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Eco-tourism and luxury - The case of Al Maha, Dubai

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Eco-tourism and luxury – the case of Al

Maha, Dubai
a b
Chris Ryan & Morag Stewart
a
Tourism and Hospitality Management , University of Waikato ,
Hamilton, Waikato, New Zealand
b
The Emirates Academy , Dubai, United Arab Emirates
Published online: 01 May 2009.

To cite this article: Chris Ryan & Morag Stewart (2009) Eco-tourism and luxury – the case of Al
Maha, Dubai, Journal of Sustainable Tourism, 17:3, 287-301, DOI: 10.1080/09669580802366587

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 Journal of Sustainable Tourism
Vol. 17, No. 3, May 2009, 287–301

Eco-tourism and luxury – the case of Al Maha, Dubai

Chris Ryana ∗ and Morag Stewartb
a
Tourism and Hospitality Management, University of Waikato, Hamilton, Waikato, New Zealand;
b
The Emirates Academy, Dubai, United Arab Emirates
(Received 4 January 2008; final version received 17 July 2008)

This paper examines the issues raised by Al Maha in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), a
27 km2 resort within the 225 km2 Dubai Desert Conservation Zone that offers luxurious
accommodation in 40 suites, each with its own swimming pool. Its appeal is based on
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luxury, but it also offers insights into desert culture, heritage and the fauna and flora
of the Arabian Desert. Much of that desert has become severely degraded by 200 years
of camel grazing. Al Maha claims eco-tourism status through its desert regeneration
programme. Is eco-tourism compatible with luxury? Given an official Emirati ecological
perspective of desert greening, is desert reclamation consistent with wider UAE greening
policies? Does ecologically motivated reclamation based on revenue from luxury-based
tourism condone ecologically unaware tourist behavior?
Keywords: deconstruction; desert reclamation; Dubai; eco-tourism; luxury tourism

Introduction
The purpose of this paper is to argue that eco-tourism is not inconsistent with luxury, and, by
using a case study of the resort of Al Maha in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), to provide
evidence that conservation is well served by a supplier vision of regeneration combined
with restrictions on visitor penetration of natural spaces. Further issues are identified in the
paper. Al Maha exists as a desert recovery scheme within the official ecological programme
of the UAE that is associated with a greening initiative involving tree planting. This latter
initiative is consistent with Islamic cultural norms where paradise itself is described as a
green place in the Qur’an. In short, this greening perspective requires not conservation or
regeneration of a landscape, but a restructuring and change of place. Such complexities
require new ways of understanding eco-tourism. This paper has four components: (1) it
describes the natural desert environment of Dubai (UAE) with specific reference to the
area around Al Maha, (2) it assesses the UAE construction of “greening the desert” while
discussing perceptions of what constitutes eco-tourism, (3) it describes the luxury desert
resort of Al Maha, its desert conservation zone and the success of the recovery programme,
and (4) it suggests ways of interpreting these sets of relationships and their implications for
tourism within a framework of ambiguity as to the nature of eco-tourism. The paper is based
on direct observation derived from visits to the UAE over a period of 2005–2008, secondary
documentation, and interviews with individuals resident in Dubai. It is thus based on an
inductive mode of reflective questioning and model-building rather than deductive method
more generally adopted within the academic tourism literature. The use of this method is

∗
Corresponding author. Email: [email protected]
ISSN 0966-9582 print / ISSN 1747-7646 online
C 2009 Taylor & Francis

DOI: 10.1080/09669580802366587
http://www.informaworld.com
 288 C. Ryan and M. Stewart

justified because of the need to generate new approaches and/or models for future reflection
or study.

The Dubai inland desert

Dubai has proved to be one of the fastest growing tourism destinations of the early twenty-
first century, even though initially its climate, described as semi-desert, might be thought
to pose some barriers to such development (Henderson, 2006). The climate of Dubai is hot
and dry for much of the year. In late summer, temperatures in the high 30s degrees Celsius
are not unknown and are accompanied by high levels of humidity as the hot air over the
land rises to drag in wetter air from the sea. Rainfall is sparse and in the period prior to the
early 1990s it may have rained only one day a year. Average rainfall in the region is 58 mm
(Boer, 1997). However, in the last 15 years or so, while still extremely dry, climatic change
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has been observed. In the spring of 1996, there were nine days of substantial rain, and the
winter of 2004/5 was, by the standards of the region, very wet (Al-Mugrin, 2000; Murad,
Al Nuaimi, & Al Hammadi, 2007). In January and February of 2007, there were a number
of days of heavy rain, and this pattern was repeated in February 2008. As befits a desert
environment, water consumption per capita in the UAE is very high; indeed it is the highest
in the world. However, Cordesman (1997) and Al-Rashed and Sherif (2000) note that of this
consumption, only 13% is used for domestic purposes and over 80% for different greening
projects and agriculture. The latter also point out that the major supply of water is from
desalinization plants processing sea water – a process that is energy intensive and creates
carbon dioxide (Al-Rashed & Sherif, 2000).
The inland desert ecology of Dubai has been and continues to be severely threatened
and degraded by camel grazing that has been sustained for over two centuries. Ferguson,
McCann and Manners (1998) estimated that 90% of the land area of the Arabian Peninsula
was adversely affected by camel grazing to the extent that 44% of the land has been severely
or very severely degraded. Khan (1980, 1981) and Oatham, Nicolls and Swingland (1995)
have argued that a natural ecology of acacia trees and perennial grasses have been replaced
by the current dwarf shrub ecology. Additionally, over-grazing has destabilized sand dunes
so that greater sand movements take place.
As noted, the single largest source of desert degradation is camel grazing. The national
herd of camels was approximately 100,000 in 1961 and by 1976 it had dropped to about
39,500. From that date however, the herd has increased significantly and in 2004 was
estimated as being 250,000 – and thus by 2004 there were 2.99 camels/km2 in the UAE
compared to 0.12 camels/km2 in Saudi Arabia (Gallacher & Hill, 2006a). Other livestock
has also increased over the same period including goats (from 125,000 in 1961 to 1,450,000
in 2004) and dairy cattle (5000–115,000). Camels are permitted to wander freely in the
desert lands. A number of reasons account for this growth in numbers. Some are economic,
such as the growth of an oil-based and then post-oil economic expansion that has seen the
human population of Dubai and the UAE increase. Dubai’s population increased by 25%
between 1995 and 2000, it is now 1.4 million and is expected to be over 3 million in 2030
(Ministry of Planning, 2007). Other reasons are sociopolitical in nature. The UAE itself
was formed only in 1971 as a federation of seven tribal sheikdoms or Emirates and the
role of the camel in a Bedouin lifestyle has achieved an iconic status as a confirmation of
traditional identity in a period of rapid modernization. Whatever the causes, no constraints
have been imposed on camel breeding or movement, and indeed the symbolic nature of
the camel has been reinforced by a strong local interest in camel racing, itself a means of
establishing identity and links with constructed traditions (Khalaf, 2000).
 Journal of Sustainable Tourism 289

Al Maha forms a fenced off enclosure within the Dubai Desert Conservation Reserve
(DDCR) that lies approximately 70 km southeast from Dubai and about 10 km from
the Hajar mountain range – a fact of importance, as the presence of the mountains af-
fects the water supply for the region. The terrain comprises soils poor in organic matter,
nitrogen, phosphorus and micronutrients; the presence of the shrub Cyperus conglom-
erates is indicative of salinity (Boer & Sargeant, 1998; Gallacher & Hill, 2006a). The
area covers primarily a sand-covered landscape but a gravel sub-stratum exists. Gallacher
and Hill (2006a, 2006b) note that camels preferentially graze the gravel sub-strata veg-
etation and these habitats have been most over-exploited. They suggest this over-grazing
has occurred because vegetation in this area may have more nutritional value, but it may
also be due to inertia on the part of the camels due to reduced movement aiding energy
conservation.
Water exists within aquifers and follows channels from the Hajar mountain range. The
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existence of underground water and the ability of the plants to benefit from fog and dew
that can cover the area have at least one important implication. While camel grazing has
degraded the desert environment and created less stable sand formations due to the removal
of vegetation cover, this degradation is reversible through changes in land management.
However, germination is not annual as in temperate zones, and regeneration may take 20–
50 years dependent on land management policies. Studies derived from regeneration of
desert areas in southwestern United States (e.g. Hayward, Heske, & Painter, 1997; Smith,
Holeckek, & Cardenas, 1996) indicate that vegetation growth and restocking policies are
closely associated and, as shown below, the re-establishment of predator chains may not be
wholly possible. Such factors influence the degree to which full regeneration of both flora
and fauna is possible, and the time required to achieve it.

The United Arab Emirates, Zayeedism and eco-tourism

The definitions of eco-tourism are complex, largely based on Western ideology and have
been disputed. Ceballos-Lascuráin (1996, p. 20) proposed that
eco-tourism is environmentally responsible travel and visitation to relatively undisturbed nat-
ural areas, in order to enjoy and appreciate nature (and any accompanying cultural features
– both past and present) that promotes conservation, has low negative visitor impact, and
provides for beneficially active socio-economic involvement of local populations.

This definition is essentially demand-led, and implies that the onus to be responsible
is placed upon the visitor, in that it is specific travel oriented towards specific destinations
that promotes conservation values and generates the sought benefits. A strong approach
within this branch of eco-tourism research is exemplified by Tao, Eagles, and Smith (2004),
whose measures are characterized by items such as “learning about nature, birds, mammals,
fish, Aboriginal Atayal culture” and similar items combined with environmental attitude
statements about the role of conservation as against economic growth.
On the other hand, Weaver (2001, p. 15) suggests that eco-tourism is
a form of tourism that fosters learning experiences and appreciation of the natural environment,
or some component thereof, within its associated cultural context. It has the appearance (in
concert with best practice) of being environmentally and socio-culturally sustainable, preferably
in a way that enhances the natural and cultural resource base of the destination and promotes
the viability of the operation.
This definition implies both demand and supply perspectives. Hence, this paper ar-
gues that in this definition the guest attending an “eco-tourist” location is an “eco-tourist”
 290 C. Ryan and M. Stewart

motivated by the wish to learn about and appreciate the natural environment. It is im-
plied the trip is dominated by this motive, and the motive “to learn” is perceived as a key
determinant of being an eco-tourist. Similarly, “appreciation” is perceived in a positive
mode rather than simply a reflective, passive “gaze” upon a place of scenic value. Juric,
Cornwell, and Mather (2002) adopt this tourist-centered approach in their construction
of an Eco-tourism Interest Scale that stresses natural environment locations, learning and
non-consumptive behavior such as taking photographs. They take the Ceballos-Lascuráin
definition as their starting point. However, this study would contend that Weaver also in-
corporates a supply side, in that an operator may offer a sustainable tourism product that
seeks to sustain natural environments while also maintaining a sense of a more traditional
culture. Equally then, eco-tourism exists within a system where both demand and supply
interact. If this distinction between what Juric et al. (2002, p. 260) call the (1) tourist
centered, (2) tourism centered and (3) “macro” or “systems view” can be substantiated,
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it raises the issue as to whether the responsibility for sustainability can be taken from
the consumer and primarily absorbed by the supplier. In other areas of consumer behav-
ior, it can be argued, this is what happens with many types of fast moving consumer
goods.
Higham (2006) identifies a number of competing complexities that underlie attempts
at defining eco-tourism and cites views that such attempts are futile. Higham also notes
contentions that among the outcomes of the International Year of Eco-tourism were a number
of large scale governmental initiatives that appeared to be poorly conceived, resulted in yet
more intrusions into natural areas and generated inequitable outcomes for local communities
(see Cater, 2006, 2007; Pleumarom, 2002). From this perspective, eco-tourism becomes
little more than an oxymoron, a consumption of place and space increasingly commodified
with little reference to the sustaining of past patterns of place (see examples in Meethan,
Anderson, & Miles, 2006). Ryan, Hughes, and Chirgwin (2000) argue from a study in the
Northern Territory of Australia that, not only do many eco-tourists fail to learn about nature,
but they are actually protected against nature when it can be harsh, and that the affinity
expressed by “eco-tourists” with nature is based upon a romantic inclination whereby nature
is reconstructed by park management to become a spectacle “gazed” upon by visitors who,
in turn, attribute personal meanings to what is viewed. This emphasis upon the human
construction of place and sight is very different to a definition of eco-tourism offered by
Acott, La Trobe, and Howard (1998), for whom eco-tourism is premised on a biocentric
rather than a homocentric philosophy with its high cognitive outputs and a concentration
on intrinsic rather than extrinsic value systems – although one should note that even
these authors recognized the existence of a “shallow” eco-tourism that fell short of these
aspirations. It can also be argued that non-consumptive tourism is not necessarily better than
consumptive eco-tourism, and Weaver (2001, p. 21) thus seeks to avoid this terminology,
instead preferring the term “extractive tourism”.
Cater (2007) argues that not only is eco-tourism primarily based in Western ideology,
but that the pristine and undiscovered is increasingly rare and that “. . . unspoiled sites
harbouring particularly valuable natural or cultural attractions tend to become the most
expensive ones” (Cater, 2007, p. 54). One consequence (especially pertinent to this paper),
she argues, is that such locations (such as Al Maha) become luxurious sites to be collected
in terms of unique experiences, and that the people resident there and the nature of the
terrain become incidental to the collection of world experiences. One result is that while
the site may gain benefits, such returns represent but a small proportion of the total return.
Nowaczek, Moran-Cahusac, and Fennell (2006) counter this, advocating the implemen-
tation of ethical eco-tourism, which for these authors is premised in locational/temporal
 Journal of Sustainable Tourism 291

dimensions that span the local and global, and the immediate and long term future. To
the possible criticism that such aspirations can only be that – namely aspirational and not
practical – the authors refer to a “persistent widening of morality in society over time”
(Nowaczek et al., 2006, p. 152) whereby theory and practice become integrated through a
growing sense of ethical necessity. A contrary perspective is provided by Butcher (2006)
whose criticism of the International Year of Eco-tourism is grounded in an alternative per-
spective, namely that eco-tourism is a paradigm premised on the potential denial of choice
(and modernism) and of only empowering local communities to “. . . have a say in modify-
ing but never transforming, their relationship to the natural environment” (Butcher, 2006,
p. 155).
It is interesting to compare these notions of what constitutes eco-tourism with poli-
cies being enacted in the UAE. Emirati notions are arguably premised in processes of
modernization defined by many factors, including the distancing of the Federation from a
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pre-modern, but relatively recent period, where a strong physical relationship with a harsh
terrain existed. Cole (1975) describes the nomadic life of the Bedouin, especially the Al
Murrah, thus,

. . . the Al Murrah are careful observers of the land, the plants that grow there. . . Every major
feature in the landscape of Arabia is given a proper name. . . There are no schools and no
initiations into the lore of the tribe. They learn by immersion in their environment. (Cole,
1975, p. 55)

Ouis (2002) argues that throughout the 1960s and 1970s the relationship between
Emirati Bedouin and the land was significantly changed through the development of housing
programmes as the effects of oil revenue began to be felt. Coupled with housing initiatives
were others in education and health, and the population became significantly less nomadic
and increasingly replicated western life styles. While a tradition of spending time in the
desert has remained, the nature of that experience has changed. No longer do people travel
by camel, but do so by car. Their accommodation may be in tents, but not in the woollen
goat fabrics of old, but in “. . . synthetic materials, and invariably equipped with electricity,
bathroom and TV” (Ouis, 2002, p. 336). The desert is thus a place to be visited with the
comforts of home; its presence continues as sense of the past and hence as a contributor
to present identities, but for many Emirati their daily lives are shaped by offices and air
conditioned homes. It is also now a place that can be “improved”.
Religion is also of importance. While modernity surrounds Emiratis, it does so in a
society immersed in Islamic culture, rites and beliefs. Ouis (2002) argues that modernity,
Islam and tradition have become a triad to legitimize the ruling clique; to which triad might
be added the role of interconnected family ties reinforced by a need to establish an Emirati
identity where, within their own country, Emirati nationals are outnumbered by migrant
groups, being only 21.9% of those resident in the UAE (Census of Population, 2005).
The appeal to modernity, tradition and Islam has created in the emirates of Abu Dhabi
and in Dubai specific environmental initiatives associated with Sheiks Zayed bin Sultan
al Hayhan and Mohammed Al Maktoun. The former became very closely associated with
initiatives to “green” Abu Dhabi, and the conquering of the desert has become a reflec-
tion of the modern in that new techniques and management can roll back the sands. Such
greening of the desert may also be justified as a means of countering what is perceived
as a global problem of encroaching desertification, especially across North Africa and the
Near East (Verón, Paruelo, & Osterheld, 2006). The Islamic culture possesses importance
as it conceives of Paradise as a green garden with running waters and fountains. Green is
 292 C. Ryan and M. Stewart

also the color traditionally associated with the prophet. Just as, within a Zayedist ideology,
the presence of oil is perceived as a gift from God, so too the ability to transform the
desert into a green pasture is an expression of God’s creative will (Lawrence, 1989; Ouis,
2003). (In passing, it can be noted that some parts of the Qur’an – for example verses
6:6, 18:32–43 and 44:25–29 warn against those who live in luxury amid lush gardens –
but as Ouis [2003] notes, such caveats are not part of the Zayedist ecological thinking).
Additionally, appeals to a past tradition of governance sustain senses of noblesse oblige
whereby rulers express care for their people and seek to improve their lot in society –
thereby also meeting religious obligations. The greening of the desert is thereby visible
evidence of a transformation of Emirati society as surely as are the gleaming sky scrapers,
the new airport in Dubai or the Burj Al Arab. Greening the desert is a means of showing
progress, improving environments for the people and enacting “Zayedism” whereby “good-
ness” is associated with “greenness”. An environmental movement has thus been launched
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in the UAE, and one can point to the Environmental Research and Wildlife Development
Agency, the Environmental Friends Society, the Emirates Environmental Group and other
initiatives. However, while in many countries the role of the state is evident in environ-
mental protection (e.g. in establishing National Parks), what is noticeable in the UAE is
that popular participation is different to that evidenced in many other countries. There
is not the same widespread enrolment in organizations that derive support from across
many sections of society akin to the National Audobon Society (USA), Forest and Birds
(New Zealand), Royal Society for the Protection of Birds (United Kingdom) or similar
bodies. Ouis (2002) makes a similar observation and additionally notes that commercial
support is more common for environmental protection initiatives than public membership-
based organizations. For example, in the Lagoons development in Dubai, the support
of protected land by the property developer is valuable in sustaining nesting areas for
flamingos and other birds, but equally such natural sites are used to help sell expensive
housing by being a feature of living space. Again, however, such examples are not unique
to the UAE and may be found in many countries where it has been long formalized as
“planning gain” by public sector planners (Whatmore & Boucher, 1993). The greening
of the desert is not simply the exclusion of sand, but it is also the literal and semiotic as
well as a physical construction of an alternative environment. Given the nature of family
relationships in commercial enterprise, it also means that Emirati involvement in environ-
mental initiatives is often through corporate bodies rather than individual membership of
environmental pressure groups separate from business corporations as in the “Western”
model.
That said, significant “greening” of the desert has been achieved. Since 1971, over
200,000 hectares of land in Abu Dhabi alone have been brought into cultivation while 20
million date palm trees have been planted. Across the whole of the UAE more than 100
million trees have been planted according to the UAE Ministry of Information and Culture
Year Book (2006). Dubai Municipality has been engaged in the establishment of parks; in
2006 3% of the city was designated as being green while plans exist for 8% of the Emirate
to be designated as “green space” by 2020. One consequence of this has been the arrival of
fauna not previously associated with the Emirates; and questions exist about the impact of
the newcomers on the previously established species (see Aspinall, 2007).

Al Maha
To sustain an argument that the position of Al Maha is complex within the constructs
of “greenness”, conservation and eco-tourism requires a description of the resort and the
 Journal of Sustainable Tourism 293

success that it has had in reconstructing the desert. Al Maha (www.al-maha.com) was
initially fenced as two enclosures in 1999, and has since become one area covering a total
of 27.09 km2 that has at the center a plain of gravel substratum, but which is mainly dune. It
is set within the Dubai Desert Conservation Reserve (DDCR) that covers 225 km2 (c.4.7%
of Dubai’s land area), and which was fenced off from the surrounding land in 2003. Al Maha
dates in its present form since 2004. The DDCR retains 14 active farms that have about 960
camels and 4000 goats. The goats remain in pens at all times, but the camels are permitted
to roam through the Reserve (Gallacher & Hill, 2006a, 2006b). Personal communication
indicated that at least some of the farms might be described as “hobby farms” or “life
style” properties wherein the families sustain past traditions but are not dependent upon
the properties as a primary source of income.
Al Maha is a luxury desert resort complex that is part of the largely travel- and transport-
related Emirates Group (www.ekgroup.com). Dependent upon season, a night’s stay might
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cost from US$1000 to US$2500 per unit. The 42 individual single-storey suites of various
sizes, each with their own swimming pools set amid acacia and palm trees, have their own
unbroken view of the desert. Guest capacity is 96 persons. In addition to the 42 individual
swimming pools, there is an additional pool associated with the spa center. The ratio of
staff to suites is 3:1 thereby delivering high levels of service. The suites vary in size from
the “Bedouin’s” 75 m2 to the Presidential suite of 525 m2 – all with modern entertainment
systems of large flat screen televisions, digital video disc players and Internet connections.
A high standard of cuisine is available either at a restaurant or in individual suites as
preferred by guests. The median duration of stay is two nights; for many guests the stay is
part of a two-location accommodation package where the stay at Al Maha is a counter to
a stay in Dubai City itself. The resort offers camel riding, horse riding, four-wheel driving
across the dunes and falconry shows. In addition, guests may be taken for an individual
meal experience at night in the desert. At night, the resort complex is lit by both electric
lights and burning braziers so the return resembles a trip from the darkness lit by the stars
to a desert cruise ship ablaze with light.
The resort is a high consumer of power and resources. There are six water holding tanks,
each of 60,000 litres, associated with sewage treatment, and this water upon treatment could
be drunk but is used for irrigation (Silvis, personal communication). The swimming pools
need constant attention, especially when sand is blown in off the desert, while the heavy
periods of rain experienced in recent winters have also led to localised flooding and a
need for clean-up operations. Daily water usage is from 1.2 million to 1.7 million litres
(Simpkins, personal communication). Much of the water is obtained from aquifers and
the level of the aquifers is monitored. Little diminution of reserves has been noted, but
very recently some local farms have noted some reduction in water supply. Contingency
plans exist for connection to a mains water supply. Power is primarily provided from mains
supply, although solar panels provide hot water in the staff quarters.
In addition to providing access to the desert for four-wheel driving for its own guests, Al
Maha also operates a permit system whereby three other operators are also allowed access to
the Reserve for sand dune four-wheel driving. Indeed Al Maha’s clientele account for only
about 12% of this market. Arabian Adventures (part of the Emirates group) account for the
largest share of this market with a 46% share (65,000 clients annually). About 150,000
tourists are taken by four-wheel drive vehicles through the Reserve each year. When
horse riding and other activities are factored in, about 200,000 tourists in total engage
in activities within Al Maha and the DDCR. Given these levels of activities and power
consumption, the obvious question that arises is how can Al Maha claim to be an eco-tourism
operation?
 294 C. Ryan and M. Stewart

The regeneration of the desert at Al Maha and the DDCR and the management
of tourism
It has been noted that camel grazing has been continued within the DDCR, but has been
excluded from Al Maha. Al Maha has also seen the re-introduction of mammal and other
species previously extinct, and thus an assessment of the success of Al Maha and the DDRC
lies in considering the health of flora and fauna, and in how tourism has been managed.

Flora regeneration
Gallacher and Hill (2006a, 2006b) found clear differences in vegetation cover between Al
Maha and the DDCR, with Al Maha having three times the median plant cover and more
species than the DDCR. Plants on the gravel substratum were much larger in Al Maha than
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those on similar terrain in the DDCR. For some species, such as Heliotropium kotschyi,
91% of the plants were found in Al Maha. Most species common to sand were found to
have made considerable recovery in Al Maha and almost all species had a larger canopy
than in the DDCR. This was true of both active and inactive sand dune areas. Gallacher
and Hill (2006a, 2006b) counted a total of 7236 plants, none of which were seedlings, and
the majority of which preceded a germination period in April 2006 due to a storm. The
difference in growth is thus due, they argue, to the different grazing habits of camels and
the re-introduced species that have access in Al Maha. In personal communication to the
first author, Simpkins (Head Ranger at Al Maha) confirmed that subsequent germination
periods have occurred in the winters of 2006 and 2007 due to days of rain, and this has
reinforced differences between the two areas.
Given that much of the regeneration observed by Gallacher and Hill occurred in the
period prior to the end of 2005, since that period other factors need to be considered. First,
Al Maha has been engaged in a major tree-planting project since 2004. In the period prior to
February 2007, 7000 trees had been planted along with a grass planting project. Plantings
of various species have been undertaken and include Acacia trees (which have quickly
established themselves), Tamarisk, Date Palm, Ghaf, Salam, Harda, Turgid Panic Grass,
Dune Grass, and Bristle Grass among others (Dubai Desert Conservation Reserve, 2008).
The trees were individually watered over the period 2004–2006 dependent upon time of
planting, and are weaned off the water supply as root structures become stabilised. It is
anticipated that from 2015 to 2020, all artificial watering will have ceased and the trees will
depend upon dew, fog and rain, or being able to reach water off the clay beds that underline
the region or otherwise they will be left to die (Simpkins, personal communication). The
presence of increased established planting also helps to create micro-climates that aid dew
retention, thereby aiding sustainability of the plantings.
The rangers based at Al Maha undertook baseline studies in 2000, when 28 different
species were identified. In 2006, there were 36 different shrubs, grasses and trees counted,
62 different bird species, 21 reptiles and 12 mammals identified as having been successfully
sustained or re-introduced into the Reserve (DDCR, 2008).

Fauna regeneration
The Arabian Oryx had been extinct from this area for over two decades, when the last
surviving few were captured and taken to Phoenix, Arizona, to avoid total extinction of
the breeding stock. This programme proved to be successful when in 2004 they were
re-introduced into the Al Maha compound. Originally 25 were introduced and today
 Journal of Sustainable Tourism 295

approximately 225 exist, raising concerns that at some stage there may be over-population.
In addition to the Arabian oryx, the Scimitar-horned oryx has also been successfully in-
troduced and in 2007 there were approximately 30 of these within the compound. Equally,
in 2007, there were approximately 200 gazelle, including 160 Arabian gazelles, plus Sand,
Dorcas and Thompson’s gazelles. The emphasis on these species can be explained by
cultural reference; within Arabian poetry such animals often feature as either beautiful in
themselves or as metaphors of beauty (Seddon & Khoja, 2003). Additionally, of course,
they provide a feature for visitors staying at Al Maha, although they are fenced out from
the actual resort, as they initially entered the complex in search of food.
The tree and grass planting also aided a revival in numbers of small mammals and other
species, including the Arabian hare, Sundevalls Jird and Cheeseman’s Gerbil – and these
in turn support a growing number of predators like the Gordon’s wildcat, Arabian Red Fox
and Rueppell’s Fox. Al Maha rangers hope to see Sand Cats and Sand Foxes as the predator
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chain becomes extended. According to Simpkins and Silvis (personal communication), the
emergence of these predators in larger numbers is a sign that natural, healthy processes are
emerging where, at least to some extent, human intervention can begin to be minimised. The
planting has also provided ground cover for a growing number of reptiles including various
lizards, newts, skeets and snakes that include Desert Monitor, Spiny Tailed Lizard, Sind,
Saw-Scaled Viper and many others. In 2005, remote cameras recorded the presence of four
vultures, but they did not stay. In November 2006, four other vultures were recorded and
again the rangers hope that some may be induced to remain in the area – it is thought they are
visiting from the Hajar mountains. The Lynx and Wolf, the largest regional predators have
been extinct for over two decades – there is, however, serious concern that certainly Al Maha,
and probably the wider 225 km2 DDCR, is insufficient in size to support these predators in
the longer term. Finally, it can be concluded from the work of Simpson (1977) and Ward,
O’Brien, O’Brien, Foster and Huddleston (1977) that the establishment of desert-adapted
trees would benefit insects, especially Lepidoptera and Coleopatera (Tigar & Osborne,
1999).
Another aspect related to animal welfare undertaken at Al Maha relates to the horses
used by guests. These are Arabian stallions previously used in endurance races (another
aspect of Emirati culture and a favourite sport of Sheik Mohammad Al Maktoun and his
family) that have broken down. The horses are cared for by Sheik Al Maktoun’s veterinary
services and once they recover then “work” at Al Maha to take guests on 20 km rides in the
desert, which is easily within their capabilities (Silvas, personal communication).

Tourism management
It can be claimed that the conservation effort might have been undertaken in the absence
of tourism and the same ends achieved. An alternative perspective is that the presence of
a controlled tourism has averted worse excesses, and park managers at Al Maha estimate
that without controls the area of the DDRC might have been subjected to 800,000 visitors
instead of the 200,000 that arrive annually under current licensing. Moreover, the Desert
Resort is a major contributor to the finances that permit the conservation effort to be
undertaken. It is also the center that employs the park rangers and provides the scientific
base for the work in conjunction with local university and other sources. All revenues and
expenditures associated with the Conservation Zones are established in a trust and over
30 years anticipated expenditure will be 150 million dirham (1 dirham = 0.27 US$). It
is estimated that the clean-up process will take 20–30 years, not only for the replanting
and re-introduction of species but also for the removal of rubbish left by the previous
 296 C. Ryan and M. Stewart

camel herders; the shifting nature of the sands and the previous nomadic life style of local
people mean rubbish is not localized and trash continues to be found over the whole area,
necessitating ongoing removal and occasionally the elimination of toxins. For the period
2004–2005, Emirates Airline supported start-up costs to the annual value of 2 million
dirham (Sivas, personal communication, Dubai Desert Conservation Reserve, 2008). The
whole zone is now managed through a Board of Management whose chair is HH Sheik
Ahmed Bin Saeed Al Maktoum; the State has established a Trust that controls the land on
which Al Maha stands (Dubai Desert Conservation Reserve, 2008).
The management of tourism is primarily conducted through spatial and temporal zoning
accompanied by quotas based on accommodation capacities and restrictions on numbers
being taken for tours. Four zones are maintained, namely,

r Zone 1 – 10 km2 : No human intervention except by foot

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r Zone 2: Limited human intervention to support wildlife and habitat programmes.

The zone covers about 14% of the Reserve.
r Zone 3: Three areas for low-impact environmental development – with a set visitor
capacity of 0.5 persons per day per km2
r Zone 4: Four areas for recreational use and desert excursions – there are only four
licensed operators. A maximum of 200,000 visitors per annum is set with each
operator having a licensed number (Dubai Desert Conservation Reserve, 2008). This
covers just over 50% of the Reserve.

Temporal zoning is based upon seasonality. No sand dune driving is permitted during
the height of summer as the temperatures make the sand soft and vehicles become stuck.
High summer camel and horse riding for guests is permitted at this time of year, but requires
a 5.00 am start (Gallacher & Hill, 2006a, 2006b; Silvas, personal communication).

Discussion
Al Maha’s objectives are the provision of unique experiences to guests that not only al-
low them to experience the nature of desert areas, but also convey an experience of the
culture and heritage of the Arabian life style that emanated from a desert environment.
The architectural style and activities are all based on that life style, and guest information
is provided about traditions and practices. Al Maha thus combines the cultural with an
objective of re-establishing a natural environment as it would have existed several centuries
previously. Within its short life, the complex already provides evidence of the regeneration
of plants, fauna, insect and reptilian life forms long absent from the region (Dubai Desert
Conservation Reserve, 2008; Simpkins, personal communication). In that sense, it seems
to epitomize many of the objectives of eco-tourism as they are commonly understood. On
the other hand, such development is water and energy intensive. The site uses over 1 million
litres of water per day, although much of this is recycled and used in irrigation schemes
that, it is planned, will cease in 30 years time if the reconstructed natural environment is
to be self-sustaining (Silvas, personal communication). Currently, the reconstituted nature
of the reclaimed desert is wholly dependent on human intervention. Yet, of course, the
degradation of the desert was itself the result of human action and thus can only be reversed
by the enactment of legal processes that provide protected status for the DDCR and the
management policies outlined above. Al Maha is a form of eco-tourism that goes beyond
conserving and on to reclamation.
 Journal of Sustainable Tourism 297

The eco-tourism literature often argues that visitors are motivated by a desire to learn
and contribute to natural environments, but, as shown by Duffus and Dearden (1990)

and Higham and Luck (2006), at many sites the special interest visitor is superseded
by a more generalist tourist. However, generally the visitors at Al Maha are not specif-
ically motivated to stay at the resort by an interest in desert environments other than
to enjoy the setting. The visitor profile is characterized as being affluent visitors, often
corporate visitors, on business in Dubai wishing for an alternative accommodation away
from Dubai City but in touch with their business world and wanting and able to afford
luxury in a different, relaxing ambience (Al Maha, 2007). Another key market compo-
nent was described as “romantic couples”, many of whom would wish for high levels
of both luxury and discretion. Such market segments are not normally characterized in
the eco-tourism literature. Tony Williams, Emirates Hotel and Resorts Vice President, de-
scribes the product as one where “no expense is spared making sure the guest receives
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our hospitality. . . at (other) eco-resorts I’ve seen the actual guest standards seem to be
pretty much rustic, whereas Al Maha is the exact opposite” (Hotelier Middle East, 2008,
p. 48).
The value systems underlying the conservation effort at Al Maha are based on the
scientific principles of western positivism and a biocentric approach. The tree planting
is of species consistent with desert terrains, and arguably is neither anthropocentric nor
inauthentic in intent, and thus differs from the “greening” associated with Zayedism that
specifically seeks to “improve” upon nature in fulfillment of various duties. Yet the success
of Al Maha is due to it gaining the support of Sheik Mohammad Al Maktoun through its
appeal to sustaining the sources of Arabian culture in this part of the Gulf.
It is the premise of inductive enquiry that the outcome is that of a model. In the initial
discussion, three key elements were discussed. These were (1) the concept of eco-tourism,
(2) the nature of Al Maha and (3) the nature of Zayedism. All have implications for, and
can be defined by three key eco-tourism dimensions, (a) energy usage, (b) visitor intent and
(c) scale of operation. Energy usage is important given the importance attributed to low im-
pact and conservation-minded attributes of eco-tourism, especially in more remote locations
(Weaver, 2001). Visitor intent is also traditionally perceived as an important component of
eco-tourism as noted in the definitions initially provided. Originally, as discussed by Clarke
(1997), eco-tourism was often perceived to be small in scale in order to reduce overall
impacts on both environment and communities, and given significance by those concerned
about community-based tourism in developing economies (e.g. Jamieson, 2006). Conven-
tionally, therefore eco-tourism implies (1) low energy usage, (2) visitors motivated by an
interest in nature and (3) small scale of operation. Al Maha on the other hand is high in
energy usage, the visitor motives tend to be more oriented towards relaxation and “romance
couples” (Al Maha, 2007), and the scale might be said to be moderately high to high given
the area and facilities provided for 96 guests. Zayedism is also (1) high in energy (at least
in its initial stages in terms of water usage), (2) lies between the self and the biocentric
in terms of its motive to improve upon or enhance natural settings and (3) is large in
scale given its scope. All three perspectives represent constructions of nature leading to
different representations of the role of tourism and its relationship with the natural environ-
ment as illustrated in Figure 1. Certainly, it can be maintained that Al Maha meets Cater’s
(2006) contention that eco-tourism becomes both expensive and a collection of place, yet
arguably Al Maha has contributed much more to natural zone regeneration than many
other eco-tourism locations where operators profit from locations but are not so engaged in
place restitution. Williams’ perspective is that “. . . simply by visiting they are financially
supporting the conservation” (Hotelier Middle East, 2008, p. 48).
 298 C. Ryan and M. Stewart
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Figure 1. Eco-tourism – the competing co-ordinates.

The relationship between Al Maha and eco-tourism also possesses another implication
if a separation is permitted between the supply and demand characteristics of eco-tourism
identified above. Given that eco-tourism has been premised by some commentators on the
need for behavior change on the part of clients (see Fennell & Weaver, 2005; Nowaczek
et al., 2006), it can be concluded that Al Maha may fail to make its clientele change their
habits to be more conserving of natural resources. Yet visitors having the opportunity to
learn about Arabian culture and landscape might agree with definitions of eco-tourism
that stress the motive to learn about “the other”. Environmental benefits do accrue from
visitor spending when adopting a bio-centric scientific perspective and an acceptance of a
need to regenerate a natural landscape where other species can again prosper – but this is
done by the corporate entity adopting the responsibility for such regeneration by spending
part of its revenue derived from tourism on environmental regeneration. Wight (2006)
has noted that a report on 100 ecolodges by the International Finance Corporation (2004)
showed that most had “a positive environmental performance overall, but only 40% have an
ongoing system to identify environmental impacts and review environmental performance”
(Wright, 2007, p. 231). Additionally Utting (2000, p. viii) states that corporate concern
with the environment “has less to do with a new-found ethical concern among corporate
executives for the environmental and social condition of the planet, than with economic,
political and structural factors”. Yet it can be noted that Al Maha and the Dubai Desert
Conservation Reserve emerge as an example of best practice through maintaining a 30-year
horizon for its planning that incorporates sustained monitoring processes. With reference to
Utting’s (2000) comments, site management at Al Maha has high regard for, and pride in its
desert regeneration programme, even while recognizing that it is the desert reclamation that
provides Al Maha with its uniqueness in branding and commercial competitive advantage
when compared with other desert luxury resorts to be found in the UAE. At a senior
corporate level the family connections possessed by senior Emirates personnel with the
ruling sheiks implies a belief in the “greening” of the Emirates as part of a ruling ideology
 Journal of Sustainable Tourism 299

as indicated above, yet here it is allied with regeneration and not a new construction of
“being green”.
This concept of management with regard to regeneration permits an emergent under-
standing whereby eco-tourism is now regarded as a much more complex phenomenon than
previously postulated which can (1) incorporate Wheeller’s (1993) ego-tourists when the
industry unit takes the responsibility for generating environmental benefit from their expen-
diture, (2) respond to criticisms that the more conventional eco-tourists are intensive users
of transport energy (Becken, Simmons, & Frampton, 2003) and (3) offer a partial rebuttal
to the view that the best eco-tourist is the one who stays at home (no new conclusion this,
being voiced by Rivers in 1974). (As an aside, perhaps the best eco-tourist is the one who
stays at home but forwards to the conservation site the money that would otherwise have
been spent on the holiday). What is clear is that, while premised, at least in part, upon
environmental sciences in terms of measuring impacts and rates of recovery, the values
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behind the actions for environmental protection, regeneration of degraded places and the
modes of place management all reflect social constructions of place, the role of humans at
those places and an adoption of responsibility by a corporate entity that uses revenues for
conservation purposes while supplying a product that does not require a conservation ethic
on the part of its clientele. Al Maha also lends credence to the argument that perhaps the
best opportunities for environmental regeneration lay in the commercialization of nature
rather than altruistic motives – but commercialization can only benefit nature if it conveys
value to clients. In this instance, the value is represented by the degree of luxury offered
by the resort. As McKercher (1993) has implied, eco-tourism remains tourism – it operates
within commercial paradigms for purposes of profit. Given that, it is thus logical to develop
a product that condones a desire for luxury and consequent high energy usage with an
outcome that prioritises conservation effort and yet uses it effectively as a promotional
tool to establish product difference. As such, Al Maha represents a form of eco-tourism
found in other UAE resorts such as Al Sahra in Dubailand. It is also a demonstration that
eco-tourism can be luxurious in nature, and not simply a site that requires self-denial on
the part of the visitor.

Acknowledgements
The authors acknowledge the help provided by Greg Simpkins (Head Ranger) and Arne
Silvis (General Manager). However, the interpretations and writing are solely those of the
authors themselves. The first author would also wish to acknowledge the support provided
by Emirates Academy in making this study possible.

Notes on contributor/s
Chris Ryan is Professor of Tourism at the University of Waikato and editor of Tourism Management.
He is a visiting professor at Emirates Academy Dubai.
Morag Stewart is the former Dean of the Academy, retiring from that position in 2006 and currently
residing in the United States.

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