Another article about Afrikan civilizations

(1/1)

Boogieman:
A genealogical relationship exist between the Black African, Dravidian, Elamite
and Sumerian languages. This is not surprising because African languages were used
by Rawlinson, to decipher the cuneiform script.

We must consider the historical link between languages assumed to possess a

genealogical relationship, although they are separated by thousands of miles. The
anthropological factors involved in determining a genealogical relationship is the
scientific study of the cognate origin, and the physical, social and cultural
development and behavior of related groups. This has already been done in the
earlier chapters in regards to the

Black African, Puntite and Dravidian languages. We have already shown that there is
a connection between the basic vocabularies and identical constituent structures
and grammatical categories.

The Elamites, Dravidians, Sumerians and Manding are all of

Proto-Saharan origin . In the history of mankind they were called the Kushites .
Testimony of the great heritage of the Kushites, resulted from their boldness in
trade and seafaring expeditions. The authors of ancient Indian literature claimed
that the Kushites ruled the world for 7000 years. According to Epiphanies, the age
of the Kushites extended from the Flood to the age of Terah, the father of Abraham,
the prophet of the Jews and Muslims.

In the ancient inscriptions of Africa and Asia the Kushites were called many names
including Kush, and Ethiopian by the Greeks and Romans. In Sumerian inscriptions
the Kushites were called Meluha=Kasi < Kush . There is historical evidence that
suggest that the name Meluha, was a geographical name for the Africans who lived in
the area of Nubia and Northwest Africa.

The people of Nubia are mostly associated with the name Kushite were the C-Group
culture group, worshipers of Amon and Neith . The Egyptian term for these people
was K-'-sh and K-'-sh-i. The Hebrews called them Kush. In the cuneiform
inscriptions the Sudanese were called Kushiya.

Elamite Inscription

The Kushites belonged to the Maa confederation. As a result of this Kushite origin
in Asia we find many place names with the term Kush, e.g.,the Kushana of Central
Asia, Kashmere and Hindu Kush .

According to the Matsya, an ancient book from India, the world belonged to the
Kushites or Saka (as they are sometimes called) for 7000 years. In the Mahabharata,
the Sakadvipa is the 'land of the [Kushites] Sakas. The seven mountains of
Sakadvipa were named Meru, Malaya, Jaladhara, Raivata, Syama, Durgasaila and
Kesara.

The Meru of Indian literature may be none other than the Meroe of the Sudan, or a
primeval Meroe that was long ago lost to cataclysm. The four kingdoms of the Saka
were Maga (Manga), Masaka, Mansa and Mandaga. The Maga, reminds us of the Magians
or the Maka of the Persian inscriptions. The Masakas, in the Mahabharata, are
called Kastriyas. The Mandagas or Manda were also probably Mada or the Medes. These
Medians may have had a connection with the ancient Mande speakers of Africa,
especially

the Manding who often accompanied the Dravidians out of Middle Africa into Asia.
This would explain the close relationship between Elamite and the Manding
languages.

Place names offer testimony to the ancient inhabitants of an area. Because whereas
languages and the people who spoke them may disappear from a region place names of
important areas will remain constant.

There are similar place names found in the Sudan and Asia. Prof. Bator Vamos Toth,
an expert on the ancient Tamana culture has found 21 suffixes, and hundreds of
place names that link the Sudan and Asia . For example , Dr. Vamos Toth has noted
that there is a Kar-nak in Egypt and Kar-nak in Central Asia. Other common place
names affixes include -bura,-dan, -kara, -tal and -ur.

An Elamite

Dr. Vamos Toth has illustrated how the inhabitants of the Carpathian Valley and
other cultures around the world share a similar culture.In all the countries
sharing place names Dr. Bator found a common toponym: Tamana. He therefore calls
this ancestral culture/civilization Tamana. It is interesting to note that the
Proto-Saharans formerly lived in these areas.

The word Tamana means 'great place'. These ancient Tamana sites were probably forts
established in areas occupied by hostile non Proto-Saharan speaking peoples.

The Kushites when they migrated from Middle Africa to Asia called themselves
Kushites. This is most evident in place names and the names of gods. The Kassites,
chief rulers of Iran occupied the central part of the Zagros. The Kassite god was
called Kashshu, which was also the name of the people. The K-S-H, name element is
also found in India. For example Kishkinthai, was the name applied to an ancient
Dravidian kingdom in South India. Also it should be remembered that the Kings of
Sumer, were

often referred to as the " Kings of Kush".

The major Kushite tribe in Central Asia was called Kushana. The Kushan of China
were Ta Yueh-ti or "the Great Lunar Race". Along the Salt Swamp, there was a state
called Ku-Shih of Tibet. The city of K-san, was situated in the direction of
Kushan, which was located in the Western part of the Gansu Province of China.

In this chapter we will explain how the Elamite, Dravidian, Manding and Sumerian
languages diverged from a common Paleo-African language.The ancient Proto-Saharans
from their literature and culture appear to have descended from a common ancestor.
This sociolinguistic reality of a number of related groups 5000 years ago is proven
by a comparison of terms from

Dravidian (D.), Elamite (E.) , Manding (M.), and Sumerians (S.), which show shared
features retained during a process of divergence from a common ancestor.

There is no area of linguistic structure which can totally resist change, but that
area of language least accessible to foreign influence is the basic vocabulary. The
basic vocabulary of a language is that sector of the lexicon, which comprise the
basic elements of one's culture the division of the body and biological activities
such as eating, sleeping and etc.

But the lexical comparisons are not enough to prove a genealogical relationship,
because grammar and morphology holds precedence over phonology and syntax. As a
result below I will elucidate the interrelationships between Dravidian (Dr.),
Elamite, Manding (M.) and Sumerian and the common retention rate within the members
of these Proto-Saharan languages.

The Proto-Saharan languages are agglutinative. In these languages subject (S), verb
(V), object (O) is the order of the basic constituents.

VOWELS

There are numerous examples of phonetic, morphological, and lexical parallels

between Elamite, Dravidian, Manding and Sumerian. For example,there is a system of
five basic vowels and three-fold distinction of lip rounded and rounded.

i u ii uu

e o ee oo

a aa

CONSONANTS

The Proto-Saharan consonants are:

p t l n

b d k z

f s g kp

w r h gb

m n y

In the Proto-Saharan languages the initial /s/ and /k/ ;and /d/ and /t/ are
interchangeable e.g., *ka and *sa 'great', and *ta and *da 'place'. Among the
Manding and other African languages there are doubly articulated stops /kp/ and
/gb/ . In addition, in all these languages /l/ and /r/ does not occurs initially.

The Proto-Saharan consonants are the following:

g remains unchanged or is replaced by k

k " " " " " " g

l and r are interchangeable

d and t are interchangeable

b remains unchanged or is replaced by p or f

p " " " " " " b

m remains unchanged

n normal remains unchanged

n palatal is replaced by l

d remains unchanged of replaced by t

t " " " " " d

The Proto-Saharan consonantal system is the following:

k- -k- -k

g- -g-

d- -d- -d

t- -t- -tt- -t

p- -p- -p

b- -b-

s- -s-

z- -z-

r- -r- -rr- -r

l- -l- -l

n- -n- -n

m- -m- -m

y- -y- -y

w- -w-

f-

gb-

kp-

PRONOUNS

There is a similarity in pronouns:

Language Singular Plural

1st.Per.2nd Per. 3rd Per. 1st Per. 2nd Per. 3rd Per.

Dravidian an,naa l a an an,ani aru

Manding na, n' i a, e alu

Elamite u nu ri un nun r: ir

Sumerian ga, gal za, au ene men zu,ne ene-ne

DEMONSTRATIVE

Language Proximate Distant Finite

Dravidian i a u

Manding i a u

Sumerian bi a

The Proto-Saharan languages share locative constructions. These directional

elements can be simple or compound. Common suffixial directional elements include:

Elamite Sumerian English Manding

-ak and ka

kuttu so,also,as ka

-hi this ni

ukku ku on ku, kuna

-ma -na in,at na

itaka da with la, ti

-na of -no

-lina -ta for -ti

Common directional elements include:

ma -a in na

imma, ni out,of ma, no

ikku (ikki) -ra to koro

lina ta for ti

mar from a place ma 'area,land'

itaka da with la, ti

All the Proto-Saharan languages share certain grammatical features. Those

grammatical elements shared by Dravidian, Elamite, Sumerian and Black African
languages include 1) vowel harmony, 2) absence of initial clusters of consonants,
3) abundance of geminated consonants,4) distinction of inclusive and exclusive
pronouns in first person plural, 5) absence of

degrees of comparison for adjectives and adverbs as distinct morphological

categories, 6) consonant alteration on nominal increments noticed by different
classes,7) distinction of completed action among verbal paradigms as against
specific tense distinction and 9) use of reduplication for emphasis (and plural).
AFFIXES

In the Dravidian, Egyptian, Elamite, Manding and Dravidian languages words are
formed by adding an affix to a radical. In this section we will discuss certain
aspects of shared Proto-Saharan morphology.

In these languages suffixes are usually used to create words. These suffixes can be
a single consonant (C) or vowel (V), or a monosyllabic form (CV). The most common
suffix in Dravidian, Egyptian, Elamite, Manding and Sumerian are the postfixes -ki,
-ka and -ta , which are used to denote clans, nationality, lands and countries .

PLURAL

In the Proto-Saharan languages the plural is formed by adding -u,-w,-ba, -pa and
-lu.In Egyptian, the -w suffix is used to form the plural. In the Dravidian (Dr.) .
languages the plural if formed by -lu, especially in Telugu. In the Manding (M)
group, and other African languages we find -lu or -u (-w), e.g., M. mogo 'husband,
(pl.) mogo-lu 'husbands'; Telugu magaadu 'husband , man', (pl.) magaalu 'husbands'.

In many Black African languages ba means 'abundance, many'. In Elamite pa or fa is

used to make plural numbers, e.g., ko-fa inna 'of the Kings', Bapitu fa-pa "to the
Babylonians". The use of -pa, by the Elamites corresponds to the Manding use of the
-ba suffix , which is joined to nouns to denote the idea of greatness, physical or
moral e.g., na-folo 'good,rich'

, no-folo-ba 'great fortune'; and so-kalo 'piece', so-kala-ba 'considerable quarter

of a village'.

NEGATIVE

In Black African languages including Egyptian the -n, is used to show negation. In
Egyptian we often find -nn, e.g., nn wn 'there is nothing'. In Elamite the negative
is formed by an uninflected nominal derivative in -n (active participle), e.g., ink
'I not", inr 'he not' and ani 'not'. This suffix is analogous to the M. negative
suffix -na, employed as a suffix to -ka, e.g., ka na ku na tara so "I did not say I
was going to the house" .

In Tamil the negative verbal participle is formed by suffixing a-mal or a-mei,

e.g., sey (y)-a-mal 'without stopping'. The Tamil suffix -mei is also used as a
termination for abstract nouns.

The negative suffix in Manding is -na, which is proceeded by ka and nt'i, e.g.,
kalu mba-nt'i. In Sumerian the negation of the verb is expressed by the prefixes
nu- or la-, e.g., nu-zu "not to know", la-gin "not to fix" and nu-dug "not good.
The optative mood are negatived by the element na,na-ma-pad "she may not".

PARTICLES

In Elamite personal nouns are formed by adding -ra, e.g., Kellira 'commander',
kutira 'bearer'. This relates to the Manding suffix of the past and present
participle -ra, this particle is used to make verbs passive or active, e.g., kyi
'send', kyi-ra 'messenger', gyi (ji) 'dry up', gyi-ra 'arid'.

In Sumerian the dative is expressed by the suffix -ra, which may appear in the form
of -ar, -ir , and -ur, e.g., ma-ra 'to me', lugal-e-a-ra ' to the owner of the
house'. This parallels the Manding locative suffix -ra, and -la , which can
represent 'to,or, for, in ', e.g., tu-ra 'in the forest'.

The Elamite indefinite article is -ra, e.g., Parsar-ra 'a Persian', Afartu-ra 'an
Elamite'. This corresponds to the Manding locative suffix -ra, e.g., Ton-ra 'land
of Ton'.

The Proto-Saharan languages share the present participle -tu/-to. In Telugu

(Tel.),the suffix -tu , is used as the present participle while in the Manding
languages -to has the same function e.g., Tel. chestu 'made', M.tege 'to cut',
tege-to 'cutting'.

The active participle in Elamite is -n, e.g., talu-n 'writing', or hali-n

'toiling'. This corresponds to the Manding -ni and -li elements e.g., sa 'buy',
sanni 'buying', or du-mu 'eat', dumu-ni 'eating'. This -n, active participle is
found in many other Black African languages including Egyptian.

The use of the -ka element is frequently found in the formation of Dravidian,
Elamite, Egyptian, Manding and Sumerian languages. In Egyptian as outlined by
Cheikh Anta Diop, in Nouvelles Recherches Sur l' Egyptien Ancien et Langues Negro-
Africaines Modernes (pp.55-57), he outlines the use of /k/ and /t/ , to form agent
nouns. In Parente genetique de l'Egyptien Pharonique et des langues Negro-
Africaines (p.18), Diop explains the evolution of the -ky, and -kt particles.

In Elamite the passive participle is formed by -ka, e.g., hulta-ka 'done', turu-ka
'said'. This corresponds to the Manding -ka 'make, do',e.g., nyine 'see', nyini-ka
'interogate'.

In the Dravidian and Manding languages -ka, is used to represent the verb 'to be',
as well as the subjunctive. For example in Manding languages ka, is a particle of
different values, which corresponds to -kaa, the infinitive element in Telugu of
the verb ag-uta 'to become'. In Tamil this

element appears as aaga. For example, in Manding we have a ka-nye 'it's good'; and
in Telugu kaa valenu 'it is necessary'. The same radical -ka represents the
optative form in Telugu, e.g., aapani mundara kani 'how is labor given first
place?'

In the Dravidian languages the suffixes -ke, -ge and -ka are used as the primitive
verb 'to be' or 'to do'. They are usually used with abstract nouns e.g., ol 'to
reign', ol-ka 'domination'. This corresponds to the Manding verb 'to do' ke , which
is often joined to -la to form derived nouns e.g., sene 'cultivate', sene-li ke-la
'cultivator'.

These languages also share many cognate terms.

ENGLISH SUMERIAN MANDING TAMIL

chief kal,kala kele-tigi gasa(n)

field gan ga kalan

eye(l) igi akki

eye(2) ini,en nya kan

arrow kak kala kakam

granary kur k'ur-k'ur kutir

road sila sila caalai

father pap pa appan

lord manus mansa mannan

male mu moko maakkal

to recite sid siti

to buy sa sa cel

grain se se

seed gen ge 'to sprout'

?????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????

English Dravidian Manding

top, summit kona kun

one ondu do

two pattu ta

four naal nani

person uki moko

fish(filet) bale bake

skin uri wuru,guru

house lon lu

head kuku ku

tongue na ne

blacksmith inumu numu

foot karal koro

liver karal kura

mud burada boro, buru

give idu di

stone kaly kulu

cloud kaar ka, kaba

fire ti ta

mountain kunru kuru

elder,grandfather maama maa-maa

?????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????

ELAMITE ENGLISH MANDING

-ak and ka

turna know, awaken kuna, fori

sahri death sa

murta to erect kura

-mar from a place ma

li give di

tela to go tara

Nap God Nala

tus habitation du

husu ill-omened dyugu

kuta lance keru

lan,lani silver dala

ki one killi

ta place ta

kik sky,heaven ka

sari sculpter se

ufat steel tuufa

tela to go ta

khali great ka

dau help deema

ko king,lord ka

na say na

para to watch fere-ke

????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????????

The lexical evidence above supports the hypothesis that a genetic relationship
exist between Black African languages, Dravidian, Elamite and Sumerian. This
linguistic data illustrates that a common cultural macrostructure is shared by
these speakers which subsequently evolved along separate lines. Given this genetic
unity of these languages we should call this group of Paleo-African languages
situated in Africa and Asia B(lack) Af(rican), S(umerian, Draa(vidian), (E)lam: or
Bafsudraalam subset of the Proto-Saharan Superset of languages.(Winters 1989)
The theory of borrowing in ancient time can not account for these morphological,
lexicological and phonetic correspondences between Dravidian , Elamite, Egyptian,
Manding and Sumerian, because of geographical discontinuity. This cognition
illustrates a genetic relationship between the Bafsudraalam subset of the Proto-
Saharan family of languages.

Winters (l989) in a comparison of 100 lexical items from Manding and Dravidian
indicated a cognate rate of 70 to 75 percent . The retention rate corresponds to a
minimum separation of 1.18 millennia.

Using the standard rates of retention for glottochronology, the rate for
corresponding Manding, Sumerian and Tamil terms together is 50 percent retention
rate, and suggest a minimum length of separation of 2.29 millennia for the group as
a whole.(Winters 1989) But when we compare Manding-Sumerian

the retention rate is 70 percent or a minimum length of separation of 1.18

millennia. A comparison of Sumerian-Tamil corresponds to a 57 percent retention
rate or a minimum separation of 1.50 millennia.

The length of separations for these languages are far too recent. We know for
example that Sumerian had been absorbed by the Akkadian language much earlier then
2.29 millennia ago. This inaccuracy of glottochronology is one reason why Anta Diop
is opposed to this linguistic method.

The conservative nature of these languages can be explained by socio-cultural

factors. You see all languages do not change as rapidly as others. Dr. Diop, in The
African Origins of Civilization, observes that "understandably stable societies
man's language has changed less with the passage of time".

The linguistic evidence explains the appearance of similar artifacts recovered from
Iran (Elam) , the Indus Valley and Egyptian archaeological excavations. The
cultural features and works of art are analogous because these people came from a
common origin in the ancient Saharan region of Africa.

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UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA - AFRICAN STUDIES CENTER

Role of Women in Nubia [Kneller]

Date: Sat, 4 Sep 93 10:07:23 -0700 Subject: women_in_nubia

Tara L. Kneller

Neither Goddesses Nor Doormats: THE ROLE OF WOMEN IN NUBIA Tara Kneller Syracuse
University Professor Gregory 5 April 1993

Why Such an Undertaking?

The Kingdom is Possible Because of the Queen... The King is the Sign...While the
Queen is the Symbol.... -Warren Blakely

Nubia is an area of scholarship that was largely overlooked in favor of its

splendid neighbor, Egypt. Past finds in the area were attributed to Egypt; current
excavation of the area is impossible because of Egypt's construction of the High
Aswan Dam. However, renewed interest in Africa- brought on largely by Afrocentric
scholars such as Cheikn Anta Diop - hasresulted in a proliferation of scholarly
work on ancient Nubia.

Much of the scholarly work up to this point is dealing with the massive
archeological digs that occurred just prior to the building of the High Aswan Dam.
As a result of this work, the amount of available information on Nubia has
increased immeasurably. Evidence has emerged that shows a people who, after decades
of colonization by the Egyptians, rose above and established themselves as a force
to be dealt with in Africa. Nubians developed a culture and people distinctly
different from the Egyptians.

After preliminary investigation into the area of ancient Nubia, a striking contrast
emerged. The Nubians has an unusually high number of ruling queens, especially
during the golden age of the Meroitic Kingdom (1). Although ruling queens, in
themselves, may not be unusual, the portrayal of Nubian queen is exceptional. A
panel on display at the exhibit "Nubia: Egypt's Rival in Africa" showed the queen
smiting her enemies. This type of representation has no equivalent in either
Egyptian or Western Art (2). This unusual find has led to research in the role of
the women in Nubian society, both past and present. The result has been a
surprising contrast between the docile Nubian woman of today and the warrior queen
of ancient times.

A History of Nubia*

In modern day Africa, Nubia would be a five-hundred mile long stretch of land along
the Nile river that is one-third in modern day Egypt and two- thirds in the modern
day Sudan (3). The kingdom of Ancient Nubia began a bit before the first cataract
and extended past the sixth cataract to Khartoum (4). As with the Egyptians, the
fertile Nile valley gave rise to the civilization of Nubia.

The first Nubian age spanned from 3100 to 1000 B.C. This Bronze Age contained three
cultures: A-Group, C-Group, and the Kerma culture (5). The latter of the three,
Kerma, existed in the Upper Nile. These people developed a strong trading culture
that traded to both Egypt and the Eastern Mediterranean (6). During this period,
the Egyptians called this area "Kush." Kush was the general term for Upper Nubia
and was considered to be a province of Nubia (7). The A-Group and C-Group cultures
are those that existed in the Lower Nile. For most of the early part of their
history, these cultures were dominated by Egypt.

The period of 1550 B.C. to 1100 B.C. marked the colonization of Nubia by Egypt. By
the Eighteenth Dynasty, Egypt had control over Lower and Upper Nubia, while
Southern Nubia remained independent (8). The Egyptians began to call "Lower Nubia
the land of Wawat and Upper

*Note: For the purposes of this paper, Nubia refers to the entire region between
the first and fifth cataracts. Therefore, any reference to Kush, considered to be a
Nubian province, would be considered part of Nubia in general. Nubia the land of
Kush" (9). This colonization resulted in the disappearance of a particular Nubian
C-Group; these peoples began to adopt Egyptian culture in favor of their own (10).
This colonization was especially bitter as it occurred during the reign of
Tutankhamen who was the son of a Nubian woman (11).

Soon after the Twentieth Dynasty in Egypt, the Egyptians lost control over Nubia
and the land was plunged into a dark age. Around 900 B.C., evidence of a Nubian
monarchy begins to emerge. Since this monarchy begins in Upper Nubia, it was often
known as the Kingdom of Kush (12). These early rulers were buried in tumulus - a
distinctly Nubian tradition. This ceremony has led many to believe that the Kushite
Kings were of Nubian ancestry (13). By 770 B.C., these kings were extending their
rule to the North. In Nubian history, the period is commonly called the Napatan
Period (named for the royal capital of the time). Soon, Nubians "paid back the
insult by subjugating the 'all powerful' nation" of Egypt to Nubian control. (14).
The Kings now wore the crown of the double cobra - signifying the unity of both
Egypt and Nubia (15).

After 295 B.C., a shift in royal capitals from Napatan to Meroe is made for unknown
reasons. Some scholars hypothesize that the Kingdom of Kush wished to gain control
over Egyptian trade. The problem of determining the reason for the move is made all
the more difficult by the beginning of the use of a distinctly Nubian language.
This language is based upon the heiroglyphs of the Egyptians, but since no version
of it is spoken today and there has not been an effective translation of the
language, much of what is written in this Meroitic language remains a mystery.
During this time (around 23 B.C.) Egypt fell into Roman control. The Romans
attempted to make Nubia pay tribute to them. This led to the first confrontation
between Nubia and the Romans. The Meroitic Period proved to be one of tremendous
resistance to the forces acting on Africa at the time. Much of this resistance came
at the hands of the number of ruling queens during the period. However, by the
middle of the fourth century A.D., the Meroitic Period collapsed (16). Two reasons
are generally attributed to this: First, that Nomads of the desert made travel
overland difficult, and Second, that the rise of the Axumite Kingdom of Abyssinia
cause a collapse of the Kushite economy. In any case, the Meroitic empire was no
longer in existence by A.D. 320 (17).

Soon after, the X-Group Period began in Nubia. This period was brusquely ended in
540 A.D. with the onslaught of Christianity. Missionary activities continued in the
area until approximately A.D. 1550. After this time, the Nubian empire was
completely dismantled. The Nubian people were left scattered throughout the fertile
Nile valley; two-thirds within Egypt, one-third within the Sudan. With the
construction of the High Dam at Aswan in the early 1960's, these peoples were
displaced and moved elsewhere in Egypt (18). Although a systematic archeological
investigation of the area was conducted, some of the questions that swirl around
the kingdom of Nubia are forever lost as Nubia again becomes subject to Egyptian
control.

Goddesses, Queens, and Commoners

Upon close examination of the history and culture of Nubia, it becomes apparent
that women played an important role. Unlike the rest of the world at the time,
women in Nubia exercised significant control. In the Nubian valley, worship of the
queen of all goddesses, Isis, was paramount. From the capital of Meroe, warrior
queens fought for the interests of the Nubian/Kushite empire. Throughout history,
women were portrayed in Nubian art as the bearers of the offspring of the gods.
Today, Nubian women have a much different experience. Nevertheless, Nubian women
fulfill a demanding and unique series of roles.

Throughout Egypt and Nubia, the cult of Isis had a tremendous and devoted
following. Isis was not only the Egyptian goddess of magical powers; she was the
representation of the queen mother. In the most famous fable of the period, Isis
roams the world in search of the corpse of her husband Osiris. She returns Osiris
to his rightful resting place, only to have Osiris' evil brother Set cut him to
pieces and scatter him throughout the land. Isis then takes her son Horus and sets
out to find every piece of the corpse so she may tenderly bury it in the hopes that
she can resurrect him again. She is successful, and Osiris becomes the god of the
underworld.

Although Isis, Osiris, and Horus are then established as a trinity, Isis
immediately became the most popular of the three (19). This can be partially
attributed to her role as the devoted, untiring, nurturer of the land and culture
of Egypt and Nubia.

The Cult of Isis was the strongest religion in Nubia (20). In contrast, the
Egyptians worshipped Ra (Re) in larger numbers. Ra was the god of the sun, and
distinctly male at that. The worship of Isis began with the Meroitic period and
extended into X-Group. Many Nubian rulers of the time were pictured with Isis on
their crowns. This was considered a homage to her role as the "Queen of All Gods,
Goddesses and Women" (21). Since the ruler was considered to be born of the gods,
it was only natural that the mother should be paid such a tribute. Another example
of this type of tribute is the amulet of Isis suckling a Queen. With the exception
of the Nubian/Kushite Empire, Isis was never shown with a queen (22). This tribute
was always given to a male ruler, never a female. However, since both Isis and the
Queens played such important roles in Nubia, the exception was made.

Another example of the reverence of Isis was the "co-sponsorship" by Egypt and
Nubia of her temple at Philae (23). Here her cult continued, populated largely by
Nubians, until the sixth century A.D. (24).

Perhaps as a result of the strong influence of women figures in religion, Nubia and
its Kushite rulers gave way to a number of strong queens during its history. Ten
sovereign ruling queens are recognized from the period. Additionally, six other
queens who ruled with their husbands were considered significant to the history of
Nubia (25). Many of these rulers were immortalized in statuary; it was unheard of
for non-ruling queens or princesses to be immortalized in art (26). These queens
were often portrayed as being very rounded; this portrayal was all part of the
queen-mother model (27). These queens were called both gore, meaning ruler, and
kandake, meaning queen mother (28). This last term has been corrupted to the
English form Candace. Subsequently, there has been much confusion; some Western
scholars muddle the actions of queens together under the general name.

The emergence of the queen as a viable player in the politics of the day has its
roots in the earliest Kushite tradition. Kushite rulers married and then passed
more royal power into the hands of the queen (29). The perfect example of the
expanded powers of the queen is Kushite Queen Amanirenas. In 24 B.C., she was
threatened by the Roman Empire. Egypt was under the subjugation of Rome and the
frontier of the Kushite/Nubian empire was seventy miles south of Syene (Assuan)
(30). The Nubians were constantly raiding their Egyptian neighbors. On one of these
journeys, the Kandace Amanirenas went along. When confronted, she led her armies
into battle and defeated three Roman cohorts. In addition, the Kandace defaced a
statue of Emperor Augustus Ceasar; bringing the head back to Nubia as a prize. This
head was buried in the doorway of an important building as a final act of
disrespect (31).

During battle, the Kandace lost an eye; but this only made her more courageous
(32). "One Eyed Candace," as then Roman governor Gaius Petronius referred to her,
was chased by the Romans far into her own territory to Pselkis (Dakka) (33). After
a three day truce, the Romans struck back. The Kandace and her armies made another
stand at Primis (Kasr/Brim), but there were soundly defeated. Although Rome
destroyed the religious capital of Napata, there was still the danger of
retaliation by the Kandace's armies. At this point, the leaders negotiated a treaty
that she was to break in a few years (34). A historian of the period remarked "This
Queen had courage above her sex" (35). On a broader level, this is a telling
example of a European civilization unprepared for the "fierce, unyielding
resistance of a queen whose determined struggle symbolized the national pride of a
people who, until then, had commanded others" (36).

Furthermore, these queens of the Nubian/Kushite Empire were given the special
distinction of assuming a priestly role in the divine succession of kings (37). In
other societies of the period, the divine right of the king passed from god to
ruler, there was no room for a maternal figure. However, Nubian queens are often
portrayed at the event of the divine birth. A fine example of this is the
representation of Queen Amanishakheto appearing before Amun. The Queen is pictured
with a goddess (possibly Hathor - a goddess of fertility) and is wearing a panther
skin. This signifies her priestly role in the birth of the successor to the throne
(38). This piece is one of a series. In the first, the Queen is elected by god -
this establishes her position as rightful ruler. Soon after, the divine child is
conceived out of a meeting between the god and the Queen. Finally, the child, and
heir to the empire, is delivered to the Queen by the god (39). This complex and
important role does not seem to have an equivalent in other cultures (40).

Additionally, by the beginning of the twenty-fifth dynasty - the Egyptian dynasty

governed by Nubian rulers - the Queen was given the additional role of being a
priestess of Nut (Nuit) (41). This would place the Queen in the role of trusted
servant to the goddess known as the eternal mother (42). Nut is also the mother of
Isis, Osiris, Nephthys, and Set (43). The close association of the Queen with this
figure is significant. Nut is, in the Nubian and Egyptian religions, the mother
from which all the current gods and goddesses came. She plays the role of female
initiator; the Queen is her trusted confidant on earth.

Also at this time, the Queen is beginning to be represented in royal art with the
cowrie shell (44). This shell was often used for currency and trade. In art, the
shell was thought to symbolize the vulva and, by extension, verbal communication
(45). The use of the cowrie shell, either real or representative, was reserved only
for women and their ornaments (46). A possible explanation for this could be that
women were allowed to speak freely (and often). In any case, it shows that the
artisans of the period connected the art of verbal communication with the ruling
Queens and other influential women of the period.

Conclusion: Nubian Women of Today

Much has changed since the warrior queens of the Meroitic period struck fear into
the cold hearts of the Romans. The Nubian civilization has become less defined and
separate. The Nubians of today have been dispersed throughout Egypt and the Sudan
because of the flooding of their homeland. Outside influences have made the impact
of their past seem a bit more distant. It is difficult to determine what to make of
the Nubian woman of today.

Nubians have a largely agricultural society. This fact, coupled with the largely
disproportionate number of women to men, has led to the continuation of the
matrilineal society. Relations are strongest on the side of the mother; some
families go so far as to have the son take on the name of his mother (47).

Since the sex ratio is so great, women tend to dominate the culture of present day
Nubian life due to sheer numbers alone (48). The importance of women in culture is
just as great; but the roles have changed. Today's Nubian woman has no great Queen
to look to; nor do they have a religion based on the worship of the all-knowing
mother figure. But, what Nubian women do have is a chance that there ancestors
never had. With the last period of resettlement, some Nubian women have decided to
move to the cities of Egypt and the Sudan (49). Of course, their standard of living
may not increase, but this shows an independence unheard of among the common women
of the ancient period.

Expecting all Nubian women to live up to the strong Queens of their past is a bit
much. Nevertheless, there must be an impact on the lives of the descendants of
these Queens. Perhaps the small steps toward independence by the Nubian woman of
today shows a courage beyond their sex. In any case, the unique roles of the women
of ancient Nubia revel a unique and startling strength in both the women and the
culture.

NOTES:

1 Wenig, S. Africa In Antiquity: The Essays. New York: The Brooklyn Museum, 1978.
Volume I, Page 98.

2 Olson, Stacie and Josef Wegner. Educational Guide: Ancient Nubia. Philadelphia:
University Museum Education Department, 1992. Page 14.

3 Simon, V. Spottswood. "African King in Confederate Capital." Negro History

Bulletin. Volume 46, Number 1: January, February, March 1983, 9-10. Page 9.

4 Olson, Page 1.

5 Olson, Page 6.

6 Olson, Page 6.

7 Budge, Kt., Sir E.A. Wallis. A History of Ethiopia, Nubia & Abyssinia. Oosterhout
N.B., The Netherlands: Anthropological Publications, 1970. Page 16.

8 Olson, Page 7.

9 Olson, Page 7.

10 Adams, William Y. "Doubts About the 'Lost Pharaohs'." Journal of Near Eastern
Studies. Volume 4: July 1985, 185-192. Page 190.

11 Simon, Page 9.

12 Olson, Page 7.

13 Olson, Page 8.

14 Simon, Page 9.

15 Simon, Page 9.

16 Olson, Page 13.

17 Olson, Page 13.

18 Begley, Sharon, Farai Chideya, and Valerie Minor. "Of Pygmies and Princes."
Newsweek. Volume 120, Number 16: 19 October 1992. Page 60.

19 Fairservis, Jr., Walter A. The Ancient Kingdoms of the Nile. New York: Thomas Y.
Crowell Company, 1962. Page 171.

20 Fairservis, Page 171.

21 Fairservis, Page 172.

22 Wenig, Volume II, Page 181.

23 Adams, William Y. Nubia. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press,

1977. Page 337.
24 Fairservis, Page 174.

25 Wenig, Volume II, Page 16.

26 Wenig, Volume II, Page 83.

27 Wenig, Volume II, Page 70.

28 Wenig, Volume I, Page 98.

29 Keating, Rex. Nubian Twilight. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc., 1963.
Page 70.

30 Keating, Page 71.

31Keating, Page 70.

32 Diop, Cheikh Anta. The African Origin of Civilization. Chicago, Illinois:

Lawrence Hill Books, 1974. Page 143.

33 Keating, Page 71.

34 Simon, Page 10.

35 Strabo, qtd in Diop, Page 143.

36 Diop, Page 143.

37 Wenig, Volume II, Page 249.

38 Wenig, Volume II, Page 249.

39 Wenig, Volume II, Page 251.

40 Wenig, Volume II, Page 251.

41 Wenig, Volume II, Page 55.

42 Schueler, Gerald & Betty. Coming Into the Light. St. Paul: Llewellyn
Publications, 1989. Page 22.

43 Schueler, Page 22.

44 Wenig, Volume II, Page 237.

45 Wenig, Volume II, Page 237.

46 Wenig, Volume II, Page 237.

47 Fernea, Robert A. and Georg Gerster. Nubians in Egypt. Austin: University of

Texas Press, 1973. Page 121.

48 Kennedy, John G. Nubian Ceremonial Life. New York: The University of California
Press, 1978. Page 4.

49 Kennedy, Page 4.

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Editor: Ali B. Ali-Dinar
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