Expedition.

What Puli Deva was inTinnevelly in the middle of the last Conduct of

century, that Kattaboma Nayaka was towards its close "

the centre

of all
disloyalty and misrule. From his fort of Panjalamkurichi
the Poligarused to sally forth at the head of his armed followers,
and making incursions into Circar villages, a s well as into the

villagesof other Poligars,sack and plunder all that came in his

often times carrying off some of the principalinhabitants.

way,
In 1797 rebellion broke out in the Ramnadcountry, and many of

the TinnevellyPoligarsjoinedthe almost all

insurrection, of them,

with Kattaboma Nayaka at their head, refusingto pay their kists

to Grovernment. Some alarm was created at Madras by the state Orders of

of thingsin the south, and the Collector was ordered to repairto

Ramnad and to ascertain from the Poligarsthe nature and extent

of their demands. See Kearns's Introduction to his Account of

the last PoligarWar.
here referred Mr. who Commence-
The Collector to was Jackson, was

Collector of Southern Peshcush and Ramnad at the time, and struggle,

whose head-quarterswere at Ramnad. The commencement of the
final struggle with Kattaboma Nayaka was through an order issued

to him by Mr. Jackson in 1798, commanding him to appear before

him at Ramnad and give an account of his conduct. After many

excuses and delaysleading to many repetitions of the command,

he made his appearance at Ramnad on the 9th September 1798.
At an audience with the Collector on the evening of the same day,
whilst the correspondence that had taken place between him and
the Collector was being read to him, he pretended to get alarmed
and rushed away from the Collector's presence and out of the fort,
accompanied by his armed retainers. At the gate he had an

encounter with the guards, headed by Lieutenant Adjutant

and
Clarke whom he stabbed,it was said,with his own hand. Having
thus broken away he returned to his fort at Panjalamkurichi,
 174 HISTORY OF TTXXEVEELY.

Chapter VII. plundering all the Government villagesthat lay on his way. The
Madras Government hereupon censured Mr. Jackson for management,
mis-
Kattaboma
breaks away and issued a proclamationcallingupon Kattaboma

Nayaka himself up to Mr. Jackson's

to deliver successor in the

Poligar administration, Major-General Floyd, or to the Collector.

Of this order the Poligar took no notice but continued to make

raids into the neighbouring country, especially into the territories

of the Poligar of Ettaiyapuram as before.

The followingextracts from letters from the Board of Revenue

to the Governor of Madras lighton the disapprovalwith

will throw
which Mr. Jackson's proceedings were regarded by the Govern-
ment
: "

"201. The nature of Mr. Jackson's remarks in relatingthe circum-

stances

which preceded unhappy this event, compelled us to enter

a very full explanationof our motives in recommending to your

upon
Lordship, under date the 31st July, that a last effort should be made to

save this young man from ruin, to show that his late atrocious act did
not originate in mistaken lenity towards him.
any
Mr. Jackson's "
202. This explanationwas submitted to your Lordship on the 27th
proceedings
ultimo, as well as the manner in which the Collector proceeded to
disapproved.
execute our orders for ascertaining whether the Poligar had received
and understood all the letters he had written him, which he seemed

to have considered the firstobject of his attention. How far his

conduct was judiciousin executing this order under the circumstances

of the case was for your Lordship to decide. Instead of the mode

observed by him, we thought it would have been less liable to any

misconstruction had he required the Poligar to produce the letters he

had received from the Collector, and Mr. Jackson would then have

seen whether all had been delivered without any alteration. This

would have guarded against any mistake as to the intentions of the

Collector, for there appears too much reason to believe, ignorant as he

is reported to be, that the Poligar might have construed the severe

in the Collector's letter of the 23rd May to be the sentence

passages
of deprivationof his pollam, which immediately awakening fears for

his personal safety, seemed to have impelled him to the atrocious

act that ensued.

Kattaboma "
203. As we could not conceive what motive could have governed, or
defended. the part of the
what object could be gained by, a premeditatedplan on

Poligar to appear at the Collector's cutcherry, within the fort of

Ramnad, and then fly from it with the of

precipitation a criminal, we

could not accede to the Collector's conclusion, certain as he must have

been of the ruinous to himself. The appearance of 4,000

consequences
armed men the moment the Poligar had quitted the fort was an

apprehend that the numbers

extraordinary circumstance ; but we

must greatly overrated in

have been the accounts obtained by the

Collector, and it was not probable that such a body of men could have

accompanied the Poligar,who followed the Collector the whole of the

to Ramnad, and have contrived to conceal themselves in different

way
 176 HISTORY OF TINXEYELLY.

Chai-terYII. "167. Upon a consideration of the impressions under which, it was

.
r impossible for the Pandalanieourchy Poligar to have acted, we were
,

hfl inatitntnri
be instituted.
further informed your Lordship had judged it advisable to institute a

full inquiry into the circumstances which produced and which attended
the late unpleasant affair at Raninad, and for this purpose you had
been pleased to appoint a committee consisting of Lieutenant-Colonel
Brown, Lieutenant-Colonel Oram, and Mr. John Casamayer. You
directed that the committee might have free access to the records of
the Collector,and that they might have the assistance of the cutcherry
in conducting their business, and that all persons in the Revenue

Department whose attendance might be required should be ordered

to comply with the summons of the committee, and we were at the

same time apprised that as the communication which

Major-General
Floyd had been desired to open with the Poligar of Pandalanieourchy
would then be more naturally conducted by Lieutenant-Colonel Brown,
as being both at the head of the committee and of the eventual dition,
expe-
General Floyd had been authorized to transfer it to that officer.
A copy of these resolutions was transmitted to Mr. Jackson, and the

Fresh, orders correspondence that passed regarding the PandalanieourchyPoligar in

from Govern the interest of the Collector's him
authority over being suspended, is
ment.
noted in the margin under date 2nd March. The proceedingsof this
committee, together with the resolutions of Government thereon, were

forwarded to this Board, and agreebly to the orders we received they

were transmitted to the present Collector for his information and ance
guid-
and with
particulardirections for having them well explained
to the Poligar.
"
168. In their resolutions Government observed that after having
Recapitula-
tion. taken into consideration all the circumstances, it in
appeared quence
conse-

of representations
and complaintsof the Collector against the
contumacious conduct of Cattaboma Naigue that he was ordered by
the Board of Revenue to summon that Poligar to make his appearance
at Raninad ; that on this order being communicated to the Poligar,
there was
unnecessary no delay on his part in preparing to proceed
to Eamnadapooram, but on the contrary that he showed an earnest

desire to take the first

opportunity evincing of his submission to the
directions of Government by personally attending upon the Collector,
but that the conduct of Mr. Jackson to him upon that occasion was

unnecessarily harsh and severe, and that tho manner in which he pelled
com-

the Poligar to follow him for twenty-three days was subjecting

him to a mortifying degradation in the eyes of the inferior Poligars
through whose pollams he was passing and unauthorized by the orders
from tho Board of Revenue.

Disapproval "
169. That the treatment of the Poligar after his arrival at Rainnad
of Jackson's
in the cutcherry by the Collector,and those acting under his authority
severity.
was attended with circumstances of unusual rigour and humiliation,
and that such treatment could not fail to intimidate him and alarm
him for his personal security; that his attempt to escape was a natural

consoquenco, and that affray which happened at the gate did not
the

proceed from any premeditated Intention in the Poligar of proceeding

 THE BANNERMAN-POLIGAR WAR. 177

to the extremities of forcingguard and resistingthe authority of Chapter VII.

Government.
"
170. That from the whole of the evidence produced before the Acquittal of
murder of
committee it was doubtful by whose hands Lieutenant Clarke fell,but jin.e
that as the committee, who had the fullest means of investigationand ciarke.
the advantages of local knowledge, had declared it to be their mous
unani-

opinion that he was stabbed by a pikeman in the Poligar'strain,

and not by the Poligarhimself, was resolved that Cattaboma
it Naigue
should be formally acquitted of the murder of Lieutenant Clarke; that
as the Poligar, however, must be held responsiblefor the act of his
followers, and as Lieutenant Clarke fell in the dischargeof his duty,
and acting under the orders of the Collector, it was determined to

require the Poligar to make a provision equal to the pay and allow- ances
of the deceased Mr. Clarke, for the maintenance and support
of the widow and children of that deservingofficer.
"171. In communicating these resolutions to Mr. Lushington, Anew
Government were pleased to direct that he should be instructed to arrangement

acquaint the Poligarthat he was accordingly acquittedof the charge of

the murder of Mr. Clarke, to settle with him an arrangement for the
payment of the provisionintended for the widow and children of that

officer,to point out the great security which he enjoyed under the

protection of Government, which, by an impartial and disj)assionate

investigation of his case under circumstances apparently most unfavour-
able
to him, had brought it to this conclusion,to admonish him of the

necessityand advantage of paying implicit obedience to the orders of

the Company, and finally to restore him to the full and complete
possessionof his pollam."
The Government could
acquitthe Poligar, but
in accordance
not Conclusion

with the arnved at-

findingof
so respectable
a committee appointedby itself ;
and if his subsequentconduct had been fairlyloyal and dutiful it

might have been taken for grantedthat Mr. Jackson had erred and
that the finding of the committee was right; but the rebellious
spirithe showed to Mr. Lushington,Mr. Jackson's successor, withstanding
not-
his friendlyadvances, tended to vindicate the pro-
priety
of Mr. Jackson's opinionsand policy. The native author of
the historyof the Ettaiyapuram Zamindari adopts Mr. Jackson's
view of the affair and representsLieutenant Clarke to have been
killed by Xattaboma
Nayaka himself. He attributes the decision
of the committee of
inquiryto the Poligar'sclever falsehoods. It
is to be remembered, however, that the Ettaiyapuram family were
the chief opponents of Panjalamkurichiand the chief gainersby
Kattaboma's fall.

Mr. Jackson
appears to have had too hasty a temper. He was Mr. Jackson's

subsequently taken to task by the Board of Revenue for various cnaractt'r-

matters and was dismissed by Government from employ on account

of the insubordinate spirithe displayed. He was accused also
of but
peculation, was acquitted of this charge.
23
 178 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

CkapterVII. On the 12th January 1799 Mr. Lushington succeeded Mr.

Mr. Lushing- Jackson, and
on March the 16th
to Kattaboma Nayaka an he wrote

t0^h exceedingly
^6alings polite letter, informing him that he had been honourably
boma. exculpatedfrom the charge of murdering Lieutenant Clarke, and
restoringhim to the full possessionof his pollam ; at the same
time desiringhim to attend him (Mr. Lushington) at Eamnad and

bring with him his arrears of kist. Kattaboma Nayaka' s letter

in replyoverflowed,as might have been expected,with expressions
of gratitudeand dutiful obedience, but it contained also reasons

why it was quite impossiblefor him to pay his kist just then or
proceedto Pamnad, tillhe had received everythinghe considered
due to him from Government. In short his tone had changed, but
his conduct remained the same.

All Mr. Lushington'sendeavours to induce Kattaboma Nayaka

to submit to his authority,appear before him in person without an

armed force,or pay his arrears of kist having proved in vain,he at

length referred the matter to Government. The followingis the

principalparagraph in his letter :

"

He refers to "In before the flagrantconduct of the Poligars

bringing you
Government.
aiiU(je(j to in this letter,I mean not to recommend that any diate
imme-

measures should be taken punish

to those who have been

most culpable. I am clearly of opinion that no coercion should be

attempted until a proper detachment can be formed under an officer

who has had experience of these countries, whose integrityis ruptible,
incor-
and
some until
general system government for the future

An expedition of the
Poligars has been determined upon. A small force would
recommended,
endanger combinations and troublesome resistance, whilst the expense
of a large detachment is of too weighty consideration to be sacri-
ficed

to the sequestration two of or more of their pollams. The radical

reduction of their barbarous power cannot however be too early

undertaken, and until it be effected, the inhabitants of these countries
will not be secure in their property or lives, nor will the Poligara
be otherwise than insolent and disobedient."
Government, on receivingthis communication, resolved to tem-
porise

longer, as
no was ait spiritwas
evident that rebellious

spreading amongst the rest of the Poligars. The example of the

Poligar of Panjalamkurichi,who had never consented to obey a

Collector, and who, as was generally believed,had slain a Euro-

pean
officer with his own hand with impunity, was sure to prove
infectious.
The principalPoligara who Nayaka's side took Kattaboma

against Government and gave him assistance were the Poligarsof

Nagalapuram,Kollarpatti(called also Kolavarpatti and Kollapatti),

and Elayirampannai. On the same side were the Poligars of
Different sides Kadalgudi and Kulattur. He was joined also by the Puli Deva
different
"^ that day, the Poligarof Avudaiyarpuram, whose fort was at
r".di-
gars. Orme's Nellatangaville,"
"
viz.,Nelkattansevval. Before all was
 THE BANNERMAX-POLIGAR WAR. 179

however, the Poligar went

latter over to the side of ChapterVII.
over,
Government. The principal focus of rebellion amongst the western

Poligars was in Sivagiri.The old Poligar himself was loyal,

but his son had been endeavouring to set him aside, with the help
of an armed force sent by Kattaboma Nayaka, and the less open
assistance the rest of the disaffected Poligars. The son was

afterwards pardoned by Major Bannerman, in behalf of ment,

Govern-

and allowed to succeed his father in the Poligarship. The

principalleader of rebellion, however, in Sivagiriwas not the old

Poligar'sson, but a member of his family,called MappillaiVan-

niyan described as a daring,popular leader,possessedof great local

influence. [The Sivagirifamily are the only Zemindar family,I
believe, in Tinnevelly who belong to the caste of Vanniyas.]
Further north Kattaboma Nayaka was aided by the sympathy and
counsel of the Marudu, the chief of Sivagangai. The strongest
supporter of Government in the struggle was the Poligar of Ettaiya-
purarn. The same side was also taken by the Poligars Uttu- of

malai, Chokkampatti, and Talaivankottai in the west, and in the

east by the Poligarsof Maniatchi and Melmandai. The only real

help,however, the Government received was from the Poligar of
Ettaiyapuram.
Mr. Lushington, the then Collector, had the confidence of
Government (subsequentlyhe became Governor himself),so that
he found it comparativelyeasy to convince the Government of that

time of the necessity of fullyand finally vindicating their rity

autho-
in Tinnevelly and quelling the rebellious spiritthat was
beginning to spread. They temporised, however, a little till Troops set
9
Seringapatam was taken ; shortly after which event, their chief t^nJ oi
anxieties being at an end and their troops free to move, they came Seringapa-
am'
to the conclusion that the time for carrying into effect the inten-
tion they had for some time formed had arrived.

Major Banxermax's Expedition.

A force equipped for the purpose of enforcingobedience in

was

Tinnevellyand placed under the command of Major Bannerman,

an officer of great ability,whose reportsand memoranda, preserved
in the records and collected and publishedby Mr. Keams, furnish
a complete account of everything that occurred. Major Banner-
man's instructions were dated on the 19th August 1799, and by
the 21st of October, in
the short space of two months, he had ceeded
suc-

in accomplishingthe task committed to him.

I shall here give the originals
of the most important documents
relatingto Major Bannerman's expedition. The originals them-
selves
will be found more than
interesting any narrative compiled
from them could be :
"
 180 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter VII. Letter of Government to the Board of Revenue,

"
Reasons of We are concerned to observe from the late requisition of the
Government.
Collector of
Poligar Peshcush, of the that
no sense indulgence of
the Company's Government, nor of their own allegiance, has restrained
the Poligars,during the late temporary absence of the troops from
resortingto their refractoryhabits, under the administration of the
Nawab. We were sanguine that the spiritof forbearance, tion,
concilia-
and justice,which was manifested in the late inquiry and sion
deci-
on the conduct of Kattaboma Nayaka have would
inspired the
Poligars in general, and himself in particular,with a better sense
of the mildness and equity of the British administration ; but his
refusal to attend the Collector
followers, his delay without his armed
in the discharge of his peshcush, and his present actual levying of
war against the SivagiriPoligar deprive us of all hope of beneficial
consequences from the farther pursuit of conciliatory
measures. We
have, therefore, judged it expedient to assemble a sufficient body of

troops in the Southern Provinces to assert the authorityof the pany's

Com-
Government, and to punish this wanton provocation of their
resentment. The command of this detachment, we have judged it

expedient to intrust to Major John Bannerman ; and in order that

the Collector may be fullyapprised of our intentions, we enclose for
information on a copy of our instructions to that officer.
your
' '
In communicating to the Collector these instructions,we desire that

you will direct him to comply with any applications which he may
receive from Major Bannerman for the furtherance of the present
service ; and as we deem it indispensableto the success of the tion
expedi-
that arrangements and orders of that officer should be carried
into effect with the greatest degree of promptness, we have no doubt

that Mr. Lushington'sknowledge of that necessity,as well as his zeal

for the publicservice, will induce him to give the most effectual sup-
port
to the powers with which Major Bannerman has been invested."

This letter was signedby Lord Clive,then Governor of Madras,

son of the celebrated Clive.

"
Proclamation by the Collector.

"
To all Poligars,Landholders, and Inhabitants of every description
within the countries commonly called the TinnevellyPollams.
"
Whereas given by me to several of the
repeatedadmonitions were

Tinnevelly Poligars during against the deceased the late hostilities

Tippu Sultan, that by persistingto withhold the peshcush, and to be

otherwise disobedient, they woidd draw upon themselves the severest

yet, notwithstanding such admonitions,

displeasure of Government ;
and unmindful of the punishment inflictod upon those Poligarswho
had been refractory during former wars, certain of them had the

temerity to continue in their contumacy, and to set the Company's

power by committing depredations,
at defiance disturbingthe tranquil-
lity
of the country, and wantonly murdering the peaceableinhabitants.
New be it known that these admonitions, and the total disregardof
them, having been made known to the Eight Honourable the Governor-
 THE BANNERMAN-POLIQAR WAR. 181

General in Council, His Lordship has observed with extreme concern Chapter VTI.
that no sense of the indulgence
Company's Government nor of of the
their own allegiancewas of effect to restrain the Poligars, during the
late temporary absence of the troops, from resortingto their refractory
habits.

"
The Eight Honourable the Governor-General was sanguine that the

spiritof forbearance, conciliation, and justice,which was manifested

in the late enquiry and decision on the conduct of Kattaboma Nayaka,
woidd have inspired him in particular,and the Poligars in general,
with a better sense of the mildness and equity of the British stration
admini-

; but his refusal to attend the Collector without his armed

followers,his delay in the dischargeof his peshcush, and his present
actual levying of war against the Sivagiri Poligar, in conjunction
with other contumacious persons, deprive the Right Honourable the
Governor-General in Council of all hopes of beneficial consequence from
the further pursuit of conciliatory measures towards him or them.
His Lordship has therefore judged it
expedient to assemble a suffi-
cient

body of troops in the southern provinces to assert the supremacy

of the Company's Government, and to punish the wanton provocation
of their displeasure. The command of this detachment has been
intrusted to Major John Bannerman, and, in order to render his author-
ity
more efficient,the Right Honourable the Governor-General in
Council has thought it expedientto vest him with powers to use ary
mili-
execution.

"All persons are therefore solemnly warned to forbear from acts of

disobedience and rebellion, as the power of inflicting
death will be
used with the utmost rigour.
"It is hereby declared that all Poligarsare held responsible for the
good conduct of all descriptions
of people belonging to their respective
pollams, and that they do not act in any respect against the pany's
Com-
authority, or in any manner disturb the peace of the country,
after the publicationof this proclamation.
"Be it further known to all Poligars,Sherogars,Landholders, and
Inhabitants in the Pollams of Tinnevelly that Major Bannerman has
authority to communicate with and issue such orders to them as he

may judge necessary ; these orders must be obeyed with the utmost

promptitude, and the Collector will refuse all intercourse with such

Poligars as have alreadyproved, or may hereafter prove, refractory,

until Major Bannerman shall have reported to the Collector their
return to a state of order and obedience."

On the 5th September Major Bannerman arrived

Panjalam- at Attempt to

kurichi, and attempted to take the fort the day by storm,

same t^eP*11:
without waiting for the arrival of the European portionof his force.
His reason for not waiting for the arrival of the Europeans was that
he was afraid the Poligar would endeavour to make his escape

during the night, and get away across the country to Sivagiri.
This apprehension was not a groundless one, for this was the

course that was taken by the father of this very Poligarwhen his
 182 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter VII. fort was suddenly taken by Colonel Fullarton in 1783. The
assault was unsuccessful. I give the account in Major Banner-
man's own words :
"

"
To the Secretaryto Government.

"
In conformity with my letter of yesterday's date, I left Palam-
cottah and Panjalamkurichi, where I was
arrived this morning' at

joined by the troops stationed at Coilpattiand Kaittar. The detail of

Europeans and the two 12-pounders not being sufficiently advanced,

were ordered to Kaittar. The sudden approach of the troops was not

looked for. Lieutenant Dallas, without a moment's delay, and with

much judgment, surrounded the fort with his cavalry, and his parties
were supported with possibleexpeditionby infantry. Soon after
every
this a considerable body Poligar peons
of endeavoured to force them-
selves

into the garrison, but were repulsed with loss by Lieutenant

Call to the Dallas. I lost no time in ordering the Poligar to surrender at disere-
Pohgar to
^ion ^0 fae Company. If I would grant a written cowl, he said, he
surrender
would come to me ; but not without. I left no consistent means untried

to induce him to give himself up ; however, at half past nine o'clock

I gave him half an hour more to determine his line of conduct.

The Poligar's Having attentivelyand deliberately reconnoitered

"
the fort, it
antici- left of it
escape appeared in my judgment that the south gate and to the
could be stormed with almost a certainty of success ;
and that the

place might be carried with a loss

trifling on our part. I consequently
determined on the
only guided by this motive,
measure : I was not

but by the importance of getting possession of the person of the

Poligar, and the impossibilitywith safety of keeping the fort rounded

sur-

during the night,so as to prevent the Poligar from escaping,

which I was confident he would attempt. I then carried with me

Captains O'Reillyand Bruce, the senior officers,who were to command

the storming troops, and communicated my orders to them. Their

opinions with regard to the success of the assault corresponded with

mine.

Failure of the "At ten o'clock the Poligar sent me a message that in four hours
attack. WOuld attend if I would send him
ne me, a regular cowl. The troops
were then posted for the storm. The flank companies of the 1st

Battalion of the 3rd Regiment and the four flank companies of the
13th Regiment of Native Infantry were allotted for the assault, with a

6-pounder to blow open the south gate ; this party was covered by
three field pieces and the battalion companies of the 1st Battalion of
the 3rd Regiment of Native Infantry and three companies of the 1st

Battalion of the 13th Regiment. At the same time an attack on the

north face of the fort was made by two companies of sepoys regulated
by Lieutenant Dallas. The troops, in the first instance, advanced to

the attack with order and resolution ; but from panic

a could not be

prevailed on to ascend the breach, or to enter by the gate which

had been blown completely open by the The attempt 6-pounder.
was persevered so in
long as there was a shadow of success, and

never was European energy more gallantly displayed than by the

 184: HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter VII. of the night it was evacuated by the Poligar and all his followers.
It is some satisfaction to me "

though but a small one " to report for

the information of the Right Honourable the Governor-General in
Council that upon a minute examination of the pointsof attack I had
chosen it now appears I had selected the most eligibleplaces,and
such indeed as to leave so little reflection on my own judgment on
the occasion that they must have been carried, and theplace got
complete possessionof in a few minutes, had the native troops behaved
with the energy and spiritwhich I have often witnessed them exert

on less trying occasions."

Events which followed the Poligar's Escape.

The followingletters describe the pursuitand capture of Katta-

boma Nayaka and his principal adherents : "

"
Soon after the dispatch of my letter of the 6th instant,having
obtained intelligence,
on which I could depend, uf the direction in which
Kattaboma Nayaka had moved, I lost no time in addressingletters to

the several Poligars, particularlyto those who I knew were his

enemies, informing them of his flight,

and calling upon them to use

every exertion in their power to secure his On the letters for

person.
the dispatch I put the
Poligarsbeing ready for detachment in motion
in a northerly direction, after having placed the wounded men in

Panjalamkurichi,where every means had been taken for their fortable

com-

accommodation, and where a sufficient party was left for their

pi'otection.
Assistance of "On my march I threw off partiesto left,the first consistingof
my
Ettaiyapu- the two troops of cavalry under Lieutenant Dallas, and the other four
hundred grenadiersunder Captain O'Reilly,in order that they might
be in readiness to act, as I should see occasion, in co-operationwith the
Poligars, to the westward of the tract in which I had determined to

move with the main body. I had

proceeded far, when I received
not

an answer from the Ettaiapuram Poligar,promising faithfully that

no exertion on his
part should be wanting to carry into effect the
orders of Government, which he had through me, and inform-
ing received

me that he had assembled

party people, with which
a he of his
would himself immediately proceed in pursuit of Kattaboma Nayaka,
and requesting I would afford him the assistance of some sepoys, and

recommending that they should be sent after him without delay.

( npturc of "Instructions were accordinglysent to Lieutenant Dallas, with a

important guide to conduct him in the track of the Ettaiapuram and to

man, "
" r
""

prisoners. . , ,

Captain O'Reilly to follow in support of the cavalry as fast as

possible. The party with Ettaiapuram came up with Kattaboma

Nayaka at the fort of Kollarpattibefore it was possiblefor it to be

joined by the cavalry. Some skirmishing ensued, in which both

parties sustained considerable loss. Kattaboma Nayaka's followers

were, however, dispersed ; but he effected his escape, attended by only

six
persons, who with himself were mounted on horses ; thirty-fourof
Kattaboma Nayaka's principaldependents were secured ; among whom

are Subrahmanya Pillai, his principalmanager, and Subrahmanya's

brother. I conceive the seizure of these two men, the
particularly
 r
THE BANNERMAN-POI.IGAR WAR. 18

former, of more importanceto the future

operations, and
success of my Chapter VII.
the consequent re-establishment tranquillity
of in
order these and

countries, than if Kattaboma Nayaka was my prisoner; for they are

men of good ability,and of the most ; and
intriguingdispositions the
former has acquired considerable
wealth, which I have every reason to
believe he would willinglyexpend in mating resistance to the rity
autho-
of Government. There can be no doubt but this Subrahmanya
had acquired such influence over Kattaboma Nayaka as entirelyto
regulateevery publicact in which he engaged ; and that the latter's
conduct, in resistingthe Company's authority,and in the exercise of
independent power, contrary to his allegiance,was the effect of

Subrahnianya's advice."
* * * *

"
Subrahmanya Pillai is this instant brought a prisonerto my tent. Subrahmanva
I have that the Pillai' guilt
given directions Ettaiapuram man's party, which s

came in charge of him, may be handsomely rewarded, and that

Subrahmanya Pillai shall be hanged in the most conspicuouspart of

the village of Nagalapuram, and his head afterwards carried and fixed

on a pike at Panjadamkurichi. His brother and the other prisoners

will be kept in confinement, in order to their being disposed of as
circumstances may hereafter require. By having, in this instance,
determined to make a severe and melancholy example of a man who
has been the author of the late disturbances and enormities which
have provoked the resentment of Government, I trust I shall not be
deemed by the Right Honourable the Governor-General in Council to

have exceeded the bounds of that authoritywith which it thought

was

necessary to vest me ; or, in it, to

exercising have lost sight of that
caution and forbearance which have been recommended to me in my

instructions,which shall in all cases be the guides of my conduct."

* # * *

"
While the partiesunder Captain O'Peillyand Lieutenant Dallas
were advancing in support of the
Ettaiapuram Poligar,I moved on

and took of
possession this place (Nagalapuram)on the 9th instant.
Soon after my arrival the Poligarcame and sui'rendered himself to the

Company's authority. As the conduct of this man has been of a

nature the most and

flagitious, marked by acts, in the Ramnad

countr}', of murder and

destruction,which shock humanity, I shall
detain for the
present in close confinement, and am
him not without

hopes of getting hold of the person of his brother, who commanded

his partiesin the execution of his barbarous orders during his irrup-
tion
into the Eamnad country. The Ettiapuram Poligar is still in
pursuitof Kattaboma Nayaka : the however, which I had sent
parties,
in support of him I deemed it necessary to recall after I received

intelligenceof the of Kattaboma

dispersion Nayaka's followers,and
they joinedme in camp during the night of the 9th."
* # # #

"
I succeeded in securingSaundara
Pandya Nayaka, brother to the Two principal
Nagalapuram Poligar,on the afternoon of the 12th instant,and kept offenders
exccu e
him prisoner in the fort of Nagalapuram till yesterday morning, when "

I assembled all the Vakeels of the different who

Poligars, attended me,
and after callingtheir attention to the proclamationby the Revenue
24
 186 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter VII. Board, which had been issued through the Collector, Mr. Lushington,
I explainedto them the nature and the extent of the with
powers
which I had been vested, and the urgent reasons which Government
had for ordering a strict enquiry to be made into the cause of the

disturbances,which had so latelyexisted in this country, and during

which such scenes of murder and devastation had occurred, which
called for the most exemplary punishment. I acquainted them that
in consequence of the information I had obtained, I shoidd, in the first

place,be under the painful necessity of punishing with death such

of those individuals as had been most actively employed in these
disturbances which had provoked the Company's resentment ; and
should then take such other measures as I thought necessary for

securing future obedience to all the Company's orders which might be

conveyed through the Collector to their masters, and for preventing a

repetitionof these scenes of rapine and murder which had desolated

the country and destroyed the inhabitants. I farther informed the
Vakeels that the result of my enquirieshad pointed out Subrahmanya
Pillai,the head manager of Kattaboma Nayaka, and Saundara Pandya
Nayaka, brother to the Nagalapuram Poligar, as the most active

agents in the atrocious scenes of which Government complained ; and

that I had in consequence determined that they should suffer death.
That the former should be hanged in the most conspicuous part of the
Nagalapuram village,and his head sent to be fixed on a pike at
Panjalamkurichi, and the latter I should send to be hanged at the

villageof Gopalpuram, in the taluk of Palamurrah (Pallimadai) in

the Eamnad country, which villagea party under his command had

destroyed,after inhumanly murdering its inhabitants. After both

these men had been cai'ried off to execution, I delivered copies of my
proclamation to the different Vakeels, and desired that they would
transmit them to their masters. I enjoined them to write also a
faithful account of what had passed at our meeting that morning ; and
to add that they had it farther in command from me to say that the

severe but necessary examples which had been made ought not to

create any alarm amongst those who were innocent of similar crimes ;
but on the contrary should seiwe to convince the inhabitants that the

Company had, on this occasion, been forced to adopt measures of

severity,only because their former lenient and merciful conduct

towards the refractoryPoligarshad failed to produce the wished-for

reform. Tho Vakeels were now dismissed, and I have reason to

believe a proper impression was made on their minds by what had

passed at this interview."

* * * *

" I have learned from Mr. Lushington that he has received a letter

from tho Tondimaii informing him that he had succeeded in his

exertions to seize the person of Kattaboma Nayaka, and desiring to

be furnished with orders respectingthe disposal of that rebellious

Poligar. Lushington has, at my request, been so obligingas to

Mr.

write to desiring that Kattaboma

tho Tondiman Nayaka might be
immediately sent prisonor to Madura, and delivered over to the com-
manding

officor at that station,if no orders to the contrary had been

 THE RANNERMAN-POLIGAR WAR. 187

received from Government. I shall order a party from this detach- Chapter VII.

ment to escort Nayaka from Madura

Kattaboma
to camp, in order U~T~
that he may be proceeded against agreeably to the spirit of my origi-taken.
nal instructions, which authorise me to use military execution against '

such of the rebellious Poligarsand their followers as shall be found

'
in open rebellion and in arms against the authority of Government.'

"
The party which I had sent to Madura to receive and conduct the Assembly to
the
rebellious Poligar
"
Kattaboma Nayaka to camp *"
returned with the wltnef?
\ execution 01

prisoner on the forenoon of the 5th instant. There were also

brought Kattaboma.
prisoners with the Poligar six of his nearest relations,including
Kumara Swanii Nayaka, his dumb brother. With a view that the

orders of Government respectingKattaboma Nayaka might be made

public and carried into execution in as solemn and impressive a ner

man-

as circumstances would permit,I summoned all the head gars

Poli-

to attend me yesterdayforenoon at 10 o'clock. On their being

assembled, I informed them that I had called for their attendance

upon that occasion that they might be present while I communicated

to Kattaboma Nayaka the awful sentence pronounced upon him by

Government in vindication of their authority so grossly injured by
the late contumacious conduct of that Poligar,which had occasioned

the many evils to the country which they had all witnessed, and by
his subsequent daring rebellion in by
resisting force of arms the pany's
Com-

troops, which had been sent under my orders to recall him to

obedience and a proper sense of his duty.

" I then directed Kattaboma Nayaka to be brought in before the

assembly, and proceeded to take the examination and the confession

of Poligar, which
the will find detailed in the inclosed paper
you
marked A, bearing my signature,
' '
and those of Major Robert
I had
Turing and of Mr. George Hughes, the Tamil Translator, whom
directed to attend me on the occasion.

"
From this the Eight Honourable the Governor-General in
paper
Council will observe that the rebellious Poligar Kattaboma Nayaka
confessed or could not deny that he had withheld his kists ; that he

did refuse to wait upon the Collector Mr. Lushington on his mons,
sum-

unless permittedto be attended by a party of armed peons ;

that he did receive a summons to attend me at Palamcottah on the

4th of September last for the purpose of having explained to him the

orders which I had received from Government respecting him, which he

refused to obey upon the idle pretence of its being an unlucky day.
"Prom the paper above alluded to it will likewise appear clearlySentence on

Kattaboma.
the evidences, independent of his confession, ' that
proved by own

Kattaboma Nayaka, in contempt of the Company's authority,did send

an armed force, of between 700 and 1,000 Peons, under the command

of one of his own relations, in the months July August last,to

of and

join the SivagiriPoligar'

s son and Mappillai Vanniyan, who were in
that while in his fort of Panja-
open rebellion againstthat Poligar ;
lamkurichi, on the morning of the 5th September last,he did receive
a summons to wait upon me at a small distance from his fort,which
 188 HISTOKY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter VII. he refused to obey ; and that he did remain in his fort during that

day, and was present while his people fired upon and killed many of
the Company's troops, who were ordered to compel his submission to
the authorityof Government. After what passed,as detailed in the
'
paper marked A, I proceeded to communicate'
to the Poligar,Kat-
taboma

Nayaka, the awful resolution of Government, which sentenced

him to suffer the punishment of death in vindication of the injured
authorityof the Company. He was then carried off to execution and

hanged on a conspicuousspot near to the old fort of Kaittar.

Address to
"
When Kattaboma Nayaka was led off to execution, I addressed
the assembled to the had in silent
myself Poligars,who had witnessed all that passed
Poligars.
awe and with astonishment, and caused to be clearlyexplainedto them
that the Poligar,Kattaboma
Nayaka, to had compelled Government
inflict upon such him
rigorous punishment by repeatedly acting in

contempt of the Company's authority,and by being guilty at last of

open rebellion, notwithstandinghe had frequently,and on so late an
occasion, experienced the most signal lenity and justicefrom the
Government, of which none of the Poligarspresent covdd be ignorant.
I then dismissed them after having expressed an earnest hope that
the examples which had lately been made, and the measures which
had been adopted, would convince them and their posterity that no

rank or condition of life amongst them would in future screen from

punishment such as should dare to act in disobedience of the Company's

orders, or in contempt of the authority of Government, which they
must ever consider it their duty to respect.
Execution of
"
It may not be amiss here to observe that the manner and behaviour
Kattaboma. of the of his before those who
Poligar during the whole time being
were assembled yesterday at the examination which took placewas
undaunted and supercilious. He frequently eyed the Ettiapuram
Poligar,who had been so active in attemptingto secure his person,
and the Poligar of Sivagiriwith an appearance of indignant scorn ;

and when he went out to be executed he walked with a firm and ing
dar-

air, and cast looks of sullen contempt on the Poligarsto his right
and left as he passed. It was reportedto me that on his way to the

place of execution he expressed some anxiety for his dumb brother

alone ; and said, when he reached the foot of the tree on which he

was hanged that he then regrettedhaving left his fort, in the defence
of which it would have been better for him to have died."

followingproclamationby Major Bannerman

The dispossessing
five of thePoligars who had combined with Kattaboma Nayaka
againstthe Government, together with that Poligar himself,was
publishednearly a month before,but it will come in most priately
appro-
at this juncture: "

Camp at Kaittar, 17th October 1799.

Dislnynl Poli
" Bo it known to all the Tinnevelly Poligars,and all the inhabitants
dispos- of the
pnrs
sessed. pollams, that Major John Bannennan, commissioned by tho
Honourable Company to make enquiry into the misconduct of the nevelly
Tin-

Poligarsin communication with the Collector,and to punish

 THE BANNKKMAN-POI.IGAR WAR. IS!)

VII.
such may be
as found deserving thereof ; and having,on a full enquiry Chapter
into the conduct Poligars of
of the several Elayirampannai, Nagala-
puram, Kollarpatti, Kadalgudi, and Kulattur, discovered that they
were leagued with Panjalam kurichi in the late levying of war against
the Poligar of Sivagiri, who is under the Company's protection; and
that the conductPoligars has been alike disobedient
of all these and

rebellhuis to the Government of the Company, in disregardingthe

authority of the Collector, refusing to pay Company's kists, commit-
ting

depredations,d isturbing the peace of the country, and oppressing

and murdering its inhabitants, he has deemed it expedient, by

virtue of his instructions, and the powers with which he is invested

from the Company, to mark in the strongest manner their displeasure

against such criminal

proceedings; and therefore proclaims that the
Poligars Panjalamkurichi, Nagalapuram, Elayirampannai, Kollar-
of patti,

Kadalgudi, and Kulattur are dispossessedof their pollams.

And be it known to all the inhabitants thereof that they are assumed

by the Company, who have accordinglytaken possessionof them.

"
Be it further known that all the forts in the aforesaid palaiyams
being deemed useless and unnecessary by the Company, are hereby
ordered to be destroyed. And, further, as the carrying of arms by the

and people thereof has been attended with much mischief, and Disarmament
peons
orderecl-
violence to the whole country, it is strictlyenjoinedthat no
peon, shero-

cowalgar,inhabitant or any other person of any ever

what-
description
gar,
shall hereafter use or keep either firelock, matchlock, pike, or
under pain of
being put to death ; and any person whatever found
spear,
concealing or possessingthem will be also subjectto the same ment
punish-
; and it is therefore strictlycommanded that every peon or habitant
in-
of the aforesaid pollams possessing arms shall immediately
deliver themup to such persons as Major Bannerman may appoint to

receive them, and every head inhabitant will be held subjectto severe

punishment who makes not the fullest enquiry, and gives not the most

speedy information of all arms concealed in his village; and, in order

more effectuallyto preserve the tranquillityof the assumed pollams

and that the peaceful inhabitants may pursue their cultivation in

safety,all head inhabitants of villagesare hereby solemnly warned

that in whatever village resistance may be made to the Company's
servants, and if it shall be discovered that
any firelock, matchlock,
pike, or spear has been used in such affray,the head inhabitant of such
villagewill be liable to suffer death, unless he shall, in three days
after such affray has
happened, report names the of those inhabitants
who were engaged in such resistance, and prove that he has done

every thing in his power to seize the offenders. And be it also most Penalties for
dlS0^edience.
fully known to all the rest of the Poligars that while the assumption
of the abovementioned six pollams has been the severe and necessary
consequence very of criminal proceedings, that provided all the rest
conduct themselves hereafter with tho most respectful and submissive
obedience Company's Government,
to the more lives of neither of the
their people will be taken, nor more of their countries assumed ; and

being duly impressed therewith they will act accordingly. Under

these assurances let therefore the inhabitants of every description, and
 190 HISTORY OF TINXEVELLY.

ChapterMI.
particularlythose sherogarsand peons who have been accustomed to

carry arms, cheerfullylay aside all offensive weapons ; and, betaking

themselves to the cultivation of the land, increase their own happiness
and merit the favour of the Company, who will protect them from every
danger."
I add
Major Bannerman's account of his interview with all the
Tinnevelly Poligars at Kaittar on the 27th September, when he
read and explainedto them his proclamationrespecting the demo-
lition
of their forts and the deliveringup of their arms, and
induced each Poligarto volunteer to carry this work of demolition
into effect himself : "

"I met all the Poligars who had, in obedience to my summons,

arrived at Kaittar. I first endeavoured to make the Poligarssensible
of the justnessof the which
punishmenthad already been inflicted.
I then cautioned them against believing that because no farther ex-
amples

had yet been made I was ignorant cf the many acts of obedience
dis-
of which they had been guilty,of the refractory disposition
of the Poligars in general,and of the innumerable evils which such
causes had produced.

Explanation "I then told the Poligarsthat there were two modes of
carryinginto
of reasons. effect the orders of Government the
as signified
by proclamation. The
one was that they should give their own orders to destroy the forts

and collect the arms and deliver the latter to officers whom I should
send with small partiesto receive them and see that the forts were

demolished.
pi-operly The other mode was that I should march with
the whole of
my detachment through their pollams and see the
orders of Government carried into execution. I acquainted them that
I was prepared for either, but left the choice with them. That in the

event of the detachments marching all the Head Poligars must attend

me in the If the other mode were to be adopted, the Poligars

camp.
should remain with me at Kaittar and send their managers with small

parties,which I should direct to proceed,and superintendthe tion

execu-

of the Company's orders.

Forts be
to
' '
I assured them that as soon as I had received reports that the arms

demolished. had been surrendered and the forts demolished, each man should be

permitted to return in to his own pollam. Before my terview

in-
peace
over I believe I venture to assert that I obtained
was may
from the Poligarstheir fullest consent to the demolition of their forts

and the surrender of their arms. They seemed convinced by my

arguments that it would be more creditable for them destroy theirto

own forts than to have the business done b}rour pioneers; and they
did not insonsible of the mischief that would be prevented by
appear
keeping so large a detachment out of their pollams, their apprehen-
sion
of which I did not fail to raise as much as possible.
"
I have much pleasurein being able to report to you that the last

of the parties which I found it necessary to detach to superintend

the demolition of the forts and tho collection of the arms left Kaittar

thismorning; and that the Poligars have sent their managers and

that the orders of

positiveorders, with the different parties, to see
Government on this Bubjectbe strictlycomplied with.
 192 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

"
Chapter VII As the purpose for which the Poligarswere detained at Kaittar has
already been pretty completely answered, I summoned all of them to
attend me this morning in order to give them permission to return to
their respectivepollams ; and as I thought it of
consequence fully
to impress upon their minds before their departure that Government
would hereafter act toward them in a strict conformity with the
measures which I had on this occasion been instructed to adopt,I had
Proclamations prepared a proclamation, a
copy of which was delivered to each
inscribed and informed that
brass.
on
Poligar ; they were other copiesinscribed on brass
should be prepared, and one sent to each of them as soon as possible,
in order that it might be fixed
kept up and in aconspicuous place in
the principalvillageof each
pollam for the general information of
the '
inhabitants ; and that each Poligarwould be held that
responsible
this order was complied with."
strictly
The
Poligarsof Elayiramparmai and Nagalapuram were banished
to Madras, where they died. A letter of Major Bannernian's will
explain his views regardingthese Poligarsand some of their prin-
cipal
associates : "

"
In conformity
spirit of my with the
instructions, I had determined
to send Poligars
all the of the Head
sequestered pollams prisoners to
the Presidency. The Nagalapuram and Elayiramparmai Poligars have
been placed under Lieutenant Turner's charge. Kattaboma Nayaka
and the Head of
Poligar Kadalgudi have been proscribed by my pro-
clamation
of the 1 8th instant. But as the Poligar of Kollarpatti is a

poor, weak, blind youth,and the Poligar of Kulattur is a weak, infirm

man of between 60 and 70 years of age, their infirmities seem to point

Leniency to them out as objectswho should be treated with as much lenityas due
certain Poli- attention to the publicgood will admit of, and there is no
as danger
gars.
to be apprehended from their intrigues,I have delivered them over to

Mr. Lushington, that he may send them for the present to Ramnad,
and they can be hereafter disposedof
shall be pleased as Government

to Satagopah Pillai, the manager

direct. As of the Nagalapuram

Poligar,was a principaladviser of his master, and possesses much

influence in the pollam, I have judged it indispensablynecessary that
he should accompany the Poligar into banishment. Saunderalinga
Nftyaka was declared by his blind brother-in-law, the Poligar of
Kollarpatti, to have been his adviser on all occasions, and confessed

himself to have been the manager of all the public concerns of the

pollam. Chinna Vettoo Nayaka, son of the Kulattur Poligar,is also

notorious for having been the wicked adviser of his father ; and he
Banishment
of dangerous and Armogam Pillai were the
sole managers of his publicconcerns ;
persons. much been
and Paradampermal Pillai possesses influence, as having
the adviser and manager of the Elnyirampannai Poligar. I could not

therefore hesitate in removing individuals of such descriptionfrom

this country.
"
The publicrecords leave no doubt SivagiriMSppillaiVannij-an
of

being the person whose influence over the Sivagiri Poligar'sson

instigatedhim to acts of rebellion against his father, and produced

1 These brass said to be still in existence,but kept in the houses of

platesare are

the Zemindars.
 T 11K B A N N E R M A.N-POLIG A R W A R .
I 93

those horrid scones and disturbances in the

Sivagiripollam by which Chapter VII,
not only that country but the neighbouringpollams have suffered so
much, and to quell which the Company have been repeatedly obliged
to fit out an armed force. This man talents which qualify
possesses
him in a superior degree for
being public incendiary,and is
very a

distinguishedamong the Poligars for being a daring, brave, and Mapillai

active fellow, which makes him a favourite leader, whom they are Vanniy"n-
desirous to follow all occasions. Government will, I think, see
upon
the proprietyof taking particularcare that such a character is not
permitted to return again to this neighbourhood."
Most of Major Bannerman'sprisonerswere sent to Palam-
cotta and kept in confinement jail there, with in the
the prisoners
that had surrendered themselves to Captain Davison, the officer in
command at Tuticorin. The most importantof the prisoners sent

by Major Bannerman to Palamcotta were the two brothers of the

recently executed Poligar of Paiijalanikuricki. It was found
after a time that the fort of Panjalamkurichi, which was supposed
to have been utterlydemolished, was ready rise
to again from the
ground, as strong as ever, the moment it was required. Govern-
ment were very much disconcerted when this discoverywas made,
but after the strictest inquiryit was ascertained that the demolition
both of Panjalamkurichiand of the other forts had
reallytaken Reappearance
place" that of Panjalamkurichi before Major Bannerman left the j?^ J""
district but that mud
"

forts,however completelydemolished,could
be
speedily re-erected, so that where a thousand or two enthusiastic
labourers worked day and night there was incredible
nothing in
the circumstance that such a fort as Panjalamkurichishould rise
from the ground again in a day or two, as if by the wave of
magician'swand. "Whatever might take placeafterwards there is
no doubt that Major Bannerman's work, so far as it went, was

very completelydone ; the voluntarydemolition by the Poligars

themselves of their forty-twoforts was an unparalleled triumph to
the cause of order,and it was achieved as much by tact and policy
as by the force of arms. Having thus repressed all opposition
to Government, and restored peace to the district,
Major Banner-
man left for Europe on furlough, accompanied by the cordial Major
thanks and congratulationsof all the authorities. The
peace he i^cesT"11'3
established lasted for more than two an unusuallylong time
years,
for peace and order to last in those troublous days, but this state
of things was destined to be
rudely disturbed at last by another
Poligarwar" the most formidable of all,but fortunately the last.

2d
 104 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE LAST POLIGAE WAR.

Events preceding the Outbreak.

Chap. VIII. In addition to the information respectingthe last Poligar war

suppliedby the reportsand documents contained in the

General Tinnevelly
Welsh's count.
ac- records,we have the advantage of possessingtwo independent
accounts of the war, written by persons who were engaged in it
from its commencement to its termination. The firstof these is tained
con-
"
in the "
MilitaryEeminiscences of General "Welsh, a very
interesting
book publishedin London in 1830. General (then Cap-
tain)
Welsh was staff officer to the officer in command throughout
the campaign. The other account is entitled a
"
Narrative of the
Mr. Hughes's last Outbreak and final
Poligars,by Subjugation of the Southern
Mr. George A. Hughes, of Tatchanallur,Translator to the force."
This was publishedin 1844, nine years after Mr. Hughes's death.1

1 known in
Mr. Hughes's name is so well Tinnevelly that people would probably
like to particularsabout
know some him. The following notice is prefixedto Mr.
Hughes's Narrative by the Editor of the Madras Journal of Literature and Science
in which the narrative appeared : "

"
Mr. Hughes, an gentleman, well known
Indo-British for his commercial prise
enter-
and successful speculations in the southern districts,was the son of Mr.
Hughes, of the Madras Civil Service, formerly Paymaster of Madura. He was sent

to England early age and received an excellent education

at an under the charge
of his uncle, Dr. Hughes, Principal of Jesus College, Cambridge. On his return

to India, after serving as a clerk under the Resident of Travancore, and in the

office of Mr. S. R. Lushington, Collector of the Southern Poligar Peishcush, he

was appointed by Colonel Bannerman, the officer entrusted with the charge of
quelling the Poligar insurrection of 1799, to be Malabar and Gentoo Interpreter
with the force on the pay and allowances of a Captain, which was confirmed

by Government on the 26th September 1799. He continued in the same situation

under Colonel
Agnew in 1801, and afterwards in 1808 he accompanied the force
under General St. Leger during the Travancore war and received the thanks of

Government for lus services on the '27th February 1809. In the interim he had

engaged in commercial pursuitsand entered into partnership with Mr. Charles

"Wallace Young, who, between L805 and 1808, obtainedlarge extent a lease of a of

waste land for the cultivation of coffee, indigo, and cotton, in Tinnevelly, at an

annual rent of 2,000 rupees, to continue to the close of the Company's Charter.
"On the death of Mr. Young, in the latter part of 1809, Mr. Hughes succeeded to

the lease, as assignee of that gentleman ; and on the expiration of the Charter, the

grant was renewed in 1811, on the same terms, for the period of the next Charter.
Mr. Hughes likewise purchased the Kulattur and Kadalgudi Mitlahs, and continued
fluctuating until Lis death, which took
engaged in various speculationswith success

place on the 26th February 1835."

I may add that Mr. Hughes was never married, though he had several children,
whom he brought up as Hindus.
 THE LAST POLIO AR WAR. 195

The Poligarof Panjalamkurichi,who was executed at Kaittar Chap. VIII.

in September 1799, left two brothers,as has been mentioned, both
The two"
Pan
of whom were kept in confinement in the Palamcotta Jail. One jalamkurichi
brothers-
of these brothers,the elder,was described feeble
as a person, but
would have been heir to the palaiyam if it had not been confis-
cated,
and was regarded by his sympathisingadherents and the
natives generallyas the true heir all the same, and called accord- ingly

by the family title Kattaboma Nayaka. The other, the

younger, though dumb and a mere boy, was a of great
person
energy and full of resources, and was regarded by the natives
almost as a divinity. In addition to the two brothers there were

seme other persons confined with them in the Palamcotta Jail who
had been implicatedin the outbreak of 1799. The most intriguing
and dangerous member of the deposed family,Sivattaiya, a near

relation, who had escaped the vigilanceof the authorities and was
still at large,was the leader of a party of sympathiserswho were

waiting for an opportunityto effect the escape of the prisonersand

help them to commence the struggleafresh.

Escape of the Prisoners from the Palamcotta Jail and

subsequent events.

Mr. Hughes thus describes the positionof things in TinnevellyPosition of

prior to the escape of the prisonersand the recommencement of t^)1^s

pi7or
hostilities : "Major Bannerman
"
left the detachment to embark for break.

Europe early in 1800, under high and well-earned encomiums

from the Government. The command devolved on Major Robert
Turing, who, having preferreda high situation on the general
staff,left us about February. He was succeeded by Major Colin
Macaulay, who with the command of the held
district, also the

appointment of Resident at Travancore. The state of affairs soon

admitted of the separation of the detachment, and the Governor-

General requiringhis services for a time at the Travancore Durbar,
the 3rd Regiment N.I. was cantoned at Shenker ninaur Covil

(Sankaranainarkovil) (now under the command of Major Sheppard),

a few companies of another corps were left at Kaittar, and Palam-
cotta
was garrisonedby Lieutenant Knowle's provincialcorps and
some other details. The main body of the force returned to Trichi-
nopoly and other stations,and at the close of the year there was to
all appearance the most prosperous settlement of all the objectsof
the Grovernment, combined with the most perfecttranquillityin
the country."
The followingis General "Welsh's account of the escape of the
prisoners: "

"On me 2nd of February 1801, while our force was cantoned at

Escape of the

Sankaranainarkovil, about thirtymiles to the eastward (north-west),prisoners.

and the whole of the remaining community, about twenty ladies ami
 196 HISTORY OF TIXXEYELI.Y.

Chap. VIII, gentlemen, were dining at Major Macaulay's garden-house at Palam-

cotta, a number of Poligar prisoners confined in the fort made their

escape by overpowering their own guard and the one at the fort,
whom they disarmed. As men of consequence and State
prisoners,
they had been hitherto kept in irons and very strictlyguarded ; but
the small-poxhaving recently broken out amongst them, their chains
had been removed a few days before. This evening a number of their
adherents in disguise, and with concealed weapons, had entered the

fort, and, at a preconcertedsignal,forced the prison-gate,whilst the

prisonersattacked the two sentries in front. A few of the guard were

wounded, and the whole instantly disarmed ; when the prisoners,

seizing the musquets of their ci-devant gaolers, headed their adherents,
and rushing on the gate-guard,succeeded in overpowering them, when

passing through the gates, they made such good use of their heels that,
before morning, they had arrived at Panjalainkurichi, a distance of
thirty miles ; having surprisedand disarmed nearly one hundred men

at different stages on the road, and at one place an entire company

under a native officer. In their haste to secure a safe retreat, they
however let
slipthe fairest opportunity they ever could have enjoyed
of cripplingour force, for the party assembled at our commandant's
included the civilians of the station, all the staff officers,and several
others of the force ; the house was protectedby a Naigue's guard only,
and not above a mile out of their route ; and there we must all have

perished,unprepared and unresisting,since they were several hundred

Unavailing strong, even before they left the place. Unaware of the extent of the
pursuit. mischief, small could be collected,
partieswere sent out, as soon as they
to overtake the fugitives,and lucky it was for them that they returned
unsuccessful. Indeed all the sepoys then in Palamcotta would have
been inadequate for that purpose."
Measures Major Macaulay, the Commanding Officer in the Tinnevelly
District,concerted measures at once for the recapture of the
authorities
and
fugitives, moved off with all despatchto Kaittar the disposable
part of the garrison of Palamcotta and a few of the Nawab's
horsemen drawn from his establishment of Sivalaperai.The troops
under Major Sheppard at SankaranainarkGvil were ordered to

march to Kaittar, and all the Palamcotta officers joined at that

place on the 6th. The Nawab's troopers were mounted on horses

belonging to the English gentlemen lent for the purpose.

Attack on the "A body of European cavalry had originally formed a part of the
camp hy the southern field force, and with some infantry corps had been only
Poligars.
lately removed, under an appearance of perfect tranquillitybeing
established in this hitherto turbulent district. Our force was therefore

consequently now roduced to nine hundred firelocks,and all native,

excepting a detachment of Bengal artillery,with two 2 and two 4

pounders. On tho morning of 8th February, having marched half way

the day before, the detachment reached the village Kulayanalliir,

nineteen miles from Kaittar. The camp was formed in a small square,
and all hands were preparing to enjoy a hearty meal, when a body of

Poligarsto the number of a thousand or twelve hundred, armed with

 THE LAST POLIGAK WAR. 197

musquets, pikes,and swords, made their appearance on a risingground Chap. VIII.

in front of the line, and incliningto the right and left,made a taneous
simul-
attack on three faces. The small village,situated about a

mile in the rear, had been previously taken possessionof by our

picquets; and while we were employed in front by the first assailants,
a body of the enemy, advancing under cover of a deep ravine, immedi-
ately

attacked it. Although many of our men, being new drafts and

recruits, had never seen a shot fired, yet the whole behaved well,
except the Nawab's cavalry,who woidd not charge even a small party
of the enemy, and we began to wish we had our horses back again.
In about an hour, however, the Poligarswithdrew, leavingforty dead
upon the field,and carryingoff their wounded
they were not pursued ;

very far,and all was quiet again in our little camp by noon. Our loss

was not more than six men, a proof of the bad firingof the enemy.
The post in the villagewas strengthened,being a kind of key to our
position,and all remained perfectly quiet till about nine o'clock at
night,when peal of musquetry in
a the direction of the villageagain
roused ; an attempt being made
us to surprise that post, which was,
however, completelyfoiled before a reinforcement could arrive to its
relief. After a sleeplessnight, we marched
morning, and the next Arrival of
at
reached a plain close to Panjalamkurichi by nine o'clock,when, to our ^'00PS
utter astonishment, we discovered that the walls, which had been kurichi.

entirelylevelled,were now rebuilt,and fully manned by about fifteen

hundred Poligars."
Mr. Hughes says they found the Poligarforce not only securely
entrenched, but armed far beyond expectation,and, to crown all,
displayingan exultingfront,in consequence of the success which
had hitherto attended their enterprise.An entrenchment and
breastwork had been run with incredible celerity.All the
up
concealed arms, he adds,
quickly restored to light,it had been

having been the policy of the

(imposed as we have seen time

by the Madras Government on Major Bannerman) to invite the

surrender of arms by the payment of a liberal price for them, Condition of
the
rather than to adopt a vigorousscrutinyfor their seizure. The '

population of the sequesteredpollams seemed to be delightedwith

the opportunityafforded them of trying their strengthwith the
English once more, being thoroughly discontented,no doubt, with
the peacefullife now requiredof them.
Retreat from Panjalamkurichi.

I return to General Welsh's narrative :"

"
Without
singlebatteringgun, and, I may
a add, without even a Preparations
few Europeans to lead the for resistance-
storming party, to have attempted to take
the place in open day would have been next to madness ; a spot of
ground was therefore selected near the village of Ottapidaram,about
a mile from the fort,and there we formed our in a with
camp, square,
high grain to the northward ; the bund, or bank, of a tank to the
southward the villagenear the eastern face, and
; Panjalamkurichi
opposite to the west. After taking some little rest and refreshment,
 198 HISTORY OF TIXXEVELLY.

Chap. VIII. it was proposed to form the detachment into two storming parties,
and to escalade the "works at two different points, as soon as ness
dark-
should conceal our approach from the enemy. A short time
after, some of our scouts came in, with the agreeable intelligencethat
the Poligars,now amounting to five thousand, were prepared to
assault our camp nightfall. Here then was
at an unlooked for rence
occur-

: in the first place, we were opposed by a strong fort,raised, as

it were, by magic, in six days ; and in the second, its defenders,
increased beyond all possiblecalculation, were likely to become the
assailants. It was decided, therefore, nem con that we had no business
to remain there ; and as both men and officers were already nearly
exhausted by two marches
grilling and a night,it was
sleepless ful
doubt-
whether they could keep awake another, to receive with due

alacritysuch a nocturnal visit as was in contemplation. The troops

were therefore warned, and at two o'clock p.m. being formed in oblong
square, the baggage in the centre and field pieces distributed in front
and rear, we drew out, as if preparing to assault the fort. In an

instant every part of the works was manned, and we could plainly
discern body of a fifteen hundred or two thousand men outside of the

boundary hedge, their long spears glitteringin the sun.

"
As soon as the formation was completed,we commenced our march,
not for the fort, but for Palamcotta, and had actually accomplished a
third of our journey, when we were overtaken in the dark by a body
of the enemy, who rushed on us with shouts and screams, almost to

the bayonet. The rear face of our column, for it was now no longer a
was grenadiersof the
luckily composed of of the 1st Battalion
square,
the 3rd Regiment, with the two 6-pounders under Captain Vesey.
He allowed them to approach without molestation, the more fullyto
effect his purpose, when giving the word himself, a couple of vollies,
poured in with grape and musquetry, levelled one hundred and ten of

our assailants ; the astonished remainder made a very precipitate

escape, we and
were no more molested during a long and severe march,
which lasted all night,than by imagination,which placed an enemy
behind every bush on the road. Our loss on this occasion was only
two men and a woman, and we safelyreached Palamcotta at nine
o'clock a.m. on the 10th."

whether
Mr. Hughes says that the questionfor consideration was

the attack on the fort should be made forthwith on the arrival of

the troops from Palamcotta, and thus in the event of a check being
received run the hazard of much more extensive commotions, or

whether it were more advisable that the detachment should draw

with-

for a time and await reinforcement from Trichinopoly.

He adds : "

Boshes1
"
Happily, the latter alternative, painful as it seemed, was agx-eed
opinion. on with perfect concurrence by Majors Macaulay and Sheppard. The
steady and firm conduct of the 3rd Regiment N.I. carried the detach-
ment

tliniu-h the perilsof the night.

"
I" the meantime various affairs took place, most of which were to
Failure of
attack in the advantage of the rebels. On the 27th February an attack was

Kftdalgudi.
 200 HISTORY OF Tl.NXEYELLY.

Chap. VIII. before, had at length been taken prisoner,with the rest of his family,
and kept in close confinement."

We have seen from the

preceding narrative that the Kattabonia
Nayaka who defended his fort againstMajor Bannerman had been

hanged, and that the Kattaboma Nayaka who was imprisoned was
his survivingbrother.

Return to Panjalamkurichi.

When the expected reinforcements were on the advance from

Trichinopoly,Major Macaulay moved the detachment forward to

Kaittar and took up ground in such a positionas to allow the

reinforcements to join. Having no opponents out of our camp,
the enemy made good use of their time and seized on Tuticorin.
This incident has been described already in the account of Tuti-
corin
under the Dutch. General Welsh gives the details of the
force assembled at Kaittar for the reduction of Panjalarnkurichi.
It amounted in all to nearly 3,000 men, with nine guns : "

March to "
Our first march was to Otrampatti, only eight miles; the second
Panjalam- miles also, the road which
kurichi.
to Pasuvandalai, eight on to we first
encountered the enemy ; a body of five or six hundred of whom
peared
ap-
shortly after ground, and boldly advanced
we left
to meet our

us, on which the Major ordered the cavalryto charge them. The two

troops, having rear and flank guards out, did not amount to more

than ninety men, if so many ; but they were led by James Grant, one
of the finest and bravest fellows I ever knew. They had two small

galloperguns with them, which were fired as the enemy approached,

and this, first appeared to induce them to retire, which they did

leisurely,
keeping up a running fight,though it was evident that
the men who had firearms were most anxious to escape. When our

Skirmish on cavalryhad got within a few hundred yards, Lieutenant Grant gave
the way. '
the words '
Saint George, and charge : the enenry at the same time

halting,faced about, and presented an abatis of pikes to the horses'

breasts ; but so great was the impetus, that in an instant this formi-
dable

phalanx was down, our borne and men were afterwards engaged
in single combat with these brave but unskilful pedestrians,until a

thick wood luckily intervened, through which they made their escape.
The ground being, what is called in India '
black cotton,' with the
shrub actuallygrowing on it,was very unfavourable for our men, and
so determined was the resistance that Lieutenant Grant fell,wounded
with a pike through the lungs, and his Subadar, Sheik Ebraum, and
four troopei's were killed. Lieutenant Lyne lost his Naigue, and
eleven troopers were wounded ; and two horses were killed, and

twelve wounded. Of the enemy, ninety-six dead bodies were counted

on the field ; what number of wounded they carried off of course coidd
not be ascertained. Grant killed four with his own hand, the last
after he had received his desperate wound ; and his Subadar also
killed four or five before he fell. The next day, the 31st of March,
we came within sito of the Gibraltar of these insurgents.
 THE LAST POLIGAR WAR. 201

First Assault and Failure. Chap. VIII.

We found the fort an irregularparallelogram,two sides of Description

"
which were about 500 feet and the other two about 300 feet only,
built entirelyof mud of a very solid and adhesive quality: "

"The wall was, about

generally, twelve feet high,with small square
bastions,and very short curtains. A old guns
few were mounted in

these bastions,and the whole was surrounded by a thick hedge of

thorns, but no ditch. Arriving before it at eighto'clock a.m., prepara-

tions
were breaching the north-western
instantly made bastion,
for
with the two iron 12 and one 8 pounder, from a bank about nine

hundred yards distance ; and at hall past eightwe opened fire,though,

by no means so destructive as was anticipated.At noon, therefore,
the guns were moved on to another bank, about four hundred yards
from the wall, and continued playing till half past three, when the

breach appearing practicable, the storm was ordered."

It was found afterwards, however, when it was too late,that the

breach, considered to be so by the artillery officer, was no breach

at all :
"

"
The part}' for assaidt advanced with alacrityunder the heaviest The assault
on t e
fire imaginable from the curtains and five or six bastions,the defences
of which we had not been able to demolish. Our men fell rapidly,
but nothing impeded their approach ; even the hedge was speedily
passed, and repeatedattempts were made to surmount the breach, but
all in vain," so daring and determined was the garrison and so difficult
of access point of attack.
the "Every man who succeeded in reaching

the summit was instantly thrown back, pierced with wounds, from

both pikes and musquetry, and no footing could be gained. At

length a retreat was ordered, and a truly dismal scene of horror ceeded
suc-

; all our killed, and many of the wounded, being left at the
foot of the breach, over which the immediately sprung, and
enemy
pursued the rear, while others pierced the bodies both of the dying
and the dead. The immediate defence of the breach was with pikes The defeace.

from eighteen twenty

to feet long, beyond which a body of men from

an elevated spot kept up a constant fire,while others in the bastions

took the assailants in flank. In the confusion of the moment a

howitzer was left near the breach, which was afterwards rescued

by six and
officers, about fiftysepoys, under a fire,which killed one

of the officers and several of the men and wounded two other officers
and five or six men. Of the enemy's loss we had no account.

No sooner had
gained a safe distance
we from the fort, than the

line was formed, and encamping ground marked, the nearest part
being at a distance of 1,500 yards from the walls. We had a high
ridge in the centre of the line running parallel to the fort, and our

ammunition placed in the rear, out of sightof the

and stores were

Our pickquets were posted on the bank from whence we first

enemy.
attempted to breach, and it was completely dark before we could get
under cover. As all had alike partaken in the dangers and fiture
discom-
of the day, a dead silence reigned throughout our line, the only
tribute we could then pay to the memory of our departed brethren ;
26
 202 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chap. VIII. and the enemy so far respectedour grief,as to allow us its unmolested

indidgence.
"
Our total failure this day was perfectly
inexplicable,
and how the

breach was defended appeared almost miraculous ; for none of the

actual defenders ever showed themselves above the broken parapet,
and certainlythat was entirely destroyed, and a practicablepassage
apparentlymade to the terrepleinof the bastion long previous to our
attack. Yet here a grove of pikes alone presented itself to our

Bravery of view ; and the enemy appearing in every other

works, part of the
the enemv.
exposing themselves without the smallest reservation, were constantly
shotby our men, who were covering the storm, and as constantly
replaced by others ; whilst they kept up a most unnatural yell the
whole time, from upwards of five thousand voices, which only ceased
with our retreat. Of one hundred and twenty Europeans on the
storming party, only forty-sixescaped unhurt ; and includingofficers
and artillery,one hundred and six were killed and wounded of the
whole force. I should mention that body
a of one thousand Ettia-

puram Poligars, heriditary enemies of the

Panjalamkurichi race, had
AidofEttai- joined us on the march, having a company of sepoj-s, and Captain
y"puram. Charles Trotter attached to them. These brave and faithful allies
made some unsuccessful attempts at an escalade on the other side of

the fort, whilst we were on the west face, but were repidsed with
considerable loss, though we had no official returns of their ties."
casual-

It was evident that Major Macaulay's means were quite inade-

quate
to hisobject,the guns were quite useless as batteringpieces,
and a of the attack was
repetition not to be thought of.

More sive
exten-
"
The Government was now awakened to the whole severityof the
pre-
parations. service. A great native force was ordered from different stations of the

Carnatic, an European corps, H.M. 77th, was called round from the
Malabar cavalrywas
Coast, a corps of
put in motion, and a powerful
train of artillery despatched from Trichinopuly,the command of the
service being transferred to an officer of higher rank. This was

Colonel Peter Agnew, a person of great militaryexperience, and well

known as the Adjutant-Generalof the Army for many years."

Help obtained The Collector Tinnevellyat this time appliedto, and obtained
of
from Ceylon.
from, the Government of Ceylon a detachment of troops to help

forward the operationsagainst Panjalamkurichi. This he did

without authority,and his action in the matter called forth a

decided expressionof disapprovalfrom the Madras Government.

"
It was the best part of two months," Hughes says,
"
before this new

formation of the force could assemble at the scene of action, and in

the interval little more was in the power of Macaulay than to restrict

much as the
practicable range of the enemy, for which he
as purpose
his station small ridge,a mile two to the westward of
kept on a or

the fort. Their

night annoyances on our positionand skirmishes with

our foragingpartiesin the day were very frequent, and they seemed

to have taken the notion that the muskots of our sepoys were of
up
little securityagainsttheir spears during the fall of rain."
 CHE LAST Pol.K.vH WAR. 20o

I quote here from Welsh an aceount of the incident to which Chap. VIII.

Hughes brieflyrefers.
"
On the 22nd heavy thunder accompanied wind and Sortie from
a storm, by
m a
rain, suddenly assailed us ; and as such a time was the most favour- s^vr^
able in which to oppose pikes to firearms,we began to fall in ; when
in a twinkling the thunder was succeeded bjr the flash and sound of

our 6-pounder on the most distant outpost, and a strong party dashed
towards it immediately. This consisted of a of sepoys, with
company
a party of and
artillery, one gun on the bund of a large tank, five or

six hundred yards to the southward of the fort, and one thousand two

hundred from our nearest post. Lieutenant H. Dey (noon being the
time of removing all our outposts) observing an unusual collection of
clouds, and sagaciously auguring the probability of a therefrom

storm, being senior very officer, had

sensibly taken upon himself to

detain the other company. The squall approached, beating in their

faces, and was immediately followed by one thousand pikemen. Our
poor fellows, assailed by two such enemies at once, strove to give a

fire,but hardly a musquet would go off ; and the gun, after being
discharged once only, was in the enemy's possession. The Poligars,
more intent seizingthe
on ordnance than on injuring its defenders,
wounded only eight men of the party, and were pushing off with their
prize,as fast as the wet cotton ground would permit, when our rein-
forcements

appearing, Lieutenants Dey and Clason rushed back,

accompanied by many of their men, and we succeeded in rescuing our
cannon from the hands of the Philistines,although hundreds
many
more rushed out of the fort to their assistance ; and, as the rain ceased,
they poured out multitudes with firearms, who being confronted as

readilyby similar parties from our camp, a general action ensued,

which, I may well say, ended in smoke ; both parties making much
noise, and neither doing much execution. After about an hour's

fighting,as if with one accord, the firingceased ; both partiesretired

to count their casualties, of which the most serious tally must have
been ball cartridges."

The Final Assault.

The expected corps all came up by the middle of May and

Colonel Agnew assumed the command on the 21st.
"
From his arrival to the 24th there was the in
greatest activity
making a breach, and it was so thoroughly effected by that day that
to all appearance it admitted of running up with the utmost facility.
The enemy, however, had thrown a
very wide abatis of new felled
tborn all along the approaches on
trees every side, and this occasioned
some short
interruption. On the morning of the 23rd of May, at sun-
rise,we opened two batteries at once on the south-western bastion of
the fort, while the grand battery favoured them with salvos, which
soon demolished the southern faces and salient angle of the bastion.
By noon the storming party was ready to advance, but oiu* old com-

mandant took Colonel Agnew a^ide, and, barked by another old friend,
 204 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chap. VIII. persuaded him to delay the assault until the next day, much against,
what appeared to him, his better judgment. The firingwas therefore
A breach
made by the kept up all night to prevent the enemy from repairing the breach.
battery. The next morning the guns were all turned to demolish the defences
and cut off the breached bastion, which being completely effected, at
one o'clock p.m., having run the tower guns half way down to the

fort, the storming party was ordered to advance.

"
Notwithstanding the strengthof the storming party, with the whole
force ready to back them, the defenders shrunk dut}7,
not from their
but received our brave fellows with renewed vigour,and the breach
was so stoutly defended, that although the hedge was passed in a few
minutes, it was nearly half an hour before a man of ours could stand

upon the summit, while bodies of the enemy, not only fired on our

Successful storming party from the broken hi stions on both flanks, but others
assault. sallied round attacked them the within the
and in space hedge. At

length,after a struggleof fifteen minutes in this position,the whole of

the enemy in the breach being killed by hand grenades, and heavy
shot thrown over among them, our grenadierssucceeded in mounting

the breach, and the resistance afterwards was of no avail, although

one body of pikemen charged our grenadiers in the body of the

placeand killed three of them."

Mr. Hughes says :

"

"
Arrived at the top of the breach, it was by no means easy to descend.
Here the garrisonhad excavated the bastion or ground all around so

deeply as not to be easily grappled with, and, it is said, had carried the
excavation so cleverlyunder the brink of the breach as to be able to

strike with their spears, in comparative safety,those who leant forward

to fire on the defenders below. These were a good deal checked, it
was imagined, by hand grenades, but I believe the place was at last
carried by entrance at the flanks,which, however, had been strongly
palisaded,and moist earth was in constant supply to repair the damage
to the walls on each side of the breach.

The enemy "A general panic now seized the enemy, and they fled from their
abandon the had
assailants as fast as possible; but no sooner they got clear of the
fort.
fort, than they formed into two solid columns, and thus retreated, beset
but not dismayed ; but our cavalry attacked them in flank and rear,
and succeeded in cuttingoff six hundred. The remainder, however,
made good their retreat, and a column of about two thousand

ultimately escaped. Four hundred and fiftydead bodies of the enemy

were also found in the fort, those killed on former occasions having
been disposed of outside to the eastward."

Mr. Hughes says :

"

"
The whole of the surviving Poligar body retired from the fort
with the most imposing regularity,unarmed persons and the women

repairingto the centre, and the armed men closelyranging on each

side. The cavalry, however, made dreadful havoc on this body, which

was soon broken and dispersed. Our loss on this day was Lieutenant

Kilb-d and Gilchrist of the 74th, Lieutenants Spalding and Campbell of the 77th,
woun and Lieutenant Fraser of the 4th, killed ; Lieutenants M'Clean, Scotch
 THE LAST POLIGAR WAR. 205

Brigade, CaptainWhitley of the Malays, Lieutenant Valentine Blacker Chap. VIIL

of the Cavalry,
1st Campbell Lieutenant
74th, of the and Lieutenant
Birch of the
4th, wounded. Lieutenant Blacker was piked in two or
three places; but emulating James Grant, who was always the foremost
in danger, he would not desist,until our trumpets had sounded the
recall. Europeans killed nineteen, and wounded seventy-six; natives

killed twenty-four and wounded ninety-six,making a total,including

of
officers, two hundred and twenty-three.
"
To us, who had suffered so severely in our unsuccessful assault a The interior
" e or
sightof the interior of this abominable place was most the
acceptable,
more so, as this was the first time it had ever been taken by storm,
though frequently attempted. Nothing coidd equal the surprise and
disgustwhich filled our minds at beholding the wretched holes under

ground in which a body of three thousand men, and for some time
their families also,had solong contrived to exist. No language can

paint the horrors of the picture. To shelter themselves from shot and
shells they had dug these holes in every part of the fort, and though
some might occasionally be out to the eastward, yet the place must
always have been excessivelycrowded. The north-west bastion, our
old breach, attracted our particular attention ; and a description
of it
will therefore serve for every other in this fort. It was about fifteen
feet high on the outside,and nearly square : the face we breached was

thirtyfeet long, and a parapet of about three feet thick at the summit

gradually increased slopingdown into the centre, which was barely

sufficient to contain about forty men, the in the gorge, being
passage
only wide enough to admit two at a time. The depth in the centre,
being originally
on a level with the interior,was increased as the top
mouldered down, so as to leave the defenders entirelysheltered from

everything but the shells and shot, which we had latterlyused, more

by accident than design. These were of course thrown over from the Description
of the enemy's
outside,and nothing else could have secured us the victory,since every
man in the last breach was killed,and the blocked before
passage up
our grenadiersobtained a footingabove. Their long pikes, used in
such a sheltered spot,must be most powerfully effective. No wonder,
then, that every man who got to the top was instautly piercedand
thrown down again. He could at his enemy, and, indeed,
never get
could scarcelytell from whence the blow inflicted. The
was system
of defence adopted by these would have done credit to
savages any
Engineer. Nothing could surpass it but their unwearied
perseverance.
Had the bastions been solid,or their defensive
weapons only musquets
and bayonets,we should not have had the mortification to be before it
for two months and had eavahy been should
; our more efficient,
we

not have had a continuance of this warfare for six months longer.
The fugitive phalanx, making good its retreat to Sherewele, was
there joined by twenty thousand men of the Murdoos."
"Where Sherewele was and who the Murdoos were will appear
in the sequel-
"
The three companies of the 9th, under Captain Hazard, being Destruction
left with the Pioneers to destroythe fort,a work oi the fort-
by no means to be
envied, on the 25th of May, a company of the 16th under Captain
 206 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLS.

Chap. VIII. M'Donnell, was sent ten miles off to garrison Tuticorin, which the

enemy had abandoned."

Reminiscences of the Dumb Brother.

"
I have already,"says General Welsh, "
made mention, but I not
can-

close this account of horrors, without a few words, in memorjr of

one of the most extraordinary mortals I ever knew ; a near relation of

Kattaboma Nayaka, who was both deaf and dumb, was well known

by the English under the appellationof dumby or the dumb brother ;

by the Mussulmans, as Mookah, and by the Hindus as Umai "

all

having the like

signification. He was a tall,slender lad, of a very
sickly appearance, yet possessing that energy of mind, which, in
troubled times, always gains pre-eminence; whilst in his case, the
vei'y defect which would have impeded another proved a powerful
Veneration in auxiliaryin the minds of ignorant and superstitiousidolaters. The
which the Umai adored
was ; his slightest sign was an oracle, and every man

^ew to execute whatever he commanded. No council assembled at

was held.
which he did not preside ; no daring adventure was undertaken which
he did not lead. His method of representing English was the

extremely simple; he collected a few little pieces of straw, arranged

them on the palm of his left hand to represent the English force; then

with other signs,for the time, "c, he drew the other hand across and

swept them whizzing sound from his mouth, which was the
off, with a

signal for attack ; and he was generally the foremost in executing

those plans for our annihilation. Whatever undisciplinedvalour
could effect was sure to be achieved wherever he appeared ; though
poor Umai was at last doomed to grace a gallows. He had escaped,
as it were, by miracle, in every previous engagement.
"
On the 24th of May when the fort was wrenched from them, and
the whole were retreating,pursued by our cavalry, poor Umai fell,
covered with wounds, near a small village,about three miles from

Panjalamkurichi. As soon as our troops had returned from the suit,

pur-
Colonel Agnew instantlyordered the Ettiapureans to follow them
till night,offeringrewards for any men of consequence, dead or alive.
Our allies,consequently, set out with great glee, somewhat late in the

evening ; and in the meantime an appearance of quiet induced some

women of the village to proceed to the field of carnage, in the hope of

findingsome of the sufferers capable of receiving succour. Amongst

Heisdiscover- the heaps of slain they discovered the son of one of the party still
ed amongst
breathing, and after weeping over him they began to raise him up,
exerting his little remaining strength,he exclaimed, 0 ! mother,
;
when
let me die, but try to save the life of Swamy, who lies wounded near

me.' The word fully justifies

he my used assertion of their tion,
adora-

as meaning is a deity. The

its literal woman, animated by the

same immediately obeyed her dying son,

feelings, and speedilyfound
Umai welteringin his blood, but still alive ; and these extraordinary
matrons immediately lifted and carried him to the mother's house,
where they were busily employed stanching his wounds, when they
wpvp alarmed by n "mddpn shout from trip Ettiapureans in pursuit.
 208 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

(hap. VIII. ing India in our possession. The referred to forms a striking
poem

illustration of the of this estimate. It relates events that

accuracy

took place within the of the writer, and it is still and

memory sung

occasionally acted in the of people, one

of whom has
presence every

from tradition a tolerably correct general idea of the facts, ally

especi-

the great fact of the final capture and demolition of Panja-

lamkurichi, yet find event falsified in the most ing

unblush-
we every

manner.
Mr. Kearns gives the substance of each Sindhu or

canto of the It will be sufficient to quote here the stance

sub-
poem.

of the last : "

Victory Canto.

One Vellai Marudu, a Maravan, now

arrived to assist the chief.

Things were
bad. The chief was
in great fear, he saw no
very

out of his fort or

his difficulties. This Vellai Marudu, ever,
how-
way

volunteered to attack the British as

it then was
in
army,

position, and this he insisted doing alone. Accordingly

upon

(contrary to fact and even beyond fiction) he sallied out, attacked

the British, cut the cavalry, routed the infantry, and captured
up

the battery of 100,000 The disordered remnant of the

guns.

British fled to Palamcotta and the Poligar was

left to reign ever

after in happiness and splendour !

 CESSION TO THE ENGLISH. 209

CHAPTER IX.

CONCLUSION OF THE POLIGAR WAR.

CESSION OF THE CARNATIC TO THE ENGLISH

GOVERNMENT.

Transfer of the War to Sivagangai.

We now reach the closingscenes of the Poligarwar and the Chapter IX.

termination of Kattaboma Nayaka's career, as well as of the a

~7~
historyof Panjalamkurichi. The fort which had so long defied retainers of

all the efforts of the Government troops had

length at jj^"t\^l\
been taken
and the Poligarand his survivingadherents had fled ; but so long
as such formidable foes were at large there was no prospect of
peace being restored. Mr. Lushington estimated the number of
armed men still openly or secretlymaintained by the various
Poligars 22,000,
at all ready at a moment's notice to follow their
masters on any expedition. General Welsh's opinion was that an Welsh's
organized force of 20,000 Panjalamkurichi men would have been [^^ "^a
irresistible, and we have seen that a considerable body of those
very men, includingthe Poligarhimself and his dumb brother,had
escaped on the capture of the fort and fled northwards to Sivagan-
gai.
They were received by the usurping Poligarof Sivagangai
with open arms. The incidents that follow belong,it might be
said,rather to the historyof Madura than to that of Tinnevelly,
but it would be impossibleto do justiceto this portion of the

historyof Tinnevellywithout followingthe war into the Sivagan- gai

country. Besides which, both Sivagangaiand Ramnad at that
time were included with Tinnevelly in Mr. Lushington'sjurisdic-
tion,
as Collector of Southern Poligar Peshcush.
On May 23th, five days after the capture of Panjalamkurichi,Fort of
Kamudl-
the whole force encamped at Nagalapuram, from whence a detach-

ment was sent to relieve Comeri (Kamuri, properlyKamudi ; in

the Ordnance Map Kaumoory), a small but well built stone fort

belonging to Ramnad, which the rebels were besieging. This

being accomplished,a force was left there to keep the rebels in
check in that neighbourhood.
On the 2nd June the forco arrived at Tirupuvanam, a town in Ramnad.
the Sivagangai coimtry, where the enemy first made his appear-
ance,
from which time till the 14th July, whilst the troops were

marching towards Ramnad, they were continually exposed to

attacks. The country was then very jungly and difficult to

27
 210 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter IX. Ou the way there

traverse. were two placeswhere it was with much
that they
difficulty succeeded in forcing their way through the
enemy, and where they suffered considerable loss,includingmany
Colonel Europeans. At Raninad Colonel Agnew had the benefit of much
Martinz
communication with Colonel Martinz (said to have been a pean
Euro-

Portuguese),who had in his earlier days seen much

Poligar
service. It was here found that Caliar covil (Kalaiyarkovil),
a

fortified pagoda to which it was expected that the Murdoos would

retire,was naturally so strong and had been placedin such a state
of defence that it
appearedlikelythat there would be a renewal of
the scenes of
Panjalarukurichi.It was found also that the eastern

approachesto this placewere of so much greater extent and so much

more difficult of access than the western that it was

necessary to

abandon the idea of endeavouring to take the place from the east.
-with
Junction Accordingly the forces marched to the north- west, to Tirukadaiyur
Innes's force near Tirupattur,where joined by force from
they were another

Dindigul under Colonel James Innes (whom Mr. Hughes calls

Colonel James), which had recentlybeen employed in puttingdown
the Virupakshi Poligar and his adherents. After this junction
the whole force, now at least 7,000 strong, moved forward to the

attack of "
Sherewele" which lay to the east.

"
The Murdoos" and
"
Sherewele."

Sivagangai was originally a portionof the great Ramnad palai-

yam or The
zamindari. ruling race being Maravas, and the
Marava caste beingpredominant,Ramnad was commonly called by
the early Europeans the Marawa country,and when a division took

place between Ramnad and Sivagangai, and Sivagangai became

The two
independent,the two districts used to be called by Europeans the
Marava
States. two Marawas, and severally the Greater Marawa and the Little
Marawa. The word was often also written Mara war. The separation

appears to have been effected in the early part of last century, a

sasanabeingin dated
existence, in 1733, in which
Deva, Seshavarna
the founder of the Sivagangai,then living,
separate dynasty of

was representedas an independent sovereign. The partitionwas

a peaceableone, two-fifths of the territorybeing made over to

Sivagangai,whilst three-fifths remained with Ramnad. Deva is

the caste title of the Maravas, but the chief of Ramnad preferred
to be called by his specialhereditary title of Setupati,Lord
of Rama's Bridge. The family ritle of the Sivagangai Poligar
was Udaiya Deva, but he was often also called Nalukottai Deva,
not in consequence of there being four forts in his dominions, but
because his ancestral villagewas called by this singularname
Orme's Nalukottai,the four forts. This is the title which Orme writes as
Nellicotah.
Nellicotah,a name which might easilybe confounded with Nila-

kottai. the name of a totally different palaiyam in the Madura

 CESSION TO THE ENGLISH. 211

District. followingextracts from Colonel Eullarton's

The paper Chapter IX.

will show how ready Sivagangai had always been under all its

masters to resist the authority of the English Government : "

"
The territoryof Shevigunga (Sivagangai)or the Little Marawar, Descriptionof
stretches from the sea-coast on the east to the Districts of Mellore Sivagangai.

(Molfir)and Madura on the west, and from the country of Tondiman

and the Nattam Collieries upon the north, to the territories of the
Great Marawar on south, containingabout
the fiftymiles in length
and forty miles in breadth. The soil,in general, is unfriendlyto the
growth of corn, though not quite destitute of running streams or

artificial reservoirs, but the country is overgrown with thorns and

bushes. The woods of Calicoil (Kalaiyarkovil),nearly fortymiles in
circumference, are secured with barriers and other defences around
the fort of Kalaiyarkovil,which is situated in the centre of the

thickets, and considered as a refuge from exaction or invasion. These

woods and the surrounding country abound with sheej)and cattle ; the
inhabitants are numerous, and can bring twelve thousand fighting
men into the field, armed with swords, pikes, spears, and fire-locks.

Though less barbarous than the their

Collieries, neighbours,yet arts The people of
and industry have made little progress among them. The country is Sivagangai.
capable of great improvement, but at present hardly yields more than
five lakhs of rupees to the Rajah, who pays 1,75,000 to the
rupees
Nawab of Arcot. The Rajah is of the Taver (Devar) family,and a
descendant of the sovereignsof the Great Marawar, from which gangai
Siva-

was separated at no very distant period. At the reduction of

this territory, in 1773, by General Joseph Smith, the Rajah having
been killed, his widow, then with child, and some of the leading

people of the country, escaped to the Mysore dominions, and there

lived under the protection of Hyder AH, until the commencement of
the late war. During that period the country was managed by a
renter, and in quiet times the people acknowledged themselves to be

tributaries of the Nawab Muhammed Ali ; but while their woods and
barriers are suffered to remain, their disaffection may be dreaded on

the first prospect of their by

profiting disturbance."

It may here be added that Rlmnad was reduced by General Usurpation in

Joseph Smith in the same year (1773), from which time till the Sivagan"ai-
final cession of the whole country to the English Ramnad was

occupied by the troops of the Nawab. In 1783, when Colonel

Fullarton marched against Sivagangai, the government of the

country had passed from the hands of the ancient family into the
hands of usurpers. On the death of the chief in 1773 his ministers
fled to Hyder Ali for protection,and afterwards,on his invasion of
the Oarnatic,returned with him, governing the country under his

authority,and ravaging the

Company and territories of the the
Nawab. They had been more than once in arms against the
Nawab, and had as often successfully
bought their pardon.
Colonel Fullarton says : "
Conditions
the
"With the remaining troops we marched on the 4th August to ^^J0
Sivagangai,about twenty miles east ; from thence the two Murdeeus Sivagangai.
 212 HISTORY OF TINXEVELLY.

Chapter IX. (Murdoos), who rule the Little Marawar, fled precipitately
with their

young Rajah to the woods of Kalaiyarkovil, and collected there a

force to the amount of 10,000 men, nor could they be prevailed on to

return to their habitations and trust to any assurances. Besides the

immediate dischargeof their arrears of tribute, I demanded from their

deputies 90,000 rupees in compensation to the Company for the

ravages they had committed, and concluded with declaring that if
these conditions were not fulfilled,I should attack their woods, storm
their fort, and drive them from
Notwithstanding the the country.
procrastinatingspiritof Gentoos (Hindus), they paid nearly 40,000
rupees, and gave security for their remaining debt. I felt a cordial
satisfaction in contrasting the lenity and despatch of this transaction

(for it was concluded in four days) with the circumstances of the

expedition in 1773 against this very place. On that occasion the

Rxjah, trustingto the woods and barriers that surrounded the fort of
Calicoil, and expecting to conclude the business by negotiation,
Death of the conceived himself in security,when the place was surprised,and he
chief. killed in the attack. I the
was rejoicedto mitigate vigorous treatment

which the delinquency of the successor, or rather of his ministers,

merited, in consideration of the severities which the predecessor had
experienced."
Colonel The Murdoo's submissiveness did not last
long, for again in
Stewart's
1789 it was found necessary to send an expeditionagainsthim
expedition
to reduce him to some degree of submission to the Nawab's
Government. This expedition was commanded by Colonel

Stewart, who took Kalaiyarkovil,the Murdoo's citadel,after a

resolute resistance. He met most resistance,it appears, on the

western side,whereas it was on the southern side that the force of
1801 met with most difficulty.

The Murdoos.

The "
Murdoos," Sivagangai at that time, were
the rulers of two

brothers, Vellai Marudu, commonly called Periya Marudu, and

Chinna Marudu. They belonged neither to the family of the
ancient Poligars nor to their division of the caste, but were tainers
re-

of the family. Parivaras is the Tamil term for such ing

belong- "

to a lower division of the caste. The title peculiarto this class

is Servaikiira,and they are bound to do service to their Poligar
masters. Hence in all Englishletters and narratives pertainingto
that time they are called Sherogars,"that is,Servaikaras, never
"

Devas or Poligars.
Origin of the Marudu, or Murdoo as it was written by the English,was their
titlo M.'irudu.
family title, n ot a personalname. Marudu is the name of a tree,
the Terminal in alatn. How then did the name of a tree become a

family title? At the temple of Nainarkovil, in the Ramnad

Zaraindari, Siva is supposed to have appeared in the shape of

a lingam at the foot of a Marudu tree. Hence, as worshipped in
 CESSION TO THE ENGLISH. 213

that place,he is called Marud'appa or Marudesvara. This being Chapter IX.

the family divinity of the Siruvayalpeople, each of them, in honour

of their divinity, took the title of Marudu. Servaikaran was the
caste title, Marudu the family name. Both the chiefs were called
Marudu, with this distinction only, that one was Periya, the older,
and the other Chinna, the younger. Periya Marudu was the nominal
ruler of the country. It is he that is meant when the Sherogar or

the Marudu is mentioned, but the real ruler was Chinna Marudu. The two
brothers-
The elder brother devoted himself wholly to field sports and left
the administration of affairs in his younger brother's hands. I
cannot refrain from availing myself here of General "Welsh's
warm of the two
description brothers. It will be seen that
though
he knew and
appreciatedtheir kindness, he knew nothing of their
family history: "

"
Of the two brothers, so frequently mentioned in this narrative, Vellai
Marudu-
the elder brother was called Wella or Velli Murdoo, but he had

nothing to do with the management of the country. He was a great

sportsman, and gave up his whole time hunting and shooting.
to

Being a man of uncommon stature and strength,his chief delight was

to encounter the monsters of the woods ; and it was even said, that he
could bend a common Arcot rupee with his fingers. Unencumbered
with the cares or trappings of government, he led a sort of dering
wan-

life ; and occasionally visited his European neighbours at

Tanjore,Trichinopoly,and Madura, by whom he was much esteemed.

If any one wanted game, a message sent to Velli Murdoo was sure to

procure it ; or if he wished to partake in the sports of the field,Yelli

Murdoo was the man to conduct him to the spot, and to insure his
success, as well as to watch over his safety. Did a royal tiger appear,

while his guest was surrounded by hardy and powerful pikemen, Velli
Murdoo was the first to meet the monster and despatch him. The minor

game was, however, politely

decoyed, or driven in front of his
European
friend, who might thus, with less danger, kill hogs, elks,deer, pea-
fowl,
"c, in abundance. From this Oriental Nimrod I had received

many marks of attention and kindness when stationed at Madura in

the year 1795, and then one of the youngest subalterns in the place,a
pretty certain proof of his disinterestedness.

"
The Cheena (Chinna) Murdoo was ostensible sovereign of an Chinna
extensive and fertile country, and his general residence was at Shere- Marudu.

wele (Siruvayal). Though of a dark complexion,he was a portly,hand-

some,
and affable man, of the kindest manners, and most access
easy ;
and though ruling over a people to whom his nod was a law, he
very
lived in an open palace,without a singleguard ; indeed, when I visited
him in February 1795, every man who chose to come in had free

ingress and egress, while every voice called down the blessing of the

Almighty upon the father of his people. From a merely casual visit,
when passing through his country, he became my friend, and during
my continuance at Madura, never failed to send me presents of fine
rice and fruit ; particularlya large rough-skinned orange, remarkably
 214 HISTORY OI- TINNKYE1.LY.

Chapter IX. sweet, which I have never met with in such

perfectionin any other part
of India. It he,
was also, who
taught me to throw first the spear
and hurl the Collery stick,a weapon scarcelyknown elsewhere, but in
skilful hand capable of being thrown to a certainty to
a
any distance
End of the within one hundred yards. Yet this very man I was afterwards
Marudus. destined the fortune of
by war to chase like a wild beast ; to see

badly wounded, and captured by common peons ; then lingering with

a fractured thigh iu prison ; and lastly,to behold him, with his gallant
brother, and no less gallant son, surrounded by their principal
adherents, hanging in chains a common gibbet '."
upon
The villageof The villageto which the Marudus originallybelonged was not
Sivagangai,but a smaller placecalled field). This
Siruvayal(little
is the place which General Welsh calls Sherewele and Mr. " "

Hughes She e vail."

"
After
i the Marudus' elevation to power

they attempted to turn the name of Siruvayal(little field)into

Sri-veli, t he sacred enclosure. This may perhaps account for the

spellingSherewele adopted by General Welsh. General Welsh

describes it as a handsome, well built village. The collateral heirs
of the family continued to reside there after the war and are there
still. They arecaLedthe
Marudappa Servaikaras. The Marudus
showed their anddetermination
spirit at the outset of the final

struggle of 1801 by setting their handsome villageon fire,to

prevent its being made use of by the English force.
Reasons for It might be asked why the Poligar of Panjalamkurichi, on the

S^ngTfuge caPture of his fort"fled to Sivagangai. It was the only considerable

in Sivagan- palaiyanito which he could flee. The Tondiman Rajah had always
been a fast friend of the English,and had surrendered his elder
brother to them two years before. The Ramnad Setupati was
also on the English side. Had it not been indeed for the English
his territories would have been swallowed up ere then by the
Marudus. He had also a rival amongst his own relations,one
Mulappan, whose plots were by the energy only kept in check
and vigilanceof the English. In addition to this, Ramnad had

long been the head-quartersof the Collector of the South, and

even after the cession of the country it continued to be under the
Collector,Mr. Lushington, whose Head Assistant administered its
affairs. What, however, especially
rendered
impossiblefor the it

Panjalamkurichi Poligar expect any help or sympathy from

to

Ramnad was the circumstance that he and his fellow conspirator,

the Poligarof Nftgalapuram,had long been in the habit of sending

plundering expeditions into the Ramnad territory.Only two

years before the brother of the Nagalapuram Poligar had been

hanged for the atrocities he had committed in those expeditions.

It was out of the question,therefore,that Kattaboma Nayaka and
his adherents should betake themselves to Ramnad. It was

natural, on the other hand, that Kattaboma Nayaka should betake

himself in his emergency to the Marudus, because it was mainly
 216 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY

Chapter IX. This was the sea-port town ofTondy (pronounced Tondi, but
properlyTundi) l of which the Poligar of Sivagangai was appointed
lord. The Marudu commissioned a number of dhoneys,or small

coastingcountry at Tondi
dhoneys
vessels, sailing to seize all found

in the bay with cargoes of rice. The rice thus seized was sent into
the interior, to the Sivagangai country, to help to victual the forts

that were, or were likelyto be, beleagured. Thereupon the Master

Attendant at Paumban, by Mr. Lushington's orders,equipped a
superior kind of country vessel as a cutter, armed her, and cruised
Success of along the coast to suppress this new sort of piracy. He soon

Master of the Marudu's vessels

succeeded in his object,capturing some
Attendant
of Pauinben and burning others. Another objectin view was to prevent the
escape of any of the rebels by sea.

The Capture of Kalaiyarkovil.

I now operationsof Colonel Agnew's force against

return to the

the Marudu. The first place attacked was Sherewele, that is

Siruvayal, the Marudu's capital,called in the Ordnance Map
Serravail,situated almost due north of Kalaiyarkovil: "

Nature of the
"
This town had become of some note since the rise of the Marudu's
enemy's fortunes. He made it his constant
residence, was conjectured and it
resistance.
that he might here make
vigorous stand. The march, not more
some

than 8 or 9 miles, occupied us all the day, though the main road was

a very good one ; it lay through a strip of country of the general

breadth of 1,200 or 1,500 yards, shut in on each side by high and

strong jungle,whilst the intermediate space was everywhere crossed

or flanked by the banks of tanks, close palmyra topes, or occasional
patches of thin and common jungle, all that the Poligar could covet

for his desultory warfare. The enemy was abundantly armed, and he

possessed a great gunsnumber of

particular the small of his own

description. The firingon his part was incessant all the day through,
and a distant hearer might have concluded that we were in desperate

conflict,but happily it was all noise and random firing,and did no

serious harm ; our own field-pieces rarely opened but when the Poli-

gars were in great crowds in front and on the flanks. Whenever our

partiesclosed in upon them, they retreated to other points. The

country to the left,nurth of our main body, seemed that in which the

enemy harboured with most confidence, and on this side was stationed

Major Shephard with his corps as a flanking column. Our ments

equip-
and baggage were an enormous mass, and would have afforded

much temptation to a more enterprisingenemy. At sunset we reached

our grouud, and found the large town of Sherevail in general confla-
gration."

Burning of The people had set fire to their houses with their own hands and
Siruvayal.
fled into the jungles. The flames, accelerated by a high wind,

1
There is a sea-port town also on the Western Coast called Tundi or Kadal-tundi,
tbeTyndis of the Greeks.
 CESSION TO THE ENGLISH. 217

spread with great fury,so that the fine extensive village, with its Chapter IX.

broad and regularstreets,and the Marudu's palace fell into the

hands of the troops without opposition. This was on the 30th of

July. followingday the army

On the commenced to cut its way

through the jungle to Kalaiyarkovil, one of the thickest and most

impenetrable jungles in the Carnatic.

"
Colonel Agnew entertained sanguine belief that
a the opening for A road to be

the force of an entire new road to Kalaiyarkovilwould be a far more j^3f

""*
assaultingstrong and numerous barriers that
operationthan
eligible
were known to be constructed with all the care and ingenuitythe
Poligars show in such defences, and which at that moment would

have
certainly cost us very dear. The work of opening this road
menced
com-

with considerable though

alacrity, it indeed proved out
through-
a most laborious undertaking. The line that was to be opened
was estimated at not less than 5 or 6 miles from the skirts of the jungle
opposite the encampment pagoda Kalaiyarkovil, by to the of and far

the largerpart of this was accomplishedwhen sickness spread over our

and much yet remained to be done. The enemy too had now for
camp
some time learnt to carry on, under secure cover, a very harassing
resistance to our parties,
as they moved up each successive morning,
exposed in the open space or avenue they had made for themselves, to
pursue the work of approach to Kalaiyarkovil."
General journalof each day'sproceedings. The
Welsh wrote a

following extracts describingthe work done for four days in suc-

cession

in cutting a road through the jungle under fire will give

a clear idea of the nature and difficultyof the undertaking.
"
August 6th. " The detachment accompanying our working party Attack on a

who found at the P

was commanded by Major Graham, a high bank,
end of the road cut the day before, had been scooped out and formed

into a cover for a largebody of the enemy, where they had thrown

across separate hedges, and got four guns to bear from

three it upon

the road. This post they defended with great resolution,and killed

and wounded of our men, whose determined bravery, however,

many
nothing could repel,and their opponents were at length put to flight.
Their constant habit of dragging away their dead and wounded upon
all occasions where they were not closely pursued led us
too to

suppose their loss to have been considerable,as their blood could be

traced in every direction through the surrounding jungle. Our loss

was also very great ; but after the bank was stormed and taken the

work proceededwithout and by

opposition, the evening we had cut

two thirty-
hundred sevenandyards.
foraging party under Lieutenant-Colonel
A Another post
"
Augiist1th. "
Dahym-
ea"
pie obtained a large quantity of straw without opposition. The

working party under Major M'Leod being heard firing for upwards
of an hour, Lieutenant Little was sent out with a detachment to bring

the wounded. He returned with the pleasing intelligence, that

away
not a man had been seriously hurt, though the bank was again
defended and again stormed. It was at length taken in flank,but

the succeeded in carryingoff their guns and all their killed

enemy
28
 218 HISTORY Or TIXXEVELI.Y.

CiiAPTP.R IX. and wounded. The jungle was so that only one
impenetrable party
under Lieutenant King gained their flank; in time
another, despatched
in the oppositedirection, under Major M'Pherson, did not arrive till
some time afterwards, or they would have secured the enemy's guns.
No further oppositionwas offered,and the party returned, after having
cut about three hundred and fiftyyards.
A post taken. "On the 8th the foraging party under Major Sheppard again
brought in a considerable quantity of straw ; and by the covering party
under the command of Lieutenant-Colonel Lalrymple, the bank was

found again raised, hedged, and defended, and was again gallantly
taken in flank. The right party alone, however, under Lieutenant

Fletcher, put the enemy to flight; since the left division did not arrive
in time, on account of the thickness of the jungle. The Poligars,on
findingthemselves likely to be out-flanked, fired a volley down the
road, which did no damage, and absconded. Considering
the strength
of their position,
our loss was very small. The pagoda of Kalaiyar-
kovil,
to which we were working, was this day distinctly
seen by the
covering party, who returned after cutting five hundred yards.
A redoubt " On the 9th our working party was commanded by Major Sheppard,
ereUed. mode of
^q clianged his attack, by opening all the guns, and

throwing a few shells into the work, by which plan he took possession
without the loss of a man. In consequence of the very powerful and
repeated impediments to our speedy advance, which this bank had

already thrown out, we were to-day ordered to fortifyit as a post ; and

by the evening therefore a tolerable field redoubt for three hundred

men and three guns was completed and occupied before we came

away, by a fresh party from the camp under Colonel Lines. It was

a square of thirtyyards, the south face being on the bank towards

Kalaiyarkovilwith an enormous tamarind tree of such dimensions that

we could not cut it down, close to it ; from whence both Sherewele

(Siruvayal)and Kalaiyarkovilwere clearlyvisible.

" This turned out a very irksome and warfare,
dispiriting as the hand
that dealt the blow was rarely seen, and to return it on our part with
effect was next to impossible. Our suppliestoo, from the extreme
any
closeness of the country and the crowds of peons about, became very
precarious,and at last they coidd bebrought up only by the movement

of whole corps at a time for their protection."

An entire month was spent in this arduous endeavour to reach

Kalaiyarkovilby cuttingaway to it through the jungle. ingly

Accord-

General Welsh says : "

The attempt "

To-day, August 30, it was resolved to quit this place, without
th^unef further prosecuting our attempt to roach Kalaiyarkovil from the

abandoned. Sherewele side ; and the rejoicing was unanimous, at the prospect of

leaving placewhich had been the of so many of our brave

a grave
comrades. Even the honour which we lost, in abandoning the Labours
of a whole month, was forgotten,in viewing the comparative facility
which the opposite direction held out. Our camp had become sickly,
and many were suffering from diarrhoea and dysentery ; indeed, both
officers and men had died of this vile scourgo ; while even those who
 CESSION TO THE ENGLISH. 219

continued to enjoy good health, were sick

heartily of a standing camp, Chapter IX.

in spot where the only that met the eye was the impenetrable
a green
forest in which we had been by cowards,
foiled of such a persevering
nature, however, that although beating them every hour, they had
succeeded so completelyto surround us, that we could neither send a

letter, nor receive one, even from Palamcotta, for a whole month.

Many had been made to elude their but

vigilance, I believe
attempts Attempt* to
letters.
every one failed. I had myself given a friendlyPoligar,who, knowing convey

the people and inch of the country, had volunteered the ture,
adven-
every
an advance of five pagodas, with one small letter ; and he was

on delivery to have received a similar sum, equal in the whole to four

pounds sterling; I afterwards learned, that though he set out in a

dark night, he was discovered and put to death within a few miles

from our camp.

"
On September, a working party was
the 1st of sent out, with the The force
handiwork otf.
usual escort, destroy all our thirty-two days'
to in the jungle moves

which they fully accomplished, by demolishing the redoubts and

burning all the brushwood in their neighbourhood ; and returned

with the out-guardsto camp without opposition."
The force now moved off to make a detour by the western and
northern approaches,which were ascertained to be more open to

attack.
This periodwas marked by a proceedingthat had a most ficial
bene-
influence on our affairs.
"
The Collector of the Poligar Peshcush had with great judgment The true heir

sought out the heir to the pollam, and under the authorityof the proclaimed.

Government, this personage now received in camp an investiture of

his country with
publicity. in his child-
great ceremony hood and He had
been adopted by the last representative of the proper family of
the pollam, but had been compelled to forego his expectations,to fly
for his life and remain in deep obscurity,the Marudu in his early

days being much too powerful a chief to allow him to entertain any
hope of restoration. His adherents now, however, pressed his claims
with much zeal, and the Government with very seasonable justiceand
consideration determined on their entire recognition of them, and his
elevation was hailed by the population in general with the highest
satisfaction."
The person thus elevated was described by Mr. Lushingtonas
collateral heir on the failure of direct heirs. He did not rest his
claim on his having been adopted in his childhood by the last

Poligar. was There a still nearer collateral heir,who was rejected

by Mr. Lushington on account of his having married a daughter
of Vellai Marudu and being attached to his cause. The new

Zamindar was called Permattoor Odeya Tavar (properlyPaura-

Vallaba-Udaiya-Dova of Padamattur). On his appointment he
was made Zamindar, not Poligar,and in this case, as has been
shown elsewhere,the difference in name denoted a real difference.
General Welsh gives an animated account of Udaiya Deva's
institution. The effect his appointment produced in thawing
 220 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY,

Chapter IX. away at once from the Marudus of their followers vindicated
many
the wisdom of Mr. Lushington's policy. It was a
Success of the measure,
measure. however, which sooner or later he would have carried into effect
all the same, for he did not wish so high a hereditarydignity as
that of Zamindar of Sivagangai to remain in the hands of a

usurper.
Capture of
1 '
Colonel Agnew about this time made night movement
a with the
fortified
a
cavalry some and details to native which was attack Peramally,
pagodat
surprisedand taken possession of without any material occurrence.

It was judiciouslychosen, and it had been reportedthat the garrison

was collectingstores for some ulterior object,and its situation also
allowed of partiesfrom it much disturbing our communication with

Trichinopoly,which led to this visit. The post itself consisted of a

handsome pagoda situated on the brow of a hill,from whence ran a

wall enclosinga small villagebelow. The garrison seeing our move-ments

to turn their rear, escaped by a close passage in that direction

leading to jungles on the oppositeside of the hill. The resistance it

offered was very feeble."

Meaning of By Peramally (Prawmullay in the Ordnance Map) we are to

Kalaiyar-
kovil. understand Piramalai, properly Piran-malai, a shrine sacred to
(Piran)Vishnu. I may mention here that Kalaiyarkovilis a Saiva
shrine of considerable celebrity. Kalai is the Tamil word for
a bull,and stands here for Siva's Vrishabha or sacred bull. Siva is

worshipped there as Kalai-isvara.

Attack on the On the 1st of October the whole force advanced kovil
Kalaiyar-
upon
place in three in three
divisions.
divisions,converging on the place from three tions.
direc-
One of these divisions marched the previous night so as to
endeavour to reach Kalaiyarkovilunder cover of the darkness by
the road cut through the jungle. The other divisions met with
considerable opposition,but at length succeeded in forcing their
way to the citadel. The fortunes of the division which started
the previousnight shall be told by Mr. Hughes himself : "

Success of "
During the critical period he (Mr. Hughes) had watchfully fixed
the advance
his attention on the state of the road that had been opened by the
through the
forest. force from Sherevail.
intelligence went All his
to corroborate the
account that this point was now left entirelyunguarded, the enemy
seeming to view it as far too remote from our main body to need any
precaution. The distance indeed was something to be considered
by ourselves, but it was certain that the enemy would be
sharply
employed everywhere, and Colonel Agnew therefore approved of the
movement of a small column in that direction. It was arranged that
it should proceed in such deep secrecy overnightthat even our own

camp should not be apprized of its movement, since we had now many
of the inhabitants about us who might play us false,and it was urged,
as equally desirable, that in its passage forward it should carefully
avoid every hamlet that no alarm might bo given. It met not with
the smallest impediment, and from the end of the excellent road that

had been abandoned a month before as altogetherunavailable,paths

 CESSION TO THE ENGLISH. 221

were found which had been traversed by the enemy whilst opposing Chapter IX.

our working parties,quite open to tho very walls of Kalaiyarkovil.

The surprise and panic by our sudden appearance in this most

unlooked-for quarter, caused an instantaneous abandonment of the

place,and as rapid an escape of every soul to the contiguousjungle ;

Colonel Agnew was kept at a stand for a short time from the numerous

obstacles thrown in the way of his attack " there was of course the
usual incessant
firingand much general uproar "
but the first barrier

being penetratedat the flank,the flightof the enemy became general

through the numerous narrow paths about, and they had been apprized,
it is palpable, of the fall of their stronghold,which must have much
enfeebled their resistance. Every point of defence from the interior one

to Kalaiyarkovilwas found deserted, and on discovering the pagoda,

our Commandant had the high satisfaction of
perceivingour sentinels Meeting of
on the walls. The meeting indeed was alike happy to every one, f0^8aCmg
since here was an end to this irksome service."
"The pagoda Kalaiyarkovil," says General
of "Welsh, is a Description of "

very large and handsome building,surrounded by a strong stone kaiaiyar-

wall about eighteenfeet in height and forming one angle of the
fort, which was nearly dismantled. The enemy seemed quite
disheartened and bewildered by our different attacks at the same

moment, and hardly a soul appeared during the remainder of the

day. We found here twenty-one guns, mostly mounted, and a

great quantityof stores ; there were also many articles of European

furniture, and amongst them two clocks and several pier-glasses.

The fort had been well built and was extensive, but the town,
covered by a thick hedge only,formed one face of it and contained

many excellent houses. It had indeed, never been a placeof very

great strength,but our local information was never such as could
be relied and no European in the camp knew anything
upon,
about the state of the country. I had, myself,to my shame be it

mentioned, actuallypassedthrough it a few months before,and

been entertained by Vellai Marudu in his palace at Sherewele ;
but had not then the idea
slightest of ever again enteringit,much
less as a foe."

Events that followed the Capture of Kalaiyarkovil.

Kalaiyarkovilwas taken on the 1st of October (1801),and from

that day all resistance in the field was abandoned by the rebels as
hopeless. General Welsh gives the details of the hunt after the

refugees.
"
On the 3rd a division under Major Sheppard marched from camp Advance to

Mangalam, Mangalam.
at sunrise, with orders to proceed, via Kalaiyarkovil,t o

where it was understood we were to meet a large body of the enemy.

We arrived there, however, without opposition,at half past 2 p.m.,
and formed our with the rear to the villageand an immense tank
camp
in our front,on the bund or bank of which our quarter-guardswere
 222 HISTORY OF TIXXEYELLY.

Chapteu IX. posted. The villagers,

on seeing a white flag at our approach, came

that Marudu with two thousand had

out to meet us, saying, men

but had retreated into the jungle ; and in the

been lately there,
from nine villagescame in to take cowle from
evening the headmen
Major Sheppard. The road from Kalaiyarkovil to this place was

parts very thick, and though hardly

entirelythrough jungle,in some
wide enough for carriages,was in other respects very good when we had

removed the thorns and milk -hedges which were occasionally thrown
across it. There was only one barrier on the skirt of the jungle,
about six furlongs from Mangalam, intended to defend the approach
from Eamnad, and this our Pioneers demolished in about two hours, and
then returned under an escort to Kalaiyarkovil. Colonel Agnew ing
hav-

returned to Madras on the 4th of October, we were again put under

the orders of Major Colin Macaulay, and remained inactive, waiting

to hear from him. The headmen of villages
fifty came in to-day to

the Marudus had disbanded

The rebels take cowle, and brought intelligencethat
disbanded. hundred followers, had secreted selves
them-
their forces ; and, with only two

in the Shangrapoy jungle. This we considered as very good

news, for we were not a little weary of such a tedious and unprofitable
warfare. What followed afterwards was, indeed, of little importance,
the nowhere making head
againstus ; parties were sent to hunt
enemy
them down in the different jungles.
Execution of In a few days both the Marudus, with their families, Kattabonia
the principal the Dumb Brother, all taken, and
rebels.
Nayaka, Dalavay Pillai, and were

the all hanged, excepting Dora Swamy, the youngest son of

men

Chinna Marudu, and Dalavay Pillai,who, being of less consequence,

were transportedfor life to Prince of Wales' Island, with seventy of
their devoted followers ; and thus ended this most harassingwarfare,
in which the expenditure of life had been profuse and the result
any thing but honourable to the survivors."

Results of the When speaks of the result of the campaign as

General Welsh
victory. the point of view of a military
dishonourable, he speaks from
critic. He meant that the English force gained no honour by
the loss of time, life, and treasure it incurred in putting down so

uncivilized a foe. From the point of view of Government, of the

civil community, and of posterity, the results of the war were

highly satisfactory. This Poligar war achieved the distinction of

being the last of its kind.

The Marudus were hanged on highest bastion of the fort of
the

Tirupattur,a town and fort in their own territoryalready referred

to. Kattaboma Nayaka and his dumb brother,the persons chiefly
for
responsible all this loss of life,were brought back to Panjalam-
kurichi,and there hanged on the mound near the fort which had
been erected for the use of the breaching battery. The mound is
still visible. Colonel Agnew, leaving a corps Sivagangai, in
returned to Palamcotta, and Captain Welsh was detached to com-
mand

Minor rebels Tuticorin, where he superintended the transportation of

sent to
Tutiioiin. seventy of the convicted rebels,includingChinna Marudu's younger
 224 HISTORY OF TIXNEVELLY.

Chapter IX. reduction of the place many of them continued to wander about the

country in armed bodies

plundering the villages,robbing the people,
and intimidating the Mahajens (Brahmins) and principal inhabitants
to obtain their pardon from the Circar. As the peace and prosperity
of the country demanded immediate measures to these
arrange
disorders, and as I apprehended no ill-consequence from the return of
the Kavalgars to their villages,
they were invited to come in peace to

their habitations with the exception, however, of those whose conduct

had been particularlyatrocious. Their long connection with the

Poligars and occasional sufferings from a faithless administration

created at first in their minds a distrust of my intentions ; but when I
succeeded in convincing them of the sincerityof the pardon offered to

the obedient, they returned, and have remained from that period
regardlessof the endeavour* made by Dalavoy Pillai to seduce them
Remuneration from the strict performance of all their duties. The regularenjoyment
-kavalgars.Q" have
^g^ ruSg00m (fees)and privilegesseems to converted them
from plunderers to the submissive servants of the Circar, and there

appears to me to be nothing wanting to destroythe influence of the

Poligarsover them, and to fix their attachment to the Company upon

the solid ground of self-interest,but formally to relinquishall claims
upon them to kaunikai or peshcush,which they were always compelled
to pay to the Poligars,nominally from their rassooms, but really from
their depredations. The amount in the whole Province is as shown in
No. 16, and I have given them hopes of a remission of these sums,
which I trust you will find it just and politicto confirm. The use

which they made of the Poligar'sname, whilst they remained at his

devotion, rendered the acquirement of this amount a matter of perfect

facilityto them at that period, but now that every effort is made to

keep them rigorouslyto the performance of their watching duties the

whole of their privileges
are no more than sufficient for their ence.
subsist-

Exception of "From the satisfactionKavalgars in general,you are

given by the

ne-ri Mart""aware, that I have

except Kavalgars of Naugancherry
to the Marava

vars. (Nanguneri). The notorious profligacy and savageness of their

character always checked any sanguine expectation of retaining them,
but no effort was omitted to accomplish their reform by convincing
them of the justiceof the Company's Government. But their obsti-
nate
concealment and protectionof rebels proscribedby Lieutenant-
ColonelAgnew and their refusal to tender any surety of their submis-
sion
allegiance compelled the exercise of
and that coercion which was

explained in my correspondence of October last. Upon mature

investigationLieutenant-Colonel Agnew conceived their conduct to

have been of so heinous a tendency and of such dangerous example as

to make them fit objectsof transportationand banishment from the

country. The eight principalKavalgars of Nangancheri were ingly

accord-

sent as convicts from Tnticorin, and the duties have been since

very satisfactorily
performed by the originalpossessors of the kaval of

the village, the Shanar inhabitants."

"Whilst the disloyalPoligars suffered the punishment duo to

them for their rebellion,Government did not forget to reward

 CESSION TO THE ENGLISH. 225

those Poligarsthat remained loyal,especially those that were near Chapter IX.

neighbours Panjalamkurichi
to and who might have been expected
to take the rebel chief's side. The Poligarof Maniyatchi,whose
refusal to join in the rebellion brought down upon him a great

deal of local odium, fled for refuge at the beginning of the war to

Palamcotta, where he remained, with the permission of the

Collector,till its close. The Poligarof Melamandai also refused

to join in the rebellion and fled to llamnad. The Board of
Revenue warmly eulogised his conduct. They observed that,
"
though of the same caste with the family of Panjalamkurichi, he
resisted every artifice and threat that was made use of to force him
into the league." Both these Poligarswere liberallyrewarded for Lojal
the service they renderedby keeping out of the ^V^rded.
to the State
"
rebellion. At the close of the war the two southern Maganams "

of Panjalamkurichi were conferred on the Maniyatchi Poligar,

whilst the Poligarof Melamandai was rewarded by a present of a
portion of the lands of the deposed Poligarsof Kadalgudi and
Kulattur. The Ettiapuram Poligar had already been liberally
rewarded by a giftof four out of the six Maganams into which
the forfeited estate had been divided. The Government were

anxious to avoid even the appearance wishing to of derive any

pecuniary advantage from the punishment inflicted on
the rebel-
lious

Poligars,and therefore in every instance of the forfeiture of

a palaiyam for rebellion, instead of appropriating the palaiyam,or

any part of the

it, itself, only
to use it made of the forfeited lands

was to divide them as rewards amongst its loyal adherents. It

will be seen from the proclamation issued by Government at the
close of the rebellion that this was its fixed line of policyin such

cases.

Cession of the Country to the English Government.

Tinnevelly,togetherwith the rest of the Carnatic,had now been Results of the

peaceablyceded by treaty to the East India Company, a cession ce881on-

which brought with it not merely a change of rulers,but a change
of principles, a change in the objects and methods of government,
a change out of which an infinite number of beneficial changes
were sure to be developed as time went on. The act of cession
dated on the 31st July 1801, and on the same
was
day an order
was issued by the Nawab to his principalAmildar in Tinnevelly
to transfer all his accounts to the Company's representativeand
by the Madras Government to Mr. Lushington,appointing him
their Collector,to be responsibleto them alone in future for all
matters of administration. One of the first works that occupied
Mr. Lushington's attention after the close of the war 'was the
"
"
settlement of Sivagangai.
29
 ^G HISTORY OF TINNEYELLY.

Chapter IX. I here give the principalportions of the importantproclamation

of the Madras Grovernment issued at the close of the last Poligar
war

Fort St. George, 1st December 1801.

PROCLAMATION.

Consequences 1. By a Proclamation bearing date the 9th day of December 1799, the Right Honor-
able
of the lion.
rebel- Lord
Edward Clive, Governor in Council of Fort St. George and all its
dependencies,proclaims to all the Poligars of the Province of Tinnevelly, the quences
conse-

of the rebellion of Kattaboma Nayaka of Panjalamcourchy which has

terminated in the ignominious death of that chieftain and of two of his confidential
ministers.

Future 2. By the same Proclamation, the Governor in Council further proclaims a nition
defi-
condition of of the future condition of Poligars,and of the of which
system government
Poligars. it was the intention of the Governor in Council to introduce for the administration
of the affairs of the Poligar countries.
Kattaboma's 3. Before the Governor in Council could proceed to carry into execution the
offence. of
current system measures described in that proclamation, the brother of Katta-
boma Nayaka, instigatedby the evil advice of Vellai Marudu and Chinna Marudu,
Servaikaras of Sivagangai, was induced to disregard the awful example which had
recentlybeen exhibited to the Poligars of the Southern Provinces and to place the
happiness and securit5rof himself and of his adherents, not on the protectionof the
Honorable Company, but on the desperate hazard of defying in arms the power of
the British Government.

Suppression 4. The consequences of those infatuated councils were anticipated,and proclaimed

of the rebel-
lion. and inhabitants of the Southern
to the Poligars Provinces, at the time when the

Right Honorable the Governor in Council assembled the British troops for the

suppressing the
of rebellion excited, and maintained in by the
purpose arms,
Poligars of Panjalamcourchy and of Virapakshi,and by the Servaikaras of gangai.
Siva-

5. At the same time that the Right Honorable the Governor in Council regrets
that the desperate resistance opposed to the British troops should have been
attended with great a loss of
so life to the deluded
inhabitants, His Lordship feels
it to bo his duty to impress on the minds of the Poligars, Servaikaras and tants
inhabi-
of the Southern Provinces, the danger of provoking the just indignation of
the British Government, and the fruitless attempt of opposing the united strength
of the Poligars,to the steadiness, valour and disciplineof the British troops. The
Proofs of
British people of the Southern Provinces have now witnessed, that the difficulty
of resist-
ing
Government's the Company's Government
force of the in open arms is not greater, than that
strength. of evading the perseverance, vigilance and activityof the Company's troops,in the
native woods of the Poligars.

Punishment 6. From the centre of those woods, the authors of the late rebellion have been
of rebellion
brought before the tribunals, erected by the Government in Council, for tho trial
necessary. of that desperate offence ; and the infatuated
hateful and obstinance of those chief-
tains,
in neglecting the warning voice with which the Governor in Council had

announced to them the danger of rebellion, has rendered indispensably necessary

the signal punishments of their crimes : and the Governor in Council encourages a

well-founded expectation, that the ignominious manner in which those misguided

chieftains have terminated their ambitious and criminal career, will indeliblyfix on
the minds of their surviving families, and of the inhabitants of Tinnevelly, the
danger of defying the British Government to arms.

Loyalty 7. At tho same time that tho Right Honorable the Governor in Council directs
rnwarded. and of the Southern
the attention Sherogars, Poligars
of people
tho Provinces to
the just punishment of unprovoked rebellion, His Lordship contemplates with
just prideand satisfaction the examples of steady attachment and honorable fidelity
which the British Government has experiencedfrom many of its dependants in the

course of this unnatural and unavoidable warfare. As in the former case, the
 CESSION TO THE ENGLISH. 22?

Governor in Council has been reluctantlycompelled to exhibit

a memorable example Chapter IX.
of the crime of sedition, so in the latter Lordship in Council
instance, His has had

the pleasure of augmenting the security, wealth and happiness of those whose
zeal and loyalty have entitled them to the distinguished favor and protection of the
British Government.
8. It will not escape the observation of the Poligars,Sherogars and inhabitants Estates of
of the Southern decisive which has attended the rebels not
Provinces, that the success progress
of the British troops has created no deviation from the principlesstated in the Pro- appropriated
clamation bearing 9th Decemberdate the
1799. They will have observed that "?lnt
although necessity of preserving tranquillityand regular government has com-
the pelled

the Governor in Council to punish the authors of rebellion, His Lordship

has abstained from appropriating to the Company the lands forfeited by that
dangerous crime ; they will have had the satisfaction of noticing the confidence
reposed by the British Government in its subjects,by applying those forfeited lands
to the means of augmenting the Pollams of the faithful Poligars, and from these

examples they may derive the certain means of appreciating the principles of the
British Government.
9. On the foundation described in this Proclamation, the Right Honorable the Hopes for
Governor in Council reasonable
hope that the causes of future the future,
encourages a com-

motion in the Southern Provinces have been and

supjjressed, the Poligars, Servai-
karas
and inhabitants will rely on the protection of the British Government in the

assurance of enjoying their civil rights and the religious institution of their
ancestors.

10. Wherefore the Right Honorable Edward Lord Clive, Governor in Council All
weapons
of Fort St. George, with the view of preventing the occurrence of the fatal evils prohibited,
which have attended the possession of arms by the Poligars and Servaikaras of the
Southern Provinces, and with the view of inforcing the conditions of the Proclama-
tion
published by Major Bannerman on the 2nd day of October 1799, formally
announces to the Poligars, Servaikaras and inhabitants of the Southern Provinces,
the positive determination of His Lordship in Council to suppress the use and
exercise of all weapons of offence,with the exception of such as shall be authorized
by the British Government.

11. The military service heretofore rendered by the Poligars having been sup- Arms no
pressed, and the Company having in consequence charged itself with the protection longer neces-
and defence of the Poligar countries,the possession of fire-arms and weapons of sary"
offence is manifestly become unnecessary to the safety of the people ; the Right
Honorable the Governor in Council therefore orders and directs all persons, whether

Poligars, Colleries or other inhabitants

possessed of arms in the Provinces of

Dindigul,Tinnevelly, Ramnadpurarn, Sivagangai and Madura, to deliver the said

arms, consisting of Muskets, Matchlocks, Pikes, Gingauls and Sarabogoi to
Lieutenant-Colonel Agnew, the Officer now commanding the forces in those vinces,
Pro-
or such persons as he may appoint to receive them.
12. The Right Honorable the Governor in Council, in the determination of Evil custom
carrying this resolution into effect,is governed by no other motives than those to }"eralin-
connected with the sacred duty of providing for the permanent tranquillityof those (lmsned-
countries. His Lordship disclaims ever}' wish for subjecting the chiefs and tary
heredi-
landlords to any
humiliation, but the discountenance of the general use of
arms, according to the prevailing habits of those countries, being indispensably
necessary to the preservation of peace and to the restoration of prosperity,the
Governor in Council expects that the chieftains will with cheerfulness sacrifice a

custom, now become useless,to the attainment of those important objects.

16. The Right Honorable Edward Lord Clive, Governor in Council of Fort St. Amnesty to

George and its dependencies, having now laid the foundation of a future a^ Dut a ^evr-
perma-
nent tranquillityin the Southern Provinces, by the entire suppression of the late
united, extensive, and flagrantrebellion,and being further enabled to corroborate
those foundations by the establishment of the undivided authority of the Company's
Government in those Provinces, His Lordship in Council is desirous of relieving
the minds of the Poligars, Servaikaras and people of the Southern Provinces from
further solicitude or apprehension of the punishment provoked by the late rebel-
 228 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter IX. bon, wherefore the

Edward Right Honorable
Lord Clive, Governor in Council

aforesaid, proclaims Poligars, Servaikaras

to the
and said
inhabitants that, with
the exception of Virapapdya Nayaka and Mookat Nayaka of Panjalamkurichi,
Mulapen of Ramnad, and the persons now under restraint,whom it is the intention
of His Lordship in Council to punish by banishment beyond the seas, the British
Government now extends to all other persons who have been induced to follow
may
the desperate fortunes of the principal rebels, a free and full pardon of the

offences they have which committed

Company. The Governor in
against the

Council, therefore,assures such persons as may have been implicated in the crime
of the late rebellion, that His Lordship in Council has relinquished every tion
inten-
of prosecuting the punishment of that rebellion, deeming the examples already

exhibited to their observation to convey a sufficient impression of the power of the

British Government.

A x "" ^n the confident expectation of redeeming the people of the Southern Provinces
permanent
assessment from the habits of predatory warfare, and in the hope of inducing them to resume

promised to the arts of peace and agriculture, the Right Honorable Edward Lord Clive,
the Poligars.
Governor in Council of Fort St. George aforesaid, announces to the Poligars
and to all the inhabitants of their- Pollams, that it is the intention of the British
Government to establish a permanent assessment of Revenue on the Lords of the
Pollam the
principlesof Zemindary tenures, which
upon assessment, being once
fixed, shall be liable to no change in any time to come, that the Poligars,becoming

by these means Zemindars of their hereditary estates, will be exempted from all
military service, and that the possessionof their ancestors wTill be secured to them
under the operation of limited and defined laws, to be printed and published, as
well for the purpose of restoring its own officers to the regulations and ordinances
of the Government, as of securing to the people their property, their lives,and
the religioususages of their respective castes.

(By the order of the Right Honorable Governor in Council.)

(Signed) P. A. AGNEW, Lieutenant-Colonel,
Camp Palamcottah, Commanding S. M. Districts.
26tk December 1801.

This Proclamation forms as a very suitable termination of one

period of the historyof Tinnevellyand an equally suitable mencement

com-

of another.

Concluding Remarks.

A mixed government, partly carried

on on English principles
and partlycontrolled
by the Nawab's prejudices, came thus to an
end and was succeeded by a government purely English, at unity
with itself, and as just as it was powerful. The results of this
change have been most important and valuable. Professor Wilson
in his Historical Sketch
"
of the Kingdom of Pandya placesin a
"

strikinglightthe course things would have taken if the English

Government had not been enabled to interposewith authority.

Professor It may"
be concluded," he says,
"
that had not a wise and powerful
Wilson's
policy interfered to inforeo the habits of social life,the fine districts to
anticipations.
the south of the Kaveri. most admirably fitted by nature to support
an industrious population, would have reverted to the state in which
tradition describes them long anterior to Christianity,
and would once

more have become a suitable domicile for the goblins of Havana or

the apes of Hanumiin."

 CESSION TO THE ENGLISH. 229

The first reflection that arises in one's mind on reading the Chapter IX.

foregoingsketch of the history of this district is,that war seems to

War the

have been the normal condition of Tinnevelly,as of the rest of the normal condi-

old Pandya country, and doubtless it may

also be said,as of the
country.
rest of Southern India from the beginning of man's abode in these

regionstill A.D. 1801. A district that never from the beginning

knew for 80 months together probably never even for
peace "

80 weeks "
has now enjoyed profound,uninterruptedpeace for 80
of peace have had
of this all the arts
years ! and in consequence
time to be developed and to approach something like perfection.
Another conclusion which we seem to be entitled to form is Condition of

mg
that priorto the cession of the district to the English,the admini- steadily6
stration of public affairs and the condition of the country and worse,

people,instead of improving as time went on, in virtue of the lessons

taught by the accumulated experienceof the past, were steadily

gettingworse and worse. Things were worse under the Nayakas

than under the Pandyas, worse still under the rule of the Nawab,

and worst of all as

"
the night is at its darkest justbefore the dawn

"

during that deplorableperiod immediately before the interfer- ence

of the English when "
the Nawab's power had become merely

nominal and the only real power that survived was that of fierce

Poligarsand avaricious renters." "

Of the many beneficial changes that have taken place since then The Poligar
a
one of the most remarkable is that which we see in the Poligarszemindar*6
themselves. The Poligar has become a Zamindar, and has changed
his nature as well as his name. One can scarcely believe it possi-
ble
that the peacefulNayaka and Marava Zamindars of the present

day are the lineal descendants of those turbulent and apparently

untameable chiefs, of whose deeds of violence and daring the
history of the last century is so full. One asks also,can it be
reallytrue that the peacefulNayaka ryots of the present day are
the lineal descendants of those fierce retainers of the Poligars, who

were so ready,at the merest word of their chief,to shed either their
own blood or that of their chief's enemies ? The change wrought
amongst the poorer class of the Maravas is not perhaps quiteso
complete, but many of them have merged their traditional
occupationof watchmen in the safer and more reputableoccupation
of husbandmen, and it may fairly be said of the majorityof the
members of this caste that,though once the terror of the country,

they are now as amenable to law and reason as any other class.
The whole aspect of things in Tinnevelly has changed for the Improve-
better in a wonderful degree since the assumption of the govern- men*fintro-
ment of the district by the English, and beneficial changes of all
kinds are still in progress. The thick impervious jungles which
covered most of the plains and which had for generation after

generationfurnished the haunts and hiding-places of banditti have

 230 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chapter IX. disappeared(perhaps only too completely),and cotton and food

grains cover those tracts instead. Good roads have been made
wherever they were required,all the rivers and the principal
nullahs have been bridged over, carts have to a large extent taken
the place of pack-bullocks, and transit duties have been utterly
abolished. The whole district has been twice surveyed and mapped.
Courts and cutcherries for the settlement of civil
disputesand the
repressionof crime have succeeded to the
arbitraryawards of
irresponsible Pandits and illiterate Poligars. "Well-considered
legalcodes have been introduced. A policeforce has been organ-
ized.
Hospitals and dispensaries institutions unknown
"
before
even by name have "
been established in populous places. The
Government in the great recent famine of 1877 has not left the

people to perish,as they would have been left,and could not but
have been left,in former times, but has set itself at whatever cost

to preserve them from dying hunger. of Education has made

great progress, not only amongst the Brahmans and the class of
but even
officials, amongst the poorer classes. The benefits of

postalcommunication have been widely extended, and in our own

day we have seen introduced the wonders

railway and the of the

Good govern- telegraph. A

trulypaternalgovernment only helped the has not

people in every emergency, but it has helped them to help

themselves. It has not only governed them better than they were

ever governed before,but has taught and encouraged them, as far

as is possibleat present,to govern themselves. It has endeavoured
not to raise a few classes only,but to lift the whole community to
a higher level. So quiet,peaceful,and contented has the district
become that it is governed by the merest handful of Europeans.
The populationamounts (roughly)to seventeen lakhs (17,00,000),
whilst the number of Europeans directlyengaged in the govern- ment
of the district, including the commanding officer of a single
company of sepoys, themselves natives,does not exceed ten. We
have thus the extraordinary spectacleof seventeen hundred thou-

Proportionate sand natives submitting

governed by ten Englishmen ! to be

EnMish'and
^or w011^ ft be sufficient to say merely that they submit to be
Natives. governed, they accept our government readily and willinglyas
the best government they have ever had and the best they are

likelyto have in this age of the world. This might almost be

called a miracle,but it is at any rate a strikingproof and so I "

believe it is regardedby the natives themselves that a strict admi-

nistration "

of justice and unselfish efforts for the publicgood will

ever ensure the loyal obedience of the best portionof the people
and the approbation of the Supreme Rider of the world. Race
after race of rulers has risen up in this country, has been tried and

Prospects for found wanting, and has passed away. Can it then be expected
the future.
that the ^ of the j^gUs^ is to last for ever? perhaps not ;
 232 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

CHAPTER X.

MISSIONS IN TINNEVELLY PEIOR TO THE CESSION OF

THE COUNTRY TO THE ENGLISH, 1801.

PART I.

ROMAN CATHOLIC MISSIONS.

Chapter X. It has alreadybeen mentioned, in our account of the settlements of

the Portuguese on the Tinnevelly coast,that the commencement of
Portuguese
expedition. the Roman Catholic Mission in Tinnevellydates from 1532, when
certain Paravas, representatives of the Paravas or fishingcaste,
visited Cochin for the purpose of supplicating the aid of the Por- tuguese

against their Muhammadan oppressors, and were baptized

there by Michael Vaz, Vicar General of the Bishop (not yet Arch- bishop)
of Groa. The same ecclesiastic, with other priests, panied
accom-

the fleet which sailed for the purpose of chastisingthe

Muhammadans, and as soon as that objectwas accomplished,set

about baptizingthe Paravas all along the coast,in accordance with

Baptism of the agreement into which their representatives had entered. The
the Paravas
entire Parava caste adopted the religion of their Portuguese ers,
deliver-
on the Tin ne

vellycoast. and most of them received baptism. Some, however probably "

in the villages on the Ramnad coast did not receive baptism from
"

some cause till Xavier's time, ten years afterwards. The Paravas
thus Christianized " called generallyat that time the Comorin
Christians "
inhabited and
thirtyvillages, numbered, accordingto
the most credible account, twenty thousand souls. These villages
extended all the way along the coast at irregularintervals from

Cape Comorin to the island-promontory of Ramesvaram, if not

beyond, and called at first the Comorin
the coast itself, coast, came
to be more commonly called, on account of the pearl fisheryfor
which it was famed, the Fishery Coast," or simply the Fishery."
" "

It does not appear that any village in the interior joined in the

movement ; and even in the fishing villageson the coast Vaz's

work seems to have been for though he is described

superficial,
very
as a kind protectorof the Paravas, they appear to have continued

totallyuninstructed till Xavier appeared on the scene.

Xavier.

Francis This celebrated Missionary,Francis Xavier, commenced his

Xavier's
a nival and
labours amongst the Paravas on the Tinnevellycoast towards the
work. close of 1542, and laboured amongst them for about two years. He
 MISSIONS. 233

himself explainshis plan of procedure. Immediately after his

own Chapter X.

arrival on the coast the Creed, the Lord's Prayer,the Ave

he had

Maria, and the Decalogue translated into the vernacular. He then

committed the translations to memory. Four months were pied
occu-

in this
work, during which he resided in one of the Christian

villages. Thus furnished, and accompanied by young Native

trained
interpreters, at Goa and able to speak Portuguese as well

as Tamil, their mother tongue, he commenced his labours in the

villages. Going about bell in hand he

collected in every villagea
largeconcourse of people,whom he proceededto instruct.
It seems a pity that a man of such mental powers and devoted- Estimate of
a%ier-
ness as Xavier should have expended his
strengthand nearly the
whole of his brief Indian life in verytherudimentary work
described in his letters,and especially amongst people so ignorant
and so destitute of influence in the Hindu community as the fisher
people "
that is,the Paravas on the eastern coast and the equivalent

caste of fisher people,the Mukkuvas on the western coast " must then
have been. It is to be remembered, however, though that a man of

pre-eminentability and of pre-eminentdevotedness,he was

not also
a learned man. Up to the last he seems never to have been able to

speak Tamil, but was always obliged to use the services of inter-
preters.
In this particular he was less fitted to labour successfully

as a missionaryamongst Hindus than some of his successors of the

same Society in Southern India, such as Robert de Nobili and

Beschi (Italians) in the Tamil country, and Stephens (an English- man),
Arnold (an Italian), and Hanxleden (a German), on the
western coast. On the other hand a Christian cannot but ber
remem-

that Christ himself represented it as an evidence of the truth of

"
His that
religion, to the poor the Gospel was preached."
In one of Xavier's written to the Jesuit Societyat Pome^
letters,
of which he was a member, he gives a detailed account of his
which
proceedings has often been quoted. I here quote, however,
only the conclusion.

' '
How great is the multitude
gathered into the fold of those who are

of Christ you may learn from this, that it often happens to me that my

hands fail through the fatigue of baptizing ; for I have baptized a

whole in
village a singleday : and often, by repeatingso frequentlythe
Creed and other things, my voice and strengthhave failed me."

Xavier adds that when he had sufficiently accomplishedhis work Visits from
***
in one villagehe removed to another, till all those thirtyvillages
^Ua|e
had been visited.

" All being thus surveyed,my labour comes over again in the same

order. In each villageI leave one copy of the Christian Instruction.

1 appoint all to assemble on festival days, and to chant the rudiments

of the Christian faith ; and in each of the villagesI appoint a fit per-

30
 234 HISTORY OF TIXXEYEI.LY,

Chapter X. son to preside. For their wages the Viceroy, at my request, has
assigned 4,000 gold fanams.1
The low moral condition of the Parava Christians at that time
must have been a still greater trial to a man like Xavier than even

their ignorance. The following extracts from a letter written in

1544 to his Assistant,Francis Mancias at Punnaikayal,nearly two

after his labours amongst them commenced, will speak for
years
themselves.
Xavior's "
To proceed to other matters. As both reason and precedent teach
administra-
tion. us that it is often useful to employ force, in order to crush the obstinacy
of the more rebellious among these people,who are subjectsof His

Portuguese Majesty, I send you an apparitor,whom I have obtained

from the Viceroy. I have ordered him to inflict a fine of two silver

pence, which is the amount of the coin they call a fanam, upon any
woman who, in defiance of the public regulations,shall drench herself

with the intoxicatingdrink they call arack ; besides which, he shall

imprison for three days all who are found guiltyof such intemperance.
You must see to the rigorous execution of this law in all the villages,
and have published in all the assemblies,
it so that no drunken woman

when punished may plead ignorance.

I cannot yet say when I shall be able to come ; but, till
"
to you

then, you must enjoin the Patangats'- to correct their wicked manners.

Tell them, that if I find them still plunged in their old vices, I have
made my mind, in virtue of the power which I hold from the
up
Viceroy, to have them apprehended, and carried in chains to Cochin ;

and they must not flatter themselves with the hope of being soon
released with a slightpunishment, for I am thorougldy resolved to
employ every means in my power to prevent their ever returning to
Punicael. It is quiteevident that the fault and blame of all the crimes

and villanies of which there are too many which disgracethis country
rests with them alone.
"
Take the greatest pains to discover the workshops where the idols
are secretlymade and carved."

Xavier' 8 Notwithstanding the shortcomings of the Taravas nothing could

successor's
exceed the devoted zeal with which Xavier laboured for their
death.
welfare. We had illustrations of this in the account of the
many
Portuguese Settlements contained in a precedingchapter,especially
in connection with his efforts for the protectionof his people from
the Badages or Nayakas. His mantle also seems to have fallen on

some of his successors, for it is said that his immediate successor,

Antonio Criminalis,when his people by the Bada-
were ges, attacked

threw himself into their midst, covered his people'sflight, and

perished under the darts of the enemy. This event is said by

some to have taken place at Manapar, by others at a placecalled

1 Three and a half gold fanams were equivaL at i"" a rupee.

2
Pattangkatti,
the title of a headman amongst the Paravas ami a Eew "th"r

tea.
 MISSIONS. 235

Vedalai near Paumben, but there is a much more distinct and Chapter X.

oredible tradition of its having taken placeat Punnaikayal, where,

as we have seen, the Portuguese suffered a defeat in 1552, eight
after Xaxier left the coast. Criminalis is regarded by the
years
Jesuits as the first martyr of their Society. A martyr to his
people's welfare he certainlywas, but hardly a martyr to the faith,
He is said by some to have died in 1502.

The Period after Xavier.

There is much in the letters of the Jesuit Missionaries in the

century subsequentto Xavier respectingthe mission established in

Madura in 1606 by the celebrated Robert de Nobili,his proceed-

ings,
and the discussions caused by his peculiarmodes of work.
Much lightis also thrown by their letters on the political
condition

and historyof the Madura country and Ramnad,

may be seen as

in Nelson's Madura Manual ; but unfortunatelylittle has been

found for almost an entire century respectingthe progress of the

mission Tinnevelly,whether
in on the coast or in the interior.

The principalexceptionis a notice of the condition things in the

of

missions on the coast contained in a book published in Spain in

1604 ; from which Dr. Burn ell has been so kind as to furnish me

with an extract.

(Guerrero,Eelacion Annal, Valladolid.) It states that there Missions on

were (in 1600) twenty members

then of the Societyof Jesus in the 16o0c.
mission,viz., seventeen fathers and three brothers. The fathers were

distributed over twenty-two parishes,sixteen of which were on the

coast, six inland,including the residences at Madura, the court of

the Navaka, the lord of those lands. Besides these there are others

in the island of Manar. There are in all that coast more than

90,000 Christians (Barrello,Bishop of Cochin, puts down their

number as above 60,000), and the fathers visit all the parishesand
churches there,going from one to the other accordingto necessity,
though the principalresidences are in seven chief places.
The collegeof Tuticorin was the chief ; in it resided three fathers Tuticorin.

and three lay-brothers.They did not attend to parochialwork, as

there was a Vicar with two Curates. The festivals were celebrated
with much that
zeal, especially of N. Senora de la Nieves. The

church is still called by this name. correspondingTamil The

(pani)re] uacing snow."

"
name is "
Pani-maya-Mata," dew " See "

Tuticorin under the Portuguese. This year," 1600, more than " "

700 communicated." Father Henrique Honriquez was buried in

the church there and was commonly regarded as a saint. [Tt will
be remembered that relief-houses were established by this mission-
ary

during a famine in 1570.]

He mentions the followingstatistics for 1600. Seventy-four
 236 HISTORY OF TINNEVET.lt

Chapter X. were baptizediu the collegelast year, 300 in Manar, 100 iu Vypar,
15 in Priaparan (Periapattanamin the Ramnad country ?), 100 in
Vembar, 4 in Madura, 45 inland. In all 547, with about 50
others in other places. More attention,he says, was given to

instructing
converts already made than to making new converts.
The next notice I find is of the establishment of congregation
a

at Kaittar in the interior in 1640. There were probably congre-

gations
in the interior before this,seeingthat 45 persons in inland
placeswere baptizedin 1600, but this is the first inland tion
congrega-
the name of which I find mentioned.

Kamaiyanayakanpatti.

The next record I find is of the establishment of a congregation

at Kamaiyanayakanpatti in 1660. In the same year, it will be
seen, that Tuticorin,which had latelypassed from the hands of the

Portuguese to those of the Dutch, was visited by Baldens, whose

statements show that the Paravas up to that time continued firmly

attached to the
religiontaught by Xavier. them

Kamaiyanayakanpatti is a villagein the Ettaiyapuram Zemin-

dari. The following inscriptioncut on a stone preservedin the
church at this place forms an interesting memorial of the period : "

Inscription.
"
Year "

year 865, the 19th day of the month Chitra. We Jaga-vTra-

Ettappa Nayakar Avargal (make proclamation as follows): As in

our father's days, twenty-five years ago, this church of God in our

territoryand the Matha of the ascetics of the city of Rome were served
pre-
from harm, so also now being
we resolved to do the same have
visited this church and the priestsand have given and set this
up
stone. Wherefore if any person should do any harm to this church
of God or the priests,or their not only will
disciples, he become a traitor
to us, but let him also incur the guilt which would ensue slayingfrom

a black now and Brahmans on the banks of the Gauges. Thus we

have ordained as long as sun and moon endure. Jaga-vira-Ettappa

Nayakar. May the
preserveLord
(us)."
Pate of The era accordingto which time was calculated then in Tinne-
inscription. the Malabar Quilon of which the h05th
vellywas or era, year
synchronized with A.D. 1689-1590. The}rear commences in August
"
September. Consequently the early part of the followingyear,
including Chitra (April May) belongedto 1690. "
The year of the
Malabar era was preceded in the inscription by the year of the
cycle of 60, but unfortunately the name of the year has been

obliterated,only the letter p remains. The year of the cycleof 60

corresponding to the Malabar year 865, and commencing with the
month of Chitra,was the fourth year of the cycle,Piramotutha
(Brahmoduta).
Zomindir's Jaga-vira-EttappaNayaka is not a personalname, but a family
name
title of the Poligarsor Zemindars of Ettaiyapuram. The Poligar
 MISSIONS. 2'j7

oi this inscription,that is of 1600, according to the family historian Chapter X.

was Jaga-vlra-lifima Kechila Ettappa Nayaka. His father to

whom he refers was Jaga-vIra-Rama Ettappa Nayaka. The

troubles referred to as having taken place about 1600 and those

which took place twenty-fiveyears before (about 1665) appear to
have been owing to the violence of the common people of the

neighbourhood. On both occasions the Poligar himself, who was

the
the only ruler in his territory, gave his help and sympathy to

Mission priests.
The first troubles place soon
appear after the Origin of
to have taken the
trouble8-
establishment of
congregation. thePortuguese had lately The
been expelledfrom Tuticorin by the Dutch and the priests of the

coast congregations had been obligedto take refuge in the interior.

This may have incited some of the people in the Poligar's territory,
which was not far from Tuticorin,to take advantage of the downfall

of the European friends of the priests and endeavour to drive them

away from their stations.

It will be seen that later on, in 1715, the celebrated Beschi, who
then ordinarily resided Kamaiyanayakanpatti, was exposed to
at
serious danger from the hostility of some people in the same gar's
Poli-

territory
at a place a little further to the west.

Conduct of the Dutch.

In a letter written by Father Martin in 1700, from which I have

already made a quotation,illustrative of the condition of the town

of Tuticorin, I find some reflections on the hard treatment the
Paravas received at that time from the Dutch.

"Though the Dutch are not masters of the coast, they yet have
often behaved in such a manner as if it had been entirely subject to
them. Some
years they dispossessedthe poor Paravas
since of their

churches, which they turned into magazines (warehouses),and lodged

their factors in the houses of the missionaries. The fathers were

then forced to withdraw into the woods and there build themselves

huts, in order that they might not abandon their flocks at a time when
their presence was so necessary."
This statement, from the
pointof view of the toleration generallyIntolerance
oi Uutch-
prevalentat the present period,seems so extraordinarythat one
would naturally wish to hear the other side of the story. The
other side has been
given us by Baldaeus, an able Dutch
Minister and Missionary,who visited Tuticorin in 1660, two years
after it had been taken from the Portuguese by the Dutch. Unfor-
tunately
this other side is confirmatory of Martin's statement !
Baldaeus says he found the priestsof the Paravas very numerous.

They were principallynatives of Goa, and so absolute was their

influence over this untutored people that they were able to teract
coun-

all his efforts to gain their attention. The Dutch had

 238 HISTORY OF TTNNEVELLY.

Chapter X. expelledthe priestsfrom the towns of Negapatam and Tuticorin,

but they remained near enough to control the Paravas, who durst
not enter the church when Baldaeus preached,though he preached
in Portuguese. From another incident he mentions it appears that
the Dutch had removed the images and other ornaments from the
church and converted it to their own use, so that the Paravas would
not enter it and preferredto say their prayers in the street. Later

on we find that the Dutch had become more tolerant and erected
churches for themselves. The date of the erection of their church
in Tuticorin,now used by the English,is 1750.

Beschi.

The
Tinnevellycoast was the scene of the commencement of the

missionarylabours of Xavier. It was also,about 200 years after-

wards,
the scene of the termination of the labours,and also of the
of Beschi, another
life, celebrated missionaryof the Societyof Jesus.
It now also appears that it was the scene of the commencement of
his labours.
As a missionaryBeschi belonged to the Koman Catholic Church.
As a Tamil scholar and poet Protestants have always taken as

much interest in his career as Roman Catholics,perhaps even more.

A list of Beschi's numerous works, in verse prose, in Tamil

and
and Latin, will be found in the Madras LiteraryJournal for April
1840. The followingestimate of his positionin the Tamil world
of letters is taken from the Introduction to my Comparative
Grammar of the Dravidian Languages.
Beschi as a
"
post of honour, not only in the beginning of the eighteenth
The
Tamil scholar,
they flourished, but throughout the entire modern
century, when
period,is to be assigned to two contemporary poets, one a native, the

other a foreigner. The second of these, whose poems occivpy a

still higher place in literature, was the celebrated Beschi, not a ian,
Tamil-
like every other Tamil poet, but an Italian, a missionary priest
of the Jesuit Society, who acquired such a mastery over Tamil,
especially
over its classical dialect, as no other European seems ever

to have
acquired over that or any other Indian language. His prose
style in the colloquial dialect, though good, is not of pre-eminent
excellence ; but his poems in the classical dialect, especiallyhis great
poem, the Tembavani, a long and highly wrought religiousepic in the
style of the Chintamani, are so excellent" from the point of view of
Hindu ideas of excellence ; that is, they are so elaboratelycorrect, so
highly ornamented, so invariably harmonious " that I have no doubt
he may fairlyclaim to be placed by the votes of impartial native critics
themselves in the very hrst rank of the Tamil poets of the second
class ; and when it is remembered that the first class comprises only
throe, or at the utmost four works " the Kural. the Chintamani, the
L'amavanam, the Naladiyar "
it seems to me. the morel think of it, tho

more wonderful that a foreignershould have achieved so distinguished

 240 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Cuapteu X. Paul Rottari,S.J.,by the Rev. N.

Pouget, S.J. They have never
yet, so far
as am I
aware, appeared iu English.
Coustantius Beschi was born at Castiglionein Italyon the 8th
November 1680. On the 21st October 1698, being eighteenyears
of age, he entered the Societyof Jesus.
His native biographer states that he arrived in India in 1700,
but Fr. Pouget shows that this was impossible. He must have
passed two years in novitiate and then engaged in theological
studies for four years. No member of the Society of Jesus is
ordained priestbefore he is twenty-fiveyears of age. He cannot,

therefore,have sailed for India before 1706. The voyage at that

time occupied at least six months; and after he reached Goa it
would be considered necessary, accordingto the custom of the
time,
that he should remain there one or two years learningTamil, the
language of the district to which he was to be appointed. It seems
probable, therefore, it is said, that he did not commence his

missionarycareer in Tinnevelly before 1710. For my own part,

acceptingthe data that have been mentioned 1708 seems the latest
date that can be assignedfor his arrival in Tinnevelly. His Tamil

biographer says that he spent five years in learning Tamil. It

might be said,doubtless, with still greater truth of so devoted a

scholar that he was learningTamil as long as he lived. In what- ever

year his career as a missionaryactuallycommenced, it cannot

now be doubted that it commenced in Tinnevelly,and it is equally
certain that it was to Tinnevellythat he came to breathe his last.

Beschi's "We pass out of the region of probabilities into that of certainties
stations.
when we mention that Brandolini, who founded the congregation

at Vadakankulam in Tinnevelly in 1714, states that in the years

3714, 1715, and 1716 Beschi was stationed at Kamaiyanayakan-

patti
in Tinnevelly,from which place he often visited Kaittar.
Kaittar, then a more important placethan it is now, is situated on
the road from Palamcotta to Madura, 18 miles from Palamcotta.
Kamaiyanayakanpatti lies to the north-east,in the Ettiapuram
Zemindari. Beschi was imprisonedby the Brahmans at Guruk-
kalpatti,

and they were about to put him to death, when he was

rescued by the Christians Gurukkalpattiis a village

of Kaittar.

His life in near Alankulam in the SangaranainarkovilTaluk. Beschi himself

.

danger. relates this incident in a letter to the General Superior of the

Society dated Kamaiyanayakanpatti, 12th January 1715. I felt

doubtful at first whether it could be true that Brahmans could have

really intended to put him to death, but I find that there is a

distinct tradition to that

surviving amongsteffect the Native

Christians in villages. The village of Gurukkalpatti

all these

belongs to Brahmans and is inhabited partlyby Brahmans. Thoy

themselves admit that they have heard that their forefathers pulled
down a matha erected by Beschi and drove him out of their
 MISSIONS. 241

togetherwith
village, a Brahman convert he had made. They Chapter X.

show the ruins of the matha he erected. Shortlyafter this event

Beschi seems to have left for the north. In 1716 he was in

Madura, but there is no record of his stay there; and in 1720 we

find him, where we ever find him afterwards,near Trichinopoly.
The placewhere he then was stationed was Vadugarpatti. The
annual letters between 1720 and 1729 were unfortunatelylost,
but in 1729 we find him at Avfir, near Trichinopoly,where he
seems generallyto have resided.
It has always been known from Muttuswami Pillai's memoirs Beschi

that Beschi terminated his

Tinnevelly,but it was course
never Tamiiln^9
in
known tillnow
was that it
Tinnevelly also that he in
commenced Tinnevelly.
his career. We now know that Tinnevellycan claim him for the
first five years, probably for the first seven, of his missionarylife ;
and as it was necessarily during those years that he laid the found-
ation
of his marvellous knowledge of Tamil and his still more
marvellous skill in making use of the knowledge he acquired,
Tinnevelly might almost seem to have the rightof classinghim

amongst her literarycelebrities. Unfortunately for this claim,

however, it does not appear that any of his compositions, whether
in prose or in verse, was written in Tinnevelly. His greatestwork,

the Tembavani, was published in 1726, to which the explanation

of the same by himself was added in 1729. His Vediarolukkam,

an excellent prose work for the use of catechists,

was written in
1727.
'
According to the custom then, as now, prevailingamongst Jesuit
Missionaries,Beschi adopted a native name. This was Dhairya-
natha Svami(yar),a translation of his own Christian name

Constantius. After the of

publication his Tembavani he received,
we are told,from the poets of the Tamil country the title by which
he is now universallyknown amongst natives. This was Vlra-
maha-muni (in Tamil Vlramamunivar) ,
the "
Great Champion
Devotee." This name is not by any means so well suited to one

who was thingsa scholar

above all as that of Tattvabodhaka Swami,
"
the PhilosophicalDoctor," was to the metaphysical tastes of
Robert de Nobili.

During four of the later years of his life,from 1736 to 1740, Dewan to

Beschi seems to have been employed as Dewan to Chanda Saheb, g^g^

whose treacherous seizure of and
Trichinopoly, therewith of autho-
rity

over the whole Madura country, has been mentioned in the

politicalhistory as the event by which the Nayaka dynasty was

brought to an end. Chanda Saheb became by this stroke of state
a Nawab and virtually a rival to the Nawab of the Carnatic.
Beschi's native biographer states that in order to fit himself for

an interview with Chanda Saheb, Beschi learned the Persian and

Hindustani languages in the short space of three months, and that
31
 242 HISTORY OF T1NNEVBLLT.

Chapter X. Chanda Saheb was so much struck with his attainments ability
and

that he presented him with the revenues of four villagesand

appointed him to be his Dewan or Prime Minister. I do not see

reason for doubting the substantial truth of this statement,

any
which is confirmed by the circumstance that Beschi's visit to

Chanda Saheb in 1736 is mentioned in a letter to Europe. In

1740 he paid a visit to Daust Ali Khan, the real Nawab of the

Carnatic at that time, at Vellore, to whom he presented some

European curiosities and a letter addressed to him, the Nawab, by
the General Superiorof the Jesuits,dated at Rome, 29th October
1739.
Chanda Saheb was besiegedin Trichinopolyin 1740 by the Mah-

rattas under their two Generals Eaghuji Bhonslai and Futta Sing.
He surrendered the fortress to them in March 1741, and was by
them prisonerto Sattara.
sent Beschi's native biographer repre-
sentsBeschi as escapingfrom Trichinopolyon his master's surrender,
but letters written at the time to Em-ope state that before that

event, as soon as the Mahrattas arrived in 1740, all the aries,

mission-

Beschiapparently included, had to leave the districts which

the Mahrattas occupiedand flee to the south. On Chanda Saheb's

surrender the Mahrattas appointed one of their Generals, Morari

Eow, Governor of Trichinopoly, and another, Appaji Row,

Governor of Madura, and therefore of Tinnevelly. The whole

country, except in so far as the Poligars,who cared little for any

rulers,were concerned, was now in the hands of the Mahrattas,
who were zealots for Hinduism, and enraged against Chanda
Saheb, both as a Muhammadan and asusurper.
a The aries
mission-

were supposed to be on the side of Chanda Saheb, and the

Mahrattas were not likelyto show much consideration for Chanda

Saheb's Dewan if he fell into their hands. Naturally, therefore,

of lie would endeavour to make his escape at the earliest opportunity.
Flight
?eSroac}TofhC Xt is stated ^ the letters to EuroPe tliat Beschi fled first to the

the M-ih- Marava country, that is,to Ramnad, and then to the sea-coast.
rattas.
The place in the Marava country where he lived for a time is not

known, but biographer and the letters written at

both his native
the time to Europe agree as to the place on the sea-coast where he
took up his abode. This was Manapar (Manapadu) on the Tinne-
velly

coast Manal-padu, the sandy lagoon),then a Dutch

(literally
possession, a small fishingand trading town, with a considerable
Roman Catholic population,and Ear away from the reach of hosti-
lities.

It is certain from authentic records that Beschi was

Beschi's last "Rector" of Manapar in 1744 and that he died there in 1746.
days at Ma-
rphis was in the 66th year of his age and the 4""th of his residence
rapar.
in India. It is very probablethat Manapar was the first place in

the Tamil country where Beschi resided after he left Goa, in

of which he might naturally wish to end his days

ooneequenoe
 MISSIONS. 243

there ; in addition to which it is to be remembered that the Dutch, Chapter X.

to whom
Manapar belonged,were alwaysmore or less inclined to

range themselves
on the side opposed to that espoused by the
English, and therefore likely to be willing to take under their
protectiona friend of Chanda Saheb's, who had fled to them from
the Mahrattas. The Dutch were Protestants,it is true, but they
had learned by that time to be tolerant. It has been supposed by

sonic that the Manapar where Beschi

Manapar, pro-
perly died was the

Manaparai, near
Trichinopoly. For this idea however
there is no foundation. The people of Manaparai themselves,
includingthe Roman Catholic Missionary of the place,admit that
Beschi died at Manapar in Tinnevelly.
Beschi did not long survive his arrival in Manapar. He resided His death.

there, his native biographer says, in the niatha of the Societyof

Jesus, occupying his time in expounding his works and giving
instruction in divine things. The exact date of his death is un-
known,

but it is certain it was in 1746. Thus peacefullyended

the career of the most learned, if not the most renowned, of the

great Jesuit missionaries of former times.

He is said to have been buried in the chancel of the church at Beschi'a
but the oldest of the "'rave-
Manapar, churches is now completelyburied
in the sand. There must be at least fifteen feet of sand over it,
and the
people say that no tomb-stone was erected to mark the

place where Beschi's remains lay, and that in the same chancel
other missionaries also were buried. Some again say that when
the second church was erected two sets of bones were taken from
the chancel of the older church and interred in the chancel of the
later one, but
any without record
they were. to show whose bones
One may safely I think, that Beschi was not much appreciated
say,
by the fisherypeopleat Manapar.- If he had cared to acquire the
reputationof a worker of miracles,doubtless his tomb would have
been carefullypreserved.

Period after Beschi,

Some years after Beschi's death troubles began to gather round

the Missions of the Jesuits all over the world. In 1755 the port
sup-
of the missionaries Europe ceased.from In 1760 the Jesuits
at Groa were deported by Pombal's
to Lisbon
orders. The Jesuits
that remained in Tinnevelly at Vadakankulam, Talai, Manapar,
Virapandiyanpattanam,"c, died one by one, and their places
were supplied by native priestsfrom Goa. In 1773 the Society
of Jesus was formallysuppressed by the then Pope, Clement XIV.
In 1814 the Society was restored by Pope Pius VII, and in 1838
two Jesuit Missionaries,Fathers Martin and Duranquet, arrived
in Palamcotta to recommence their ancient mission in Tinnevelly,
 244 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

"
Chapter X. Tinnevellyhas always been attached to the Madura Mission, the
history of which, associated with the names of Fathers Eobert de
Nobili, de Brito, Banchet, Arland, from 1616 to 1718 is of much
interest. At the latter date it was estimated that there were 385,000
Christians in the eastern part of India ; then, as above stated, there
followed the suppressionof the Jesuits,by which the Madura Mission
was for the time destroyed. About the 1831 the restoration and
year
return of the Jesuits to Madura took
place and the Mission menced
recom-

afresh." " Stuart's TinnevellyManual, page 62.

PART II.

MISSIONS OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND.

SWARTZ.

A mission had been commenced in Tinnevellybefore the close

of the eighteenth century, but very little had occurred to warrant
any expectationof the progress the mission was destined to make.
At first the Tinnevelly Mission was merely an offshoot of that in
Tan jore. The first reference to missionarywork in Tinnevellyin
connection with the Missions of the Church of England
appears in

Swartz. the memoirs of the celebrated Swartz, a man of apostolical city,

simpli-
devotedness, and zeal. This was in 1771. Swartz notices
Palamcotta journalof that year as
in his a fort and one of the "

chief towns in Tinnevelly,belonging to the Nawab, but having an

English garrison." He mentions the fact that there were a few
Christians there then. Swartz first visited Palamcotta in 1778,
when the widow of a Brahman was baptizedby him. Her name

(Clorinda)appears at the head of the small list of 40 persons

Congregation t
constituting he Palamcotta congregationin 1780. Soon after she
and Church in church in the
8e{. herself to erect a small fort, and'
this she suc-
Palamciitta. .

ceeded in doing through the help of two English gentlemen.

This was the first church connected with the Church of England

ever erected south of Trichinopoly. It was dedicated to the

worship byof God Swartz in 1785, when he found that the

little congregationhad increased, in consequence of which he sent
from Tan jore an able catechist,
Satj^anathan, to take care of it.

Jaenioke.

congregation in Palamcotta
The continuing to increase and
openings presentingthemselves in the surrounding country Swartz

became desirous of sending a Europonn Missionary to take charge

of the infant mission. This desire he was able to gratify in 1791,
when Jaenicke, a German like himself, but like himself a mission-
 M ISSIONS. 245

ary of
English Society,the Society for Promoting Christian Chapter
an X.

Knowledge (theprecursor in India of the Societyfor the Propagation

of the Gospel),arrived in Palamcotta and commenced his labours.

By that time the number of Native Christians in Palamcotta and

the neighbourhood had increased to 403. Even at this early

period education had not been neglected. From the time of

Swartz's visit in 1784, as they have done ever since,the congre-
gation
and the school went hand-in-hand. Satyanathan, the Satyanathan.
Palamcotta catechist,had now been ordained in Tan jore, and
returned to Palamcotta a few months before Jaenicke's arrival.
He was a man of who
ability, left his mark in the district. He
was the first Native Minister ever located in Tinnevelly,and it was

through him, as will be seen, that a Christian movement amongst

the Shanars commenced. Jaenicke, though not so distinguished
a

man as Xavier and Beschi, the two great Roman Catholic mission-
aries
referred to in the previouspages, would have been quite able
to hold his own with
any of the rest of the Roman Catholic mission-
aries
in Tinnevellyof that period. His journalsshow that he was
a devout, zealous,and prudent man, well
in every way fitted
for

laying the foundations of a mission, but unfortunatelyhis stay in

Tinnevelly was short. In the beginning of January 1792, only a
few months after his arrival in Palamcotta, he went out on a tour
in the neighbourhood of the hills,in company with Mr. Torin, the
Collector,who was then making his first official visit as Collector
of the Nawab's Revenue in the East India Company's behalf, in
virtue of the Treaty of 1792. The party visited Kalakadu, Papa-
nasam, and other places along the of the hills,besides
range
penetrating into the hill country, as far as the falls of Bana-
tirttam. On the 12th of February Jaenicke visited Courtallam,
and on the 25th returned to Palamcotta. On the 1st of March Fever caught
the hlUs"
jungle fever of a severe type set in. Many other members m

of the party were attacked by the same fever,of which several

died. Apparently it was not then known to Europeans that it was

unsafe to be much amongst the hills at that season of the year.

Yet only a few later (in 1800), General Welsh mentioned
years
it as a well known fact that the hills were safe to Europeans only
during the rains of the south-west monsoon. Jaenicke struggled
on with the fever for many months, carryingon his work at the
same time indefatigablyand with considerable success. In the
courseof the year he visited Tuticorin and Manapar, both of which

places then belonged to the Dutch, in each of which he found a

Native congregation under the care of a Catechist. The gation
congre-
Manapar, consistingchieflyof weavers,
at was at that time
the largestin Tinnevelly. The Governor of Tuticorin at that
time was a Mr. Meckern, who was very friendlyto Jaenicke and
desirous of helping him in all his plans. As the fever continued
 246 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Chatter X. and aggravated,Jaenicke found it necessary in the end of

became
1792 Tinnevelly and return to Tan jore for a time.
to leave He
arrived in Tanjore after an absence of one year and two days.
From this time till his death in May 1800 Jaenicke generally
resided at Ramnad, where he erected a church, or at Tanjore,
making occasional visits to Palamcotta as his strength allowed,
but he kept up a regular correspondence with Satyanathan, the
Native Minister.

Commencement or the Christianization of the Shanars.

The most important event of the time was the commencement,

in 1797, of that movement towards Protestant
Christianityamongst
the Shanars in Tinnevelly, which has, directly or indirectly,
contributed so largely to the improvement of the district,and
which has been the precursor of so many similar movements in
different parts of the country.
First Shanar It had long been known that a certain Sundaram, alias David,
convert.
had been the first Shanar catechist,but I have ascertained also
that he was the first Shanar Protestant Christian,and that it was

through him that Christianity was introduced amongst the Shanars

in Tinnevelly. David's birth-placewas Kalangudi, a small
villagenear Sattankulam, but he wandered off in early youth as
far as Tanjore, and there became a Christian and was baptized
and instructed by Mr. Kohlhoff. In 1796, in consequence of
of Satyanathan's applicationfor an assistant,Swartz, knowing
that David belonged to that neighbourhood, sent him to Palam- cotta

as a catechist. Jaenicke was in Palamcotta when David

arrived and entered upon his work. After a short time David
went to visit his who
relatives, had long given bim up as dead,
and told them all the wonders he had seen and heard. On his
return to Palamcotta
brought younghenephew, with him a whom
Jaenicke proceeded to instruct. Shortlyafter this David was sent
out to Vijayaramapuram, a villagenear his birth-place, to labour

amongst his relations there and in the neighbourhood, and some

Tanjore cateehists also rendered their assistance from time to time.
In March 1797 Satyanathan visited the place himself, when four
families of Shanars placed themselves formally under Christian
instruction and under his pastoralcare.
Establish- In a subsequent visit some converts belonging to the same class
ment of
called
M tidal ur.
were baptized at a place Shaiimukhapurani, near the place
now called Kadatchapuram. These were the first Shanars tized.
bap-
The Vijayaramapuram people were also baptized during
the same year. Two years afterwards the first Christiau village
was founded in connection with the Tinnevelly Mission. The

new Christians in Vijayaramapuram found themselves exposed to

APPENDICES

32
 APPENDIX TO HISTORY OF T1NNEVELLY. 251

APPENDICES.

APPENDIX I.

RELATIONS BETWEEN TRAVANCORE AND TINNEVELLY.

Adjacent districts,like Tinnevelly and Travancore, must necessarilyAppexdix I.

have stood at different times in different relations to one another.

Generally, however, those relations seem to have been

peaceable.Alternations
During the early Pandya and Chola period the Tamil-speak- of Govern-
ing
southern

district of Travancore, called Nanji-nadu,togetherwith Purattaya-southem

nadu, the district in which Cape Comorin is included, appear to have districts,

belonged Pandya kingdom.

to the At a later period,during the decay
of the Paridyas, this state of things was reversed and the southern

portionof Tinnevelly seems to have been included in what is now called

the kingdom of Travancore, but which was then generally called in

Tinnevelly merely Kuda-nadu, the western kingdom, a synonym for

Malayalam in general. Each of these changes rests on the evidence

of inscriptions, but in neither case is there any trace or tradition of

the change having been effected by force of arms. The weaker side
for the time being seems to have quietlygiven place to the stronger.
I have mentioned already from time to time such particulars,illus- trative
of the relation subsistingbetween Tinnevellyand Travancore,
as seemed to be necessary for the comprehension of Tinnevelly history,

but I here subjointhe notices I find in P. Shangoonny Menon's tory

His-

of Travancore, in which events are narrated from a more tively

distinc-
Travancorian point of view. In a few cases I may seem to go
over the same ground, but it will be found that the Travancore accounts

are fuller and more numerous.

Travancore Possessions in Tinnevellyin the loth and \%th Centuries proved

by Inscriptions.
"
1 .
An inscription
on the inner stone wall of the (Shermadevy) Chera
Maha-Devi Pagoda, dated
Malayalam or Kollumyear 614 (1439 A.D.),
commemorating a grant by the Travancore king Chera Oodiah Mar-
thanda Yurmah to the pagoda at that place while the grantor was ing
resid-
in the Chera Maha-Devi Palace.

"
2- "n thelargebell at Thrikanankudy (Tirukurungudi),
1469 A D

denoting that the bell was presentedby the Travancore king Adithiya
Yurmah.

"3. a'd' Commemorating a grant to the pagoda by king Mar- Inscriptions

^k)

thanda Yurmah while residing in the Yeera Pandyan Palace at

Kalacaud.
 852 APPENDIX TO

688 M.E.
Appendix
_.

I. 4-
1513 a.D. Commemorating a grant of land to the pagoda at

Mannarkovil by king the Marthanda Vurniah, and also

same
making
provisionsfor lightinga lamp in the palacewhere the king'suncle died.

"5.
--32 A'D'Commemorating a grant of land to the pagoda of

Chera-Chola Pandyeswaram in Thrikaloor near Alwar Tinnevelly,by

Marthanda Vurmah, Rajah of Travancore." "

Shangoonny Menon's
Historyof Travancore, pp. 34, 35.
The Mannarkovil mentioned in the fourth inscription
is a villagein
the Ambasamudram Taluk.
Shermadevy is properly Cheran-Maha-d"vi, that is,(the temple of)
Shermadevy
the Maha-clevT, that is, Parvati, worshipped by the Cheran, the king
of the Western or Malay alam State. It is stated by the Travancore
historian that the king of Chera occasionally
resided there.
"In Chera-Maha-Devi, Kalacaud, Thrikanankudy, Val-
Thencasi,
liyoor,"c, the Rajahs resided up to the seventeenth
Travancore

century, a fact clearlyproved by documents and inscriptions."

p. 34. "

Referring to the reign of Chera Udaya Martanda Varma, who

reigned, it is said, for 62 years, from 1382 to 1444, the historian

says : "

"
During the reign of this sovereignall the south-eastern possessions
of Travancore on the Tinnevelly side were regained, and the sovereign
often resided at Yalliyoorand Cheran-Maha-Devi.
Gains and ' '
In consequence of the
disposition of this king, mild and unwarlike
losses.
some of the subordinate chiefs in the east became refractory,and
there was constant fighting,and latterly, while this sovereign was

residingat Trevandrum, the chief of Eettiapuram invaded Valliyoor,

and the king's nephew being defeated in battle, fearing disgrace,

committed suicide.
"
In these places,several grants of land made by this Kulasekhara
Perumal remain, some of which we have
already ChSra- noticed.
Maha-DSvi was his favourite residence, and consequently, this
sovereignwas called Chera Udaya Marthanda Vurmah.
"Towards the close of his reign, suspectingunfair proceedingson
the part of the chief men of the Pandyan State, the residence of the

Royal family was removed to Elayadathunaud Ilottarakaray; and a

Governor was appointed to rule Valliyoor and other possessions in
the east.

"This sovereigndied in 619 M.E. (1444 A.D.), at the ripe age of

seventy-eightyears." "
p. 95.
Travancorc From the commencement of the 18th century the Travancore annals
annals when
historical. become historical. Prior to that time they are evidentlymore or less

legendary.
The author admits that "
from 1458 to 1680, a period of about two

and a quarter centuries, no detailed accounts of the reigns of the

sovereigns can be found, except a list of their names, the dates of

"
their accession to the musnud, and the period of their reign.
 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. 253

Appeal for help to the Nayakm of Madura, whose

headquarters
were at Appendix I.

that time in Trichinopoly.

Highness was a
"
His close observer of the difficulties and dangers
to which his nephew was subjectedby the Ettu Veetil Pillamar and

Madempimar, and he was determined to punish them fur their alty

disloy-
and rebellious conduct.
"
His Highness, in consultation withhis intelligentnephew, pro- Appeal to

ceededin901 M.E (1726 A. D.) to Trichinopoly with some of the Trichinopoly

' L p*
officers of the State. He entered into a treaty with the Madura Govern-
ment and secured its support by offeringto renew the lapsed ment
attach-
to that crown, and to bind himself to pay a certain sum of money

annually. At the same time, a suitable force was applied for to punish
and bring to their the
Madempimar and other refractorychiefs.
senses

After some discussion and preliminary enquiries, the sovereign was

successful in obtaininga force consistingof one thousand cavalry,
under the command of M. Vencatapathy Naiken, and two thousand
Carnatic sepoys, headed by Thripathy Naiken, and others, in charge
of fiftysirdars,includingEaghava Iyen and Subba Iyen, "c.
"On the arrival of this force in Travancore, all the Madempimar and
other refractorychiefs and insurgents fled, and consequently there
was no work for the army, which was however retained for the purpose
of overawing insurgents." History,p. 109.
the "

The "
late Eama Vurmah Eajah was compelled in 901 M.E. to
proceed to the Pandyan (Nayaka) capital(Trichinopoly), and to enter
into an agreement with the Pandyan Government, by which he

promised to pay an annual tribute of about 3,000 rupees and obtained

from the Governor a force of 1,000 horse and 2,000 foot,for the pose
pur-
of overawing the turbulent chiefs and nobles.
"
The pay of this contingent,as well the annual tribute,was in
as Trichinopoly
arrears for a few months, throne, Contingent,
when the Maha Eajah ascended the
and on the demand of the troops for their pay and the tribute,His

Highness referred them to his Dalawah, Arumugam Pillay,who, on

delaying paj'inent,was seized and removed to Thrikanamkudy hy the
force, whereupon he borrowed money from the Kottar merchants and
others, and adjusted most part of the pressing demands. The wah
Dala-
was however still detained
by force at Thrikanamkudy.1 the
"In the meanwhile His
Highness commissioned Cumai-aswamy
Pillay,the Commander-in-Chief, and Thanu Pillay, assistant,to raise
h is
an army of Maravers and a few hundred horse, to raise up barriers in the

shape of mud walls between Kadakaray and Mantharamputhur Arain-

boly, and Cape Comorin ; to construct specialgates for passages, and to

guard them by companies of Maravers and troopers. These ments

arrange-
were carried
effectually out in the course of a few months, and
Travancore was secured against the attacks of foreigninvaders.
Cumaraswamy
"
Pillay, with a force of Maravers, was then ordered Maravar
100P8,
by the Maha Eajah to proceed to Thrikanamkudy for the purpose of

releasing the Dalawah, and that brave officer executed the command

1
Tirukurungndi, a town in the south of Tinnevelly.
 254 APPENDIX TO

Appendix I. with promptness and vigour. The Maha Rajah was extremely pleased
with by
him, exploit
as he had this extricated the Dalawah from a

painfullyembarrassing position,and removed the burden of care and

anxiety that weighed upon his head.

"
Rajah
The thought that he could safelydo away with
Maha then

the Trichinopolyforce and ordered it to march back to that town. His

Highness communicated his resolution to the Pandyan Government,

and requestedthe Governor to release His Highness from the condi-
tions
entered into with the former by the late Maha Rajah.
A rival "
feudatory chiefs and nobles, after the withdrawal
The of the Trichi-
embassy to
n0p0ly contingent force, began to rebel again, and as they had always
been strivingto get their independence,they combined and formed a

confederacy as before, and were joined by the two sons of the late
sovereign, known by the names of Kunju Thambies alias Papu

Thamby and Ramen Thamby, who held high rank among the nobles

during the lifetime of their father and were in affluent circumstances.

But they were now reduced to the level ordinary

of the nobles of the

country and they felt their degradation keenly. The confederates

sympathised with consideringthem proper instruments

them, and for

overthrowing the
royal authority,they persuaded them to claim their

father's throne ; and one of them (Papu Thamby) being furnished

with sufficient means, proceeded to Trichinopolyin 905 M.E. (1730
A.D.), and represented to the Pandyan Governor his imaginary

grievances,saying that great injustice was done to him by the king-

dom
being forciblyusurped by Marthanda Vurmah. He entered into

certain terms with that chief to put him in possessionof the kingdom.

The Governor, annoyed by the refusal of pajmient of the peishkush

and the dismissal of the contingent forces by Marthanda Vurmah
Maha Rajah, readilylistened to Papu Thamby's false
representations.
"
The Governor ordered one of his agents Alagappa Moodelliar to

proceed with a sufficient number of men and horses to Travancore,

and institute enquiries into the claims of Papu Thamby, giving him
authority to enforce the same if found valid.
"
The Moodelliar set out from Trichinopoly, accompanied by Papu
Thamby and arrived at Udayagherry, where he commenced to institute

the enquiry into Thamby. the Rajah, on

claims of the The Maha

learning this, deputed the State Secretary Rama Iyen and his assistant
Narayana Iyen to the Moodelliar, and they were furnished with valid

documents to prove the absurdity and fictitious character of Papu

Thamby's claims.
"
While Papu Thamby was utterlyunable to produce any document-
ary

evidence in support of his pretendedrights, Rama Pyen fullyproved

the claims of the Maha Rajah to his uncle's throne. The Moodelliar

was indignant with Papu Thamby, and his false complaint was
very
at once rejected. He was told that he should be loyal and obedient
to his king in accordance with the customs of the country.
"
The Maha Rajah informed the Moodelliar of the renewed outbreak

of a rebellious spiritamong his chiefs, and asked him to place one

half of his force at nis Highness' disposal. The Moodelliar complied
with this request and returned to Trichinopolyloaded with presents.
 256 APPENDIX TO

Appendix I. Irruptionof Chunda Sahib and Bada Sahib.

"
About this time, strong party of marauders, headed
a
by Chunda
Sahib and Bada Sahib, relatives of Dost Ali Khan, the Nabob of
Arcot, who were permitted to wander about for the purpose of securing
a for
principality the Nabob's son, and also to plunder for themselves
in the dominions
princes, entered of
the the
territories of native
Invasion of Travancore by the Aramboly gate. They took possession of Nager-
Chunda
Sahib. coil,Sucheendrum, and the rich town of Kottar : they plundered the
shrine at Sucheendrum ; burnt the great car ; mutilated of the
many
images of the pagoda ; and perpetratedmany other deeds of
atrocity
and devastation, the favourite generally
process adopted by the
Mussulman chiefs.
"
Rama Iyen Dalawah was ordered to march an and drive the
army
marauders out of Travancore, but on meeting them he found them

powerful in horse, and his own force no match for the Mussulmans.
However, the Dalawah challenged them and commenced a battle,but
The enemy- his exertions were not attended with his usual success. But the
bought off.
had know that the
Dalawah reason to objectof the party was pally
princi-
to secure pecuniary gain, and consequentlythey were made to
without offeringresistance to his army."
retreat p. 138. "

Collision with the Nawab.

During the continuance

"
of war in North Travancore, several

changes took place in the government Pandyan provinces, of the

including Madura, Trichinopoly,"c, and sovereigntyfinallyfell the

into the hands of the Nabob of the Carnatic. The Maha Eajah's
attention having been directed, for a long time past, to the manage-
ment
of the internal affairs of his kingdom and the suppression of the
rebellion in the north, he had neglectedadopting measures for the pro-
tection
and maintenance of his eastern possessions, includingValliyoor,
Possessions in Kalacaud, "c. The Nabob's Governor at Trichinopolytook advantage
Tinnevelly of this opportunity and annexed those tracts to the Madura province,
lost.
and thus the Maha Rajah was deprived of those places for a long

time.
"In 927 M.E. Viceroy at
(1752 A.D.) Moodemiah, the Nabob's

Trichinopoly,growing powerful,established himself as an independent

chief,and being a very covetous man, disposed of villagesand terri-
tories

on receiving sufficient consideration for them. The Maha

Rajah, understanding this disposition of Moodemiah, deputed Rama

Iyen Dalawah to Tinnevelly, where Moodemiah had arrived on a visit.

The Dalawah represented the Maha Rajah's ancient claims to the

Negotiations, territories in the east. Possession of the country lying Cape between

Comorin and Kalacaud, to the extent of about 30 miles, including

obtained for large
sufficiently consideration. Rama
Valliyoor,wras a

returned to Trevandrum after stationing about 2,000 of

Iyen Dalawah
the Travancore Maha Rajah's force at Kalacaud, for the protectionof
the districts thus purchased by Travancore.
"
In 930 M.E. (1755 A.D.) Mahomed Ali, the Nabob of the Carnatic,
had
wished to supplant Moodemiah, who had proved refractory and
 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. 257

proclaimedhimself the sole ruler of the Pandyan empire. The Nabob Appendix I.

appointed his General, Maphnz Khan, to supersede Moodemiah, and

sent him with a small force requestingthe Nabob's allies,the English
at Madras, to send a detachment to assist the Khan, not only in

assuming his office,but also in bringing the inhabitants into jection.

sub-
Colonel Heron, with 500 Europeans and 2,000 Natives, was
ordered Trichinopolyunder the pretext of assisting
to Maphuz Khan,
but probably the English too had an eye on the beautiful and highly

productivePandyan empire,comprisingthe rich countries of Madura,

Trichinopolyand Tinnevelly. The allied forces arrived at Tinnevelly
Kumbham 930 M.E. (March 1755 A.D.) after having reduced Madura
on their way. When this intelligence reached Kalacaud the Travan-
core garrison, consisting of 2,000 sepoys stationed in that fort, was
alarmed and findingthat they were no match for the combined forces
of the Nabob and the English,the Travancore commandant abandoned Travancori-
the fort and Kalacaud, and withdrew the garrisonto Thovalay. In ans retjeat
Meenam-madom (April)Maphuz Khan, after taking charge of the kadu.
fort and establishinghis authoritythere, went to Tinnevelly and
Colonel Heron returned with the English force to Trichinopoly.
"
Moodemiah, who fled from Tinnevellyafter his defeat,found an
asylum under the protection of Pulithaver, a Poligar,and on the
departureof the English troops from Tinnevellyto Trichinopoly, he

appliedto the Maha Rajah for assistance and urged on him to take
back the lost territoryof Kalacaud. Pulithaver also offered his
resistance,as that Poligarwas for a long time dependent on core.
Travan-
A strong force, consistingof 2,000 infantryand an equal
number of cavalry,was despatchedfrom Travancore, accompanied by Kalakadu
the prince and Moodemiah, and without much resistance Kalacaud regained,
was taken. The Maha Rajah, however, thinkingthat such a proceed-
ing
would offend the English Government, ordered the withdrawal
of his troops for some time, and postponed all operationstill he made
himself sure that the retaking of his usurped territories would not
offend the
English. The Maha Rajah subsequently ordered back a

sufficient force,under the command of Captain D'Lanoy assisted by

the Poligar Pulithaver. Maphuz Khan's defeated,the
troops were

Kalacaud fort captured,and the 500 infantryand 200 cavalry,who

defended it,were taken prisoners. Thus the Maha Rajah once more

recovered Kalacaud and all the territories appertaining to it. The

Travancore kingdom now extended from Periar in the north to Kala-
caud
in the south." "

p. 162.

treatywith tht Nawab.

"
It has been already said that during the reign of the former
Rajahs, Travancore had made an agreement with the Governor of the
Pandyan empire
Trichinopoly, at
promising pay a nominal annual to

tribute for
obtaining militaryaid, but subsequently,the Nabob of
the Carnatic having taken the direct government of that empire, the
Maha Rajah considered it wise and prudent to renew this treaty
directlywith the Nabob, which was accordinglydone upon more
33
 258 APPENDIX TO

Appexi.ix I. favourable terms and conditions. By this treaty the powerful aid of
one of the greatest potentates of Southern India was secured to

Subsidy to Travancore, which was bound to pay to the Nabob 6,000 rupees, and
the Nawab.
a tribute shape of an elephant annually, the Nabob
in the promising
to afford every protectionto Travancore from foreign and local
enemies. Thus Travancore became perfectly secure, having two power-
ful
allies to guard and protect her, the Nabob in the east and the
Dutch in the west, while the English merchants at Anjengo were also

read)'to assist her when needed." "

p. 172.

Maphuz Khan and YiisufKhan.

"
Maphuz Khan Sahib, the Governor of the Pandyan empire,
under the Carnatic Nabob, who was stationed at Trichinopoly,
rebelled against his master and made a descent on Kalacaud, the

eastern possession of the Maha Rajah, at the western frontier of

Tinnevelly. He attacked the Travancore garrison stationed there and

drove them into the Aramboly lines, following them up with the

Khan's forces. The Maha Rajah hearing this ordered one of his

native commandants named Thamby Kumaren Chempaka Ramen

Pillay,who was then stationed at Trevandrum, to march with his

force to meet the invading army. He started at once and the battle

which took place when this worthy warrior met the enemy was so
Battle* with
the Muham- severe and decisive, that the Mahomedan chief was obliged to beat
madans. but the Khan
" retreat from the Aramboly lines ; not only retained

possessionof Kalacaud, but assumed possessionof the district of

Shencottah and all the other eastern districts belonging to core.

Travan-

" The Maha Rajah representedthis matter to the Nabob, who was

already so seriouslydispleased with the Khan, on account of his

disobedient and refractoryconduct, that he had it in contemplation

Governor in the of Maphuz Khan. A
to appoint a new room very

able man named Yusuff Khan was appointed and sent as successor to

the rebellious Maphuz Khan.

'"
Yusuff Khan on coming to Trichinopolyfound it difficult to subdue
the refractory Governor and sought the Maha Rajah's assistance.
The Carnatic Nabob and the English East India. Company at Madras
His
rerpiested nighness at the same time to co-operate with Yusuff

Khan in the subjectionof the refractoryKhan, and the Maha Rajah

gladly acceded to their wishes.
"
Eive thousand men, under the command of Thamby Kumaren
Yusuf Khan's
Ramen, then stationed at join
Thovalay, ordered to
:m".v Chempaka were

and from Quilon through sent the Ariencavu

Yusuff, 10,000 men were

Pass to Shencottah. Yusuff was now at the head of a powerful army

which enabled him to drive the Poligar

consistingof 20,000 men, away
and subsequently Maphuz Khan fled from the position
of Wadakaray,
lie hitherto held and Yusuff established his power.
of the readiness with which the
"As gratefulacknowledgment
a

Maha Rajah lent his assistance, Yusuff Khan restored all His High-
n.-ss' eastern possessions,and Kalacaud again became a part of His
Highness' dominions.
 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. 200

"
The Rajah, however, did not retain possessionof Kalacaud
Maha Appendix I.

for any lengthened period; for His Highness lost this portionof his
territories under peculiar circumstances. Ynsnlf Khan, the Yusuf
very
Nabob's Governor, in his turn became disobedient to his master and r^|!j|i(8jn
began to endeavour to shake off the Nabob's authority and establish
himself as an independent chief ; to accomplish this object Yusuff
secured aid from the French in India.
"In 937 M.E. (1762 A.D.) a joint force of the Nabob and the

English was sent againstYusuff, and the Travancore Maha Rajah was

also requested to co-operate with his army, which was to take possession
of Madura and Tinnevelly and capture Yusuff Khan. The Khan had

already applied to the Maha Rajah assistance, offeringall the

for
territories west of the town of Tinnevelly,including Palamcottah,
which had once belonged to Travancore, in return for the help His

Highness woidd give him towards the retention of the Pandyan vinces
pro-
under Yusuff' s independent possession; but the wise Maha

Rajah declared that whatever may be the prospect of gain before him
by aiding Yusuff, His Highness would not go againsthis old ally the
Nabob, and would not take arms againstthe English.
The
"
Maha Rajah sent a strong force to Trichinopolyto co-operate
with the combined force against Yusixff, and that rebel,findingthat
resistance would be of no avail, gave himself up and was hanged by
the Nabob's order in 1762 A.D.
"
Yusuff Khan's successor thought it proper to assume possessionof
all the countries lying on the eastern side of the ghauts,as belonging
to the Pandyan empire, and accordinglynot only Kalacaud, but also
Shencottah and all the other eastern possessionsof Travancore were

annexed to the Nabob's dominions.

"
The Maha
Rajah despatched a specialmessenger, Manik Lalla by The Nawab

name, to Madras, and representedthe injusticeof the Nabob's officers s?lzes posses-
in unlawfully annexing territories belonging to Travancore, but the
Mussulman potentate, intoxicated with his recent victories and the

punishment awarded to Yusuff, would not listen to the representations

of the Maha Rajah's agent, and His Highness was therefore under the

necessity of seeking the mediation of the Governor of Madras, who,

though he once confirmed the claims of the Maha Rajah to the
districts of Kalacaud and other possessions,now
eastern wavered in his

opinion. After a good deal of

discussion,the Nabob agreed to restore
some of the Travancore territories,
including Shencottah, Cape Com-
orin. "c.
"
The Mahamedan chief did not appear to be satisfied with the Tho claim to

unlawful Iv;lli,k;illu-
annexation of the Kalacaud District,which was the legiti-
mate possession of Travancore from time immemorial, and was recently
acquiredby purchase from Moodemiah.
That purchase was confirmed

by two of his successors, the Nabob himself, and by the Honourable

East India Company. The Nabob now presseda demand for the few

previousyears' revenue on the Kalacaud District.

A settlement
"
was effected by the inforcpssion of the Governor of
Madras, Mr. Robert Palk. who, after arranging matters with the
Nabob, wrote to His Highuoss in 17fi.s AD. in reply to a communica-
 260 APPENDIX TO

Appendix I. tion from the latter, to the effect that the English Company had taken
some steps in restraining
the victorious Nabob from further hostilities,
in putting a check to his demands, and also in advising him to
conclude the treaty. For such services Travancore was reminded of the
debt it owed to the Honorable East India Company, and the Governor
hoped Companythat the amply would be rewarded for their assistance.
"
The
sagaciousMaha Rajah saw the desirability of adopting the
Governor's suggestionand the necessityof entering into a treaty with
the Nabob, against whom resistance was at that critical period almost

impossible.
The claim to The principalconditions of the treaty with the Nabob
"
that
were,
Kalakadu
Travancore should renounce all claims to the Kalacaud District that
renounced. ;
His Highness should increase the tribute to 15,000 rupees ; that he
should pay two lakhs of rupees in liquidation of some pretended
demands on the Maha Rajah in connexion with the Kalacaud District ;
that he shoidd never assist any of the Poligarsagainst the Nabob ;
that the Maha Eajah shoidd assist the Nabob with an in his
army war

against Madura and Tinnevelly ; and that the Nabob shoidd assist
Travancore against all her enemies, foreignas well as internal." "

197.
p.

Travancore Contingent
sent to assist the British Forces.

11
Intimation of the unwarrantable proceedingsof Hyder Ali Khan
was given by the Maha Kajah to the Governor of Madras, as also to
the Bombay and Bengal Government, and a general war against
Hyder resulted.
"
The Maha
Eajah was asked by the Government of the Honourable
East India
Company to co-operate with the Company's army, and His
Highness most willinglyconsented to do so, entailingthereby great
loss of money and life.
Travancore "
The war was continued by the East India Company and the Maha
aid against
Eajah assisted them to the extent that lay in his power. Travancore
Hyder Ali.
regiments of infantry and
cavalryplaced at the disposal of divisional
commanders Company were of the
taken to distant places, such as

Calicut, Palghaut, Tinnevelly,"c, "c, and they were universally '

allowed to have behaved remarkably well.'

After
"
stronglyfortifying the northern and eastern frontiers of
Travancore, the Maha Eajah sent a portion of his army under ablo
officers to the north, to co-operate with the Bombay under
army,
Major Abington at Calicut. His Highness' troops were engaged in
tho war and were successful in thoir united actions. Another portion
of the Travancore which
army was despatched to co-operate with tho
British army in Tinnevellyagainst Hyder was stationed at that town
for period of two years."
a "

p. 205.

Journeyof the Maha Rajah through Tinnevelly,

frc,to Rdmesvaram.
"
En the year 959 M.E. (1784 A.D.) His Highness the Maha Eajah,
partly perform a religiousceremony
to and partly to satisfy his
curiosityto some other parts of the country in the east and south
see

of Travancore, proposed making a pilgrimageto Ramaswaram and

 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. 2G1

seeing the districts of Tinnevelly and Madura on las way to and from Appendix I.

that renowned resort of Hindu pilgrims.

"
But before starting from Trevandrum on tins pilgrimage, His
Highness had to take the precaution of effecting some arrangements
through tho means of His Highness' allies, the English East India

Company and the Nabob of the Carnatic. The districts through which
His Highness had to travel to Ramaswaram, viz., Tinnevelly and
Madura, though subject to the sovereignty of the Nabob, were
divided and were in the possessionof Palayapattacars (roligars),the Dangers from
of whom
and lawless rude chieftains. ongars.
majority Avere

His Highness obtained

''
the assistance of a few companies of sepoys
of the English East India Company and some responsibleofficers from
the Nabob's Government to escort him to Ramaswaram. With these
and a large portion of His Highness' own army and a number of

followers,he set out with all the pomp and grandeur usually attending
the movements of Indian sovereigns of the rank and celebrityof the
Maha Eajah.
"
His
Highness took great care inspect and examine
to all the Examination
of Public
works, roads and
important irrigation bridges,sathrums or choultries
built for the comfort and convenience of the public in Tinnevelly
and Madura, this being the chief objectfor which he undertook the
tour.
"
His Highness reached Ramaswaram in good health and performed
the ablutions and other ceremonies there : and after spending a large
sum in ceremonies and charities,returned, taking care to visit every
place of note, to his own capital(Trevandrum), quite delightedwith
all he during a very agreeablejourney.
saw

"
Highness lost no time in turning to account the knowledge of
His

irrigationworks, "c, he had acquiredduring the tour, and introduced

improvements in several works of this descriptionin the southern
districts comprising Nanjenaud, "c."

Major Banner man, the firstRepresentative

of the British Government in

Travancore, in 1788 and 1789.

" The Maha Rajah, with his usual prudence and faithful attach-
Tippu's
mcnt to his allies the English, resolved to see no messenger of the proposals.
Sultan or receive any communication from him, except in the presence
of a British officer. His Highness wrote to the Governor of Madras,
Sir Archibald Campbell, to depute an officer of integrityand ability
to the Maha Rajah's court, with whom His Highness might consult
on some important points connected with the Sultan's mission. The
Governor was quite delighted with the Maha Rajah's prudence and
w risdom and ordered Major Bannerman, then stationed at Palamcottah,
to proceed to the Maha Rajah's court with a small detachment under
his command." "

p. 211.

TI"- first British Resident in Trwancwe.

According
"

to the agreement, two regiments commanded by

Captain Knoz wen tatkw " Aycottah in the northern frontier
 262 APPENDIX TO

Appendix I. of Travancore in the year 964 M.E. (1788 A.D.). At the same time,
as a medium
communicating for between the Maha Rajah and the
Madras Government, Mr. George Powney, a civil officer under the

English East India Company, was also stationed in Travancore. He

may he reckoned as the first Political Resident and British tive

representa-
in the Maha Rajah's Court." "

p. 219.
Mr. Powney was Collector of Tinnevellyfrom 1794. The celebrated
Colonel Macaulay was Resident of Travancore from 1800.
New treaty In 1805 a force was suddenly collected in Tinnevelly under General
m
1805" MacDowel for the purpose of
compelling the Rajah to sign a new
treaty with the British Government. The Rajah at length consented
to sign the treaty and the force was countermanded. "
See pp. 310-323.

Insurrection in Travancore ; attack on tiie Resident ; taking of

the Travancore Lines in 1809.

The commotions in Travancore out of which the war arose menced

com-

in 1808. The management of affairs in Travancore had been

for some time in an unsatisfactory state, whereupon the British
Resident interfered. The Dewan was irritated and dragged his
master into hostilityto the English. He
intrigued with the Dewan
of Cochin and with the French. A vessel
with thirty-oneprivates
and a surgeon belonging to the 1 2th Regiment put into Allippie. The
men were decoyed on shore, tied in couples back to back, and with
stones tied round their necks were thrown into the backwater. This

massacre was perpetratedby the Dewan's brother. The Resident's

house at Cochin was attacked and he escaped with difficulty.Sir

G. Barlow was then Governor of Madras and took prompt measures to

suppress the rebellion and restore the authority of the English Govern-
ment.
A considerable force was sent to enforce obedience, and the

forces of the Travancore State were assembled for the purpose of

preventing their entrance into the country. The rebellion was

disowned by the Raja of Travancore of that time, Rama Varum, who

attributed the whole blame to his ministers, but the forces of the
State were sot in motion in resistance to the authority of the English
as completely as if the Raja himself had been the leader of the
rebellion.
I here quote the information given us in Shungoony Menon's

History of Travancore : "

Causes of the "

Paliathu Monon deputed a private messenger to Quilon, with a
outbreak.
secret despatch to Thamby Valu Dulawah and the leaders of the
disaffected military, proposing to them the massacre of the British
Resident and his small garrison in the fort at Cochin, and offeringhis
co-operationin the affair.
"
These officials were delightedat such a desirable proposalfrom the
Cochin minister, and Valu Thamby, from his own vanity, thought-
lessness,
and of revenge,
desiro agreed to the proposal, and a gramme
pro-
was arranged between the two ministers. A short account of

this has been thus recorded by Lieutenant, now Colonel, Horsley :

"
We are unable to trace the successive step- that led to the war, or
 264 APPENDIX TO

Appendix I. "
The Travancore sepoys overpowered the few British sepoys who
formed the Resident's escort, killing many who resisted, and wards
after-
entered Colonel Macaulay's residence, ransacked the house,
murdered the domestic servants and others whom they found in the

house, and afterwards returned, considerablychagrined at

finding not

the Resident Cunju Krishna and

Menon.
The disappointment consequent on this attempt to murder
' '
Colonel
Macaulay had cast a great gloom and dread among all the Travancore
officials. Nevertheless, they prepared themselves for a defence

againstthe attack which they expected every moment. They com-mitted

depredations in the town of Cochin, and returned to Travan-

core
the next day. Valu Thamby foresaw the result and quitted
Alleppey at once and proceeded to Quilon.
"
During this interval, three European militaryofficers, including
Surgeon Hume, together with a lady in one party, and twelve

European soldiers of His Majesty's 12th Regiment, and thirty-three

sepoys forming another party, were proceedingfrom Quilon to Cochin,
and on coming near Poracaud, they were taken up by the military
who had been scattered over those parts in large bodies, and who

now began to exhibit a declared enmity towards the Company's

people. In consultation with the ministerial officials stationed at

Massacre of Alleppey, all these were confined, the first party in the Poracaud
English bankshall, and the second at Alleppey. Subsequently the matter was
officers and
reported to Valu Thamby Dalawah, with an application for his tion
sanc-
sepoys.
for the immediate execution of those unfortunate and innocent
men. The hard-hearted minister, who was a perfect stranger to

mercy, sanctioned the wholesale murder of the helplessparty without

the least hesitation, and the unfortunate and unoffending men were

all cruellymurdered there.1 The three officers were butchered in cold

blood at the sea-beach at Poracaud, and the European soldiers and

sepoys were consigned to the bottom of the Pallathurthee river, on

the eastern side of Alleppey. The lady was allowed to proceed to

Cochin unhurt, it being contrary to the laws of Travancore to kill

women, and she was besides in bad health, and many of the local

officialspitiedher weak and helplesscondition.

"
The Resident lost no time in despatchinga report to the Madras

Government on the subject,and the following is an abstract of the

report with which we were kindly furnished, together with a copy of

the proclamation, issued under date the loth January 1809, by the

Government, by Mr. Ballard, the late British Resident in core

Travan-

: "

The dent's
Resi-
" '
For some days past, I had been engaged in negotiation with the

report Dewan at his own earnest solicitation, and had concluded everything
to Govern-
ment. to his own entire satisfaction, and was waiting only his arrival from

Alleppey to into execution the measure which ho had

carry upon

1 "This information was given to us by one Ramalingum, Major Sobudar of

M.N. I. Regiment VI, who accompanied these three unfortunate gentlemen and
the sickly lady, and was present when they were murdered. He was then a dress,

ing boy under Colonel Chalmers." "

p. 337.
 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. 265

resolved on removing to Calicut, and had at his earnest request weak- Appendix I.

ened party with

the me to provide for his security, and had at his
suggestion placed my boats and palanquins in convenient places to
take him on with comfort and expedition. When a little past mid-
night,

the number of about thousand, headed

a party of Nayrs to one

by the Dewan's confidential friend Pulpnabha Pillay and by the

Minister of the Rajah of Cochin, surrounded house to prevent all

my

escape, and commenced a smart fire of musketry at every opening,

first disarming the guard and killing a few who attempted resistance,
and then broke into the place to destroy me ; their design was dentially
provi-
and somewhat miraculously defeated, and after having
broken every place and package, pillaging the house of the
open
whole of my effects, they withdrew at break of day. The chief venience
incon-

at present attending this proceeds from the loss of books of

record and official papers, but as the Dewan has now broken out into

open rebellion, and will be likely to assemble his followers on every

side in the hope of producing an impression on the subsidiary force,
I have sent to Colonel Cuppage a request to embark without delay
for Quilon all force that he can spare.' There had been a taneous
simul-
attack on the subsidiary force at Quilon morning of the
on the
29th December 1808. The Dewan arrived at Quilon, and encouraged
the Travancore force concentrated thereabouts, and then proceeded to
Kundaray, east of Quilon, whence he issued a proclamation." p. 335. "

See this
proclamationin History of Travancore, p. 339.
"
By Dalawah's
the strongly worded and powerful proclamation,
the whole populace of Travancore was incensed and disaffected, and a
revolt against the British force stationed at Quilon took place at once.
The cantonment was attacked by large bodies of militia, assisted by Quilon troops
attacked-
the Travancore regulartroops stationed about Quilon, but they were
repulsed as often as they attacked by the able Commandant Colonel
Chalmers. The failure of the attempt to murder Colonel Macaulay
had not totallydisheartened the Sarvadhikariakar of Alangaud, as he

appears to have
hopes entertained of success again. About 2,000
men, consistingof regular infantry and militia and the rabble, were
kept up in the vicinityof Cochin, and the town was visited by them
now and then. The Cochin minister, Paliathu Menon, had also lected
col-

a force of about 2,000 men and kept them also in the bourhood
neigh-
to attack the town. The Judges and other Company's
officers closed their offices and many of the inhabitants and merchants
left Cochin for Calicut, and the fear of a combined rebellion in
Travancore and Cochin against the English East India Company now
became general. But the arrival of Lieutenant-Colonel Cuppage on
the northern frontier, and of Major Hewitt's
at Cochin, detachment
with whom the Travancoreans had
fought and failed, discouraged the Reinforce-
northern Travancore force entirely,and they retreated to the south, ment.
thus leaving Cochin safe and secure in the hands of the Company.
"
At Quilon the action under Colonel Chalmers was decisive, for on

the 18th January the Dewan's force was completely defeated during
a contest which lasted six hours."

34
 266 APPENDIX TO

Appendix I. The inhabitants of Tinnevellywarned by the Madras Government not to take

part in the Rebellion.

"
The Madras Government published the following proclamation
in Tinnevelly and Malabar, which completely quieted the population
of those districts : "

" '
PROCLAMATION.

" ' The Honourable the Governor in Council of Fort St. George having been
informed that the Dewan of Travancore has been endeavouring by artful intrigues
to excite the inhabitants of Tinnevelly to rise in arms against the British ment,
Govern-
the Governor in Council thinks it proper to caution the inhabitants of Tinne-
velly
against listeningto the delusive insinuations which the Dewan of Travancore
has endeavoured to disseminate. The Governor in Council has no doubt that the
inhabitants of thatprovince will be sensible of their own interests and will continue

to enjoy in tranquillitythe advantages which they possess under the protection of

the British Government.
" '
Dated in Fort St. George, the 15th day of January 1809.' "

"Page 345.

Proclamation of the Madras Government to the inhabitants of Travancore.

"
The Government published the following proclamation on the
17th January 1809 for the information of the people of Travancore : "

" '
PROCLAMATION.

" '
It is known to the inhabitants of Travancore that during many years the closest

alliance has subsisted between the British Government and the Government of the
Travancore country ; that the British troops have long been employed in defence o

Travancore, and that it was by the exertion of the British armies that Travancore
saved from subjectionto the power of Tippoo Sultan.
was
" ' Under these circumstances, the Honorable the Governor in Council of Fort St.

George has heard with extreme surprise,that military preparations of great extent

have lately taken place in Travancore for purposes hostile to the interests of the
the of the British Resident has been attacked by
British Government ; that person
the Travancore troops ; and that an assault has been made on the subsidiary force
stationed at Quilon.
" ' The Honorable the Governor in Council has reason to believe that these dented
unprece-
outrages have proceeded from the desperate intrigues of the Dewan of Tra-
vancore,

who has been also endeavouring by injurious insinuation to excite rebellion

in the territories of the Honourable Company. In order that the daring plans of
A force to be the Dewan be defeated, the Honorable the Governor in Council has directed a
may
sent to restore to into Travancore, who will, in short time, put end
iarge body of troops move a an
or(*er. order and
to the of the Dewan, and to restore peace in the country of Tra-
vancore.
power
The Honorable the Governor in Council thinks it proper at the samo

to make known to the inhabitants of Travancore that the approach of the

time
occasion alarm in the minds of those inhabitants who conduct
British troops need no

The British Government has other view in directing the

themselves peaceably. no

movements of troops than to rescue the Rajah of Travancore from the influence of

the Dewan, to put an end to the power of that dangerous minister, and to lish
re-estab-

the connection of the two Governments on a secure and happy foundation.

" ' The Honourable the Governor in Council calls on the inhabitants of Travancore

toco-operate in accomplishing these objects,and such of the inhabitants as shall not

the advance of the British troops may be assured of the entire protection of
oppose
 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. 207

disturb-
their persons and property ; particular orders will also be given to give no Appendix I,
ance to the Brahmins and religiousestablishments throughout the Travancore country.
" '
Dated in Fort St. George, the 17th day of January 1809.

" ' Published by order of the Honourable Governor in Council.

(Signed) C. BUCHAN,
"
Chief Secretary to Government.''
"Page 346.

"
The Travancore minister and his colleagues,as well as the military

officials,had not to wait long for their fate, for a British force,under
the command of the Honorable Colonel St. Leger, arrived at the
southern frontier of Travancore and commenced an attack on the

Araniboby lines and forced an entrance into the forts on the 10th

February 1809.
"
Yalu Thamby Dalawah, who was at that time near the Aramboly
garrison to support the operations, found it impossible to resist the
British soldiers, and therefore had escaped to Trevandrum hastily."
"Page 347.

Taking of the Travancore Lines.

Our information with regard to the principalevent of the war, the General
Weleh#
taking of the Travancore Lines, is derived mainly from General
Welsh's Military Reminiscences. General (then Major) Welsh was the
officer by whom the lines were stormed, and it will be remembered
that it is to the same soldier and author that we are indebted for the
fullest account of the last Poligar war.
The force, assembled for the purpose of asserting the authority of
the English Government, was under the command of the Honorable

Colonel St. Leger. When Major Welsh joined the force on the 5th

February 1809 it was encamped six miles from Aramboly (properly

Aravay-moli) on the
Tinnevelly side of the pass. The lines by which Descriptionof
into Travancore defended the lines,
the entrance through the pass was were

about two miles in length, stretchingacross the gap from one range
of mountains to another. They included a rugged hill to the ward,
south-

strongly fortified, and a sti'ongrock about half way called the

northern redoubt. The works consisted of small well-built bastions
for two and three guns, joined at intervals by strong curtains, the
whole cannon-proof and protectedby a thick hedge of thorn bushes,
the approach to which was difficult from the wildness of the country.
Major Welsh proposed, and the Commanding Officer reluctantlycon-
sented,

that an attempt should be made to take the lines by escalade ;

and on the 10th of February this daring feat was accomplished. The
southern fortified hill was escaladed during the night, and though
defended by fiftypieces of cannon and ten thousand men the whole
lines were in the possession of the English force by eight o'clock a.m.
The approach was so difficult that it took six hours scrambling to

reach the foot of the walls, but the troops had escaladed the southern
redoubt before their approach was suspected. As soon as it was seen

that Major Welsh had secured a footing in that commanding position succ"ssfui
a detachment was sent to his aid, whereupon he stormed and carried assault.
 268 APPENDIX TO

Appendix I. the main lines, including the fortified gate. The northern redoubt

was then abandoned, and the Travancore troops fled in all possible
directions, leaving the English in possession of the whole of the lines,

the arsenal, and the stores. Before evening the English force was

encamped two miles inside the Ararnboly gate.

March On the 17th the army commenced its march for Trevandrum, the
towards with the
Travancore capital. The only resistance they met was on
Trevaiidium
morning of the same day at a village where they had to cross the

Susendram river, on the further side of which a portionof the core

Travan-

force was posted in a strong position on a high bank. The

Travancoreans were routed and dispersedwith much loss to them and

some to our troops. Nine guns were taken and the large villagesof
Cotaur and Nagercoil fell into the hands of the English. This was

the last action fought and the last blood shed in this brief war. The

English marched taking possessionin their way of

steadily forward,
the abandoned forts of Oodagherry and Palpanavaram, but before they

reached the capital an armistice was proclaimed. On the arrival of

the troops at the capitalit was found that within the Raja's palace
walls an arsenal had been provided containing 140 pieces of service-
able

14,000 stand of arms, and abundance of ammunition, all

cannon,

which the Raja was obliged to deliver up to the

English. The late

Dewan, the author of the rebellion, was speedilytraced to the interior

of a pagoda with brazen doors, and while the troops were breaking
open the doors he killed himself. His brothers and six accomplices
were taken alive and hanged at Quilon in front of the 12th Regiment,
in the murder of the men belonging to which they had participated.
Colonel Macaulay, the Resident, had now landed from a vessel of war

in which he had some time before made his escape from Cochin when

the rebellion broke out. Immediately on his arrival at the capitala

new Dewan was appointed and new arrangements made for
securing
Events at
Trevandrum. the peace of the country. Whilst the British force was approaching
from the eastward through the Travancore lines the subsidiary force at

Quilon was by no means idle. Shut up in the heart of a difficult coun-

try,

with the inhabitants all in arms againstthem, they had had several

severe invariably victorious.

actions, in which
they were Nevertheless

their was daily

situationbecoming more critical until the news of

the capture of the Aramboly lines reached the masses by which they
were surrounded, when, giving up every hope of further success, they
dispersedin all directions.

General Welsh states that those lines had up to that time been

Tippu Sultan in the zenith of his power

deemed impregnable, and that
them with considerable loss. He adds that
had been repulsed from
it was natural therefore that the report of their capture should at once

The capture of the Aramboly lines

decide the fate of the kingdom.
brave achievement and undoubtedly decided the fate of the dom,
king-
was a

General mistaken supposing that

in these were the
but the was

failed take
lines from which Tippu was repulsed. The lines he to

those the northern frontier between Travancore and Cochin.

were on

This event occurred long before in December 1789.

 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. 269

The followingparticularsare from Shungoonny Menon's History : "

Appendix I.

"
The Colonel afterwards marched to Trevandrum, and on reaching
the neighbourhood, encamped at a place called Pappenecode, when
the Malm Rajah sent a deputation headed by His Highness' favourite
Ummany Thamby alias Marthanden Eravy, who conveyed to the

Colonel His Highness' extreme regret at the occurrence of the rection

insur-
created by Dewan Valu Thamby, and of the adoption of

measures for the Dewan's apprehension and delivery. Colonel

Macaulay arrived in the camp on the 3rd March. Arrangements

were made for the apprehension of the minister. A
party of Travan-
core and British officers was despatched in pursuit of the Dalawah,
and a reward of (50,000) fifty thousand rupees was offered for his

apprehension.
"Ummany Thamby, the head of the deputation, was appointed Flight of the

Dewan on the 18th March 1809 with the full concurrence of the British Dewan.

Government, and he at once sent persons in pursuit of the Dalawah.

The runaway Dalawah wandered in the jungles about Vallicote in the
Kunnathoor district. He was hotly pursued by the officers even here.
From this place he came to Munnady, in the same district,and took

refuge a in vacant house belonging to a Potty. The servant of Valu

Thamby, who wandered in the streets there with his master's silver
and gold utensils, was seen by the officers and apprehended, and he
revealed to them the Thamby's hiding-place. He then fled to the

Bhagavathi pagoda at Munnady with his brother Padmanabhen

Thamby and determined to put an end to his existence. He asked

his brother to stab him. This the brother refused to do at when
first,
the Dalawah plunged his own dagger in his bosom. But as the self-
inflicted wound did not prove mortal, he cried out to his brother '
cut

my neck,' which request the brother complied with, and in one stroke

severed the neck from the body. By that time the pursuers reached Death of the

the Dewan.
pagoda and forced open the door, when they found the lifeless body
of Valu Thamby and his brother standing close to it with a drawn
sword. The brother was seized and the body removed to Trevandrum,
where it was exposed on a gibbet Kunnammalay at for public execra-
tion.

Lord Minto, the then Governor-General, most strongly con-demned

this insult offered to the body of such a great man as Valu

Thamby.
"
The deceased Dalawah's brother Padmanabhen Thamby was

hanged on the 10th of April, in the presence of the 12th Regiment at

Quilon, on the supposition that he took part in the assassination of

Surgeon Hume, and also in the most cruel and inhuman act of the

drowning at Pullathurthee of a detachment of the 12th Regiment.

"
Ummany Thamby Dewan was dreaded by the relatives of the late

minister, and his house was razed to the ground and plantain and
castor trees planted thereon.
" Most of the relatives were transportedto the Maldives, but after Fate of the

certain distance rest of tne

going a stress of weather compelled them to touch at
Tuticorin. Some appear to have committed suicide, some died in
 270 APPENDIX TO

Appendix I. prison,while the rest were floggedand banished. All these were done
by Valu Thamby's successor Ummany Thaniby.
"
Several of the promoters of the insurrection, chief among whom

was Vycome Padmanabha Pillay,the

murderer of the Europeans at

Poracaud, Alleppey, "c, punished by being publicly hanged

were

at Quilon, Poracaud and Pallathurth.ee, the spots where the Europeans

were massacred." "

p. 349.

Political Results.

Aitchison'a The politicaland financial results of the rebellion in Aitchi-

appear
Treatits.
son's Treaties, Vol. V. The obliged to pay
Raja was expenses the

incurred by the British Government this

expedition,and a brigade
in

was left at Quilon as a subsidiary force, agreeably to the treaty con-

cluded

in November 1795. The debts thus incurred were but tardily

discharged, and the British Government were about to assume the
internal administration of the country as the only means of insuring
their satisfactory settlement when the Raja died in 181 1. The Raja
was succeeded by Latchmi Rani, who, according to the peculiar custom
of the family of Travancore, assumed charge of the Government until

a male heir was born. She held it till 1814, during which time the
British Resident, Colonel Munro. acted also as Minister, and by his

judicious measures completely relieved the conditio a of the country.

Latchmi Rani was succeeded by her eldest son, and the country was,

during his minority, successfully managed by her sister as Regent,

under the counsels of the British Resident.

Shenkottai.

I subjoin some particularsrespectingShenkotta.

On the cession of Tinnevelly to the British Government by the

Nawab of the Carnatic in 1801 it was found that the Nawab claimed

the district of Shenkottai, a portion of Travancore situated to the east

of the of his Zemindarifis. It asserted also that

ghauts, as one was

this claim was admitted by the Rajah of Travancore, who had larly
regu-

paid peshcush as Zemindar of Shenkottai to the Nawab's ment.

Govern-

The Travancore authorities do not admit that Shenkottai was ever

Zemindary under the Nawab, and the following is Sir Madava

a

Row's statement of the case in his manuscript history. Some of the

facts have already been quoted from Shungoonny Menon : "

" Mahomed Yusuf Khan, generalissimoof the forces of the Nawab

of the Carnatic, incurred his master's displeasure, in consequence of

which by the assistance of the English he was captured and hanged.

Travancore having befriended Yusuf Khan, though only as the ral
gene-
of Mahomed Ali, the Nawab in annexed Kalakadu and
revenge
Shenkotta again to the Carnatic.
"
But ambassador, Manika Bhatta, was sent to Madras to the
an

Nawab, and with the assistance of the English succeeded in obtaining

the restoration of Shenkotta. not however till Kalakadu was ceded and
 272 APPENDIX TO

Appendix II. natives. They said individual the

every amongst pilgrimswho went
to Pulney and other sacred places in that region died on his return to
his village. This origin of the fever was confirmed, they thought,by
the circumstance that the fever was particularlyfatal in the vicinity
of
the mountains.
A Medical Committee was convened to consider the condition of each
of the districts affected by the pestilence. It assembled at Bhavany

8th May 1811. All that they could do was to prescribethe use of
such preventives and such remedies as would naturally suggest
themselves. They not could make the air wholesome,
pestilential and
the natives generallywould be found too poor and too much attached
to custom to avail themselves of most of the recommendations. The
Committee recommended that the natives should build better houses,
that the floor of their houses should be raised above the ground, that

the}'should sleep on cots, with mattresses of twisted straw and lets,

cover-

that they should clothe themselves more warmly, that they should

use a sort of sandal for the feet, that they should not go out in the

morning till the heavy fogs had been dispelledby the sun, and that

they should eat better food. Amongst the remedies they mended
recom-

the only febrifugewas the bark of the Nim or Margosa.

In Dindigul the number of persons who fell victims to the pestilence

in the course of nine months was not less than 34,000. Another
authority estimates the number at one in thirteen of the population,
but the calculation seems hardly reliable,seeing that in some places
half the populationwere said to have died. In Madura the worst of
the epidemic was before May in 1811. Tire epidemic,however, broke

outagain with great violence in 1812, and in the town of Raninad,

during the three months between December 1812 and February 1813,
one in six were reportedto have died.

Letters from Mr. Hepburn, the Collector,

to tlieBoard of Revenue, in 1811.

"2. epidemicaldisease which forms the subjectof these letters

The
first became of sufficient importance in the month of February to

attract attention and to impede the usual regularity of the collections.

At first it was, however, principallyprevalent in the Streevilliputtilr
District,which joins the taluks of Madura and lies near the hills, the
course of which it followed to the southward, where it has since vailed
pre-
very universally. Soon afterwards it broke out in the
vicinity
of the sea-coast and committed great ravages in the Punjamahl and
Calacaud Taluks. To enable the Board, however, the better to trace

its progress, I have the honor to enclose a small sketch of the province
with the different taluks marked out, which will make the subjectmore
easilyunderstood.
"
3. When the Medical Committee which is ordered here shall have

the
investigated subjectthey will no doubt, with the aid of the science

which they be able to account for the

satisfactorily mortality
possess,
which has occurred ; yet it is to be apprehended that the principal
cause of it is to be looked for in the very uncommon circumstances of

the season. The Board recollect the great destruction of houses

reportedin consequence of the inundation in December last,and the

 HISTORY OF IINMA'ELLY. 273

loss of huts was still greater. After that fall of rain the weather still Appendix II.
continued hot and close, in the early part of the nightsin particular,
attended with very heavy dews towards morning. The heat of the

early part of the night indeed many caused of the natives who had
houses to sleepin the open air, by which they became exposed, while
their bodies were still hot, to the chillingdamps towards morning,
which in all probability
was the cause of the fever which succeeded,
and of those whose houses had been destroyed many were obligedto
do so from having no shelter to cover them. The rain soon after menced
com-

and continued for three months, and generally the peoplewere

found totally
unprovided against it ; and to such as had no houses was

added the misfortune of worse than ordinary food, as they often

could not dry their grain to convert it into rice, having no placeto
preserve it in from the rain, in consequence of
which they were
deprived of almost every comfort they are in the habit of enjoying.
That these causes operated in a considerable degree appears from
the mortality having been much greater amongst the lower classes of
people, particularlytoddy-drawers,who live in temporary cabins
made of cadjan only, most of which were destroyed in the monsoon,
than amongst the better descriptionof the inhabitants who live in
good houses.
"
4. Whether in addition to these causes the disease was infectious
and imported from Madura and Dindigul
impossiblefor me to it is
The natives have
a strong impressionthat it was, which
say. certainly
seems in some degree confirmed by the mortalityamongst the pil-grims
who have returned from Pulney in the Dindigul District
; but
to decide the question requires the exercise of a professional know-
ledge,
which only be expected from the
can
report of the Medical
Committee the subject. At first the disease
upon was very rapidly
fatal. The patient was seized with it on one day, had often a sort of
fit or convulsion the second
day, and generallydied on the third. If
he survived the ninth day he
generallygot over it, but was left in a
state of great debility from the fever,which lasted from a fortnight to
a month afterwards. At first the return of the fever was diurnal,but
afterwards it
only recurred other
once every clay,and in the cases
where it proved fatal was often attended with a bloody flux. Such is
the account which I have been able to obtain of this awful visitation,
and whether the opinionsformed correct will hereafter
are or not be
seen from the report of the medical here.
men soon expected I can
however say with great truth that they have been stimulated by the
greatest interest and anxiety in the subjectand that they have occu-
pied

my best attention.
"""".. Within these last ten days the land winds have set in. which
hold out the most anxious hope that the change of weather will
produce an alleviation of the disease
; as yet it is still however sented
repre-
to be very prevalent,and although there are instances of speedy
deaths from it, yet I hope that there is to think the
room general
features of it are beginningto change, and that of those taken illthe
number of deaths is smaller, although the patientsare still left in a
state of great weakness from the wasting of a long-continuedperiodi-
"35
 274 APPENDIX TO

Appendix II. cal fever, which renders them unahle for a length of time to attend to

their usual duties and

occupations; and from the protractednature of
the disease, it is frequentthat the whole numbers of a family are to he

found in one or other of the stages of the disease. The season is also

still very extraordinary,as the land winds which in generalblow with

considerable areviolence
remarkably frequent a mild with lulls and

heavy thick oppressive atmosphere. Had there not been a very

violent squall, although of short duration, on the 29th ultimo, the
6tate of the weather is such as to give rise to the apprehensionthat the

whole will conclude with some violent convulsion of nature.

"6. On enquiring of the people whether such a calamity was ever

experienced here before, they state that they remember a very

unhealthy season about thirty-four
years ago, but that its effects were

not so generalnor so fatal as in the present instance. This assertion

is corroborated by
passage a in Orme's History of Hindustan, in which

the Board will find it mentioned in paragraph 2nd, page 201, old edi-
tion,

that in the month of March 1757 a very unusual fall of rain had

taken place in the provinceof Tinnevelly,which lasted for two days,

and in addition to the damage done to the crops, had brought on an

epidemic sickness which carried off numbers of the inhabitants by

sudden deaths. The whole which
description, is of some length,bears
a strong resemblance to the present season, only that the calamity
was not of the same extent. If two days rain, however, at that time

could produce the effects recorded, some estimate may be formed of

those arising from three months of such frequent and equally
unseasonable rains.

"7. As before stated the disease was first reported in February to be

so general in the district of Strivaleputturas to cause considerable

interruption to the collections. It was then however principally

confined to the villagesnear the hills,in which it prevailed so rally
gene-
that the could not go to demand the revenue, most of those
peons
who had been in the villagesnear the hills being laid up by the fever.

To the end of February the fever still continued in this district and
it the 26th March the Tasildar reportedthat
had spread all over on ;

in many instances the crops were left uncut upon the ground for want

them, and that from the number of those whose

of people to reap
business it was to collect and remit the revenue being sick great
interruption present experiencedin the
was at collections.
8. From
"
Strivaleputturthe disease followed the course of the hills

to Tenkashee, which has suffered in a very severe degree from it. as

also the intermediate pollams shown in the accompanying sketch.

Towards the end of February or beginning of March it had become

in the of that month the Tasildar reported

very prevalent,and course

the number of deaths in the cusbah was from 10 to 15 daily, and in

the other villagesin proportion,and that many people had left tho

district for fear of the infection. He also that

represented the crops
left standing on ground for want
the of people to cut them, and
were

that there were not people enough who were free from fever to attend

tho sick and hum the dead, and if he senl his peons to demand the

people in rendering them

revenue they generallyfound the a state
 HISTORY 01 IINMA Kill 275

of attendingto their concerns. Oi' all the taluks Appenmx II.

entirelyincapable
this one has suffered most in proportion to its population from the

fever.
"
9. In Brummadaspuram the representedto have been
people were
rather sickly since the month of November epidemicalfever
last, hut the
does not seem to have made a very alarming progress till the beginning

of March. Since that time the Tasildar represents the people to have
suffered much, and he mentions many of the villageswhere there are

not people enough to attend the sick and to burn the dead. The

Board will observe a villageof the name of Kuddyum in this bourhood.

neigh-
In this
very village,which computed was a fine one, it is

that about people have been carried off by the fever.

a thousand Of

these there were fortyfamilies of Brahmans, of whom twenty-six are

entirelyswept away, eight have deserted, and of the others about

one half of the numbers of each family are dead.

"10. In Sharrinmadavy the fever was later in commencing, and no

representations of its having reached a serious height were made till

the beginning of April. A great many people have had the disease,
but as far as can be learnt the mortality does not aptpear to have been

so great as in some of the other districts.

"11. In Nellumbalam, with the exceptionof the town of Tinnevelly,

the disease does not appear to have commenced so early as in the

vicinityof the hills. April,however,

In the month
was sented
repre- of it

as very generally prevalent,most of the people being sick

and many having died. In the town of Tinnevelly, as before reported,

the deaths are estimated for a considerable time to have amounted to

fifteen or twenty people a day. The town is still unhealthy, but the

cases of sudden death are decreased, as is also the number of casual-

ties.

"12. In the districts of Vedoogramem, Streeviguntam,Gungundam

and Alwar Tinnevelly the disease has been much less destructive than
in the others, although there has been a considerable degree of ness,
sick-
which has incapacitatedthe people from attending to their
business.

"13. It has alreadybeen stated that the disease early began to make

its appearance on the sea-coast. How this is to be accounted for it is

difficult to say, unless it arose from that part of the country having
suffered much from the inundation in December and the houses of the

people not being so good or durable as in the interior. There are

also greata number of toddy-drawers who reside in huts made of

cadjans only on the coast, most of which were destroyedin the monsoon

and the people left exposed. Many of the salt marshes were also
overflowed in the monsoon, the exhalation from which is very offensive.
The mortalitytherefore all along the coast to Cape Oomorin has been

great, and the district of Calcaud being bounded by the hills

very
upon the other side has from these two causes suffered most severely
from the fever. The Tasildar mentions
many villageswhich are

nearly depopulated,and almost all his peons have been sick. In addi-
tion
to these misfortunes the small-pox has latelymade its appearance
iu the Punjamahl Taluk, but it has not yet done much mischief.
 276 APPENDIX TO

Appendix II. This disease is probably imported from Travancore where I have been
informed it is now raging,but it does not that the fever which
appear
has committed such ravages here has extended itself to that country,
where the seasons are remarkable for their regularity.
"14. The taluk of Shankaranainarkovil only one whichis the
now

remains to be noticed, and although surrounded by those parts which

suffered most severely from the fever, it is extraordinary that till near
the end of April it was only experienced in a comparatively slight
degree and the deaths very few. On the 22nd of that month, however,
it was representedas having become very general,and that a number
of people were dying suddenly as in the other districts where it first
broke out. The last accounts state it still continues.
"
15. The above is a statement of the progress of the disease in the
different parts of the province, as reported to me by the public officers
and ascertained as correctly as possible from the best information
which it has otherwise been in my power to collect and in compliance
with the Board's orders. Instructions have been sent to endeavour to
ascertain as near as possible the actual number of people who have
fallen victims to this calamity. There has not yet, however, been time
for a compliance with these orders from the state in which the people
are whose duty it is to furnish them, and also from the dislike which
the people of this country have in general to all enquiries of this

nature, and they consequently evince much unwillingnessto furnish

Hny information respecting it. Independent of these circumstances it
ie to be apprehended that any account recorded just now would be
liable inaccuracy, as in many
to places where the fever began the
people left their villagesuntil the disease should subside. As soon,
however, as any return is obtained which can be depended upon, the
Board shall immediatelybe furnished with it."

APPENDIX III.

T1XNEVELLY NATIVE AUTHORS.

App. III. The Pandya country, especially

as was natural Madura itself, the
capitalof the country and the abode of its kings, abounded in authors.

It might with equal propriety be said to have abounded in poets,

almost ancient Tamil composition having been in verse. dura
Ma-
every
became celebrated in Tamil literary circles for its so-called
"
college." This however,
college, was not a teachinginstitution,but
an association of poets, who gave their imprimatur to works they
considered by classical giving the writer a place on their board, which
was literally
a board, viz.,the they sat when they board on which

met,representedafterwards to have been a miraculous diamond bench

capable of expanding and contracting. The name for this college,

Mrulura Sangam (Sanskrit),has the same meaning as the Latin collegium.

College. \'\z.,
an association or society of learned men. Tradition says that

there were three such collegesat Madura at different times, and that
 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. 277

it was to the last of them that Tirurvalluvar,

the celebrated author of App. III.

the Rural, was admitted. Another of the accepted poets was the
author of the Naladiyar. Tiruvalluvar (a name which means the
sacred Paraiya priest) is esteemed the princeof Tamil poets ; but

having- been a Paraiya, it was not without a miracle wrought in his

favour that he was allowed a place on the much-coveted bench. All
this passes current freely in popular tradition, but it is impossible
now to ascertain how much truth these legends contain. It is the less

necessary for our present purpose to endeavour to ascertain this,

seeing that none of the great writers of that time is said to have

belonged to Tinnevelly. It is true that Tinnevelly boasts in the

possessionof Agastyar-malai, the place to which the great rishi
"
Agastya, styled the Southern Sage and "
the Tamil Sage," retired Aga"tya. "

alter having not only invented Tamil grammar but the Tamil guage
lan-

itself,and also that works are still extant "

grammars and books

of medicine, alchymy, and mystic theology which are commonly "

attributed to him. When I have mentioned, however, that all this

is related and believed without a particleof evidence in its favour,
and against every conceivable I think I have
probability, done enough.
A considerable number of Tamil compositions of some degree of
merit are attributed on sufficient evidence to persons who are known

to have belonged to Tinnevelly, but there are only four of these which
could fairlyclaim a place in a history of Tamil literature.

Ncmmalvdr.

I. The first and probably the oldest of these is a portion of the

great Yaishnava composition called the great Prabandham or Tixu-

vay-moli,the words of the Sacred Mouth. The whole work contains

4,000 verses, 1,000 of which are attributed to a native of

Tinnevelly-
This was Nammalvar, one of the twelve Alvars disciples
or (Alvar
means one who profoundly humbled himself) of Eamanuja Acharya,
the founder of the Sri-vaishnava or Visisht-advaita school of Hindu

theosophy. The Brahman adherents of this school are called in the

Tamil country Aiyangars. The age of the Alvars is not certainly
known, but it must have been subsequent to the age of their master Alvar-tiruna-
Ramanuja, who flourished about the beginning or middle of the 12th gari.
century A.D. The Tinnevelly Alvar gave his name to Alvar Tiruna-

gari, a place also,called erroneously, Alvar but

Tinnevelly. The
oldest name of this
place is Kurugur or Kurugapuri. In later times
the name which I have found in inscriptions is Tenkarai (the South-
bank, equivalentto the English Southwark), a name which survives

as the name of the taluk in which this place is included. It was

called by this name in contradistinction to Srl-vaikuntham, a still
more considerable town on the northern bank. Alvar Tirunagari,
the name by which it is now called,the meaning of which is the
holy
ei y of the Alvar, is one of the principalVaishnava holy places in
Tinnevelly, with a population of 5,600. The real name of the Alvar
of this place is said to have been Jadakopa, a common name now

amongst Vaishnavas, and his father is said to have been one Kari
 278 APPENDIX TO

App. III. Maran, a scion of the Pandya dynasty. Maran means Pandyan.
Nammalvar means onr Alvar, and this title is said to have been ferred
con-

upon him by Vishnu himself, as a mark of special confidence

and favour. Though only one in twelve of the Alvars, his share in

the hymns of the great Prabandhani was one part in four.

Translation of the Mahabharata.

II. The second important composition attributed to a native of

Tinnevelly is the Tamil poeticaltranslation of the Maha-bharata, or

at least of the greater part of it,which is believed to have been wait-

ten at by a
Srl-villiputtur, Vaishnava Brahman called Sarva Bhauma1

Aiyangar. From the name of the place to which he belonged he is

commonly Villiputtiirar.Possibly at the time the

called poem became

famous Sri, sacred, had not been commonly prefixed to the name of

the place. At present if the Sri were omitted, the name would not

be recognised. The poet is sometimes called an Alvar, but this is

only out of respect, as the title is also sometimes given to Kambar,

the author of the Tamil poeticalversion of the Ramayana. The

Tamil Maha-bharata is not considered by any means equal in beauty

to the Tamil Ramayana, which stands, with the Ohintamani and the

Kural, in the first rank of Tamil poems, but it is considered

very
notwithstanding a very fine composition. Portions of it have quently
fre-

been prescribed for the study of candidates for University

distinctions.

The date of the author of this work is unknown, but it is never

Sn-villiput- supposed to be early. Pandits

generallysuppose lived that he
very
tur-
two or three hundred years ago, which seems probable enough and
would place him in the age of the Nayaka rulers of Madura. Villi-

puttfir means the new town of the bow-man, and of course a legend "

several legends indeed "

are related to account for this name and

explain who the bow-man was. It has received the title of Sri,
sacred, on account of its Vaishnava temple, which is a holy place
of some celebrity,ranking perhaps with that at Alvar Tirunagari.
Tirumalai Nayaka, the celebrated ruler of Madura, had a palace in

this place, which is still shown. In the Government Records the

name of the place appears as^Nachiyar Kovil, with a population of

over 14,000.

Pwrimelalagor.
III. The third literary character belonging to Tinnevelly whose

name claims to occupy a place in the literaryhistory of the Tamil

country is a commentator on the Kural called Parimelalagar. I should

hardly have thought of placing a mere commentator in this rank,

were it not that his urai or commentary is considered the first of its

kind. According to the opinion of the Tamil people the best of all

is Tiruvalluvar's Kural, and the best of all commentaries is

poems

1 Sarva Bhauma means possessing tho whole world or known throughout the

whole world.
 280 APPENDIX TO

App. IV. peojilein tins neighbourhood draw water from wells for their tion.
cultiva-
The urn is without handles, feet, or cover. It swells out

towards the middle and terminates in point, so that it is only when

a

it is surrounded with earth that it keeps an upright position. The

urns do much credit to the workmanship of the people by whom they
were made, being made of better-temperedclay,better burnt, and
much stronger than any of the pottery made in these times in this

part of India. They would contain a human body easilyenough in a

if
doubled-up position, it could be got inside, but the mouth is gene-
rally
so narrow that this would present some difficulty.One opinion
is that the bones were denuded of flesh and separated before they
were packed into the
Generally decay is found to haveurns.

Mode of inter-
ment. advanced so far that theories respecting the mode in which the body
was put in can neither be verified nor disproved. Fragments only of
the harder bones remain, and the urn seems to contain little more

than a mass of earth. In one instance I found the bones partially

and
petrified, therefore almost perfect,though they had fallen asunder ;

but this was the large eleven-feet urn referred to above, covered
dis-

at Korkai, so that in this instance it was conceivable that the

body had been placed in it entire. The skull was nearly perfect" a

skull of a low type. At Ilanji, near Courtallum, on opening an urn

distinct traces of the shape of a skeleton were discovered. The skull

was found restingon the sternum, and on each side of the sternum

was a tibia. It appeared clear, therefore, in this case, that the body
had been doubled up and forced in head foremost, though it was not

clear how the shoulders could have got in. The bones were of the
consistence of ochre, and crumbled to pieces when they were taken
out. Nothing could be preserved but
piece a the of the skull and

teeth, which were those of an adult. Dr. Fry, Surgeon to the Eesi-
dent of Travancore, who was present at the find, pointed out that
the molars had been worn down by eating grain, and that the edges of
Character- the front teeth also had been down by biting some kind of
istics of the
worn

parched pulse. Afterwards, on examining the mouths of some natives,

human re-

iii.iius. I found their front teetli worn down a little in the same manner, and

as they admitted, from the same cause. I have not noticed any trace

of the bones in these urns having been calcined. I believe they were
not. Cremation, I think, was not then in use.

In addition to human bones a few small earthen vessels are found

in most jars. Sometimes
of the such vessels are arranged outside
instead beingofplaced inside. These vessels are of variousshapes,
all more or less elegant,and all appear to have been highly polished.
At first I supposed they had been glazed, but I have been informed

by Dr. Hunter, late of the Madras School of Arts, that what 1 noticed
\v;is a polish,not a true glaze. Whatever it was, I have not noticed
anything of the kind in tho native pottery of these parts and these
times. In
many cases the polishor glaze is black,and the decay of
these blackened vossels seems to have given rise to the supposition
that the bones had sometimes been calcined.

Description On the accompanying plate (see Indian Antiquary for October 1877)
of contonts. sketches of five of these little vessels. "When these have been
ar0
 HISTORY 01 iinnkvei.lv. 281

shown to natives, the}'say that one appears to have been an oil vessel, Apr. IV.

and another a spittoon! The use of the vessel with the lid is
unknown. In these times such vessels would be made of bell-metal,
not of pottery. We
may objectin view in placing
conclude that the
these vessels in the urn was that the ghost of the departed might be

supplied with the ghosts of eatables and drinkables, togetherwith the

ghosts of suitable vessels for eating and drinking out of, in the other
world. Small stones about the size of a cocoanut are generallyfound
heaped round the mouth of the urn, and the discoveryof such stones
ranged in a circle,correspondingto the circular mouth of the urn, will
be found to be a reason for suspectingthe existence of an urn neath.
under-

The natives of these times know nothing whatever of the people by

whom singular mode
this of sepulture was practised,
or of the time

when they lived. They do not identify them with the Samanas "

that is, the Jainas and Buddhists lumped together "

about whom

tolerablydistinct traditions survive,nor does there appear to be any-

thing
in or about the jarsdistinctively Jaina or Buddhistic. There is

a myth current amongst the natives, it is true, respectingthe people Native

who were buriedjars,but this myth seems
in these to me merely a con- theories,
fession of their ignorance. They say that in the Tretayuga that is, "

about a million of years ago" people used to live to a great age, but

that however old they were they did not die,but the older they grew
the smaller they became. They got so small at length that to keep
them out of the of harm it was necessary to placethem in the little
way
triangularniches in the walls of native houses in which
the lamp is

kept. At length when the younger people could longer bear the
no

trouble looking after their

of dwarf ancestors, tbey placed them in
earthen jars, put with them in the jarsa number of little vessels

containing rice,water, oil,"c, and buried them in a sort of cemetery

near the village.
The name by which these urns are called in the Tamil country does Interpreta-
This three tlon of names,
not throw much light on their origin. name assumes

forms. In dictionary it is madarnadakkattali.

the Tamil A more

form of this is madamadakkan-dali, the meaning of both

common

which forms is the same, viz., the tali or large jar which boils over.
attributed to this by some natives is rather far-fetched,
The meaning
viz., that the little people who were placed in them used sometimes

to come out of the jars and sit about, as if they had boiled over out

of them. The form of this word in use amongst the common p eople
rational interpretation.This is madamat-
seems capable of a more

tan-dali,or more properlymadonmattan-dfdi. Madonmatta (Sansk.)

means
'
insane,' but it is sometimes used in Tamil to mean
'
very
in the Tamil version of the Panchatantra, where it is used
large,'as
to denote large jungle. The great size of the urn being its
a very
that the name in use
principalcharacteristic,it would seem amongst
the common people is, after all, better warranted than that which is

used by those who are regarded as correct speakers.

Who the people were who buried their dead in these urns is a
peopie jntci._
The that be regarded red not
problem yet
1
unsolved. only points can as cer-
pygmies.
op
 282 APPENDIX TO

App. IV. tain are those which have been ascertained by the internal evidence
of the urns and their contents themselves. From this it is clear that
the people buried in them were not pygmies, but of the same size as

people of the present time. How they were put in may be mysterious,
but there is no doubt about the size of their bones. The skulls were

similar to those of the present time. The teeth also were worn down,
like those of the existing race of natives, by eating grain. In a jar
opened by Mr. Acting Stuart, then Collector of Tinnevelly,and Dr.

Jagor, of Berlin, at Aditta-nalliir near Pudugudi, a head of millet was

found. The grain had disappeared,but the husks remained. In one

opened by myself at the same place a small copper bangle was

found. Copper is not now used for this purpose.

The unknown people must have lived in villages,the jars being

found, not one here and another there, but arranged side by side in
considerable numbers, as woidd naturally be done in a cemetery or

burial-ground. They were also a comparatively civilized people, as is

evident from the excellence of their pottery, and the traces of iron

implements or weapons which have sometimes been found in the jars.

The conclusion from all this which seems to me most probable is that

they were the ancestors of the

people now livingin the same bourhood.
neigh-
If this were the explanation,it is singular that no
true

relic,trace, or tradition of such a mode of sepulture has survived to

the present day. And yet, if we were to adojitthe supposition that
they were an alien race, it would be still more difficult to conjecture
who they were, where they came from, and why they disappeared.
Whoever those people were, judging from the rites of sepulture

prevailing amongst them, I think it may be regarded as certain that

'
Not Hindus they were not Hindus ; that is, that they
'
were not adherents of the
by religion. Brahmanical religioncommonly called Hindiiism. If so they must
have lived at that early period when Brahmanical Hinduism was as

yet unknown, or at least when it had not yet become the religionof
the country. This suppositionwould carry the urns back to a high
antiquity,possiblyeven an antiquity higher Christian than the era.

I have myself seen these urns both in the Tinnevelly and Madura

Districts and in Northern and Southern Travancore, that is. on both

sides of the Southern Ghats, and I am anxious to ascertain in what

other districts of India they are found. If the area within which they
aro found can be accuratelytraced, some lightmay be thrown thereby
on their history.

APPENDIX V.

EXPLORATIONS AT KOKKAI AND KAVAL.

V. I quote here, in confirmation of statements made in various places

Aiiindix
in the body of the work, an article which appeared in the Indian

Antiquary for March 1877.

" * v'^'t'''1'Korkai and, though my visit was

identified
once many years ago,
hurried yet from what I saw, and from the inquiriesI made, I
a our,
 HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY. 283

camo to the conclusion that Korkai (in Tamilproperly Kolkai, euplio- Appendix V.

nized into Korkai), though now so insignificant,

was to be fied
identi-

with the KoA^ot of the Greeks, which Lassen had identified

with Kllakarai,place on the Ramnad
a or Madura coast. The Greeks

came KoA.^01
to purchase pearls, certainly
to soon after the tian
Chris-

era, probably many years before, and represented it as the

headquarters of the pearl trade between Capo Kumarl and the place

they called Kwpu, properly Koti, now Ramesvaram, which was also

an emporium of the same trade. It must have been regarded as a

considerable place at that time, seeing that from its name they called
the Gulf of Manar the Kolchic Gulf. This was the Korkai to which
all native traditions pointed as the cradle of South Indian civilization,
the place where the three brothers Cheran, Cholan, and Pandiyan
were said to have been born and brought and from whence they set
up,
forth to form dynasties and kingdoms, "

or, as might readily be more

admitted, the place where the rule of the Pandyas commenced, and

from whence they afterwards migrated to Madura. The meaning of

the name Korkai is '
an army, a camp.' The interest of this identi- Kayal.
fication was heightened by conclusion at the which I arrived at tho

same time, that an place called

insignificant Old Kayal, about way
half-
between Korkai and the sea, was to be identified with the Cael
of Marco Polo, the most important city seaport and on the eastern

coast of India during the Middle Ages. (See Colonel Yule's Marco

Polo.) The sites of two famous places were thus discovered in the

same neighbourhood, and a glance at the geology of the hood

neighbour-
disclosed the reason why each had been abandoned in turn.

Both places are situated on the delta of the Tamraparni, "

Korkai
within five, Kayal within two, miles of the sea, " and each was nally
origi-
on the sea-coast. As the silt accumulated in the soa near the
mouth of the river, or as the land rose, or from both causes, Korkai

was found at length to be too far inland for the convenience of a borne
sea-

trade, and Kayal (meaning a 'lagoon opening into the sea')

rose in its stead on the sea-shore, and attained perhaps to still greater
dimensions. Kayal carried on an immense direct trade with China
and Arabia, the evidences of which " broken pieces of China and
Arabian pottery" lying all over are found the plain on which the Retirement of
open
stood. In time, however, through the from
city the continuous operation of sea

a
the same causes, Kayal came to be too far from the sea ; and accord-

ingly,shortly after the Portuguese arrived on the Coromandel Coast,

they abandoned Kayal, and established themselves instead at Tuticorin,
which has ever since been the principal seaport of Tinnevelly, there

being no river near to silt up the harbour and roads. It would seem

as if Korkai, though probably never so important an emporium of

trade as Kayal, must at one time have been nearly as large. This is

proved by tho relics of pottery, "c, scattered about the for

country
miles, and especiallyby tho circumstance that places,such as Akka-
salai ('the mint'), which are now at a distance from Korkai, are

ascertained, by the inscriptions I have found on the walls of tho

temples,to have been portionsof Korkai originally

 28i APPENDIX TO

AiiiMux V. "
Whilst in Korkai and the neighbourhood I employed ten or twelve
coolies days for four to niake excavations here and there, under the
Excavations
at Korkai. superintendenceof one of my assistants ; whilst it was made the duty
of the choir boys "
much more a pleasure to them than a duty " to

examine every shovelful of the earth that was thrown up, to see

whether it contained any objects of interest. The Collector of the

district kindly sent me a peon, to let the people of the place see that

nothing illegalor improper was going to be done, and in return I

sent him a list of the articles found, though unfortunatelythey were

of no particularinterest.
Geology of " The geology of the place seemed to me more interestingthan its
Korkai,
antiqxuties. The whole of the country in this neighbourhood is

included in the delta of the Tamraparni, the great river of Tinnevelly;

and this place is situated in the last formed portion of the delta.

lowest and nearest the sea, so that the mode in which the delta was

formed, which is doubtless more or less the mode in which all deltas

have been formed, could be easily studied. The upper stratum is

composed of stiff alluvial clay, which had been brought down by the

river and depositedin the bed of the adjacent sea. Every portionof
this alluvium contains sea-shells in great abundance, " not merely sea-
shore

shells, but deep-sea shells, such as the chatd- and the pearl
oyster. So abundant are they that in places where the surface of the

ground has been washed away by rain, and cultivation has not been

carried on, the white shell-covered surface glittersalmost like water

in the moonlight, and in some placesas you walk along the roads,
especiallynear Maramangalam, the shells go crackling under your
feet, as they would by the sea-shore when the tide is out. This being
the last formed portion of the delta, the alluvial stratum is very
shallow. The average depth cannot be more than six feet, and at the

bottoms of tanks I have found it no more than three. Underneath

this I invariably found a layer of grit-stone(calledby the people

1
'),rarely more
salt-stone than a foot in thickness, composed of the
larger grains of sea-sand, such as lie on the surface, mixed with minuted
com-

shells. This had evidentlybeen the surface of the ancient

sea-bed, for underneath I invariably came upon beautiful white sea-

sand in smaller grains, containing great quantitiesof unbroken shells.

Doubtless the grit-stone had been by the infiltration of the

formed
alluvium from above. I found itimpossibleto ascertain the depth of
the sand, or what it rested on, for after digging into it for a few feet

the hole always got filled with water, and tho water flowed in so fast

that baling out was useless. Strange to say, some of the shells I

found in this ancient sea-bed retained a portion of their original

Recent colour. One in particular "
a Conus "
looked as if it had been alive
of What makes this remarkable is that this
appearance 0H]V a few years ago. so

portionof tho delta must have been inhabited at least 2,500 years

ago, and it must have been many ages earlier when the deposition of
the alluvium commenced.
No traces ol " 1 hoped by making excavations in Korkai and the neighbourhood
thoGreeka. doomed be
tQ fin(j Bome ira, r., ,,f )],, Greeks, but in this I was to
 HISTORV OF TINNEVELLY. 285

V.
disappointed. The ancient level of the village is about eight feet Appendix
below its presenl level,which, of itself is a proof of great antiquity.
found traces of
When the diggers reached this depth they invariably
of the
human habitations,shreds of Indian pottery, Arc, but nothing
nature I hoped to find. On the surface we found two Singhalese
(I conclude
coins them to be Singhalese from the management
copper
of the drapery), but the inscriptionswere quite obliterated. I also

of Buddha, sitting, in his usual attitude of plation.

contem-
found two images
the other in the village. of
One of them was out in the fields, *ma"f
I suspectedthat the latter was worshipped, though it was known to

belong to a different religion. The people strenuously denied this,

but one morning when I happened to pass I saw a garland of flowers
who
which placed by some
had beenperson round its neck. The person

did so evidently thought that if ever Buddha got his head above water

again, he had a chance of being remembered for good! The most

interesting things that were found were three of those mysterious

sepulchral urns which have hitherto puzzled everybody. The natives

know nothing about them, and the common opinion amongst peans
Euro-

is that they pertainedto a race which died out, but of which

no relic remains except these urns. The urns are made of a liarly
pecu-
good variety of the ordinary pottery of the country, but there

are always some little vessels found inside,some of which are fully
beauti-

shaped, with a polish or glaze which the potters of these days

cannot imitate. Two of the urns I found contained no bones, but only
traces of bone-dust ; but one, a monster urn, 1 1 feet in circumference Sepulchral
ums-
"
unfortunately found broken contained a complete set " of entire
human bones, including a perfect skull. The circumstances in which

this urn was found were very interesting. The people to whom it

belonged had dug down through the alluvial soil of the delta and the

grit-stonetill they came to the white sea-sand, and in this they had
depositedthe urn. The grit-stonehad then partially reformed all

round, and I found the cavity of the skull

filled up with grit-stone.
All the bones were more or less petrified. The notion "invariably
entertained by the natives of these days is that the people buried in Petrified
human o01108-
these urns were a race of pygmies, but the bones found in this urn

were admitted by the natives who were standing about when it was

opened to be those of a full-grown man of the usual size. Strange

to say, a deputation of women came to my tent one day for the

purpose of seeing the bones.

"
I visited Old Kayal (Marco Polo's Gael) twice, and set excava- Explorations
my
in K"yal.
tors at work for a day in a place about two miles from the present
village,which represents only the western boundary of the ancient

city. At a depth of three feet beneath the present surface they came
on the ehunammed floor of a houso, but found nothing of importance.
The extent of the site of Kayal was so great that it would take a

month, instead of a single day merely, to explore properly. I it

found, however, the whole surface of the ground, literallyfor miles,
covered with evidences of the perfecttruth of Marco Polo's statements

respectingthe trade of the place, confirmed by those of the Muham-

madan historians According t" thosi statements, Kayal was
 286 ArPENDIX TO

Appendix V. frequented by great numbers of vessels from the Arabian coast and
from China {junks) in of which latter Marco Polo
China and one " "

himself
Arabian arrived ; and accordinglyI picked up everywhere on the open plain
pottery .
broken piecesof China porcelainof all qualities,and broken pieces of
Arabian pottery. I could easily,if I had chosen, have collected a
cart-load, but the pieces had been broken again and again by the
plough and the feet of bullocks, so that, though the material in each
case enough, all
was obvious trace of the shape of the article had
disappeared. Kayal, or Old what remains of it,is now inhabited
almost exclusivelyby Labbis (native Muhammadans) and Eoman
Catholic fishermen.
"
The people of these parts,
generally throughout India, have not as

the remotest notion of the

objectEuropeans have in view in searching
for antiquities. Whatever we may say, they think our real objectis
to endeavour to discover hidden and this
treasures ; they consider a
very risky business, for all hidden treasures are in the custody of
demons, who will not allow them to be rifled with impunity. At
Korkai, before my explorations commenced, many of the people
expressed an earnest hope that I woidd not make excavations
any
near any temple or image, because, although very likelythere might
be treasure underneath, the demons in charge would be so enraged
that they woidd destroy the village outright. I assured the rjeople
Superstitious that I would take care not to come near any temple or image, and I
fears.
scrupulously kept my word. My old friend M of Arumuga-

mangalam professesto have received a dreadful frightsome }rears ago

from the demons that watch over hidden treasure, when he helped
the then Collector of Tinnevelly,Mr. Packle, to make some tions
explora-
near Kayal. The night after the first day's explorationa she-
demon appeared to him in a dream, and asked him in terrible tones
how he dared to meddle with her treasures. In the morning when he
awoke, he found "
dreadful to relate "
that his feet were fastened
round the back of his neck in such a way that he was unable to loose

them without assistance ! I need scarcelyadd that no further part in

the explorationwas taken by him. I wanted him to tell me the story ;
but he was afraid, I suppose, I should laugh at him. and so I failed ;
but he told it quite gravely to my assistants, and has told the story so

often that he evidently believes it himself now. Even Europeans, it

seems, are not quite so free from danger as they suppose. Many
years ago there was a Collector of Tinnevelly,it is said, who mined
deter-

dig for the treasure

to which was believed to have been hidden
in a certain place by a woman who intended to make use of it in some

subsequent birth, and which for the time being, of cotirse, was under

the custody of demons. lie was warned that something dreadful would

happen, but, being a European, he did not care. lie pitchedhis tent

near the place,and the whole of the first day was occupied by himself,
Wonderful his peons, and his coolies in digging. At length,as night drew on,

occurrence to they came to a carefullybuilt stone receptacle; and. justlyconcluding

an explorer. the hidden, the Collector
that this was the place where treasure was

861 a watch over it and went to Bleepin his tent, with the intention of

opening the -tone receptaclethe next morning. The next morning

 288
APPENDIX TO HISTORY OF TINNEVELLY.

Appendix V.
"
5. On hearing of the discovery I notified the he
course to pursued
under the Act, hut nothing given The recovered
was up. treasure

was deposited with the Civil Court, and the case was inquired into

after due notification. The Court has decided, as per proceeding

enclosed, that the terms of the Act were sufficiently observed and that

the treasure should he restored to the finders.

"
6. This treasure was
buried in the sandy tract between the coast

and the large town of Alwartirunagari, fifteen miles from the

some

mouth of the Tambrapurni. It was

found near an
old avenue leading-
inland from what was once
the city of Kayal, and this treasure was

probably buried some

hundreds of
years ago.

"
7. The coins are principally Arabic, but one
is European. This,

as
far as can
be ascertained, is a
coin of Joanna of Castile, A.D. 1236.

Some of the Arabic coins are

still older : one hears the impress of the

Mahomedan 71, and another bears the name

of Sultan Salaudeen,
year

who may
be the Saladin of history."

I here add the description of the coins sent to the Madras ment
Govern-

Museum by Mr. Puckle, kindly furnished to me by Dr. G. Bidie,

Superintendent of tho Museum.

"
The coins are 31 in number, and the inscriptions are
in Arabic or

Kufic, with exception, viz., that of a

coin of Peter of Aragon, the
one

legend which is Latin in Gothic character. All the Kalifat coins,

on

with the exception of nine, have been deciphered and belong to the

13th century. So of course

does that of Peter of Aragon, it being

after 1276. There is doubt about some of the dates, but none are
a

apparently later than 1300."

 INDEX.

Page

Arnold, Father 233

Page Arumugamangalam, App. . . . .
286

Ahdul-mally 100 Arumugam Pillay, App. 253

. . . .

Abdul-rahim 91 Arya Nayaka . . . . . . . .

67

Abdurrazzak, Quatremere's publication Aryans . . . . . . . . . .

1
of 37 Asoka, his inscription at Girnar . .
9

Abington, Major, App. 260 Atabek Abu Bakr 39

Abiral Khan 131 Aitchison, his Treaties, App. . . . .
270

Achehan-kdvil, 25 Ati-Vira-rama Pandya 27

pass . . . .

Adam's Bridge 21 Ati-Vira Parakrama Pandya 49

. . . .

Adansonia Digitate at Taticorin 78 Augustus, the Pandyas embassy to

. .
16

Adithiya Nurmah, App. 25 1 Avudeiyarpuram, Poligar of . .

95
Aditta-nallur, 5 sepulchral urns at,App. 282 Avur 241
'
Agastier,'Agastya'a hill ..
6, 15 Aycottah, App. .. ..
..261
Agastva, App. . . .
277
. . . . .

Agnew, Colonel 94, 203

Ahava Malla, Rajendra Chola's victory
over 28

Aiyangars, App. 277 Babhruvahana ..13

. . . . . .

Akrida 12 Bada Saheb 87

Alam Khan, a soldier of fortune 91 Badagas . . . . . . . . . .
47
"
deputed by Chanda Saheb to take " motives of the . . . .
70
. .

charge of Tinnevelly 125 " inroads of the

. . . .
69
Alandulai .
78 "

ravages of the
. . . .
69

Alangaud, App. 263 .

"
explanation of the hostility of the. 71

Alauddin, his army 34, 49 Baggott, Mr . . . .

83

Algapa (Alagappa) Mudali 114 .

Bahrein, one of the isles in the Persian
"

" 126, App. 254 Gulf 39

.

Alleppey, App. 263 .

Baldaeus, a Dutch Missionary . .
237

AHi Saheb 115 .

Ballalas, the, kings of Dwara-samu-
Alvar Kurichi 115 .
dra 30, 34

Tirunagari
"
79 .
"
defeat of
. . .
44
. . . . .

Alvar Tinnevelly (Alvar Tirunagari), "

end of
dvnasty of the 44 . .
"

the Dutch troops proceed to 124 Ballard, Mr., App. 264

"
plundered by Kattaboma's people 163 . .
Balmain, Mr 162

"
named after the Tinnevelly Alvar, Bannerman, Major 94, 166 .. ..

App- 277 " events preceding his expedition 173 . .

Ambalakadu 73 "
his letter to the Secretary to Gov-
ernment
. . . .

Ambasamudram 63 .
183
. . . . , . .

Amir Khusru, the Muhammadan rian

histo- "
particulars of his expedition ..
183
32 "
his success 193
.. .. .. ..

Aneguudi 45 "
the first representative of the tish
Bri-

Anicuts, list of those in Tinnevelly on Government in Travancore,

the Tamraparni 63 App. 261

Anjengo, Yusuf receives help from 122 Baobab, an African tree at Tuticorin 78
. .

"
letters from Madras to Bombay sent Barbosa, a Portuguese Captain 17

through 138 "

his information 67

" Orine said to have been born at 138 Barlow, G., App. Sir ..
263
Anna Deva Raja, king of Vijayanaga- Barretto, Bishop of Cochin 82

ram 49 Barrington, Captain 140

Antonio Criminalis, Xavier's successor, Bassorah, letters sent home vid 139
his death 234 Batavia, the Museum at 47
Anw ir-u-din 87 Berkatoolah (Barakat-ulla) 112

appointed Nawab
" 125 Beschi, Father . . . ,
238
Arabic
coins, discovery of, App. 287 " a Tamil scholar 238

Aramboly, pass 87 "

memoirs of 239

App
"
254 "
his stations 240

Argalic Gulf, the, or Palk Strait 21 "

his 1if .
-
in danger 240

Argalon, a district 20 "

acquired his Tamil Tinnevelly in 241

Ariyankavu 26 "
his flight on the approach of Mah-
Ariyanayakapuram, anient 66 ratt-iB 24 2

Arjuna, his intermarriage with the "

his last days at Manapar 243

Pandyaa 1! "
his de ith 242
.. .. ,. ..

37
 290 INDEX.

Page Page
Beschi, his grave . . . . . .
243 Casamajor, Mr., introduced spices at
"
period after . . . . . . . .
243 Courtallura . . . . . . 9,160
Bettelar 40 Cashmere, Raja-taranginl of . . . .
I

Bettigo, the, of the Greeks . . . .

11 Cawn, the," the Nawab's
"
Manager. .
156
Bhagavati . . . . . .
..21 Ceylon, Maha-wanso of . . . .
1
Bharadwaja Gothram . . . .
65 " the Shanars from . . . .
4
. .

Bharata, his behaviour to his brother " later names of . . . . . .

9
Rama an instance of filial duty 155 " the great reservoirs of . .
14
Bidie, Dr. G., Superintendent of the "

help obtained from . . . .

202
Madras
Museum, App 288 Chalmers, Colonel, App. . . . .
263
Bilcliffe,Captain 142 Chalukya, the country . . . .
28
" Commandant at Pal amcottah ..
144 Chanda Saheb at Trichinopoly . .
85
" directed to make over Tuticorin .
155 his treachery
"

. . . . . .
85
.

Birch, Lieutenant . . .
205 " seizes the kingdom . . . .
86
. . .

Birdhul ..
..34 " invasion of the south, App. . ,
256
Blacker, Captain .. ..
..152 Chandra-sekhai'a,king of Madura . .
55
" his battalion placed at Sankaranai- Chandragiri, the forts of Velur and . .
48

yanarkovil . . . . . . . .
158 "
grant of Madras to the English by

" wounded . . . .
205 the Raja of . . . .
50
. . . .

Board of Revenue constituted at Mad-

ras Chennappa, the name of the founder of
in 1786 158 Madras 50

" Letter to the Madras Government Cbera-Maha Devi, Sathram at . .

65
from the .. .. ..
..175 Cheras, the legendary origin of the . .
12

Bombay, learned Natives of . .

2 "
boundary between the Pandyas and
. .

" postal communication between the . . . . . . . . . .

25
Madras and .. .. ..
139 Cheran Rajah Perumal 65 . .

"
Brahmans the north
from . . . .
4 Cheroker
"
(Servaikar), or Minister
" self-sacrifice of one at Srivilliputtur113 of Shivagangai ..170 . . . .

Braithwaite, Major .. ..
..140 Chera-Chola Pandyeswaram, App. 251 . .

Brandolini, Father, founder of the gregation

con- Chin and Machin . . . .
39
at Vadakankulam . .
240 Chintamani, the, App. .. ... ..
278

Bridges, Colonel, Commandant of Pa- Chitrangada, Arj una's wife .. ..

13

lamcottah .. .. .. ..
158 Chittar, the 8, 1 1
Brihat-samhita, one of the works of Chokkampatti . . . . . .
98
Varaha-mihira . . . . . .
26 "

siege of the fort . . . . . .

149

Broun, Dr., Astronomer . . . .

6 "

support given to the Government by

Browne, Captain ..
..138 the Poligar ot 1 79
..

"

engages the Poligars against Hyder 139 Cholas, the history of the . . . .
2

" ordered to Madras . . . . . .

139 "
legendary origin of the . . . .
12

Buddhamitra, the Buddhist rian

Gramma- " their occupation . . . .
27
29 "
conquest over the . . . . . .
48
. . . . . . . .

Bukka Rayar, the first Rayar of Vija- Cbola, Rajendra . . . .

27
52 "
Karikala 29
yanagara . . . . . .

Burnell, Dr 27, 29 " Vlra 29

"
his researches . . . . . .
31 " Vikrama . . . . . .
29

" his succession of Cholas 32 "

Pandyas . . . . . .
30
. .

Buxy (Bakhshi) a Muhammadan mander-in-Chief

Com- "
Sundara Pandya . . . .
30

.. ..
..133 Christians, the Native . . . . . .
199
Clarke, Lieutenant, the murder of . .
177
Clason, Lieutenant . . . . . .
203

c. Olive, Lord 180

Clorinda 244

Cochin, the Portuguese at 68

Calancandan (Kollamkondan),the Poli- . .

102, 133 embassy of the Paravas to 68

gar of
"

Calcutta, learned Natives of . .

2 "
printing at . . . .
72
. .

66 Cochrane, Mr., the first Collector of

Caldwell, Colonel
Tinnevclly alone ..231
Caliar Covil (Kalaiyarkovil) ..
..210 .. ..

..100 Colchic Gulf, the 18

Calliaud, Captain .. .,

"
plans his . . . . . .
..113 Coleroon, properly Kollidam . . . .
18

Colombo, a Dutch force from 124

"Cambo-Naig" (Kamaiya Nayaka) ..
139 . .

Campbell, Colonel Donald, his paign

cam- "
spicesbrought to Tinnevelly from. 141

..135 Columbus . . . . . .
23
. . . . . .

14 1
"
his care for the
people . . . .
137 Colt Raja, the
Sir Archibald, App. 261 "
Collerics," who they were .. ..
103
"
.. ..

descriptionof armed ..103

"
Captain Graham .. ..
..151 "
..

"
Canadian, "anicut ..44 " assemblage of .. .. ..
138
.. ..

3 Oomari, kingdom of 67
Cape Comorin . . . . . . . .
. . . . . .

known to ihr Greeks 10 "Combutur" ..77

" as .. ..
..
.. ..

Comftri (properlyKamudi) 209

" its descriptionin the Pcriplus . .
19 .. ..
 INDEX. 291

Page Page
Comrah (Kamudi) .
142 Elayirampannai. the Poligar of . .
178

Convocation of the University of Elliot'sMuhammadan Historians . .

35
Madras in 1879 2 Elphinstone, Colonel . . . . . .
149

Cooke, Captain 139 English, the Dutch alliance with gars

Poli-
"
ordered to Madras 140 against the . . . . . .
82

Cornwallis, Lord, Governor-General, "

garrison . . . , . . . .
91

an account of the conduct of the Epic poems or Puranaa . . . ,

l

Tinnevelly Poligars sent to 160 Epiodoros, the island of , .

20
Cosmas 23 Ettaiyapuram, Zemindar of 49
Indicopleustes . . . .

Courtallum, falls of 8 "

origin of 49
Mr. Casa- rebellion of 59
"
spices introduced at, by "

. . . . . .

major 9, 1G0 " the Poligar of .. ..

..100
of 9 the great rival of Panjalamkurichi. 173
"
Trikudam, a poeticalname "

53 assistance of ..184
"
temple at "

.. .. .,

dimming. Paymaster 139 Ettappa Nayaka 173

C unningham, Ensign 150

Cuppage, Colonel, App. 265

P.

D. Ferishta .. .. .. .,
..44
Flint, Major, attempts to reduce gar
Poli-
185 fort 133
Dallas, Lieutenant
Mudali 99 his unsuccessful campaign ..134
Dalavay "

..

"
the Hindu renter 141 Flos Sanctorum . . . .
72
, ,

Dalrymple, Lieutenant-Colonel 217 Foulsum, Ensign .. .. ,.

133
Darukavana 88 Francis Mancias . . . . . .
76
Daust Ali 86 "
Xavier's letter to . . .
234
,

David, the first Shanar Protestant Eraser, Lieutenant . . . . . ,

204
Christian 246 Frederic, Csesar,a Venetian merchant. 73

Deva, caste title of Maravas . .

210 French, the, Yusuf's negotiations with. 129

Dey, Lieutenant H. 203 " treachery of their commander ..

129

Dhairyanatha Svami (yar), Native Frischman, Captain, Commandant at

name adopted hy Beschi 241 Palamcotta .. .. ..

132,' 138
Dhanush koti 21 Fry, Dr 280

Dighton, Captain 162 Fullarton, Colonel, his descriptionof

D'Lanoy, Captain, App. 257 "Tinnevelly 106
Doctrina Christiana 72 " invited by Mr. Irwin to reduce the
Donald Camphell, Major 129 Poligars . . . . . . . ,
148
" officer in command in Madura 132 " marches into Tinnevelly .
149
. . .

Draupadi 134 " attacks Panjalamkurichi . . . .

149
20 attacks Si vagiri ..151
Durga, the goddess "

.. ..

12 of his expedition 153

Dushyanta "
success . . . .

Dutch, Tuticorin under the 78 "

his threat .. .. ..
..153
" factories 79 "
Torin's opinion of the results of his
"
Tuticorin taken by the 78 lenity 160
"
monopoly in the fishery 80
" alliance with Poligars against the

English 82 G.
"
invasion of the 124
"
force from Colombo 124 Gangadaram . . . . . .
..113
" their estimate of Hyder 141 Gangaikkondan, a station on the velly
Tinne-
"
their alliance with the Poligars 142 line of rail . . . . . .
31
" meditated cession of Tinnevelly to " battle at . . . . , .
..112
the , . .
. . ,
142 Gardiner, Captain .. ..
..152
" intolerance of the 237 Gibbings, Captain .. .. .,
145
Dwara-Samudra 30 Gilchrist,Lieutenant . . . . . .
204
" the kingdom of 42 Gnana-sambandha, a great Saiva
"
Ramanuja's flightto 43 teacher . . . . . , . .
32
"
list of the kings of . .
45 Goanese Church at Tuticorin . .
78
" the Kannadi kings of 90 Gopala Pillai 65
Graham, Major .. .. ,.
..217
Grant, Lieutenant James . . . ,
200
Greeks, first visited India . . . .
9
" the Solen of the . . . . .
10
.

Easaltaver (probably Isvara Devar) 121 .

.
" the Bettigo of the . . . . . ,
\ 1

Edeyengoody, pestilential fever near, " information about Korkai furnished

App. .." 271 by the 17
_

Eidington, Captain, succeeds Captain "

Cape Comorin as known to the . .
19
Cooke . . . . . . , .
140 " Paumben as known to the ..
21
 292 INDEX.

Page Page
Greeks, "
The Pandion and Madura Iktibar Khan, the XawaVs Manager in
as known to the 22 Tinnevelly ..
..156 ., ..

"

courageous act of a mariner of the. 23 Ilanji,urns discorered at, App. 280 . .

Groves, Mr., landed at Tuticorin 83 Innes, Colonel, junction of Colonel

Guerrero, his "Relation" of the Mis Martinz with his force 210
, . . .

sion 71 Innis, Lieutenant .. ..

..91
Gurukkalpatti, Beschi imprisoned at . .
240 Irwin, Mr. . . . . . . . .
82
" Mr. Proctor's successor 143
. . . .

" commission to . . . .
146
. .

H. " instructions to . . . .
146
. .

"
enters on his duties . . . .
147
. ,

Halcott, Captain 141 " invites Colonel Fullarton . .

148
. .

"
Haleyabidu, the " old abode of the "
his policy ..
..154
.. .,

Ballalas 43 "
his forebodings 156
. . . , , ,

Han bury, Mr., App. 271

Hanuman 15
Hanxleden, Father 233 J.
Harper, Captain, sets out to the relief
of Kalakadu 132
"
in command of Major Flint's rear Jackson, Mr., Collector .. ..
165
guards 134 " his proceedings disapproved 174
. .

"
appointed to establish a cantonment " his severity . .
176
. . . . . .

in Sankaranaiyanarkovil 137 " his character . . . . . .

177
Hastings, Governor-General, vours
endea- Jacobs, Captain ..151
.. ..

to enter into a treaty with Jaga Vira Ettappa Nayakar . . . .

236
the Dutch 142 Jagor, Dr., stone implements taken to
Hazard, Captain 205 Berlin by . . . .
. .
4
Henrique Henriquez, Father, buried at App. 282
Tuticorin 235 Jainas, Sundara Pandya's zeal against
Hepburn, Mr., Collector,App. .,
271 the 32
Heracles, the Indian 15 Jesuits,letters of the . . . .
55
Heron, Colonel, his expedition 92 Joannes Gonsalves, printer of Tamil .
.
72
"
took Kovilgudi 93
"
his dishonourable conduct . .
95
" his fruitless delay 95 K.
" his fate 96
Hewitt, Major, App. 265
Hindus, insults offered to 140 Kadalgudi, failure of attack on
..
198
Hippalus, a Greek mariner, his geous
coura- Kafur, his invasion in 131 1 ..
..42
act 23 Kaittar 160
Hobart, Lord 169 "
Kattaboma executed at ..
..183
"
Hookoometron,"
Raja (Hukumat "
force assembled at . . . .
205
Ram) 138 "

proclamation of Major Bannerman

Hopkins, Captain, from Vellore, suc-
ceeds written from
. . .
. . .
188
Captain Cooke 140 " interview with the Tinnevelly Poli-
gars
Horslcy, Colonel 89 at . . , . . . . .
190
Hough, Chaplain at Palamcotta 247 " R. C.
congregation at . . . .
236
Hughes, Mr., his screw 84 K"laiyarkovil, the capture of ..
216
" his account of the last Poligar war. 194 "

meaning of . . .
220
. . .

"
opinion
" his 198 " attack on the place . . .
220
.

Hume, Surgeon, App. 264 "

description
of . . . . . .
221
Hunter, Dr., App. 280 "
events that followed the capture of. 221
Ilurmuz, one of the isles of Persian Kalakadu, incursions of the Travancore
Gulf 39 troops into the districts about Ill . .

Hussein Mahomed Khan 125 " taken by Mahfuz Khan ..116 . .

Hyder Ali,his communication with the "

wholly assumed by Travancore 126 ..

Poligars 138 "

protection of the country of 132 . .

"
behaviour of the Poligars towards . .
139 "
Captain Harper sets out to the relief
" Dutch estimate of 111 of 132
" Travancore aid against, App. 260 " held by Travancorians ..
..132
"
Hazardinari, a Muhamniadan army " tho Travancore troop6 retire from. .
132
under 44 "
Vira P"ndyan Palace at, App. ..
251
"
regained, App. .. .. ..
257
" Travancorians' retreat from, App . .
257
"
the claim to, App. .. .. ..
259
Kallars, country of the ..
..49
Ibn Batuta, Commissioner from the Kales Dewar, the 30

Emperor of Delhi . .
42 Kalhatu, one of the isles of Persian
Gulf 39
 INDEX. 293

Page Paok
K"lidftsa 7 Kombukireiyrtr 77
Kalinga, country, or Northern Circara. 28 Kopparakesara Varma 27
Kamaiyanayakanpatti . . . .
236 Korampallam 76
Kambar, the Tamil poet . .
28 Korkai, excavations at, App. 284
" his Ramayana . . . .
29 "
geology of 284
Kampana Udaiyar 52 "
the first settlement of civilized men
. . . .

Kamudi, fort at 209 in Tinnevelly 9

" attack on ..215 "
Cheran, Cholan and Paudyan at 12
.. .. ..

Kanikkaras (hereditary proprietors of " information about it furnished by

land), hill tribes 4 the Greeks . .
17
.. .. ..

Kannadian anicut 64 " situation of 17

. . . . . .

" its legend "

Kayal and 37
Kantimati 88 "
discovery of a large urn at, App. 280
Karikala Ch"la 29 "
explorationsat, App. 282
"
Chola, an ardent Saiva . . . .
43 "
identified,App. 282
Kamataka 44 Korkai-all, ruler of Korkai 13
. . . . . .

Karttakkal 62 Kory, identityof Kolis and 22

Karuttaiva, the last Kattaboma ka
Naya- Kottar, in South Travancore 28
". .".. .. .. . .
172 "

capture of, App. 268

Kattaboma Nayaka, history of the Kovilgudi, Heron took 93

family 172 Krishna Rayar . . . . . .

48 55
" his treaty with the Dutch . . . .
154 Krishnapuram 59
" conduct of . .
173 Kshatriyas 12
breaks from the Collector 174 Kubja, or Sundara, the last Pandya 27
"

away ..

" defended by Government ..174 " or Kun 32

..

"
condemned .. .. .. ..
175 Kuda-nadu, App. 251
" Mr. Lushington's dealings with . .
178 Kulasekharapattanam 4
" taken 187 Kulasekhara, the supposed founder of
"
assembly to witness the execution of 187 the Pandya dynasty 13
" sentence on read 187 Kulasekhara Deva 30
.. .. ..

" execution of 188 Kumaramuttu Ettappa Nayaka 49

. . . . . .

"
reasons for his taking refuge in Kuinara Krishnappa Nayaka i. 59
Sivaprani'ai 214 Kumara Krishnappa Nayaka : .
173
Katyayana, the immediate successor of Kumara-guru-para-Tambiran, App. 279
Panini 12 Kumaramuttu 60
. . . . . .

Kaval, different kinds of . .

104 Kumari or Kumari, in Indian literature. 20
. .

Kavalgars, the, Lushington's dealings " not a river,but a place on the sea

with 224 coast 20

" remuneration of . . . . .
224 Kumaraswami Nayaka, the dumb boy 172
.

Kayal 18 Kunti, the mother of the Pandava

" visitedby Marco Polo . .
37 brothers . . . . . . . .
7
"
Portuguese notice of . . . .
37 Rural, the, App. . . . .
277, 278
"
meaning of . . . .
37 Kurugur (or Kurugapuri),old name of
" trade of 38 Alvar Tirunagari, App. 277
" Marco Polo's notice of . .
38 Kuttralam, meaning of the name of 8
" the principalport of Ma'bar . .
39
"
relics of . . . . .
..41
.

"
king of Travancore
the at . .
. .
67
"
explorations at, App. . . . .
285
Kayalpattanam . . . .
41
Kearns, Mr., his account of Major
Bannerman's
expedition ..179 ..

" substance
of the last canto of the Pan- Landon, Mi-., Collector .. ..
162
jalamkurichi Sindhu as given by 208 Lawrence, General . . . .
93
Kgrak 12 "
his force . . . . . .
..129
Khan Saheb, see Muhammad Yusuf Light, Mr. William, Paymaster at
Khan Palamcotta .. ..
..141

Khurasan, Irak and . . . .

39 "
spices introduced into Tinnevelly
Kilakarai . . . . . .
40 by ..
..141
Kis, an island in the Persian Gulf 38 Lockman, his travels of the Jesuits . .
79
. .

Knowle, Lieutenant 195 Lunchoten, his map . . . .

78
. . . . . .

Knox, Captain, App. 261 Lushington, his letter .. ..

..125
. . . . . .

Kola 12 " Collector 166

Kulotunga Chola 29 "

his dealings with Kattaboma . .
178
Kollamkondan ..
..119 "
his policy . . . . . . . .
215
.. ..

Kollarpatti,capture of .. ..
101 "
his dealings with the Kavalgars . .
223
"
imprisonment of tbe Poli^ar at . .
154 Lyne, Lieutenant . . . . . .
200
" assistance given to Kattaboma by
the Poligar of 178
294 INDEX.
 296 INDEX.

Page Page
Palamcotta, the besieged .
118 Parakrama Ponnan Perumal .
53
"
protection of .
132 " Kasi Kapda 53
.

" armed followers of the Poligars Paralia, Greek name for coast 19
near 133 Paravas, complaints of the . .
145, 147
"
first reference to, in Swartz's "

baptism on the Tinnevelly coast of

journals the 232
" earliest date in the church-yard at. 140 Parimelalagar,App. 278
"
spices in 141 Parish, Mr., Head Assistant Collector 231
"
congregation and church in 244 "

appointed Collector of Ramnad 231

"

escape of Poligars from jail 195 Pattanam 78

Palavur, anicut 66 Paulinus a Sancto Bartolomaeo 72
Palghautcherry 108 Paumben, as known to the Greeks 21
Palk, Mr. Robert, App. 259 " the channel 21
"
Strait,the, or Argalic Gulf 21 "
naval success of Master Attendant
Pallas, the 4 of 216
Pallemery (Pallimadai) 148 Pennakonda 50
Panagudi 132 Peramally, capture of a fortified pagoda
P"ndion," "the," as known
"
to the at 220
Greeks 27 "

meaning of . . . .
220
Pandiyan-tlvu, the island of the Pan- Periplus Maris Erythraei, the 17
dyan 75 Permattoor Odeya Tavar 219
P"ndu-vasa-deva 14 Peutinger Tables, the 17
Pandukabhaya . .
14 Pickard, Captain 140
"
Pandya,' derivation of 12 Poligars or Palaiyakaras, Dumber of
" Kulasekhara is the supposedfounder the ..
56
of this dynasty 13 "
origin of the 56
" list of kings 26 " investiture of the 67
"
Ati-vlra-rama 27 "

etymology of 58
" Vlra 27 " defence of the system of 58
"
Vikrama 27 " the western .
98
.

" Sundara 29 " the eastern 99

Pandyas, the 12 " relation of Poligar to his lord 102
" legendaryorigin of the 12 "

plundering habits of the 107

"
Arj intermarriage with the
una's . .
12 "

anarchy of their districts . .

103
" intercourse of the early Singhalese " ordered out of Tinnevelly town 112
with the 13 " of Sivagiri 114
" Greek Notices of the 15 "
submission of Ettaiyapuram 116
"
their embassy to Augustus 16 "
confederacy of the eastern 119
"
boundaries of their country 24 " \usufs expedition against the 119
" boundary between the Chgras and "
of Uttumalai 120
the .. ..
25 "
depredations of the 123
"
names of their
_

early kings unknown. 26 " armed followers of the, near Palam

"
Indian references to the 26 cotta 133
"
conquests over the 48 "
Hyder Ali's communication with .
138
" dated inscriptionsof the later 53 " their behaviour towards Hyder 139
" the last of the 54 " Dutch alliance with 112
"
reputation of 62 "

strength of the 148

PandyeSvara, Siva socalled,Note 29 " terms offered to the 151

Panialam crutch (Panjalam kurichl), " the Nawab's relations with the 156
the
Poligar of 93 "
proposed disarming of the 163

Panjalamkurichi 134 "

politicalposition of their country
"
meaning of the name 134 prior to the commencement of the

"
assault on 135 last Poligar wars 170
" succession of the Poligars of 172 "
armed retainers of the 209
"

attempt to take 181 "

Welsh's estimate of the 209
" the two brothers of 195 " future condition of the 226
.

" arrival of troops at 197 "

a permanent assessment promised to
" retreat from 197 the 228
" return to 200 Ponnam Pandya Devan, App. 255
" march to 200 Portuguese, notice of Kayal by the 37
207 missionaries 47
"

epic of "

" fate of 222 " arrival of the 48

" concealment of the dumb brother in 206 "

at Cochin 67
the at 207 the coast of Tinnevelly 67
"
cemetery " on

Papa-nasakam, one of the falls of the " the first expeditionof the . .
6S

8 the, in power along the coast 68

Tamraparnl "

Paraiyas, the 4 " the policy of the 71

Parftkrama PftnHya 42, 52 " claim of ownership of pearl fisher
" his accession abandoned 71
. .
 1 N I" E X. 29?

P.vGK Paof.

Portuguese, annuls of the . .

72 Ramnad, Zemindari of . .
56
" Tuticorin under the 73 "
Raja of . .
93
. .

" date of their establishment in Tuti-

corin " note on its separation from velly
Tinne-

. . . . . .
75 231
Porus or Pandion . .
16 "
the Maravas of . . . .
42
. . .
.

Potigai,the mountain . .
. .
6 " epidemic in, App. . . . . . .
272
Powney, Mr. George, Collector . .
164 RamSSvararn, in the island of Paumben. 21
"
the first Resident in Travancore, Rashiduddin, the Muhammadan rian
histo-
App. . .
262 . . . . . . . .
32
Proctor, Mr. George, the first civil Rayar, Krishna . . . . . . . .
48
officer appointed to Tinnevelly 143 . .
Renter, the, his oppressions . . . .
107
"
dissatisfaction with .. .. ..
145 Rice, his Mvsore inscriptions . . . .
44

" ordered to leave . . . . . .

147 Robert de Nobili .. ..
71,233
Ptolemv, the Geographer .. ..
18 Rumbold, Lieutenant .. ..
..115
Puckle, Mr. R. K., Note .. . .
54
"
coins,App. . . . . . . " "
287
Puli Dfivar, his fort .
96
. . . . .

" his character ..

..114 s.
" his dealings with Mahfuz Khan . .
114

" Yusuf and the . . . . . .

125

military guard to occupy the

" a sent Sadag6par Antadi 30
fort of 160 Safdar Ali 87
Punnaikkayal . .
37 Saha-dgva, one of the Panda va brothers 13
"
demolition of the Dutch factory at. 145 Salivahana 64
"
Xavier's letter to Francis Mancias Samara Kolahala 27
at . .
234 Sandracottus (Chandragupta) 15
supposed to have
Criminalis died at. 236
"

Sankaralingani Pillai 165

Puraaaa. or Epic poems 1
. . . .
Sankaranaiyanarkovil . .
95
"
lists of kings in the Madura . .
27
" cantonment at 137
Tiruvilaivadal 27 196
"
. . . . . .
"
Major Sheppard at . .

Sthala 32
" "
Seilan," the island of 40
Tiruttondar 32 Nicator 15
"

Seleucus
Purattaya-nadu, App. ..251
..
Selvamarudur, place near Edeyen- a

Puthugudi, stone implements near 4

. .

66
goody, visited by Mr. Hanbury,
anicut .
271
App.
"
. . . . . . .

Sembagatavi tlrtham 9
set free by the
Seringapatam, troops
taking of 179
Seshavarna Deva, founder of the rate
sepa-
dynasty of Sivagangai 210

Settur, abandonment of 136

QuatremSre 37 162
. . . . . . . .
"
troubles at
Quilon "
"
..64
eras
Setupati,the, the Poligar of Ramnad. 59
" ..
..
.

Quilon, attack on the troops at, App. 265 33

.
Shaik Jumaluddin
the brothers of the rebellious Dewan
"

Shanars, the, from Ceylon . . . .

4
of Travancore hanged at, App. 268 Christianiza-
..
" commencement of the
tion of 246
" first convert among 246

Shangoonny Menon, P., his history of

R. 251
Travancore, App.
Shattoor (Settur,not Sattur) . .
136

Shencottah, the Travancorians proceed

Raghuvamsa, Tamraparnl in the 7
. .

to their own country through the

Rais of Ma' bar 34
. .
of 123
1 pass . .
" "

of Cevlon,
Raja-tarangini, Note 270
'
. .

"
App.
particularsrespecting,
Raja Hukumat Ram 126,140 06
Shepherd, Lieutenant
.. ..

Raja Palaiyam, Major Flint retires to. 134 Sheppard, Major 196
Rajendra Chola 27
Ahava-malla 28
. .
ShfermadSvi (Cheran-ma-dfivi),
atone
"
his victory over 4
29 implements near
"
temple to . . . .
"
Sherewele," the " Murdoss "and 21u
31
various shapes of his name 30
Singhalese, accounts
"

. . . " . .

Bharata's behaviour to 154

Rama, .
with the PaQ-
the, their intercourse
.

"

the Vaishnava
Ramanuja, great 13
29 dyas . . . . " " " " " "

teacher
30 Siruvayal, the villageof the Marudu3. 214
his date 216
burning of
"

43
"

"
his flightto Dvftrasamudra Sitheath (Sittuttu?) 134
founder of a school of Hindu Theo-
of 66
Sivagangai,Zemindari
"

277
sophy, App. transfer of the war to 209
date of the Tamil 28 "

R"m"yana.
38
298 INDEX.

Page Page
Sivagangai, descriptionof ..
..211 Talikota 49
" the people of . . . .
..211 Tamraparni, the, the great river of
"
usurpation in .. ..
..211 Tinnevelly . . . . . . . .
5
"
reasons for Kattaboma's taking "
attraction of the . . . . . .
5
refuge in . . . . . .
.214 "

description of the . . . . . .
5
" " conditions offered to the rulers of . .
211 "

origin of the . . . . . . . .
6
Sivagiri,abandonment of . .
..136 " in Indian literature . , . . . .
7
"
expedition against . . . . . .
140 " Lassen's reference to the . . . .
7
" attack on . . . . . .
..151 " in the Mahabharata 7
. . . . . .

" Maxwell's expedition against the " in the Baghuvamsa . . . . . .

7
Poligar of .. .. .. ..
161 " sacred bathing places on the 7
. .

" rebellious conduct of the Poligar's " falls of the . . . . . .

8
. .

son at . . . . . . . .
165 " mouth of the 9
. . . . . .

Sivarama Talaivan . . . . . .
144 "
meaning and origin of the name . .
9
Sivattaiya Nayaka .. ..
..173 " Greek name for the . . . .
10
"

capture of . . . . . . . .
223 "
the chanks near the mouth of the . .
11
Solen, the, of the Greeks . . . .
10 " anicuts on the . . . . . .
63
" the river . . . . . .
..17 Taprobane, Ceylon . . . . . .
11
Sonagarpattanam . . . .
37 Taylor, his Historical Manuscripts . .
42
Sorandai ..
.. .. ..
..117 Tembavani, the, Beschi's poem ..
238
Spalding,Lieutenant . . . . . .
204 Tenkarai, App. . . . . . .
277
palace at
Srivilliputtur, . . . .
61 Tenkasi, inscriptionat . . . . . .
53
" Yusuf Khan and troops at . .
..110 "
ancient fort of . . . . . .
54
" " self-sacrifice of a Brahman at ..113 " cinnamon cultivation extended to . .
160
"
capture of Sivattaiya near . . . .
223 Ten-Pandi, meaning of . . . .
3
"
epidemic in, App. . . . . . .
272 Tentirupferai,App. . . . . . .
287
"
the translation of the Mahabharata Tinnevelly, originally a portion of
at, App 278 Madura . . . . . . . .
3
Srivaikuntham, inscriptionsat . .
53 " earliest inhabitants of . . . .
4

"
Flint marches from . . . . . .
133 "
Korkai, the first settlement of civil-
ised
" defence of . . . . . .
..199 men in . . . . . .
9
"
plundered by Kattaboma's people . .
163 " in the Rara"yana . . . . . .
15
Srl-Vlra Bavivarma . . . . . .
67 " Greek trade with the coast of . .
22
Sfl-vaikuntham, App. . . . . . .
279 " Canarese traces in . . . .
44
. .

Stevenson, Major .. .. ..
162 "
Royal representativesin . .
60
Sthala Puiana of Madura . . . .
27 " the Portuguese on the coast of . .
67
Strabo 17 " town of . . . . . .
88
Stuart, Mr. A.J. 59 "
always a place of importance . .
88
" his account of the Poligars and their "
meaning of ..88 ..
.. ..

system of Kaval . . . .
..105 " first help rendered by the East India
" his account of the Zemindars of the Company to the Nawab's ment
Govern-
present time . . . . . .
105 in . . . . . .
91
Subrahmanya Pillai,his guilt and tence
sen- "
Pollams, proclamation by the
. . . . . .
..185 Collector to all Poligars, "c,
Sulivan, Mr. John 147 within the 180
Sundara Pandya, sources of tion
informa- "
firstEnglish expedition into ..
91
about . . . . . .
32 " the first Englishman in .. ..
91
" his zeal against the Jainas . . . .
32 " Colonel Fullarton's descriptionof . .
106
"
the last name in the list . .
32 "" productiveness of .. .. ..
1q7
"
his war with his brother . .
33 " bad government neutralises its
"
his Muhammadan Ministers . .
34 advantages .. ..
..107
..

"
his brothers . . . . . .
35 " financial value of 111
"
his date still a desideratum . .
35 " revenue administration by the
Sundara Pandya Nayaka hanged at Nawab in 125
Gopalpuram ..183 .. ..
"
burning of the cutcherry at 126, 139
Suppa Nayaka, head of the Panjalam- " meditated cession of 142
kurichi Poligars during two rebel-
lions " " first Collector of 144
..
.. ..
..173 " Colonel Fullarton's march into 149
Sin -jjuddin . . . . . .
34 " its political position prior to the
Suttamalli, anient . . . .
66 commencement of the last Poligar
Swartz, his visit . . . .
155, 244 wars 170
"
note on the separation of Ramnad
from . .
231
T. "
inscriptionsin, App. 251
" floods and fever in,App.
pestilential 271
TaUi, a fishingvillage,Note . .
..70 "
sepulchral urns in, App. 279
" Jesuits in . .
243 Tippu Sultan 89
. . .. . .

Tahivankottai, the side of theGovern-

ment "
his designs 89
taken by the Poligar of 179 "
fears of 158
. .
 INDEX. 299

Jtage Page

Tippu, proposals, App. his ..

..261 Tuticorin, complaints of the Paravas
Tirancourchy (Tarankurichi) ..
..116 at .. .. .. .. ..
145
Tiruvadi Desam . . . .
65 "
given up .. .. .. ..
155
Tirukurungudi .. .. ..
..132 " minor rebels sent to . . . .
222, 235
"
fort, erected by Sivarama ..
..144
" the large bell at, App. .. ..
251
Tirumalai N"yaka .. ..
..60
buildings erected by . .
61 u.
Tirumangalam .. .. .. ..
153

Tiruppuvanam, in the Madura District. 30 Udaiya Deva, the family title of the
Thuttondar, Purauam Sivagangai Poligar ..210 ..

Tiruvalluvar, the author of the Kural, Udaya M"rt"nda Varma, who reigned
App. 277 from 1537-1560 70
Tiruvilaiyadal, Purana . . . .
27 "
App. 252
Tittarappa Mudali 125 Umai . . . .
206
" Mr. Torin's endeavours to induce ITttumalai,the Poligar at . . . .
165
him to refund the ta xes . . . .
1 60

Tondi, the Bay of, or Palk Strait ...

21
"
small naval war in .. ..
..215
Tondiman, country of .. ..
..128 V.
Torin, Mr. 66
" under the Assumption
Collector . .
159 Vadagherr y (Vadagarai) ..116 ..

"
opinion of the results of Fullar-
his Vadakankulam, congregation founded
ton's lenity .. .. ..
160 by Brandolini at . . . .
. .
240
Travancore, proposals of . . . .
121 " the Jesuits in . . .
243
. . .

"
retirement of the troops from . .
132 Vadugarpatti . . . . . . . .
24 1
"
its possessionsin Tinnevelly, App. . .
251 Vadugas . . . . . .
62, 69
" insurrection in,App. . . . .
262 Vaipar . .
79
"
king of . . . . . .
26 "
forsaken by the enemy ..
135
"

power of the king of . .

67 Vakeels, the (Note 1) ..153
"
"
designs of the Nayakas on 70 Valuti-kal, the Pandya
"
"
'
king's way
" Xavier's appeal to the king of 69 Note ..
25
"

army . . . . . .
97 Vallabha Dfiva 53
. .

"

troops retii'e .. ..
..97 Vanatirtham, one of the falls of the
" troops . . . . . .
..120 Tainraparni
" alliance of Yusuf and the king of . .
120 Vangaru-Tirumalai 85
Trevandrum, march of the army Vanniyan caste 105
towards, App. . . . . .
268 Varaha-mihira, Brihat-Samhita, one of
" events at, App. . . . . . .
268 the works of 26
Trichendur, the temple at . . . .
18 Varma, Kshatriya title 70
Trichinopoly . . . . . .
36 Vanatirtham, one of the falls of the
"
Chanda Saheb at . . . . . ,
85 Tamraparni 8
" Mahrattas at . . . . . . . .
86 Varthema, Barbosa and 37
a
" rival embassy to, App. . . . .
254 Vasco da Gama, the Rote'iro of 37
Trimolipa (Tirumalaiyappa)Mudali . .
145 " his information 67
Tundi or Kadal-tundi, a sea-port town Vasudevanallur, attack on 136
on the Western Coast, Note . .
216 "
Ensign Foulsum's attempt to relieve
Tunga-bhadrft, the banks of the Pampft it from the Poligars 133
or . . . . . . . . . .
45 Vedalai, Antonio said to have died at . .
235
Turnbull, Mr., a surveyor ..
..54 Vsdiarolukkam 241
Tuticorin, under the Portuguese . .
73 Vellai Marudu 208
" date of the establishment of the Vellalas,the 4
Portuguese in . . . ,
75 Vejjaru,the river,the northern dary
boun-
"
meaning of the name of . .
75 of the Pandya country 21
" harbour . . . .
75 Velur, the forts of Chandragiri and . .
48
. .

"
first reliable notices of 76 Vembar 68
. . . .

"
governor of . .
76 "
baptisms in 236
. .

"
taken by the "
Badages "
..
77 Vesey, Captain 193
..

"
later notices of . . . .
78 Vettri-Verkai 13
" taken by the Dutch 78 Vijaya " 11, 12, 13
"
under the Dutch . . . .
78 " his marriage 14
"
population of . . . .
79 Vijaya-Nagara, the kingdom of 42
"
appearance of . . . .
79 " names of 45
"
dates relating to . . . .
83 " origin of 45
"
during the Poligar war ..
..83 " list of the kings of . .
46
"
Mr. Groves at 83 " Dr. Burnell's list of the kings of . .
46
"
in 1801 84 "
overthrow of 49
" at present . . . . . .
84 "

supremacy of 54
"

capture of . . . .
..Ill "
on. tin of the intervention of 55
 300 I X T. X.
D

Page i Page

Vijaya-Nagara .. .. ..
..61 Wilson, Professor, his anticipations 228
. ,

"
Rayas of 70 | Wood, Colonel, in command at Trichi-
. . . . . . . .

"
Collectors of the taxes at 69 i nopoly ..138
.. .. ..

Vijayaranga-Chokka-natha 85 " Woodoocaud (Orkadu) ..162

. . . .
.. ..

Vikrama Pandi 53, 70

"
Pandya 27

Virach"liyam, a
tamil work 31
. . . .

Viramaha-muni, title of Beschi 241

. .

Vira Narasimha Rayar 48 Xavier, The "

Badages "of
oa
, . . .
. .

Yirapandiyanpattanam 78 "
his appeal to the king of core
Travan-
. .

Vira Pandya 27 69
. .

his palace at Kalacadu, App. 251 "

his efforts for the relief of his
"
. .

Vira Pandya Kattaboma

..
..172 people 77

Vira-Pandya-puram 27 "
his authority 77
. . . . .
.

Virappa Nayaka 33, 60 "

his arrival and work 232
. "
. .

Viraraghava Mudaliar 60 "

estimate of 233
. . . .

Vira-sekhara, the king of Tan j ore 55 "

visits from village to village 233
. .

Virupakshi Poligar 210 "

his administration 234
. .

Vishnu Varddhana 43 "

his successor's death 234
. . . .

Visvanatha Nayaka ..55 "

the period after 235
.. ..

his policy 56
"

. . . . .
.

"
his plan of conciliation 57
. . . .

T.

w. Yajur Veda 65

Yaksha, demon princess 14

Walter Elliott, Sir, a

coin belonging Yudhishtira, son
of Kunti 7

to 27 Yule, Colonel 38

Warangal 45 Yusuf Khan, Muhammad 64

. . . . . . . .

Washinelore (Vasudfivanallur) 122 See under Muhammad Yusuf Khan.

..

Wassaf the Muhammadan historian 32

.
, .

"
his account 39
. . . . . .

Welsh, General, his account of the last Z.

Poligar war ..194

. . . .

his ..199 Zeilan (Ceylon), the island of 73

" error
.. .. ..

his estimate of the Poligars 209 Zemindar of Ettaiyftpuram 49

" "

. .

his account of the taking of the of Uttumalai 106

" "

Travancore Lines, 267 of Singampatti 106

App. . . . .
"

Wheeler, Lieutenant 144 of Orkad 106

"

.
. . . . .

Wilks, General 44 Zemindaries, number of 105

. . . . . . . .