Vol. Vomd (498 —G CONTENTS Editorial & ae ae a 1 Udanavarge IIT (translation) te oe $ 2 ‘The Assessment of Textual Authenticity in Buddhism - Etienne Lamotte 4 How is the Buddhe different from an Arahant in Theravada Buddhism? - Arvind Sharma oe ae o 16 Vietnamese Buddhist Titerature: An Introduction - Russell Webb .. 25 ‘vo Sitras on Dependent Originetion - tr. John M.Cooper 55 au - Editor's Notes and Bibliography 35 News & Notes : a = 39 Obituaries: E.temotte, R.Shih, J.Filliozat and J.E.van Lohuizen-de Leeuw 47 Book Reviews & = a os 53 © 1984 Buddhist studies Review Buddhist Studies Review is the bi-annual journal of the Institut de recherche ISSN 0265-2897 Editor: Assistant Editor: Advisory Committee: ‘Editorial Address: Annual Subscription: bouddhique Linh-Soh and the Pali Buddhist Union Russell Webb Bhikkhu Pasadike Ven.Thfch Huyén-Vi (Spiritual acyiser} André Bareau Eric Cheetham Lance Cousins Hubert Durt Eddy Moerloose Peter Skilling and Paul Williams c/o Russell Webb, 15 Stedham Chambers, Coptic Street, London WCLA INL - England £5.00 or US$8.00 payable by cheque, Giro transfer (to A/C No. 52 613 4093), or international money order, to "Buddhist Studies Review" aLINH-SO'N BUDDHIST ASSOCIATION An international network of Dharma and meditation centres under the spiritual direction of Ven. Thich Huyén-Vi. Headquarters: Tu! Vin LinheSoh ("Sacred Mountain Monastery"), 9 Avenue Jean-Jaurés, F-94340 Joinville-le-Pont, France London branch: Chia Linh-Soh Anh Quét, 52 Bellenden Road, Peckham, London SE15 The Institut de recherche bouddhique is an integral part of Linh-Soh (Paris) and is under the supervision of ven. Thf{ch Huy@n-Vi and Bhikknu Pasadika. For details of centres elsewhere in the world please write to the above addresses. PALI BUDDHIST UNION This association of individuals and groups in various countries was formed to promote the teachings of the Pali tradition as con- tained in the canonical texts, Commentaries and later exegetical literature; to compose, publish and translate such literature in Furopean languages; to circulate relevant news and information; and to give moral support to existing organisations having similar aims. MAY THE PRESENT PUBLICATION FURTHER OUR MUTUAL AIME!~ Description of emblems on front cover ‘Nop: A traditional Buddhist manuscript rests on a lotus and symbolises the supramndane Buddhadharma which leads to liberation from the mire of the defilements. Tt was designed and drayn by David Philbedge. Wotton; Chinese characters denote Grdhrakitaparvata ("Vulture Peab Mountain") fron which the Buddha is reputed to have expounded several siitras; \inderneath is @ traditional Chinese Triratna seal representing the Buddha, Dharma and Sangha. (Both were contrituted ty Ven.Thich Huy@n-Vi, Head of Linh-Sch,Paris.)BUDDHIST STUDIES REVIEW Yoh. 2aNQz le cesenesnes==2== EDITORIAL We are pleased to present to readers @ new journal which, it is hoped, will con~ tinue the policies set by the periodicals it succeeds - Pali Buddhist Review and Linh-Sdh - Publication d'études bouddhologiques. Those familiar with these publications will recall that each specialised in the early classical traditions of Buddhism - the one expressed through the medium of Pali, the other through Sanskrit and Chinese. Precisely because these traditions have interacted on each other, Uke logicul step has been taken to Join forces and present what has been described as the most authentic Buddhist source materials ~ evidenced by the writings of the broad Hinayna and Indian—based Mahayéna. Other Buddhist treditions, notably the Tibetan and Par Eastern, are well represented by, amongst other periodicals, The Tibet Journal and The Eastern Buddhist. However, serious Literary contributions to "mainstream" Buddhism have, over the years, tended to compete for space with non-Buddhist items in the some~ what conservative academic journals of Europe. Now, thanks to the confidence and moral support expressed by the specialists forming the Advisory Conmittee, it is hoped that other readers will feel encouraged to participate in this new venture. Original translations from Pali, Sanskrit, Chinese and Central Asian languages will be published, together with textual exegeses and general expo- sitions relevant to the scope of the journal, book reviews, news and notes. Our special thanks go to the Vietnamese Buddhist community of the Monastére Bouddhique Linh-Sdn, under the inspiring leadership of Ven.Thfch Huyén-Vi, whose generous support has effectively guaranteed production of the first two issues. tn gratitude the main editor has dedicated to them a paper on their little-known Buddhist Literary tradition and hopes that nore detailed studies on this subject will appear in future issues. This first issue also contains a tribute to the late lamented Mgr ftienne Lamotte. Apart from having been one of the most dediceted scholars of Buddhism in this century, he embodied the most profound knowledge of classical Buddhism. As he endeavoured to disseminate this by means of his translations (one of which appears in this issue), so we hope to pursue e similar path aided by our readers and supporters.UDANAVARGA chapter 112 TRSNAVARGA - Craving 1. Tm a man driven mad by doubt, given over to violent passions, avid for hap- piness, cravings ceaselessly increase; he creates a [solid} bond for him~ self. 2, But he who delights in appeasing doubt, who thinks only of suffering, ever eware, he will escape craving; he, most certainly, causes his rotting bond to fall away. 3. Caught in the net of blind desire, enveloped in craving, the negligent are kept in bonds like fish in a bow-net; they hasten to old-age and death, Like the calf which Chastens] to suck at ite mother. 4. In a man of negligent conduct, craving grovs (like the mAluva)... ceaseless~ ly, like a monkey seeking a fruit in the forest. 5. Tempting, in truth, attractive, in truth, are enjoyments for men; those vha, caught in the bonds of pleasure, hasten after happiness, they, in truth, are men subject to birth and death. 6. Assailed by craving, men throw themselves like hares at the net; the attach ments catch them in their bonds, they ceaselessly and indefinitely fall back into suffering. 7. Beings caught in the knots of craving, whose minds delight in existence and non-existence, Cwho are attached to the bonds of Maral, men who find plea- sure in the attachments, hasten to old-age and death; for to get beyond the attachments 1s difficult. 8, But he who here below rejects craving in existence and non-existence, such a bhiksu without desires has destroyed craving, attains Nirvana. 9. He who is under the weight of that coarse craving, so difficult to avoid in this world, his sufferings grow like the vetiver (Birene) after rain. 10. But he who rejects that coarse craving, so difficult to avoid in this world, his sufferings will be shed like raindrops on a iotus. 11. These are good words that I say to you, to you all who are assembled eradicate that craving with its roots, as one does when one requires the root of the vetiver; once the roots of craving are eradicated, there is no more suffering and nothing to fear.12. 23. ab. 16. Lt. 18. Buddhist Studies Review 1,1 (1983-4) 3 A man who has craving as his associate, for a long time because of desire is reborn ceaslessly... (undergoes) ceaselessly, in all the conditions, a succession of comings and goings. But, rejecting craving, one is free from craving in existence and non- existence; one is not subject to rebirth; indeed, one does not know craving. Attachment, on which gods and men depend and which they seek, reject it; do not let the moment pass; those who let the moment pass suffer in the hells where they are cast. . In truth craving is the source of the river, attachment is the root of the trunk and spreads like a net here; if one wholly avoids that creeper which is craving (of desires}, suffering moves away forever, Just as, so long as its root is intact, a tree, even though cut down, grows ever again, 80, as long as the attachments of craving are not eradicated, suffering returns ever and again. Like a home-made arrow which hits you when it has been badly positioned (on the bow?), so craving leads the creepers which grow on the terrain on the personality to strike living beings. If one sees the danger of that which produces the suffering of craving, let one avoid that craving; without desire, without attachment, mindful, let the bhikgu devote himself to the wandering life. (Translated by Sara Boin Webb from the French of N.P. Chakravarti)THE ASSESSMENT OF TEXTUAL AUTHENTICITY IN BUDDHISM * fitienne Lamotte The Buddha never promised his disciples his unending assistance. He did not tell them that he would not leave them as orphans, nor that ne would be with them in centuries to come. On the contrary, a short time after his Parinirvana, he gave Ananda to understané thet he could no longer be counted upon: "Tt is only when the Tathagata, leaving off contemplating every external object (sabbanimittanam amanasikSra) and having destroyed every separate feeling (ekaccSnam vedaninam ni- rodha), remains plunged in objectiess mental concentration (animittam cetosamid- him upasampajja viharati), it is only then that the Tathagata's body will be at ease” }. In such e state, the master could do nothing further for his disciples. Neither did the Buddha appoint himself a successor; he did not constitute his Sangha into an hierarchical church, repository of his teaching and a per- petuator of his work. A short time after the Perinirvdna, Ananda declared to the bratman Gopaka Moggalldnat “There is no special bhikkhu designated vy the ven- erable Gotuma (bhot@ Gotamena thapito), or chosen vy the Sangha and designated vy the Elders and monks (samghena samato sambahulehi therehi bhikkhihi thapito) to be our refuge after the disappearance of the Buddha, and In whom we could henceforth take refuge" *. Nevertheless, Ananda continued: "We are not without @ refuge (patisarana); we have a refuge, we have the Doctrine (Dhamma) for a re= fuge". Here the disciple vas alluding to some of his master’s final words when he said: "Henceforth (after my decease), be your own lamp and your ovn refuge, seek no other refuge; may the Doctrine be your lamp and your refuge, seek no other refuge" 3. In the beginning, before elaborating the doctrine of the Three Bodies (erikaya), the Buddha did not incarnate the Dharma which he left us an inherit- ance: "I did not create the twelve-limbed Doctrine", he declared, "and neither oh + did anyone else create it" ". "Whether the Tathigatas exist or do not exist, Unis dharma-nature of dharmas, this subsistence of dharmas remains stable" >, The Doctrine is superior to the Buddha; immediately after his Enlightenment, Sakya~ muni, having retired to the Herdsman's Banyan tree, had the following thought: "It is wrong to remain without having someone to esteem and respect; who, then, is that monk or brahman whom I could honour, respect and serve?" Finding no-one superior to himself, he then had the following inspiration: "Suppose I were to abide by the Doctrine which I myself discovered (ahammo may& abhisambudaho) in order to honour, respect ana serve it?" © and so it ocurred. Such is the Doctrine which the Buddhe solemnly bequeathed to his disciples. Since it was nowhere consigned to writing, this legacy was in practice limitedThe Assessment of Textual Authenticity ip Buddhism 5 to the mere remembrance of the Buddha's teachings. The disciples had to determine for themselves the source of the Dharma, establish its authenticity and supply the correct interpretation of it. The heuristic and external study of the Dharma by the early Buddhists will be the subject of the present article, their exeget- ical method being reserved for a leter study.” I The sources of the Dharma 1. The principal and undisputed source is the very word of the Buddha (buddha~ vacana). Sikyenuni expounded a Dharma "good in the beginning, in the middle and at the end; its meaning (artha) is good, its letter (vyahjana) is good, it is homogenous, complete, pure; the brahma-faring is revealed in it" '. In nis statement of beliefs (agraprajfiapti), a Buddhist declares that: "Among all dhermas, whether compounded or not, the Dharma of renunciation (expounded by the aucana) is the best of wit" ©, Its truth could never be questioned, for: "During the interval that began with the night when the Tathigata entered Supreme Enlightenment and ended with the night he entered Nirvéqa-without-remainder, all that he said, uttered and nd taught, «11 that is true and not false’ " |. His word remains for ever: "The sky will fall with the moon and the stars, the earth Will rise up with the mountains 0 and forests, the oceans will dry ups but the great Sages say nothing untrue” 1°. ‘Truthful, the vord of the Buddhe is furthermore stamped with courtesy: "The Tuthigata does not utter any word he knows to be false (abhut@), incorrect (ataccha), useless (anatthasamhita) or, at the same time, unpleasant. (appiya) und displeasing (amanapa) to others" '!. ‘the good vord of the Buddhe is designat- ed by four characteristics: "It 1s well spoken and not vadly spoken (subhasitah feva bbisati no dubbhasitam); in conformity with deliverance and not contrary to deliverance (dhanmafi eva bhisati no adhammam); pleasant and not unpleasant (piyah eva bhasati no appiyam), \rue und not false (saccah Reva bhasati no alikam)" 1°, tm brief, we can conclude elong with ASoka in his edict at Bhairat "All that the blessed Lord Buddha suid is vell said" (E kechi bhamte bhagavata Budhena bhisite sarve se subisita) ‘3, 2. However, the Buddha was not the only one to expound the Dharma; during his own lifetime, he sent disciples on missions: desettha bhikkhave dhammam adi~ kalvanam, etc. (Vin I, p.21, ST, p.105; It, p.111). Following their master's example, the great disciples were zealous instructors (D II, pp.10h,106, III, p. 1255 S V,p.262; A IV,p.310; Ud,p.63), and the texts mention the telent and miss- ionery activity of Sariputra ($ I,p.190; III,p.112; ¥,p.162), Uadyi (Vin IV,pp. 20-21; S IV,p-121; A III,p.184), Abhibhitte (Th 1,v.225), Narada (A {IT,p.58), Uttere (A IV,p.162), Pirna Maitrayaniputra (S I1I,p.106), Nandaka (M IIT,p.276), the nun Isadasf (Th 2,v.40k) and even Devadatta (Vin TI,p.199; 4 IV,p.u02) M,6 Buddhist Studies Review 1, 1 (1983-4) After the Buddha's decease, the disciples became the sole spokesmen for the Dharma, In order to stress that they limited themselves to transmitting the master's teaching, without adding anything themselves, they preceded their ad~ dress vith the sacred formula: Evam maya srutam ekasmin samaye “Thus have heard at one time". The formula indicates that the content of the siitra dates back to the Buddha himself, but the Buddha, who was omniscient and had no master, could not say "I have heard" since that would leed to the supposition that he was ignorant of the matter concerned; it was his disciples who ssid "I have heard"; through the intermediary of Ananda, the Buddha ordered his disciples to place this formula at the beginning of the siitra in order to emphasize its authenticity 27. 3. Buddhists like to believe that the Dharma was also expounded by the sages (xsi), gods (deva) and apparitional beings (upapaduka). Among the sages of the carly times, Araka can be cited (A IV,p.136), as also the disciples of pre- vious Buddhas such as Vidhura (M I,p.333) and Abhibhii (S I,pp.155-6). The god Sakra, himself a disciple of the Buddha, maintained he proclaimed the Doctrine as he had heard and studied it: yathasutam yathapariyattam dhammam desemi (D !1, p.284). Therefore, the Dharma had various sources vhich tended, with time, to mul- tiply. The Vineyas attempted to enumerate them. Those of tne Mahasimghikes ('? 1¥25,ch.13,p.3362 21) and the Milasarvastivadins (T 14h2,ch.26,p.771b 2) count- ea no more than two. According to the former: "The Dharma is either what the Buddha proclaimed, or what he approved with his seal. What the Buddha proclnim= ed, it is the Buddha himself who proclaimed it; what the Buddha approved with his seal, it is the Grfvaka disciples and other men who proclaimed it, and the Buddha approved it with his seal", The other Vinaya merely says that "The word Dharma signifies the Doctrine which was proclaimed by the Buddha and the Sri vakas". ‘The Pali Vinaya (IV,p.15) and thet of the Dharmaguptas (T 128,ch.11, p 6394 16) udd two new sources: "The Doctrine”, they say, "is what was proclaimed by the Buddha, the Sravakas, the sages (rsi) and the gods (deva)". To this list the Sarvastivadin Vinaya (T 1435,ch.9,D-71b 1-2), followed by the Mppé. (T 1509, ch.2,p.66b = traité I.p-81), further add the apparitional beings (upapiduka). By being transmitted via so many spokesmen, the Seddharma ran the greatest of dangers. From the beginning, it should have been enclosed in a code of auth- entic writings, recognised by all the members of the Community unanimously show- ever, the Buddhists only belatedly perceived the necessity of a codification of the Dharma; moreover, the oral transmission of the Doctrine rendered such @ task, if not impossible, at least very difficult, It may be, as the Mpp$. (T 1509,ch.2,p.10a 20 = praité I,p-113) and Para-The Assessment of Textual Authenticity in Buddhism 7 ndrtha +© craim, that, in the very lifetime of the Buddha, MahaKdtydyana, the disciple from Avanti, has composed an explanatory collection of the Buddha's Agama-siitras.. According to the Mpp§. (ch.18,p.192b = Traité II,pp.10T4-5), the collection originally contained 3,200,000 words; however, after the Buddha's decease, human life-span decreased, intelligence weakened and men became in~ capable of reciting it in full; some holy men who had "found the Path" then com- posed a summary in 384,000 words. This abridgement is possibly the basis of the Petakopadega, still consulted today in the south of the Indian continent. How- ever, this work, of uncertain date and doubtful canonicity ‘7, was only con- sidered authoritative in Ceylon. Immediately after the Buddha's decease, the Elders (sthavira), assembled in council at R&jagrha, "chanted the Doctrine (Dharma) and Discipline (Vinaya)", but we know none of the texts which were recited on that occasion. Tn fact, the narratives dealing with this Council come from chroniclers who mostly belonged to organised Buddhist school + each having its own canonical writings, Each cluims that the writings of his ovn school were compiled et Rajagrha +6, ay thelr conflicting testimony, these authors show that they were no better inforn= ed than ourselves on the literary activity of the Council. One thing seems certuin: the sessions at RAjagrha did not succeed in sett- ing up @ canon of writings which was universally acceptable to the Samgha and closed Lo the inclusion of any new texts, Five hundred bhiksus, led by Purana, did not take part in the Council; informed of the work carried out by the Elders, Purdnn declared: "Venerable ones, the Doctrine und the Diseipline have been well chanted by the Elders; nevertheless, I maintain that I retain the Doctrine in my memory Just as I heard it, Just ns I obtained it from the very Lips of the Blessed One" 29, Some time after the Buddha's decease nid the sessions of the Council, new siitras were composed and enjoyed un authority equal to that of the older ones, and passed with them into the collection of each school. We can cite, for ex- ample, the Madhura~ (M IT,p.63; 'T 99,ch.20,p.1k2a), the Ghotamakha~ (M II,p.157) and the Gopakamoggallana- (M IIT.p.73 T ?6,ch.36,.653¢), which themselves take creda place at a time when the Buddha had already entered Parinirvina; the i (A TII,p.57)5 7 125,ch.2h,p.679a), composed in the reign of Munda, AJataSatru's grandson; the Assalayana-, many recensions of which (M II,p.1¥7; T 26,ch.37, p.663b; 7 71,p.876b) mention the Yona-Kumbojas of the Graeco-Bactrian kingdom and the Yueh-chih of the Kusina dynasty. From the linguistic point of view, the early Buddhist texts were undoubt- edly recited in the Middle Indian dialects of the eastern group. In any case, the titles of the works recoumended by ASoka in his edict at Bhairat ere in a special Magadhi, more advanced from the phonetical point of view than the@ Buddhist Studies Review 1,1 (1983-4) official Magadhi of Agoka's inscriptions, Practically nothing has come down to us of these Magadhan originals. The Aokan period marks the end of what can be called the early or pre- canonical literature of Buddhism. The enormous expansion undergone by the Sad- dharma during the great emperor's reign constituted terrain conducive to the formation of schools and sects. Spatially separated, individual communities asserted thenselves increasingly: each of them determined to compile its own collection of writings. These separate cauons - which have come down to us com plete or incomplete, in original texts or in translations - all derive from a common bacie constituted by the early Buddhist literature. They differ in con- tent (insertion of new texts or even of new collections °°), in layout of the sections and in language: PAli, Sanskrit or liybrid Sanskrit. These canons were never closed except perhaps by the extinction ituelf of the sects to which they belonged; in fact, in the course of time, they grew ever larger with the addit- ion of new compositions. In the Pali Canon, the Vinayapitaka contains a Parivira, a later work by @ Sinhalese monk; the Suttapiteka includes a fifth collection, the Khuddekanikiys, which has no exact equivalent in the collections of the other schools; its authority was disputed even anong the Sinhalese since, at the time of Buddhaghosa (5th century A.C.), the commentator Sudinna Thera, un- der the pretext that there is no Word of the Buddha not in any sutta (asutta= nimakam Buddhavecanam nama n‘atthiti), rejected the majority of the books of which it was composed @7; even today, Sinhalese, Burmese and Thai Buddhists differ over the exact content of the Khuddakanikfya °°, The Sarvastivadin writ- ings are particularly uncertain: the Samyuktgama includes whole chapters on the Legend of ASoka (P99, ch.25 sa.), and the Milasarvéstivadin Vinaya describes in detail the conversion of north-west India and even goes so far as to mention Kaniska (T1448, ch.9, pp.4op-bic). he early Buddhist literature was completely absorbed into the unsettled mass of the schools texts, The old recitation which, as we have seen, never succeeded in obtaining recognition ty the whole community, completely disappeur- ed. There was, according to the sacred expression, milasangitibhraméa “a loss of the original recitation". This fact, if the scholars are to be believed, nad two fatal consequences. Firstly, it led to the disappearance of a large number of siitras (bahulani si! 1545, ch-16, p.T9b), "the Ekotterikfgama listed the dharmas from 1 to 100; it now stops at 10; and, in rany antarhitani): "Originally", says the Vibhasa those 1 to 10, much is lost, little retains....0n Ananda's attaining Nirvanu, 77,000 Avadinas and Sitras, 10,000 Abhidharmefstras were lost". Among the van- ished slitras, the Vibhis& itself notes those which listed the six hetus (ch.16, p.79b), the twenty-eight anugayas (ch.46, p.236), the thirty-seven bodhipaksikasThe Assessment of Textual Authenticity in Buddhism (ch.96, p-496a). Identical remarks can be found in the AbhidharmakoSa (II, p. 2u5n.) end ins whole series of texts collated by the historian Bu-ston °3, Another even graver consequence was the deterioration of the Saddharma and the appearance of apocryphal texts (adhy&zopita, muktaka). Already at the Coun- cil of Pataliputra, under ASoka, a certain Mahadeva wanted to incorporate the siitras of the Mahiyana into the Three Baskets, and this demand was one of the causes of the schis between the school of the Elders (sthaviriya} and that of the Great Assembly (manasangnika)”". "After the Nirvana of the Buddha", says the Vibhigi (7 155, ch.185, p.929e) "in the Siitras, ruise Sitras were placed; in the Vinaya, £ Ise Vinnyas were pluced; in the Abhidharma, false Abhidharmas were placed.” The AbhidharmkoSa (TIT, p.4O) in turn remarks: "What can we do about it? The Master has entered Nirvana, the Saddharma no longer has a leader. Many sects have formed which debase the mening, and the letter as they fancy." The Buddhu hud foresven this deterioration of he tho Dharma when he sumounced suttus promulgated by the Yathiguta (tathagata bhasita), profound, profound in meaning, transcendental (lokuttara), teaching, emptiness (suhhatapatisamyutta), they will not listen to with taith, they will not lend their ears to, they will hot necept us true (affiacittam na upatthpesanti).... But the suttas composed by poets (kavikata), poetic (kaveyya), o! artistic syllabary and sound, profane (bahiraka), promuignted by the disciples (savakabhasita), they will believe.... Vhus it fs that the subtas of tie 1 799, ch.ly, p. sh5b). tL entegory Wit disuppear™ (S IT, p.?67s textual authenticity The multiplicntion of the sources: and their progr: escive deterinration part icus lurly complicutes un attempt at the avs sment oF Lextuud authenticity, the rates of which = purely theoretical © are set ont im the Mubitpad Here first are some bibliographical references to this sitra, The PALL text is in DIT, p23, and AIT, pol6(. A short Sans krit, adaptation in Mahdyanasiitra: lunkiira, ed.Lévi, p.l; BodhicaryfvatirnpuiJika, ed.L.de La Vallée Poussin, p. 4315 Abhidhurmakoga, IX, p.252. Several Chinese versions in Ch'ang a han and the parallel versions (‘I 1, eh.3, TT, ch.l, p.195¢) shih, T1451, ch.37, p.389b. References Lo the mah3padeSas in Ves T 5, chil, p.l6Tas 7 6, eh.1, p-18203 @ng fa han, 7 19, ch.Pd, p.659b5 Kon pen uo... tae, samuccny:ty p.63, 1.18, and Bodhisnttvabbiimi, p.108, 1.25, Commentary on the sutta by Budd= haghosa in Sumafgalevilasin? U1, pp.960-8, and the Manor: 60. Translation of the sutta by T.W.Rhy hapiirand TT, pp.to8= Davids, Dialogues of the Buddha IT, p. 133; R.0.Francke, Dighanikaya in Auswalil ii ersetzt, p-220; ¥.L.Woodward, Gradual Sayings II, p.175; L.de La Vallée Poussin, 'Mahapadega, Kalapndeéat in Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies TIT, 1938, ».158.10 Buddhist Studies Review 1, 1 (19834) WahipaieSa (divided as mah’ - apadeSa) literally means "great argument". Buddhaghosa (1.c.) has the following explanatio: Mahapadese ti mah3-okise mani -apadese vi. Buddhadayo mahante apadisitva vuttani mahakaranani ti attho: "Al- ed causes (or avthori ies) in referring to the Buddha or other great persons". We find in the Chinese versions the equivalents AMM Ta-Chiao-fa "/ vules of teaching", API Ta Chiieh-ching "great determinants", KMMEM Ta Xuang-yen chih-i “great rules of propagation"; the Tibetan version of the Hod eat, yubhiimi his Chen po batan pa "kreat instructions". Modern translators wider mahipadega as "true authorities" ov "great authorities" (Rhye Davids, funiverd), "Hinweis Cau’ eine Autoritt}" (Prancke), "régles ou rérérences” (de Ia Yalite Houssin}. Pali recension of the Mahipadefa. Here, while omitting unnecessary repetit= ions, is an as al us possible transtation of the Mahlpadesasutta (D Ti, p.103; A 11, y.167): Tn a certain case, a bhikkhu could say: Venerable ones, trom the lips of the Blessed One (sammukh3 bhagavato), I have myself heard (sutam) and learnt (patiggah?tam) this, aud this is therefore the Dhamma, Vinay und Teaching of the master (satthu sdsanam). Furthermore, a bhikkhu could say: In such and such a place, there resides 41 Community (samgha) where there ure Elders (satthera) and Leaders (sapamokkha); vom the lips of that Community, T have myseLr heard and learnt this, and this is therevors Dhanma, ete, Furthermore, a bbikkhu could say: In such and such a place, there reside many. wed (bahussuta) vhikkhu Elders, having received the Seripture (agata= gama), knowing by heart the Dhamma (dhammadhara), the Vinaya (vinayadhara) and the Summaries (matikadara); from the lips of those Elders, 1 have myseit hoard and learnt this, and this is therefore Dhamma, ote. ldos Furthermore, a bhikkhu could say: Tn such and such a place there r a singic vhikkim Elder, leurned, having received the Scripture, knowin; Ly heart the Dhamma, the Vinaya and the Summaries; from the lips of that Elder, 1 have myself heard and learnt this, end this is therefore Dhamma, Vinuya and ‘Yeuching of the mister. In the four cases envisaged, the Buddha °° orders his monks to apply the volloving rule: hat Dhikkhu's utterance (bhasita) should be neither upproved (abhinanditabba) nor rejected (patikkositabba). Without either approving them or rejecting them, those words and syllables (tani padavyahjai ), having been varefully understood (sidhukap uggahetva), should be collated with the Sutta (sutte otaretabbani), compared with Une Vinaya (vinaye sandassetabbini). If, collated with Lhe Gutta, compared with the Vinaya, they cannot be found in the Sutta (na ceva sutte otaranti), then the following conclusion should be reach-The Assessment of Textual Authenticity in Buddhism u ed: "Certainly, this is not the Word of the Blessed One (bhagavato vacanam) and has been misunderstood (duggahitam) by that bhikkhu, that Community, those El= ders or that-Flder", and you will in consequence reject that text. If the words and syllables proposed... are found in the Sutta and appear in the Vinaye, the following conclusion should be reached: "Certainly, this is the Word of the Blessed One and has been well understood (suggahitam) by that bhikkhu, that Community, those Elders or that Elder". Sanskrit recension of the MahapadeSa. The Sanskrit formula seems to be a development of the Pali formila, us it also requires that the proposed text “does not contradict the nature of things". Mahdydnasiitralamkire, p.h? Suddhavacanasyedam laksanam yat siitre ‘vatarati vinaye saméréyate dharmatam ca na vilomayati: "The characteristic mark of the Word of the Buddha is that it is found in the Sitra, appears in the Vinaya and does not contradict the nature of things". Rodhicaryavat&rapafi) iki p.431: Yad gurusisya paramparayanniyayatam buddha= vacanatvena yac ca sitre ‘vatara¥iJiifaréyate dharmatam ca na vilomayati tad buddhavacanam nanyat: "Whatever reaches us as the Word of the Buddhe tradition= ally through the suecession of masters and disciples, what is found in the Sitra, appears in the Vinaya, does not contradict the nature of things, is the Word of the Buddha and nothing else". ‘This conformity with the nature of things is aleo required by the Abhi dharmakoSa TX, p.252, and a post-canonical Pali text, the Nettipakarana, p.22 Interpretation of the text. ‘The Mahipadesasuttanta includes two distinct parts: 1. The Buddha first determines an established usage among the monks: when a bhikgu wanted to have some or other text admitted by the community of monks, he appealed to one of the four "great authorities", of unequal but sufficient value: the authority of the Buddiw, of a specific Samgha, of several Elders who did not constitute a Samgha but were especially learned, of a single especially learned Elder. It is essential to note that the Buddha does not condemn this usage; he merely establishes that reference to the Great Authorities alone is not suffi= cient to guarantee the authenticity of a text. This is well in keeping with his character since, even if he found it indispensable to expound the Saddharma to mankind, he never asked that he be taken at his word. After a particularly im= portant discourse, he addressed his monks with these words: "And now, monks, that you know and think thus, are you going to say: We honour the Master end, ‘through respect for the aster, we say this or that? We will not do so, Lord. What will you assert, 0 monks, is it not what you yourselves have realised12 Buddhist Studies Review 1, 1 (1983-4) (Batam), seen (dittham) and grasped (viditam)? It is Just so, Lord." (MT, p. 265; T 26, ch.5h, p.769b). 2, In this spirit, and however firn the authorities on which a text rests may be, the Buddha asks his disciples to discover also whether it is found in the Siitra, appears in the Vinuya and, according to the Sanskrit formula, whether it contradicts the nature of things. How is this demand to be interpreted? Is it merely a matter of discovering whether the proposed text is found in the Scriptures? This is what we are ied to believe by the translation by R.O.Francke, 1.c. p.220 Ltr.J: "Rather should you (try) to ascertain whether the Bhikkhu's assertion can, word for word and syllable by syllable, be compared to the Sutta (footnote: or a Sutte) and auth= euticated by the Vinaya", However, this interpretation is unacceptable since, as we have seen, the Buddhists never possessed a corpus of writings of indisput= able authority and able to serve as a norm for the whole community. Had they possessed such, they would have rejected any new text foreign to the original compilation as apeerypha} . Setting uside the commentary by Buddhaghosa who constructs the most fanes= fut nypotheses °°, we will try to interpret the sitra in the Light of the Chinese translations: 1, che3, p.lfg: If @ bhiksu speaks these words: "Venereble ones, in such and such a village, such and such a kingdom, I heard and received this teaching", you should neither believe nor reject what he tells you. You should, as to the Siitras, discover the true and the false; relying on the Vinaya, relying on the Dharma, discover the essential and the ancillary (pén mo). If the text (proposed by the bhiksu) is not Sitra, is not Vinaya, is not Dharma, you should say to him: “Phe Buddha did not say that, you have grasped it wrongly. Why? T rely on the Sitra, T rely on the Vinaya, I rely on the Dharma, and what you have Just said is in contradiction (virodha) to the Dharma”. T1051, ch.37, p-389b-c: The Bhagavat said to Ananda: It is thus thut one can know if a teaching is true or false. As from today, you should rely on the teaching of the Sitras and not rely on (the authority) of a person (pudgala). How can one rely on the teaching and not rely on a person? !f a bhiksu should speak these words: "Venerable ones, formerly I heard this werd of the Tathigata and, having heard it, I remembered it; I say that this is the Doctrine of the Sitras. I say that this is the Teaching of the Vinaya and is truly the Word of the Buddha". When a biiksu, having heard that, speaks thus to you, he should be neither reproved nor rebuffed; you should listen to what he says and remember clearly the syllables and phrases; then you should return to the basic sources (EIB), examine the Siitra literature and the Vinaya teaching. If what he hasThe Assessment of Textual Authenticity in Buddhism 13 said is in contradiction to the Siitra and the Vinaya, you should tell him: "What you said is not the Word of the Buddha; it is something which you have misunder= stood, it does not rely on either the Sitra or the Vinaya; it should be rejected", So therefore, in order that a text proposed with reference to one of the four Great Authorities be guaranteed, it is not necessary for it to be literally reproduced in the Scriptures, it is enough that ite general purport be in keeping vith the spirit of the Sitras, the Vinaya and the Buddhist doctrine in general. In fact, the spirit of the Siitras is condensed in the Discourse on the Four Noble Truths; the Vinaye prescriptions are essentially aimed at the appeasing of the passions, and the keystone of Buddhist philosophy is the theory of Depend: ent Origination (pratityasamutpada )which Aévajit summarised tor firiputra in a famous stanza, untiringly reproduced on Buddhist monuments: Ye dharm3 hetupra= bhava, etc. The Netyipnkarana (p.2?) has pertectly grasped the spirit of the Mahipadesasutta, when it remarks: "With which Gutta should the texts be collated? With the Four Noble Vruths. With which ¥ aya should they be compared? With the Vinaye (which combats) craving (raga), hatred (dosa) and delusion (moha). Against which doctrine should they be meusurcd? Against the doctrine of Dependent Ori, ination". “uking the Best they could rom the lete sources they had at their dispo: al, the Ruddhists drew their inspiration, for the assessment of textual authen= ticity, from very sure principles, sucees using external and internal cri= teria, Virst, they endeavoured to test the extrin: value of the texts by de= termining their origin: the Buddha, a spe ¢ Snmgha, a single or several pars ticularly learned Klders. Then, they went on to the examination of their intrin= sic value, and sought to find out whether the texts proposed for their upproval were indeed in the spirit of the Dharma, Discipline and Buddhist philosophy. Abbreviations A. Adguttarn Nikayu D Dighn Nikiyn Tt Téivotteka = M Majjhima Nikya MppS MahdpenjMipiramitaéastra Th 1 Theragithi Th 2 ‘TherTgatha Sn Sutta-Ni pata Y Taishd Uhinshi Dai zdkyd Va Udana = Vin Vinaya rraité le Traité de 1a Grande vertu de Sagesse de Nagarjuna. Annotated translat= ion of Mppé by fi.Lamotte. 5 vols, Louvain 1949-80. Notes * Article first published as "La Critique d'authenticité dans le Houddhisme" in India Antiqua, a volume of Oriental studies presented by his friends and pupils to Jean Philippe Vogel, C.I-E., on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of his Doctorate, published for the Kern Institute, Leiden, by H.J-Brill, to whor grateful acknowledgement is made tor permission to publish this Faglish translation made by Sara Boin-Webb.14 Buddhist Studies Review 1, 1 (1983-4) 1 DIZ, p.100; £2, ch.2, p.195v. 2 MIIT, p.93 7 26, ch.36, P.65ha-1 3 DIL, p.100; Til, ch.2, p.15b; T1451, ch.36, p.387b. Also see D TIT, pp.55, 75 $V, p.1633 T1, ch.6, p.39a5; T 26, ch.15, p.520B. 4 tsa a han, 1 99, No.299, ch.12, p.85b-es reproduced in the ¥pps, 7 1509, ch.2, p.T5a (= Praité T, p.15T); ch.32, p.298a, = Traité V, p.2191). 5 This is the well-known formiia: Utpadad va tathagatanim anutpadad va tatha gatanam sthitaiveyam dharminam dharmaté dharmasthitita; ef, S II, p.25; AT, p.86; Visuddhimagga, p.518; Silistambasitra, ed.de La Vallée Poussin, p.73s kA, p.1985 Aste hasrika, p.27k4; Lafikavat&ira, p.143; KoSavyakhya, Pal 20033 Madhyanakavetti, p.lt 88; Siksasamuccaya, p.1h; DaSabbimiki, poo. 6 8 1, pp.13B-hO; 7 99, No.1188, ch.lh, pp,321g-322a. Also see an aberrant ver= ion af this sfitra in Mpp€, T1509, ch.10, p.d3ie (= rraité 1, pp.586-T). + Iublishod as "La critique d'interprétation dans le boudéhisme” in Annuaire de i'Institut de Philologie et d'Histoire Orientales et Slaves IX, Brussels 1949, pp. 3-62. 7 An extremely widespread formila nO, pp.35,2h2; DI, p.62 ML, y.l79s BV, p.352s AL, p.280, ete. 8 sive the complete text of the agraprajfaptis in A U1, p.sly CTL, peso ity p-Bs Divyfivadiinu, p.1555 Ava ngatuka f, pp-49-50, 309-30. 9 DUT, pelso5 ALT, peels TL, pel01s Chung a han, 7 26, ch.3hy p.Odhw 185 Mpps, P1509, ch.1, p.59¢ (= PraieS 1, p.30). On the modifications which the Nabayfna brought to this text, see Madhyamaxavrtts, pp.366,5395 Pafijiki, 7.4195 + ppelhan3. Adina, pp.26B,2725 also see '! 310, ch.102, p.5Thas 290) held -8bSk. TMT, p. 305. LIL $y p78. .llwltaseh, Inscriptions of Ascka, Corpus Inseriptionum Indicarum, Yol.1, oxrord 195, pelts U1 have taken these rererenc from the fine work by M. and W.Geiger, Pali Dhanma vornehmlich in der Kanonischen Literatur, Munizh 1920, yp.4v=1. 15 ‘his is according to the Mp, '' 1509, ch.2, p.6Ta (= traité 1, p.87). -bomiéville, "L'Origine des sectes bouddhiques", Mélanges Chinvis et Bouddhiques I, Brussels 1931-2, pp.l9-50.The Assessment of Textual Authenticity in Buddhism 45 17 Cf. E,Hardy (ed,), Nettipakarana, p.viii sq.; M.Bode, Pali Literature of Burma, RAS of Great Britain and Ireland, London 1909, repr.1966, p.5. 18 See J.Pr2yluski, Le Concile de Rajagrha, Paris 1926, pp.353-9. 19 PALi Vin II, p.290; J.Prayluski, op.cit., pp.159-61, 195-9. 20 Like the Abhidharmapitaka in the Vibhajyavdin and Sarvastivadin schools. 21 Sumaigelavilasini I1, p.566; ManorathapiiranT 111, p.159. 22 (Cf, M.Winternitz, History of Indian Literature II, Calcutta 1933, P.77, 1.3. 23. See E.Obermiller, Bu-ston, History of Buddhism II (Meterialen zu Kunde des Buddhismus, Nos.16,19) Heidelberg 1931-2, pp.169-11. 2h P.Demigvitle, op.cit., p.30. The same remark in Dipavamsa ¥, vv.32-6 regard= ing the MahfisamgIti implemented by the bhiksn Mahdsinghika after the Council of vaiéali. 25 It could be believed that the Buddha here is only a figurehead and thet the cules for ussessment were set up by scholars who lived long after him. On the Four Authorities, etc., also see the Mpp§ in rraité I, pp.536-40. 26 Yhus, according to Buadhaghosn (Sumafgalavilasini II, p.565 eq.), in the phrase sutte otaranti vinaye sandissanti, sutta would designate the Sutta~ vibbafiga (first part of the Vinayapituka), und vinaya, the Khandakas (second part of the Vinayapitaka); or else, sutta would designate the Suttapitaks, and vinaya, the whole Vinayapitaka; or ngain, sutta would designate the Suttapituka and Vinayapitaka, while vinaya would refer to the Vinayapitaka; finally, sutte would include in itself the whole of the Word of the Buddha contuined in the ‘Tipitaka.16 IS THE BUDDHA DIFFERENT FROM AN ARAHANT IN THERAVADA BUDDHISM Arvind Sharma At the second annual conference of the Australian Association for the Study of Religions, Dr Telwatte Rahula of the Univers ty of Melbourne tnow at MeGill University, Montreal, Canadal, who bad himself formerly been a monk in Sri Lanka, read a paper entitled: "The wuddhist Arahant: Is his attainment of Nir- viina as perfect as the Buddha's Enlightenment?” He concluded that though some scholars maintain that "the arahants were not as fully emancipated as the sudana" 7, "so far as the Pali canon is concerned, there is absolutely no ground even to suggest that the essen ce of the arahant's attainnent was dif- ferent from that of the Fully Awakened One... they all without exception claim to have realized the threefold knowledge" °, this threefold knowledge consist ing of (i) the knowledge of one's own previous births (41) the knowledge of the rebirths of others 35 und (4ii) knowledge regarding the utter cessation of asavas “ or mental intoxicants. Nevertheless, although the Buddha and nrahants are seen as identical in the achievement of salvation in the state of Nibbana, it is clear that in some ways the Buddha is more than an arahant. This paper is an effort to identify the ways in which he may be regarded as different from an arahant in the Theravada tradition. At Pirst there seems to have been virtually no distinction between the Buddha and the arahants. Thus, "In the Buddhist movement the Buddha was the first arabant. He wos regurded as an arahant, along with other arahants, with- out any distinction. Thus after the conversion of the group of five monks (paficavaggiya), the rirst converts to the teaching of Gotama, it is stated that there were six arshunts in the world (Vin.I, 1), the Buddha being reckoned one of them" ?. ‘The last sentence provides the clue to the first line of differentiation between the Buddha and arahants. The Buddha was the first arahant and the ara- hants subsequent Buddhas, In the Theragatha, for instance, the arahants are described as buddhanubuddha: "... the Buddha as well as his disciples follow the same path and reach the same goal, and the distinction between the Buddha and the disciples who be~ cane arahants is not with regard to the attainment, but with regard to the fact that the Buddha rediscovered the age-old path (puranam afijasam) to the city of Mibbina, while the disciples come to the sane city having followed thelow is the Buddha different fron an Arahant.. 7 path discovered by the Buddha, The Buddha is, therefore, called the revealer of the path (maggassa akkhit@). He is the teacher (sattha) who teaches the disci- ples to attain the same ideal as attained ty nin" ©, Dr Rahula amplifies this point of distinction. After maintaining that, "an arahant may even with justification be called s buddha", he adds: "It sitvuld be admitted thet the arahant's status was never regarded to be equal to that of the the Buddha, The Buddha is esteemed as unparalleled (asama) equal only to those who are themselves unequalled Buddhas (asamasama). Disciples can- not be theequals of the Master who finds the path for the first time. Being the pioneer and path-finder, he deserves to be venerated as such. Apart from thut, the early strata of the Pali canon make no distinction between the Budd= ba's uttainnent of nirvana and that of the arahant. Although he was later garded as omniscient. in the populur sense of the word, the Buddha pimsel! never claimed to be so” ", Whe question of the Buddha's omniscience may be postponed awhile to con- sider another significant fact her ‘The Hud tha, though he spent some time with Aiea K@Lama and Uddaka Ramuputtu, had no Master as such; it is equally important to realise that none suceceded to his position in the Buddhist move~ nent. ry “After the parinirvana his place as Way~shower (Majjhima-wikya Lit 6) was to be taken, not by any monk (Majjhima-wikaya, Sutta No, 108), for, be- ing Way ‘ollowers, not one of them pocembled him, but by Dharma: 'Dharna is our support? (or ma tay, Majjhima-Nikaya i! 9), as monks ure recorded to have suid after the teacher had diet. 1 5 statement fully aecords with the ine junction the Buddhn bad xiven to Anunda, his constant companion, shortly be~ Core this event: "Phe Dharma I have tought and the Vinaya [ have laid down ~ that atter my passing ts to be your ‘Teachert (pigha-wikaya 11 154)" &, Not oniy is the Buddha unique by virtue of being the first ‘Teacher, he was also 1 Mey in the context of the early community, In being the last. ‘The cluim to omiseience which the fuddha did make was thet he knew all that was to be known to achieve salvation.” Cuch a claim could not de made by (he urahunts, ‘hus another dimension to the distinction between the Bud ana the arahants enters the picture now. Not only is the Buddha different from an urahant in that he was the pioneer of the spiritual path they followed; because he was a ‘Teacher, us distinguished from d iples, or a leader as distinguished from followers but ulso different In Lhe comprehensiveness of his: knowledge. ‘here are suggestions in the Pali texts that he knew more than he taut. te did not have the closed fist of teacher only where matters of salvitic signiti- cance were concerned for ve are told that "once when sitting under a Simgupn tree, Buddha took a few of its leaves in his hand and asked his disciples that18 Buddhist Studies Review 1, 1 (1983-4) had assenbled there to tell him whether they were all the Siméupa leaves or whether there were more cn the tree. When they replied that there were surely many more, le said: 'As surely do I know more than whet I have told you'. But he did not dwell upon all that he knew, since he saw no practical utility in doing so. It would . on the contrary, he thought, only make his hearers idly curious and delay their setting about the task of exterminating evil. 'And wherefore, my disciples, have I not told you that? Because, my disciples, it brings yeu no profit, it does not cenduce to progress in holiness, because it does not lead to the turning from the earthly, to the subjection of all desire, to the cessation of the transitory, to peace, to knowledge, to illumination, to Nirvina; therefore have T not declared it unto you!." 7° It seems that the line of differentiation betveen the Buddha and the are- hants, originating in the fact of the Buddha being the Master and the arahunts being the disciples, must have been accentuated by the formation of the Order or the Sangha. Not only was the Buddha to be distinguished as the first ara- hant; uot only was he to be distinguished as soteriologically omnisci: but once the corpus of his discourses began to take shape he also became further distinguished by the fact that a body of doctrines was associated with him as distinguished from an arahant; a body of doctrine in the emergence of which the early followers may or may not heve had enough part to play to justity A.F.Rhys Davids calling them the co-founders of Buddhism, but a body of doc trine in any case uniquely associated with him. As I.B.Horner points out, "the epithet of dharma-kaya (Digha-Ni ya iii Gl), the body of dharma, was applie- able to the Buddha alone". |! this point is picked up by the Milindapafhn. One of the pieces of conversation between Nagasena and King Menander runs as follows: "he king said: ‘Is there such a person as the Buddha, Nagasens?* "Yes.! ‘Can he then, Nagasenu, be pointed out as being here or there?" ‘the B “lone, O king, has passed away by that kind of pas: iB away in which nothing remains which could tend to the formation of another individual. 1t is nob possible to point out the Blessed One as being here or there." ‘Give me an illustration. "Now what do you think, 0 king? When there is a great body of fire Dinzing, is it possible to point out that any one flame has gone out, that it is here or there?" ‘No, Sir. That flame bas ceased, it has vanished.’ ‘rust’ so, great king, has the Blessed One passed away by that kind of passing away in which no root remains for the formation of anotherHow is the Buddha different from an Arahant...? 19 individual. The Blessed One has come to an end, and it cannot be pointed out of him that he is here or there. But in the body of his doctrine he can, 0 king, be pointed out. For the doctrine was preached by the Blessed one!" "Very good, Nagasena" 2° ‘Thus the statement that the Buddha was different from the arahants in that he was the Master is easily made but its ramifications are far-resching in setting the Buddha apart from the arahants. Thus one obvious way in which the Buddha is different from the arahants consists in his having shown the path to them and his ability to show it to everyone else. This seems to represent the first stage in the differentiation between the Buddha und the arahants. But as Weeraratne points out: "...us time passed, the Buddha-concept developed and special attritutes were assigned to the Ruddha. A tuddhe possesses the xfold superknowledge (chal- abhififa); he hae matured the thirty-seven ]imbs of enlightenment (bodhipakkhiya Ahamma)}; in him compussion (karuna) and insight (pa®A@) develop te thelr cull- ests all the major nnd minor eby acteristics of @ great man (maha@purisa) appear on his body; he is possessed of the ten powers (dasa bala) and the four confid- ences (catu vesarajja); und he hus had to practise the ten perfections (para- mit&) during long time in the past. "When speuking of arohants these attributes are never mentioned together, though n particutar arahant may huve cne, two or more of the attributes dis- 13 >)” sed in conneetion with the Buddha (Sf 1L 1%, he distinction here now turns on the question of the possession of super= normal powers by the Buddha and the urahants. However, as Dr Rahula points out: "Now the position of the great aranants endowed with supernormal powers is still not equated with that of the Buddha, In the Afiyuttara Nikdya there is @ list of chiet disciples who are declared by the Buddha to be pre-eminent in particular achievements or talents, ¢.g-, intelligence, meditation, energy, confidence and so on. Siriputta is thus proclaimed to be surlerior in wisdom, Moggallana { magical powers and Kaasepa the Great in ascetic practices. They are foremost, the Buddha declares, in these achievements amongst 'my disciples' (mama savax3- nam), implying that the Master remains above comparison. This superiority of the Buddha's powers is maintained, with an increasing emphasis, throughout the post-canonical literature. St riputt, the pre-eminent in wisdom, fails to re- commend to a monk @ subject of meditutivn that would suit his charecter and sends him to the Buddha, Moggalldna, denjitce his cuperior magical powers, has to be advised by the Buddha while taming a stubborn naga. After P: ola Bhare- dvaja's performance, again, the Buddha displayed his wonderful supernormal pow-20 Buddhist Scudies Review 1, 1 (1983-4) ers, unsurpassed by anyone else in the world. Such episodes may reflect the strong tendency to hold the Master above his disciples in ell matters; never- theless, the attitude of the early Buddhist literature seems to be rather an- viguous in this regard, for we find on some occasions the Buddha conceding to individual arahants unreserved pre-eminence in certain qualities or personal virtues. The arahant SIvali is highly praised for his power to receive gifts, and Kassapa the Great is extolled for his strict adherence to ascetic practic es. Tt is probable that in such references survives the memory of an early tra~ dition which hela thet individual arahants may claim equality with the Buddna in spiritual attainments. On the other hand, it is not unusual of the Buddha . . wah to praise someone or something merely in order to encourage cthers." 1 ‘The superior psychic attainments of the Buddha may be taken to constitute another possible point of distinction with the arahant. But the juxtaposition of the adverse happenings overtaking both Moggallana sn@ the Buddha provides an interesting occasion for introducing sane relevant material from the "quest ions of King Milinda", which takes us into the consideration of another pol is there any difference karmically between the Buddha and the arahants after they have attained Nibbana? On this point of the post-Nibbanic stete of karma, Lama Anagarike Govinda remarks: “Still, in most cases, a last unresolved remainder will be left over, for even if the mind has already come to a state of peace and harmony, that is, If the karmic after-effects are equilibrated, or, removed through a change of attitude, the karma that is bound in corporeal fora may still for a long time go on vi- brating before complete harmonizing within the same (in form or corporeal per- fection, as far as this 1s possible), or complete emancipation takes place. Yo the saint it is naturally given to withdraw himself from bodily pains with the aid of concentration; but, generally speaking, so long as the body exis long exists a 0 the possibility of the sensation of pain, not so much on ac~ count of organic disturbances (illnesses) which hardly come into censideration ~ for mental well-being (suintliness) signifies also bodily well-being (newitn) as rather the ground of external influences, such as, in the case of the Buddna, was the partaking of unwnolesone fcod, or in the case of Afgulimala, wounding through stone-throwing and the like. Thet, however, here also the ex- ternal influence, the apparently external happening, does not dispense with the inner, fate-like connexion, is clearly evident from the story of Afgulim@ln. The robber (converted by the Buddha) who, in consequence of the knowledge that suddenly dawned within him, had become a saint, one day on his round for alms of food is recognized by the crowd and ill-treated so that he comes to the Buddha, all streaming with blood." 15 The interesting point here is that Govinda does not connect the Buddha'sHow is the Buddha different from an Arahaat.. 21 dysentery due to external agency to any "inner, fate-like connexion". Does he imply that in the case of the Buddha there is no such connection, while it ex- ists in the case of the arahant? Govinda is not specific on the point but the fact thet "Moggallina ... was murdered ty hired assassins and the Buddha hin- self had to encounter a number of unfavourable things" does indicate that both the arahant and the Buddha are subject to post-Nibbinic adversity. This is a common point between the two, What, if any, is the difference? This point emerges clearly from @ comparison of two dilemmas presented to Nagasena by King Menander. The first of these is the 31st dilenma: How could Moggallina have possessed miraculous povers seeing that he was muraereg? 1° From the point of view of this paper, the significant fact is that he was one of the Buddha's chier disciples *! and an arahant 48, and that in spite of being an arahant "his death took place by his being beaten vith clubs, so that his skull was broken, and his bones ground to powder, and all nis Mesh and nerves bruised and rounded together". 1? And Nagasena attributes this end of Moggallana to the power of karma as “no other influence can avail the man in whom Karma is vorking out ita inevitable end. That is why the venerable one, great king, the grest Noggalléna, great king, at a time when he was possessed by Karma, he was being beaten to death, was yet unable to make use of ais power of Tani", °° Noggellana's case nay be compared with that of the Buddha in the 8th ai- lemma: The Buddha's siniessness and his sufferings. °! As Menander put it to Nagesena: "...40 the Tathagata, on his becoming @ Buddha, tas destroyed ell evil in him- self - this other statement that his foot wus pierced by a pli ter, that he had dysentery, and so on, mast be false. Bul if Whey ave teve then he cannot have been f'ree from evil, for there iy no pain without Karma. All pain has its root in Karma; it is om account of Karma that suffering arises. In this case Nagasena maintuins thet, "It is not all suffering thet has its root in Karma" and shows how soi of it might wrise from natural or pre- sent causes. He lists eight causes by vhich sufvering may arts: Mand what are the cight? Superobundance of wind, and of bile, and of phiegm, the union of these humours, variations in temperature, the avoiding of dis similarities, external ageney, and Karma. From each of these are some suffer- ings that arise, and these are the eight causes by which many beings suffer pain. And therein whosoever maintains that it is Karm that injures beings, and besides it there ie no other reason for pain, his proposition is false." And he goes on to show that, all the sufferings the Suddha underwent were on account of factors other than his karma. To take the case of the Buddha's Toot being hurt:22 Buddhist Studies Review 1,1 (1983-4) “Now when the Blessed One's foot was torn by a splinter of rock, the pain that followed was not produced by any other of the eight causes I have mentioned, wut only by external agency. For Devadatta, 0 king, had harboured hatred against the Tathagata during a succession of hundreds of thousands of births. It was in his hatred that he seized hold of a mighty mass of rock, and pushed it over with the hope that it would fall upon his head. But two other rocks came together, and intercepted it before it had reached the Tathagata; and ty force of their impact a splinter was torn off, and fell upon the Blessed One's foot, and made it bleed. Now this pain must have been produced in the Blessed One either as the result of his own Karma, or of someone else's act. For beyond these two there can be no other kind of pain. It is as when a seed does not germinate - that must be due to the badness of the soil, or to a defect in the seed. Or it is as when food is not digested - that must be due to cither a de~ fect in the stomach, or to the badness of the food. "But although the Blessed One never suffered pain which was the result of his own Karma, or brought about the avoidance of dissimilarity, yet he suffer- ed pain from each of the other six causes. And by the pain he could suffer it was not possible to deprive him of his life. There come to this body of ours, © king, compounded of the four elements, sensations desirable and the reverse, unpleasant and pleasant. Suppose, 0 King, a clod of earth were to be thrown in= to the air, and to fall again on the ground. Would it be a consequence of any act it had previously done that it would so fall? "No, Sir, There is no reason in the broad earth by which it could exper ience the result of an act either good or evil, It would be by reason of a present cause independent of Karma that the clod would fall to earth again. "Well, 0 king, the Tathigata should be regarded as the broad earth. And as ‘the clod would fall on it irrespective of any act done by it, so also was it irrespective of any act done by him that that splinter of rock fell upon his foot. "Again, O king, men tear up and plough the earth. But is that a result of any act previously done? "Certainly not. Sir. "Just so with the falling of that splinter. and the dysentery that attack- ed him was in the same way the result of no previous act, it arose from the union of the three humours, And whatsoever bodily disease fell upon him, that had its origin, not in Karma, but in one or other of the six causes referred to." 2 In other words, while arahants had to undergo the results of residual karma, it was not so with the Buddha, who "had burnt out all evil from withinHow is the Buddha different from an Arahant. 23 him". It is clear, therefore, that although the Nibbana of the Buddha and of the arahants is the same in Theravada Buddhism, the Buddha is different from the arahants in the various ways pointed out above. °? Notes 1 Religious Praditions (Dept of Religious Studies, University of syaney?, Vol.1, No.l (April 1978), p-39. 2 Ibid. 3 W.G,Weeraratne, “Arahant" in Encyclopaedia of Buddhism 11, 1 (Colombo 1966), pide. 4 Weeraratne, “Asamkkhaya-Nana", ibid., p.155. 5 Weeraratne, “Arehant", op.cit., p.1. 6 rbid., p.l2. ‘T.Rahula in Religious Traditions, op.cit., p-o. 8 I.B.Horner, "Buddhism: The Theravada" in R.C.zaehner (ed.) the Concise Encyclopaedia of Living Faiths (Boston 1959), p.282. 9 Tbid., p.301. 10 H.iriyanna, Outlines of Indian Philosophy (London 1932), p.13T. For a detailed discussion of the concept of the Fuddha's omniscience in the Pali Canon see K.N.Jayatilleke, Barly Buddhist Theory of Knowledge (London 1963), pp-376-B1, ete. LL Horner, op.cit., p.282. 2 T11.5.10: tr. T.W.Rhys Davids in The Questions of King Milinda (repr.Delhi 1969), pp.113-h - emphasis added. It is Interesting to note that the fire metaphor is used in the Pall text in the context of the discussion of the post-mortem state of the arahants and not Just of the Buddha (MajJhima Nikaya, Sutta 72). 13 Weeraratne, “Arahant", op.cit., p.be. 1 T.Rahula, op.cit., pp.38-9. Dr Rahula goes on to add: "Granted that the Buddhe was in fact superior to his disciples, the arahants, in these psy- chic attainments, still it would not affect the early Buddhist ideal of perfect liberation, materialized by the great arahants. The Buddha himselt vas not interested in magical performances, and actually made it an offense against the disciplinary rules for a monk to display such powers. A person's spiritual quality cannot be judged by his supernormal attainments alone,24 15 16 aq 18 19 a1 22 23 ab 25 Buddhist Studies Review 1, 1 (1983-4) and even an evil person like Devadatta could acquire them. Moggallana, the best authority in such powers, was murdered by hired assassins, and the Buddha himself had to encounter a number of unfavourable things" (ibid... p.39), Lama Anagarika Govinda, The Psychological Attitude of Early Buddhist Philosophy (London 1961), pp.110-1. ‘T.W.Rhys Davids, op.cit., pp.261-3. Eawara Conze, Buddhism, Its Essence and Development (repr. New York 1959), pall. Kenneth W.Morgan (ed.) The Path of the Buddha (New York 1956), p.48. .W.Rhys Davids, op.cit., p.261. Ibid., p.263. Ibid., 9.190. Ibid., p.191. Ibid. Ibid., pp.193-5. ‘Two final observations may be made, one common, the other somewhat un- common, One difference between the Buddha and the arahant is so patent that it has not even been mentioned hitherto in the paper, that in a pre- vious existence the aspirant to Buddhehood resolves to become a Buddha and thenceforth becomes a Bodhisatta. No such resolution is associated with an arahant. The other difference is that while there can be a female arahant there can be no female Buddha in Theravdda Buddhism.25 VIETNAMESE BUDDHIST LITERATURE: An Introduction Russell Webb * ‘The literature of Vietnam is as diatinctive as the prevalent indigenous Budd hist tradition which is a remarkably successful and influential amalgam of Ch'an (Zen) and Chting-tu (Jédo), known locally as Thién and Tinh-#4 respectively. In comparison to the attention lavished on the neighbouring Indian-based and Chinese Buddhist traditions, however, very little has been written on either Buddhism in Vietnam or its canonical and exegetical works, This observation al- so applies to the otherwise unique achievements of the Ecole francaise d'Extréme -Orient which, based at Hanoi and later Saigon for half a century, rarely con- tributed studies relevant to Buddhism in the region other than describing the popular observances. However, this titude may have resulted from the fact that, a Confucian veneer overlaid Vietnamese suciety at the time and taat a resurg- ence of a dynamic and nationalistic Buddhism, uccompanied by popular writings in the adopted romanised script, did not bein to surface until the 1920 and 1930s. Buddhism first penetrated the northernmost region of Giao-Chéu (Tonkin) from the end of the second century A.C. The most notable Dharmadiitas were, in chronological order, as follovs: Mau-Po (Mau-Bée or M@u-TH) fron tian China (169 A.c.). Kang Seng~iui (Khu'd ng-Wing-iGi}, 4 Sogdian who subsequently settled in Nanking, China, in P47. Kulyanaruci (Cubhg-Lubhg-Lau), a Yieh-Chi (or Indo-Scythian) who translated the Gaddharmasonddhisitra ete. into Chinese from 255. Marajivaka (Ma-La-K)-Vub), an Indian who went on to Loyang, China, ¢.306. Vinitarued (TY-Ni-Da-Lub-Chi), a Indian who trained in China before coming to Ph&p-Van temple, Ha- Bon, province. He translated into chinese the Mahfiyanavaipulyadi@ranisitra and founded the first Thitn (Ch*an) school in Vietnam In 580. Wu-Yen-Tung (V6 Ng6n-Théng), a Chinese who settled ut KiGn-Sol temple, Bfc— Ninh province, in 820, and founded the second school of Thitn. ‘tstao-Tang (‘Thdo- Du@hg), a Chinese monk captured during a defensive campaign against Champa (an Indianised reyion which became a vassal state of Annam) in 1069. Appointed National Teacher (Qude Gut), he resided in the capital Théng-Long (now Hanoi) and estublinhed the unified practice of Thitn and ‘Tinh- 26. King Tran Whén-Tén (1258-1308) CT2é—Trung Thudghg-St, according to Thich Nhat- Hanh] founded the Tr&e-Lam ("Bamboo forest’) school whieh fused Confucian ism and Taoism with a dominant Buddhism and resulted in a humanistic and26 Buddhist Studies Review 1, 1 (1983-4) nationalistic religion. Nguy@n-Thiéu (4.1712) fled the Manchu invasion of China and settled in liué (1665) where he founded a school of Lin-Chi (Lam-T@ or Rinzai Zen) which was, in turn, systematised by Li8u-Quén (4.1743). From the establishment of the nation's first independent dynasties - tht Ngd (939-967) and Dinh (968-980), the bhiksus who comprised the learned @lite composed most of the indigenous prose and poetry, either in Chinese or in the partly modified script of Ch®'-wém (“popular writing"), Such writers included at least one Sanghar&ja, Ch@n-Lul (4.1011), whilst Bud@hist literary endeavours continued to flourish during the L@ (980-1009) and L¥ (1010-1225) dynasties which spanned the golden age of the Buddhadharma in Vietnam. Society was enrich- ed by such activities of the bkiksus who were influential in affairs of state and provided educational facilities in the temples where their spiritual and narrative literature was imparted. ‘The treasures of Vietnamese literature are largely inaccessible to a wide readership because they have rarely been translated into Western languages. Ex- ceptions include the sixteenth century collection of jataka literature, the Trayén K} Man Luc, translated by Nguy8n Trfn-Hudn under the title, Vaste Recu- eil des Légendes merveilleuses (Paris 1962), and the national epic poem, Kim= Van-Ki@u (or Truy$n Kifu, The Tate of KiBu). Although its author, Neuy&n-Du (1765-1820), was a Confucian scholar, this ever popular work incorporates the themes of karma, anitya and dubkha. It has been leuded as "...a masterpiece which enjoys unrivalled popularity because of its lively musical quality, the beauty of its verse which is incomparable, and above all because of its rich treasurehouse of thoughts from noble Buddhist inspiration. It would be no ex- aggeration to state that this poem which elaborates a theme which is akin to the life of the country, has of itself achieved much more then thousands of treat- ises on morals or philosophy as regards the good fight it led for the triumph of goodness, forgiveness, purity of thoughts, and loftiness of ideals. Even now a hundred years later and in spite of the attractions of modern culture, it sti is for some a sort of encyclopaedia of the Vietnamese language or a sort of literary Bible, and for others a civic and moral code, and finally ror the whole world a manual of elementary and practical Buddhism". #* The poem was first transcribed in Quéc-Nglt (the romanised "national Lan- guage” devised by Catholic missionaries in the seventeenth century but not of- ficially recognised until 1910) in 1875. From the first modern edition by Ngu= yn Duy-Nguhg and Vi Dinh-Long (Hanoi 1928), several versions and studies have appeared as listed in the full bibliography of Humh Sanh-Thdng's English trans~ lation (New York 1973; revised edition with Vietnamese text, Yale University Press, New Haven 1983}. The only other English translation was made by L@ Xuan-Vietnamese Buddhist Literature 27 thiy (Saigon 1968), whilst five French versions were made by Abel des Michels (Paris 1864-5), René Crayssac (Hanoi 1926), Neuy€n Van-VInh (Hanoi 1943), Xuan- Phfie and Xudnyist (Par § 1961) and Nguyén Kh&c-Vién (Hanoi 1965). To celebrate the bi-centenary of the poet's birth, Maurice Durand edited a collection of essays entitled Mélanges sur Nguyan Du (FEO, Faris 1966). Towards the end of the nineteenth century, French academic circles and the colonial authorities began to take serious interest in Vietnamese culture. A Bulletin de 1a Société Académique Indo-chinoise was published in Paris and this was followed by the establishment in Saigon of the Société des études indo- chinoises, as evidenced by the regular appearance of its Bulletin from 1883- 1975. These developments were, however, overshadowed by the foundation in Hanoi of the Beole francaise d'Extréme-Orient. Its world renowned quarterly Bulletin was launched in the same year (1901). Beginning with Histoire ancienne et moderne de 1'Annam, Tong-King et Cochin-chine [the three main provinces of Victnum} (Paris 1884) by Adrien Laue nay, a majority of French scholars concentrated on the art and archaeology of Indochina, However, u substantial number of works uppeared on the religions of the region in general und Buddhism in particular. Gustave Dumoutier described, inter alia, Le Crand-Bouddha de Hanoi. Etude historique, archéologique et épi- graphique sur 1a pagode de Tran-vii (llunoi 1888), Les cultes annamites (Hanoi 1907) and "Le clergé et Les temples houddhiques au Tonkin" (Revue Zndochinoise X, Wanoi 1913) und contributed some "Notes sur le Bouddhisme tonkinois" (Revue a'Bthnographie VI1, Paris 1888). These were followed by Hdounrd J. Diguet Les annamites: société, coutumes, religions (Paris 1906), Charles-Georges Cor= dier Littérature annamite (Hanoi 191) and Etudes de lictérature annamite (Sai- gon 1933), Paul Mus "Les religions de 1"Indochine" (in 5,Lévi Indochine, Paris 1931), A-Coué "Doctrines et cérénoni religicuses du pays d'Asnam” (Bulletin de 1a Société des études indochinoises, NS VIII, Saigon 1933), fmile Gaspardone "Bibliographie annunite” Cineluding fuddhism and iis literature) (BEFEO , Hanoi 1937), Léopoid- Michel Cadt@re Croyances et pratiques religieuses des Vidtnamiens (1 - Saigon 1934), Lucien EsculAre ge Bouddhisme et cultes d'annam (shanghi 1ghk, repr.19583 1] - Saigon 1955; TIT - BFE, Paris 1957), Maurice Durant "Littérature vidtnamienne" (ing .Queneau Histoire des littératures 1, Taris 1955) and, with Nguy@n Pritn-Hudn, the derinitive mntroduction § la littérature vidtnamienne (Paris 1969). The last-named study constitutes a detailed histo- rical survey where the Buddhist component is noticeable in the chapters on "Littérature folklorique" and "Le Kim Vin Kiu et Les romans en vers". A unique forty-page biographical dictionary is ulso featured and it was upon that basis that Dr Ivo Vasiljiev of The Oriental Institute at the Charles University (Pra- gue) contributed several entries on Vietnamese writers to the Dictionary of28 Buddhist Studies Review 1, 1 (1983-4) Oriental Literatures II (ed. D.2bavitel, London 1974), including the most pro- minent Buddhist poet in this century, Khéi Huhg (1696-1907), Editions Thanh~ Long, @ Vietnamese distributor in Brussels, have published two relevant works by Jacques Baruch! Essai sur la littérature du vidt-Nam (1963) and Bibliographie des traductions frangaises des littératures du viét-Nam et du Cambodge (1968). Whe foregoing activity served as a stimulus to indigenous scholars and writers, General works from their pens include La Civilisation annamite {Hanoi 194k) by Neuy€n Van-Huy8n and Le viét-Nam, histoire et civilisation (Paris 1955) by L@ Thanh-Khdi, whilst TrBn VEn-Giép contributed "Le Pouddhisme en Annan. D8s origines au XIIIe siécle" (BEFEO, Hanoi 1932), "Les deux sources du Bouddhisme annamite. Ses rapports avec 1"Inde et la Chine" (cahiers de 1'EFEO XXXIII, Hanoi. 192) and Contribution & 1'étude des livres bouddhiques annamites conser- vés 4 1'EFEO (Tokyo 1943). However, almost every other item relevant to this field of study has appeared in Vietnamese. During the 1920s and '30s Nguy@n Vain Ngge and his brother, Nguyén Quang-Oénh, promoted the series, Viét-Vin Thulx& ("Library of Vietnamese literature") and CS-Kim ThulXa ("Library of old and new works"). We also have on record the following studies: Phan KB-Btnh, viée-uan vn Khao ("A study of Sino. ‘ietnamese literature" Hanoi 1918, repr.1930); vide~ Nam Phat Dién fling San ("A collection of Vietnamese Buddhist literature", Hi tion] and EFEO, Hanoi 1936); bao Duy-Anh, vide-Nam V3n Héa Su! Cubhg ("History of the evolution of Vietnamese Vidt-Nam Ph&t-Gido (Vietnamese Buddhist Associ civilisation", Hanoi? 1938), Phan Vain-Him, Ph&t-ciso Tridt-Hge ("the philosophy of Buddhism" Hanoi? 1941), Ng6 T&t-TS, viée-nam vSn-gc-si’ ("History of Viet- namese literature", Hanoi? 1942), Thfch M&t-Th®, viét-Nam Ph3t-Gido sitLube ("History of Buddhism in Vietnam", Saigon 19!2, 8th ed., Nha-Trang 1964), Dubhy Quang-Him, vide-wam Vin-iioc sityéu ("Summary of the history of Vietnamese Lit- erature", Hanoi 1944, repr.1951), Nghiém-Téan, viét-Nam Vn-Hgc~ (ibid., 9 fexich ySu igon 1949) and, with Hofing Xuan-H&n, Thi vin viée-Nam ("Vietnamese literature", Mlanoi 1951); V&n-Tan et al., Sd Thao Lich Sif van-Hoc viét-wam (“Out- Line of wh ory of Vietnamese literature", Hanoi 1957), Pham V&n-Diéu, van-Hoc vist-wam ("Vietnamese literature”, Saigon 1960) and Thich Thi@n-An, Lich-si' Phat ~Gido viét-Nam ("History of Buddhism in Vietnam", Saigon 1965), Gia-rri Triét- Hoc Tén-Gido trong Truyén Kibu ("Philosophical and religious values in the Tale of KiBu", Saigon 1966) and Anh HuBhg Ph3t-Gido trong VEn-Chubhg Truyén Kidu ("Inrluence of Buddhism in Vietnamese literature with reference to the Tale of Kida", 2). ‘The Tripitaka (Bai~Tang Kinh) was imported from China in the late tenth century and several studies and translations from both this corpus and the Pali Canon have been made by Vietnamese bhikgus in recent years. Such work was faci- Litated by the establishment of the Institute of Higher Buddnist Studies inVietnamese Buddhist Literature 29 Saigon (1964) and this was shortly transformed into Van Hanh University. This centre was soon recognised as the most prestigious of its kind and allowed for exchange scholarships with external universities, as a result of which sone hikgu students were enabled to pursue higher studies in which the use of Eng= lish or French led to a wider dissemination of their writings. (For further de- tails of Van Hanh see pp.98-109 in International Seminar on Kigher Education in Buddhism, WFB Books Series 17, Bangkok 1968.) The Reetor of Van Hignh University (- since 1975 changed to the status of "Inatitute"), Thich Minn-Chdu, had written on the "influence of Buddhism on Vietnamese Literature" (The Maha Bodhi 66, Calcutta 1958) before enrolling at the Nava Nilandd Mahdvindira - a post-graduate institute of Pali and atlied tudies in Patna. In affiliation with the University o f Bihar, he obtained his Ph.D. in 1961 for a study and partial tri sLion of The Chinese Hadhyana Agama and the Pali Majjhima Nikaya (publis id Saigon 1964). ‘This was followed by a comparative study of the Milindapafiha and Nigasenabhikshusitra (Ci Thereafter he devoted all bis enersy to teu luting the entire Sutta Pitaky ine to Vietnamese. By 1975 loth the DTvie and Maj Jhima Ni as were pl the original texts and within the next threc years the Sunyutta and Nikfyas, Dhummupada, Udi Wa and SuttacNipltu were translated and published in cyclostyle format. The remaining books of the Khuduaka Wikfya have sow been translated and duplicated in Vietnam, Im col leboration with his students, A.P. buddl uduttuts New Pali Course sul Higher Pali Course huve aloo been tr plated. ‘hick HtuyBn-Vi, the spiritual supervisor o} ah dn Paris (and WOVIN Lint President of 1 Boh Buddhist. Aguociation in Prance and bmglund), obtained his doctorate In 1970 from Magadh Univ ty (Lodh-Gaya) for a crétical Study of the Life and Works of Sariputta Thora (published tigen L9T2) = an unique sur= vey In need of reprinting. He has also preduecd a study based on the Abhidnam thu: iwnhn, The Four Abhidhanmic Reals (Linhich, 198M); Lube sit 16 mO-00 pat~ Ma ("ilistory of Master Bodhidharns™ y fon 1961); Tu ST v3 nga-st trén Bite Ph3e ("The Buddhist Monk and the Painter in the Buddha-lani™, sudt Mt 1966) 5 Phat-L§ Cin~Ban ("The Basis of Buddhist Dootrines™, lubtir=Pyo 19(M); Gubha sang Ngubi xua ("The Bright Mirrors of the Predecess co", IhiGhe~ Dao 1975). A follow bhikgu at Mayadh University, Thfch Thign anh, has also obtained a Ph.D. for "A comparative study of the PALI DIhi-Nikaya and Chinese DTrgbfigame™ (e.1976), whilst Thai Viin-Chai wis awarded his Lornte in 107? ror an “arly Mistery of Buddhism in Vietnam". Thtch Thign-Chdu, the spiritund dicctor of the Association des Nouddhist: Vietnamiens en France and incumbent of hla ‘rde-Lfm in Maris has boon honours ed with two doctorates from the Sorbunue: for a translation of « Chines nd30 Buddhist Studies Review 1, 1 (1983-4) gelavidin treatise, "Le Tridharmakagastra" (Ph.D. 1971), and a pioneer survey of "La littérature des personnalistes (Pudgalavadin) du Bouddhisme ancien” (D. Litt. 1977). He has also translated the Pali Dhammapada into Vietnamese. Apart from the foregoing, only privately produced secondary translations have appeared, such as George Grimm's Die Lehre des Buddho as Tué-Gide Cha-Phat (Saigon 1964), Narada Mehathera's authoritative version of the Dhammapada (from English, Saigon 1971), his exposition of Theravada Buddhism, the Buddha and His Teachings (translated, Saigon 1970) and his translation of the Abhidhemma~ tthasafigaha, A Manual of Buddhism (translated, 2 vols, Saigon 1973/5). * In the course of preparing this essay, the author gratefully acknowledges the advice of Ven.Thich Huyén-Vi and Bhikkhu PGs&dika. To the former he owes his knowledge of the intricacies of Vietnamese diacritical marks even if they could not a1} be reproduced accurately here. GENERAL WORKS CONSULTED Sukumar Dutt Buddhism in East Asia. Wew Delhi 1966, pp.103-11 Sir Charles Eliot Hinduism and Buddhism TIT. London 1921, repr.1971, pp. 3h0-h. D.G,E,Hall A History of South-Fast Asia. London 1955, 3rd ed.,1968, pp.195~ 205, 415-35 and 644-65. Nguyén Kh&e-Khan Introduction to Vietnamese Culture. Directorate of Cultural Affairs, Saigon N.D., 17-22. Thi@n-An Buddhism and Zen in vietnam. Rutland, Vermont 1975. Mai Tho-Truyén Le Bouddhismau Vietnam /Buddhism in Vietnam /Phat-Giéo viée~ Nam. Pagode X&-Loi, Saigon 1962. P.64 quoted above #,aL TWO SUTRAS ON DEPENDENT ORIGINATION Translated by John M.Cooper Two siitras on Dependent Origination (pratityasamutpida) edited by N-Alyasvani Sastri are here translated from the Sanskrit for the first time with the kind permission of the publishers}, the first siitra is from a Sanskrit original, but the second had been rendered by Sastri into Sanskrit from its Tibetan translation. The first sfitra belongs to the Hinayfina tradition according to Nanjio's Catalogue of the Chinese Tripiteka. It gives an explanation of the factors of the Dependent Origination formula. ‘The second sftra's connection with this formula lies mainly in the fact that it contains a verse called Tratityasamutpidagath. The mention of Nard— yana together with Mahdbr&hma and MaheSvara seems reminiscent of the trina, Brahma, Visnu and Giva, of finduism. I am grateful to Dr M.N.Kundu who went over the translation and made a number of useful suggestions. The stra called the elucidation of the starting-point and the explanation of dependent origination Salutation to the Triple Gem. Thus have I heard. At one time the Blessed One was living at GravastT, at the deta grove, in the monastery of Anithapindada, with a great community of monks, 1,250 monks. On that occasion the Blessed One addressed them: "To you, monks, I shall teach to you the starting-point of dependent origination and its explan- ation. Therefore, listen well and duly ponder on it, I shall speak (as follows). what is the starting-point of dependent origination? That is to say (i) ‘This being, that becomes; from the arising of this, that arises. (ii) Condition ~ed by ignorance are volitional activities, conditioned by volitional activit- ies is consciousness, conditioned by consciousness ic mentality-materiality, conditioned by mentality-materiality are the sin senses, conditioned by the six sense senses is contact, conditioned by contuct is feeling, conditioned by feeling is craving, conditioned by craving is clinging, conditioned by clinging is becoming, conditioned by becoming is birth, conditioned by birth old age and death, grief, lamentation, misery, dejection and perturbation arise - thus is the arising of this whole mass of misery. This is called the starting-point of dependent origination. "What is its explanation? In ‘conditioned by ignorance are volitional,32 Buddhist Studies Review 1, 1 (1983-4) actions', what is ignorance? "That which is in the past is ignorances in the future is ignorance; in the past and future together is ignorance; inside is ignorance; outside is ignorance; inside and outside together is ignorance; in action is ignorance; in the resultant is ignorance; in action and resultant to- gether is ignorance; in the Buddha is ignorance; in the teaching is ignorance; in the community is ignorance; in misery is ignorance; in its arising is igno- rance; in its cessation is ignorance; in the path is ignorance; in the cause is ignorance; in states produced by causes is ignorance; in states skilful and un~ skilful, sinful and sinless, to be practised and not to be practised, depend- ently originated with distinction of inferior, superior, evil and pure, is igno -rances or again in the six contact-bases disclosing them as they really are.* In whatever place there is ignorance of reality, not seeing, not clear under- standing, darkness, bewilderment, darkness of ignorance, this called igno- rance. "In ‘conditioned by ignorance are volitional actions’, what are volitional actions? There are three types of voli ional actions, volitional actions of the body, volitional actions of speech, volitional actions of mind. "In ‘conditioned by volitional actions is consciousness’, what is conse= jousness? There are six bodies of consciousness: eye-consciousness, and conse- iousness of ear, nose, tongue, body and mind. "In ‘conditioned by consciousness is mentality-materiality’, what is men- tality? There are four formless aggregates. What four? The aggregate of Terl- ing, the aggregate of perception, the aggregate of mental conditions, the ugg- regate of consciousness. What is materiality? Whatever is materiality, all that is the four great elements. And in view of the four great elements,therefore, this materiality and the previous mentality by being put together as one are called mentality-materiality. In ‘conditioned by mentality-materiality are the six senses", what are the six senses? They are the six internal senses; the internal sense of the eye, the internal senses of the ear, nose, tongue, body and mind. "In ‘conditioned by the six senses !s contact’, what is contact? There are six groups of contact: eye-contact, ear-, nose-, tongue-, body- und mind-con- tact. "In ‘conditioned by contact is feeling? There are three types of feeling: pleasant, unpleasant and neither pleasant nor unpleasant. "In "conditioned by feeling is craving’, what is craving? There are three kinds of craving: craving for sense-pleasures, craving for form and craving for the formless. "In "conditioned by craving is clinging’, what is clingi ng? There are fourTwo Siitras on Dependent Origination 33 types of clinging: clinging to sensual pleasures, clinging to views, clinging to ceremonial practices, clinging to belief in the selr. "In teohditioned by clinging is becoming’, what is becoming? There are three types of becoming: sensuous becoming, corporeal becoming, formless becom- ing. "In "conditioned by becoming is birth’, what is birth? That which is con~ sidered to be birth of various beings in this or that group of beings is coming into existence, conception, coming into being, appearance, obtaining the aggre- gates, obtaining the elements, obtaining the senses, coming into being of the aggregates, the appearance of the faculties of life, In "conditioned ty birth are old age and death’, what is old age? Whence there is baldness, greyness, an abundance of wrinkles, withering, stooping, having @ humpbacked bent-over posture, having the body covered with moles, having # body that rattles in the throat when breathing out, having the body bent forvards, holding fast to a stick, slowness, feebleness, diminution, def ciency, ripening and injury of the faculties, the volitional actions becoming worn out and decrepit, this is called old age, “What is death? TL is that falling which of various beings from this or that group of beings is separation from movement, separation of mind, relingu- ishment of life, relinquistment of heat, cessation of the faculties of lite, abandoning of the angreguts + dying, completing one's time, this is called ‘Geuth'. Here death and the preceding old sge are both taken together and called told age and death". “This is called the explanation of dependent origination. "fT shall teach you the starting-point of dependent origination and its ex- planation’, so I suid to you and this ig here the answer", thus suid the Bless ed One, and delighted those monk: approved the words of the Blessed Une. ‘The sfitra called the elucidation of the starting-point and explanation of dependent origination is concluded. The holy Mahyana sGtra called dependent origination Salutation to all the Guddhas and Sodhisattvas, (reat Bein ‘Thus have T heard. At one time the Blessed One dyelt among the thirty- three gods (seated) on a stone s)ub like a yoollen blanket together with the great disciples Jitava ete., Bodhisattvs, Great Beings, the holy Maitreya, the holy Avalokitesvara, Vajrahaste ete., with gods Mababriluc: Suhimpati, Nara- yane, MaheSvara etc, adorned with the J wels of immeasurable qualities, with Sakra king of the gods, and wita the king the Gandharvas, Taficagikha. Then34 Buddhist Studies Review 1, 1 (1983-4) AvalokiteSvara the Bodhisattva, the Great Being, rose from his seat, put his upper robe over one shoulder, rested his right knee on top of Meru, made a re~ verential salutation to where the Buddha ves with his hands joined and said this to the Blessed One: "These gods, Blessed One, rejoicing in adoration of a monument, having fallen from the circle of this assembly, with difficulty acqu- iring the merit of chastity, and in the vorld with its gods, Méras and Brahmas, among mankind with its ascetics and brehmins, monks and nuns, mele and female lay devotees, acquiring very abundant merit, thus beg the Blessed One's teach- ing of the Doctrine." ‘Then the Blessed One said the verse of dependent origination: "Those states which arise from a cause, their cause the Vathigata has told, and thet which is their cessation the great ascetic has accordingly declered. "phat is to say, Avalokitesvara, this dependent origination is the pody of doctrine of the Tathigatas. He who sees the dependent originstion sees the Tathagata, That son of good family, AvalokiteSvara, or daughter of good family, endowed with faith, who, having put in an unestablished place a monument the size of an Amalaka fruit *, a tree of enlightenment the size of a needle, and a parasol the size of a vakula flover 3, recites a verse of dependent originat- ion, which is the sphere of religion, acquires the supreme merit. Having been made to fall from here and dying he is born in the world of Brahma. Having been made to fall from there and dying he is born as one of the gods of the Pure Abode." When the Blessed One had thus spoken, those disciples, those Bodhisattvas, Great Beings, end that circle containing ell, together with the vorlds of gods, men, denons and Gandharvas consented to and applauded the vords of the Blessed one. ‘The holy Mahayana sitra called dependent origination is complete. ‘Those states which arise from a cause, their cause the Tathagata has told, and that vhich is their cessation the great ascetic has accordingly declared *, To abstein from ll evil, to attain the skilful, to control one's own mind, this is the instruction of the Buddhas 3 May all the worlds be happy. 1 Arya Salistamba siitra, PratityasamutpadavibhahganirdeSasitra and Pratitya- samutpadagatha Stra. Adyar Library Series No.76, The Theosophical Society, Adyar 1950. 2 An Gmalaka fruit is slightly larger than a gooseberry. 3 A vakula flower is yellowish brown, circular, and about half an inch in diameter. 4 Vin, Mahavagga 23, 5, and elsewhere. 5 Dap’ 183.Two Siitras on Dependent Origination 35 EDITORS' NOTES 1, The Aryagalistambasiitra, probably the best known source text for the formula of pratItyasamutpada outside the Pali Canon, was edited fron the Tibetan re~ cension by L.de La Vallée Poussin under the title Théorie des douze causes (Ghent 1913). Into French he included a translation of Nagi juna'e Pratitys— samutpadahrdayakGrika, the autocommentary (vyakhyana) to which was rendered into English by Sastri for the K.V.Rangaswami Aiyanger Commemoration Volume (Venkat~ eswara Oriental Institute, University of Travancore, Madras 1940): "Nagarjuna on the Buddhist Theory of Causation". Sastri later edited the Tibetan text, preced- ed by an essay which described "Nagarjuna's Exposition of Twelve Causal Links", for the Bulletin of Tibetology (V, 2, Gangtok 1968). 2. Noble Ross Reat (from the Department of Religion, Coe College, Cedar Rapids, Tova 52402, USA) obtained his Pu.D. from the University of Lancaster in 1980 for a study of the Aryaéilistambasiitra, The Origine of Buddhist Psychology" He intended to reconstruct the Sanskrit text, cdit the | etan text and provide an annotated English translation. He introdnced this work at the Second Confe ence of The International Association of Buddhist Studies on 18.1.80 by means of a paper entitled “The Glistumba Siitra: Continuity and Creativity in erly Mani- yina Literature", However, since taking up A position at the University of Queensland, no further progress on this text hus been reported and we are, therefore, plensed to hear that Mr Cooper hus undertaken to provide this journal with a complete translation. 3. The Pratityasamutpldavi bhafigani rdegautites (from both the Samyukta- and Ekot= torfigamas) was edited in romani ed Sanskrit by N.P.Chakravarti in Epigraphia Indica XXT (Delhi 1931) and followed by nn annotated English translation by P.C. Bagchi. Bibliographica? data on the NidAnasumyukta of the Samyuk’ Agama will appear in a future issue when we hope te publish the late Ronald Brown's translation of Ch. Pripathi Finfundzwanzig Sitras des Nidanasamyukta (Sunskrittexte aus den Turfanfunden VIIT, bust Berlin 1962). 5. Finally, we would take this opportunity of provid ng A comprehensi, biblio= raphy of modern writings on paticcasamuppada/prati tyasamutpada which will hopefully encourage readers to sludy this doctrine of Curdamental Importance: Abegg, Emil. Indische Psychologie. Yiirich 1945. Includes a detailed analysis of this doctrine. Baptist, Egerton C. Paticca samuppada or The Buddhist Law of Dependent Origin~ ation. Buddhist Cultural ¥ undation, Colombo 1959, repr. 1978 Bernhard, Franz. “Zur Interpretation ler Pratityasumutpada-Vormel", Beitrage 2ur Geistesgeschichte Indiens. Festschrift Frauwallner, Wiener Zeitschrift36 Buddhist Studies Review 1, 1 (1983-4) fiir die Kunde Sud- und Ostasiens XII-XIII, Vienna 1968-9, A discussion of two formulas in Prajfivarman's commentary to Udénavarga XXIX, 2h. Bodhi, Bhikkhu. Transcendental Dependent Arising. The Wheel series, Buddhist Publication Society, Kandy 1980. A translation and exposition of the Upenisi Sutta from the WidGnasanyutta of the Samyutta Nikya, Buddhist Federation of Australia. Dependent Origination - The Causal Law", @ supplement to its Journal, Metta I, 6 (4.6.60), Melbourne. Bullen, Leonard A, "The Dependent Arising of Suffering" in The Light of Buddha VI, 6 (June 1961). Burma Buddhist Society, Mandalay. Chaudhuri, Sukomal. Analytical Study of the AbhidharmakoSa. Sanskrit Colleg#. Calcutta 1976, pp.133-8. Chatterjee, H. "Pratitya-Samutpida" in Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute XXXVIT, Poona 1956. Childers, R.C. "On the Twelve Nidanas" in H.T.Colebrooke Miscellaneous Essays T, London 1673. De Silva, C.L.A. The Four Essential Doctrines of Buddhism. Associeted News- papers of Ceylon, Colombo 1940, repr.19h8, Dragonetti, Carmen. "he PratItyasamutpAdahrdayakdrika and the Pratityasamat~ padehrdayavyakhyana of Suddhamati" in Wiener Zeitschrift fur die xunde Sud- und Ostasiens XXII, Vienna 1978. Dutt, Nelinaksha. "The Place of the Aryasatyas and Pratityasamutpada in HIna~ ylna and MahfyGna" in Annals of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute XI, Poona 1930. Gokhale, Vasudev. "Pratityasamutpadagastra des Ullafigha”. A critical study and rendering from the Chinese. Ph.D. dissertation, Bonn 1930. Gunaratana, V.¥. A Commentary on the Buddhist Doctrine of Dependent Originat~ jon. Sarvodeya Publications, Moratuwa 1974. Gupta, Rita, ""welve-Membered Dependent Origination’ - an attempted reapp- raisal" in Journal of Indian Philosophy 5, Dordrecht 1977. Jamspal, L., and Peter Della Santini, "The Heart of Interdependent Origination of Acarya Nagarjuna with Commentary by the Author". A translation of the PratTtyasamutpadahrdayakirika and its vyakhyana. Buddhist Studies 1, University of Delhi 1974, Jan, the Chinese Buddhist Wheel of Existence and Deliverance" in Studies in Indian Philosophy. A Memorial Volume in Honour of Pandit Sukh- lalji Sanghvi- L.D. Institute of Indology, Ahmedabad 1981. Jeyatilleke, K.N. "The Conditioned Genesis of the Individual" in The Maha Bodhi 77, 7-8 (part only), Calcutta 1969, Metta 12, 1-4, Melbourne 1970-1, and Buddhist Quarterly 11, 1-2, British MahAbodhi Society, London 1978. Johansson, Rune E.A. The Dynamic Psychology of Early Buddhism, Scandinavian‘Two Sitras on Dependent Origination 37 Institute of Asian Studies Monograph Series No.37, Copenhagen 1979. Distributed vy Curzon Press, London (repr.1983), All the Pali texts relating to this subject have been coldated which makes this an indispensable study. Kalansuriya, A.D.P. "Is the Buddhist Notion of "Cause Necessitates Effect (Paticeasamuppada)' Scientific?" in The yournal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 1, 2, Dept of South Asian Studies, University of Wisconsin, Madison 1979. Kalupahana, David J. "A critical analysis of the early Buddhist theory of causality as embodied in the Pali Nik@yas and the Chinese Agamas". Ph.D. diss., University of London 1967, Revised for publication under title Causality: The Central Philosophy of Buddhism. The University Press of Hawaii, Honolulu 1975. ~ "The Early Buddhist Theory of Causality" in Malalasekera Commemoration Volume (ed.0.H.de A.Wijesekera), Colombo 1976. Karunaratne, W.5, "The development of the theory of causality in early Phera- vada Buddhism. Ph.D. diss., University of London 1956. Khantip@lo, Phra. The Wheel of Birth and Death. The Wheel, BPS, Kandy 1970. Lai, Whalen. "Chinese Buddhist causation theories: An analysis of the sinitic Mahayana understanding of pratitya-samutpada" in Philosophy Bast and West, University of Haveli, Honolulu 1977. Lanotte, B. "Conditioned Co-production and Supreme Enlightenment" in Buddhist Studies in honour of Walpola Rahula, London 1980. Law, B.C. "Formulation of PratZtyasamutpada" in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, London 1931 Morgan, Roshi Daishin, “Dependent Origination" in The Journal of Shasta Abbey, Noy-Dee.1980; repr. in The Journal of Throssel Hole Priory IX, 1, Carr- shield, Hexham 2982. Nakamura, HaJjima. "The Theory of Dependent. Origination’ in its Incipient Stage" in Buddhist Studies...Rahula, op.cit. Nanuyakkara, D.D.P. Causality and Moral Responsibility. Bodhi Leaves series, BPS, Kandy 1979. lyanatiloka: The Chain of the Dependent Variability of the Process of Life or Paticcha Samuppida - “revised by Kev.Gfanatilaka, J.F.McKechnie . i F.L. Woodward" - L.0.E.de Silva, Galle N.D. Paticca Samuppada: The Buddhist Doctrine of "Dependent Origination" of all Phenomena of Existence being, tle Appendix vo his Guide through the Abhi- dhamma-Pitaka. Bauddha Sahitya “abh%, Colombo 1938; repr.BPS, Kendy 19TL. Paticea-Samuppada: Dependent Oriv ination, Second Lecture under the Dona Alphina Ratnayaka Trust, Unive ity College, Colonbo 1938. Published for The Public Trustee of Ceylon, .D., and by the Rauddha Sahitya Sabhi in38 Buddhist Studies Review 1, 1 (1983-4) Fundamentais of Buddhism, Colombo 1949, repr.1956. - - The Significance of Dependent Origination in Theravada Buddhism. ‘The Wheel, BPS, Kapdy 1969. Oltramare, Paul. La formile bouddhiste des douze causes,son. sens originel et son interprétation théologique. Geneva 1909. Piyadassi Thera. Dependent Origination. Paticca Samuppada. The Wheel, BPS, Kandy 1959. Piyananda, Dickwela. "Phe Concept of Mind in Early Buddhism". Ph.D. diss., ‘The Catholic University of America, Washington, D.C. L(&l. Revised and enlarged MS 1978. Chapter IV."The Dependent Origination: Paticcasamappida". - "A New Interpretation of the Doctrine of Dependent Origination”. The Maha Bochi 88, 4-6, Calcutta 1980. Ratanasuwan, Phorn, "Buddha Vidya (Paticcasamuppada) or The Law of Inter-depend ~ent Synchronised and Causal Conditions". WB Review, Bangkok, Serialised from 1980. Sastri, H.C. (tr.) PratItyasamutp&daSGstra:; Ullafgha's commentary to the Pra- tityasamutpadahrdayakirika. Buddhist Studies I. Univ-of Delhi 197k. Vatia, Nathmal. "Paticcasamuppada". The Nava-Nalanda-Mahavihara Research Publication I (ed.Satkari MookerJee), Patna 1957. Takeuchi, Yoshinori, "Phe Problem of Dependency in the Doctrine of Pratitya~ samutpada". A Collection of Essays Commemorating the 50th Anniversary of the Faculty of Letters of Kyoto University. Kyoto 1956. Than Daing. The Doctrine of Paticcasamippada. Society for the Propagation of Vipassand (Mogok Sayadaw's way), Rangoon 1967. ‘Trungpa, Chdgyam. "The Wheel of Life - Tllusion's Game". Garuda (Spring 1972), Barnet, Vermont. Vidyabhusan, S.C. "Pratitya-Gamutpida or Dependent Origination". Journal of the Buddhist Text Society VIT, 1, Calcutta 1900. Wayman, Alex. "Buddhist Dependent Origination". #istory of Religions 10, University of Chicago 1971. - "Dependent Origination - The Indo-Tibetan Tredition". Journal of Chinese Philosophy 1, Dordrecht 1980. Williams, D.M. "Phe nature and function of the Paticcasamuppida within the ‘Theravada canon". Ph.D. diss., University of Manchester 1971. Yamada, Isshi. "Premises and Implications of Interdependence". Buddhist Studies sssRahula, op.cit. Zeyst, Henri van. Dependent Origination. Metro Printers, Colombo 1979. General articles on this subject have appeared in Buddhist magazines but since they are often repetitious they have been omitted from this list. However, the Editors would appreciate hearing from readers of any other original contribut- ions that may have been published.39 NEWS g NOTES Research Facilities in USA 1. "Phe Institute for Advanced Studies of Worid Religions was established in 1970 to assist the study and teaching of world religions. In order to serve both the academic community and general public worldwide, the Institute has un— dertaken various programs which have the following objectives: (2) fo collect, analyze, and preserve religious materials and make then readily available. (2) To provide bibliographical and research information for world religious studies. (3) Yo study end present the relevance and applicability of religious thought to modern life. (4) To design and develop research tools for the study of religions. (5) lo translate Asian religious miterials into Snglish. (6) To publish religious texts and studies in various languages. (7) To strengthen contacts and cooperation simon, those concerned with the aca- demic study and practical applications of world religions, (8) To encourage leaders of different rolipions Lo find a comon ground whereby they may serve munkind collectively. In developing its research facilities, information services, and publications, the Institute gives priority to Buddhism and Winduism as a whole....'The Lnsti- tute ulso recognizes the importance of other religions and ussists their study and teaching whenever opportune and feasible," Tts Library In the State University of New York "now contains over 60,000 volumes, 280 current und 575 noncurrent periodicn] titles (5,100 volumes}, and approximately 30,000 manuseripts und monographs in microform. “Phe Library is particularly vlrong in ite collection of Buddhist mater= ials, which include various Chin + Japanese and Korean editions of the Chin ese Tripitaka; the PAli Tipitaks in Burmese, C uambodian (rare), Devanigari, Lao (are, incomplete), Roman, Sinhalese, Uhai, and Vietnumese (rare, incomplete) scripts, as well as translations in these and other languages; aud numerous ddhist Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Sanskrit, | tan, and Vietnamese texts. The Tibetan collection includes the apanese rint of the Peking edition of the Bka'-"gyur and Bstan-"gyur (Kanjur-Vanjur: ‘Iibetan Buddhist Canon), most of the Tibetan texts published in Indin during the of the Snar-thai Bks & 20 yeurs, and microeditions yur, Sde-dge Bka" "gyur, Lhasa Bka'="ayur, and Co=ne Bstan-"gyur. In addition to these materi-is on Tibetan Buddhism (about 10,000 volumes), the Library has approximately %,200 volumes of Chinese and Japanese40 Buddhist Studies Review 1, 1 (1983-4) Buddhist canonical literature, commentaries, and modern textual studies, and about 3,050 volumes of reference works, monastic biographies, and collected writings of Buddhist monks and scholars, It also has mumerous works in Asian and Western languages for advanced research on Buddhist thought, art, history, and societal role in Central, Fast, South, and Southeast Asia. “The holdings of the Library include the following: the Richard A.Gard Collection of Buddhist and Related Studies; the Ngiam Hoo-pang Collection of Chinese Buddhist Texts; the Galen Eugene Sargent Collection of Asian Philosophy and Comparative Literature; the Ming Southern Edition of the Chinese Tripitaka (incomplete); the P.L.480/SFC Collection (Tibetan books printed in India, Nepal, and Bhutan); and microform copies of Buddhist Sanskrit manuseripts from Nepal and Chinese manuscripts from Tun-huang in the British Museum and in the BIblio- théque Nationale. "The resources of the IASWE Library at Stony Brook are availeble to gene- ral readers as well as students, scholars, teachers, and other specialists. Visitors to the Library have included researchers and Buddhist monks from Asia, Europe, and North America. The Library exchanges selected books and periodicals with other libraries and institutions, and its staff provides reference and bib- Liographical services upon request by mail or telephone.” Files are maintained on planned or ongoing research and published work on Buddhism. Also, "files on various Asian 1{brary classification schemes, curric= ula development, religious organizations, institutes, and related data for the study of world religions. ‘This information will be incorporated into a date base by means of a newly designed tagging structure which will enable the Insti- tute to respond more quickly to requests for such information from scholars, educators, librarians, and others in the field of world religions." Special periowical bibliographies include "auddhist Research Information (BRI) Cwhich] lists inquiries about Buddhist studies and reports on Buddhist research planned, in progress, or completed. This information is intended to supplement bibliographies of published scholarship. The data are divided into ten categories: 1.Reference Works; 2.General Works; 3.Introductory Works; hb. Histories; 5.Biographies and the Buddha Ideal; 6.Literacure (excluding texts and commentaries); 7.Principles and Practices; 8.Organization: Movement » Schools/ Sects; 9.Cultural Arts; 10.Miscellany. Buddhist Text Information (BTI) provides cumulative bibliographic information for the study of Buddhist texts. In addit~ jon to descriptions of texts and their published editions, translations, studies, ete., special attention is given to projects planned, in progress, or recently completed/awaiting publication. "The Microform Resource Program has been conducted by the Institute sinceNews & Notes 41 1972 as e principal part of its research work. Rare publications and manuscripts are searched out, analyzed, cataloged, and filmed. Microfiche copies of these materials are-then made available et nominal cost. The program now offers nearly 30,000 documents on microfiche. The original texts of the materials are kept in public and private libraries or collections in Asia, Europe, and the United States. Written in many Asian and Western languages, they primarily concern Buddhism and Hinduism. Tn addition to individual texts, microedition sets of texts are also available at nominal cost so that libraries and scholars may have them conveniently on hand. "The microeditions include a collection of 7 Buddhist Sanskrit manuser- ipts filmed from private collections in Nepal, 2 large collection of Tibetan re- ligious works, the University of nnsylvania's Indic Manuseript Collection, the Chinese Buddhist Tripitaka from the Sung Dynasty (incomplete), and the Cambod- jan Pali Tipitake. These and other editions provide ready access to important Sanskrit, Tibetan, Cambodian, Chinese, Japanese, and other Asian lanpuage mater- ials. More recently, many volumes of the Sacred Books of the East series in Eng- lish have been reproduced on microfiche, Suggestions for texts to be filmed are welcome". In 1980 @ Public Resources Program was established "to collect, develop, and distribute resource materials on world religions for the general public. The aim is to present the results of scholarly research in a format designed for the non-specialist, and to provide information on the relevance and applicability of religious thought to modern life. "he materials offered through this program consist of surveys of the hi- story, teachings, and practices of various religions, as well as educational packets for a wide range of uses. A Public Resources collection is being assem- bled to include materials in these formats: books, decumentary Cilms, video tapes, audio tapes, and visual study aids such as slides, maps, and dingrame. "The current emphasis of the program Is two-fold: to review nnd select existing materials which are suitable for general use, and to produce new mater- ils in areas where adequate resources appear to be lucking. The Institute has initiated the Basic Buddhism Series for the publication of literature on Buddhism from the modern perspective, and a project is underway to produce video tapes of lectures and demonstrations of meditation techniques. A bibliographic refer- ence service providing research assistunce for the general public 15 also offer- ed. Book publications (in cooperation with other institutions) have included: Sitra of the Past vows of Earth Store Bodhisattva (tr.Bhikgu Heng Ching, 1974), Buddhist Monastic Discipline. the Sonskrit Pratimoksa Sitras of the Mahisamghi- kas and Milasarvastivadins (tr.Charles %.Prebish, 1975), The Holy Teaching of42 Buddhist Studies Review 1, 1 (1983-4) Vimalakirei (VimalekirtinirdeSasitra tr,Fobert A.F.Thurmen, 1976), Scripture of the Lotus Blossom of the Fine Dharma (Saddharmapundarikasiitra tr.Leon Hurvitz, 1976), Hua-yen Buddhism. The Jewel Net of Indra (by Francis H.Cook, 1977) and A Treasury of Mahiyana Sitras. Selections from the Mahlratnakiita sitza (ed. Garma C.C.Chang). The Madhyamak@lafikGra-karikG and -vrtti vy Santirakgita and its commentary, the Madhyamak@lank@rapafijika by KamalaSila, are in the course of translation. The founder-President of the Institute is Mr C.T.Shen, Director - Dr Richard A.Gard, and chief Librarian - Hannah G.Robinson (the widow of the Budd~ hist scholar, Richard H.Robinson). The tran lation team includes Garma C.C.Chang, Lobsang Lhalunpa end Peter Della Santina Further enquiries should be directed to the IASWR, Melville Memorial Lib- rary, State University of New York at Stony Brook, Stony Brook, New York 11794, USA, Tel 516-26 8362, 2U6 8365 or, after 5.00p.m, and at weekends, 751 4162. 2, As an offshoot of the Nyingma Institute and Dharma Publishing, from June 1984 the Yeshe De Buddhist Research and Translation Project will function at the Odiyan County Center in northern California. The programme "is designed for scholars who can take a year to work full- time on @ project of their choice. Scholars who have retired or who are on sab- batical will be the most likely participants; scholars well-established In the field will be given priority. Once in residence, scholars will be tree to work without interruption or distraction. They should not plan on making substantial outside commitments such as teaching or lecture series during the time of their stay. For those who wish there will be opportunities for informal meetings with other scholars in residence, and research and secretarial assistance will be regularly available. "In reviewing project proposals, priority will go to translations of can. onical works, especially Sutras. Preferred source larguages are Sanskrit, Tibet- an, Chinese and Peli; followed by translations from Mongolian, Japanese and Ko- rean. Consideration will also be given to translations from other Furopean len- guages into Snglish. In general the language of translation will be English; for scholars more at home in other languages we will be able to provide expert editorial assistance in creating the final English version. Proposals should be framed in terms of producing a publishable work that can be completed within one year; renewable appointments are available for more extensive works, up to a maximum of three years “Every participant in the Odiyan Program will sign a publishing agreenent granting Dharma Publishing first rights to any book produced during the courseNews & Notes 43 of the program. Dharma Publishing follows an editorial policy of producing works for both the scholarly community and a broader audience. Translation language should be clear and direct, and scholarly apparatus should be limited or present ed unobtrusively through separate notes or glossaries. Obscure terminology and excessive interpretation are discouraged. Experienced staff can offer assistance in designing works that meet these criteria.” Application forms are available from the Nyingma Institute, 225 Hillside Ave, Berkeley, California 94704. 3. Over ten years ago Dr Leo M.Pruden founded the College of Oriental Studies in Los Angeles, & non-accreditated institution of higher education, based on “the principles of Buddhism, where we teach Asian Cultures and the Buddhadharma in an academic setting". Renamed the American University of Oriental Studies, it "offers BA, MA, Ph.D. and D.D. degrees in Hast-West Philosophy, fast-West Psychology, Asian Studies, Buddhist Studies, Religious Studies and a Ph.D. in Chinese Medicine and Acupuncture". Dr Pruden himself teaches the Abhidharma (currently through the Abhidharma -koSabhasya), Japanese Buddhism (covering the Kamakura period of Honen, Shinran, Dégen and Nichiren) and Japanese Tantric Buddhism (Shingon and Tendai). Other Faeulty statf and prescribed subjects include Dr Thfch Thanh-Thién (Head of The Gotama Temple) - History of Buddhism in India and listory of Theravada Buddhism; Or Thich An-Hué (Deputy Head of The Gotema Temple) - Zen and the Psychology o:' Consciousness and Introduction to East-West Psychology; Lama Kalzang Gyaltsen - "The Four-Mandala Rite of Green Tara"; Bhikkhu Lokananda - Vipassana (Insight) Meditation, Jean-Louis d'Heilly (Vice-President, World Buddhist Sangha Council) - Andpanasati Bhavana "Mindfulness of Breathing"; Jared Rhoton - ‘Thup-Pati d- Gongs-Gsai "The Sage's Tntent™ (bs ed on the 13th century Sakyapa fead's treut- ise on Mabfiyana Buddhist philosophy) and Tibetan Language. Otherwise, the foll- owing languages are offered: Bengali and Hindi (Lokananda), Burmese (Bhikkhu U Pyin Ypanneinde), Chi se (Dr ‘Thich Duc-Niém and Prof.Ch'en Chtuan-hsuch), Pali (ven. Ahangama Dhammarfima, Head of the Los Angeles Buddhist Vihdra, and Lokanan- da), Sanskrit (Dhammarama and Dr Vladimir Svideusky} and Sinhalese (Dk »nirima). For further details write to The ltegistrar at 2835 W.Olympic Blvd, Los Angeles, California 90006. .+. from the Far Fast 1. An International Buddhist Research Institute has been established in Bomyung Sa Temple, Seoul, S.Korea. It developed as a specialist affiliate to Dongguk University who are providing the faculty staff.44 Buddhist Studies Review 1, 1 (1983-4) 2. The Institute for Sino-Indian Buddhist Studies (22 Lane 110, 2 Section, Yang Te Road, Shih Lin, Taipei, Taiwan) has announced the publication of the Great Chinese Collection of Buddhist Scriptures (in Chinese) which is available from the Conmission for the Compilation of Iripitaka Sinica, 16 Lane il, Wu Fong Road, Hsintien Taipei County, Taipei, Taiwan, ROC. At present it is not known how this work compares with the Nanjic and Taishd editions of the Chinese Canon. Bunyiu NanJio himself compiled a catalogue of the Buddhist Tripitaka (Oxford 1883) which has been revised by Lokesh Chandra for publication in New Delhi 1980. F.Denison Ross prepared the index to both this work and the reprint of the Canon (Kyoto 1905) under the title, Alphabeti- cal List of the Titles of Works in the Chinese Ruddhist Trip"itaka (Archaeolog- ica) Survey of India, Calcutta 1910), which, unfortunately, has not reappeared. Beginning of Oriental Studies ‘Vhe systematic study of Oriental culture in the West may be considered as having its inception on 15th January 1784 with the founding of the Asiatic Society of Bengal in Calcutta, The moving spirit behind the Society was Sir William Jones (1746-94) who had studied Latin, Greek, Arabic and Persian at Oxford (from 1764) and Law at the Middle ‘emple, London (1770-4), before becoming a judge in India in 1783. At that time Indian studies were confined to Hinduism, Islan, Bengali and a few other regional languages, but primarily Sanskrit. The last language was learnt by Jones partly from an official of the Kast India Company, Charles Wil- kins (1749-1636), who had translated the Bhagavadgita (1784) and Hitopadesga (1787). Jones "revealed the beauty of Sanskrit literature to the Western world" by his translation of K&lidisa's drama, Sakuntala (1789). Prior to the (still current) Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (begun in 1832), wlones edit- ed Asiatic Researches (from 1788) and its 22 volumes have been reprinted by Cosmo Publications, New Delhi, almost exactly two centuries later. Other English Indologists soon nade their mark in the West. Alexander Buchanan Hamilton (1762-1824), @ founder member of the Society, Uecame # prison ~er on parole in Napoleon's France where, in 1803, he became the first to teach Sanskrit in Europe. Across the Channel it was first taught at the Fast India Company's training college in Hertford from 1605. Henry Thomas Colebrooke (1765-1637), a son of a Chairman of the Company, studied Sanskrit language and literature in India. He became President of the Society and was instrumental in founding the Royal Asiatic Society in London 1823. (This was followed by branches in Bombay 1841, Colombo 1843, Shanghei 1847, Tokyo 1872 and Singapore 1878.) His Miscellaneous Essays (3 vols,LondonNews & Notes 45 1873) were reprinted under the title Essays on the History, Literature and Reli- gions of Ancient India (2 vols, Delhi 1977). Horace Hayman Wilson (1789-1860) became the first Boden Professor of Sans- krit at Oxford in 1833. He contributed a "Notice of three texts received from Nepl" (Asiatic Researches 1828; translated for Journal Asiatique, Paris 1831), "Note on the Literature of Thibet" (Gleanings in Science I11, Calcutta 1831), "Analysis of the Kah-gyur" (JaSB 1832), "Notes of a Correspondence with Sir John Bowring on Buddhist Literature in China" (JRAS 1856) and “On Buddha and Buddhism" (JRAS 1859). Back in India, the Britis Resident in Nepal, B.ti.tlodgson (i800-94), sub- mitted evidence of lost Buddhist Sanskrit texts to Asiatic Researches (1828) - "Novice of the Languages, Literature and Religion of the Bauddhas of Nep@l and Bhotan" - which was soon to be followed by other material and to lead directly to Buddhist studies in Furope (pioneered by Hug@ne Burnouf in Paris). Finally, in this brief introduction to Indological studies, mention must be made of James Prinsep (1799-1840). Architect, numismatist and Secretary of the Asiatic Society of Bengal from 183? until his enforced return to England six years later, he singlehandedly deciphered the inscriptions of ASoka and Just before his deperture inte oblivion published (in the Society's Journal VII, 1838) the facsimiles, transcripticns and translations of the sixteen Major Hock dicts. The foregoing pioneer etforts were to be intensified in the years that followed until every aspect of Oriental rescarch became the subject of special- ised attention. Further reading: A.J.Arberry Asiatic Jones (London 1946) and aritish Oriental- ists (London 1943), Garland Cannou oriental Jones (London 1964), David Kopf British Orientalism and the Bengal Renaissance (University of California, Rerkeley 1969), S.N.MukherJee Sir william Jones (Cambridge 1968) and G.R.Welbon The Buddhist Nirvana and Its Western Interpreters (University of Chicago Press, 1968, p.22 for a bibliograpty on Jones). New Translations or Reprints 1982 A.K.Coomaraswamy and [.B.Horner The Living Thoughes of Gotama the Buddha (repr. New Delhi), J.Torre 1 Godori (tr.into lun) £2 Dhammapada. La Sendera de la Perfeccto (Abadia de Montserrat), I.B.llorner The Book of the Discipline T, II and IV (PTS repr.), Chr.Lindtner Nagarjunas filosofiske vaerker (comprising Bodhicittavivarana, Bodhisambhara(Sdsty ), Milamadhyemukakariki, Sinyatdsaptati =vrtti and Vigrahavyavartani - Copenh, Jani Nagarjuniana: Studies in the46 Buddhist Studies Review 1, 1 (1983-4) Writings and Philosophy of Nagarjuna (ibid. but excluding the vrtti and substi- tuting the Yuktisagtika for the Vigrahavyavarteni), Nanamoli Mindfulness of Breathing(incl. M118, BPS repr.), The Greater Discourse on Voidness (M 122, BPS repr.) and The Path of Discrimination (Patisambhidamagga tr., PTS), Nyans~ ponika The Greater Discourse on the Elephant-footprint Simile (M 28, BPS repr.), Nyanatiloka The Buddha's Path to Deliverance (BPS repr.), Amalia Pezzali Santi- deva, il Bodhicaryavatara e le KGrik& del Siksasamuccaya (rev.ed., Bologna), C.A.F.Rhys Davids and F.L.Woodward Kindred Sayings II (PTS repr.), Soma The Lesser Discourse on the Elephant-footprint Simile (M 27, BPS repr.) and Kalama Sutta (A III 56, BPS repr.), F.L.Woodward Gradual Sayings II (PTS repr.). 1983 Jean Dantinne La Splendeur de 1'Inébranlable CAksobhyavyiihal]. I. Les Auditeurs (Sraveka) (PIOL 29, Louvain-la-Neuve), Siglinde Dietz Die buddhistische Brief- Literatur Indiens (comprising Buddheguhya's Bhotesramidasalekhe, Kamalastla's DubkhaviSeganirde$a, Aranyaka's Gurulekha, Sajjana's Putralekha, Srighoga's Sdrasamgrehalekha and Atiga's Vimalaratnalekha - Wiesbaden), Jotiya Dhirasekera Parable of the Snake (M 22 ~ Encyclopaedia of Buddhism Research Studies Series, Ministry of Culturel Affairs, Colombo), Prajfianande [René Joly] Dhammapada. Les Stances du Dhamma (repr, Ed, Thanh-Long, Brussels), Nyanaponika Contemplation of Feeling (tr.Vedana-Samyutta, BPS), Richard Sherburne A Lamp for the Path and Commentary {tr.Atiga's Bodhipathapradipa, London), Gareth Sperham The Tib- etan Dhanmapada (Maheyana Publications, New Delhi), John S.Strong The Legend of [ king agoka. A Study and Translation of the Aéokivadana (Princeton University Press), Jon Wetlesen Selverkjennelse og Frigjéring. Et buddhistisk perspectiv (rev.ed., Oslo; incl. D 13 and 22, M 8, 38, 63, 72 and 121-2, SV xii b, XII (from Niddna, i 2 and 14 10), XXII 59, XXXV 28 and WI 11, Sn 143-52 (Metta Sutta) and 766-71, 778-60, 787, 793-803, 824-7, 629, 630, 832-4, 637, B42, 643, 878-84, 894, 919 and 1075-6 (Atthakavagga), Udane VI 3 and VITI 1-4, Ttivutt- aka II ii 7 and Visuddhimagga IX 93-6), M.Winternitz History of Indian Litera~ ture II (repr. New Delhi).ar OBITUARIES Etienne Lamotte (21.11.03 - 5.5.83) A prelate of the Pope's Household who was declared "Proficient in Buddhist Scriptures" (Pariyatti Visarada) ty a section of the Sangha in Sri Lanka six weeks before his death, a master of Pali, Sanskrit, Chinese and Tibetan who devoted his life to the study and translation of Indien Buddhist texts extant only in the last two languages, the loss of this extraordinarily gifted human- ist may vell prove irreparable. Born in Dinant, Belgium, ftienne Paul Marie Lamotte was the son of the President of the area magistrate's court. He specialised in Graeco-Latin Human: ities at the local Collage Notre-Dame de Belle-Vue (1915-20) and went on to Louvain University (1922) to study classical philology. He read theology at Malines (1923-5) and spent a year at the Universita della Sapienza in Rome (1926-7) where he was able to take @ course under the Orientalist, Carlo For- michi, Returning to Belgium, he obtained doctorates in Oriental languages (19- 29) and Philosophy and Literature (193C) at Louvain. He proceeded to France where he studied at the Institut de Civilisation indienne at the Sorbonne, 1'fcole des langues orientales vivantes, 1'fcole des Hautes-Btudes and the Coll8ge de France. Under various teachers he mastered Sanskrit (Sylvain Lévi and Alfred Foucher), Chinese (Paul Demiéville), Tibetan (Marcelle Lalou) and Pali (Jean Przyluski). Until the great master's death, Lamotte studied under Louis de La Vallée Poussin who turned his interest towards Buddhist studies, especially in the field of transleting those Chinese and Tibetan texts where the original Sans- krit documents had disappeared, Assigned to Louvain in 1932 (in the Faculty of Philosophy and Literature), he taught Sanskrit, Chinese, Tibetan and Indology. From 1937, as Professor, he became uttached to the Institut Orientaliste (of which he became President, 1950-9) where he included courses in Pali and the comparative grammar of the Indo-European languages. le vas eppointed a director of 1*Académie Royale de Belgique in 1966. Two years earlier he became Raitor- -in-Chief of Mélanges Chinois et Bouddhiques and an adviser at the Secretariatus Pro Non Christianis (in the Vatican), for whose Bulletin he contributed "Avec le bouddhisme" (1966) and "Le Triple Joyau du bouddhisme d'aprés Nagarjuna" (1968; repr. in Chinese Culture X,2, Taipei 1969). He also spoke at conferences of Buddhist scholars at the Collége de France (Paris 1957), Venice (1959), the Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente (Rome 1959), University of London (1963) and Géttingen University (1971). Whilst in Venice he delivered "The Ideal of the Buddhist Monk and of the Lay Brother" and "Asoka, the Buddhist Emperor", These were three lectures on "The Message of Buddh:. Sakyamuni"48 Buddhist Studies Review 1, 1 (1983-4) translated into Italian and English and published by the Istituto per 1a Collab- orazione Culturale (Venice-Rome) under the titles Lo Spirito del Buddhismo An- tico (1959) and The Spirit of Ancient Buddhism (1961). For further details of his life see Notice sur Mgr E.Lamotte (Ed. Peeters, Louvain 1972). His full-length contributions in the field of Buddhist knowledge (submit- ted handwritten for publication) include L'Explication des Mystdres (the Tibetan text and translation of the Samdhinirmocanasiitra, Louvain University 1935), Le Praité de 1'Acte de Vasubandhu (Karmasiddhiprakerana - including the translation of Chapter 17 of the Prasannapad&, Bruges 1936), La Somme du Grand Vehicule a! Asaiiga (Mablyanasamgraha - Tibetan and Chinese texts, translation and comment- ary, parts, Louvain 1938-9, repr. in 2 vols, 1973), Le Traité de 1a Grande Vertu de Sagesse de Wigarjuna (Mahiprajfaparamitigastra - 2 vols, Louvain 19k4~ 9, repr.1981; Vol.3, 1970, Vol.l, 1976, Vol.5, 1980 - in course of translation dy Sara Boin-Webb and ryentun? publication in Selgium), Histoire du bouddhisme indien, des origines & 1'8re Saka (Louvain 1958, repr.1976), ‘Enseignement de vimalakirti (annotated translation of the VimelakirtinirdeSesitra Crom the ‘Mib- etan and Chinese recensions, Louvain 1962; tr. Sara Boin The Teaching of vim- alakirti, PTS 1977), La Concentration de la Marche héroique (translation of the diramganasanidbisitra, Brussels 1965, repr.1975; tr. Sara Boin-Webb and in course of publication by Asian Humanities Press, Berkeley), Introduction & 1¢ @tude du Louddhisme indien and & 1a rencontre du bouddhisme / Towards the mect- ing with Buddhism I (Rome 1970) which provided an historical account of Buddnism in India. For the Bulletin de 1'Acad@mie Royale de Belgique (Brussels) he contribut- ed "Les trois caractéres et les trois absences de nature propre dans le Sagdhi- nirmocanasiitra" (Chapters VI and VII, 1935), " a bienveillance bouddhique” (1952), "Les premidres missions bouddhiques en Chine” (1953), "La personnalité et Vosprit de Sakyamuni™ (1955), "Un festin dtinmortalité dans 1¢ vouddhisme (1963), “Le Suicide relipicux dans Le bouddhisme" (1965), "Note bib] iographique sur le Traité de Ia Crane Vertu de Sagesse de Nigirjuna" (1970), "Perspectives chrétiennes et bouddhiques sur Ltacte humain" (1972) and "Le Concept de vaculté dans le bouddhisme" (1977) + Papers and articles published elsewiiore include stAlayaqvijfina (le R&- ceptacle) dans Le Mahayfina-sangraha" (« translation of Chapter J), Mélanges Chinois et Bouddhiques III, Brussels 1934~5), "Chronique bouddhique" (ze Muséon Louvain 1941), "La conduite religieuse du Faisan dans les textes bouddhiques" (ibid. 1946), "La critique dauthenticité dans le bouddhisme" (India antigua, Leiden 1947 - translated on p.4 of this Journal), complemented ty "La critique a'interprétation dane le bouddhisme" (Annuaire de l'Institut de philologie et d'histoire orientales et slaves, Brussels 1949), "La légende au Buddha" (Revue