SUPPLEMENTA

HUMANISTICA lovaniensia
XII

UT GRANUM SINAPIS
ESSAYS ON NEO-LATIN
LITERATURE IN HONOUR OF
JOZEF IJSEWIJN

EDITED BY

Gilbert TOURNOY and Dirk SACRÉ

LEUVEN UNIVERSITY PRESS

1997
 HUMANISTICA lovaniensia
(JOURNAL OF NEO-LAT1N sTUDIEs)

Ed. Prof. Dr. J. IJsewijn

Volume XVII. 1968, 162 p - 1600 fr. Volume XXXI, 1982. 256 p. - 3200 fr
Volume XVIII, 1969, 164p - 1600 fr. Volume XXXII, 1983. 471 p. - 3200 fr
Volume XIX, 1970, 514 p - 3200 fr. Volume XXXIII, 1984, 366 p. - 3200 fr
Volume XX, 1971, 297 p - 3200 fr. Volume XXXIV, 1985. 513 p. - 3200 fr
Volume XXI, 1972, 412p - 3200 fr. Volume XXXV, 1986, 336 p. - 3200 fr
Volume XXII, 1973, 341 p - 3200 fr. Volume XXXVI, 1987 358 p. - 3200 fr
Volume XXIII, 1974, 441 p - 3200 fr. Volume XXXVII 1988 334 p. - 3200 fr
Volume XXIV, 1975, 376 p - 3200 fr. Volume XXXVII 1989 378 p. - 3200 fr
Volume XXV, 1976, 306 p - 3200 fr. Volume XXXIX, 1990 427 p. - 3200 fr
Volume XXVI, 1977, 280 p - 3200 fr. Volume XL, 1991 508 p. - 3200 fr
Volume XXVII, 1978. 366 p - 3200 fr. Volume XLI, 1992 450 p. - 3200 fr
Volume XXVIII, 1979, 386 p - 3200 fr. Volume XLII, 1993, 526 p. - 3200 fr
Volume XXIX, 1980. 353 p - 3200 fr. Volume XLIII, 1994. 506 p. - 3200 fr
Volume XXX. 1981, 278 p - 3200 fr. Volume XLIV, 1995, 463 p. - 3200 fr

SUPPLEMENTA HUMANISTICA LOVANIENSIA

1 . Iohannis Harmonii Marsi De rebus italicis deque triumpho Ludovici XII regis Francorum
Tragoedia, ed. G. Tournoy, 1978. 320 fr.
2. Charisterium H. De Vocht 1878-1978, ed. J. IJsewijn & J. Roegiers, 1979.
350 fr.
3. Judocus J.C.A. Crabeels. Odae /scanne. Schullersfeest te Overijse (1781). ed. J.
IJsewijn, G. Vande Putte & R. Denayer. 1981. 320 fr.
4. Erasmiana Lovaniensia. Cataloog van de Tentoonstelling. Universiteitsbibliotheek
Lernen, november 1986. 1986. 1200 fr.
5. Jozef IJsewijn. Companion to Neo-Latin Studies. Part I: History and Diffusion of Neo
Latin Literature, 1990. 1596 fr.
6. Petrus Bloccius, Praecepta formandis puerorum moribus perutilia. Inleiding, Tekst en
Vertaling van A.M. Coebergh-Van den Braak, 1991. 750 fr.
7. Pegasus Devocatus. Studia in Honorem С. Arri Nuri sive Harry C. Schnur. Accessere
selecta eiusdem opuscula inedita. Cura et opera Gilberti Tournoy et Theodorici Sacré,
1992. 990 fr.
8. Vives te Lernen. Catalogus van de tentoonsie/ling in de Centrale Bibliotheek, 28 ¡uni-
20 augustos 1993. Eds. G. Tournoy, J. Roegiers, С. Coppens. 1993. 1800 fr.
9. Phineas Fletcher, Locustae vel Pietas Iesuitica. Edited With Introduction. Translation
and Commentary by Estelle Haan, 1996. 950 fr.
10. The Works of Engelbertus Schut Leydensis (ca 1420-1503). Edited by A. M.
Coebergh van den Braak in co-operation with Dr. E. Rummel. 1997. 950 fr.
 SUPPLEMENTA
HUMANISTICA LOVANIENSIA
XII

This One

Q9LF-1DS-HGXX
 SUPPLEMENTA HUMANISTICA LOVANIENSIA

Editors: Prof. Dr Jozef Usewijn;

Prof. Dr Gilbert Tournoy;
Dr Godelieve Tournoy-Thoen
Editorial Correspondence: Seminarium Philologiae Humanisticae
Blijde-Inkomststraat, 21
B-3000 Leuven (Belgium)

This publication was made possible by PEGASUS Limited

for the promotion of Neo-Latin Studies
 SUPPLEMENTA
HUMANISTICA LOVANIENSIA
XII

UT GRANUM SINAPIS
ESSAYS ON NEO-LATIN
LITERATURE IN HONOUR OF
JOZEF IJSEWIJN

EDITED BY

Gilbert TOURNOY and Dirk SACRE

LEUVEN UNIVERSITY PRESS

1997
© 1997 Universitaire Pers Leuven/Leuven University Press/Presses Universitaires de
Louvain, Blijde-Inkomststraat, 5 - В 3000 Leuven/Louvain, Belgium

Niets uit deze uitgave mag worden verveelvoudigd en/of openbaar gemaakt door middel
van druk, fotokopie, microfilm of op welke andere wijze ook zonder voorafgaande
schriftelijke toestemming van de uitgever.
No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm
or any other means without written permission from the publisher.

ISBN 90 6186 816 5

D/ 1997/ 1869/30
 CONTENTS

Gilbert Tournoy, Preface vu

Lucia Gualdo Rosa, Padova 1420: un commento universitario di
Gasparino Barzizza a quindici orazioni di Cicerone .... 1
Alfonso Traína, / versi latini di Gregorio Correr. Contributi a
un'edizione critica 14
Jan Öberg, Vom Humanismus zum Traditionalismus. Die Ein
wirkung der politischen, gesellschaftlichen und kirchlichen
Verhältnissen auf das Kulturleben in Schweden am Beispiel
von Kort Rogge (um 1420-1501) 24
J. B. Trapp, The Illustration of Petrarch's Secretum 39
Paul Gerhard Schmidt, Die Crisias des Hilarion von Verona . . 53
Agostino Sottili, L 'orazione di RudolfAgrícola per Paul de Baenst
rettore deWUniversità pavese: Pavia 10 agosto 1473 ... 87
Dieter Wuttke, Ex ungula cervam. Sebastian Brant und die Nörd-
linger Hirschkuh 131
Francesco Tateo, L'idea dello scrittore cristiano moderno in
Gianfrancesco Pico 138
Fred Nichols, Greek Poets of Exile in Naples: Marullus and
Rhallus 152
Jacques Chomarat, L'âne chez Erasme, Passerat, Heinsius. . . 171
Walther Ludwig, Eine Tübinger Magisterprüfung im Jahr 1509 . 1 93
Hubertus Schulte Herbrüggen, Utopiae Insulae Figura: The Title
Woodcut in Thomas More's Utopia, 1516 215
Charles Fantazzi, Poetry and Religion in Sannazaro 's De Partu
virginis 231
Edward V. George, Rhetorical Strategies in Vives' Peace Writings:
The letter to Charles V and the De concordia 249
G. Hugo Tucker, Mantua's "Second Virgil" : Du Bellay, Montaigne
and the Curious Fortune ofLelio Capilupi 's Centones ex Virgilio
(Romae, 1555) 264
James Binns, Abraham Hartwell, Herald of the New Queen's Reign.
The Regina Literata (London, 1565) 292
Ian D. McFarlane, Towards a Reliable Edition of George
Buchanan 's Profane Poems 305
Fidel Rädle, Komik im lateinischen Theater der frühen Neuzeit. . 309
Chris L. Heesakkers, An Lipsio licuit et Cunaeo quod mihi non licet?
Petrus Francius and Oratorical Delivery in the Amsterdam
Athenaeum Illustre 324
Index 353
 PREFACE

Almost exactly thirty years ago, Jozef Usewijn started the Seminarium
Philologiae Humanisticae, with much enthusiasm, little money, and one
single collaborator. Although, not unlike the young Francesco Petrarca,
he was fascinated by the eternal beauty of the Latin language, he had
had to start his university career a decade earlier in the field of papy-
rology: at that time there was simply no other option available. This did
not prevent him from establishing numerous and lasting contacts with
other scholars writing and publishing in Latin. He used his masterly
command of that language to publish his first independent contribution
dealing with some findings connected with the doctoral dissertation
that he was preparing. At the same time he was collecting and studying
modern poetry written in Latin, publishing in 1960 a survey for the year
1959; this was followed the next year by a general survey of the Latin
poetry in the 20th century. After his doctoral dissertation had been
awarded the prize of the 'Koninklijke Vlaamse Academie voor Weten-
schappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten van België', its Latin version
appeared in 1961 in the 'Verhandelingen' series of this Academy. That
publication marked the end of his career as a papyrologist. In the spring
of the following year Usewijn crossed the Alps and travelled with his
family to Rome, where he met Mgr. José Ruysschaert, a former pupil of
Mgr. Henry de Vocht. This meeting proved decisive for the broadening
of his interest towards Latin literature of the humanistic period. Already
in 1963 Usewijn outlined an ambitious programme for the study of
neo-Latin literature. It was accompanied by a selective bibliography,
covering the entire field of neo-Latin literature. Originally intended for
local use in Flanders and Holland only, it was supplemented during
the years to come with the intention of reaching an international public,
thus laying a sound basis for the Companion to Neo-Latin Studies
(Amsterdam, 1977). The University of Louvain created the same year
1963 a new course for the study of neo-Latin literature, entrusting it to
the newly appointed Usewijn, who was charged also with other courses
in Classical Philology. It almost immediately proved to be a big success,
VIH

attracting a relatively large number of interested students. The next step

to take was the creation of an international documentation centre for
neo-Latin literature, providing bibliographical help, but also publishing
texts and studies in this field. The series Humanistica Lovaniensia, had
published its last volume in 1961. It had been founded in 1928 by Henry
de Vocht, who, furthermore, was responsible for three-quarters of the
number of volumes. But De Vocht died in 1962 and the entire stock and
the rights had been sold by the publisher to Kraus. So at first it seemed
impossible to continue the series. A possible solution was to integrate
new studies into the series of the 'Recueil de travaux, publiés par la
faculté de philosophie et lettres de l'université de Louvain'. A new jour
nal, exclusively dedicated to neo-Latin literature, was also an urgent
desideratum, explicitly requested by Prof. Leonard Forster during the
first meeting on Belgian humanism (November 27, 1965). With the
appointment of an assistant and the foundation of the Seminarium
Philologiae Humanisticae in 1966 things gained momentum. In order to
continue the Series serious efforts were made to contact former students
and collaborators of Mgr De Vocht, who according to the announcement
on the cover of Humanistica Lovaniensia 15 were currently engaged in
the preparation of new studies. But almost nothing was achieved and so
the starting of a new journal seemed a more feasible objective. After
long discussions we were even allowed to continue using the name of
Humanistica Lovaniensia, transforming the series into an annual publi
cation. But this title now was given a slightly different signification:
it had previously related to texts and studies concerning humanists
connected with Louvain and its University in one way or another; from
now on the field was broadened to include the whole world of humanism
and neo-Latin literature, and 'Lovaniensia' assumed the meaning of
'published at Louvain'. The first volume was a rather small one, printed
with a very cheap technique and a poor lay-out, and the contributions
were all except one by members of the Seminarium. All this had already
changed in the next volume, for which another printer was approached.
Other major changes in the years to come embraced the introduction of
a full index from 1973 onwards, and the inclusion of neo-Latin lexico
graphical aids and a systematic bibliography covering the whole field
of neo-Latin literature from 1974 onwards. In this way Humanistica
Lovaniensia developed into the leading journal in this field. Particularly
interesting to note is also the shift from French to English as between the
first and later volumes: whilst in the first one the editorial address and
the majority of the contributions were still in French, in later volumes
English was used for all information. This had to do of course with our
growing awareness of the leading role of English in the world of schol
arship, but one should take into account also the events at our University
and in Belgium at that time, which might have accelerated the process.
Close collaboration with the Institute of Mediaeval Studies, which
was located in the same house, led to the organisation, in May 1970,
of a colloquium on The Late Middle Ages and the Dawn of Humanism
outside Italy. For the Institute of Mediaeval Studies it was the starting
point for a sequence of successful colloquia, in which the members
of the Seminarium more than once had their share, as for instance in
The Universities in the Late Middle Ages, The Theatre in the Middle
Ages, or Arturus Rex. With the publication of the Proceedings of the first
colloquium, the series Mediaevalia Lovaniensia also took off, and up to
now has produced more than twenty-five volumes. For the Seminarium
Philologiae Humanisticae it was a try-out for the organisation of the
first International Congress for neo-Latin Studies, which took place from
23 to 28 August 1971. The presence of more than 200 participants from
19 European countries, from the United States, Canada and Australia
proved the growing interest in this rich field of scholarship. The wish,
formulated by the American member of the organizing committee, Prof.
Lawrence V. Ryan, in his Opening Address: "may this be the first of
many such International Congresses for Neo-Latin Studies", has come
true: after Amsterdam, Tours, Bologna, St Andrews, Wolfenbüttel,
Toronto, Copenhagen and Bari, neo-Latin scholars will convene for the
Xth Congress at Avila in August 1997. In comparison with the first Con
gress, the number of participants and of the papers will be more than
doubled, which is a clear sign of the vitality of our scholarship. One
of the main reasons why the Leuven gathering was not an ephemeral
event, was the decision made by the participants on August 25, 1971,
to found an international association which could promote the develop
ment of neo-Latin Studies by organizing such congresses on a regular
basis. This association was officially founded during the Second Con
gress at Amsterdam in 1973, and its first President was, of course, Jozef
Usewijn. The journal Humanistica Lovaniensia served as its official
organ, publishing the English and the French versions of the statutes in
1974 and 1975 respectively, these being followed by the official Latin
version by Usewijn, which came out in 1977. In that same year 1977
appeared the first edition of IJsewijn's Companion to Neo-Latin Studies.
It evidently met a long-felt want, and in no time it was out of print. The
first volume of the second edition came out in 1990, the second is
expected in 1997.
For all these achievements Usewijn was awarded the Francqui prize,
the highest Belgian distinction for scholars, on April 15, 1980.
In order to propagate neo-Latin scholarship within wider circles, the
members of the Seminarium, and Usewijn in the first place, collaborated
in encyclopedias and generals works such as the Moderne Encyclopedie
der Wereldliteratuur (Gent — Haarlem, 1963 —; 2nd edition: Haarlem-
Antwerp, 1 980—), the Encyclopedia Britannica, or the Nieuwe Algemene
Geschiedenis der Nederlanden. With that same purpose, exhibitions and
commemorations were set up, or were granted assistance, such als the
ones on Erasmus in 1969 and again in 1986, on Dirk Martens in 1973, on
550 Years of the University of Leuven in 1976, on Vives and Clenardus
in 1993; and now the commemoration of Justus Lipsius will be cele
brated at Leuven with an exhibition and a colloquium in the Fall of 1997.
Meanwhile, the number of students in Classical Philology, and
thus the number of our prospective collaborators, dropped dramatically
during the seventies. The year 1974, for instance, saw two doctoral
dissertations, but not a single licentiate dissertation in the field of
humanism, whilst in the year before only two licentiate dissertations
were finished under Usewijn's direction; that is, only the same number
as doctoral dissertations. The Seminarium finally lost its second assistant
to colleagues in Germanic philology, and some of the best of our young
scholars were not able to stay on at our University. They dropped out or
had to find an occupation elsewhere. On the other hand, a steadily grow
ing number of undergraduate and especially postgraduate students, as
well as research fellows, were eager to come to Leuven and spend some
months at the Seminarium and its library. But these numbers do not
carry weight as regards the financing of the section, the department or
the faculty, and thus are easily discounted. However, since the general
situation has slightly improved over the last few years, it is our hope
and our expectation — if we can count upon the loyal help of all collab
orators — that the life-work of Jozef Usewijn, this 'centre of excellence'
as it is called, can continue to grow into the next millennium and
beyond. After all, it is primarily his dedication and expertise that have
made Neo-Latin accepted and appreciated on an international level, so
that it can take its rightful place in European literary history. May God
give Usewijn the strength to be our guide for many years to come.
 Lucia Gualdo Rosa

PADOVA 1420: UN COMMENTO UNIVERSITARIO DI

GASPARINO BARZIZZA A QUINDICI ORAZIONI
DI CICERONE

I cinque anni che vanno dal 1416 al 1421 segnano, secondo il Murphy,
una decisa accelerazione nel passaggio dal Medio Evo all'età moderna.1
In quegli anni, infatti, grazie alle scoperte di Poggio Bracciolini nel 1416
e di Gherardo Landriani nel 1421, ritornavano trionfalmente alla luce —
insieme a moltissimi altri classici latini — i trattati retorici piíi impor-
tanti dell'antichità, e cioè le Institutiones oratoriae di Quintiliano e
un'edizione, finalmente integra, del De oratore ciceroniano.2
Benché non abbia personalmente partecipato a nessuna delle mis-
sioni esplorative di quegli anni gloriosi, Gasparino Barzizza si trovo a
svolgere, soprattutto negli anni del suo insegnamento padovano, una
funzione essenziale nel rinnovamento dei programmi e dei testi che si
opero rapidamente nelle scuole e nelle università. L'importanza del
Barzizza e del suo insegnamento — pur documentata largamente dalle
preziose ricerche del Sabbadini e del Bertalot3 — fu lungamente sotto-
valutata: il suo nome appare appena nell' Educazione in Europa del
Garin4 e non compare affatto nella citata Retorica del Murphy. Solo di
recente, e in particolare a partire dagli anni sessanta, il Barzizza sta tor
nando ad occupare il posto che merita nell'attenzione dei nostri maggiori

1 J.J. Murphy, La retorica nel Medioevo. Una storia delle teorie retoriche da s. Ago
stino al Rinascimento, introduzione e trad, a cura di V. Licitra, Nuovo Medioevo, 17
(Napoli, 1983), pp. 405-12.
2 Cfr. R. Sabbadini, Storia e critica di testi latini, Medioevo e umanesimo, 1 1 (Padova,
1971, 2a ed.), pp. 93-96; Id., Le scoperte di codici latini e greci nei secoli XIV e XV,
2 voll. (Firenze, 1967, 2a ed.), II, 209.
1 R. Sabbadini, 'Ledere e orazioni edite e inedite di Gasparino Barzizza', Archivio
storico lombardo, s. II, 13 (1886), 363-78; 563-83; L. Bertalot, 'Die älteste Briefsamm
lung des Gasparino Barzizza', Beiträge zur Forschung. Studien aus dem Antiquariat
Jacques Rosenthal, N. F., 2 (1929). 39-84, ora in Id., Studien zum italienischen und deut
schen Humanismus, hrsg. P. O. Kristeller, II, Storia e letteratura. Raccolta di studi e testi,
130 (Roma, 1975). pp. 31-102.
4 E. Garin, L'educazione in Europa (1400-1600). Prohlemi e programmi. Biblioteca
di cultura moderna, 521 (Bari, 1957), pp. 13-21.
2 L. GUALDO ROSA

studiosi.5 Moho resta ancora da fare, ma le indagini si sono avviate nella

direzione giusta: ricostruzione del suo metodo esegetico e filologico,
censimento delle sue opere e della loro diffusione, ricostruzione — per
quanto è possibile — della sua preziosa biblioteca.6 Come è noto, il Bar-
zizza, grazie al prestigio che si era conquistato con il suo insegnamento,
riusciva sempre ad ottenere fra i primi i frutti delle sensazionali scoperte
codicologiche di quegli anni; ma accanto ai preziosi codici di lavoro che
egli portö sempre con sé e lasciö in eredità al figlio prediletto Guiniforte
e ai suoi discendenti, sappiamo che egli preparava per discepoli, corri-
spondenti e amici più о meno illustri vere e proprie edizioni di classici,
curati nel testo, commentati e accuratamente divisi in capitoli, secondo
gli schemi suggeriti dalle Partitiones oratoriae e dalla Rhetorica ad
Herennium.1
Il primo tentativo di rimettere insieme la biblioteca del Barzizza fu
compiuto, nei primi anni del '500, dall'umanista cosentino Gian Paolo
Parisi, più noto col nome accademico di Aulo Giano Parrasio.8 I codici

5 Per la biografía del Barzizza, cfr. A. Azzoni. 'Ricerche barzizziane', Bergomum, 34

(1960), 15-26; G. Martellotti, 'Barzizza Gasparino', in Dizionario biografico degli Ita-
liani, 7 (Roma, 1965), pp. 34-39; G. Colombo, 'Gasparino Barzizza a Padova. Nuovi
ragguagli da lettere inedite', Quaderni per la storia della Università di Padova, 2 (1969),
1-27; D. Girgensohn, 'Gasparino Barzizza, cittadino padovano, onorato dalla Repubblica
di Venezia', Quaderni per la storia della Università di Padova, 19 (1986), 1-15.
6 Per il metodo esegetico del Barzizza e per alcune sue opere, cfr. R. G. G. Mercer,
The Teaching of Gasparino Barzizza, with special Reference to his Place in Paduan
Humanism, Modern Humanities Research Association. Texts and Dissertations, 10 (Lon
don, 1979); L. A. Panizza, 'Gasparino Barzizza's Commentaries on Seneca's Letters',
Traditio, 33 (1977), 297-358; D. Mazzuconi, 'Per una sistemazione dell'epistolario di
Gasparino Barzizza', Italia medioevale e umanistica, 20 (1977), 183-241; G. W. Pigman
III, 'Barzizza's Studies of Cicero', Rinascimento, n. s. 21 (1981), 123-61. Per i suoi mano-
scritti, cfr. D. Mazzuconi, 'Stefano Fieschi da Soncino: un allievo di Gasparino Barzizza',
Italia medioevale e umanistica, 24 (1981), 257-85; M. F. Tremolada, 'I manoscritti di
Gasparino Barzizza nelle biblioteche milanesi', Libri e documenti, 14 (1988), 57-69.
7 Bastera leggere, nell'edizione del Bertalot, la lettera scritta nel 1418 da Gasparino al
suo allievo e corrispondente Lorenzo Bonzi (su cui ritorneremo) ; egli si scusa per aver
tardato a rispondergli, perché impegnato a preparare per lui un'edizione testualmente
accurate e puntualmente annotata e divisa in capitoli del De oratore. In particolare, è
illuminante il passo seguente: «Et quia partitio, in rebus magnis et obscuris recte habita,
reliquam ditionem totam illustrat <ed. illustret>, singulos libros in capita quaedam et in
partes divisi et quod in uno quoque genere continetur breviter aperui.» Cfr. Bertalot, 'Die
älteste Briefsammlung', pp. 98-99.
8 Su Aulo Giano Parrasio, cfr. F. Lo Parco, Aulo Giano Parrasio. Studio biografico
e critico (Vasto, 1899); F. D'Episcopo, Aulo Giano Parrasio, fondatore dell'Acca-
demia Cosentina. L'Europa in provincia. Collana di cultura meridionale diretta da
F. D'Episcopo (Cosenza. 1982). Sulla sua biblioteca, cfr. D. Gutiérrez, 'La biblioteca di
S. Giovanni a Carbonara a Napoli', Analecta Augustiniana, 29 (1966), 66-212; C. Tristano,
 PADOVA 1420: UN COMMENTO UNIVERSITARIO DI BARZIZZA 3

barzizziani che egli riusci a procurarsi furono assai numerosi; i più

preziosi furono acquistati a Milano, «ab haeredibus Gasparini Bergo-
matis», come si ricava dalle note che egli ci ha lasciato in quasi tutti i
manoscritti da lui raccolti.9 Alcuni furono acquistati a Vicenza, Verona,
Venezia, Padova, da allievi o eredi di allievi che li avevano o comprati
о ottenuti in prestito dal maestro. Altri manoscritti, che il Parrasio non
trovö e non riusci ad acquistare, rimasero neile biblioteche milanesi, o si
dispersera in altre biblioteche italiane e straniere. Altri furono sottratti
dalla biblioteca del Parrasio in epoche successive.
Ad ogni modo, per il tramite del Parrasio, e dei suoi eredi — Anto
nio e Girolamo Seripando — un gruppo assai consistente dei codici
del Barzizza approdô prima alla biblioteca agostiniana di S. Giovanni
a Carbonara, e poi alla Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli.10
La presenza di codici del Barzizza fra i manoscritti parrasiani, già
segnalata dal Sabbadini, fu sottolineata per la prima volta in un fonda
mentale saggio di Giovanni Mercati; il quale, partendo proprio dalla
nota di provenienza apposta dal Parrasio sul foglio di guardia dei suoi
codici, ne aveva segnalati dieci.11 Nel suo recente studio sulla biblioteca
del Parrasio e sui suoi inventan, la Tristano ha aggiunto alla lista altri tre
manoscritti.12 Ma questo elenco puö essere accresciuto, mettendo a
frutto da un lato YIter Italicum del Kristeller, dall'altro le molte notizie
che sui codici del Barzizza si possono ricavare dai recenti lavori del
Colombo, della Mazzuconi e della Tremolada.13 Seguendo queste piste,

La biblioteca di un umanista calabrese: Aulo Giano Parrasio, Università degli studi della
Calabria. Dipartimento di filologia (Manziana, 1988).
9 Questa nota di provenienza, accompagnata anche dal prezzo pagato dal Parrasio,
fu segnalata per la prima volta col dovuto rilievo, nel saggio di G. Mercati, De fatis
bibliothecae monasterii s. Columbani Bobiensis et de codice ipso Vat. lat. 5757 (Ex
Bibliotheca Apostolica Vaticana, 1934), pp. 111-33.
10 Cfr. G. Guerrieri, La Biblioteca Nazionale «Vittario Emanuele III» di Napoli
(Milano-Napoli, 1974).
11 I dieci codici della Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli. identificati dal Mercati, sulla base
della nota di provenienza che si legge nel primo foglio di guardia, sono i seguenti: IV A 37
(= 38), IV A 43. IV A 44, IV В 16, IV С 32, IV С 43. IV D 49, IV G 7, V A 1 1, Neap. lat.
32 (già Viennese 5). Cfr. Mercati, De fatis, p. 112, nota 5. Il fatto è che non in tutti i codici
si è conservato il foglio di guardia con la nota del Parrasio, e soprattutto che non tutti i codici
del Barzizza, né quelli di suo figlio Guiniforte erano rimasti nella biblioteca di famiglia.
12 I tre codici aggiunti dalla Tristano, sulla base di una precisa nota di possesso auto
grafa di Gasparino, sono i seguenti: V D 18, V D 20. V D 35. Cfr. Tristano, La biblioteca
di un umanista, p. 23.
13 P. O Kristeller, Iter Italicum. A Finding List of uncatalogued or incompletely cata
logued Humanist Manuscripts of the Renaissance in Italian and other Libraries, I-VI
(London-Leiden, 1963-1992); Mazzuconi, 'Stefano Fieschi', pp. 266-7.
4 L. GUALDO ROSA

ed utilizzando anche i molti suggerimenti che si possono ricavare dagli

indici del libro della Tristano, un mio allievo napoletano, Sergio Inge-
gno, nel preparare la sua tesi di laurea, è riuscito ad individuare alla
Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli ventisette codici, che si possono con
sicurezza — o con fondate ragioni — far risalire a Gasparino Barzizza,
a suo figlio Guiniforte a ad altri discepoli dei due maestri bergamaschi.
La ricerca dovrà proseguire ed ha ovviamente bisogno di ulteriori
approfondamenti; per ora mi limito a dare in nota l'elenco dei quattor-
dici manoscritti che si aggiungono ai tredici finora conosciuti.14
Tra questi ventisette manoscritti, uno solo, pur potendo, per una sua
sezione, essere ricondotto all'insegnamento di Gasparino Barzizza, non
proviene dalla biblioteca del Parrasio. Si tratta del codice V B 35, pro
veniente dalla preziosa e ricchissima biblioteca di un bibliofilo di Chieti,
Romualdo di Sterlich, marchese di Cermignano.15 II codice — di cui
diamo in appendice una descrizione dettagliata — è composito, in
quanto nato dall'assemblaggio di quattordici fascicoli di formato ed
epoca diversi, contenenti testi in latino e in volgare, tutti di notevole
interesse. Del codice V B 35 a noi interessa solo il fascicolo n° 8:
il fascicolo comprende 10 bifogli (ff. 109-128), di cui solo i ff. 1 10-118
sono scritti da un'unica mano, in una semigotica corsiva piuttosto
affrettata. Il contenuto è indicato chiaramente dalY explicit, scritto da
una mano diversa, che sembra essere di un copista di professione:
«Expliciunt quedam utilissima argumenta super XV orationes M. Tullii

14 Dö qui l'elenco dei quattordici codici «barzizziani», individuati da Sergio Inge-

gno, aggiungendo tra parentesi il nome del possessore, quando non si tratti dello stesso
Gasparino:
IV В 8, IV В 9, IV В 14 (di Bartolomeo Sachella, collaboratore di Guiniforte), IV С 23
(segnalato dalla Mazzuconi, sulla base di appunti inediti di G. Colombo), IV С 50 (nota
di poss. di Guiniforte), IV G 8 (di Bartolomeo Sachella), V A 20 (Mazzuconi), V B 19
(Mazzuconi), V В 35 (sezione di Lorenzo Bonzi), V G 14 (Mazzuconi), V G 15 (di Gui
niforte), VIII G 51 (Mazzuconi), VI В 15 (segnalato da David Rutherford), XIII G 9
(segnalato da Giliola Barbero). Cfr. il catalogo citato ар. 12.
15 Per Romualdo di Sterlich e per la sua biblioteca, cfr. G Ravizza, Notizie biografi-
che che riguardano gli uomini illustri della città di Chieti (Napoli, 1830), pp. 114-117;
U. Russo, Studi sul Settecento in Abruzzo (Chieti, 1990), pp. 35-51. Accanto al ms. V B 35,
ho identificato alla Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli i seguenti manoscritti, che provengono
dalla stessa biblioteca: 1) IV A 65, contenente il De oratore e parte deU'Orator, cfr.
E. Scuotto — I. Azzaro, 'Manoscritti latini non compresi nel catalogo lannelli', / quaderni
della Biblioteca nazionale di Napoli, V 3 (1980), 12; 2) IV E 52, contenente il commento
di Baldassarre Oferiano ai Paradoxa ciceroniani e un testo del grammatico Capro, cfr.
Kristeller, Iter, I, 399b; 3) XIX 26, contenente testi di contenuto religioso e teologico;
cfr. C. Cenci, O. F. M., Manoscritti francescani della Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli, II
(Quaracchi, 1971), pp. 987-90, n° 650.
 PADOVA 1420: UN COMMENTO UNIVERSITARIO DI BARZIZZA 5

Ciceronis, declarantia locos tocius artis ipsarum orationum, per claris-

simum virum Laurentium Bontium breviter collecta ex dictis Gasparini
Pergamensis viri eloquentissimi, dum easdem orationes Padue legeret
anno Domini nostri Yhesu Christi MCCCC°XX°». L'autore di queste
«recollectae», è dunque Lorenzo Bonzi (o Bonsi), cui Gasparino indi-
rizzö — fra il 1407 e il 1418 — sei lettere familiari.16 Da queste lettere
si ricava che il Bonzi era un discepolo affezionato e fedele di Gasparino,
che dal maestro aveva assorbito una forte passione per il Cicerone
retorico. Di questi appunti del Barzizza — adeguatamente descritti
nel I volume dell Vier Italicum fin dal 1963 — si sono già occupati la
Mazzuconi e il Pigman: mentre la Mazzuconi si limita tuttavia a descri-
vere brevemente il manoscritto, riproducendone V explicit, il Pigman,
in un articolo in cui illustra l'importanza del Barzizza per lo studio
dell 'opera retorica ed oratoria di Cicerone, ne pubblica un excerptum
per illustrare le caratteristiche del suo metodo esegetico.17 Ritengo
tuttavia che non sia inutile tornare ad esaminarli, per sottolinearne
alcuni aspetti.
In primo luogo, mi sembra che la presenza, fra le orazioni com
mentate a Padova dal Barzizza, di tre fra le otto orazioni scoperte da
Poggio nel 1417, benché segnalata dal Pigman, vada ulteriormente
sottolineata.18
Che Gasparino avesse commentato a Padova, nel 1420, le «nuove»
orazioni portate alla luce da Poggio tra il 1415 e il 1417, lo sapevamo
già. La notizia ci era stata data da un altro discepolo del Barzizza, Gio
vanni Tremonti in una nota da lui apposta, nel 1438, sul secondo foglio
di guardia del ms. 2137 della Biblioteca Angelica di Roma.19 Ora gli

16 Per le lettere indirizzate da Gasparino al Bonzi, cfr. Mazzuconi, 'Per una sistema-
zione dell' epistolario', n° 33, 109, 136, 185, 187, 233. Cfr. anche supra, nota 7.
17 Cfr. Mazzuconi, 'Stefano Fieschi', p. 266 e Pigman, 'Barzizza's Studies', pp. 130-2.
18 Per la scoperta, da parte di Poggio Bracciolini e di Cencio de' Rustici, di otto
nuove orazioni ciceroniane, cfr. Sabbadini, Storia e crítica, pp. 36-9. Delle nuove
orazioni, nel codice napoletano se ne trovano, parzialmente commentate, solo tre, e
cioè Vin Pisonem e le prime due De lege agraria (cfr. la descrizione del codice
nell'App. I).
19 In calce alla tabula da lui premessa al codice (che contiene Vlnquisitio di Antonio
Loschi su 11 orazioni ciceroniane e gli Argumenta di altre 12 orazioni, di Sicco Polen
ton), il Tremonti annota: «Нес sunt argumenta orationum et omnia que in hoc volumina
continentur. Alia autem, super oratione videlicet pro Sexto Roscio, pro Lucio Murena et
aliis que post invente fuerunt, usque ad numerum trigenarium et amplius, habeo in alio
volumine, que ego exaravi raptim sub doctrina atque lectura famosissimi oratoris et
artium doctoris Magistri Gasparini Pergamensis, Patavii 1420, cum essem ego, Johannes
6 L. GUALDO ROSA

appunti conservan nel codice napoletano, ci confermano che il Barzizza

poteva utilizzare o lo stesso manoscritto di Poggio, che Francesco Bar
baro aveva portato a Venezia nel 1418, o un suo diretto apografo.20
Infatti al f. 13, dopo il titolo della prima orazione De lege agraria,
scritto, come per le altre orazioni, in maiuscole onciali («De lege agra
ria contra P. Rullum Oratio prima, cuius inicium Que res...»), il Bonzi
aggiunge: «M. T. Ci. De lege agraria contra Rullum tri<bunum> ple<bis>
liber incipit», e, iniziando a trascrivere la nota marginale di Poggio
(cfr. ms. Vat. lat. 11458, f. 53), scrive: «In quodam antiquo volu-
mine».21 Ma la cosa più importante e direi decisiva, è che al f. 13v,
subito dopo Vincipit della seconda orazione De lege agraria, troviamo
trascritta, abbastanza fedelmente, la famosa subscriptio di Statilio
Massimo: «In exemplari vetustissimo hoc erat in margine: Emendavi ad
Tironem et Lactavianum. Acta ipso Cicerone et Antonio consulibus.
Oratio XXIIII. In exemplo sic fuit: Statilius Maximus. Rursum emendavi
ad Tironem et Lactavianum et Dom. et alios <ms. alias> veteres. Ill
oratio eximia?2 Quello che fa pensare che il Barzizza non avesse in
mano lo stesso codice di Poggio, e cioè il Vat. lat. 1 1458 identificato dal
Campana, ma un apografo fatto preparare per lui da Francesco Barbaro,
è la lettura «Lactavianum» invece del «Laecanianum» che si legge
chiaramente al f. 56 del codice vaticano.23 Ad ogni modo la presenza,
all'interno degli appunti, della famosissima subscriptio andava sottoli-
neata. Accanto alla subscriptio di Statilio Massimo, troviamo citato per
due volte, nei magri appunti retorici all'/n Pisonem il nome di Asconio

de tribus montibus, eius auditor atque discipulus et nunc huius libri verus possessor, cum
hec scriberem 1438, quarto nonas novembres». Qui il Tremonti non parla solo delle
orazioni scoperte da Poggio nel 1417, ma anche di quelle da lui ritrovate nel 1415;
cfr. Sabbadini, Le scoperte dei codici, II, 211.
20 Che il Niccoli, dopo aver ricevuto nel 1418 il «thesaurus Poggianus», lo abbia fatto
avere nello stesso anno a Francesco Barbaro, lo dimostra con la consueta precisione docu
mentaría il Sabbadini; cfr. Storia e critica, pp. 36-37. Il codice di Poggio fu, nel 1948,
identificato da Augusto Campana nel Vat. lat. 1 1458. Per questo famoso manoscritto, cfr.
J. Ruysschaert, Codices Vaticani Latini. Codices 11414-11709 (In Bibliotheca Vaticana,
1959), pp. 93-6; vedi anche A. Campana, 'La copia autografa delle otto orazioni cicero-
niane scoperte da Poggio nel 1417', Ciceroniana, 1 (1973), 65-8.
21 Cfr. O. Pecere, 'La subscriptio di Statilio Massimo e la tradizione della Agraria di
Cicerone', Italia medioevale e umanistica, 25 (1982), 75-123. Per la nota poggiana al
f. 53, marg. destro, cfr. p. 78 e tav. XII, 1.
22 Per il testo della subscriptio nel codice Vat. lat. 1 1458, cfr. Pecere, 'La subscriptio,
pp. 74-6 e tav. XII, 1-2.
23 Per la deformazione umanistica del nome Laecanianum, cfr. Pecere, 'La subscriptio,
p. 73 e nota 4.
 PADOVA 1420: UN COMMENTO UNIVERSITARIO DI BARZIZZA 7

Pediano. Dunque il Barzizza, nel commentare a Padova le orazioni

appena scoperte da Poggio, si serviva anche del commento di Asconio,
scoperto da Poggio a S. Gallo nel 1416.24 Che il Barzizza — fin dal
1418 — possedesse sia il testo di Quintiliano che quello di Asconio, lo
sapevamo da una lettera di Guarino Veronese a Girolamo Gualdo, lettera
pubblicata dal Sabbadini.25 Ma anche questa autorevole presenza andava
sottolineata.
Dal punto di vista del metodo esegetico, è evidente che — come ha
sottolineato il Pigman — il Barzizza dipende direttamente dalla celebre
Inquisitio che Antonio Loschi aveva condotto su undici orazioni cice-
roniane, in una data che il Sabbadini colloca tra il 1395 e il 1402.26
Come il Loschi, anche il Barzizza dipende del resto da quella celebre
ed autorevole Rhetorica ad Herennium (o, come si chiamava allora
Rhetorica nova), che entrambi consideravano ancora ciceroniana.27
Secondo quel metodo — squisitamente retorico — le orazioni di Cice
rone sono suddivise in tante sezioni, in modo da costituire un perfetto
modello stilistico per i discepoli. La perdita degli appunti raccolti da
Giovanni Tremonti «in alio volumine», ci priva per ora delle note
barzizziane alle altre orazioni ciceroniane scoperte da Poggio. Ma non
è escluso che lo studio sistematico dei codici non ce le possa restituire.
Per ora possiamo collazionare gli appunti del codice napoletano (che
chiameremo N), con le note che Rinuccio Aretino ha scritto a margine
di un suo codice — sicuramente almeno in parte autografo — conte
nente venti orazioni ciceroniane. Il codice è il ms. Chigiano latino H VI
181, della Biblioteca Vaticana; un codice segnalato dal Bertalot e
descritto accuratamente dal Lockwood e che, in omaggio al suo autore,
chiameremo R.28 Il Lockwood datava il codice al 1450, e riteneva che
Rinuccio lo avesse preparato a fini didattici, per il corso di retorica che

24 Per le due citazioni di Asconio Pediano, cfr. infra, App. II e note a-b. Nessuna cita-
zione da Asconio ho trovato nel commento alla Pro Milone, che si legge ai ff. 1 1 1-1 12v.
25 Cfr. Sabbadini, Le scoperte dei codici, II, 202-3. Il commento, frammentario, di
Asconio Pediano fu scoperto da Poggio a San Gallo, insieme con il testo integro delle
Institutiones di Quintiliano.
26 Per la lettera a Girolamo Gualdo, dell' 11 dicembre 1419, cfr. R. Sabbadini, Epi
stolario di Guarino Veronese, I, Miscellanea di storia veneta, s. Ill, 8 (Venezia, 1915),
p. 284, n° 179.
27 Cfr. Sabbadini, Storia e critica, pp. 20-21. Per un profilo biografico e una biblio
grafía aggiornata su Antonio Loschi, cfr. anche G. Gualdo, 'Antonio Loschi, segretario
apostolico (1406-1436)', Archivio storico italiano, 147 (1989), 749-69.
28 Cfr. ps. Cicerone, La retorica a Gaio Erennio, a cura di F. Cancelli, Centro di studi
Ciceroniani. Tutte le opere di Cicerone, 32 (Milano, 1992), pp. 73-77.
8 L. GUALDO ROSA

egli tenne in quell'anno all'università di Perugia.29 Ma sulla biografía

di Rinuccio Aretino siamo ancora troppo poco informati. Per ora ci
limiteremo ad analizzare il contenuto del manoscritto, per quello che ne
possiamo ricavare ai fini della ricostruzione del testo del «commenta-
riolum» barzizziano e della sua fortuna.
Rinuccio ha trascritto — con l'aiuto di alcuni segretari — le seguenti
venti orazioni ciceroniane: 1) de imperio Cn. Pompen; 2) pro Milone;
3) pro Marcello; 4) pro Plancio; 5) pro Quinctio; 6) pro Archia; 7) pro
Sulla; 8) pro Ligarío; 9) pro rege Deiotaro; 10) pro Cluentio; 11) pro
Cornelio; 12) pro Caelio; 13) pro Placco; 14) pro domo sua; 15) de
haruspicum responsis; 16) de provinciis consularibus; 17) ad Quirites,
pridie quam in exilium mitteretur; 18) post reditum ad Senatum; 19) post
reditum ad Quintes; 20) in Pisonem. Se si confronta questo elenco con
quello delle quindici orazioni presenti nel codice N, si vede che ben undici
orazioni coincidono. Eccole, nell'ordine in cui si leggono in N: 1) de
imperio Cn. Pompeii; 2) pro Milone; 3) in Pisonem; 6) pro Cornelio;
7) post reditum ad Senatum; 8) post reditum ad Quirites; 9) de haruspi
cum responsis; 10) de provinciis consularibus; 12) pro Caelio; 13) ad
Quirites pridie quam in exilium proficisceretur (spuria); 14) pro domo sua.
Vediamo ora l'elenco delle undici orazioni commentate retoricamente
dal Loschi nella sua Inquisitio; 1) pro imperio Cn. Pompeii; 2) pro
Milone; 3) pro Plancio; 4) pro Sulla; 5) pro Archia; 6) pro Marcello;
7) pro Ligarío; 8) pro rege Deiotaro; 9) pro Cluentio; 10) pro Quinc
tio; 1 1) pro Flacco.
Come si vede, Rinuccio ha trascritto (e annotato) due orazioni com
mentate sia dal Loschi che dal Barzizza, e precisamente quelle che
occupano in tutte e tre gli elenchi i primi due posti: la de imperio Cn.
Pompeii e la pro MHone; per il resto nel codice si leggono -— sia pure in
una disposizione diversa — prima le orazioni commentate dal Loschi,
poi quelle commentate a Padova dal Barzizza. Questo raffronto non è

29 Per il codice Chigi H VI 181, cfr. L. Bertalot, 'Zwölf Briefe des Ambrogio Traver-
sari', Römische Quartalschrift, 29 (1915), 91-106, ora in Id., Studien, I, 253, nota 2. Vedi
inoltre D. P. Lockwood, 'In domo Rinucii', in Classical and Medieval Studies in Honor
ofE.K. Rand (New York, 1938), pp. 179-85 e tav. I; S. Rizzo, Catalogo dei codici della
'Pro Cluentio' ciceroniana, Università di Genova. Pubblicazioni dell'Istituto di filologia
classica e medievale, 75 (Genova, 1983), pp. 132-3, n°122.
30 Cfr. Lockwood, 'In domo Rinucii', p. 183. Su Rinuccio da Castiglione Fiorentino,
più noto come Rinuccio Aretino, cfr. anche E. Berti, // 'Critone ' latino di Leonardo Bruni
e di Rinuccio Aretino, edizione critica a cura di E. Berti e A. Carosini, Accademia toscana
di scienze e lettere «La Colombaria», Studi, 62 (Firenze, 1983), pp. 39-42.
 PADOVA 1420: UN COMMENTO UNIVERSITARIO DI BARZIZZA 9

del tutto superfluo; perché, se si leggono le note marginali di Rinuccio,

ci si accorge che egli ha attinto sia al Loschi, sia — quando era possibile
— al Barzizza. La presenza del Loschi nelle note marginali di Rinuccio
era stata già rilevata dal Lockwood; il quale ovviamente non aveva
potuto parlare del commento del Barzizza, poiché egli scriveva in
un'epoca che a noi oggi appare preistorica, e cioè «ante Iter natum». Le
note di Rinuccio si distinguono in due tipi. All'inizio di ogni orazione
troviamo quasi sempre una lunga nota che riassume il contenuto del
discorso; questa nota deriva normalmente dal Loschi. Quando l'orazione
non è presente o&WInquisitio, manca anche la nota contenutistica. Alla
nota contenutistica tiene dietro una breve nota che riconduce l'orazione
al genere retorico di appartenenza e ne distingue le principali sezioni
retoriche, dalY exordium alla conclusio. Ebbene, questa glossa coincide
con gli appunti del codice N nei casi seguenti:
a) codice R, f. 1 Iv (pro Milone) = N, f. 11 r-v;
b) R, f. 102v, marg. inf. (pro Caelio) = N, f. 1 16 r-v;
c) R, f. 112v, marg. inf. (pro Cornelio) - N, f. 114;
d) R, f. 134, marg. inf. (pro domo sua) = N, f. 117;
e) R, f. 153v, marg. inf. (de haruspicum responsis) = N, f. 115;
f) R, f. 163, marg. sup. (de provinciis consularibus) = N, f. 116;
g) R, f. 173, marg. dextro (post reditum ad senatum) - N, f. 114v.
Probabilmente altre corrispondenze si potrebbero riscontrare, analiz-
zando le brevi note, tutte di tipo retorico, che si leggono ai margini di
ogni orazione in R, e che, anche quando non coincidono, sono assai
vicine agli appunti, dati ovviamente di seguito (in assenza del testo di
Cicerone, presente solo con brevi lemmi), nel codice N. Per ora, per
mostrare la stretta dipendenza di Rinuccio dal «commento» barzizziano,
diamo in appendice il testo delle note all'orazione in Pisonem, dando al
tempo stesso in apparato il testo di R.
Anche da queste brevi osservazioni, si ricava quale importanza abbia
avuto il Barzizza non certo come scopritore di testi o come inventore di un
nuova tecnica esegetica, ma come impareggiabile divulgatore e maestro di
quel ciceronianesimo retorico che tanta importanza avrà in Europa nei
secoli successivi. Ne dovrebbe derivare inoltre un invito allo studio sempre
più approfondito dei manoscritti contenenti opere del Barzizza e ancor più
di quelli che contengono classici latini da lui annotati ed emendati, il cui
censimento e il cui studio è un campo fertilissimo ancora tutto da dissodare.

Napoli, Istituto Universitario Orientale

10 L. GUALDO ROSA

APPENDICI

I. Descrizione del codice V B 35 della BN di Napoli

Cart. e membr., ss. XV in.-XVI ex. e s. XVIII; ff. I (cart. mod.) + I (membr.
mod.) + 220 (numeraz. recente a matita) + Г (cart. mod).
Codice composito, derivante dalla giustapposizione di 14 fascicoli, di for
mato, epoca, materiale diversi. Il curatore settecentesco (probabilmente un
bibliotecario del marchese di Sterlich), ha preposto al codice e a ciascun
fascicolo una tabula, in cui se ne descrive, in bella maiuscola epigrafica, il
contenuto.
Legatura del s. XVIII in pelle marrone, ornata a secco con cornice ed
elementi floreali. Il codice, proveniente dalla biblioteca privata del marchese
di Cermignano, Romualdo di Sterlich (cfr. f. 5: «Ex Museo Marchionis de Ster
lich») è stato restaurato a Grottaferrata nel 1973. Sul dorso, cartellino con la
collocazione attuale + impresso, in oro, «Opuscula varia selecta mss.»

I) Membr.; ff. 1-4: s. XVIII: maiuscola epigrafica; ff. 5-24: s. XV in.; scrittura
umanistica rotunda; mm. 230/160;
ff. 1-4: tabula dell'intero ms.; f. 4 r-v: tabula del fascicolo;
ff. 5-17: Constantiae Varaniae Epistolae, orationes et carmina;
ff. 17v-19: Baptiste de Malatestis ad Augustum Cesarem. Non solum tacita....;
f. 19 r-v: Illustris domine Baptiste de Malatestis ad beatissimum patrem
papam Martinum Colonensem navata ab ipsa Rome (litt. rubr.). <P>aveo
equidem, beatissime pater, nec mediocriter vereor...;
ff. 20-21v: Guarini Veronensis ad v. d. Anglum oratio. Constitui sepenumero
mecum, vir amplissime...; ff. 21v-24: Idem Guarinus ad Marchionem
Ferrarie. Nulla profecto, Leonelle princeps..

II) Cart.; mm. 220/160; ff. 25-26: s. XVIII, contenuto: ff. 27-40, s. XV 1/2
(1451); scrittura umanistica corsiva.
ff. 27-40: Isotae Nogarolae et Ludovici Fuscareni Epistolae de Evae et Adae
peccato. De re ipsa Silvestri Landi epistola ad eandem Isotam.

HI) Cart.; mm. 200/156; ff. 41-42, s. XVIII, contenuto: ff. 43-57v: s. XVex;
scrittura umanistica semilibraria, con elementi cancellereschi, e poi ten-
denza all'italica;
ff. 43-50: L. Bruni, Hypocr.;
ff. 51-57v: F. Petrarca a Niccolo Acciaioli. lam tandem, vir clarissime, perfi-
diam fides. . . ;
ff. 58-60: bianchi.
 PADOVA 1420: UN COMMENTO UNIVERSITARIO DI BARZIZZA 11

IV) Cart.; mm. 200/132; ff. 61-62: s. XVIII, contenuto: ff. 63-66v (antica
numeraz. ff. 15-18v): s. XV/2, umanistica assai corsiva;
ff. 63-64v: <B. Guarini>, De Methodo servanda in litterarii studii ratione,
mutila al principio;
ff. 64v-66v: tre lettere di Guarino.

V) Cart.; s. XVI in.; mm. 205/146; scrittura itaiica molto corsiva;

f. 67 r-v : Academiae Germanicae insigniores.

VI) Cart.; mm. 210/140; ff. 68-69, s. XVIII, contenuto;

ff. 70-85v, s. XVI: Anonimo, «Notae in Argonauticon C. Valerii Flacci
Setini Balbi», inc: Argonautarum expeditionem cognituris...;
ff. 86-89: bianchi;

VII) Cart.; mm. 200/155; ff. 90-91: s. XVIII, titolo;

ff. 92-103: s. XV/2: scrittura umanistica corsiva di due mani diverse, entrambe
della sec. metà del '400: «Schedae variae eruditae».

Vni) Cart.; mm. 220/147; ff. 107-108: s. XVIII, contenuto: «Gasparini Perga-
mensis viri eloquentissimi in Patavina Universitate professons, anno
1420, Argumenta in quindecim orationes M.Tullii Ciceronis a Laurentio
Bontio breviter collecta» ;
ff. 109-128: 1420, semigotica, probabilmente di mano del Bonzi; sec. Mirella
Ferrari, {'explicit è scritto da un copista di professione, mentre il resto degli
appunti rivela una mano inesperta che scrive in modo assai affrettato.
Fascicolo di 10 bifogli; filigrana: liocorno a figura intera, rampante, per
cui cfr. Briquet, nn. 9954-56; scritto solo nei ff. 1 10-1 18: Argumenta delle
segg. orazioni ciceroniane:
1) ff. 110-111: Manil.; 2) ff. lll-112v: Mil.; 3) ff. 112v-113: Pis.;4)f. 113 r-v:
leg. agr. /; 5) ff. 113v-114: leg. agr. II; 6) f. 114: Balb.; 7) f. 114v:
post red. in sen.; 8) ff. 1 14v-l 15: p. red. ad Quir.; 9) ff. 115-1 16: har.
resp.; 10) f.116: prov.; 11) f. 116: Vatin.; 12) f.116 r-v: Cael.; 13)
ff. 116V-117: exil. <ps. ciceroniana> 14) f. 117 r-v: dom.; 15) ff. 117v-
118: Sest.;
f. 118 <di altra manox «Expliciunt queda in utilissima argumenta super XV
orationibus M. Tullii Ciceronis, declarantia locos tocius artis ipsarum
orationum, per clarissimum virum Laurentium Bontium breviter collecta,
ex dictis Gasparini Pergamensis, viri eloquentissimi, dum easdem orationes
Padue legeret, anno D. N. J. C. MCCCC°XX°»;
12 L. GUALDO ROSA

IX) Cart.; mm. 210/160; ff. 129-130: s. XVIII, titolo;

ff. 131-142: s. XV 3/4; umanistica rotunda, forse di mano del Filelfo; lettera
del Filelfo a Bernardo Giustiniani, dat. Milano, id. sept. 1470: Accipienti
mihi arundinem. . . ;
ff. 142v-146: bianchi;
f. 146v: due distici: Rinoceros ego sum, vicini fontis adIndum;

X) Cart.; mm. 210/142; ff. 147-148: s. XVIII, titolo; ff. 149-160v: s. XV/1;
scrittura umanistica corsiva, con elementi arcaici;
L. Bruni, Bas., con dedica;

XI) Cart.; mm. 210/152; ff. 161-162: s. XVIII, titolo;

ff. 162-170v: s. XV 1/2, umanistica semilibraria, con iniziale miniata;
Xenophontis Comm. 21-34, trad, latina, a Carolo Patrensi ad illustrem virum D.
Alexandrum Gonzagam: Plato sapientissimus ille...;

XII) Membr.; mm. 200/130; ff. 171-172, s. XVIII, titolo;

ff. 173-180v: s. XV in., umanistica rotunda: Opusculum Ludovici Pisauri de
Amore, in volgare («Era il solemne giorno ad Venere dedichato...»);

XIII) Cart.; mm. 200/136; ff. 181-182, s. XVIII, contenuto;

ff. 183-206v: s. XVI 1/2, scrittura molto corsiva; l'inchiostro rende spesso il
testo illeggibile;
«Quinti Marii Corradi et Petri Perpiniani epistolae datae et acceptae»;

XIV) Cart.; mm. 200/150; ff. 207-208: s. XVIII, contenuto;

ff. 209-220v: s. XVI in., corsiva italica;
M. Antonii Sabellici, Libellus de causidici officio.

BIBLIOGRAFIA

Miola, Le scritture in volgare dei primi tre secoli della lingua ricercate nei
codici della Biblioteca Nazionale di Napoli, I (Bologna, 1878), pp. 21-22;
Kristeller, Iter, I, 413a; Mazzuconi, 'Stefano Fieschi', p. 266; Pigman III, 'Bar-
zizza's Studies', pp. 130-2.
«Molto più preziosi dell'oro». Codici di casa Barzizza alla Biblioteca Nazio
nale di Napoli. Catalogo a cura di Lucia Gualdo Rosa, Sergio Ingegno, Anna
Nunziata. Introduzione di Lucia Gualdo Rosa (Napoli, 1996).
 PADOVA 1420: UN COMMENTO UNIVERSITARIO DI BARZIZZA 13

11

N = Napoli, Biblioteca Nazionale. V В 35, ff. 12v-13

R = Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, ms. Chigi H VI 181, ff. 18W-196

Oracio in Lucio Pisonis <sic> cuius initium: «Iam vides belua».

Нес oratio est in genere demonstrativo, quia per totum agitur de sui laude et
Pisonis vituperacione. In quot partes orationis consumatur inventio, certa dari
ratio non potest, quia pars huius orationis deficit. Sed ponatur istud principium
pro fragmento quodam exordii. Narratio nulla est. Divisio, confutacio, confir-
5 macio pro nunc ponuntur locis signatis in textu. Similiter et conclusio.
De disposicione similiter, propter illud quod deest, nulla certa potest assignari
racio, licet, quantum apparet ex processu huius orationis, dici possit disposicio-
nem ex arte proficisci. De locucione, quantum ad figuram attinet, dicitur quod
oracio ista est in gravi figura.
10 In quo genere sit exordium, cum desit, dici non potest. Constitucio coniectu-
ralis est. Nam quid ego <1,3>: divisio per distribucionem et exposicionem.
miserum me <1,3>: prima pars divisionis confutata, dum de consolatu utriusque
primo parto, deinde gesto dicit. Sed omino: <2,4> in parte ista prosequitur
confutacionem, de gestis in consolatis. Perduellio <2,4>: est quedam species
15 actionis in qua actor, si que obiiciebat in reum non probabat, incurrebat in
qua<m> penam reus incidisset. Catulus <3,6> princeps senatorii ordinis Cice-
rone<m> parentem patrie appellavit. Exposui<i,l>: transsicio. Lanista <12,27>: a
lanio, -nis, id est carnifex, sed hic accipitur pro siccario et homicida, Ita admis-
sarius <28,69>: et emissarius est equus fortis, qui ad equas admittitur ad haben-
20 dam ex illo /sobolem. Populari illi: sic intelligendum est de Clodio: dicit
Asconius.a Lev indiciaria <39,94> lata fuit ab Aurelio; qua cavebatur quod ex
senatu, ex tribunis plebis, ex ordine equestri, ex deputatis erario, possint elegi
iudices: dicit Asconius.b Pu. Rutilio <39,95>: dum constans esset in tuenda
causa publicanorum, conspirantibus in eum inimicis, in exilium missus est.

1. quia> quod R 2. quot> quod N In...inventio> De inventione R 3. quia> quod R

3-4. Sed... exordii оm. R. 4-5. et conclusio post confirmatio add. R 5. ponuntur оm.
R Similiter et conclusio оm. R 6. deest> deficit R certa> ratio R 7-8. racio... profi
cisci оm. R 8. locucione> elocutione R quantum... attinet оm. R 9. oracio ista> hec
oratio R 10. In... potest оm. R 12. confuta> in <qua> confutat R dum оm. R
13. dicit оm. R in parte ista> 2.a pars divisionis in qua R 14. confutacionem оm. R
consolatis> consolatu R 15. probabat> comprobabat R 16. incidisset> invidisset N
Catulus> Catullus N 16-17. princeps... appellavit> quando et a quo parens patrie dictus
fuit Cicero R 17. transsicio оm. R 19. admittitur> mictitur R 20. ex> qum N
sobolem> sobolum N intelligendum est> id est R ut ante dicit add. R 21. Aurelk»
eurelia N eurelio cocta pretore R qua> prime N 22. quod> quo R senatu> stratu N
23. elegi> eligi R 23-25. post Asconius оm. R
a Asc. In Pis. 15, ed. Clark, p. 16, 20-22.
ь Asc. In Pis. 15, ibid., p. 17.
 Alfonso Traína

I VERSI LATINI DI GREGORIO CORRER.

CONTRIBUTI A UN'EDIZIONE CRITICA

1. L'edizione critica è quella, recentissima, a cura di A. Onorato:

Gregorio Correr, Opere, I (Messina, 1994). 1 I contributi riguardano il
Liber Satyrarum e i Carmina, con esclusione della tragedia Progne
(pp. 159-2 18) sia perché la sua estensione (1060 versi) avrebbe richiesto
troppo tempo e spazio, sia perché, essendo l'opera più nota e riuscita
del Correr, ha suscitato maggiore interesse degli studiosi. Sono tutti
lavori giovanili, composti entro il 1431 (il Correr era nato a Venezia nel
1409), tranne gli epitaffí per il Niccoli del 1437, e delle opere giovanili
hanno l'acerbo sapore. Come, mutatis mutandis, le satire di Persio, uno
dei suoi modelli, il giovane neofita stoico ancora imbevuto delle lezioni
di Anneo Cornuto, come lo era il Correr di quelle di Vittorino da
Feltre. E certo più Persio che Orazio, per quel che attiene alle Satyrae
— sei quanto quelle di Persio — ricorda il suo latino spesso arduo e
faticoso, proprio il contrario di quelle qualità che, con benigna litote,
attribuiva ai suoi versi V. Cian: «non privi di eleganza e di scioltezza»2
(più fluida Vimitatio virgiliana di alcuni Carmina). L'edizione
dell'Onorato, che si raccomanda per l'accurato studio della tradizione
manoscritta e dell' ambiente storico-culturale, e si basa soprattutto su
M, un codice Marciano autografo del Correr, manca purtroppo di una
traduzione, che ci aiuti a dipanare questo contorto ed ellittico latino.3
Per comprendere come e cosa abbia inteso l'editore non ci resta che
affidarci alla sua interpunzione. Ma proprio questa ci ha suscitato
le maggiori perplessità, segnando sotto questo profilo piuttosto un

1 Data di stampa nel recto dell'ultima pagina: la data del Copyright nel verso del
frontespizio è 1991. Il II volume (1994) contiene le opere in prosa.
2 La satira. Dal Medioevo al Pontano (Milano, 1923), p. 424.
3 Un solo esempio. Sat. 1, 6-7 (il poeta parla dei suoi puerilia): «Tempus curaeque
tulerunt / omnia, sermone hoc, quo me garrire fatebor.» La valenza sintattica di sermone
hoc è chiarita solo dalla chiosa autografa excepto (R. Sabbadini, che non ne disponeva,
manifestö il suo imbarazzo esegetico chiosando quo con (quod?): cfr. 'Briciole umani-
stiche', Giornale storico della letteratura italiana. Ab (1905), 65-69, dove riporta due
epitaffi e i vv. 1-20 della I satira).
 I VERSI LATINI DI GREGORIO CORRER 15

regresse» rispetto alle poche e non critiche edizioni precedenti,4 come

avremo occasione di constatare.

2.- Sat. 1, 115-21: Tali Lucillius olim

carmine narratur populum carpsisse viritim,
siquis erat pravi possessor nominis, ut nunc
Franchinus Rabia, nostro qui munere vivet;
siquid res nostrae possunt sperare favoris,
compluresque alii, quos nunc fortuna superbos 120
et tutos facit a nostris sermonibus esse.
Alla fine del v. 118, dopo vivet, sostituire la virgola al punto e
virgola, che spezza la coordinazione fra qui vivet e complures
que alii (cosí anche Berrigan).

- Sat. 2, 44-45: Siquis avariciam dicat deus, en ego tollo,

comineas versus?
Il verso rischia di essere incomprensibile se non si virgolettano
«avariciam» ed «en ego tollo» come parole del deus: «Tolgo
di mezzo l'avarizia» («en ego tollo», lacerto ovidiano, am. 3, 2,
26, come annota l'editore, ma qui in senso translate incrociato
con Hor. serm. 1, 1, 15: «Siquis deus: 'En ego' dicat», sfuggito
all'editore).5 Lo conferma serm. 4,31-32:» Siquis deus, en ego
tollo / uno omnis, illum demens se dixerit», da interpretarsi:

4 Ho consultato, seguendo la bibliografía dell'Onorato (p. 105-6, cui perö è sfuggita

la II satira tradotta dal Moschini): J. R. Berrigan, 'Gregorii Corrarii Liber Satyrarum',
Humanistica Lovaniensia, 22 (1973), 10-38; 'Sermone latino di G. Corraro ora per la
prima volta pubblicato con la traduzione italiana di G. Moschini' (satira II), in Componi-
menti di varj autori pubblicati nelle nozze Comello-Papadopuli (Venezia, 1821), pp. 101-
113; Della importanza difuggire le colpe leggiere. Sermone di G. Corraro pubblicato e
tradotto per la prima volta da G. Moschini nelle nozze Gradenigo-Dolfin (satira III)
(Venezia, 1809); La buona condona della vita puù solo tenere in freno le lingue del
volgo. Sermone di G. Corraro pubblicato e tradotto per la prima volta da G. Moschini
nelle nozze Da Mula-Lavagnoli (satira V) (Venezia, 1809); 'Gregorii Corrarii Veneti
Ad Andream fratrem Quomodo educari et erudiri debeant pueri (carme II)', in С. De'
Rosmini, Idea dell'ottimo precettore nella vita di Vittorino da Feltre e dei suoi discepoli
(Bassano, 1801), pp. 477-87; Dell'edutare la prole. Poemetto latino di G. Corraro
patrizio veneto volgarizzato per la prima volta e dato in luce da G. Moschini nelle
nozze Brozolo Milizia-Buzzacarini (Venezia, 1804); E. Garin, 'Il poema pedagogico di
G. Correr', in // pensiero pedagogico dello Umanesimo (Firenze, 1958), pp. 706-13;
Gregorii Corrarii Hymnus ad pueros et virgines Martino V P.M. dicatus, nunc primum
editus (a V. Lazari) (Venetiis, 1853).
5 II Moschini traduce bene; il Berrigan tradisce la sua perplessità interpungendo:
«Si quis avariciam dicat deus, en ego tollo... / Comineas versus?»
16 A. TRAINA

«Se un dio (dicesse): Tolgo di mezzo tutti (tranne)6 uno', quel

pazzo (di Rabia) direbbe che quello è lui».
- Sat. 2, 49-5 1 : redde fidem, ius fasque animis et tempora prima,
cum tecto augusto cernebat curia patres
intonsos. Ego vel satyram depono libenter.
Dopo «intonsos» metterei due punti: si traita di un periodo
ipotetico paratattico, di cui la protasi è «redde» e l'apodosi
«depono»: «restituisci..., e io depongo».
- 5a/. 2, 59-61: Non scribo hoc tabulis atque omni figo superne
quadrivio? Ut cuncti videant pueri atque puellae
a furno aut puteo redeuntes.
Il punto interrogativo va spostato dopo «redeuntes», essendo
«ut... videant» una finale dipendente da «scribo» (cosí anche
Berrigan; Moschini interpunge come l'Onorato ma traduce
bene).
- Sat. 2, 64-66: Fama gaudes; dispulverer hoc si
de quoquam, postquam nullus non vicus in urbe est
qui sciat. Illudo membranis.
Il senso mi pare: «Devo essere polverizzato («dispulverer»)7, se
scrivo («illudo membranis») di uno cio che sanno tutti?». Allora
virgola e non punto tra «sciat» e «illudo».
- Sat. 2, 83-84: Quisquis es, hoc laudo et conor ne ludibrio sim.
Qui luscus, lusce, dicam.
«Qui dicam» è relativa causale dipendente da «ne ludibrio sim»,
dopo il quale andrà virgola e non punto. «Lusce», vocativo, va
virgolettato.8

6 Chiosa autografa: excepto, come in Sat. 1, 6 (vd. n. 3). Anche qui il Berrigan non ha
inteso bene, staccando la protasi dall'apodosi.
7 Hapax neviano (com. 54 Ribb3.), che il Correr attingeva a Nonio (p. 135 Lindsay),
ma in senso figurate Non lo ha compreso il Moschini, traducendo: «Eh! si che chiaro
andrai ove tu giunga / con le satire tue a rovinarmi».
8 «Luscë» (da Pers. 1, 128) è errore prosodico non rilevato: vd. infra, §4. L'assenza
di virgolette che scandiscano il dialogo — o il monologo — è purtroppo frequente e
complica la decifrazione del testo. Ecco alcune proposte di restituzione. Sat. 3, 27:
'Hic melius'; 6, 9-13: «'O here... sine rugis'». «'At... obiurges'»; 6, 95: l'ultimo verso,
che «conclude [la satira], come in Hor. serm. 2, 7, con l'intervento del poeta che pone
fine al monologo di Davo» (p. 256). Viceversa in Sat. 4, 55: «Iratus clamet Phalaris:
'Non vincula, nec mors / terrorem obiicient sapienti'», depennare le virgolette prima
di non, che introduce non le parole di Falaride, ma l'apodosi paratattica di cui «clamet»
è la protasi. Sintagma frequente nel Correr, non sempre coito dall 'editare (vd. supra,
Sat. 49-51).
 I VERSI LATINI DI GREGORIO CORRER 17

- Sat. 4, 5-6: Quorsum haec? Si tot tibi fasces

librorum mortis nequeunt evellere curas?
Dopo haec virgola e non punto interrogativo (cosí Berrigan).
- Sat. 4, 22: At sentis: animi sibimet divellere non quit.
«Sentis» non è verbo, ma sostantivo, accusativo plurale di «sen
tis», sinonimo di «spinas» che il Correr ricordava da Hor. epist. 1,
14, 4-5: «certemus, spinas animone ego fortius an tu / evellas
agro?» Il Berrigan tacitamente corregge «sentis» in «sontis».
- Sat. 4, 103-5: Eia, sine morbis
do senium, quale in nostris proavis fuit olim!
Multa videnda manenti in longa aetate.9
Dopo «olim» due punti: anche a chi ha una vecchiaia senza
malanni tocca vedere molte cose che non vorrebbe.
- Sat. 4, 129: il testo è troppo lungo per essere trascritto, coinvol-
gendo i vv. 125-33, che costituiscono un unico periodo ipotetico,
la cui protasi si snoda attraverso quattro coordinate (vv.127-
130): «si sorbeat. . ., nolit. . ., dormiat. . ., provocet. . . ». Va dunque
sostituito con la virgola il punto che spezza il v. 129.
- Sat. 4, 1 82-5 : Compilasse putes ne me quod Testa solebat,
scilicet oblitum finis garrire diu iam,
vir bonus et prudens iussus decedere vita
tamquam depositum reddet.
I casi sono due: о «ne» è l'enclitica interrogativa («-ne»), come
sembra intendere l'editore segnalando in nota l'arbitrario allun-
gamento, e allora si dovrà porre punto interrogativo dopo «iam»,
e iniziare un nuovo periodo con «Vir bonus» (come Berrigan,
che legge «putesne» ma contraddittoriamente segna punto fermo
dopo «solebat»); о «ne» nega «putes», e allora la punteggiatura
è corretta, ma scorretta la nota prosodica. Nonostante l'anormale
collocatio verborum, terrei per la seconda ipotesi, considerando
che qui si avrebbe un rarissimo allungamento in tesi (cfr. Intro-
duzione, p. 157), che altrove la quantità di «-ne», quando sia
riconoscibile, è sempre breve (Sat. 3, 50; 6, 86; Carm. 2,61)10,

9 Per gli ipotesti di questo verso vd. infra, §6.

10 Resta il caso (non segnalato) di Sat. App. 35-37: «Non tulit hic notum quendam
de gente fogata / clamantem: 'quis ne cruce dignior, aut miser aeque / usquam hominum
in terris?», dove «ne» non puö essere né particella interrogativa allungata (dopo un
pronome interrogativo), né negativa (in assenza di un congiuntivo), né affermativa
(«davvero», in assenza di un pronome successivo). Correggere «te»?
18 A. TRAINA

e che il modo atteso con l' interrogativa è l' indicativo (cfr. Sat.
4,87 e Ног. serm. 1, 2, 77; 2, 3, 302), mentre «ne putes» si ha
nel modello oraziano (sfuggito all'editore) di serm. 1, 1, 121-22:
«ne me Crispini scrinia lippi / compilasse putes».
- Sat. 5, 76-9: Quid ad te
quod latret canis ad postes? Cum nolis" aperta
deportare domo, si possis, quippiam et horres
alternas tetigisse aliquid?
Anche qui si tratta di un unico periodo interrogativo, che richiede
un solo punto interrogativo finale12 (cosí Berrigan).
- Carm. 1, 7-8: Crudelis puer ille, quidem crudelior illo
duras amor.
Spostare la virgola dopo «quidem», che determina il lessema
precedente e non il seguente («ille quidem» è nesso paradigma-
tico: nove occorrenze in Virgilio).
- Carm. 2, 103-4: Non ita quod pueri libeat, caedantur adulti
supplicio servili.
Togliere la virgola tra «libeat» e «caedantur», e intendere: «non
ita libeat quod pueri adulti caedantur» (anche stavolta Moschini
interpunge male e traduce bene).
- Carm. 2, 227-8: Ergo illis foris13 imperium gentesque subactae
iura domi et mores, rebusque experta iuventus.
Virgola alla fine del v. 227, dopo «subiectae» (contrasto tra
«foris» e «domi»; cosi anche Moschini).
- Carm. 3, 41-52: è un unico periodo di tre strofe, va quindi
depennato il punto alla fine della seconda strofa (v. 48), che
separerebbe la subordinata («si... auxit») dalla principale
(«Seras in caelum redeat»), e sostituito con la virgola (o al mas-
simo col punto e virgola, come Lazari).
- Carm. 6, 5-6: Ecquid ubi aspicies Nicolai nomina, lector,
deesse viro, laudes forte querere suas?
Non ha senso la virgola fra il dativo «viro» e l'accusativo
«laudes», entrambi determinativi di «deesse».

" Per nolis vd. infra, §4.

12 Cosi anche in Carm. 2, 105-8: «Quid enim, cum iurgia temnat, / et semel e
nudo deiecerit ore ruborem, / horrescat? Suetus flagris ut pessima quaeque / man-
cipia?», dove Moschini, De' Rosmini e Garin concordemente virgolano dopo «hor
rescat».
13 Per la prosodia vd. infra, §4.
 I VERSI LATINI DI GREGORIO CORRER 19

3. In altri casi non basta correggere l'interpunzione, bisogna correg-

gere il testo per renderlo intelleggibile. Un esempio lo abbiamo già visto
in Sat. App. 36 (vd. n. 10). Emblematico è Sat. App. 47-52:
Fiat adulter
quivis, me nitidi facies scorti tenet, haec si
coeperit emungi, sive haec male tu sciet heus tu
quaere alium, mulier, patronum, quando et enim scis
inter nos olim convenerat et iubet hoc lex :
quae placet accedat, quae non placet exeat.
Stampare un testo che affianca un pronome di seconda persona a un
verbo di terza («tu sciet»), è una sfída non solo alla filologia, ma al
buon senso. Il senso si ricupera recuperando gli ipotesti (Hor. serm. 2, 5,
107: «male tussiet»; luv. 6, 147: «iam gravis es nobis et saepe emungeris,
exi»; Phaedr. app. 3, 15: «[meretrix] emungere se volens»), e dunque
correggendo e interpungendo il v. 49: «sive haec male tussiet: 'Heus
tu ...'». Il poeta, seguendo un vecchio precetto plautino (Curc. 37-8) e
oraziano (serm. 1, 2, 28 sgg. e 116 sgg.) preferisce alla moglie altrui la
«meretrix», che si puö licenziare ai primi sgradevoli sintomi di malattia
(soffiarsi il naso e tossire).
Sicuro direi l'emendamento anche in Sat. 3, 31 : «relligio nummorum
et porrecta sacculus arca», dove l'ametrico «nummorum», non rilevato
dall'editore (e nemmeno da Berrigan), appare normalizzazione e bana-
lizzazione di «nummum» (presente per esempio in Hor. epist. 2, 2, 31).
In Sat. 4, 180-1 : «formidat mortem nimirum conscius actae / nequiciae
vitae», «nequiciae» puö intendersi come genitivo retto da «conscius» e
reggente «actae vitae», ma la costruzione sintattica si semplificherebbe
col semplice emendamento «nequicia» (l'errore si dovrebbe a perseve-
razione desinenziale). Incerto sarei anche per Sat. 5, 91 : «Nam [vulgus]
ferit interdum vanis rumoribus auras». Trattandosi di chiacchiere della
gente, ci attenderemmo «aures», paradigmatico nel nesso «aures ferire»
(cfr. Thes. ling. Lat. s.v., 513,30 sgg., che non registra esempi di «auras
ferire»)14, tanto più che identica clausola ricorre in Paolino da Ñola
(carm. 26, 30, citato dal Thesaurus): «quamvis... fama... pavidas feriat
rumoribus aures», e in altri poeti tardolatini.15
Un caso particolare è Sat. 4, 79-81: «iussit / ad lectum gemmas,
aurum deferier atque / argentum». L'inesistente e comunque ametrico

14 Caso mai di «aethera ferire», ma con «clamor» (Verg. Aen. 5, 140).

15 Cfr. O. Schumann, Lateinisches Hexameter-Lexikon (München, 1981), IV, 541.
20 A. TRAINA

«deferier» è lezione di M (conservata anche da Berrigan) e degli altri

codici tranne Vc, un veneziano «rivisto, corretto e postillato dal Correr»
(p.113), che ha «deferrier», cioè l'atteso infinito passivo di «defero»
con desinenza arcaizzante. Quello che l'Onorato prende per un «banale
lapsus calami» (p. 132) mi sembra legittima correzione d'autore.

4. La prosodia del Correr è spesso scorretta e incoerente (tipica

la compresenza in Sat. 4, 87: «aègrotare putas morbo? Est ne hic inter
ëgrotos»), e l'editore non manca di segnalarlo in nota. Ma non sempre.
Gli sono sfuggiti «at ego» in Sat. 1, 74 (segnalato invece «ät autumnus»
in Sat. 1, 18); «offendïs? Homo» in Sat. 2, 8; «luscë, dicam», in Sat. 2,
84; «mancïpia» in Sat. 3, 103; «praeceptör hic» in Sat. 3, 108; «laterïs
et» in Sat. 4, 138; «renuë, remque» in Sat. 5,43; «nolis aperta» in Sat.
5,77; «fastidïs, lolla» in Carm. 1, 68 (ma qui la mancata segnalazione
è dovuta all'errata scansione, vd. infra); «forîs aequora» in Carm. 2, 214
(ma segnalato «forîs imperium», ibid. 227). In compenso, «rabié», segna
lato come scorretto in nota a Carm. 3, 51, ha la regolare desinenza
in -«ë» dei temi in «-ë-».
Lo statuto di queste anomalie non è omogeneo. Nella maggior parte
dei casi si tratta di allungamento in arsi davanti a cesura (generalmente
semiquinaria), praticato dalla poesia classica, sia pure in minor misura,
e frequente nei poeti mediolatini. E si noti che fra i lessemi soggetti a
productia, «laterïs» e «renuë» evitano il tribraco. «Mancïpia» rientra
nella categoria dei quadri- e pentasillabi manipolati, già nella poesia
tardoantica, per farli entrare nell'esametro.16 Quanto agli abbreviamenti,
«nolis» e «fastidïs» sono analogici della terza persona in «-ït», cfr.
Verg. ecl. 2, 73: «sic te hic fastidit, Alexin», che è il modello, sfuggito
all'editore, del nostro verso. «Forîs» ha precedenti in Venanzio Fortu
nato (cfr. Thes. ling. Lat. s.v., 440, 26 sg.).
Della metrica del Correr l'Onorato parla a p. 157, notando con sorpresa
la frequenza di esametri spondaici (sette) nel carme 1, contro l'unica
occorrenza, per altro denunziata dalla chiosa dello stesso Correr, nella
restante poesia esametrica. In realtà, si tratta di esametri normali, dove
l'antroponimo in clausola, di ascendenza virgiliana (ecl. 2, 57; 3, 76 e 79),
«lollas», è evidentemente scandito dall'editore come bisillabo anzicché
come trisillabo («1ollas», greco ЧоÀАас). E questo gli ha impedito

16 Cfr. i miei Poeti latini (e neolatini), II (Bologna, 19912), pp. 168 e 183; III (Bologna,
1989), p. 216. La retta prosodia di «mancipia» in Sai. 2, 108, citato nella n. 12.
 I VERSI LATINI DI GREGORIO CORRER 21

anche di notare lo iato prosodico di Carm. 1, 78: «Te Lycidäs, ö tollas»,

esemplato su Verg. ecl. 2, 65: «te Corydon, o Alexi» (manca anche
questo riscontro).

5. Non è mia intenzione occuparmi del latino del Correr, che non
sembra discostarsi dai parametri, morfologici e sintattici, del latino
umanistico. Vorrei solo fare qualche precisazione a quanto dice l'Ono-
rato a proposito dei neologismi (p. 156). Nelle Satyrae e nei Carmina
l'Onorato ne individua tre: due legittimi, «boreat», denominativo di
«Boreas» (Sat. 6,39), e «rusor», chiosato «fenerator» in F (Sat. 5,30
sg.)17, entrambi assenti nei più autorevoli lessici mediolatini (per il
secondo penserei a un dialettismo, data l'esistenza in area veneta di un
verbo «rus(s)are» = «grattare», fecondo di esiti metaforici).18 Il terzo,
illegittimo, «l'avverbio 'amplustre' », senza riscontro nel tardo- e
mediolatino, che conosce solo, come il latino classico, «il sostantivo
'amplustre, gubernaculum navis' ». Appunto: «amplustre» è sostantivo
e non avverbio in Carm. 2, 220: «amplustre aut tabulas ereptaque rostra
carinis», accusativo come «tabulas» e «rostra» (Moschini non lo traduce;
De' Rosmini e Garin stampano «amplustrum»).
Mancano all'appello «briacus» ed «effossor». Il primo (Sat. 4, 38:
«ut satur e mensa briacus conviva solebat [decedere]»), da scandirsi o
«briäcus» o «brjäcus», sarà un italianismo («briaco» è attestato sin dal
XIII secolo), aferesi del latino volgare e tardo «ebriäcus» (cfr. Non.
p. 154 Linds.: «ebriacus, ebrius»). Il Berrigan, evidentemente non
italofono, lo spiega con una non del tutto improbabile tmesi: «e- mensa
-briacus». «Effossor» (Carm. 2, 166) è un neologismo solo rispetto al latino
antico, ma non una neoformazione (quali appaiono «boreat» e «rusor»),
essendo attestato in Francia nel IX secolo19, e d'altronde potenzialmente
vivo nell'equazione paradigmatica «fodio: fossor = effodio: x».

6. E meritoria fatica dell'editore avere raccolto in un apposito appa-

rato i tanti rinvii ai modelli classici. Meritoria anche perché l'iden-
tificazione dell'ipotesto è spesso utile, se non addirittura necessaria

17 II Berrigan. che fonda la sua edizione su M, annota: «what does the word mean?»;
il Moschini inventa la traduzione: «Chi tocca pece, è certo se n'imbratta, / Sebben cauto
la tratti e la maneggi».
18 Grande Dizionario della lingua italiana, s.v. Nel friulano il derivato «russambrs»
significa «ozioso, perdigiorno» (II Nuovo Pirone. Vocabolario friulano (Udine, 1972)).
19 A. Blaise, Dictionnaire latin-français des auteurs du Moyen-Age (Turnholti, 1975), s.v.
22 A. TRAINA

all'esegesi, come si è avuta più volte occasione di constatare nel corso

della nostra ricerca.20 Le fitte liste dell'editore non esauriscono, né lo
potrebbero, i debiti del Correr. Qualche integrazione l'abbiamo già
fatta. Eccone alcune altre, che in parte confermano, in parte ampliano il
regesto degli auctores utilizzati dal Correr.
Sat. 1, 99-100: «Atqui decet esse pudicum / scriptorem, versus nil est
opus»: cfr. Catull. 16, 5-6. Sat. 2, 1: «Sunt quibus infestus videar
nimiumque protervus»: cfr. Hor. serm. 2, 1, 1. Sat. 2, 62: «Ohe» in clau
sola e seguito da enjambement viene da Hor. serm. 1, 5, 12. Sat. 3, 109:
«Lavare un etiope» per designare un'azione inutile è locuzione prover
biale bene attestata in greco, ma presente anche nella Vulgata (1er. 13,
23) e in Girolamo.21 Sat. 4, 105: «Multa videnda manenti in longa
aetate»: l'editore rimanda a «longa aetate» di Hor. serm. 1, 4, 132 e Ov.
fast. 4, 831, dove la iunctura è al nominativo, ma il sintagma e il ritmo
metrico-verbale ricalcano Catull. 76, 5: «multa parata manent in longa
aetate». Nella cornice catulliana il Correr ha incastonato un'amara mas-
sima di Cecilio Stazio (173 sgg. Ribb3.) riportata da Cicerone (Cato 25):
«edepol. senectus, si nil quicquam aliud viti / adportes tecum, cum adve
nis, unum id sat est, / quod diu vivendo multa quae non volt videt».
Sat. 4, 118: la clausola «totus in illos» è parechesi di Hor. serm. 1, 9, 2:
«totus in illis». Sat. 4, 120: «dira libido» è iunctura più antica di Pers.
3,36, risalendo a Lucr. 4, 1046.22 Sat. 6, 39: «sum Davus»: cfr. Ter.
Andr. 194: «Davos sum, non Oedipus» (passato in proverbio). Carm. 1,
45-47: l'anafora di «ambo» per qualificare cio che accomuna i due
pastori-cantori viene da Verg. ecl. 7, 4 (cfr. anche 5, 1-2). Carm. 1, 85:
«scythicas durare pruinas» sarà anche clausola lucanea (4, 59), ma
l'etnico viene da Floro, 4 Bl.: «Scythicas pati pruinas», un frammento
poetico che il Correr poteva leggere nella Historia Augusta (Spart. Hadr.
16, 3). Carm. 1, 91: «Ha Lycida, Lycida, quae te dementia coepit!»:
cfr. per l'analogia formale e referenziale Verg. ecl. 2, 69: «A Corydon,
Corydon, quae te dementia cepit!». Carm. 2, 5: i «tedia» portati alla
gestante dai «longi menses» sono una variatio lessicale di Verg. ecl. 4,
61: «matri longa decem tulerunt fastidia menses». Carm. 2, 44: l'inci-
pitario «Contemplator» evoca il tono didascalico di Verg. georg. 1, 187.

20 Aggiungerei Sat. 6, 58: «leva feriente mamilla», in riferimento a luv. 7, 159, e

Carm. 2, 104-5: «quod, si tempora mutes, / convenit iniuria», in riferimento a Quint, inst.
1,3, 14.
21 Cfr. R. Tosi, Dizionario delle sememe latine e greche (Milano, 199410), p. 205.
22 Ne ho tracciato la storia in Poeti latini, II, 1 1 sgg.
 I VERSI LATINI DI GREGORIO CORRER 23

Carm. 2, 268: «iungantur delphines equis» varia ed esaspera (per la

radicale diversità degli habitat) Yadynaton di Verg. ecl. 8, 27: «iungan
tur iam grypes equis», mentre i delfini provengono da un altro quadro
di «mondo alla rovescia», Ног. ars 30: «delphinum silvis appingit,
fluctibus aprum». Siamo ai limiti del centone.

7. Più volte l'Onorato cita, ma sempre indirettamente (pp. 65, 77, 79),
il giudizio del Bembo sulte opere del Correr, in una lettera ad Angelo
Gabriele del 1527, più di sessant'anni dopo la sua morte. Val la pena di
trascrivere il passo: «Ovvi risposto assai tardo percio che io ho voluto
fornir di veder le cose del vostro Corraro, gentil poeta e molto da bene e
santo uomo. Le quali vi mando corrette dove ho creduto che faccia uopo,
seconde che ho saputo il meglio. La Tragedia è bella, e molto belle le
Satyre. Altro de' suoi poemi poco mi piace. Ma sopra tutto non lascerei
uscir fuori quelli Epigrammi, i quali tutti meritano le tenebre, se pure
non si dovesse avere alcun risguardo al primiero. Le prose sono da
buono ecclesiastico e religioso. Tuttavia hanno delle cose che mancano
nella latinità: le quali a voler correggere sarebbe più tosto un por la falce
neU'altrui biada».23 È un testo interessante, non tanto per il vario e
anche troppo benevolo giudizio (almeno per le Satyrae), quanto per la
preziosa notizia di un esemplare corretto di mano del Bembo, che di
latino e di prosodia latina s'intendeva certo più del giovane Correr
(come salta agli occhi scorrendo i suoi limpidi Carmina). E reperibile
questo esemplare, o si sono fatte ricerche per reperirlo?24

Università degli Studi di Bologna

Dipartimento di Filologia Classica e Medievale
via Zamboni 32-34
1-40 126 Bologna

23 P. Bembo, Lettere, edizione critica a cura di E. Travi, II (Bologna, 1990), pp. 471-2
(ma nell'Indice dei nomi, p. 588, l'editore ha scambiato Gregorio Correr con lo zio
Antonio).
24 Devo a Roberta Strati il reperimento della bibliografía esistente nelle biblioteche di
Padova e preziosi suggerimenti esegetici.
 Jan OBERG

VOM HUMANISMUS ZUM TRADITIONALISMUS.

DIE EINWIRKUNG DER POLITISCHEN,
GESELLSCHAFTLICHEN UND KIRCHLICHEN VERHÄLTNISSE
AUF DAS KULTURLEBEN IN SCHWEDEN AM BEISPIEL
VON KORT ROGGE (UM 1420-1501)

1. HINTERGRÜNDE UND VORAUSSETZUNGEN1

Im 9. Jahrhundert fanden Missionare aus dem Erzbistum Hamburg-

Bremen ihren Weg nach Schweden. So schildert Rimbert in seiner
Vita Anskarii, wie Mitte dieses Jahrhunderts Ansgar den internationalen
Handelsplatz im Reiche der Svear, Birka (Birca), und ihren König Björn
(Bero) besuchte, um dort eine christliche Gemeinde zu errichten. Die
Ansgarmission hatte indessen wenig Erfolg. Die wirkliche Christianisie
rung Schwedens war ein langsamer Vorgang — erst im 1 1 . Jahrhundert
ging die Wikingerzeit zu Ende und begann das Christentum in diesen
entlegenen Teilen Europas festen FUSS zu fassen. Noch um 1075 beschreibt
jedoch Adam von Bremen in seinen Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesie
pontificum den weitberühmten Tempel zu Uppsala, den Mittelpunkt der
heidnischen Götterverehrung, und die hier ausgeübten Riten. Als der
Tempel um 1090 abgerissen wurde, waren soeben die ersten päpstlichen

1 Allgemeine Handbücher und Nachschlagewerke mit Bibliographien sind I. Andersson,

Schwedische Geschichte. Von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart (München, 1950); J. Rosén,
Svensk historia I (2. Aufl., Stockholm, 1964); Kulturhistoriskt lexikon for nordisk
medeltid (Malmö, 1956-1978), u.a. die Artikel Diplomsprak, Latin, Latinsk litteratur,
Missionsverksamhet, Rimofficium, Trosskiftet; C. I. Stähle, 'Medeltidens profana littera
tur', B. Klockars, 'Medeltidens religiösa litteratur', und S. Lindroth, 'Reformation och
humanism', in Ny illustrerad svensk litteraturhistoria I (2. Aufl., Stockholm, 1967);
S. Lindroth, Svensk lärdomshistoria I. Medeltiden, Reformationstiden (Stockholm, 1975);
H. Aili, 'Sweden', in A History of Nordic Neo-Latin Literature, ed. M. Skafte Jensen
(Kopenhagen, 1995), Ss. 129-58; vgl. J. Öberg, 'Medieval and Neo-Latin Studies in 20th
century Scandinavia', in La Filologia Medievale e Umanistica Greca e Latina nei secolo
XX. Atti del Congresso Internazionale Roma, Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche, Uni-
versità La Sapienza, 11-15 dicembre 1989, 2 Bde (Rom, 1993), II, 997-1008 — Wichtige
antike, mittelalterliche und frühhumanistische Quellen zur Geschichte Schwedens sind
gesammelt in J. Svennung, Fran senantik och medeltid, I-II (Lund, 1963); Röster fron
svensk medeltid, ed. H. Aili, O. Ferm, H. Gustavson (Stockholm, 1990).
 VOM HUMANISMUS ZUM TRADITIONALISMUS 25

Schreiben bei dem schwedischen König angekommen. Die neue Religion

brachte das lateinische Alphabet mit sich, das in den meisten Belangen
die Runen ersetzte,2 und zugleich auch das Latein als die Sprache der
christlichen Liturgie. Erweiterte Kenntnisse des Lateinischen erwiesen
sich nach Errichtung der dem Papsttum direkt unterstellten Bistümern
notwendig, um ein adäquates Verständigungsmittel für Kontakte mit der
Kurie und den übrigen christlichen Ländern zu erhalten. Die Kulturent
wicklung ging in dem christianisierten Schweden langsam vor sich, auch
im Vergleich zum Nachbarland Dänemark.
In der Geschichte der mittellateinischen (und auch altschwedischen)
Literatur unseres Heimatlandes fällt die Blütezeit einigermassen in
die zweite Hälfte des 13. und vor allem in das ganze 14. Jahrhundert.
Beachtenswerte Namen sind z.B. der Dominikaner Petrus de Dacia
(nach 1230-1289), der seinen Ruhm auf ein der ekstatischen deutschen
Bauerntochter Christina von Stommeln gewidmetes Gedicht mit beige
fügtem theologisch-philosophischem Kommentar und auf seinen Brief
wechsel mit derselben Begine gegründet hat, sowie Brynolphus Algoti
(Brynolf Algotsson; um 1240-1317), Bischof von Skara und liturgi
scher Dichter.3 Im 14. Jahrhundert liegt der literarische Schwerpunkt
auf der heiligen Birgitta (1304-1373), ihren Revelaciones4 und ver
schiedenen birgittinischen Texten wie den ihr zu Ehren verfassten
Reimoffizien vom Erzbischof Birgerus Gregorii (Birger Gregersson;
um 1327-1383)5 und dem Linköpinger Bischof Nicolaus Hermanni
(Nils Hermansson; um 1 326- 1 39 1).6
Auch im Schweden des 15. Jahrhunderts wurden denkwürdige Beiträge
zur mittellateinischen Literatur hervorgebracht. Ich erinnere nur an die bei
den Reden, die der Bischof von Växjö und künftige Erzbischof Nicolaus

2 Siehe H. Gustavson, 'Coincidentia oppositorum — latin med runor. Nâgra gra-

fematiska och fonematiska iakttagelser', in Symbolae Septentrionales. Latin Studies
Presented to Jan Öberg, ed. M. Asztalos — C. Gejrot (Stockholm, 1995), Ss. 203-15
(Ss. 203-8).
3 Die Texte in M. Asztalos, Petrus de Dacia. De gratia naturam ditante sive De vir-
tutibus Christinae Stumbelensis (Stockholm, 1982), und Petrus de Dacia от Christina
fran Stommeln. En kärleks historia (Uppsala, 1991; mit textkritischer Ausgabe von
Petrus' Briefen); und G. E. Klemming, Latinska sanger (Stockholm, 1885-1887). Vgl.
I. Milveden, 'Neue Funde zur Brynolphus-Kritik', Svensk tidskrift for musikforskning
54 (Uppsala, 1972), 5-51.
4 Ed. B. Ghotan (Lübeck, 1492); neue, textkritische Ausgabe Uppsala-Lund-Stockholm,
1956 — (edd. H. Aili, B. Bergh, S. Eklund, L. Hollman, A.-M. Jönsson, C.G. Undhagen).
5 C.G. Undhagen, ed., Birger Gregerssons Birgitta-officium (Uppsala, 1960).
6 Vorläufige Edition von T. Lundén, Nikolaus Hermansson, biskop av Linköping. En
litteratur- och kyrkohistorisk studie (Lund, 1971).
26 J. ÖBERG

Ragvaldi (Nils Ragvaldsson; um 1380-1448) auf dem Konzil zu Basel

1434 über die Goten als die ruhmvollen Vorfahren der Schweden bzw.
1435 in Arras bei den Friedensverhandlungen im Hundertjahrkrieg
zwischen England und Frankreich hielt,7 und die weitschweifige, von
gotizistischen Gedankengängen durchsäuerte Chronica regni Gothorum
vom Kanonikus Ericus Olai (Erik Olofsson; um 1420-1486),8 später
Dekan und Professor für Theologie an der neugegründeten Universität
zu Uppsala. Tatsächlich dauert in unserem Lande die mittelalterliche
Periode bis zu Gustav Vasas Königswahl 1523 und der darauffolgenden
Reformation 1527. Erst mit den hochinteressanten Briefen und den ein
flussreichen Geschichtswerken aus der Zeit 1524-1555 von den landes
flüchtigen Brüdern Olaus und Johannes Magnus, den letzten katholischen
Erzbischöfen Schwedens,9 verlassen wir das Mittelalter und überschreiten
wir die Schwelle zur skandinavischen Neuzeit.

2. DER UPPSALAER KANONIKUS KORT ROGGE IM ITALIEN

DER RENAISSANCE

Zeitgenosse des eben genannten Historikers und Theologen Ericus

Olai war Kort Rogge (um 1420-1501), ab 1479 Bischof von Strängnäs
und Reichskanzler.10 Während (der uppländische Bauernsohn?) Ericus
Olai 1452 nach fünf Jahren (anfänglich vielleicht vom Erzbischof Nico-
laus Ragvaldi finanziell unterstützt) die Universität Rostock als magister

1 Ed. Svennung, Fran senantik och medeltid, I, 174-80, und E. Odelman, 'Det stor-
svenska prisas', in Röster fron svensk medeltid, Ss. 286-98, bzw. B. Losman, 'Fredstalen
i Arras 1435', Kyrkohistorisk Arsskrift 67 (Uppsala, 1968), 58-65.
8 E. Heuman und J. Öberg, edd., Ericus Olai. Chronica regni Gothorum. Textkritische
Ausgabe (Stockholm, 1993); J. Öberg, Ericus Olai. Chronica regni Gothorum II. Prole
gomena und Indizes (Stockholm, 1995).
9 G. Buschbell, ed., Briefe von Johannes und Olaus Magnus (Stockholm, 1932);
B. Larsson, ed., Johannes Magnus' Latin Letters. A Critical Edition with Introduction
and Commentary (Lund, 1992) — vgl. M. Asztalos, 'Johannes Magnus, Dreamer and
Visionary', Humanistica Lovaniensia, 42 (1993), 259-73; Olaus Magnus, Historia de
gentibus septentrionalibus (Rom, 1555; Faksimil-Ausgabe Kopenhagen, 1972) — vgl.
K. Isacson, 'A Study of Non-Classical Features in Book XV of Olaus Magnus' Historia
de gentibus septentrionalibus, 1555', Humanistica Lovaniensia, 38 (1989), 176-99;
Johannes Magnus, Historia de omnibus Gothorum Sueonumque regibus (Rom, 1554;
Auszüge davon in Scriptores rerum Suecicarum 111:1, Uppsala, 1871, und in Svennung,
Fran senantik och medeltid, I, Ss. 201-8), und Historia pontificum metropolitanae eccle-
siae Upsalensis (1544; Scriptores rerum Suecicarum 111:2, Uppsala, 1876).
10 M. Collmar, Strängnäs stifts herdaminne I. Medeltiden (Nyköping, 1977), Ss. 92-104;
vgl. Svenska man och kvinnor. Biografisk uppslagsbok, 6 (Stockholm, 1949), Ss. 308-9.
 VOM HUMANISMUS ZUM TRADITIONALISMUS 27

artium verliess und später, nach erneutem Studium an der Universität zu

Siena, 1475 seine Doktorwürde in Theologie erwarb, studierte Kort
Rogge, Sohn eines aus Westfalen stammenden, in Stockholm wirkenden,
wohlhabenden Kaufmannes und der Tochter eines gleichfalls aus Deutsch
land gebürtigen Stockholmer Bürgers, Hans Horn, zuerst in Leipzig, wo
er nach drei Jahren 1449 haccalaureus in artibus wurde; in demselben
Jahr erhielt er ein Kanonikat am Uppsalaer Dom. Dank seines persön
lichen Vermögens konnte er später fünf Jahre an der Universität zu
Perugia verbringen, um dort 1460 den Grad eines doctor decretorum zu
erreichen. — Während seines Aufenthaltes in Italien besuchte er auch
Siena, wo er mit dem Bischof von Abo zusammentraf; bei diesem hat er
ein zweites Kanonikat und ein Pfarramt in der finnländischen Diözese
ausgewirkt. — In dem gelehrten, italienischen Milieu hat Rogge, wieder
aufgrund seines materiellen Wohlstandes, die Gelegenheit genutzt, um
handschriftliche und gedruckte Exemplare von Schriften klassischer und
nachklassischer Autoren wie Caesar, Cicero (vor allem die Reden ! ) und
Lactantius sowie italienischer Humanisten wie Petrarca, Enea Silvio Pic-
colomini, der übrigens als Papst Pius II im Jahre 1459 Perugia besuchte,
und Poggio Bracciolini anzuschaffen; diese Kodizes und Wiegendrucke
sind glücklicherweise immer noch in der Dombibliothek zu Strängnäs
aufbewahrt. In seinem schriftlichen Nachlass finden wir ebenfalls wert
volle Vorlesungsaufzeichnungen sowie Exzerpte verschiedener humani
stischer Handbücher11.
Am Ende seiner in Perugia erworbenen Lactantius-Handschrift12
(heutzutage Hs. F. min. 6, Dombibliothek zu Strängnäs, fol. 190v —
191r) hat der neue Doktor des kanonischen Rechts die Huldigungsrede
kopiert, die er bei Erlangung der Doktorwürde in Perugia hielt. Schon
vor zwanzig Jahren habe ich in einer Jubiläumsschrift des Strängnäser
Gymnasiums eine diplomatarische Transkription davon nebst einem

11 H. Aminson, Bibliotheca Templi cathedralis Strengnesensis. Supplementum con-

tinens codices manu scriptos (Stockholm, 1863), zum Beispiel s.v. «Benedictus (vgl.
Rogges Doktorrede §24), Caesar, Calderini, Cato, Cicero (vor allem Reden!), Consilia
luris. Decretales, Demosthenes, Dionysius, Guarinus, Horologium Aeternae Sapientiae,
Lactantius, Laurentius, Legalium Vocabulorum Tractatulus, Martinus, Monte Sperello
(vgl. unten Anm. 12), Nicolaus Tudeschi, Orationes, Pastorum. . . officia, Petrarca, Pius 1l.
Podio, Poggius, Pontanus, Repertoria, Saliceto, Sancto Geminiano, Sancto Petro, Saxo-
ferrato, Simon, Tractatus luris, Ubaldis 1-3 (3: vgl. Rogges Doktorrede §24), Valerius».
12 Vgl. den Besitzervermerk auf der Innenseite des Hinterdeckels: «Hunc Lactancium
emi ego Conradus Roggo in almo studio Perusino a quodam scriptore, famulo domini
Johannis Petrutzij de Monte Sperello legum doctorisfamosissimj, pro quinque ducatis in
quinternis, quem postea ligare feci pro medio ducato anno Domini Mcccclx de mense
decembris». (Nach Aminson, Bibliotheca, S. XXXV angeführt.)
28 J. ÖBERG

Faksimile und einer schwedischen Übersetzung publiziert;13 unten stelle

ich die Rede in einer normalisierten, textkritischen Ausgabe zur Verfü
gung, um den Text einem internationalem Publikum leichter zugänglich
zu machen und das Verifizieren meiner Beobachtungen über die sprach
liche Kompetenz des Redners zu erleichtern.
Zuerst einige Worte über den Erfolg der Renaissance-Ideen in Perugia
zu dieser Zeit und deren Relevanz für Rogges Rede bei seiner Promo
tion, die nach mehreren Tagen intensiver Tentamina folgte.14 Schon in
den ersten Dezennien des 15. Jahrhunderts wurden die neuen Tendenzen
spürbar, u.a. durch den allmählich zunehmenden Gebrauch von lateini
schen Reden und Gelegenheitsgedichten in Zusammenhang mit öffent
lichen Manifestationen kirchlicher, bürgerlicher oder akademischer Art.
Die humanistische Strömung hat sich natürlicherweise in erster Hand
an der humanistischen Fakultät eingebürgert, während die Verhältnisse
an der juristischen Fakultät, wo Rogge studierte, komplizierter waren.
Lorenzo Valla hat ja sogar die lateinische Sprache der zeitgenössischen
Juristen als non Romana sed barbara charakterisiert. In der Mitte des
Jahrhunderts wurden nichtsdestoweniger höhere Ansprüche als früher an
die philologische und historische Bildung der Professoren gestellt, und
das Latein der juristischen Arbeiten begann eine mehr klassizistische
Ausformung aufzuweisen.
Und nun zur sprachlichen und stilistischen Qualität der Doktorrede, die
unser aus dem entlegenen, in kultureller Hinsicht noch mittelalterlichen
Schweden kommender Student unter Hervorheben seines bescheidenen
oratorischen Talentes an den Kanzler, die Professoren und die Promoto
ren der Universität zu Perugia richtete. Schon ein flüchtiger Blick auf die
Rede zeigt uns ihre nahe Übereinstimmung mit dem eben gegebenen,
immer positiveren Bild vom Latein der juristischen Fakultät zu Perugia.
In sprachlicher Hinsicht scheint es, als ob Rogge eine Anzahl auf
fallend mittelalterlicher Phänomene zu vermeiden versucht hätte, z.B.
die oft willkürliche Verwendung von Tempus und Modus, den unklas
sisch wahllosen Gebrauch demonstrativer Pronomina, die Verwendung
periphrastischer Verben und durch quod, quia, quoniam eingeleiteter
Objektsätze, oder Konstruktionen mit Präposition statt blossem Kasus; im

13 J. Öberg, 'Kort Rogge — humanist i Roggeborgen', in Fran biskop Rogge till Rogge-
biblioteket. Studier utgivna till Strängnäs gymnasiums 350-arsjubileum, ed. R. Lundström
(Nyköping, 1976), Ss. 12-24.
14 G. Ermini, Storia dell' Università di Perugia (Florenz, 1971), S. 137, 467, 507,
592, 602.
 VOM HUMANISMUS ZUM TRADITIONALISMUS 29

letztgenannten Falle müssen wir jedoch als Ausnahmen die Phrase Acer
tare in vigilando» §8 (so das Autograph! ; vgl. schwed. «tävla i att vaka»)
und Rogges schwerverständliche Vorliebe für die Präposition «sub»
anführen: §3 «sub aliquali dicendi prestancia, sub oratorum modulara
sentencia», §13 «sub recto iuris tramite». Spätlateinische Erscheinungen
und reine Mediävismen kommen aber auch vor: Zu den auffalligsten
gehört der Gebrauch vom Pronomen «aliaualis» §3 und vom Substantiv
«studium» §18 mit der Bedeutung 'Universität', vom Partizip Perfekt
«constitutus» (§§2 und 21) als Ersatz für das fehlende Partizip Präsens
des Verbs «esse» oder vom Infinitiv «fore» §4 statt esse; andererseits
waren ja Bezeichnungen zeitgenössischer Titulatur schwer zu entbehren:
§8 «scolaris», §10 etc. «doctor», §16 «prothonotarius», «episcopus»,
«cardinalis», «pontifex», §20 «reverendissimus pater», «archiepisco-
pus», «primas», «dominus», «papa», «subdyaconus».
In stilistischer Hinsicht vermisst man in der Rede Rogges manchmal
die wichtige variado sermonis: Man bemerke besonders die ständige
Wiederholung des Wortes «locus» als Bezeichnung der gepriesenen
Universität (§§2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 14, 18, 20) und die mehrmals
wiederholte Konstruktion mit dem Adverb «denique» am Ende einer
drei- oder mehrteiligen Aufzählung oder Steigerung (§§6, 8, 11, 20, 21).
Bemerkenswerte Anomalien stilistischer Natur sind der unlogische
Komparativ «immortalius» §11, die tautologischen Ausdrücke am
Anfang und Ende der Rede (§2 «quodnam... dicendi inicium primum
aggrediar»; §24 «ad optatum animi affectum»), das Anakoluth §24
(«tu... non pigeat»), sowie die unentwickelte und inkonsequente Bild
sprache §§8 und 10, wo die Universität mit «pietatis fonte» bzw.
«auctoritatis flumini» bezeichnet wird.
Unvermeidlich ist der Eindruck, dass Rogges Worte §4: «michi ipsi
de vobis veniam spero, si quid illahoratum incultumque dixero», nicht
nur im Sinne eines Bescheidenheitstopos aufzufassen sind, sondern dass
sie auch auf gesunder Selbsterkenntnis des auf das Kirchenrecht spezia
lisierten Redners beruhen können. Ein Ciceronianer war dieser decre-
torum doctor in Italien gewiss nicht geworden.

3. DOKTOR KORT ZURÜCK IM SPÄTMITTELALTERLICHEN SCHWEDEN

Was ist denn aus unserem gelehrten Schweden geworden, als er nach
fünf Studienjahren in der Heimat der Renaissance in sein eigenes
30 J. ÖBERG

spätmittelalterliches Heimatland mit seiner kostbaren, neuerworbenen

Bibliothek zurückkam? Die Beantwortung dieser Frage hängt m. E. in
hohem Grade, wenn auch nicht ausschliesslich, mit der politischen und
kulturellen Situation Schwedens in der zweiten Hälfte des XV. Jahrhun
derts zusammen, weshalb eine übersichtliche Zeichnung des historischen
Hintergrundes notwendig sein dürfte.
Als der Königin von Dänemark und Norwegen, Margareta, im Jahre
1389 als «Vollmächtiger Frau» Schwedens gehuldigt wurde, erhielten
die drei nordischen Länder tatsächlich eine gemeinsame Regentin. Die
Union wurde 1397 in Kalmar durch eine Huldigungsurkunde für den
designierten Nachfolger, Margaretas Grossneffen Erich von Pommern,
und ein Unionsdokument, das in unserer Zeit ein wissenschaftliches
Streitobjekt werden sollte, bestätigt. Nach einem halben Jahrhundert der
Unzufriedenheit von seiten der Schweden mit diesem und einem folgen
den Unionskönig, Christoph von Bayern, wurde 1448 ein einheimischer
Magnat, der vielgereiste und gebildete Karl Knutsson Bonde,15 zum
König von Schweden gewählt. Bei der Krönungszeremonie hat sogar ein
anonymer Gelehrter eine Huldigungsrede im humanistischen Stil an
den König gerichtet, die als erstes und zu dieser Zeit isoliertes Beispiel
des schwedischen Neulateins dasteht.16 Die meisten Ansätze kultu
reller Neuorientierung wurden jedoch durch die anhaltenden politischen
Unruhen vereitelt — so hat Karl Knutsson drei verschiedene Regierungs
perioden (1448-1457, 1464-1465, 1467-1470) verlebt mit dem dänischen
König Christian I von Oldenburg (1457-1464) oder anderen schwe
dischen Magnaten aus den Familien Oxenstierna, Vasa und Tott als
Mitbewerbern. Auch der zweiten Hälfte des Jahrhunderts, die mit der
Amtszeit von Kort Rogge zusammenfällt, fehlt es an politischer Stabi
lität; diese Periode wird zwar vom neuen Regenten, dem Reichsver
weser Sten Sture d. Ä. (1471-1497, 1501-1503), dominiert, aber seine
Machtstellung wurde von innen- und aussenpolitischen Streitigkeiten

15 Vgl. J. Öberg, 'Vem kunde latin i medeltidens Sverige?', in Medeltida skrift- och
sprakkultur. Nio föreläsningar fron ett symposium i Stockholm varen 1992, ed. I. Lindell
(Stockholm, 1994), Ss. 213-24 (Ss. 219-20). — Diese Vorlesung behandelt die verschie
denartigen Kenntnisse der lateinischen Sprache unter den Laien im mittelalterlichen
Schweden.
16 Oratio de laudibus Caroli regis 8, ed. J. Liedgren, in Lychnos 1950-1951 (Uppsala,
1951), Ss. 42-44. Vgl. J. Öberg, 'Neo-Latin Poetry in 16th and 17th century Sweden', in
Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Lovaniensis. Proceedings of the First International Congress
of Neo-Latin Studies, Louvain 23-28 August 1971, ed. J. Usewijn - E. Keßler (Leuven -
München, 1973), S. 453.
 VOM HUMANISMUS ZUM TRADITIONALISMUS 31

fortlaufend geschwächt und, gegen Ende seines Lebens, vom dänischen

König Hans (1497-1501) ernstlich bedroht.
Kehren wir jetzt zu Kort Rogge zurück. Als er Anfang der sechziger
Jahre sein Heimatland wiedersah, war dieses voll Turbulenz. Schon
1463 finden wir ihn im Mittelpunkt der Ereignisse, als er zusammen
mit einem anderen Uppsalaer Kanonikus, Ericus Olai (d.h. dem oben
genannten Geschichtsschreiber), vom eingekerkerten Erzbischof Jons
Bengtsson Oxenstierna (1448-1467) den Auftrag erhielt, dessen Amts
pflichten dem gealterten Archidiakonus und dem Kapitel zu übergeben,
um vom folgenden Jahr an selbst das Archidiakonat zu bekleiden. Auf
seiner ständigen Suche nach einer immer vorteilhafteren Stellung in der
kirchlichen Hierarchie leitete er ungefähr ein Dezennium später seine
lebenslange Tätigkeit in der Strängnäser Diözese ein, zuerst als sich dem
bejahrten Stiftsleiter Hans aufdrängender Koadjutor, dann als Bischof
(1479-1501). Im Gegensatz zu Ericus Olai wurde Kort Rogge trotz
seiner auffallenden kanonisch-rechtlichen Gelehrsamkeit nicht als Lehrer
an der 1477 gegründeten Universität zu Uppsala in Anspruch genommen,
vermutlich infolge schwererwiegender und bevorrechtigter Aufgaben in
Strängnäs. Denn mit diesem Bischofsstuhl war die Stellung als Reichs
kanzler verbunden und damit die Verantwortung für alle offiziellen
Dokumente, die irgendwie den aus dem Erzbischof und den ihm unter
stellten sechs Bischöfen sowie aus 23 weltlichen Magnaten bestehenden
Reichsrat betrafen.
Als Mitglied des Rates sowie als dessen Kanzler und kirchenrecht
licher Experte hat Rogge eine wichtige politische Rolle gespielt. Wenn
seine Zusammenarbeit mit dem Erzbischof Jakob Ulfsson (1470-1515)
ohne Probleme verlief, erlebte er mit dem Reichsverweser viele Miss
helligkeiten und war sogar eine der treibenden Kräfte, als es 1497 dazu
kam, dass Sten Sture seines Amtes enthoben wurde.
Gleichfalls muss aber Rogge als Leiter seines Stiftes für einen beson
ders betriebsamen, humanen und kulturfreundlichen Kirchenfürsten im
spätmittelalterlichen Schweden gehalten werden. So wurde u.a. der Sträng
näser Dom mit einem schönen, aus Brüssel eingeführten Altarschrank
geschmückt, eine Altersversorgungsanstalt für ausgediente Geistliche
kam zustande, und sowohl das Missale Strengnense als das Breviarium
Strengnense wurden 1487 bzw. 1495 dank der neuen Buchdruckerkunst
in einheitlicher Form vervielfältigt.
Die letztgenannten Massnahmen erinnern uns an die Studien, die
unser Bischof rund drei Dezennien früher in Italien betrieben hatte, und
32 J. ÖBERG

die Anregungen, die ihm der neue Zeitgeist gegeben haben muss. Für
den Einfluss der Renaissance spricht, von der Doktorrede abgesehen,
vor allem seine Erwerbung von Handschriften klassischer und huma
nistischer Autoren, Handschriften, deren fleissige Verwendung seine
zahlreichen eigenhändigen Marginalvermerke bezeugen. Was seine übrige
spürbare schriftliche Tätigkeit nach der Heimkehr betrifft, war diese
allem Anschein nach notgedrungen auf die praktischen und juristischen
Bedürfnisse der Kirche und des Reichsrates beschränkt: aus seiner Hand
kennen wir ein in gutem spätmittelalterlichem Latein abgefasstes Offi
cium visitacionis per episcopum,11 und wir können wohl voraussetzen,
dass viele der Ratsdokumente nach der Mitte der siebziger Jahre von
ihm formuliert und diktiert worden sind. Höchst wahrscheinlich ist
Kort Rogge selbst für die Ausformung der beiden Urkunden aus dem
Jahre 1496 verantwortlich, die die Einrichtung der oben genannten
Altersversorgungsanstalt für ausgediente Geistliche behandeln. Eines
dieser beiden Dokumente, worin unser Bischof die infirmaria mit einem
Landgut beschenkt, stelle ich unten in einer normalisierten, textkritischen
Ausgabe zur Verfügung,18 um ein Bild davon zu geben, wie sich unser
gelehrter Bischof in hohem Alter in dieser rhetorischen Gattung auf
Latein ausdrückt. Aus leichtverständlichen Gründen wird ein Vergleich
dieses während einer schwedischen Synode zustandegekommenen,
juristischen Textes mit der fünfunddreissig Jahre früher in Perugia
gehaltenen Doktorrede gelinde gesagt hinkend. Wie bei dem eben
erwähnten Officium visitacionis per episcopum, geht jedoch mit aller
wünschenswerten Deutlichkeit hervor, dass sich Rogge als kirchlicher
Magnat in seinem Heimatland des herkömmlichen, spätmittelalterlichen
Lateins, wie es oben (Abschnitt 2) kürzlich charakterisiert wurde,
bediente, wenn er sich auch in der aktuellen Urkunde ersichtlich darum
bemüht hat, seine rhetorische Geschicktheit zu demonstrieren. Dass er
sich dabei eines Anakoluthes schuldig gemacht hat (§§1-3 «constare
volumus universis, quod — cum... et quia..., — idcirco nos... revol-
ventes. . . locus apcior. . . reperiri. . . non potuit»), darf uns nicht erstaunen
— dieselbe Erscheinung haben wir ja schon in seiner Doktorrede (§24,
vgl. oben) gefunden.

17 Ed. J. Gummerus, Synodalstatuter och andra kyrkorättsliga aktstycken frän den

svenska medeltidskyrkan (Uppsala, 1902), Ss. 94-8.
18 Vgl. die diplomatarische Transkription derselben Urkunde (mit Faksimile) in J. Öberg,
Das Urkundenmaterial Skandinaviens. Bestände, Editionsvorhaben, Erforschung (Opladen,
1977), Ss. 47-8.
 VOM HUMANISMUS ZUM TRADITIONALISMUS 33

Es ist interessant, die Situation Rogges mit der seines mehrmals oben
erwähnten Zeitgenossen, des Historikers und Theologen Ericus Olai,
zu vergleichen. Wir wissen, dass auch dieser eine Doktorrede (Oratio de
laudibus sanctissime theologie) hielt, als er 1475 in Siena promovierte.
Obwohl unglücklicherweise der Text verschollen ist, muss aller Wahr
scheinlichkeit nach angenommen werden, dass ebenfalls dieses Exempel
der damaligen akademischen Rhetorik von den Stilidealen der italie
nischen Renaissance mindestens zu einem gewissen Grade beeinflusst
war. In seiner Chronica regni Gothorum, die anscheinend schon zu
Beginn der siebziger Jahre abgeschlossen wurde, ist die lateinische Spra
che, wie zu erwarten, diejenige des spätmittelalterlichen Schwedens,
aber auch in seinen theologischen Kommentaren, die er nach 1477 in
Uppsala seinen Studenten diktierte, ist der in Italien ausgebildete Doktor
— wie auch seine Uppsalaer Kollegen — als Theologe konservativ
und ganz und gar dem Mittellatein anheimgefallen: er verwendet sogar
das aus dem philosophischen und theologischen Fachbereich wohl
bekannte Lehnwort ly (//) als bestimmten Artikel für ein Wort, das an
sich betrachtet wird.19 Es gibt auch keine Spuren davon, dass er, wie
fünfzehn Jahre früher Kort Rogge, eine humanistische Bibliothek aus
Italien mitgebracht hätte; ob dieser Umstand auf mangelnden finan
ziellen Voraussetzungen oder auf mangelndem Interesse oder auf dem
zerstörenden Zahn der Zeit beruht, bleibt unsicher.

4. Schlusswort

Aus dem oben Gesagten gewinnt man vielleicht den Eindruck, als
ob sich Doktor Kort in Schweden vor allem dazu veranlasst fand,
seiner eigenen ekklesiastischen Karriere die Priorität zu geben und
sich dabei auf dem kirchen- und profanpolitischen Kampfplatz auszu
zeichnen. Dazu können natürlich sowohl seine persönliche Veranlagung
und kanonisch-rechtliche Ausbildung als die dringenden Amtspflichten
beigetragen haben. Im Hinblick auf seine in Italien erworbene Gelehr
samkeit und die oben erwähnten kulturellen Beiträge zu der ihm anver
trauten Diözese dürfte jedoch anzunehmen sein, dass in erster Linie

19 A. Piltz, Studium Upsalense. Specimens of the oldest lecture notes taken in the
mediaeval University of Uppsala (Lund, 1977), S. 151 (aus dem Kommentar zu Matthäus,
Kap. V-VII): »ira.. .est malus motus ad nocendum: aut ergo surgit subito, et sic est
veniale et ly iudicio tenetur non pro iudicio exteriore iehenne sed interiore consciencie. «
34 J. ÖBERG

die politische und gesellschaftliche Instabilität des spätmittelalterlichen

Schweden sowie der vielleicht in retardierende Richtung wirkende Ein-
fluss des konservativen kirchlichen Establishments ihn gehindert hat,
eine Verbreitung des neuen Zeitgeistes und der neuen literarisch
stilistischen Ideale südlicher Länder im Heimatland zu fördern, eine
Aufgabe, zu der er dank seiner zentralen Stellung in der damaligen
Gesellschaft besonders gut geeignet gewesen wäre.20

Stockholms universitet
Institutionen för klassiska sprak
S- 1 06 91 Stockholm

20 Man vergleiche die oben erwähnten, vergeblichen Ansätze kultureller Erneuerung

unter König Karl Knutsson.
 VOM HUMANISMUS ZUM TRADITIONALISMUS 35

TEXTANHANG

I. CONRADUS ROGGO

Oracio (a. 1460) habita in conventu doctorum Perusinorum pro

impetrandis doctoratus insigniis
(2) Circumspicio et diligencius animadverto, dignissime vicarie etc.,
quodnam hoc dignissimo loco et tot excellentissimorum hominum
frequencia constitutus dicendi inicium primum aggrediar, cum de scien-
ciarum amplissimis fructibus ac innumeris laudibus satis ample, diffuse
atque copiose per predecessores hoc in loco arbitrar disputatum. (3)
Vereor equidem in tantorum peritissimorum hominum concione onus
pregrande et meis viribus non ferendum assumere, ut inde velim sub
aliquali dicendi prestancia, quam in me nullam sencio, pauca depromere,
unde sub oratorum modulata sentencia in loco hoc dignissimo constat
disertissime perorasse quam plurimos. (4) Denique, cum intueor omnium
vestrum oculos in me fore coniectos, michi ipsi de vobis veniam spero,
si quid illaboratum incultumque dixero. (5) Наc itaque fretus audacia
viribusque paululum reassumptis in loci huius dignissimi laudibus ora-
cione perbrevi insistendum putavi. (6) Enimvero consideranti michi
nulla equior, nulla iustior, nulla denique eloquencior materia visa
est quam loci huius impresenciarum laudes enarrare. (7) Hic locus,
patres conscripti, tocius huius urbis triumphus cognitu meo iudicari
potest. (8) Certantibus enim sedulo scolaribus in vigilando atque labori-
bus insudando nullum umquam sui exercicii tropheum, nisi in loco hoc
amplissimo consecuti sunt; nulla spes laborantibus, nulla victoria, nulla
vigiliarum gloria, nulla denique fortuna preterquam in hoc pietatis fonte
relicta est. (9) Subinde, quanta huius loci sit equitas, facile intuemur. (10)

Orationem manu Conradi Roggonis propria scriptam nobis tradit codex F.min.6 Biblio-
thecae Templi cathedralis Strengnesensis, fol. 19(f-l91' 1 insigniis pro insignibus
usurpatum; cfr Glossarium mediae latinitatis Sueciae 1:6 (Holmiae, 1980), s.v. insigne
2 quodnam: quod nam cod. 3 aliquali: de hoc verbo mediae quae dicitur aetatis vide
e.g. Mittellateinisches Wörterbuch (Monaci, 1959-) 5 reassumptis: de hoc verbo
argenteae quae dicitur aetatis vide R. Hoven, Lexique de la prose latine de la Renais
sance (Lugduni Batavorum. 1994) 7 patres conscripti: P.C. cod.
36 J. ÖBERG

A vobis namque doctoribus continuis exerciciis laureandi fatigati loco

huic tamquam auctoritatis flumini offeruntur, eosque oblatos sua locus
iste potestate suscipit ac comprobat eorumque timpora viridi lauro
necnon mirto redemita reddit. (11) Quocum per totum terrarum orbem
triumphales apparent et divinam ac immortalem quandam gloriam preten-
dunt necnon suas ingentes victorias pre se ferunt; quo nichil laudabilius,
nichil magnificencius, nichil denique immortalius, si recte iudicatur,
compertum est. (12) Taceo, quot famosissimi viri in loco hoc tamquam
militari gladio sciencia circumcincti strennuissime decertantes trium
phales evasere victores meritissime laureati. (13) Quorum prudencia sub
recto iuris tramite haud solum Ytalie partes sed et totus ferme mundus et
gubernatur et regitur. (14) Nonne et vos, doctores famosissimi, in loco
hoc copiosissimo laureolam vestram consecuti estis? (15) Cuius auctori-
tate ceteros prestatis clarumque quoddam et incredibile lumen emittatis.
(16) Prefecto non sat superesset temporis, si recensendum foret, quot hic
florentissimi viri, quot prothonotarii, quot episcopi, quot innumeri cardi
nales pontifícesque permulti, quorum nomina inaudita quadam excellencia
atque scienciarum sublimi claritudine vigent, eternam famam acquisivere.
(17) Vosque, doctores, scienciarum vestrarum amminiculis eis auxilium
tribuistis ipsosque vestra industria, pericia atque disciplina clarissimos
reddidistis. (18) Equidem, si loco huic tot tribuende sunt laudes, quid de
studio hoc gloriosissimo referam? (19) Quod in partibus aquilonis et in
Ínclito nostra Gothorum regno ultra reliqua Ytalie studia et famam et
nomen obtinet. (20) Quibus ego non minus allectus quam exortacionibus
piis inductus tum reverendissimi patris et domini mei Johannis, archiepi-
scopi Upsalensis, regni Gothorum primatis potentissimi, qui ex innata
sua clemencia me plurimum amat ac diligit, tum eciam clarissimi viri,
domini Birgeri Magni, sanctissimi domini nostri pape dignissimi subdy-
aconi, qui ab hoc eciam amplissimo loco tamquam in utroque iure stren-
nuissimus decertator meritissime laureatus evasit, ad tam famosissimum
studium conferre statui même. (21) Decrevique, quoad facultas suppeteret,

10 timpora: i.e. tempora redemita: i.e. redimita 11 Quocum: quo cum cod. 12 stren
nuissime: i.e. strenuissime (cfr §20 strennuissimusj meritissime ex meretissime corr.
cod. 13 Ytalie: i.e. Italiae (cfr §20 subdyaconi, §24 hylarij 16 quot innumeri: Sic!
18 laudes: post hoc verbum signum interrogations perperam scriptum del. cod., ubi
postea verbo referam additum est 19 Quod: scil, studio regno ex regna corr. cod.
20 ego supra lin. scr. cod. quam: post hoc verbum ego scr. et postea del. cod.
exortacionibus (i.e. exhortationibusj piis inductus in marg. scr. cod. patris: p. cod.
Johannis (i.e. Johannis Benedicti Oxenstiernaj: Jo. cod. sanctissimi domini nostri: s. d.
n. cod. 21 ter<re>: litt, re in marg. add. man. saec. XVIII, ter in fine lin. cod.
 VOM HUMANISMUS ZUM TRADITIONALISMUS 37

nullis parcere sumptibus, nullum recusare laborem, nullum denique

fugere vel maris vel ter<re> discrimen, sed ob solam sciende cupiditatem
et hoc florentissimum Studium conspiciendi gracia omnia mea sponte
subire pericula, que michi tribus fere mensibus in itinere constituto nunc
terra, nunc mari non semel sed pluries imminebant. (22) Sed quid moror
longius? (23) Si hercle huius excellentissimi studii vestrasque, celeber-
rimi in toto terrarum orbe doctores, dignas laudes complecti vellem,
et tempori inconsentaneum et vobis tediosum et a me, qui nullo dicendi
ingenio presto, penitus alienum foret. (24) Eoque ad optatum animi
affectum pergo, ut triumphalia, que tanto a me cum labore quesita sunt,
si qua pro longevis vigiliis debentur, tu, pater optime preceptorque mi
singularissime, domine Benedicte de Benedictis, utriusque iuris famosis-
sime doctor, tuo nomine ac eciam nomine excellentissimi utriusque iuris
interpretis, domini Petri de Ubaldis, placido ac hylari vultu offerre non
pigeat. (25) Dixi ad (signum crucis) laudem magni Dei. Amen.

II. <CONRADUS ROGGO>

<Litterae apertae de valetudinario sacerdotibus senio confectis instituto,

a. 1496 scriptae>
In nomine Domini, amen. Nos Conradus miseracione divina episcopus
Strengenensis constare volumus universis, quod — cum ad Dei laudem
et utilitatem veteranorum Christi militum, sacerdotum videlicet senio
confectorum, qui propter varia senectutis incommoda milicie celesti
cui asscripti sunt, cure videlicet animarum, nequeunt vacare diucius, (2)
apud ecclesiam nostram Strengenensem de facultatibus ab Altissimo
nobis concessis unam ereximus infirmariam et exstruximus, in qua tales
deducere possunt residuum vite sue Regi suo celesti fideliter serviendo

24 tu: per anacoluthon scriptum; te exspectes (i.e. offerre non pigeaU, sicut coniecit E.
Benzelius. Monumenta vetera ecclesiae Sveogothicae, III (Upsaliae, 1709), p. 108
domine Benedicte de Benedictis... domini Petri de Ubaldis: scripta nonnulla horum iuris
utriusque doctorum Pcrusinorum domum portavit orator noster, quae etiam hodie in
Bibliotheca Templi cathedralis Strengnesensis asservantur (cf. catalogum Aminsonii
supra n. 11 laudatum, pp. VII, XIX-XXV, LVII1) vultu: wltu cod.

Litterae membranaceae originales Holmiae in Archivo regni Sueciae asservantur 1-3

Construe: constare volumus universis, quod — cum... ereximus infirmariam..., et quia
domus talis... multis indigeat..., — idcirco nos... revolventes (anacoluthon, vide infra)...
locus apcior... reperiri... non potuit 1 Domini: domimj litt. orig.
38 J. ÖBERG

et anime sue salutem neglectam forsitan, cum adhuc tempus gracie

superest, absque mundanorum implicacione ulteriori cum quiete recu
perando, ne in dedecus Regis sui celestis et vilipendi um sacerdotalis
ordinis in ultima sua senectute subici cogantur mendicitati publice, quod
de veteranis terrene milicie audire foret absurdum, (3) et quia domus
talis seu infirmaría pro sustentacione congrua sacerdotum inibi degen-
cium multis indigeat et presertim una grangia sibi vicina, ad quam
quottidie pro lacticiniis et aliis necessariis possent habere recursum, —
idcirco nos cum venerabili capitulo nostro hoc animo diucius revolventes
et attencius considerantes tandem locus apcior consideracione nostra
et aliorum multorum ad hoc reperiri saltem in vicino non potuit quam
prediolum quoddam dictum Loom, quod mense nostre episcopali attinet,
situm ex opposito civitatis Strengenensis trans aquas in Thwn. (4)
Matura igitur deliberacione prehabita, cum res ista pietatem in proximos
concernere videatur ac ideo favoribus prosequenda, cum consilio et
consensu dilecti capituli nostri et tocius cleri in synodali sessione dictum
prediolum Llööth cum omnibus suis adiacenciis et attinenciis: agris,
pratis, silvis, pascuis, piscacionibus, nemoribus, molendinis, molendi-
norum locis, et aliis quibuscumque dependiciis quomodolibet nominatis
infra sepes et extra, prope vel procul positis nullo prorsus excepto,
quod prefato prediolo attinuerat ab antiquo vel adhuc reperiri posset iure
attinendum, prefate sacerdotum infirmarie donamus, incorporamus et
annectimus perpetuo possidendum, ipsius proprietatem, possessionem et
dominium et ius omne a nobis et successoribus nostris et mensa nostra
episcopali abdicantes et in prefatam infirmariam presentibus transfe-
rentes, (5) nos nichilominus eciam presentibus obligantes ad refusionem
legalem mense nostre episcopali ex propriis prediis nostris empcionis
titulo acquisitis plenarie faciendam, prout in litteris nostris aliis super
huiusmodi refusione et prediorum permutacione conficiendis lucidius
apparebit. In premissorum omnium testimonium et evidenciam firmi-
orem secretum nostrum una cum sigillo dilecti capituli nostri presentibus
duximus appendendum. Datum Strengenaes anno Domini Millesimo
quadringentesimo nonagesimo sexto secunda die synodi, videlicet ipso
die Viti et Modesti martirum.

3 quottidie: i.e. cotidie - nos... revolventes et... considerantes... locus apcior... reperiri...
non potuit: per anacoluthon scriptum; nobis... revolventibus et... considerantibus...
exspectes (cfr supra orationem Conradi Perusinam §6: consideranti michi nulla equior. . .
materia visa est) 5 Strengenaes: litt. Stag cum signis abbreviaturarum praebent litt,
orig. ipso die Viti et Modesti martirum: scil. 15. mensis lunii
 J. В. Trapp

THE ILLUSTRATION OF PETRARCH'S SECRETUM

In 1902 the Prince d'Essling and Eugène Miintz published a vast

volume on Pétrarque: ses études d'art, ses portraits et celles de Lame,
l'illustration de ses écrits which is still the most nearly comprehensive
study of its subject, and indispensable.1
In dealing with the illustration of Petrarch's writings, Essling and
Miintz gave most attention to two works, the De remediis utriusque
fortunae and the Trionfi, one prose and one verse, one explicitly moral-
philosophical in its use of exempla, the other implicitly and poetically
so. This emphasis was natural. Broadly speaking, however unfair the
generalization can now be seen to be to the Canzoniere, these are the
two of Petrarch's works that were most frequently illustrated. The
Trionfi were so treated in Italian manuscripts, engravings and printed
books and later in France, in a variety of media, and in the Low Coun
tries in tapestries;2 the De remediis mostly in French manuscript and
print, and in German woodcuts.3 The general rule that it is chiefly the
vernacular versions of Petrarch's Latin works that are illustrated, rather
than those in the original language, holds for the De remediis.
Among Petrarch's Italian works the Trionfi were more frequently
and copiously illustrated than the Canzoniere for several reasons, chief
among them perhaps that narrative and exemplary poetry is more easily
translated into visual imagery than lyrical and that visual formulae
which could readily be adapted to them were already in existence. The
precepts of Petrarch's Latin ethical works were still more difficult to
illustrate even than poetic images and the artists commissioned to adorn
manuscripts of the De remediis in the fifteenth century sometimes

1 I hope in due course to provide a more up-to-date supplementary consideration of

Petrarchan iconography in general, based on the Lyell Lectures in Bibliography, delivered
in Oxford inl994; meantime, see Quaderni petrarcheschi, 9-10 (1992-93 [1996]), 11-73
for a summary and sometimes inaccurate account.
2 Essling-Müntz, pp. 101-267.
3 Essling-Müntz, pp. 87-100; see also N. Mann, 'The Manuscripts of Petrarch's De
remediis: A Checklist', Italia medioevale e umanistica, 14 (1971), 57-90.
40 J. В. TRAPP

contented themselves with an author-portrait on the opening page;4 or an

opening miniature or two figuring the great commonplace of Fortune's
wheel. A pair of large and handsome royal manuscripts of the French
version made at the beginning of the sixteenth century are more richly
illustrated, one of them with applications to the life and situation of
Louis XII;5 and some French printed editions, again of translations, in
the succeeding half-century have woodcut illustrations which depict the
hopes and joys, fears and sorrows for which Reason offers the cure.
Most remarkable among woodcuts are the more than two hundred and
fifty, many of figures or episodes for which the text supplies little or no
justification, which are used for one of the German translations, first
published at Augsburg by Heinrich Steiner in 1532.6
In the Secretum: de secreto conflictu curarum mearum, written a
decade earlier than the De remediis, Petrarch had already adumbrated
the latter work by making his persona Franciscus cite to Augustinus a
series of classical opinions concerning Fortune. He had also promised
that, at some future time and in some other place, he would deliver him
self at length of his own view of her.7 As far as I know, however, no
artist took this hint in the Secretum. Very few artists, indeed seem ever
to have provided the Secretum with any kind of illustration. Petrarch's
very title suggests privacy, and the dialogue remained 'inedito e semidi-
menticato tra le sue carte'.8 Even had it been generally available, it
would have spoken directly to far fewer than the De remediis, since it
operates in a highly personal exemplary mode, rather than a generalized
one. Its sophisticated account of the emotional conflicts of Petrarch's
forties, conducted in the form of a three-day debate between Franciscus
and Augustinus, in the tacit presence of Truth did not, moreover, lend

4 There is a factotum figure of Petrarch, with four others, in woodcut on the title-page
of the edition of the Secretum in Italian (Venice, 1520); Essling, Les livres à figures véni
tiens de la fin du XVe s. et du commencement du XVIe, 5 vols (Florence-Paris, 1907-14),
II.2, p. 391, no. 2067.
5 E. Pellegrin, Manuscrits de Pétrarque dans les bibliothèques de France (Padua,
1966), esp. pp. 214-7; Mann, 'Checklist', nos. 226-7; F. Avril - N. Reynaud, Les manu
scrits à peintures en France 1440-1520 (Paris, 1993), no. 236.
6 A convenient facsimile is Francesco Petrarca, Von der Artzney beider Glueck, des
Guten vnd Widerwertigen, ed. and comm. M. Lemmer (Leipzig, 1984).
7 Secretum, II, ad fin.; Petrarch, Opere latine, 2 vols, ed. A. Bufano and others (Turin,
1975), I, 164. On the Secretum itself much has been published; a useful thumbnail
account is M. Feo, in Id., Codici latini del Petrarca nelle biblioteche florentine (Florence,
1991), pp. 445-6; for manuscripts, see also ibid., nos 216-9, 225.
8 Feo, Codici latini, p. 445.
 THE ILLUSTRATION OF PETRARCH'S SECRETUM 41

itself easily to expression in visual terms. How to show that Franciscus

is the Petrarch of the past, Laura's lover, now struggling for the mutatto
anime by means of meditatio mortis humaneque miserie that would
bring him spiritual peace?

Only four of the surviving codices of the Secretum known to me are

illuminated. One has decoration only; each of the other three has a
miniature at its beginning. Unusually, though understandably since no
vernacular translation of the work existed until the second decade of the
sixteenth century, all are of the Latin text.
The manuscript with decoration only forms part of the famous
'Urbino set' of Petrarch's Latin works, now in the Biblioteca Apostolica
Vaticana (pls. 1-2).9 Besides the Secretum the volume contains De vita
solitaria, De otio religioso, Invectiva contra medicum and Psalmi peni-
tentiales. Large and stately, it was written with delicacy and finesse
in the 1470s at Florence, to the order of Vespasiano da Bisticci, for
Federigo da Montefeltro, duke of Urbino. Its elegant upright script is the
work of 'H С F', as he signed himself: 'Hugo (Nicolai de) Comminellis
(de Maceriis super Mosam) in Francia'. Hugues de Comminellis of
Mézières was at the University of Paris in 1454-5, and active in Florence,
certainly from 1469 to 1478, and probably until at least 1482. Some
dozen manuscripts written by him are known, six of them signed.10 On
the verso of the opening leaf of this miscellany of Petrarch's Latin
works, roundels with the titles of the treatises contained in the volume
are arranged round a central pentagon composed of flowerets and pinna
cles. At the centre of the pentagon is a large wreath of bay, with a
ribbon, within which the titles are again written, in alternate lines of blue
and gold capitals. On the facing recto the proem to the text begins with
a fine, large, flowered, gold capital A, above which is the incipit, in gold
capitals. This recto has a superb three-quarter Florentine floral border,
which incorporates a goldfinch, an urn and putti, two of whom support
the stemma minore of Federigo in its lower arm. Each book of the Secre
tum opens with a smaller initial in gold on a white-vine-stem ground,
with titles in red capitals. The changes of interlocutor are signalled by

9 Now BVA, MS Urb. lat. 333; M. Vattasso, / codici petrarcheschi della Biblioteca
Vaticana, Studi e Testi 20 (Città del Vaticano, 1908), no. 98. The first recto is illustrated
in Petrarch, Opere latine, I, facing p. 144. For Federigo's library, see A. C. de la Mare in
A. Garzelli, Miniatura fiorentina del Rinascimento (Florence, 1985), pp. 449-51.
10 de la Mare, in Garzelli, pp. 461-2, 506 no. 33; the MS in question is no. 33. 10.
42 J. B. TRAPP

[N HOC СО
DICE CONT1NEN
TVR.OPERAFRJ4N
CISCIPETRARCHE
QVEINC1RCVMPIC
TíSCIRCVINSSV
TADNOTAtd

1. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Urb. lat. 333, fol. lv: Contents page.
 THE ILLUSTRATION OF PETRARCH'S SECRETUM 43

2. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Urb. lat. 333, fol. 2Г:

Opening of Petrarch, Secretum.
44 J. B. TRAPP

the names Franciscus and Augustinus, also in red, and the initials of the
successive chapters are alternately in blue and red. The mise-en-page of
the opening verso and its facing recto is typical of other volumes in
the Urbino set, of Florentine Petrarch manuscripts in particular, and of
Florentine manuscripts of the period in general. The codex was no. 558
in the Urbino inventory.
Curiously, the Secretum was not included, or at least does not survive,
among the volumes of the equally handsome set of Petrarch's Latin works
written and illuminated in Florence a decade or so later for the Medici.11
Like the volume for Federigo which contains the Secretum, the three
illustrated manuscripts are also all miscellanies. One was executed in
Italy, and contains Latin ethical works by Petrarch only; one was made
in France, and includes works of the same character by other authors;
and the third, which likewise includes works by others, is Flemish. The
first two belong to the late fourteenth or early fifteenth century, the third
was made for an identifiable patron in 1470. Each has a single illustra
tion, at its beginning, which owes its origin to the independent invention
of each artist, basing himself on the text and specifically on its proem.
There is no sign that any of them knew the work of any of the others.
Though each manuscript provides evidence of late fourteenth- and early
fifteenth-century taste in illumination as well of contemporary taste for
Petrarch the moralist, the circumstances of commissioning are known
only for the third.
Petrarch's proem to the Secretum recounts how, as he considered how
he had entered this life and how he might leave it, he was visited by
a vision of "mulier quedam inenarrabilis etatis et luminis, formaque
non satis ab hominibus intellecta". She was, by her look and dress, a
maiden. Ravished by the radiance that streamed from her eyes, he had
not the courage to look at her. She nevertheless was gracious enough to
announce that she had been moved enough by the error of his ways,
and by his determinedly cloudy and earthbound vision, to want to help
him. Stammeringly, but in Virgilian verse, Petrarch asked who she was.
Calming his fears, she conceded that he had already described her "in
Africa nostra curiosa quadam elegantia". He realized that she was Truth,
and his regeneration seemed to him already to have begun: he could
look her in the face, if only briefly, for excess of light.

11 Ibid., pp. 474, 541-2 no. 74, 5-6; Feo, Codici latini, esp. nos. 168, 224, 227;
pls. XII, XX.
 THE ILLUSTRATION OF PETRARCH'S SECRETUM 45

But now
virum iuxta grandevum ac multa maiestate venerandum video. Non fuit
necesse nomen percuntari: religiosus aspectus, irons modesta, graves oculi,
sobrius incessus, habitus afer sed romana facundia gloriosissimi patris
Augustini quoddam satis apertum indicium referebant. Accedebat dulcior
quidam maiorque quam nonnisi hominis affectus, qui me suspicari aliud
non sinebat.12
Truth names Augustinus, and then addresses him on Franciscus's
behalf, entreating his assistance in causing the scales to fall from Fran
ciscus's eyes. Augustinus respectfully points out that she, as his guide,
counsellor, patroness and mistress is better fitted for the task. She replies
that human admonition falls best on human ears and that her presence
will guarantee the validity of Augustinus's admonition. Swayed by
his affection for Franciscus and by his respect for Truth's authority,
Augustinus accepts the charge, embraces his pupil and leads him aside,
Truth preceding them. All three seat themselves. Their dialogue lasts
three whole days, during which Augustinus carries the indictment from
Franciscus to mankind in general. Franciscus commits it all to writing so
that the indictment will be retained in the memory. Petrarch calls his
book "Secretum enim meum" .
The first of the illustrated manuscripts, slightly larger in format
than the Urbino volume, though much less handsome, is also now in the
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.13 It was written and decorated in central
or northern Italy, the text in single column in a good gotico-rotunda hand.
The volume begins with the De remediis, which occupies fols. 1-152,
followed on fols. 153-179 by the Secretum, which is in turn followed by
the Liber sine nomine (fols. 180-196), the De ignorantia (fols. 197-215),
and the De vita solitaria (fols. 216-255). On the first recto is the ex-libris
Angeli olim domini Iannoçii Manetti, at the head of a list of contents
made by Angelo, its owner in the 1470s- 1480s; there are annotations
throughout, a few of them by Giannozzo Manetti (1396-1459), the Flo
rentine humanist author of De dignitate et excellentia hominis. Each of
the final three texts in the volume opens with a pen-flourished initial and
has no further decoration, but the first two texts are more elaborately
treated. The De remediis has borders, incipits in red, and an appropriately
historiated initial at the beginning of its prologue and of each book, and

12 Petrarch, Opere latine (1975), pp. 44-46.

13 BVA. MS Pal. lat. 1596; Vattasso, Codici petrarcheschi, no. 90; cf. Mann, 'Checklist',
no. 128.
46 J. B. TRAPP

the changes of interlocutor are rubricated. In the Secretum each of the

three books opens with a pen-flourished initial, alternately red with blue
filigree and blue with red. The text is rubricated in the same manner as
that of the De remediis. The opening miniature for the Secretum illus
trates the moment in the proem when Augustinus and Franciscus have
seated themselves for their dialogue. Truth lends her presence unseen.
A factotum image of Petrarch in a brown clerical habit, his head bare,
and his cowl, thrown back, lined with green, his left hand by his side and
his right raised, sits beside Augustinus on a bench which protrudes
slightly beyond the miniature's frame to left and right. The figure of
Augustinus is bearded and majestic, almost God- or Christ-like, in full
canonicals: a red and white mitre and a white surplice under a gold-
trimmed green cloak lined with red. With his left hand he gestures
towards Franciscus, while with his right he displays on his knee an open
book. The floor on which the bench is placed is red, the background
lozengy red, white and blue, ornamented with gold (p1. 3).
The Italian illustrator has chosen a simple and conventional solution
in showing the interlocutors merely conversing gravely, Franciscus
apparently accepting instruction from Augustinus, their pose as it were
echoing that of Father and Son or master and pupil.
Each of the French and Flemish manuscripts begins with something
more inventive, more extensively based on the proem. Both illuminators
operate in a way somewhat reminiscent of that in which roughly con
temporary French and Flemish illuminators of the French translation of
Boccaccio's De casibus virorum illustrium treat the incident recounted
by the author at the beginning of its ninth book: how he dreamed that his
master Petrarch had come to admonish and encourage him.14 The two
volumes are similar to each other in size, the Flemish a few centimetres
less tall than the French which is, at some thirty centimetres, rather more
than two-and-a-half centimetres less tall than the Urbino codex.
The French manuscript was written and decorated, probably in Paris,
at the end of the fourteenth or the beginning of the fifteenth century. It
is the first element in a composite volume which was in the possession
of the Celestines of Amiens in the fifteenth century and has been since
1900-1902 in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France.15 The other texts

14 See meantime Trapp, The Iconography of Petrarch in the Age of Humanism',

Quaderni petrarcheschi, 9-10 (1992-93), 23.
15 MS n. a. lat. 1821 ; Pellegrin, MSS en France, pp. 86-87.
 THE ILLUSTRATION OF PETRARCH'S SECRETUM 47
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3. Augustinus instructs Franciscus. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana,

MS Pal. lat. 1596, fol. 153r.
48 J. B. TRAPP

in the volume are by French moral-philosophical authors, including

Alanus de Insulis and Jean de Meung. The transcription, in double
column throughout, is the work of several hands; in the Secretum
changes of interlocutor are marked by alternating red and blue capitals.
The text of the Secretum' s opening page is surrounded by an ivy-stem-
and-leaf border and there is a good initial A in the same style (pl. 4).
Above the initial is a small miniature which modifies the proem in the
direction of the conventions of contemporary northern French illumi
nation. In a high pink cathedra with a blue canopy, placed on a grey
floor against a reddish background with white decoration, a sage Fran-
ciscus is sitting, white-bearded and with long white locks, wearing a sort
of turban, a red tunic and hose and a blue surcoat, leaning his head
on his left hand. Before him stands a golden-haired, blue-robed young
woman, indicating a lightly-bearded bishop, of about her own age, or not
much more. He wears a mitre and a reddish mantle over a dark cassock,
and holds a crozier in his left hand. The Parisian master has not very
skilfully adapted a formula to the precise needs of the text, showing
the required three personages but reversing their roles. Franciscus is the
venerable and authoritative master, noble, almost regal, deigning to
receive instruction. The scene is a council room rather than the 'place
apart' of the text.
The Secretum of the Flemish manuscript is again the first item in
a miscellany of ethical works which forms an interesting testimony
to Netherlandish pre-humanism as well as to the northern European
reception of Petrarch. One of the other texts, though here attributed
to Petrarch, is actually by Boncompagno da Signa; there is another,
correctly ascribed, by Nicolas de Clamanges, together with a letter
from the University of Paris to the Council of Constance, about 1415.
The volume is now in the library of the Grootseminarie at Brugge.16
It was copied in 1470 to the order of Jan Crabbe, abbot of the Cister
cian house of Ter Duinen from 1457/9 to his death in 1488, and bears
his arms and other marks of ownership. Crabbe was a notable figure in
the mediation of Italian humanism to his order and to his countrymen
at large. Besides works by Petrarch and Boccaccio, he owned texts
of Virgil, of Cicero's De officiis and of Sallust, copied from Italian

16 MS 1 13/78; G. Tournoy-J. Usewijn, / codici del Petrarca nel Belgio (Padua, 1988),
no. 1 ; Vlaamse Kunst op perkament. Handschriften en miniaturen te Brugge van de I2de
tot de lode eeuw. Catalogue of the exhibition in the Gruuthusemuseum (Brugge, 1981),
no. 82, pl. 73, and literature there cited.
 THE ILLUSTRATION OF PETRARCH'S SECRETUM 49

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ffilim ftiiiinip нон inné ai.
-uiraiii (Mi1li mim"iimalilli »imfino
ffias tir HJC î) 1iniii (««»¡о;

4. Franciscus, Truth and Augustinus. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale,

Ms n. a. lat. 1821, fol. lr.
50 J. B. TRAPP

models, as well as Boethius and St John Chrysostom.17 The Spartan

George Hermonymus was his client.18
Like the other texts in the volume, the Secretum is written double-
column, in a good clear gothic book-hand. Its opening page has a charac
teristically Netherlandish, broad, acanthus and floral border, inhabited by
small birds, a peacock, animals and grotesque semi-human figures, with
Crabbe's arms on a small escutcheon hung on a crozier at the centre of
its lowest arm (p1. 5). There is a large capital A for the opening of the
proem, gold on a red ground, similar capitals for the opening of each
book and smaller coloured capitals for paragraph- and other divisions. A
large, almost square miniature with an arched top, its width that of both
columns of the text, occupies the upper half of the page, the incipit of
the work in red below it. Under a gothic-pinnacled canopy supported by
a Corinthian column to one side is a throne on a dais, with a green and
gold tapestry behind, set on a tiled floor. To one side a large opening in
the wall gives on to a landscape with shrubs and a tree in its midst and
a pair of peacocks beside the tree. From a smaller opening on the other
side two men in long habits are emerging. The first, in green with a red
bonnet, carries a crozier; the other is tonsured and wears dark monastic
dress. On the throne sits the maiden Truth, benevolent, robed in white
with gold embroidery, on her head a jewelled white turban with a gauzy
veil below it, her left hand extended and rays of light streaming from
her mouth towards Franciscus. He stands bonneted and coiffed alla
borgognone and wears a long red robe with a short, ermine-trimmed
cape of the same colour and fashion. He is all attention to the sainted
figure of Augustinus, rays surrounding his head, who faces him.
Augustinus, also bonneted alla borgognone and with his hair similarly
dressed, wears a long brown surcoat over a whiteish robe as he makes a
gesture of exposition with his hands. Behind Petrarch, and before his
own two attendants, stands Abbot Jan, bonneted, in dark monastic gown
and cowl over white. The miniature, which comes closer than any of the

17 N. Geirnaert, in VIaamse Kunst op perkament, nos. 176-80; Id., 'Classical Texts in

Bruges around 1473: Cooperation of Italian Scribes, Bruges Parchment-rulers, Illuminators
and Bookbinders for Johannes Crabbe, Abbot of Les Dunes Abbey: CUL MS Nn. 3. 5',
Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society, 10, 2 = Fifteenth-Century MSS
from Cambridge Collections (1992), 173-81.
18 The best brief account of Hermonymus is by Charles B. Schmitt, in Contempo
raries of Erasmus. A Biographical Register of the Renaissance and the Reformation, ed.
P. G. Bietenholz, 3 vols (Toronto etc., 1985-7), 2, 185-6; and see now Jonathan Harris,
Greek Emigrés in the West 400-1520 (Camberley, 1995), pp. 135-49.
 THE ILLUSTRATION OF PETRARCH'S SECRETUM 51

remito nui?!
tt Гс|)1(Тчнгсоцi сr fanes . ** f
C|11¡Ut1tr Ht i4irornip(hipaiwii Я '.'Л-.*7*
ff .M." .

Cmmg«*imp№'^jr-nöii fiait
wwo$.-mimos fo'fct-foiiti$ tcutcm ouilosattolir.ftr
nicvcf- fcoanxúmi ft
nm te fïuicsiîoua }>nivbfr. ;. -

5. Franciscus, Truth, Augustinus and Abbot Crabbe. Brugge, Grootsemmarie,

MS 113/78, fol. lr.
52 J. B. TRAPP

others to recording the spirit and the letter of Petrarch's vision and indeed
of his book, has been attributed to the Master of Margaret of York, who
was active in Brugge in 1470-75. 19
Each of these testimonies, whether Italian, French or Netherlandish,
to admiration for Petrarch the moralist will, it is hoped, give pleasure to
Jozef Usewijn, to whom all who study Italian humanists and the transla
tion beyond the Alps of their characteristics are so indebted. The present
author hopes that this offering will be an acceptable token of affection,
admiration and gratitude, not least for his introduction to Abbot Jan's
manuscript.

University of London
The Warburg Institute
Woburn Square, London WC1H OAB

19 G. Dogaer, Flemish Miniature Painting in the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries

(Amsterdam, 1987), p. 113, col. pl. 9.
 Paul GERHARD SCHMIDT

DIE CRISIAS DES HILARION VON VERONA

Das Kurzepos in drei Büchern über die Vorzeichen des Jüngsten Gerichts
und den Antichrist ist 1858 von Jean Baptiste Pitra publiziert worden.1
Pitra stützte sich für seine Ausgabe auf eine für ihn angefertigte Abschrift
des Codex Urb. lat. 352 der Vatikanischen Bibliothek. Die aus dem 15.
Jahrhundert stammende Handschrift überliefert 937 Hexameter; mehr
fach griff Pitra durch Konjekturen in den Textbestand ein. Er äußerte auch
die Vermutung, daß der Text durch Zufalle der Überlieferung oder durch
bewußte Kürzung eines Abschreibers nicht vollständig auf uns gekommen
sei.2 Die elegante, an Vergil geschulte antikisierende Sprache des Dichters
war ihm sympathisch; vereinzelt wies er die Verwendung dichterischen
Formelgutes nach, das der anonyme Autor der Crisias aus Vergil und
Lucan übernommen hatte. Für die Datierung der christlichen Endzeitdich
tung machte er zwei Vorschläge. Er schwankte zwischen einer Entstehung
in der Spätantike mit dem Schwerpunkt auf dem 6. Jahrhundert und der
Annahme, daß die Dichtung derselben Zeit wie der Codex, also dem 15.
Jahrhundert, angehöre. Gegen die Renaissance schien ihm ein sprachliches
Indiz zu sprechen. Zu dem in Vers 1, 126 seiner Ausgabe belegten Wort
'abcernet' bemerkte er: «inauditum vocabulum..., quod certe non commi-
sissent delicatuli instauratae latinitatis scriptores saeculi XV.» Er verzich
tete auf eine eindeutige Festlegung und überließ es dem Leser, selbst zu
einer Datierung der Dichtung zu gelangen: «Tu vero sede arbiter et lege».
Diese Herausforderung an das Urteilsvermögen philologisch geschulter
Leser ist meines Wissens nie in ausführlicher Form aufgegriffen worden.3

1 Die Edition der Crisias wurde im Sommer 1983 während eines durch Jozef Usewijn
vermittelten Aufenthaltes im Großen Beginenhof zu Löwen begonnen. Victoria Polzer und
Dr. Elisabeth Stein danke ich für Hilfe beim Abschluß der Arbeit; wertvolle Korrekturen
und Hinweise verdanke ich Giorgio Di Maria und Gilbert Tournoy.
J. B. Pitra, Spicilegium Solesmense complectens Sanctorum Patrum scriptorumque
ecclesiasticorum anecdota hactenus opera (Paris, 1858), 4, 144-165.
2 Pitra, Spicilegium, S. 155, Anm. 8: «Sequentia minime cohaerent, et forte non pauca
abstulit aetas, aut consulto omisit aliquis notarius...».
3 H. Preuß, Die Vorstellungen vom Antichrist im späteren Mittelalter, bei Luther und
in der konfessionellen Polemik (Leipzig, 1906), S. 76: «Wir sehen in ihr (sc. der Crisias)
54 P. G. SCHMIDT

Es wäre ein höchst reizvolles Unterfangen gewesen, einmal mit sprach

lichen und metrischen Kriterien die Entscheidung für eines der beiden so
weit voneinander entfernten Jahrhunderte, das 6. oder das 15., zu treffen
und zu begründen. Ist die lateinische Dichtersprache wirklich so homo
gen und entzieht sie sich als überzeitliches Medium so souverän dem
Zugriff des Literaturhistorikers, daß er resignieren muß? Kann man
überhaupt eine lateinische Dichtung mit Blick auf einen hypostasierten
Epochenstil einem bestimmten Jahrhundert zuweisen? Im Fall der
Crisias läßt sich diese Diskussion nur noch post festum führen; nicht
interne Kriterien, sondern äußere Merkmale haben zu einer abgesicherten
Datierung geführt. 1922 veröffentlichte Giovanni Pesenti den Hinweis
auf eine zweite Handschrift, den Urb. lat. 737, der gleichfalls dem 15.
Jahrhundert angehört.4 Hierbei handelt es sich um das Widmungexem
plar, das der Autor seinem Mäzen zwischen August 1471 und April 1472
dedizierte. Eine Abbildung auf fol.lv trägt eine griechische Widmung
an Kardinal Bessarion; ihr folgen 95 griechische Hexameter. Autor des
hier erstmals edierten griechischen Enkomions auf Bessarion und Autor
der Crisias selbst ist der Mönch Hilarion von Verona. Nach Vladimiro
Zabughin, der mehrere Vergilentlehnungen in der Crisias aufzeigte5,
und nach Lucia Gualdo Rosa, die Hilarions historische Prosadarstellung
der Einnahme Otrantos im Jahre 1480 durch die Türken edierte6, hat vor
allem Rino Avesani die Biographie dieses vielseitigen Autors nachge
zeichnet7, der auch in einer humanistischen Katalogdichtung auf die
berühmtesten Dichter und Autoren Veronas genannt wird.8
Codex Urb. lat. 737 bietet nicht nur die begleitenden Tituli und die
Widmungsverse, sondern vor allem einen vollständigen Text, der meh
rere Vermutungen Pitras über Auslassungen und andere Fehler seiner
mit Döllinger (Chr. S. 429-30) ein humanistisches Elaborat des 15. oder 16. Jahr
hunderts.... Die gut kirchliche, mittelalterliche Antichristlegende ist durchweg in antike
Formen umgegossen.»
4 G. Pesenti, 'L' autore e la data del poema «Crisias»', Athenaeum, 10 (1922), 123-5.
5 V. Zabughin, Vergilio nel rinascimento italiano da Dante a Torquato Tasso,
Fortuna-Studi-Imitazioni-Traduzioni e Parodie-lconografia (Bologna, 1923), 2, 179-81.
6 L. Gualdo Rosa, I. Nuovo e D. Defilippis, Gli umanisti e la guerra otrantina, Nuova
Biblioteca Dedalo, 5 (Bari, 1982).
7 R. Avesani, Verona nel Quattrocento. La Letteratura. Verona e il suo territorio, Vol
IV, P. Ill (Verona, 1984), 206-210.
8 G. Banterle, 'Il carme di Vergilio Zavarise cum enumeratione poetarum oratorum-
que Veronensium', Atti e Memorie dell' Accademia di Agricoltura, Scienze e Lettere di
Verona, a. a. 1974-1975, Serie VI, Vol. XXVI (Verona, 1976), 121-170, hier: S. 134,
Vers 125-6: Hilarion monachus quoque, Fontanela propago,
Optimus interpres, vates orator et idem...
 DIE CRISIAS DES HILARION VON VERONA 55

Druckvorlage bestätigt. Gegenüber dem Druck bietet der zweite Codex

ingesamt fünf zusätzliche Verse an verschiedenen Stellen des Epos,
durch die bisher bemerkte und auch bisher noch nicht bemerkte Korrup
telen behoben werden.9 Im Widmungsexemplar findet sich auch nicht
das anstößige Wort 'abcernet', das nach Pitras Urteil einem Humanisten
des 15. Jahrhunderts schlecht angestanden hätte. Die Zweifel an der
Datierung des Epos wurden freilich mit einer nicht korrekten Lesart
begründet; statt 'abcernet' ist 'ah cernet' im Urb. lat. 737 überliefert.
Die Kollation der beiden vatikanischen Handschriften ergibt gegenüber
dem Druck von Pitra so zwingende Verbesserungen, daß eine Neuaus
gabe dieser humanistischen Dichtung keiner weiteren Begründung
bedarf. Metrisch und syntaktisch fehlerhafte Verse begegnen in der auf
der Basis des Widmungsexemplars erstellten Neuausgabe nicht mehr.
Inhaltliche Kruditäten, wie das schon von Pitra angezweifelte 'pecudum
hominumque vorator' in 2, 150, das vom Urb. lat 737 in der korrekten
Form 'pecudum oviumque vorator' überliefert ist, entfallen ebenso wie
andere Anstöße.
Ein Ziel der Edition, die den Text in der vom Autor intendierten
Form vorlegt, ist es, die Einordnung der Crisias in die Geschichte
der eschatologischen Literatur zu ermöglichen. Erste Ansätze in die
ser Richtung verdankt man William W. Heist, der in einer großange
legten Studie die verschiedenen Traditionsstränge der Vorzeichen des
Jüngsten Gerichts skizziert hat.10 In dieser Arbeit geht er auch auf
die Crisias ein, die seiner Meinung nach eindeutig erst im Spätmittel
alter verfasst sein kann. Ohne Kenntnis des Aufsatzes von Pesenti
gewinnt er seinen Datierungsansatz aus der Beobachtung, daß die Cri
sias in vielen Details mit der Version der 'XV signa' übereinstimmt,
die sich in der Legenda aurea des Jacobus de Voragine findet. Aller
dings besteht keine völlige Übereinstimmung mit der Version der
Legenda aurea, so daß hier noch weitere Quellenprobleme gelöst
werden müssen. In den letzten Jahren sind mehrere erhellende Studien
über die reiche eschatologische Literatur des 14. und 15. Jahrhunderts

9 Im I. Buch sind nach Vers 35 und Vers 225 je ein Vers, im 2. Buch nach Vers 202
zwei Verse und nach Vers 317 ein Vers ausgefallen. Die folgende Edition stützt sich auf
den Cod. Urb. lat. 737. Ich habe darauf verzichtet, die zahlreichen Fehler des Urb. lat. 352
im kritischen Apparat anzugeben; der für Pitra tätige Kopist des Urb. lat. 352 hat an
vielen Stellen zusätzliche Fehler in den Text gebracht. Aus ökonomischen Gründen wird
auf die Wiedergabe dieser Fehler verzichtet.
10 W. W. Heist, The Fifteen Signs before Doomsday. Studies in Language and Literature,
Michigan State College Press (East Lansing, 1952), Ss. 157-159.
56 P. G. SCHMIDT

erschienen," so daß die Aussichten günstig dafür stehen, daß man den
Platz der Cristas in diesen Strömungen genauer wird bestimmen können.
Neben dem Problem der Quellen stellt sich die Frage nach der Bewer
tung der poetischen Leistung Hilarions. Er ist weit davon entfernt,
nur die Versifikation eines weit verbreiteten Themas anzustreben. Sein
Ziel war es, ein 'grande opus' zu verfassen, zu dem ihn Calliope und
die übrigen Musen inspirieren sollten. Eine pathetische Sprache und
die Beherrschung der antiken Mythologie und Geschichte sind die vor
herrschenden Merkmale seiner Dichtung. Heidnische und christliche
Elemente stehen gleichwertig nebeneinander. Auf die Christusprophe
zeiungen des Alten Testamentes läßt er die Verse Vergils folgen, die auf
die Geburt Christi durch eine Jungfrau gedeutet wurden; auch die sibyl-
linischen Weissagungen fehlen nicht.12 Hier konnte Hilarion mit seinen
griechischen Sprachkenntnissen prunken. Fast aufdringlich zeigt der
Dichter seine Kenntnis der antiken Dichtung. Wörtliche und strukturelle
Entlehnungen sind vorherrschend. Die Beschreibung des Palastes des
Antichrist (2, 260-285) geht auf den von Lucan (10, 111-135)
beschriebenen Palast der Cleopatra zurück; die Personifikation des
Hungers (1, 88-94) greift einen entsprechenden Passus aus Ovids Meta
morphosen (8, 801-808) auf. Dabei variiert Hilarion nur geringfügig;
aus Ovids (8, 805) 'ventris erat pro ventre locus' wird (1, 93) 'ventris
habet pro ventre locum'. Das Ineinanderfügen verschiedener antiker
Quellen wird besonders deutlich in den Abschnitten über Hungersnöte
(1, 177-172), einen Seesturm (1, 39-51) und das Rindersterben (1, 177-
190), das nach Ovid (Met. 7, 528- 551 und Vergil (Georg. 3, 517-540)
geschildert wird. Hilarion erweist hier den großen antiken Vorbildern
seine Reverenz. Der Wiedererkennungseffekt ist beabsichtigt.
Die Crisias und das griechische Enkomion auf Bessarion sind beredte
Monumente des christlichen Humanismus im 15. Jahrhundert, Zeugnisse
der Aneignung griechischer Literatur in Italien und Dokumente der Aus
einandersetzung mit den gefürchteten Türken, die mehr oder minder als
Vorboten der Endzeit und als Gefolgsleute des Antichrist dargestellt
wurden. Wie die Zeitgenossen und Bessarion selbst das Epos rezipiert

" Vgl. H. Eggers, 'Fünfzehn Vorzeichen des Jüngsten Gerichts', in Verfasserlexikon

(Berlin, 1980), 2, Sp. 1013-1020; N. Palmer, 'Die letzten Dinge in Versdichtung und
Prosa des späten Mittelalters', in Deutsche Literatur des späten Mittelalters. Hamburger
Colloquium 1973, ed. W. Harms - P. Johnson (Berlin, 1975), Ss. 225-239; Chr. Gerhardt -
Nigel F. Palmer, XV signa ante iudicium, Studien und Texte zur Überlieferungsgeschichte
eines eschatologischen Themas (Oxford - Trier, 1986).
12 A. Kurfess, Sibyllinische Weissagungen (München, 1951).
 DIE CRISIAS DES HILARION VON VERONA 57

haben, ist noch zu ermitteln. Der große Aufschwung der Neo-Latin

Studies in den letzten Jahrzehnten, den wir der beharrlichen Energie und
Überzeugungskraft des Jubilars verdanken, wird eines Tages auch der
Erforschung dieser bisher kaum beachteten Dichtung eines gebildeten
Benediktiners zugute kommen.

Crisias

'O tît^oç ßißXov

'Rapicovoç povaxoù Bnpcovaiou Kpiatàç npöq à^icùraiov Kai
eö^aßecrcaTov латера ¿7аaколоу TouaKou^àvov

Btiaaapirovoç ¿укюцюу
"E^oxe Briaaapicov, латер eö^aßeeaтaTe яávccov,
"Ov 0eir| áperri aïpei eiç аaтра фаеп'а,
Euvouoç où K^euóv коaцоç SiaTpéÇei foiavтa,
Ебхетш Moùaa èuf| сте àeiSew aXXoq аeior|
5 Kaiaapa 7ТОiЛ.тr|ç Поц7гг|юу ¿кло^ецобута,
"Ектороç óa^ivaç äXXoq, Ilpiáuoió те аоти
Mf]viv 'AxiXXf\oq, т' 'Ayauéuvovoç ößpiv övoktoç
Графатю aixuf|тriç, ué^et ф коХецr\ш ёруа
'АрхеЯ-oxov т' акаpаута pахлç e¿ síoótci näar\q
10 Tpcoaç 0' iяяoôanouç Kai ¿икуrцлоаç 'Ахаюбç.
'AGaváToüç 5è ksvoùç тà 'ОÀлЗpяш 5<вpат' ёхоутаç
'EGviKOç, ou laova^óc, Tiит|aат' алкттоç àeiScov
Tóv те Aia "Hpr|v xpuстó0povov аукиÀ.оpr|тои
ПаТбе Kpóvou- 'Ipiv 0' "Hcpaiatov, ПаÀАаб' 'A0í|vr|v,
15 'Apyupéav те QéTiv, 0' 'Epufjv, Ooißov 0' éKáepyov,
Moixôç 'Афрои5иr|ç Kai "Apr|oç ôéaua èrcaivfj.
cH(ieîç aípcouev сте гохтер vikcovteç "ОХирлтоу
FhepiSeç y^uKéai ôf| 5eC0' ouveîт' àoiSaîç
Фшта атгоатоАлкОУ- y' oûtoç -yàp ела^юç aïvou-
20 'E^^àç ¿7иатгщооу лшоеитоç тôv 5' èyévrlae,
'EXXàq, àcp' fjç ôéôoTai тф коaцср яааа цаОлочç,
'EXXàq фЛоaофоиç tiktouctó те £>r|тораç èa0Àoúç.
'Eутeù0ev yàp ёr| 0eîoç те TlXàxav £сократr|ç те,
"Ev0a5' 'ApiaтоTéÀriç yevvr|0' apxovTeç ôvj^ot,
58 P. G. SCHMIDT

25 "Attikoç èvTeCGev Xóyoq x\XQev Tipcotov èyeipGeiç

'Ек Ar|poст0éveoç, Лиочои Kai ©еофраатои,
Чaократоиç, oú pr| ^.oyicOTepoç àXXoq uvéaтr|.
'Ev0aôe Briaaapicov треф0ец oô яaтpiSa yaîav
'HTipr|ae éf|v pipoúpevoç àXXà ye тoóTouç
30 Eiç apeтfiv oÙ^oç ферето aяouSmoç àpiaтr|v
'Еклаaхсоу pïyoç, обрcoта, Tióvoиç те àяeipouç.
OuveKa тflç а^кr)ç 5ю rj^u0e- cokùç en amr\q
"AKpov Kai 1сократr|ç aXXoq те rRaтcov те yévoiтo,
"AXXoq 'ApiaтоTéX-rlç yiyvcocncouv фиочка яávтa,
35 '1очжратr|ç aXkoq те ^óyco, a^Àoç ©еофраaтоç.
'EkÇt|tcov ёлегах Geöv какокоaроу eA.eiлev
riyvopevoç povaxóç- тeú%cov oïpov Tipôç "OXv\inov
'EaQXá те Kr|5ópevoç- vj/ux'HÇ oô стюратоç aîvov
Zfiae náXai oaicoç, Kexapiapévoç f|v те Taяeivoç.
40 Eúpяamv povaxoïç ХрштоО каÀ-ôç уеофитоç
'Qq ôè 0eoC o^iav катеуебaато, rpriyópióv те,
Tóv те ЛаpаaKTivov Xpиaóaтopov аитоç àvéyvco
Oùpavov eiaiï^0ev pepcmcov яpax,0évTa ye^aaaç.
Oô SúvaTai 5è яо^лç крифОт^у' èv öpeaaiv TiGeïaa,
45 "Qq те Geoç ctko^iôv i0úvei, ä5r|A.ov àéÇei,
"Н0еЯ.е NiKaiaç ëvTipov е7аaко7гоу eïvai
IToipéva tcicttotcitov yuxàç àXXav те фu^аттегу,
Дакриа noXXh xécov ¿кфебуето тoùтo тaTiewoç.
'A0avaтoç ôè 0eoç npoq тоСто раТаaта ¿феНке
50 "Hpepoç, coç ye npénei, è^ef|pcov r\v те Tarceivoç,
Паоч Kr)5ópevoç яpóßaG' акшер Ka?03лоipf|v
Kai рета таСта en npöq peiÇco 'ОАоряюç еШсе.
Tfiv yàp èrtiaтf|pr|v поХЬ Eùyévioç ôoKipaÇcov
NoCv 0' lepôv poùvoç ... yàp NiKfjvoç èvÎKa
55 AipeTucoùç poùvoç ôia^ex0eiç ilv тара)(соог|ç
ToúTcp алоaтоАлкг]У тipf)v 5сорr|оато- ouтcoç
"E^A.r|v rciaтóтaтoç yéveтo KÀeiтóç тe Aaтïvoç.
Tiç 5' £inr\ "EAAr|v яcoç ¿ку(ууюстке Aaтivr|v
YXâaaav; Br|стaapi(0V ta)yuóтepoç ¿aтi AaTïvoç
60 "H "E^^r|v, ovтcoç фаочу тoСт' ëpya ¿Keivou,
Фаоч véoç ye П^áтcov rcA.eiaтoi тe ^oyoi ката KÓapov
riepyápevoi ракареç y' 'ITa^oi oï avôpa кратобоч
Toïov, oç á>q äстTpov Xa^inpàv Kai f|^ioç ¿aтiv.
 DIE CRISIAS DES HILARION VON VERONA 59

Поааакi toÎç 'Eveтoïç Bovóvoiai те ôeircepoç eïrl

65 Паяяа яатr|р, аpфоiУ Ke^apiauévoiç eiç ауорп,тr|ç.
Bé^Tiov oôSèv efjç ßoiArjç, лоте ur|5èv äSiKov
BoiAeúer ayioç y' ou^oç, y' obXôç те Sîkcuoç.
ПоaстакiС eiç XpiaTôv MaoufJTov 0' önka фероута
'Erao^eueîv Чта^оиç ßamÄ-fjaç яаутаç àpiaтоuç
70 'Екка^ееи' 6 yépcov, aфа^ец(?) яютсоу è^ef|aaç.
Xaîpe 5è vùv яатер со Nikt|voç, xaïp', èni$\é\\i£iq
'E^aяivrlç oiaTÓv XpicrcoC Щ crfjua фероута
Eiç ToCpKov, ß^eyeiç ¿TieyeipovT' ôç4>v "Apna,
'Yauivaç кратераç ßA.e\|/eic vf\àq те uetaxivaç.
75 Eu eiôcoç yàp йяаута 0eôç S' ¿кХ,е^ато toùtov.
'Ayye^iKôv oiaTÓv яаутеç \ie\Xovxa ярофп,таi
AéÇav Kai xpr|°"uoi' ЛиеЧ; Se яароута кратоСpеу.
Ei 5è Gé^eiç ye ua0eïv, яатер ó yeipf|vie, 9' riueîç
"HA.0ouev. 'Rapicov Liovaxôç aoi яеpуе äяoiva
80 Acopa vóou- TCTcoxôç 5úvaTai un. xpúaea ôoùvai,
Mr| те ti ápyúpeov ôoùTtoç aoù eüxe^ai eïvai,
Sf|ç àpeTfjç Оераясоу Sé^ai NiKf|ve ôoC^ov.
*H^0e nXémv vuktí EÔK^eiôriç Meyapaîoç 'A0f|vaç
B^év|/ai ZcoKpaTiKTiv àpeTfiv Kai фсотоç àKooeiv,
85 Kai Tivaç 'lanavovq фаоч яроç Aißiov èA.0eïv,
Td)Lir|v avôpa K^úeiv, фг)и' öv y' ¿ка^естстато оr)pоç
Каикастеоу ке opoç фаi0роу яара0riуаi ímápxou
Оиуека Taутá^eov tbeuр' ¿ctîvovtoç- oütcoç
'Rapicbv uovaxôç Liovaxöv яатер' ¿клоре60r|
90 Екефаa0аi 0иpф Kai ау^аа яеpуе ouioiva.
ТаСта ôéxou, яатрсоу яатер eu^aßeecTTaTe жхутсоу,
'Rapicova фЛсоу, oç aoi ôéôoTai náXai ovXoq.
'Ниетераç Moúaaç 'E^^r|vi5aç ïct0i AaTivaç те,
Еiяе, ô' ¿фп.ç(?), ytaoaarlç стù Kpeiаaovaç eïxeç èKeivaç.
"Eppcoao яатер.

Liber primus
Huc age, Calliope, coetu comitata sororum,
Huc propera, plectrumque tene citharamque sonantem.
Nunc opus ingenio, nunc summis viribus usus,
1 Verg. Aen. 9, 525 3 Verg. Aen. 8, 441
60 P. G. SCHMIDT

Altius estque tuba flandum graviusque tonandum;

5 Nunc dulces elegos, non grata poemata canto.
Grande opus aggredior, divino motus ab oestro,
Quod vatum mentes agitat, cogitque calentes
Edere saepe sonos, atque alta silentia rumpit.
ludicium horrendum refero finemque futurum,
10 Quod genus humanum, quod terra fretumque gemiscent.

Ante hoc signa tamen, quae sit missurus ab alto

Omnipotens, referam, mirandaque carmine pandam.

Principio venient, venient saevissima bella;

Fluminaque excurrent, spumantia sanguine multo.
15 Inter se reges mundi dominique potentes
Miscebunt iras, et proelia dira ciebunt:
Nullaque causa dabit vel bellum iusta movebit.

Ast ex infernis ascendens sedibus imis

Perque urbes populosque raet spargetque venenum
20 Alecto, et virides spumas diffundet Echidna.
Hinc ad bella viros animosque accendet inertes,
Irarum tantum atque odiorum mentibus addet.
О miserum nimium et nimium lacrimabile tempus!
Tunc foribus fractis Furor horridus, ore cruento,
25 Per terras fremet usque vagus, pastusque cruore,
Sanguineos ructus exesosque evomet artus.
In cives cives surgent; civilia rursus
Bella movebuntur, graviora prioribus illis,
Quae socer atque gener gesserunt omine diro.
30 Regia tecta raet victor, castella domosque,
Ac tandem spoliis et sanguine plenus abibit.
Multa virum strages et passim corpora caesa,
Horrendum visu monstrum, per strata iacebunt.
Non aderit, caeso moestas qui reddat amico
35 Exequias et lecta manu tegat ossa sepulchro.

6 Stat. Theb. 1 , 32 8 Ov. Met. 1 , 208 14 Verg. Aen. 9, 456 23 Ov. Trist. 5, 12, 1
24 Verg. Aen. 1, 296 27-28 Lucan. 1, 1 33 Verg. Aen. 3, 26 35 Verg. Georg.
1,497
 DIE CRISIAS DES HILARION VON VERONA 61

Sed miseros alios mandet fera dentibus atris

Atque alios volucris rostro laniabit adunco.
Hei mihi, quam crudo component membra sepulchro!
Et multi rapido demersi ilumine pascent
40 Immanes pisces et guttura longa replebunt.
Crudelis tantum non hausit Sylla cruoris,
Non Marius, quantum fundetur tempus in illud.
Impius irrumpens armato pectore miles
Infantes gladio divellet ab ubere matrum:
45 Turba nocens et, qui iam nil meruere, peribunt.
Hic castos thalamos violabit virginis, alter
Captivamque tranet dimissa matre puellam.
Et miserae matres, tundentes pectora pugnis,
Exactae scaevis furiis acrique dolore,
50 Clamorem super astra ferent, divosque vocabunt
Crudeles, totumque implebunt aethera planctu.
Illa suum natum crudeli vulnere caesum
Deplorans, solvi crescentis fata queretur;
Dumque fovet gremio defunctum, semina luctus
55 Nutriet aeterni, gemitus nimiique doloris.
Altera, quae dotem egregiam et sponsalia dona
Coniugio natae dederat iamiamque pararat,
Milite correptam diro tractamque catenis
Inquiret, laniata genas, laniata capillos;
60 Et, Cereris ritu, per compita curva recursans,
Clamabit natam, non dantem verba vicissim.
Adde, quod est gravius, fraternas surgere cernes
Hinc atque hinc acies gladiosque movere minaces,
Quales Thebani fratres movere cruenti.
65 In medium exilient matres et pectora nuda
Ostendent, nec iam poterunt revocare furentes.
Nil poterunt multi gemitus lachrimaeque profusae
Uxorum et matrum, non planctus et ipse sororum.
Sed miseri inter se districto cominus ense
70 Cenantes, proprio violabunt sanguine dextras.
Inde alii horrendasque dapes coenamque Thyestae

37 Ov. Met. 8, 371 44 Verg. Aen. 1, 484 59 Ov. Met. 6, 531 62 Stat. Theb. 1, 1
65 Ov. Met. 2, 585 67 Ov. Met. 7, 91 69 Stat. Theb. 1 1 , 89
62 P. G. SCHMIDT

Apponent, quales Sol torvo lumine vidit.

Filius, impatiens tam longam ferre senectam,
Patris in exitium veniet crudelis, et illi
75 Miscebit virus, vel guttura falce secabit,
Ut possit sceptrum pro libertate tenere.
Saeva ob adulterium coniunx de morte mariti
Consultans, sancti violabit foedera nexus,
Vel despecta viro veluti Medea gemellos
80 Ubere pendentes irata in Tartara mittet.
Hinc fugiens primoque relicto coniuge, laeta
Externum inveniet ducetque scelesta secundum.
His ubi sic gestis sese exaturavit Alecto,
Laeta domum Famis adveniet, quam maxima vallis
85 Et lapidosa tenet Scythiae glacialibus oris.
Hic proprius locus est sterilis, sine munere Bacchi
Et Cereris, raras qui tantum germinat herbas.
Pascitur his obscoena Fames et flebile monstrum,
Pallor, in ore iacet, sunt concava lumina, visu
90 Horribilis torvo, tenuissima corpore toto,
Hirtus crinis inest, plenae rubigine fauces,
Articuli longi macie, trepidantia labra,
Ventris habet pro ventre locum, possuntque videri
Viscera et ossa simul, quae pendent arida lumbis.
95 Hanc ubi contigerit, furialibus obsita pannis,
Alecto, tales emittet pectore voces :
»Salve, cara soror, menti gratissima nostrae,
Pone animos moestos et mecum gaudia sume,
lam nos fata volunt omnes gaudere sorores
100 Tartareas, facimus dum quod sua cuique cupido est.
En ego, cui semper sunt tristia proelia cordi,
Cui sanguis caedesque placent rerumque ruinae,
Commovi cunctos ad bella horrenda tyrannos.
Commovi fratres et ad arma cruenta coegi.
105 Omne nefas movi furiato plena veneno,
Et iam iam multo saturata cruore recessi.
Tu modo perge, precor, terrasque invade patentes,

72 Ov. Met. 9, 27 80 Verg. Aen. 6, 453 86 Ov. Met. 12, 578 89-94 Ov. Met.
8,801-805
 DIE CRISIAS DES HILARION VON VERONA 63

Pascere et enuda foecundos messibus agros !

Horrea, quae multo sudore replevit avarus,
110 Clausa seris centum, manibus violenta refringe.
Hinc et agris teneras segetes evelle, supersint
Ne laetae fruges, nec sit spes ulla futuris.«
Post haec Tartareas descendet laeta sub umbras.
Ast horrenda Fames, precibus commota sororis,
115 Consurget subito terrasque invadet apertas,
Omnia consumens, rabido feret omnia morsu.
O miseros, illo quos tempore terra tenebit!
Antiquam vitam repetent, herbasque virentes
Aut comedent patula delapsas arbore glandes.
120 Radices alii cogentur vellere longas
Unguibus et miseris epulis assuescere dentes.
Occident alii tauros fortesque iuvencos,
Quos quondam socios comitesque habuere laborum.
Alter equum sternet, quo debellaverat hostes
125 Saepius, et belli tulerat decus atque triumphum.
Mercibus abiectis mercator caedet asellum,
Cum sibi iam nihil — ah — cernet superesse ciborum.
Praecipue infelix aderit foecunda virorum
Paupertas et damna feret Famis impia multa.
130 Aspicient miseri morientia pignora patres.
Proh dolor, auxilium poterunt nec ferre, sed una
Occumbent, pariterque animam sine vulnere fundent.
Arida pressabunt infantes ubera matrum,
Evictique fame pariter cum matre peribunt.
135 Non tam crudelis, quam somnia visa dedere
Aegypto, fuit illa fames, nam maximus ille
Interpres potuit fatis obstare malignis.
Non, quae Samariam depasta est tempore multo,
Aut talis vel tanta fuit, quo tempore aselli
140 Vendebant multo pretio caput atque columbae
Stercora, cum Syriae Benadab rex verteret urbem.
Illa minor, quae Achabi subvertit regna potentis,
Cum millas daret aether aquas nec nubila caelum

108 Ov. Mer. 8, 783 119 Ov. Met. 1, 106 128-129 Lucan. 1, 165-166 135
Genesis 41 138-141 IV Regum 6, 25 142-144 III Regum 17, 1
64 P. G. SCHMIDT

Heliae precibus, quem rex sibi fecerat hostem.

145 Illa etiam inferior, Solymos quae afflixit et urbem
Eruit, infelix quo tempore mater adacta
Visceribus propriis immergere viscera nati.
Verte, libet, Graias Romanorumque togatas
Historias, gentis peregrinae gesta revolve:
150 Non tantum scaevit, Capitolia grandia Gallis
Quae dare Romanos repulit, cum signa Camillus
Rettulit, exilio patriam revocatus in urbem.
Non tam terribilis, sub qua Casilinus adactus
Detraxit pelles clypeis et molliit undis
1 55 Hasque edit, mures cum consumpsisset olentes,
Ut socias leges Romanaque iura teneret.
Quid Praenestinos referam, quos barbarus ille
Hannibal oppressif tantum, tantumque refregit,
Ut nummis videas murem venire trecentis?
160 Quid Cretas, longa qui ex obsidione Metelli
Urinam propriam miseri pecudumque bibere?
Quidque Numantinos, quos mandere dentibus atris
Humanas carnes artusque vorare cruentos
Scipio crudelis consumptis omnibus egit?
165 Quid tandem memorem crudos scaevosque parentes
Callaguritanios, quos dum convincere Magnus
Obsidione parat, duros belloque feroces
Omnibus absumptis ad dulcia pignora versos
Uxoresque ferunt, quo se quoque longius ipsos
170 Servarent, carnes sale conspersisse prophanos?
His maiora aderunt, magis his crudelia cement
Tentabuntque viri, stimulis famis usque coacti.
Hinc quoque Tisiphone, Furiarum maxima, surget
Et veniens caelum sparget terrasque venenis,
175 Inficiet vitio fontes pariterque lacusque.
Et primo fiet pestis volucrum pecudumque.
Agricola infelix fortes cecidisse iuvencos
Conspiciet, moestusque humeris attollet aratrum.

145-147Hegesippus5, 40 150-152 Val. Max. 7, 4, 3 153-156 Val. Max. 7, 6, 2

157-159 Val. Max. 7, 6, 3 160-161 Val. Max. 7, 6, ext. 1 162-164 Val. Max. 7, 6,
ext. 2 165-170 Val. Max. 7, 6, ext. 3 173-176 Ov. Met. 7, 528-537 177-185 Ov.
Met. 1, 538-546; Verg. Georg. 3, 517-524
 DIE CRISIAS DES HILARION VON VERONA 65

Lanigerae occumbent pecudes balatibus aegris

180 Et miseris diro tabescent corpora morbo.
Acer equus, multas tulerat qui in pulvere palmas,
Immemor et palmae, veterumque oblitus honorum,
Ad praesepe gemens loeto morietur inerti.
Nesciet irasci vel aper, vel fidere cursu
185 Audebunt cervae; non magni armenta leones
Invadent, non ursus erit, qui terreat agnos.
Mors erit in cunctis et plurima mortis imago.
Mortibus implebunt terram volucresque feraeque;
Corporibus foedis nitidus vitiabitur aer.
190 Perque viros tandem labetur tabida pestis,
Inficientque alios alii; dum serviet aegro
Ipse pater nato, natusque paterque peribunt.
Et frater busto dum corpora reddere curat,
Tertius occumbet pariter, pariterque peribit.
195 Infelix genitrix morientia pignora cernet,
Seque parans ad opem quocunque tremente ferendam,
In partem loeti veniet partemque ruinae.
Dumque suo assistens quicumque fidelius aegro
Serviet, hic citius vicina peste peribit.
200 Non aderunt, qui tunc demandent corpora bustis:
Per silvas passim, per tecta et strata iacebunt.
Quocumque invertes oculos, quocumque subibis,
Prostratum vulgus cernes, miserabile visu!

Ut concussa solent ex arbore mitia poma

205 Comiere aut veteri maturae ex illice glandes,
Sic ruet infelix vulgus passimque iacebit.
Et caeli quoque signa dabunt horrenda: Cometas
Prospicies diros caelo fulgere sereno.
Saepius et fratri nitido contraria Phoebe
210 Ibit et obscuros hunc coget tollere vultus.
Saepius in varios vertetur Luna colores,
Et modo sanguineis maculis, modo turbida nigris.
Et Sol non semper claram dabit aethere lucem:

185 Verg. Ecl. 4, 22 187 Verg. Aen. 2, 369; Ov. Met. 10, 726 203 Verg. Aen. 1,
111
66 P. G. SCHMIDT

Caeruleus pluvias modo mittet et igneus Eurus.

215 Obscurum insolito splendorem sidera reddent,
Ignibus et crebris caelum terraeque micabunt.
Plurima de caelo demittet fulmina dextra
Omnipotens. Quantus mortales terror habebit!
Flammarum tractus videas volitare per auras,
220 Ardentesque polos cernes, caelumque tonare,
Armorumque sonos, quales Germania caelo
Audiit atque ingens extincto Caesare Roma.
Et tellus, tanti non inscia vasta furoris,
Mugitus dabit horrendos motusque frequentes.
225 Plurima tecta ruent, aedes et templa deorum.
Evomet Aetna globos flammarum et plurima circum
Exuret castella urbesque domosque virosque,
Parturient montes variarum monstra ferarum.
Horrendas silvis importunasque volucres
230 Cernes, obscoenasque canes longosque colubros.
Cristati excurrent et picti colla dracones
Et medios tauros amplexi fortia rampent
Tergora et expassis alis tollentur in auras.
Dipsades exibunt terra dirique cerastae,
235 Infesti armentis, teneris et ovilibus aegri.
Aeolus emittet vasto de carcere ventos,
Qui mare perturbent, totumque a sedibus imis
Commoveant, vastos tollant ad litora fluctus.
lamque Eurusque Notusque ruent, creberque procellis
240 Africus, et primo turbabunt aera purum.
Inde mari incumbent, vastosque a sedibus imis
Attollent fluctus, caelum terramque revolvent
Ad Ditem. Lybien quisquis mercator et Indos
Ibit, tunc miserum pariter cum merce peribit.
245 Aspiciet pelagi faciem excandescere et ira
Eruere, et ante oculos patris volitabit imago
Huic, alii mater natique et amabilis uxor.
»Ardua«, clamabit »dimitte cornua, rector,
Liberaque antennis volitantia mittite vela.«
250 Impediet ventus iussis parere volentes,

236-242 Verg. Aen. 1,84-86

 DIE CRISIAS DES HILARION VON VERONA 67

Nec sinet audiri vocem maris ampla procella.

Intendet pars una suos subducere remos,
Altera nitetur vento data vela negare
Candida; dumque illud nulla ratione geretur,
255 Ingenio sibi quisque suo studioque nocebit.
Aspera surget hyems, horrendaque bella ciebunt
ínter se venti fretaque indignata movebunt.
Ipse ratis rector nescire fatebitur omnem
Hanc pelagi faciem, nullamque huc afferet artem,
260 Ignarusque artisque, viae, plenusque timoris,
Nesciet infelix, quidnam iubeatque velitque.
Tanta mali moles, tantus fragor ipse rudentum,
Tantus et ipse virum clamor planctusque sonabit!
Impetus undarum sese super aethera tollet,
265 Quas magnos tetigisse polos aspergine credas.
Et varus vicibus navis modo ad alta trahetur,
Despectans Acheronta imum vallesque iacentes,
Et modo summissa vastaque voragine pressa,
Prospiciet caelum, veluti ex Acheronte profundo;
270 Nunc dabit ingentem fluctu percussa fragorem:
Concussi exilient cunei, spoliataque cerae
Tegmine, rima aditus dabit exitialibus undis.
Fundentur largi resolutis nubibus imbres,
Inque fretum totum credas descendere caelum;
275 Inque polos pelagus tumefactum ascendere dicas.
Vela procellosi scindent Eurusque Notusque,
Nocte vagabuntur caeca caecisque tenebris,
Lumina nulla poli nisi fulgura missa videntes.
Desuper imber erit, rimis maris unda meabit,
280 Ut pereat, iam navis erit, mergatque profundo
Seque suosque duces, quos non benefida tulisset.
Mortis erit prior ipse metus, maior quoque morte.
Utque solent cives muros fodientibus extra
Hostibus intremere, ut trepidantia moenia cernunt,
285 Iam lachrimans quisquis, quae sit tormenta daturas,
Cogitat, et mortem, quam sit passurus ab hoste,
Iamque prior mortis metus est, maior quoque morte:

260 Verg. Aen. 1,87 266 Verg. Aen. 6, 296 274 Verg. Aen. 1, 85
68 P. G. SCHMIDT

Sic infelices nautae vicina videntes

Fata trement, precibusque deos votisque vocabunt.
290 Ars omnisque animique cadent, credentque mentes
In sese fluctus vastos prorumpere montes.
llle dabit lachrymas, porrectaque brachia caelo
Extendet, nullus iam segnis fundere vota.
Huic erit ante oculos matrisque patrisque senectus,
295 Huic dulces nati et coniunx viduanda marito.
Talia convolvent animis miseranda caterva,
Clamoremque ferent super astra, deosque vocabunt;
Quos Pater Omnipotens tandem miseratus ab alto,
Fracta puppe omni demerget in aequora cunctos.
300 Signa haec praecedent venturum horrenda furorem,
Quae dudum vates, dudum cecinere Sibyllae.
Sed iam te recrea, viresque resume, Camoena.
Sunt tibi praemissis multo maiora canenda,
Qualiter Antitheos, qui se Omnipotente creatum
305 Efferat, adveniet, Christoque inimica potenti
Bella ciens, plebem evertat populumque fidelem.

Liber secundus
Post haec Antitheos veniet, cacodaemone magno,
Ut referunt, ortus fotusque et adultus ad omnem
Perniciem; Babylon patria est, testante propheta,
Danque tribus. Solymis sua qui tentoria primum
5 Figet, et has sedes primumque loca illa tenebit.
Quare barbaricis stipabitur undique turbis,
Et circumcisus veterum de more parentum,
Promissum verum se fabitur affore Christum.

O Iudea cohors, o gens stultissima, damnis

10 Laeta tuis, natum cacodaemone numen adoras,
Expectas precibusque vocas, nimiumque morantem
Compellis votis, truculentaque monstra precaris.
O novisse virum quam te, plebs stulta, pigebit,

293 Verg. Georg. 2, 523 296 Verg. Aen. 5, 727 301 Verg. Ecl. 4, 1

7 Verg. Aen. 6, 223 10 Verg. Aen. 3, 437; Ov. Met. 1 1, 540

 DIE CRISIAS DES HILARION VON VERONA 69

Cum simul aeternis flammis ignique voraci

15 Dederis, serisque Deum venerabere votis!
O gens crudelis, propriaeque inimica saluti,
Quid nocitura colis? Quid vota effundis in hostem?
Romulidaeque quondam, genus insuperabile bello,
Dicuntur pluresque deos coluisse deasque,
20 Ast alios ob virtutes praeclaraque gesta.
Unde et Saturnum curva cum falce, lovemque
Sacrarunt, Cereremque almam, magnamque Minervam;
Fortunamque dedere deam, caeloque locarunt;
Et puerum Alcidem, crudelia monstra domantem,
25 Atque Neoptolemum monstrantem munera matris
Humano generi, et Bacchum nova vina prementem.
Tu quoque, Rubigo, factum de marmore templum
Servasti et multo placata es sanguine saepe,
Ne teneras laedas segetes fructicosaque vastes.
30 Tunc quoque sacrata est Febris, meruitque sacellum,
Ne furiata ruens mortales pasceret artus.
Inde etiam Pharii dirum cocodrillon adorant,
Ne noceat virusque effundat in aera purum.
Isti ob virtutes alios aliosque deorum
35 Sacrarunt, cui ne fera turba noceret; et unum
lam non cementes caeli terraeque potentem
Esse Deum, qui cuncta suis moderatur habenis,
Quique dat adversi quicquid venit atque secundi.
Quare iam venia digni sunt, si qua malignis
40 Est permissa, tamen veniamque hanc quisque meretur.
Perfide, sed quid tu tantum, ludaee, procaci
Obsistens animo, quem iam venisse fatentur
Pontificum sacri libri certique prophetae,
Ipse negas, hominemque deum facis esse profanum?
45 Expectas votisque vocas cacodaemone natum?
Quae virtus hominis tete, o stultissime, ducit
Ad cultum, quaeve utilitas? Hanc fare, precamur!
Utile quid tribuat, qui totus inutilis exstat?
Perfide, quid dubitas oriundum e virgine Christum
50 Credere, quidve times? lam sacris vatibus aures

18 Verg. Aen. 4, 40 27 Verg. Aen. 4, 457

70 P. G. SCHMIDT

Accomoda, et cordis scopulos adamantaque rumpe.

Ecce canit vatum princeps et clamat ab alto

Esias: «Pariet Virgo, mirabile dictu!

Hemanuelque puer dicetur, roscida mella
55 Quique edat et pingui butyro saepe fruatur,
Quo reprobare malum noscat, iustumque fovere.»

Et Daniel sanctus: «Cum venerit ille», fatetur

«Maximus e caelo, cessabunt chrismata vestra.»
Iam venit, iam vos posuistis chrismata vestra.
60 О miseri, quid iam dubitatis, perfida turba?
Consurgunt alii testes, quis credere multa
Cogens; ecce canit Hieremias inclytus ore:

«Maximus ille Deum caeli terraeque marisque

Omnipotens, quem cuncta tremunt, cui sidera parent,
65 Inter mortales miseros noctisque tenebras
Constitit, indutus carnis mortalia vincla.»

Hinc Abacuch, gravis ille senex, testatur ab alto

Pectore, dum totus, totus stupefactus inhaeret:

«Grande opus extimui, divum pater atque hominum rex!

70 Dum tu, qui caeli et terrae moderaris habenas,
In cumulo foeni parvus nudusque iaceres,
Bosque tibi, modo asellus iners praestaret alumni
Officium, atque Deum colerent hominemque foverent.»

Tu quoque, magne David, citharae modulamina tange :

75 «Lux», inquit «terris oritur, despectat Olympo
Astraea, ut mundum relevet tollatque cadentem.»

Vos quoque, fatidicae vates, date carmina Christi.

Tuque prior venias, Cumaei carminis auctor:
«Ecce parit Virgo, redeunt Saturnia regna.
80 Ecce novus foetus summo descendit Olympo.»

53-56 Isai 7, 14; Verg. Ecl. 4, 30 57-58 Daniel 7, 27 63 Verg. Aen. 1, 598; Ov.
Met. 2, 96 64 Verg. Aen. 10, 176 69-74 Habacuc 1, 5 (?); Verg. Aen. 1, 65
75-76 Psalmus 96, 1 1 78 Verg. Ecl. 4, 4 79-80 Verg. Ecl. 4, 6-7
 DIE CRISIAS DES HILARION VON VERONA 71

Tu, que magnanimum Aenaeam per regia Ditis,

Perque lacus Stygios traxisti patris ad umbras,
Dic, quae de Christo cecinisti oracula quondam:

«Omnipotens humiles despexit ab aethere summo,

85 Et puerum extremis Hebraea puella diebus
Intemerata dabit, stabuloque fovebit alumnum. »
Persia, tuque refer carmen, testisque fidelis
Egredere et Iudae populum confunde prophanum.

«Cerbere, consurget tua qui edomet horrida colla,

90 Nasceturque Deus caeli terraeque marisque,
Quem natum gremio gestabit virgo puella,
Auxilium humani generis, medicina salusque.»
Quarta quoque egrediens Libye dat carmen ab alto:

«Expectata dies veniet, qua claviger ille

95 Aetherius caeli summo descendet ab axe,
Obscuras tenebras atque abolita cuncta resolvens.
Obstruet ora viris cunctisque silentia ponet.
Hinc synagogaeae dissolvet vincla catervae,
Cerneturque hominum vivens rex atque deorum,
100 Intemerata suo gremio quem virgo fovebit.»
Haec eadem reliquae cecinere oracula vates,
Delphica, Thessalice, quae Tiburtina fuere.
Quod si nascenti credis nihil, improbe, saltem
Crede cruci et morti, quae sic spirata Sybilla
105 Praecinuit, carmenque dedit virgo ore Pelasgo:

«Eiç àvouoùç xeipàç Kai аяiaTcov üaTepov f\£,ei,

Acóaouaiv Se 0еф paTÚauaTa xеpo"iv аváyvoiç,
Acoaouaiv aтóuaatv piapoïaiv rcтúauaтa rcávтeç
Kai elç uaaTiyiaç árcA-coç áyvóv тоте vôTov.

1 10 Concidet in tetricasque manus turbamque nefastam,

Hique Deum caedent colaphis palmisque nephandis,

82 Verg. Aen. 6, 134 84 Verg. Aen. 12, 583 90 Verg. Aen. 1, 598; Ov. Met. 2, 96
106-109 Oracula Sibyllina 8, 287-290; Lactantius Div. inst. 4, 18-19
72 P. G. SCHMIDT

In fatiemque spuent pollute» atque ore scelesto,

Et scapulas caedent, quae nil meruere, flagellis.»
Sic stultus, sed in hoc sapiens, testatur Apollo:

115 «0vr|Tôç ër)v ката aарка acxpôç тepaтcbôeaiv epyotç

'AXX' bnö Xa^ôaicov Kpucov ол^оц auvataoGeiç
Toucpoiç Kai aKoXonéaai яiKpfiv àvércA.r|cra X6^eütfiv.

Mortalis sub carne fui, sapiensque stupendis

Prodigiis; sed me populus Chaldeus in armis
120 Captum tormentis, mortis stimulisque dedere.»
Sed quid, Musa, refers volvisque oracula sacra
Ethnicaque? Infelix animo stat turba procaci,
Nec natum credit, cruce nec periisse sub alta,
Nec sua ab innocuo descendere sanguine damna.
125 At veniet, tu quem expectas, Iudaee sceleste!
Ne dubita, adveniet, Stygiasque retrudet ad undas
Cultores proprios et talia praemia reddet.
Hic est horrendum monstrum, quod gutture perflans
Septeno atque decem tumidum per cornua frontem
130 Cornibus, et totidem gestans diademata in altis,
E vasto pelago conscendit ab usque profundo,
Quod meminit divus sese inspectasse Iohannes.
Hic leo terribilis, medium per colla iubasque
Quem raptum Samson partes distraxit in ambas.
135 Hic est horribilis moles Nemaea, lacertis
Disiecta Alcidae, forti clavaque relisa.
Hic Ditis custos est Cerberus ore trifauci,
Herculea domitusque manu tractusque per Orcum.
Hic et Erichthonius sparso de semine natus,
140 Hic Erymanthei crudelis bestia saltus,
Atque Hydra immanis per plurima colla resurgens.
Hic Minotaurus adest, monstrum ingens atque biforme,
Dictaeas diris implens mugitibus arces.
Latonae violentus aper, cuique horrida cervix

115-117 Lactantius Div. inst. 4, 13 133 Ov. Met. 5, 403 135 Ov. Met. 9, 197
137 Verg. Aen. 6, 417 142 Verg. Aen. 6, 25 144-148 Ov. Met. 8, 284-288
167 Lucan 4, 377
 DIE CRISIAS DES HILARION VON VERONA 73

145 Ardentesque oculi fuerant et sanguine pleni,

Surgebantque velut perlonga hastilia setae;
Fervida cui latos currebat spuma per armos,
Cui fuerant dentes aequandi dentibus Indis,
Vastator segetum, frugum populator et omnis
150 Expilator agri, pecudumque oviumque vorator.
Iam iam aderit. Cane vitam hominis moresque venustos,
Musa, Deo dignos; cane gesta ducisque triumphos,
Quaeque sit in terris veniens documenta daturus;
Et Christi nostri vitam conferre pudicam
155 Iam libeat, possis similem quoque credere Christum.
Virginis ingrediens alvum, de Virgine natus
Christus: virginei nec sunt violata pudoris
Claustra, nec humanum est morem nascendo secutus.
Praeterea natus stetit inter inertia bruta,
160 Et teneris humeris iuncos compressit acutos
Sordidaque incoluit Iudae magalia parvus.
Sola parens nutrixque fuit, solusque minister
Ipse pater, fuit hic servorum nobilis ordo.
Angelicae applaudunt, circumstant undique turbae.
165 Dum vixit, semper profugus semperque misellus,
Pauperiem amplexusque gravem atque extrema secutus,
Contentus modico propriam producere vitam.
Sedabat Ceres ipsa famem, fons ipse sitimque:
Fabricios, Curiosque probans, rigidosque Catones,
170 Aetatisque sequens documenta probanda prioris,
Quae repulit rictus dapibus maculare cruentis,
Arbore glandifera et contenta fidelibus arvis,
Dulcibus et pomis, tumidisque in vitibus uvis,
Melleque, quod floremque thymi redoletque saporem.
175 Virtutis cultor, vitiorum ultorque severus
Usque fuit, passusque graves durosque labores,
Alcidae laudabat iter; nec ad aethera quemquam,
Non nisi per rupes perqué aspera saxa rotatum,
Scandere, delicias quique effugisset inertes,
180 Narrabat, nec posse frui caelestibus auris.
Exemplo et monitis docuit, quae semita habenda

173 Ov. Met. 15, 77 174 Ov. Met. 15, 80

74 P. G. SCHMIDT

Cuique foret, fecitque prius, docuitque secundo,

Virginibus nimium, nimium gaudere pudicis
Moribus, eloquioque gravi et moderamine sancto.
185 Sprevit opes, pompas neglexit, sprevit honores:
Cultura solus dignus, solusque verendus,
Solus honorandus cunctis, solusque colendus.
Quem ludaea cohors, odiis agitata prophanis,
Dum dulces monitus, dum dat praecepta salutis,
190 In cruce confixit, poenisque subegit amaris,
Felle prius potans miserum Stygiisque venenis.
Haec veri Christi vita est moresque pudici,
Qui moriens Stygiis mortales traxit ab undis.

Antithei nunc monstra canam, nunc improba facta.

195 Nascetur magno Antitheos cacodaemone, stupro
Commisso et sacra compressa virgine, qual i
Romulus, aetheriae Romanae conditor arcis.
Tunc Pluto inferna mittet de sede sorores,
Quae puerum foveant, alimentaque mitia praestent.
200 Alecto adveniet gestans pro crinibus angues,
Tisiphoneque ultrix, diro succincta flagello,
Atque furens flammis odiorum scaeva Megaera.
Quaeque suum officium peraget; spirabit amorem
Bellorum vertetque animos ad bella Megaera.
205 Luxuriem Alecto rerum lautosque paratus
Infundet labiis, terra pelagoque redemptas
Delitias, largasque dapes mensasque superbas.
Tisiphone irarum stimulos animosque tumentes
Atque feros addet, virusque in viscera condet.
210 Hinc, quae cuncta movet, Venus et cum matre Cupido
Lascivus venient; et totam se ingeret illi
Ipsa Venus, pariterque puer volitantia tela
Promet; et adducto tremulo per cornua nervo
Aurea transibit volucris per corda sagitta
215 Et totas venas percurret tabida pestis.
Terribilis quoque conveniet Tritonia Pallas,

197 Verg. Aen. 8, 313 200 Verg. Aen. 1, 450 201 Verg. Aen. 6, 370 216 Verg.
Aen. 5, 704
 DIE CRISIAS DES HILARION VON VERONA 75

Concutiens hastam et parmam cum Gorgone scaeva,

Thesaurosque omnes vasta tellure refossos
Ostendet, ditemque deum facietque potentem.
220 Et Parcae venient, puero perlonga daturae
Saecula, si possent, nec votum Fata negarent.
Tunc Lachesis puero ridenti carmina blanda
Haec dabit: «O magni Ditis clarissima proles,
Postquam Fata negant te stamina ducere longa,
225 Nec tua iam septem visura est lustra iuventus,
Sis saltem felix, sis fortunatus in omni
Tempore. Te populi timeant, tete omnis adoret
Et regem appellent caelique Herebique potentem.
Dent Arabes gemmas nitidas clarosque smaragdos,
230 India donet ebur nitidum, dent thura Sabaei.
Egerat argentum atque aurum tibi clara Corinthus,
Atque tuis votis faveat fortuna secunda.
Ferte pedem his pariter, pariterque favete, sorores!»
Haec Lachesis puero ridenti carmina reddet.
235 lam adolescenti natura et semina surgent
lacta, malis vitiis atque omni crimine plena.
Matris Acidaliae puerique Cupidinis artes
Praecipue infelix tota cum mente fovebit.
Gesta lovis magni, scelerataque stupra revolvet,
240 Raptorem et Ditem violatoremque pudici
Corporis armigeri consecratique Dianae.
Audiet Europam falsa sub imagine tauri
Compressisse lovem et tenerae illusisse puellae.
Audiet Inachidem spatiantem forte per agros
245 Incautam propriam frontem timuisse bicornem;
Aureus ut Danaen castam deceperit imber,
In gremium lapsus per summi culmina tecti.
Audiet obscurae noctis geminasse tenebras,
Dum dulci Alcmenae longoque potitur amore;
250 Et cygni falsi Ledae accubuisse sub alis,
De qua nata Helene, Troianae causa ruinae.

217 Verg. Aen. 2, 616 223 Lucan. 6, 594 230 Verg. Georg. 1, 57 237 Verg.
Aen. 1, 720 242 Ov. Met. 3, 1 247 Verg. Aen. 2, 695 249 Ov. Met. 10, 428
76 P. G. SCHMIDT

Hinc et Troianum puerum forma atque decore

Correptum, caeli quem sit dignatus honore
luppiter atque deis praefecerit esse ministrum.
255 Post et adulterium Veneris Martisque ferocis
Agnoscet, seque his formans reddensque deorum
Exemplis similem, totus per stupra nephanda
Amplexusque ruet, circumdatus agmine semper
Foemineo, semperque inter lasciva volutans.
260 Inde lovis vertetque dapes mensasque superbas,
Delitiis variis cumulatas atque refusas
Illo caelesti et divino nectare cunctas;
Intentusque epulis, semperque intentus Hiaccho,
Summa voluptatis statuet bona, commoda summa,
265 Prava Epicurorum rursum et mala dogmata spargens.
lamque sibi struet ipse domos aequataque caelo
Atria, quae manibus credas fabricasse Cyclopas.
Argentum atque aurum condet laquearía crassum,
Marmoribusque domus sectis clarisque nitebit.
270 Clarus ubique et onix et ubique iacebit achates.
Vestiet et fortes hebenus Mareotica postes,
Atque ebore antiquo radiantia cuncta videbis.
Hinc quoque gemma thoris fulgebit, et ipsa supellex
laspidibus claris, et conchis tota decora,
275 Strataque sub Tyrio rutilabunt murice tincta.
Hinc illi plures famuli, quibus ordine longo
Cura penum struere et sectos Athlantide silva
Ponere sublatos niveis cum dentibus orbes.
Quique merum infundant gemmis epulasque per aurum,
280 Quas pelagus, quas terra ferax, quas nutrit et aer
Distinctique aetate omnes, pariterque colore:
Hic teneras prima indutus lanugine malas
Crispatusque comas flavas et clarus in auro,
Crinibus hic Lybicis maior totusque decorus,
285 Insigniti omnes armis decoresque draconis.
Sic vitam miser instituet, totumque per orbem
Praecones mittet, leges qui dicta prophanae
Exponant et se verum Omnipotente creatum

266-272 Lucan. 1 0, 1 1 2- 1 1 7 273-284 Lucan. 1 0, 1 22- 1 44

 DIE CRISIAS DES HILARION VON VERONA 77

Affirment, totumque suis sub legibus orbem

290 Mittant, optatumque ferant laetumque triumphum.
Ipse autem aurato curru per inania caeli
Plutonis devectus equis, qui naribus efflant
Fumiferos ignes, hinnituque omnia terrent,
Perget in occiduas, modo se convertet ad oras
295 Eoas, modo sub tardum vastumque Boetem
Tectaque ad Arcturi magnamque Lycaonis Ursam,
Hinc per Marmaridas vagus et Garamantas et Indos,
Perque Arabes, Dacos, Marsos, pictosque Agathyrsos.
In Christum linguae rabiem cordisque furorem
300 Evomet et tales voces dabit ore prophano:
«Nosce tuum, mortale genus, super omnia Christum,
Qui nunc et summi gremioque sinuque Tonantis
Descendit, miserum tete de fraudibus istis
Eripere et vitae vestigia vera docere,
305 Quis caeli mecum possis conscendere ad axem.
Parcite, mortales, vos excruciare labore
Et duro macerare cibo victuque ferino,
Quem docuit falsus Christus falsusque prophetes,
Et maris et terrae dapibus date gaudia ventri,
310 Atque gulae lautas iam iam componite mensas.
Ipse ego sum verus Christus verusque redemptor,
Venturum vates quem praedixere Sibyllae.
Credite veridico ! Dedit omnia Iuppiter ipse
Omnipotens vobis. Laeti, dum Fata relinquunt,
315 Vivite, sitque bonum summum vitae ipsa voluptas.
Invigilate opibus, fulvum sine fine parate
Aurum atque Eoas gemmas radiantiaque aera;
Praeclaras fabricate domos, palatiaque ampla
Erigite et Pario circumdate marmore cuncta
320 Auratasque trabes varíate coloribus omnes,
Purpureas gestate togas et murice tinctas.
Auratae placeant chlamydes gemmisque decorae.
Delitias adamate omnes, adamate choreas;
Communisque Venus cunctis, communis Hylasque.

292 Verg. Aen. 12, 115; Ov. Met. 7, 104 297 Verg. Aen. 6, 794 298 Verg.
Aen. 4, 146 321 Ov. Fast. 2, 319
78 P. G. SCHMIDT

325 Sint alacres animi semper, sint corpora semper

Venatu celeri dulci aucupioque retenta.
Quaerite et in cunctis, fuerit quae sola voluptas.
Haec eadem, summo quisque est habiturus Olympo.
Vosque inopes rerum meme praestante tenete
330 Divitias, aurum capite et mea munera laeti. »
Haec dicens, largas et opes diffundet apertas;
Non erit argenti, non auri finis et aeris.
Tunc lucro indulgens et avaris anxia curis,
Plebs nimium tollet laetas ad sidera voces,
335 Accipientque fidem diri obscoenique draconis,
Linquentes miseri Christum Omnipotente creatum,
Qui genus humanum crudeli morte redemit.
О fera pernities auri caecique furoris!
О rabies ! О sacra fames, quid pectora tantis
340 Humana exagitas Furiis? Tu causa malorum
Cunctorum humano generi, tu tabida pestis.
Per te bella placent, per te arma cruenta moventur.
Per te Troia ruit, Phoebo et fabricata per aurum.
Per te Roma cadit, per te Carthaginis arces.
345 Te sitiens Crassus, dum te per bella requirit,
In Parthis moriens, pleno te faucibus hausit.
Poenitet et Midam tete exoptasse, diuque
Cum lacrymis tolli temeraria vota precatur.
Pygmalione fero per te bonus ille Sychaeus
350 Occubuit, coniunx castae Didonis amatus.
Atlanta Hippomones cursu superavit inerti,
Aurea dum manibus tardatur mala legendo.
Horribili haec eadem dedit observanda draconi
Anxia cunctarum luno regina dearum,
355 Dum timet Hesperidas, пеc tutos conspicit hortos.
Priamides cecidit Polydorus ab hospite caesus,
Cum patriis laribus tete excessisset honustus.
Perdidit amissa cum virginitate pudorem
Infelix Dane, gremio dum colligit aurum.
360 Infelix ludas, Stygias demissus ad undas

340 Verg. Aen. 1 1, 361 344 Verg. Aen. 1, 366 346 Verg. Aen. 2, 774 349 Verg.
Aen. 1,343 356 Verg. Aen. 3, 49-55 360 Ov. Met. 3, 272
 DIE CRISIAS DES HILARION VON VERONA 79

Te propter, votum satiat dum mentis avarae.

Solum mortis erat terns genus, atque sorores
Tempora longa viris per stamina longa trahebant.
At tu immaturam mortem et indebita fata
365 Das multis, Parcasque facis sua rumpere fila
Invitas, casus mortisque inducis acerbos.
Phryxaeum vellus nam correpturus lason
Sollicitavit aquas primus, pelagique procellas
Sensit, et aequoreas alnum demisit in undas,
370 Edocuitque mon pelago, piscesque replere
Carnibus, et dins componere membra sepulchris.
Post audax genus lapeti te coepit ubique
Quaerere, nec Scyllam nec formidare Charybdim,
Littora nec Circes, socios quae vertit Ulyssis,
375 Myrtoumque fretum Borea pellente secare.
Navigat ad Lybien alius ditemque Corinthum,
Alter Daedalicis pennis superevolat Arcton.
Nec contentus homo terra, rait aequore toto;
Aequore transmisso, superevolat aethera magnum.
380 Callidus hinc arcam fur te custode refringit,
Inventusque foro poenas cruce pendit ab alta;
Te ludaeus Achar populo lapidatur ab omni,
Atque dedit poenas furti scelerata cupido.
Per te nulla fides, per te fraudesque dolique
385 Servorum in dominos, quos strangulat impia turba,
Saepius et frater fratrem natusque parentem.
Candida per te etiam terras Astraea reliquit,
ludiciumque fori versas litesque retexis.
Perfidus en tutor scrutatur damna clientis,
390 Per fora causidici resonant clamoribus acres.
Lingua tacet, loquitur Demosthenis illa diserta,
Utque iubes, sic quisque facit, mendatia folles
Spirant magna cavi, per fas ruiturque nefasque.
О quam felices, qui te sprevere, fuerunt,
395 Fabricii Curiique omnes, rigidique Catones!
О fortunatum Socratem, pectusque severam,
Qui te detestans pelagus demersit in altum !

378 Verg. Aen. 12, 501 387 Ov. Met. 1, 150 396-397 Hieronymus adv. lov. 2, 9
80 P. G. SCHMIDT

Aegypti felix sacer ille Antonius, alti

Consilii, qui te sylvis visumque repertum
400 Effugit, veluti conspecta Gorgone dira.
Haec erit esca prior, mellito admixta veneno,
Quam dabit Antitheos populis turbaeque sequaci;
Namque voluptates solum haec sectatur amoenas.

Ast alios stabilis mentis fideique probatae

405 Fallere portentis variisque avertere signis
Tentabit, magicas totus conversus ad artes,
lamque ad se inferni manes nigrique ministri
Plutonis venient, quae iusserit ille, parati
Efficere atque dolis caelum terramque movere.
410 Hincque alii summo flammas descendere Olympo
Ostendent, alii dare fulgura clara serenum
Caelum, quod gestum est Heliae tempore vatis.
Sanguine commixtos deducet ab aethere nymbos,
Ut factum memorant per Punica bella secunda.
415 Mugitusque bovum immortalia verba resolvet,
Atque loqui infantes faciet, mirabile dictu !
In colubros vertet virgas viridesque dracones,
Utque volet, fera monstra dabit, modo mitia reddet.
Hisque oculos miris populorum et corda tenebit,
420 Ut domini quondam rerum gentesque togatae
Romani, totusque orbis cacodaemone lusus,
Hisque dolis captus varioque errore deorum.
Hinc etiam Phoebi tripodas mensasque reponet,
Marmoreumque loqui Phoebum aeratasque Sibyllas
425 Coget, et ingratis humanos perdere mores
Responsis, stabilemque fidem temerare prophana.
Post quoque de caelo labi cacodaemonas alto
Vulcani in speciem faciet, qui discipulorum
Pectora transadeant inspirentque ora veneno.
430 Protinus et vario linguas sermone furentes
Afílatas referet divino numine mendax.
Quid varias linguas miraris, credula turba?
Thessala latratusque canum gemitusque luporum

420 Verg. Aen. 1, 282 432 Ov. Fast. 2, 716 433-436 Lucan. 6, 688-691
 DIE CRISIAS DES HILARION VON VERONA 81

Virgo sonat; quicquid buboque strygesque queruntur

435 Nocturnae, quodcumque ferae, quod sibilat anguis,
Exprimit, illisae sonitum quoque cautibus undae.
Inde Herebo invitas animas deducet ab imo,
Carceris invisi compellens claustra subire.
Se quoque defunctum simulans lapsumque sub umbras,
440 Tertia cum terris Aurora reluxerit alma,
Surget ovans, nitidumque trahet de marmore corpus.

Liber tertius

Iam roseos pone et pullos cape, Musa, cothurnos,

Et citharam moestam, plectrum quoque flebile carpe.
Caedibus en sequitur carmen plenumque cruore.

Hinc quos prodigiis vanis dolisque nequibit

5 Perdere, suppliciis et poenis coget amaris.
Sed, proh, quas poenas dabit et tormenta tyrannus
Impius! Excedet crudelia facta Neronis,
Qui Petrum ac Paulum crudeli morte peremit,
In cruce cum periit primus, iuguloque secundus;
10 Quique didascalicon Senecam matremque necavit.
Bistonios quid equos miraris postera turba,
Artubus humanis dominus quos pavit iniquus?
Mezenti nil sunt furiae, qui clausa sepulchris
Mortua iungebat, miserabile, corpora vivis.
15 Humana Phalaris taurum quid voce sonantem
Formidas? Nihil est ad gesta horrenda tyranni.
Perfidus hunc genitor Pluto, super omnia doctus
Tormenta et poenas Herebi, per cuncta docebit
Instituetque virum poenarum per nova monstra,
20 Exercent Minos et quas Radamanthus in Horco.
Dum miseras animas poenis crudelibus urgent
Atque iubent alias Borea pendere trementes
Atque alias flammis torqueri atque ignibus atris,
Hae glacie, tepidis aliae volvuntur aenis,
25 Prospectant aliae labentia flumina anhelo

14 Verg. Aen. 8, 482-485

82 P. G. SCHMIDT

Ore, nec haec possunt fugientia lambere labris,

Tantalidae quales et eodem crimine censi;
Convolv unt ingens aliae de vertice saxum
Atque rotant rursus per summa cacumina montis.
30 Altera pascit aves proprio sub viscere, tanquam
Qui Tytius rostro laniatur vulturis unco.
Talibus instructus poenis doctusque tremendis,
Quam cladem dabit in populum turbamque fidelem
Barbaras hinc, animas potius quam corpora malens
35 Perdere, et in miseram secum tractare ruinam!
O miseranda dies! O collacrimabile tempus!
Quis timor incumbet terris ! Quis planctus ad auras !
Ipsa fides necubi Christi terrore sonabit;
Antitheon cuncti votis precibusque vocabunt.
40 Atque alius terrae vasto latitabit hyatu,
Aerias alter fugiet conversus ad Alpes.
Et Pater Omnipotens nisi tempora scaeva secaret
Per medium et tantam rabiem tantumque furorem
Tolleret, in terris spes nulla salutis adesset.
45 At postquam per tres regnaverit ille decembres,
Et geminos loeto dederit ferus ante prophetas,
Hinc caeli Genitor demisso fulmine ad umbras
Mittet, Plutonis visentem regna parentis.
Hic ille Encheladus, quem fabula narrat inanis
50 Fulmine demissum, tergo fulcire rainas
Etnae, atque ingentes flammas ex ore vomentem,
Dum putat ipse lovem superis detrudere regnis.
Hic est, quem vinctum mons Caucasus ante catenis
Continuit, furti dantem pro crimine poenas.
55 О miseram turbam ! Quali tunc tota pudore,
Quo terrore ruet, prostratum fulmine regem
Dum cernet, qui se magni Omnipotentis alumnum
Fecerat et caeli dominum terraeque marisque !

Qualiter armentum, dum pascua laeta pererrat

60 Atque ducem taurum sequitur per cornua grandem,
Et lovis emittat fulmen per nubila dextra,

29 Verg. Aen. 3, 274 49-51 Verg. Aen. 3, 578-582 54 Lucan 8, 781

 DIE CRISIAS DES HILARION VON VERONA 83

Prosternatque ducem media inter cornua figens,

Territa turba fugit, sylvas montesque peragrat,
Nescia stare loco et caelum mugitibus implet,
65 Taliter Antithei fuerint qui signa secuti,
Diffugient pavidi ac tanta novitate trementes.
At Pater Omnipotens, cunctos miseratus ab alto,
Única cui pietas cordi est et facta benigna,
Praestabit miseris tempus, quo vota proterva
70 Emendent, caelique Deum terraeque potentem
Agnoscant, qui cuncta suis moderatur habenis.
At quam longa dies, quam tempora longa futura
ludicium sint ante Dei, et quando ultima finis,
Scire nefas, solique Deo fas scire futura.
75 At sunt, qui referant ter quinque horrenda praeire
Signa haec iudicium, totum memorata per orbem:
Prima namque die, per quadraginta tumescens
Neptunus cubitos super Acroceraunia tollet.
Post haec se tantum baratrum demittet ad imum
80 Protinus, ut nulli possit vix ipse videri.
Hinc, quae cuncta natant variata sub aequore monstra,
Exilient, curvi delphines, grandia cete,
Et caelum ac terras nimio clamore replebunt.
Per mare, per terras ignis vagus inde feretur,
85 Horribilique rogo mortalia quaeque tremiscent.
Sanguineo frondes cernentur rore madentes,
Et caeli volucres cunctae cogentur in agros,
Horrendumque diem mutae impastaeque manebunt.
Tecta domusque ruent et celsa palatia regum.
90 Fulmina ab Eois oris mittentur ad Arcton,
Horrífico sonitu totum terrentia mundum.
Percussae alterno frangentur vulnere petrae.
Et terrae motus communis quaeque resolvet
Terribilis, quantum non senserit ulla vetustas.
95 Planitiem tellus omnis redigetur in unam,
Aeriaeque Alpes et caelum vertice Olympus
Sternetur tangens atque alta cacumina Cynthi.
Hinc mortalis homo vastis exibit ab antris,

74 Ov. Met. 3, 338 86 Lucan 4, 316

84 P. G. SCHMIDT

Attonitus tantis signis tantisque tremendis

100 Prodigiis, velutique amens huc mutus et illuc
Cursabit, Cereris, non Bacchi munera gustans.
Cunctorum manes ad corpora nota redibunt,
Unoquoque suo reserato as!ante sepulchro.
Sydera cuncta ruent summo labentia caelo,
105 Et vaga quaeque poli sunt fixa immota sub axe.
luppiter atque Venus, Mars et Cyllenia proles,
Incurvusque senex, curva qui falce minatur,
Anguis et Arctophylax, et quam dixere Coronam,
Herculis effigies, Lyra, Perseus, Cygnus et ipsa
1 10 Cassiope, Andromede, necnon Auriga superbus,
Amphitrionades, cinctus serpente, sagitta,
Pegasus atque Aquila et curvo cum tergore Delphin,
Eridanus, Pistris, Lepus et nimbosus Orion,
Et Canis et Procyon, necnon et Thessala puppis,
1 15 Semiferis pedibus velox Centauras et Ara
Hydraque, et Austrinum quem dicunt nomine piscem.
Hinc Aries Taurusque, Europae vector, et ipsi
Tyndaridae, Erigone Cancerque Leoque iubatus,
Scorpius et Chiron, qui flectit spicula cornu,
120 Aegoceron, et qui diffundit Aquarius urnam,
Et Pisces, Notius qui dicitur atque Boreus.
Hinc mors communis spirantia quaeque resolvet
Protinus, ut pariter iam mortua quaeque resurgant,
Communisque rogus caelum terramque cremabit.
125 Post Pater ipse deum caelum terramque novabit.
Hinc tuba terribili sonitu et clangore citabit
Sublimes animas, iterumque in corpora coget.
Gaudentesque animae surgent hilaresque piorum,
At contra tristes animae moestaeque malorum.
130 Post haec Omnipotens, in maiestate tremendus,
Caelesti adveniet sese comitante caterva
Atque aderit mediae per caeca silentia noctis.
Et Michael, primus praeclari miles Olympi,
Sese aget innumeras agitans ductansque phalanges

106 Stat. Theb. 7, 74 1 19 Verg. Aen. 7, 497 131 Verg. Aen. 2, 40 132 Ov.
Met. 7, 184
 DIE CRISIAS DES HILARION VON VERONA 85

135 Angelicas, claras nimium, nitidasque sub armis,

Humanique ferent tormenta immania Christi,
Ausa quibus Iudaea cohors hunc tradere morti.
Ille crucem feret horrendam, feret ille cruentos
Clavos, quis manus est insonti affixa pedesque,
140 Lancea crudelis maculataque sanguine rubro,
Spongiaque a summa praecedet arundine pendens,
Quaeque caput nitidum confixit dira corona.
Ac veluti excussum fulmen de nubibus atris,
Emicat extemplo, et totum tremefectat Olympum,
145 Ingenti sonitu complet mundumque fragore
Atque improvisas gentes populosque paventes
Territat, obliqua perstringens lumina flamma,
Sic Pater Omnipotens caelo descendet aperto,
Terribilis cunctis improvisusque repente,
150 Sublimi elatus solio totusque refulgens.
At quam praeclari comites cum iudice tanto
Advenient, pariterque in maiestate sedebunt !
Virgo Dei genitrix, fulvo rutilantior auro,
Angelicis stipata choris, hic prima sedebit,
155 Iudicium summi collaudatura Tonantis.
Angelus ille Dei post hanc Baptista sequetur,
Indutus quondam villosa pelle cameli.
Petrus, apostolica circumdatus undique turba,
Tritos erit, referens manibus data vincula caeli.
160 Post hos, martyrii qui promeruere triumphum,
Quos omnes primus Stephanus reget agmine longo.
Quique fidem Christi defensavere diserti
Latrantesque canes deturbavere, sequentur:
Quos inter primus surgens Hieronymus omnes,
165 Eloquii princeps, palla radiabit in alba.
Non aliter quam gemma micans rutilansve pyropus,
Virgineum decus his succedet et inclyta turba,
Quae sibi promenait cum virginitate triumphum,
Candida sub niveisque stolis vittisque capillos
170 Annexa atque genas tenero suffusa rubore.
Ultima, quae tanto cum iudice turba sedebit

143-147 Lucan 1, 151-154 161 Verg. Aen. 10, 769

86 P. G. SCHMIDT

Religiosa, aderit, proprie quae dogmata normae

Servavit, semper Christi pia facta secuta.
Hinc etiam referet sese obvia turba piorum,
175 Angelicis commixta choris caelique catervis.
Perfida vero cohors cacodaemone mixta iacebit,
Fixa oculosque solo confusaque tota pudore.
Нac ergo ornatus circumsaeptusque caterva,
Caelestis Iudex primum conversus ad agnos,
180 Voce pia vultuque hilari placidoque loquetur:
«Huc, benedicta, veni, propera, stirps inclyta patris;
Regna beata subi, cape praemia laeta laborum !
Nam mea tu semper, semper mandata secuta es:
Nudus eram, semper velasti corpora nuda;
185 Pavisti miseros, fovisti semper egenos.»
Voce hinc terribili, vultu irato atque minanti,
Quam caeli terraeque trement, conversus ad haedos :
«I,» dicet «genus infandum, pete Tartara nigra,
Perpetuisque ardesce focis flammaque voraci;
190 Nam mea tu nunquam, nunquam praecepta secutum es.
Fovisti nunquam miseros, nunquam vel egenos.»
Sicque hü praecipites in Tartara scaeva dabuntur,
Perpetuas scelerum poenas et damna daturi.
Illi autem caeli clara regione recepti,
195 Perpetuo capient caelestis gaudia vitae.

Seminar für Lateinische Philologie des Mittelalters

Albert-Ludwigs-Universität
Postfach
D-79085 Freiburg i. Br.

184 Ov. Fast. 2, 299 188 Ov. Trist. 1, 2, 22

 Agostino Sottili

L'ORAZIONE DI RUDOLF AGRICOLA PER PAUL DE BAENST

RETTORE DELL'UNIVERSITÀ GIURISTA PAVESE:
PAVIA 10 AGOSTO 1473

Gli storici delle Fiandre conoscono molto bene Paul de Baenst cui è
dedicato un profilo rapido, ma sostanzioso nella Biographie Nationale1
e da cui espressamente dipende la nota all'iscrizione del 30 agosto 1464
nella Matricola dell 'Università di Lovanio: «Paulus de Baenst de Brugis
Tomacensis diocesis in artibus».2 Per i biografi belgi Paul è nato verso
il 1442 ed è entrato nel Gran Consiglio di Maria di Borgogna nel 1477.3
La lacuna tra il 1464 e il 26 marzo 1477, data appunto di nomina a 'raads-
heer-requestmeester' è mantenuta anche nell'opera di A. J. M. Kerkhoffs-
De Heij sul Gran Consiglio.4 Tra gli studi a Lovanio e la carriera al
servizio della Borgogna c'è un soggiorno in Italia e precisamente a Pavia
dove Paul de Baenst conseguí il dottorato in utroque il 10 agosto 1474.5
Il soggiorno a Pavia è noto agli studiosi della storia di questa Univer
sità6, ma soprattutto a quanti si interessano di vicende umanistiche perché
de Baenst non solo fu rettore dell' Università giurista pavese7, ma fu in
stretti rapporti con Rudolf Agricola che il 10 agosto 1473 pronuncio la

1 (J.) Britz, 'Baenst (Paul de)', in Biographie Nationale publiée par l'Académie
Royale des sciences, des lettres et des beaux-arts de Belgique, ( Bruxelles, 1866), I,
620-21.
2 J. Wils, Matricule de l'Université de Louvain, 31 août 1453-31 août 1485 (Bruxelles-
Brussel, 1946), II, 139 n. 211.
3 Per il Gran Consiglio di Maria di Borgogna con il ricordo di P. de Baenst: J. Stengers,
'Composition, procédure et activité judiciaire du Grand Conseil de Marie de Bourgogne
pendant les trois premières années de son existence (février 1477 — février 1480)', Bul
letin de la Commission Royale d'Histoire, 109 (1945), 1-51, in particolare p. 8.
4 De Grote Raad en zijn functionarissen. 1477-1531. Biografieën van Raadsheren
(Amsterdam, 1980), p. 15.
5 Lauree pavesi nella seconda meta del '400. I (1450-1475). A cura di A. Sottili.
Presentazione di X. Toscani (Milano, 1995), pp. 330-32.
6 A. Sottili, 'Le contestate elezioni rettorali di Paul van (!) Baenst e Johannes von
Dalberg all'Università di Pavia', in Sottili, Università e cultura. Studi sui rapporti italo-
tedeschi nell'età dell'llmanesimo (Goldbach, 1993), pp. 272*-318*.
7 N. Geirnaert, 'Bruges et la vie intellectuelle de l'Europe au moyen age', in Bruges
et l'Europe. Sous la direction de V. Vermeersch... (Brugge, 1992), p. 239.
88 A. SOTTILI

'laudatio' per l'insediamento di Paul de Baenst a rettore, edita alla fine

di queste pagine, e tradusse in latino, ampliandola e completandola,
l'epistola in francese che Arnould de Lalaing inviö da Treviri al rettore
de Baenst per tener informato lui (e la consorteria borgognone) sugli
avvenimenti dell'incontro tra Federico III e Carlo il Temerario.8 La
prima menzione di Paul de Baenst in Italia è del 16 aprile 1472: in tale
data viene concesso un salvacondotto a «Paulus de Baenst filius condam
Ludovici de Bruges de Flandria» studente a Pavia.9 La menzione suc-
cessiva è del 9 febbraio 1473 e ci permette una prima serie di riflessioni
sulla presenza di Paul de Baenst a Pavia. Alla data in questione si
licenzia in civile un diocesano di Tournai, come de Baenst, il piccardo
Nichasius Vergelois, 'magister artium'. Vari indizi lasciano pensare che
si sia trattato di un avvenimento importante per la consorteria degli stu-
denti borgognoni. Tra i promotori, cioè tra i presentatori del Vergelois
all'esame, troviamo infatti Guy de Rochefort, il rettore giurista pavese
del 1470-7 110, laureatosi in civile pochi giorni prima, il Io febbraio
1473" e diventato personalità di spicco tra Francia e Borgogna.12
E' interessante registrare la partecipazione del Rochefort all'esame del
Vergelois nel ruolo di promotore perché il borgognone alla data non
risulta immatricolato nel Collegio pavese dei giuristi. Anche Paul de
Baenst parteciperà ad una laurea pur senza essere stato immatricolato
nel Collegio.13 Quando a Pavia si laureava uno straniero spesso oltre
ai testimoni d'ufficio, i bidelli ed il notaio, venivano citati anche conter-
ranei del neolaureato, per motivi che credo di aver spiegato altrove.14

8 Rodolphi Agricolae Phrisii Lucubrationes (Coloniae, 1539 = Nieuwkoop, 1967),

pp. 221-26; L. Bertalot, 'Rudolf Agricolas Lobrede auf Petrarca', in Studien zum ita
lienischen und deutschen Humanismus. Hrsg. v. Р. O. Kristeller, 2 voll. (Roma, 1975),
II, 21-22; H. E. J. M. Van der Velden, Rodolphus Agricola (Roelof Huusman), een
Nederlands humanist der vijftiende eeuw (Leiden, 191 1), pp. 78-79; M. A. Nauwelaerts,
Rodolphus Agricola (Den Haag, 1963), p. 29; Sottili, 'Notizie per il soggiorno in Italia di
Rodolfo Agricola', in Rodolphus Agricola Phrisius. 1444 — 1485. Proceedings of the
International Conference at the University of Groningen 28-30 October 1985. Edited by
F. Akkerman and A. J. Vanderjagt (Leiden..., 1988), pp. 91-92.
9 E. Motta, 'Studenti svizzeri a Pavia nella seconda metà del 1400', Bollettino storico
della Svizzera italiana, 7 (1885), 124 n. 3. Non ho ritrovato il documento.
10 Sottili, Università e cultura, p. 257*; Id., Lauree pavesi, pp.221-23.
1 1 Sottili, Lauree pavesi, pp. 220-2 1 .
12 Publi Fausti Andrelini Amores sive Livia. Met een bio-bibliografie van de auteur.
Uitgegeven door G. Tournoy-Thoen ( Brussel, 1982), p. 482 s. v.
11 Laurea di Josse Quevin il 21 ottobre 1474: Sottili, Lauree pavesi, pp. 337-39; La
Matricola del Collegio dei giuristi è esposta nel Museo storico dell'Università di Pavia.
14 Notizie, p. 84.
 L'ORAZIONE DI RUDOLF AGRICOLA PER PAUL DE BAENST 89

E' quanto avviene per il Vergelois che si licenzia «presentibus egregiis

viris Domino Paulo de Baenst de Brugis, Domino lohanne Habrart de
Tornaco, Tornacensis diocesis, Domino Tristando de Fontanis, Ambia-
nensis diocesis, et Domino lohanne Haneton, Cameracensis diocesis».
Si tratta di persone provenienti dalla francofonia borgognone e da Tour
nai: direi proprio che Paul de Baenst, anche se di Brugge, era bilingue,
cosa del resto ovvia nell'aristocrazia filoborgognone delle Fiandre.15
La società accademica riflette i costumi della societé dell 'epoca, che
è organizzata gerarchicamente : nel gruppo dei testimoni Paul de Baenst
viene nominato per primo certamente perché è socialmente il più
importante. Paul de Baenst venne eletto rettore il 4 luglio 1473 con
vicende chiarite altrove.16 Il fiammingo fu un rettore assiduo perché
durante l'anno esatto del suo mandato partecipö ad almeno 30 esami
di laurea17 e si fece sostituire solo molto raramente: il 16 dicembre 1473
per la licenza e il dottorato in civile di Guglielmo Stortiglioni, il 20
successivo per la licenza ed il dottorato in civile di Benedetto da
Genova e il 25 giugno 1474 per la licenza in canonico di Johannes
Gugel. Per il periodo rettorale di Paul de Baenst è conservata una
notizia curiosa e che merita due parole di discussione. A suo tempo
E. Picot ha pubblicato una prosopografia degli studenti e dei professori
francesi dell' Università di Pavia che continua ad essere una delle fonti
migliori per la storia studentesca di questa Università.18 Al n° 216
leggiamo la notizia seguente: «Monergie (Robert), du diocèse d'Arras;
est reçu bachelier ès droits le 9 octobre 1473. Le diplôme à lui délivré
par Paul de Brense, de Bruges, recteur des juristes, a été vu par M. l'abbé
Maiocchi dans les minutes notariales». Roberto Maiocchi conosceva
dunque uno strumento di baccellierato conferito da Paul de Baenst. I
documenti notarili sono precisi e quindi la storpiatura di 'Baenst' in
'Brense' va messa in conto a Maiocchi o forse ancor più facilmente a
Picot quando lesse le notizie di Maiocchi: storpiature di nomi nell'arti-
colo di Picot non mancano: a p. 73 n° 220 cita il notaio Riccardo Rove-
scala come Riccardo Rovesiale. Pero errori del genere sono facili per
chiunque debba combattere col 'mare magnum' della prosopografia
15 Informazioni sul bilinguismo a Brugge in Geirnaert, 'Bruges et la vie intellectuelle',
pp. 232-33.
16 Sottili, Università e cultura, pp. 272*-318*.
17 Sottili, Lauree pavesi, s. v. Baenst, Paul de.
18 'Les professeurs et les étudiants de langue française à l'Université de Pavie au
XVe et au XVIe siècle', Bulletin philologique et historique (jusqu'à 1715) du comité des
travaux historiques et scientifiques, 1915, (1916), 8-90.
90 A. SOTTILI

universitaria specialmente di lingua diversa dalla sua. Maiocchi sapeva

naturalmente bene nel pacco di quale notaio il documento si trovava,
è pero probabile che abbia chiesto a Picot di essere discreto. Il bac-
cellierato è titolo d'obbligo nella disciplina teologica e ne è anche
documentato, benché in due soli casi, il suo ufficiale conferimento nel
periodo 1450-1475, 19 ma nelle altre discipline mi risulta che il caso
del Monergie sia unico: gli strumenti pavesi non ricordano mai che il
dottorando in giurisprudenza abbia sostenuto l'esame di baccellierato
come premessa dell'esame di laurea. La notizia trasmessa da Picot è
tanto più bella perché il conferimento del grado è attribuito al rettore,
mentre nei due citati casi il baccellierato è conferito dal vicecancelliere
Corrado Marcellini, esattamente come per le lauree. Maiocchi era certa-
mente cosciente dell'importanza del documento perché da esso si ricava
che 'de iure' il grado di baccelliere nelle discipline diverse da teologia
esisteva ancora, benché ignorato nella prassi e soprattutto senza rilievo
ai fini del conseguimento della laurea: si tratta di un relitto.
Dei 30 studenti laureatisi alla presenza di Paul de Baenst solo 14 sono
italiani: si tratta di una prova convincente di quanto internazionale
fosse in quel momento l'ambiente studentesco pavese. I nomi di famiglie
influenti non mancano: Luchino Ferrufini, Antonio Trivulzio, Guido
Simonetta e Pietro Grassi, che a Pavia ha fatto camera universitaria
secondo le tradizioni di famiglia.20 I nomi degli studenti stranieri sono
pero di spicco maggiore ed è comprensibile: il soggiorno all'estero
presuppone un'estrazione sociale ed economica di rilievo ed ha come
conseguenza la facilitazione nella carriera e quindi una più facile
documentabilità. Kaspar Vogt è stato prima canonico e poi prevosto
nella collegiata di Unsere Liebe Frau a Baden-Baden;21 Gabriel Baum-
gartner è diventato professore ad Ingolstadt e giurista importante.22
Più numerosi degli studenti di origine tedesca sono quelli provenienti dai
paesi borgognoni e francofoni. Immediatamente dopo l'assunzione della

19 Sottili, Lauree pavesi, s. v. Rockhil Erasmus e Vest Johannes.

20 Sottili, ' «Sunt nobis Papie omnia iucunda». Il carteggio tra Konrad Nutzel ed
Anton Kress, prevosto di San Lorenzo a Norimberga', in Filologia umanistica. Per Gian-
vito Resta, 3 voll. (Padova, 1997), Ш, 1753, n. 73.
21 W. Ludwig, 'Südwestdeutsche Studenten in Pavia 1451-1500', Zeitschrift für Würt
tembergische Landesgeschichte, 48 (1989), 103.
22 G. Bauch, Die Universität Erfurt im Zeitalter des Frühhumanismus (Breslau, 1904),
pp. 52-53; H. Rupprich, Der Briefwechsel des Konrad Celtis (München, 1934), pp. 326-
27 n.l; E. P. Goldschmidt, Hieronymus Münzer (London, 1938), 14; F. Merzbacher,
'Dr. Anton Kress, Propst von St. Lorenz (1478-1513)', Mitteilungen des Vereins für
Geschichte der Stadt Nürnberg, 58 ( 1 97 1 ), 1 23.
 L'ORAZIONE DI RUDOLF AGRICOLA PER PAUL DE BAENST 91

carica da parte di Paul de Baenst si sono laureati due studenti che erano
certamente in rapporta col rettore, Arnould de Lalaing e Nicolaus de
Monte di Brugge. Poiché il primo si è laureato in utroque 1*11 agosto ed
il seguente il giorno successivo credo di essere nel giusto affermando
che entrambi hanno aspettato l'assunzione del rettorato da parte del
loro conterraneo ed amico per concludere ufficialmente gli studi. Trovo
Nicolaus de Monte con data d'esame sbagliata (10 invece che 12)
nello studio di N. Geirnaert citato a nota 7: p. 239. La tipologia della
pubblicazione non ha probabilmente permesso all'Autore di documen
tare bibliograficamente la notizia. Arnould de Lalaing è invece biblio
graficamente molto ben documentabile per la sua camera universitaria,
ecclesiastica e politica. Gli dedica una lunga nota la matricola di Lovanio
in riferimento al 20 giugno 1464 quando si immatricolö a Lovanio dopo
essere stato studente a Colonia.23 Questa nota afferma: «Il fut admis au
conseil de l'Université de Louvain, le 29 novembre 1473 et créé docteur
en l'un et l'autre droit». La notizia della laurea a Lovanio è passata
nel profilo tutto sommato meno sostanzioso dedicato a Lalaing da
A. J. M. Kerkhoffs-De Heij.24 Che Arnould fosse dottore in utroque è
esatto, ma il grado accademico gli fu conferito a Pavia con ricordo della
sua dignità di prevosto di St. Salvator a Harelbeke e della Onze-Lieve-
Vrouwkerk di Brugge: la nota della Matricola lovaniense informa
su altre prebende di cui fu beneficiato questo rilevante personaggio
dell'autunno del Medioevo25 a proposito del quale basti ricordare che fu
consigliere ecclesiastico nel Parlamento di Mechelen:26 la ricezione
dell'Umanesimo e quella del diritto romano sono state contemporanee
e hanno avuto come protagonisti in parte le medesime persone che
avevano fatto in Italia l'esperienza della medesima civiltà.
Tra i testi alla laurea di Nichasius Vergelois è stato elencato un Johan
nes Haneton della diocesi di Cambrai. Si tratta certamente dell'omonimo
studente piccardo laureatosi, rettore de Baenst, il 23 luglio 1474. La
logica della migrazione universitaria vuole l'identificazione dello stu
dente pavese con quel Johannes Haneton immatricolatosi a Lovanio nel

23 Wils, Matricule, II, 132.

24 De Grote Raad, p. 90.
25 E. de Moreau, 'Les familiers des ducs de Bourgogne dans les canonicats des
anciens Pays-Bas', in Miscellanea historica in honorem Leonis van der Essen, 2 voll.
(Brussel-Parijs, 1947), I, 431 ; F. Rapp, 'Universités et principautés: les états bourguignons',
in Milano e Borgogna. Due stati principeschi tra Medioevo e Rinascimento. A cura di
J.-M. Cauchies e G. Chittolini (Roma, 1990), p. 124.
26 Kerkhoffs-De Heij, De Grote Raad, p. 90.
92 A. SOTTILI

146327 e quindi compagno di Università di Paul de Baenst. Mi sembra

ovvia anche la sua identificazione col supposto futuro membro del Gran
Consiglio.28 La laurea di Johannes Haneton ha avuto luogo con la
consueta corona di conterranei e di borgognoni a certificazione della
loro importanza nel contesto della 'nazione' transalpina e ad ulteriore
spiegazione dell'elezione a rettore del borgognone de Baenst: «presenti-
bus... Domino lohanne Achart de Tornacho, Domino Georgio Roels,
Tornacensis diocesis, Domino lohanne Firmino, Morinensis diocesis, et
Domino lohanne Serandat, Matisconensis diocesis». Ragioni di spazio
mi costringono ad interrompere la discussione prosopografica degli
studenti alla cui laurea ha partecipato Paul de Baenst. Scorrendo perö
questi documenti ricaviamo il nome della disciplina studiata dal fiam-
mingo a Pavia. La menzione del rettore de Baenst è accompagnata da
quella della disciplina in cui era studente, indicata tre volte (26 aprile
1474, licenza e dottorato in canonico di Stefano Notte; 14 maggio 1474,
licenza e dottorato in utroque di Stefano Bosia; 1° giugno 1474, licenza
e dottorato in canonico di Andrea da Lodi) come 'ius utrumque' e 18
volte come 'ius civile'. In occasione della laurea in canonico di Giacomo
Botti (6 settembre 1473) il notaio ha scritto 'ius canonicum' che ha
corretto in 'ius civile'. A Pavia Paul de Baenst si faceva qualificare
come studente di diritto romano. Poiché il suo dottorato il 10 agosto
1474 è avvenuto in entrambi i diritti è nella logica delle cose pensare che
Paul abbia studiato canonico a Lovanio prima di spostarsi a Pavia.29 II
2 agosto Paul aveva conseguito la licenza e l'avvenuto esame è certi
ficato nel diploma di dottorato.
Elencati i nomi dei dottori che hanno partecipato all'esame il diploma
dottorale, attestando l'avvenuta licenza, prosegue col formulario usuale:
Paul de Baenst si è sottoposto all' 'examen rigorosum' ed è stato appro-
vato all 'unanimità. Gli strumenti di laurea pavesi non danno infor-
mazioni sul modo come è stato condotto l'esame e sui 'puncta', i temi
che ne erano l'oggetto. Le novità che i singoli documenti contengono
rispetto al resto della strumentazione sono minime. Nel caso di Paul de
Baenst va registrata la data in cui è avvenuta la licenza, il 2 agosto, come
si è appena detto, e il fatto che in quell 'occasione è stato rogato un appo-
sito strumento dal notaio Pietro Mombretto, persona diversa dal notaio

27 Wils, Matricule, II, 116.

28 Kerkhoffs-De Heij, De Grote Raad, p. 85.
29 II diploma dottorale di de Baenst in Sottili, Lauree pavesi, pp. 330-32. Nella stessa
opera anche gli altri atti prima citati.
 L'ORAZIONE DI RUDOLF AGRICOLA PER PAUL DE BAENST 93

Ludovico Leggi che ha invece rogato lo strumento dottorale. Per descri-

vere la tipologia della strumentazione di laurea pavese questo particolare
è interessante: la licenza di Paul de Baenst è avvenuta nel rispetto
formale della normativa compresa la certificazione notarile e questo
indipendentemente dal fatto che la licenza del rettore fosse un atto
dovuto.30 Ludovico Leggi ha ripreso lo strumento di licenza rogato da
Pietro Mombretto e lo ha integrato nello strumento dottorale conser
vando evidentemente le lacune del documento stilato da Mombretto,
la mancanza del nome del quarto promotore in civile e del vicerettore.
A proposito di quest'ultimo è formulabile un'ipotesi: Paul de Baenst
è straniero e piu precisamente 'Burgundus'; puö darsi che abbia chiesto
ad uno studente delle sue parti di fungere da vicerettore e che quindi
siano sorte al notaio difficoltà di ordine ortografico al momento della
redazione del documento. Meraviglia che Paul de Baenst non abbia fatto
menzionare nessun straniero tra i testimoni al suo dottorato. La loro non
menzione potrebbe essere un indice di redazione frettolosa del docu
mento che chiarirebbe anche l'anacoluto: «Cum...per...presentaverint».
Nell'orazione di Agricola pubblicata oltre leggiamo l'affermazione
che Paul de Baenst si era perfettamente integrato nel mondo pavese: lo
dimostrano i nomi dei sette promotori alla sua licenza. Con l'eccezione
di Francesco da Corte, e dunque per sei casi su sette, si tratta non solo
di dottori collegiati, ma di professori che insegnavano materie importanti
e con stipendi alti. Nel rotolo per il 1473-74, vale a dire per l'anno alla
fine del quale ebbe luogo la laurea di Paul de Baenst, Girolamo Man-
giaria e Giovanni Antonio da San Giorgio sono i titolari delle due letture
ordinarie mattutine di canonico rispettivamente con 450 e 250 fiorini di
stipendio pari nel primo caso a 697 lire e 10 soldi e nel secondo caso a
400 lire, senza pero la detrazione alla fonte come da disposizione ducale.
Gli altri due promotori in canonico, Stefano Costa e Giorgio Natta, sono
titolari di due delle quattro letture di Sesto e Clementine rispettivamente
con 350 fiorini (642 lire e 10 soldi) e 200 fiorini (310 lire) di stipendio.
Come promotori in canonico Paul de Baenst ha dunque quattro dei
cinque titolari delle cattedre più importanti della disciplina. Quanto
a Giovanni dal Pozzo e Girolamo Torti si tratta nel primo caso del tito-
lare della prima lettura ordinaria di civile con 300 fiorini di stipendio, e
nel secondo caso, Girolamo Torti, del secondo titolare della lettura
30 Paragrafo 85 degli Statuti dell'Università legista pavese del 1395: R. Maiocchi,
Codice diplomatico dell'Università di Pavia, I, 1361-1400 (Pavia, 1905 = Bologna,
1971), p. 286.
94 A. SOTTILI

straordinaria serale di civile e insieme, per i 950 fiorini di stipendio, del

professore meglio pagato dell 'Università di Pavia.31 In questo contesto si
puö avere qualche perplessità a proposito di Francesco da Corte perché
nel rotolo per l' anno accademico 1473-74 è registrato come titolare
della lettura di Sesto e Clementine Matteo da Corte con 200 fiorini di
stipendio. Verrebbe da chiedersi se non siamo davanti ad un errore del
notaio che avrebbe scritto Francesco invece di Matteo. Direi che l'errore
è da escludere perché Matteo è nell'elenco dei dottori. Francesco da
Corte non era del resto un giurista alle prime armi perché era entrato in
Collegio l' 8 ottobre 1456.32 II fatto che Paul lo abbia scelto a promotore
è indice dell'esistenza di un rapporto particolare con un giurista che
non era stato suo professore e quindi dell'esistenza da parte di Paul di
relazioni con cittadini pavesi non professori: ma questo nel caso di un
rettore e di un giurista è ovvio per la comune partecipazione agli esami
di laurea. L'unica cosa ancora da rilevare nello strumento dottorale per
Paul de Baenst è il ruolo di Antonio da San Giorgio nella cerimonia:
è questi il promotore che ha tenuto la 'laudatio' di rito e ha consegnato
al dottorando le insegne.33
I promotori in civile di Paul de Baenst sono con ogni verosimiglianza
anche i professori di cui il fiammingo avrà con più assiduità seguito i
corsi. Per il periodo certo di soggiorno di Paul de Baenst a Pavia (1472-
1474) l'organico dei professori è relativamente costante,34 cosa del resto

31 Attingo tutte queste notizie al rotolo dell'anno accademico in questione conservato

all'Archivio di Stato di Milano: Studi. Parte Antica, 390 (7).
32 Pavia. Museo storico dell'Università, Matricola del Collegio giurista.
11 Antonio da San Giorgio divenne vescovo e cardinale e pronunciö ad esempio
l'orazione funebre per il cardinale Ferry de Clugny: J. Ruysschaert, 'La bibliothèque
du cardinal de Tournai Ferry de Clugny à la Vaticane', in Horae Tornacenses (Tournai,
1971), p. 132. Si veda inoltre ad esempio: R. Maiocchi, Ticinensia. Noterelle di storia
pavese pei secoli XV e XVI (Pavia, 1900), pp. 41-44; L. Buzas, 'Die Bibliothek des
Ingolstädter Professors Dr. Wolfgang Peysser in der Universitätsbibliothek München',
Sammelblatt des historischen Vereins Ingolstadt, 71(1962), 86; A. A. Strnad, 'Francesco
Todeschini Piccolomini. Politik und Mäzenatentum im Quattrocento', Römische His
torische Mitteilungen, 8. u. 9 (1964-65 u. 1965-66), 419 s. v.; Merzbacher, 'Dr. Anton
Kress', 127; W. Setz, Lorenzo Vallas Schrift gegen die Konstantinische Schenkung. De
falso credita et ementita Constantini donatione. Zur Interpretation und Wirkungs
geschichte (Tübingen, 1975), pp. 130-37; Quinto Centenario della Biblioteca Vaticana.
Catalogo della Mostra, (Città del Vaticano, 1975), p. 35; H. Diener, 'Die Mitglieder
der päpstlichen Kanzlei des 15. Jahrhunderts und ihre Tätigkeit in den Wissenschaften
und Künsten, Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken,
69(1989), 118.
14 Oltre alla fonte archivistica milanese citata a nota 31 attingo le notizie alla raccolta
di rotoli conservata all'Archivio di Stato di Pavia: Acta Studii Ticinensis, 22.
 L'ORAZIONE DI RUDOLF AGRICOLA PER PAUL DE BAENST 95

ovvia perché i professori delle cattedre principali contrattavano il posto

per più anni. Sull 'ordinaria mattutina di civile abbiamo per tutto il
periodo Giovanni dal Pozzo e Ambrogio Oppizoni. Si è visto sopra
che Giovanni dal Pozzo è stato promotore in civile di de Baenst: qui
abbiamo la prova del nove che Paul de Baenst è stato suo allievo.
Durante tutto il periodo ha insegnato Luca Grassi con salario invariato,
prima all' ordinaria mattutina, poi alla straordinaria serale. Sempre alla
straordinaria serale ha insegnato per tutto il periodo Girolamo Torti,
il professore meglio pagato del gruppo e promotore in civile di Paul che
andrà dunque registrato con certezza tra i suoi allievi. Restano tre nomi
di rilievo: Lancellotto Decio fino al 1473, Giovanni Campise e Giason
del Maino nel 1473-74. Con Giason del Maino si cita uno dei nomi
più illustri della giurisprudenza pavese che Paul de Baenst ha certo
conosciuto perché membro del Collegio, ma che non ha scelto come pro
motore. Piuttosto va verificato se il 1472-73 vada veramente considerato
come il primo anno accademico pavese di Paul de Baenst. Non conosco
su di lui notizie tra l'immatricolazione a Lovanio, 30 agosto 1464, e il
salvacondotto del 16 aprile del 1472 che lo documenta a Pavia. Occorre
riflettere su di una frase della 'laudatio' di Agricola: «Praeteriti autem et
incipientis aevi ego Uli, posterioris vos mihi estis locupletissimi testes».
Questa frase indica chiaramente che Agricola ha conosciuto Paul de
Baenst prima che entrambi venissero in Italia. Parlando Agricola di
'incipiens aevum' si deve pensare al tempo passato da Paul de Baenst a
Lovanio attorno al 1464-1467: il 1464-65 è il primo anno di de Baenst a
Lovanio, il 1465 è l'anno del 'magisterium' in arti di Agricola, il 1466-
67 è l'anno di una possibile immatricolazione di Agricola a Lovanio per
canonico.35 Si puö pensare con parecchia certezza ad una comunanza di
studi artistici tra Agricola e Paul a Lovanio attorno al 1465 e ipotizzare
una più tarda solidarietà di studi decretalistici di entrambi nella stessa
Università prima della discesa di Agricola in Italia (1468?). Gli studenti
ed i pavesi in genere hanno pero avuto la possibilità di conoscere bene
Paul de Baenst nel 'posterius aevum'. Agricola non accenna a tappe
universitarie intermedie e tra Lovanio e Pavia probabilmente non ce
ne sono state. La frase che arriva a questo punto suggerisce comunque
una permanenza di un certo periodo di Paul de Baenst a Pavia perché
Agricola ci illustra come il fiammingo fosse noto agli studenti pavesi
di giurisprudenza i quali hanno potuto ammirare la sua «circa litteras

35 Van der Velden, Rodolphus Agricola, pp. 58-59.

96 A. SOTTILI

diligentia», la sua «assidua studiorum opera», la sua intelligenza pronta,

esercitata, rinforzata da ottime conoscenze sia nel senso della forma-
zione generale ('doctrina') quanto in quello delle conoscenze quantita
tive ('eruditlo'), l'ottima confidenza col giure e le altre qualità molto
utili ad uno studente di diritto e tutte in maniera eccellente: l'abitudine
alla lettura continuativa, un'ottima memoria, la capacità di giudicare
con certezza. Al genere della 'laudatio' va fatta la sua parte, tuttavia il
catalogo delle doti di Paul de Baenst note agli uditori è cosí dettagliato
da presupporre una vasta notorietà dell'interessato. A Pavia per essere
eletti rettori bisognava aver soggiornato almeno un anno all 'Univer-
sità:36 a tale condizione Paul de Baenst ottemperava senza problemi.
Personalmente tenderei ad ampliare il periodo del suo soggiorno a Pavia
piuttosto che a restringerlo attribuendo alle lacune della tradizione la
mancanza per ora di ulteriore documentazione.
Dopo il dottorato Paul de Baenst si fermö per almeno circa tre mesi a
Pavia come è dimostrato da tre documenti che meritano di essere
discussi tanto in rapporto a Paul de Baenst quanto per la loro rilevanza
in sede di storia dell'Università ticinense. I documenti in questione sono
una lettera del 21 agosto 1474 indirizzata al duca di Milano da parte dei
dottori in utroque del Collegio pavese dei dottori giuristi e dei giudici, la
presenza di Paul de Baenst alla licenza in civile dello studente borgo-
gnone Carolus de Vasis il 25 agosto e la partecipazione alla licenza in
civile di Josse Quevin il 21 ottobre successivo. Il primo problema da
risolvere è trovare una motivazione per questa prolungata sosta a Pavia
dopo il compimento degli studi. Paul de Baenst era stato rettore; il
rettore uscente era tenuto a fermarsi a Pavia un mese dopo la decadenza
dal mandato conformemente alle disposizioni statutarie. Il paragrafo
quarto degli Statuti dell'Università legista del 1395 recita testualmente:37
«lurabit (il rettore) eciam stare in civitate Papie per mensem integrum
post finem sui regiminis». Paul de Baenst ha ottemperato agli Statuti
ed è rimasto a Pavia. Sui motivi di questo soggiorno illuminano le
disposizioni del paragrafo 44 dei medesimi Statuti da aggiornare alla
situazione del 1474. I sindaci dell'Università sono tenuti sotto giura-
mento a sottoporre a sindacato il rettore uscente e gli altri ufficiali

36 Si ricava questa condizione, penso, dalla lettera con cui gli studenti stranieri
cercano di impedire la nomina di Ludovico d'Ala a rettore: Sottili, Università e cultura,
pp. 300*- 301*.
37 Se ne veda il testo completo nel già citato Codice diplomatico edito da Roberto
Maiocchi.
 L'ORAZIONE DI RUDOLF AGRICOLA PER PAUL DE BAENST 97

dell'Università condannandoli о assolvendoli secondo giustizia. De

Baenst si è fermato a Pavia in primo luogo perché ha dovuto sottoporsi
all'indagine di questa commissione che avveniva veramente, come è
confermato da altre fonti.38 Lo Statuto parla di indagine da compiersi
entro un mese dall'elezione del nuovo rettore. In carica nell'agosto del
1474 era, come si ricava dai diplomi di laurea del periodo, lo spagnolo
Ludovico d'Ala, che non era stato eletto, ma che era subentrato al ret
tore eletto scappato da Pavia per i debiti contratti. Lo Statuto risale ai
tempi in cui l'elezione avveniva il quattro agosto, pochi giorni prima
dell'entrata in carica: 10 agosto. Una modifica di Statuto aveva spostato
l'elezione al 4 luglio.39 Non è pensabile che il rettore venisse sottoposto
a sindacato quando era ancora in carica e cioè nel periodo successivo
all'elezione del nuovo rettore, ma anteriore alla sua entrata in carica. Lo
Statuto veniva certamente interpretato considerando come termine di
partenza per il lavoro della commissione sindacatoria non il giorno
dell'elezione del nuovo rettore, ma quello della sua effettiva entrata in
carica, cioè il 10 agosto. Statutariamente Paul de Baenst doveva fermarsi
a Pavia almeno fino all' 11 setiembre. I punti su cui il rettore era tenuto
a rendere conto sono fissati molto dettagliatamente nel paragrafo 44
degli Statuti. In primo luogo viene la mancata esazione delle multe e
subito dopo l'essersi impossessato di denari o l'aver permesso che altri
lo facessero. Il rettore puö essere comunque condannato per qualsiasi
negligenza commessa nell'osservanza degli Statuti. Questo vale tanto
per lui come per i suoi ufficiali con specificazione che la condanna
viene pronunciata in particolare applicando la 'privatio', cioè con la
sospensione dai privilegi universitari per le mancanze fatte. Per i limiti
del soggiorno di Paul de Baenst a Pavia è importante sapere che la
sentenza di assoluzione o condanna non puö venir pronunciata prima che
siano trascorsi venti giorni dall'elezione, da interpretarsi come si è detto
come entrata in carica del nuovo rettore. Questo conferma che de Baenst
era tenuto a restare a Pavia un mesetto. Contro il rettore era ammessa
denuncia scritta da parte di chiunque, ma comunque entro dieci giorni

38 Protesta contro la condanna inflittagli dai sindacatori Гех rettore Pietro Sarti
da Voghera nel settembre 1440: Maiocchi, Codice diplomatico, II 1, pp. 408-409; Ibid.
a p. 140 una notizia sulla nomina del collegio dei sindacatori. Dell'operazione di
sindacazione si parla apertamente nella documentazione relativa alle vicende postrettorali
di Pietro di Lussemburgo: Sottili, 'Il palio per l'aitare di Santa Caterina e il 'dossier' sul
rettorato di Giovanni di Lussemburgo', Annali di storia pavese, 18-19 (1989), 99.
39 Die Statuten der Universität Pavia vom Jahre 1396. Hrsg. von J. Hürbin, (Luzern,
1898), p. 69.
98 A. SOTTILI

dall'elezione del collegio sindacatorio. Le denunce presentate in data

posteriore non dovevano essere tenute in considerazione. Al rettore
uscente, e quindi a Paul de Baenst, era concesso il diritto di appellarsi al
nuovo rettore che avrebbe convocato i suoi consiglieri ed avrebbe
esaminato il caso con eventuale diminuzione о abolizione della con-
danna. Se qualche denuncia risultava falsa, il denunciante veniva
costretto a riparare e veniva inoltre privato dei privilegi universitari.
Per pronunciarsi sull'appello del rettore uscente, il nuovo rettore ed i
suoi consiglieri hanno otto giorni di tempo. Per presentare appello,
il condannato ha tempo dieci giorni. Il nuovo rettore porterà ad adem-
pimento la condanna pronunciata dai sindacatori entro un mese. Se lo
Statuto in questione non viene applicato nella forma corretta, qualsiasi
atto compiuto con riferimento ad esso è da considerarsi nullo.
La presenza di Paul de Baenst alla laurea di Carolus de Vasis (25 agosto
1474) non si presta a considerazioni particolari: il candidato è borgo-
gnone ed i testimoni sono qualificati tutti di borgognoni.40 Trovare tra
di loro Paul de Baenst non sorprende perché egli era borgognone per
ragioni politiche e sentimentali. L'unica cosa forse interessante è la
partecipazione ad un esame dove a data avanzata nell'agosto 1474 era
presente Ludovico d'Ala. A quest'epoca era già cominciata la prova
di forza tra gli studenti tedeschi, che non volevano Ala come rettore,
ma pretendevano che il posto toccasse ad uno studente eletto da loro.
Ma su queste cose non intendo tornare perché ripetutamente esposte.41
Vale forse solo la pena sottolineare che Paul de Baenst si sentiva poco
toccato dalla vicenda se avallava con la sua presenza un atto compiuto
in presenza del nemico giurato degli studenti tedeschi oppure, essendo
sottoposto a sindacato, doveva stare al gioco.
Più interessante è invece per molti rispetti la lettera datata 21 agosto
1474 e inviata dai dottori in utroque del Collegio dei dottori e dei giudici
di Pavia al duca di Milano a raccomandazione di Paul de Baenst. La
lettera va tenuta in considerazione in primo luogo per la firma del mit-
tente: «doctores utriusque Collegii doctorum atque iudicum felicissimi
Papiensis Gymnasii». Il Collegio dei dottori che esaminava gli studenti
candidati alla licenza e al dottorato era identico a Pavia col Collegio dei
giudici. E' questa una constatazione di non poco rilievo per la storia
delle istituzioni pavesi. Firma pero solo una parte del Collegio, i dottori

40 Oltre a de Baenst, «Dominus Petrus Pancoti» e «Dominus Carolus Bernardi»:

Sottili, Lauree pavesi, p. 336.
41 Vedi nota 6.
 L'ORAZIONE DI RUDOLF AGRICOLA PER PAUL DE BAENST 99

in utroque, colleghi di Paul de Baenst, che da poco era diventato dottore.

Basta una rapida lettura della missiva per giungere alla conclusione che
essa è opera di un umanista. Vocabolario, periodare, concetti proven-
gono dalla penna di un umanista. Non viene usato il termine tradizionale
'Studium' per indicare quella che oggi chiamiamo Università, ma dal
vocabolario dell'antichità vengono ricavate le parole 'achademia' e
'gymnasium'.42 Il catalogo delle virtù di de Baenst è fortemente simile
a quello della 'laudatio' di Agricola. Per dirla in breve mi sembra
formulabile l'ipotesi che Paul de Baenst si sia fatto scrivere la lettera
da Agricola e che i dottori l'abbiano firmata. Si tratta di una perfetta
dichiarazione di ottimo comportamento la cui ragione va proprio cercata
forse nel fatto che Paul de Baenst si trovava sottoposto a sindacato.
E' probabile che si tratti di un intervento per evitargli indesiderate noie
e per noi di uno stato di servizio gradevolmente positivo. Paul de Baenst
è ancora a Pavia il 21 ottobre 1474 quando è elencato come ultimo tra i
dottori che hanno esaminato Josse Quevin, futuro membro del Gran
Consiglio e figlio di Jan, originario di Brugge.43
Il 10 agosto 1473 ha avuto luogo a Pavia in sedute successive la
laurea del rettore uscente, Antonio Bugerini, e l'entrata in carica del
nuovo rettore, Paul de Baenst. Ne siamo matematicamente certi perché
possediamo lo strumento dottorale per il Bugerini e l'orazione di Agri
cola per de Baenst. Lo strumento dottorale ricorda che la laurea è avve-
nuta all'ora di terza e in duomo. Ce da fare una precisazione: nel corpo
del documento si parla di chiesa cattedrale, nella datazione invece di
aula magna del palazzo vescovile. E' errata con certezza l'indicazione
della datazione: il notaio ha l'abitudine di scrivere che gli esami e le
cerimonie dottorali hanno avuto luogo nell'aula magna; mentre dunque
nel testo dà come luogo la cattedrale, nella nota si sbaglia e per abitudine
indica l'aula magna. Lo strumento per Paul de Baenst del 10 agosto
1474 indica parimenti come luogo della cerimonia la cattedrale e come
orario terza. Direi che proprio per ragioni di orario la laurea del dottore
uscente precedeva l'insediamento del successore. Al predecessore di
Paul de Baenst sono dedicate alcune righe dell'orazione di Agricola che
si mantiene pero nell 'ambito di una terminologia classicheggiante e non
dice molto sulla posizione di Bugerini in quel momento: mi sembra pero
evidente che fosse già decaduto dalla carica di rettore.

42 Sottili, Università e cultura, p. 300*.

43 Kerkhoffs-De Heij, De Grote Raad, pp. 1 16-17: non è menzionata la laurea pavese.
100 A. SOTTILI

Il rettorato di Bugerini è ben documentato e Agricola deve aver avuto

ragione nel paríarne pubblicamente bene. Di Bugerini conserviamo una
firma autografa apposta nella sua qualità di rettore in calce alla supplica
di Enrico da Conte mirante ad ottenere la titolarità di teologia che sup-
pliva in luogo di Rolando Rovescala.44 Controfirma il rettore medico-
artista Mathias Richli che a scrivere in umanistica ha probabilmente
imparato a Pavia e che è nome ben noto agli studiosi di Agricola.45 Dopo
gli studi Bugerini, che era di Cremona, ha fatto camera nell'ammi-
nistrazione sforzesca come altri della sua famiglia: è documentato come
capitano di Cotignola il Io luglio 1477, è a disposizione come vicario
e sindacatore generale il 21 dicembre 1480, è podestà di Varese il
3 luglio 1490.46 Ha avuto dunque la sorte di altri studenti dell' Università
di Pavia passati dalle aule universitarie all'amministrazione: l'Università
di Pavia era un'istituzione statale col compito tra altro di preparare il
ceto dirigente.
L'orazione pronunciata da Agricola la mattina del 10 agosto 1473 in
lode di Paul de Baenst è tradita da un solo manoscritto, pero molto
importante per la storia dell'Umanesimo tedesco perché in molti casi
testimone unico di scritti di Agricola, il Cod. poet, et phil. 4° 36 della
Württembergische Landesbibliothek di Stoccarda. L'orazione si trova ai
ff. 343r-348r della nuova fogliazione.47 I ff. in questione corrispondono
ai ff. 328r-334r della fogliazione antica.48 Il catalogo stoccardense in
corrispondenza all'orazione per Paul de Baenst ha un rimando ad un
articolo di P. S. Allen,49 dove sull'orazione non si dice tuttavia nulla: per
la figura dell'autore, per la storia della famiglia de Baenst, per le vicende
culturali degli Stati borgognoni e per la storia dell'Università di Pavia
l'orazione merita un'edizione che potrebbe anche non essere quella
definitiva perché il testo è certamente corrotto in più punti e quindi biso-
gnoso di emendazione. La storia del codice è chiarita da una lettera
dell'Umanista Johannes von Plieningen al suo giustamente più noto

44 Milano, Archivio di Stato, Comuni 69.

45 G. C. Huisman, Rudolph Agricola. A Bibliography of Printed Works and Transla
tions (Nieuwkoop, 1985), pp.1 17-20.
46 С. Santoro, Gli uffici del dominio sforzesco 1450-1500 ( Milano, 1948), pp. 106,
220, 588.
47 Die Handschriften der Württembergischen Landesbibliothek Stuttgart. Erste Reihe.
Zweiter Band. Codices poetici et philologici. Beschrieben von W. Irtenkauf und I. Krekler
mit Vorarbeiten von I. Dumke (Wiesbaden, 1981), pp. 102-104.
48 Sottili, / codici del Petrarca nella Germania Occidentale, 2 voll. ( Padova, 1970 e
1978), p. (569).
49 'The Letters of Rudolph Agricola', The English Historical Review, 21(1906), 310.
 L'ORAZIONE DI RUDOLF AGRICOLA PER PAUL DE BAENST 101

fratello Dietrich, giurista e «iuditii Camere regalis assessor». Dietrich von

Plieningen venne delegato per desiderio di Massimiliano I il 24 luglio
1494 al Reichskammergericht che venne costituito nell'ottobre 1495.50
Queste date sono forse importanti per la storia del manoscritto. Johannes
von Plieningen ha infatti narrato al fratello per lettera di aver fatto
copiare il De inventione dialectica e gli altri opuscoli di Agricola, tanto
quelli da lui composti quanto quelli tradotti dal greco, da Johannes
Pfeutzer, copista altrimenti noto.51 Nell'indirizzo della lettera Dietrich è
chiamato non solo 'legum professor', titolo che non necessariamente
indica una sua attività di insegnante all'Università (di Heidelberg),
ma anche 'Assessor' al Reichskammergericht. Il codice è stato dunque
terminato dopo la nomina di Dietrich a questa carica, cioè dopo il
20 luglio 1494, ma l'idea di far allestire un'edizione o una messa in bella
delle opere di Agricola è probabilmente anteriore. Essa è espressa in una
lettera di Dietrich a Johannes dove questi viene esortato a comporre una
biografía di Agricola.52 Dietrich si definisce 'legum professor', ma non
«iuditii Camere regalis assessor»: dunque l'idea di far allestire il codice
e di far comporre la biografía dovrebbe essere nata prima della nomina
all'alta carica e prima dovrebbe essere avvenuta anche la composizione
della biografía da parte di Johannes per la medesima mancanza del titolo
di 'assessor' nella lettera in cui Johannes comunica a Dietrich di aver
scritto l'operetta:53 la trascrizione di Cod. poet, et phil. 4° 36 va asse-
gnata al periodo attorno al 1493-95 e a Worms.
Johannes von Plieningen ha una buona opinione del lavoro di Johan
nes Pfeutzer: «perdiligenter emendateque redegit». Johannes ha inoltre
ricollazionato tutto il lavoro: «Omnia namque cum exemplaribus ipse
contuli». Per le mende che contiene, l'orazione per Paul de Baenst
non dipende da un autografo di Agricola e non è stata collazionata con

50 F. Adelmann, Dietrich von Plieningen, Humanist und Staatsmann (München,

1981), p. 48.
51 E. Kyriss, 'Italienische Einbände der Spätgotik im Ausland', in Studi di bibliografía
e storia in onore di Tammaro De Marinis (s.l., 1964), III, 38-39 (Stuttgart, Cod. poet,
et phil. 4° 23; Cod. poet, et phil. 4° 26); U. Sieber, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte
der Komhurger Stiftsbibliothek ( Köln, 1969) (datt). p. 81 (Cod. poet, et phil. 4° 27);
Die Handschriften, pp. 17-18 (Cod. poet, et phil. 2° 20), p. 89 (Cod. poet, et phil. 4° 23),
p. 91 (Cod. poet, et phil. 4° 26), pp. 95-96 (Cod.poet. et phil. 4° 30).
52 W.Straube, 'Die Agricola-Biographie des Johannes von Plieningen', in RudolfAgri
cola. 1444-1485. Protagonist des nordeuropäischen Humanismus zum 550. Geburtstag.
Hrsg. von W.Kühlmann (Bern..., 1994), pp. 11-48.
53 Le lettere di Johannes e Dietrich von Plieningen in: F. Pfeifer, 'Rudolf Agricola',
Serapeum, 7(1849), 99-100.
102 A. SOTTILI

un autografo anche se sono evidenti i segni di una revisione che mi

sembra pero fatta più per 'divinatio' che per collazione. In teoria
dovrebbe trattarsi, quanto al correttore, di Johannes von Plieningen: a
mio avviso ha tuttavia ragione Pfeifer nel vedere all 'opera nel codice
più di una mano. Personalmente credo ci sia una corresponsabilità
di Dietrich von Plieningen, ma rimando i dettagli ad altra occasione
limitandomi a segnalare che il copista dell'orazione per Paul de Baenst è
certamente Pfeutzer.54
Ha affermato Girolamo (Ep., LX 74, PL 22, 593) che quando si fa
la 'laudatio' di qualcuno secondo i precetti dei retori si deve partire
risalendo molto indietro nella storia della famiglia avvicinandocisi poi
gradualmente all'interessato. Girolamo aveva alle spalle Rhet. ad Her.,
Ill 6 e Quint., Ill 7, 10-18 e certamente altro. Agricola si attiene a
questi precetti e loda la patria di Paul de Baenst, ma senza dettagli, e i
principi, soprattutto Carlo il Temerario, che questi patrizi di Brugge
hanno servito, e fa la storia delle famiglie paterna e materna, de Baenst
e Losschaert. Padre di Paul, declama Agricola, è stato Lodewijk senior
e fratello Lodewijk junior. Lodewijk de Baenst senior è soprattutto
conosciuto per la lapide ricordo sua e della sua famiglia conservata nella
Onze-Lieve-Vrouwkerk di Brugge. Foto modeste, ma utili si trovano in
una comoda guida alle chiese di Brugge, buona per avere un'idea del
contesto artistico e politico in cui più di un membro della famiglia
de Baenst ha trovato sepoltura.55 Si tratta della chiesa dove sono sepolti
Carlo il Temerario e Maria di Borgogna e dove era conservato il sarcofago
di Lodewijk van Gruuthuse e di sua moglie Margareta van Borssele.56 II
nome di Gruuthuse, se evoca il mondo favoloso e lussuoso dell'autunno

54 Uno 'specimen' a colon della sua mano ed una tavola in bianco e nero in Biogra
phie zwischen Renaissance und Barock. Zwölf Studien. Hrsg. von W. Berschin (Hei
delberg, 1993). Una riproduzione della prima pagina della vita di Agricola composta
da Johannes von Plieningen e della lettera con cui Johannes comunica a Dietrich
l'avvenuta composizione della vita di Agricola in: F. Akkerman, 'Rudolf Agricola,
een Humanistenleven', Algemeen Nederlands Tijdschrift voor Wijsbegeerte, 75(1983),
29 e 35.
55 J. de Vincennes, Kerken te Brugge. Vertaling A. De Vyt. Foto's R. d'Ursel
(Brugge, s.a.), pp. 47-65, Afb. 1 1-12. Due foto ed un'ampia illustrazione nel libro mastro
dell' iconografia tombale brugense: V. Vermeersch, Grafmonumenten te Brugge voor
1578, Catalogus, 3 voll. (Brugge, 1976), II, 350-53.
56 Tre disegni in: Vermeersch, Grafmonumenten, II, 266, 269, 270. Nella stessa opera
un'amplissima illustrazione delle tombe di Maria di Borgogna (II, 368-89) e di Carlo il
Temerario: III, 686-99. Per la tomba cinquecentesca del Temerario anche: R. Mullie,
Monuments de Bruges. 2' partie. Les grands monuments funéraires (Bruxelles, 1960),
pp. 80-81 ; alle pp. 82-84 la tomba di Maria.
 L'ORAZIONE DI RUDOLF AGRICOLA PER PAUL DE BAENST 103

del Medioevo, suscita anche il ricordo di una ricca e importante biblio

teca, soprattutto per la letteratura francese, ma anche per quella neer-
landese (Gruuthuse-handschrift)57 e meno, moho meno per quella
latina.58 Il monumento ricordato di Lodewijk de Baenst senior non è la
lapide della sua tomba che si trovava, pare, nel cimitero di Onze-Lieve-
Vrouwkerk.59 E' conservato il testo dell'iscrizione di questa tomba dal
quale risulta la data di morte di Lodewijk (12 luglio 1454) e di Clara
Losschaert sua moglie (28 agosto 1458)60 avvenute dunque entrambe
molto prima che Paul iniziasse i suoi studi a Pavia. Agricola dedica
a Lodewijk senior pochissime parole e dà una sola notizia concreta:
«magna prudentia atque industria summum civitatis magistratum saepe
gessit», indicando con questo che ebbe la carica di borgomastro, come
specifica R. Mullie61 borgomastro del comune. La stessa fonte è rapida
e dettagliata sul 'cursus honorum' di Lodewijk senior, che merita di
essere ripreso a specificazione delle lodi fatte a Paul da Agricola per la
provenienza familiare. Come borgomastro insieme a Filip Metteneye,
un cognome che incontreremo di nuovo poco oltre, lo troviamo ricor
dato nel documento con cui la città di Brugge incarica il capitolo di
St. Donaas62 di celebrare ogni 22 maggio la solenne liturgia imposta
dal duca Filippo il Buono alla città nel trattato di riconciliazione. Il
documento è del 29 maggio 1448 e dunque Lodewijk fu borgomastro
in questo tempo.63 Nel 1449 è stato uno dei fondatori della confra-
ternita nobile del preziosissimo sangue insieme ad altri tra cui Antoon

57 M. P. J. Martens ed altri, Lodewijk van Gruuthuse Mecenas en Europees diplomaat

ca. 1427-1492 ( Brugge, 1992); J. B. Oosterman, 'A Prayer of one's own: rhymed Prayers
and their authors in Bruges in the first half of the Fifteenth Century', in Flanders in a
European perspective. Manuscript Illumination around 1400 Flanders and Abroad. Procee
dings of the International Colloquium, Leuven 7-10 September 1993. Ed. by M. Smeyers
and B. Cardon (Leuven, 1995), pp. 734-36.
58 Vlaamse kunst op perkament. Handschriften en miniaturen te Brugge van de I2de
tot de 16de eeuw (Brugge, 1981), pp. 207-277.
59 Vermeersch, Grafmonumenten, II, 195, 352.
60 Mullie, Monuments de Bruges. 4e partie. Les monuments commémoratifs (Woluwe-
Saint-Lambert, 1960), p. 36.
61 Monuments de Bruges. 4e partie, p. 35.
62 Per un'informazione generale: Sint Donaas en de voormalige Brugse katedraal
(Brugge, 1978). Sul capitolo di Sint-Donaas è intervenuto ripetutamente R. De Keyser.
Cito ad esemplificazione: 'Chanoines séculiers et Universités: le cas de Saint-Donatien
de Bruges (1350-1450)', in The Universities in the Late Middle Ages. Ed. by J. IJsewijn
and J. Paquet (Leuven, 1978), pp. 584-97.
63 L. Gilliodts-Van Severen, Inventaire des archives de la ville de Bruges. Section
première. Inventaire des chartes. Première série. Treizième au seizième siècle, (Brugge,
1876), V, pp. 285-87.
104 A. SOTTILI

Losschaert, ricordato come scabino nel documento precedente.64 Della

confraternita Lodewijk fu il primo prevosto nel medesimo anno 1449.
Era stato tesoriere della città di Brugge nel 1443 e 'hoofdman' nel
1444 65 л monumento ha al centro la vergine sotto un baldacchino sor-
retto da due angeli secondo una tipologia comune ad altri monumenti
contemporanei come quello per Jacob van den Velde (t 1464), Jacob
van den Velde junior (tl490) e Camarina de Keyt (t 1483) pure conser
vato nella Onze-Lieve-Vrouwkerk.66 Dritti a flanco della Vergine sono
rappresentati San Luigi re di Francia e santa Chiara e in ginocchio
Lodewijk e Clara Losschaert sua moglie. Su Clara Losschaert Agricola
non sa nulla oltre al nome e al cognome perché l'aggettivo di cui la
qualifica è il più ovvio tra quanti si possono tirare in ballo per una madre
di famiglia: «Hic (scilicet Ludovicus) ex honestissima coniuge sua Clara
Loscarda...genuit». Clara era figlia del ricordato Antoon Losschaert
(t3 ottobre 1458) e di Margareta de Hondt,67 il cui sepolcro, perduto,
si trovava a Brugge nella Augustijnerkerk ed è scomparso come è
scomparsa la chiesa.68 Il padre di Clara potrebbe essere quell'Antoon
Losschaert presentato al duca con altri sette personaggi per la carica di
'receveur', che pero non gli venne affidata.69 Antoon e Margareta ebbero
un figlio pure chiamato Antoon e nominato insieme alla madre in
un documento del 5 maggio 1467.70 Dovrebbe trattarsi dell' Antoon
Losschaert conosciuto come tutore di Cornelia de Hondt,71 morto il Io o
il 2 giugno 1495 e seppellito con la moglie Camarina de Witte pure
nell 'Augustijnerkerk.72 La morte di Antoon Losschaert junior è ricordata

64 J. Gailliard, Bruges et le Franc ou leur magistrature et leur noblesse (Brugge,

1859), III, 368.
65 Gailliard, Bruges et le Franc (Brugge, 1857), I, 29-30. Il monumento ricordo di
Lodewijk de Baenst senior ha una ricca bibliografía. Si veda ad esempio: M. Selschotter,
'Gebeeldhouwde grafsteenen uit de XVe en XVIe eeuw te Brugge', Kunst. Maandblad
voor oude enjonge kunst, 3(1932), 180. Un interrogativo sull'identificazione dei personaggi
del monumento avanza: Aanwijzende fotografische inventans van de drie rechterlijke
kantons Brugge (Antwerpen, 1965), pp. 149-50.
66 Vermeersch, Grafmonumenten, II, 358 PI. 171.
67 Gailliard, Bruges et le Franc, I, 30.
68 Mullie, Monuments de Bruges. 3e partie. Les pierres tombales (Woluwe-Saint-
Lambert, 1961), p. 144.
69 H.Nelis, Chambre des comptes de Lille. Catalogue des chartes du sceau de l'audi
ence (Bruxelles, 1915), p. 212 n° 960.
70 Gilliodts-Van Severen, Inventaire, V, 469-71.
71 Monasticon belge. Tome 111. Province de la Flandre Orientale, (Liège, 1978), IV,
1044.
72 Vermeersch, Grafmonumenten, III, 408; Gailliard, Bruges et le Franc, IV, 90, 92,
1 1 1 ; V, 68; Mullie, Monuments de Bruges. 3e partie, p. 145.
 L'ORAZIONE DI RUDOLF AGRICOLA PER PAUL DE BAENST 105

dal cronista de Doppere che, come si vedrà, non fu tenero con Paul:
«(1495) die Martis 2° junii obiit Brugis Antonius Losschardus filius
Antonii, civis honestus, ex maerore et tristitia quod nemini civitas solveret
de mutuo, aut de reditibus etc. licet intolerabiles solverentur calliotes;
sed vorabant omnia domini».73 Il cronista riconosce l'onestà di Antoon,
ma Agricola non menziona né lui né suo padre: forse tra Paul ed i
parenti prossimi di parte materna c 'era qualche distanza o divergenza.
Anche Antoon Losschaert junior fu comunque dalla parte di Massimi-
liano I e nel 1492 fu con altri liberato per un certo tempo «ab exactione
redituum seu onerum civitatis Brugensis».74 Agricola ci fornisce due
importanti indicazioni per ampliare l'ascendenza materna di Paul de
Baenst: «Transeam proavum maternum lohannem Loscardum, hominem
probatissimae virtutis atque aestimationis; transeam magnum avunculum
lohannem». Concretamente l'albero genealogico di Paul de Baenst da
parte materna ha l'aspetto seguente:

Jan (t 1409)

Jan (t 1460) - van den Hecke

Jan (fl461) - Anastasia Antoon (f!458) - Margaretha de Hondt

van den Steene

Antoon - Catharina de Clara (t 1458) - Lodewijk de Baenst (t 1454)

de Witte |
Paul Jan
l
Jan

Paul de Baenst ebbe dunque seconde Agricola un prozio materno di

nome Jan e Jan si chiamava anche il nonno. II prozio di Paul era un
familiare di Filippo il Buono. Devo confessare di avere qualche diffi-
coltà a districarmi tra questi omonimi della famiglia Losschaert. Qualche
personaggio mi sembra comunque tranquillamente eliminabile. Questo
vale in primo luogo per quel lohannes Losschaert della diocesi di Tour
nai che si è immatricolato a Lovanio il 7. 9. 1473 e per un altro lohannes
Losschaert, ma della diocesi di Cambrai pure immatricolato a Lovanio:

73 Fragments inédits de Rombout de Doppere découverts dans un manuscrit de

Jacques de Meyere publiés par le P. Henri Dussar. Chronique brugeoise de 1491 à 1498
(Brugge, 1892), p. 52.
74 Rombout de Doppere, Fragments, p. 41.
106 A. SOTTILI

23 luglio 1478.75 Entrambi gli studenti sono coetanei di Paul de Baenst

e quindi troppo giovani per essere candidati a fargli da prozio e da
bisnonno. Poiché il nonno di Paul de Baenst Antoon Losschaert è morto
nel 1458 e poiché Filippo il Buono incominciö a regnare nel 1419 resta
escluso che il prozio di Paul de Baenst, in ottimi rapporti con Filippo
11 Buono, sia quel Jan Losschaert sepolto con la moglie Margareta van
der Stove (25 maggio 1392) nella Onze-Lieve-Vrouwkerk e morto il
12 settembre 1409.76 Il problema è pero forse solubile almeno in via
ipotetica. Antoon Losschaert, il nonno materno di Paul de Baenst, era
figlio di Jan e di una van den Hecke.77 Vermeersch conosce la lastra
tombale per un Jan Losschaert morto il 20 aprile 1461, ma sposato con
Anastasia van den Steene: t 7 aprile 1470.78 II testo dell'epigrafe è dato
da R. Mullie79 e ne risulta che il defunto era figlio di Jan esattamente
come il prozio di Paul. Nella stessa chiesa degli Eremitani di Sant'Ago-
stino a Brugge si trovava una tomba per un altro Jan pure figlio di Jan e
morto nel 1460.80 Per Vermeersch si tratta di una medesima persona
col precedente ed è magari probabile che abbia ragione, ma altrettanto
probabile è che il primo sia il prozio di Paul. Indipendentemente da una
più precisa identificazione sulla persona in questione e cioè se si tratti
del nonno o del prozio di Paul de Baenst, un Jan Losschaert è docu
mentato in diverse occasioni nella vita pubblica di Brugge. Ai primi di
novembre 1444 Charles d'Orléans poté finalmente lasciare Londra e la
duchessa Isabella di Borgogna lo attese a Gravelines. Anche Filippo il
Buono fu ad accoglierlo e insieme andarono a Saint-Omer dove furono
alloggiati nell'abbazia di Saint-Bertin. Charles d'Orléans giurö di osservare
il trattato di Arras e si celebrarono le sue nozze con la nipote di Filippo
il Buono, Maria figlia di Adolfo duca di Kleve: 15 novembre 1440.81

75 Wils, Matricule, II, 295, 377.

76 Vermeersch, Grafmonumenten, II, 86.
77 Gailliard, Bruges et le Franc, IV, 111.
7* Grafmonumenten, II, 231.
79 Monuments de Bruges, III, 144-45.
80 Ibid.,Ill, 144.
81 H. Will, Maria von Burgund, Herzogin von Kleve (Kleve, 1967), pp. 25-26 e 'Maria
von Kleve, Herzogin von Orléans', Kalenderfür das Klever Land auf das Jahr 1977, 9 1 -96.
Per la biblioteca di Maria: Vlaamse kunst, p. 237; A. Baumeister, in Land im Mittelpunkt
der Mächte. Die Herzogtümer Jülich, Kleve, Berg (Kleve, 1985), p. 367; W. Schnütgen,
Literatur am Klevischen Hof vom hohen Mittelalter bis zur frühen Neuzeit (Kleve, 1990),
pp. 44-45. Gli avvenimenti di Saint-Omer si leggono romanzati in H. S. Haasse, Het
woud der verwachting. Het leven van Charles van Orléans, (Amsterdam, 1990, 14a
edizione), pp. 486-500.
 L'ORAZIONE DI RUDOLF AGRICOLA PER PAUL DE BAENST 107

Si celebro inoltre un capitolo dell'ordine del Toson d'oro. Durante

questi festeggiamenti arrivé una delegazione della città di Brugge:
novembre 1440. Il primo ad essere nominato tra gli ambasciatori della
città fiamminga è il borgomastro Jan Losschaert. Filippo accetto la sol-
lecitazione degli ambasciatori a calmare il suo risentimento nei riguardi
della città fiamminga e si lasciö convincere, anche per intercessione
di Charles d'Orléans, a recarsi a Brugge dove fu ricevuto in maniera
splendida.82 Il 10 ottobre 1414 Janne Losschard fornisce alla città di
Brugge una certa quantità di nitrato necessario per la difesa della città.83
Il 20 marzo 1430 un Jan Losschaerde entrava in possesso di un feudo.84
Per il 1430 conosco due documenti riguardanti Jan Losschaert, uno
relativo ad un prestito di 1200 lire fatto alla città in un momento di
bisogno85 e l'altro riguardante l'acquisto di un vitalizio di 9 lire insieme
a sua moglie Caterina Dureel «die men heet van den Damme».86 La
precisazione del nome della moglie evidenzia l'incertezza esistente
nell'identificazione degli antenati di Paul nel ramo materno rispondenti
al nome di Jan con i personaggi documentati archivisticamente. Il nome
Jan è talmente comune che puô essere stato portato da piu di un membro
contemporaneamente della famiglia Losschaert cosí che resta dubbia
l'identificazione di quel Jehan Losschaert documentato come borgoma
stro ('du corps') il 13 ottobre 1444 e il 31 dicembre 1445.87 Il 24 maggio
1453 Jan Losschaert fa parte di una delegazione della città di Brugge
inviata a Filippo il Buono; è membro dell'ambasceria anche Pieter Met-
teneye, un nome che reincontreremo presto.88 Clara Losschaert aveva
un fratello di nome Antoon, come il padre, e sposato a Catharina de
Witte. Fu borgomastro del Comune nel 1488 e mon nel 1495.89 Agricola
non ricorda membri della famiglia Losschaert coetanei di Paul de Baenst
e rispondenti al nome di Jan. Qualcuno ci fu certamente e in posizione
di rilievo.90 Il 21 novembre 1468 Jan Losschaert, scabino, viene inviato

82 Gilliodts-Van Severen, Inventaire, V, 194.

83 Gilliodts-Van Severen, Inventaire, IV, 327.
84 E. Vanden Bussche, Inventaire des Archives de l'Etat à Bruges. Section première.
Franc de Bruges. Ancien quatrième membre de Flandre (Brugge, 1881), I, 134 n° 343.
85 Gilliodts-Van Severen, Inventaire, V, 187.
86 Gilliodts-Van Severen, Inventaire, V, 175-77.
87 Gilliodts-Van Severen, Inventaire, V, 277, 297.
88 Gilliodts-Van Severen, Inventaire, V, 368.
89 Gailliard, Bruges et le Franc, V, 68.
90 Un Jan Losschaert della generazione successiva agli omonimi nonno e prozio
di Paul è ricordato il 15 febbraio 1464 senza indicazione di canche: Gilliodts-Van Severen,
Inventaire, V, 443.
108 A. SOTTILI

dopo i fatti di Liegi a Bruxelles a porgere le congratulazioni a Carlo il

Temerario insieme al borgomastro Jan Breydel,91 Zeghin de Baenst, zio di
Paul e menzionato da Agricola (su di lui si ritorna più avanti), e Anthunis
Louf.92 Jan Losschaert è borgomastro di Brugge nel 147793 e si reca agli
Stati generali a Mechelen il 3 gennaio 1480 insieme a Lodewijk de Baenst,
il fratello di Paul ricordato da Agrícola.94 Un Janne Losschaert è scabino
nel 1504.95 Abbiamo notizia di un Jan Losschaert figlio di Jan secondo
marito di Marie Despars che aveva sposato il primo marito nel 1475 e mon
nel 1521.96 Potrebbe trattarsi del figlio del precedente: avremmo cosí di
nuovo un Jan senior, vissuto nella seconda metà del Quattrocento, ed un
Jan iunior vissuto a cavaliere tra Quattrocento e Cinquecento, ma non
inseribili, per quel che mi riguarda, nell'albero genealogico dei Losschaert
proposto sopra. Essi servono a documentare la fitta rete di personaggi di
rilievo con cui erano imparentati i de Baenst e cui accenna Agricola.
Sul monumento commemorativo di Lodewijk de Baenst il vecchio
e Clara Losschaert sono raffigurati cinque figli e cinque figlie. Agricola
conosce due maschi, Paul e Lodewijk iunior, e tre femmine, Clara,
Margareta, Anna. Clara si fece suora e come tale è identificabile sul
monumento. Di entrambe le altre Agricola conosce i mariti: Margareta
sposö Pieter Metteneye e Anna Jacob Boudins. La tomba di Pieter
Metteneye (tl° marzo 1495) si trovava in Sint-Donaas97 ed è andata
distrutta, ma un disegno settecentesco ed una litografía ottocentesca ne
hanno conservato la memoria.98 Lo stemma della famiglia de Baenst,

91 P. Breydel, Bruges et les Breydel (Bruxelles, 1975), pp. 213-14; J.van Rompaey,
Het grafelijk baljuwsambt in Vlaanderen tijdens de boergondische periode (Brussel,
1967), p. 613,- Vermeersch, Grafmonumenten, II, 311 n° 315.
92 Gilliodts-Van Severen, Inventaire, VI, 27; W. P. Blockmans, Handelingen van de leden
en van de staten van Vlaanderen (1467-1477). Excerpten uit de rekeningen van de Vlaamse
steden, kasselrijen en vorstelijke ambtenaren (Bruxelles - Brussel, 1971), pp. 51-52.
93 Vanden Bussche, Inventaire, I, 53-54.
94 Gilliodts-Van Severen, Inventaire, VI, 197.
95 Blockmans, Handelingen van de leden en van de staten van Vlaanderen. Regeringen
van Maria van Bourgondië en Filips de Schone 5 januari 1477-26 september 1506. Excerpten
uit de rekeningen van de Vlaamse steden en kasselrijen en van de vorstelijke ambtenaren. le
deel. Na de vrede van Kadzand (1492) (Bruxelles - Brussel, 1982), pp. 980-81.
96 Gailliard, Bruges et le Franc, II, 463.
97 Informa su questa chiesa, purtroppo scomparsa, tra altro il volumetto citato a nota 62.
98 Vermeersch, Grafmonumenten, III, 405-406. Il cronista Rombout de Doppere
indica come data di morte il 28 febbraio: Fragments inédits, p. 51. La data Io marzo 1494
'ab anunciatione' (=1495 in stile volgare) è leggibile anche sul disegno riprodotto da Ver
meersch oltre che in Gailliard, Inscriptions funéraires et monumentales de la Flandre
Occidentale avec des données historiques et généalogiques (Brugge, 1861), I, 55.
 L'ORAZIONE DI RUDOLF AGRICOLA PER PAUL DE BAENST 109

fascia d'argento con tre merli nel campo superiore, permette l'indubbia
identificazione di Margareta nella quarta figura a destra. Nell'iscrizione
la data di morte della sorella di Paul pero manca. La ricorda l'obituario
di Sint-Donaas al 26 febbraio, ma senza anno: «Domicelle Margarete
de Baenst uxoris Petri Mattinee, suppretoris Brugensis, militis». Al 19
aprile l'obituario registra la commemorazione di Pieter Metteneye
senior." Pieter Metteneye o Petrus Mettengus iunior, come ovviamente
lo chiama Agricola, non è affatto uno sconosciuto. R. Mullie scrive100
che fu capitano del castello di Oudenaarde, si direbbe attingendo ad
Agricola: «praefectus oppidi cui Aldernardo nomen est». E' documen
tato in questa funzione in una divertente narrazione della consegna
del castello a Massimiliano I nel 1484. 101 La notizia si trova anche
neil' importante e dettagliato articolo che a Pieter Metteneye dedica
J. Gailliard102 dove la sua partecipazione alla vita cittadina in Brugge,
alle consuetudini cavalleresche e l'impegno al servizio dei duchi di
Borgogna e di Massimiliano I vengono messi nel debito risalto. Agricola
lo chiama 'vir primarius' e non si tratta di retorica, e aggiunge: «in
praecipuis cubiculi principis sui ministris habitus», indicando cosi una
carica di corte traducibile con cameriere, ma indicata con precisione da
Gailliard: «fut pannetier du duc de Bourgogne, Charle-le-Téméraire
et puis du roi des Romains Maximilian d'Autriche». Le cariche di
«capitein van de casteele van Audenaerde», senza data, e di panettiere,
«papnetier ons geduchs heeren den hertoghe van Bourgoigne, grave van
Vlaenderen ende de room koninks Maximiliaen» sono pero menzionate
nell'iscrizione della tomba, dove è anche definito scudiero: 'schild-
knape'.103 Essendo la famiglia Metteneye grande ed importante non
meraviglia di trovarla documentata in fonti di vario genere, artistico,104

99 L.Gilliodts-Van Severen, L'obituaire de Saint Donatien de Bruges (Bruxelles,

1889), pp. (38) e (54). Estratto dal Bulletin de la Commission royale d' histoire de Bel
gique, 4e série, tome XVI.
100 Monuments de Bruges. 3e partie, p. 63.
101 'Overgave van de Stad en het Kasteel van Audenaerde aen Maximiliaen', Ande-
naerdse Mengelingen, l (1845), 467-71.
102 Bruges et le Franc, IV, 169.
103 Rapide notizie su Pieter, ma significative perché inserite nelle vicende della
famiglia e quindi utili a commentare il contesto di importanti relazioni di parentela che
Agrícola attribuisce a Paul de Baenst, dà: Kerkhoffs-De Heij, De Grote Raad, p. 98. Fino
ad ora non abbiamo incontrato nelle famiglie de Baenst e Losschaert ecclesiastici di
rilievo. Il figlio maggiore di Pieter Metteneye fu protonotario apostolico, canonico nobile
di Sint-Donaas, membro del Consiglio segreto.
104 Vermeersch, Grafmonumenten, III, 795 s. v.
1 10 A. SOTTILI

genealogico,105 documentarlo,106 cronachistico e con attacchi violenti,107

di varia erudizione, dal Trecento fino avanti nel Cinquecento.108 Per quel
che riguarda in particolare Pieter Metteneye J. F. Foppens lo ricorda
come consigliere di stato in Fiandra ai tempi di Filippo il Buono.109 II
capitanato ad Oudenaarde è menzionato anche da W. P. Blockmans110
verso il 1483 e quindi per un periodo di nuovo successivo alla 'laudatio'
di Agricola. Forse è necessario fare una riflessione. Agricola, come ha
mostrato K. Morneweg,111 ha rifatto l'orazione pronunciata ad inizio
settembre 1474 per l'insediamento di Johannes von Dalberg a rettore
dell' Università giurista pavese secondo una promessa fatta a Dalberg
in una lettera da Ferrara del 23 dicembre 1476,112 non solo in termini
stilistici, ma di contenuto con la menzione di avvenimenti successivi a
quando l'orazione fu pronunciata. Ha avuto una sorte simile l'orazione
per Paul de Baenst? Agricola è morto il 27 ottobre 1485 secondo la bio
grafia di Johannes von Plieningen113 e quindi il rifacimento dell'orazione
cadrebbe proprio verso la fine della sua vita, quando Paul de Baenst
era presidente del Consiglio di Fiandra. Agricola era molto attento ai
rapporti di amicizia, ma le sue lettere non dicono nulla sul mantenimento
delle ottime relazioni intrecciate a Lovanio e Pavia con Paul de Baenst.
Il sesto volume delYInventaire già tante volte citato di Gilliodts - Van

105 Si vedano gli indici dei volumi su Bruges et le Franc di J. Gailliard.

106 W. Prevenier, Handelingen van de leden en van de staten van Vlaanderen (1384-
1405). Excerpten uit de rekeningen der steden, kasselrijen en vorstelijke ambtenaren
(Bruxelles-Brussel, 1959), s.v.; Blockmans, Handelingen van de leden en van de ¡taten
van Vlaanderen (1467-1477). Excerpten..., s. v.; Id., Handelingen van de leden en van
de Staten van Vlaanderen. Regeringen van Maria van Bourgondië en Filips de Schone, I,
s. v.
107 Rombout de Doppere, Fragments inédits, p. 55.
io8 j Weale, 'Généalogie des familles brugeoises. Les Despars', La Flandre, 2 (1868-
69), 371-72, 398; A. Duclos, 'Jan Breydel zoon van Jan, kleinzoon van Michiel', Rond
den Heerd, 22 (1887), 103; C.van Renynghe de Voxurie, 'L'epitaphier de Bruges',
Tablettes des Flandres, 5 (1953), 335; A. De Schietere de Lophem, 'Iconographie brugeoise,
II, L'Hôpital de la Potterie', Tablettes des Flandres, 1 (1957), 279; R. H., 'De doodhoek
van 't Hospitaal. Een wijnstichting voor de arme stervende, Brugge 1390', Biekorf, 70
(1959), 369; Jeruzalem Brugge (Brugge, 1970),p. 22; N. Geirnaert - A.Vandewalle,
Adornes enJeru-alem (Brugge, 1983), pp. 37, 114.
109 Histoire du Conseil de Flandre: Brussel, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, Ms. 6122, f. 6r.
110 Handelingen. . .Regeringen van Maria... l, 283-84.
111 Johann von Dalberg, ein deutscher Humanist und Bischof (geb. 1455, Bischof von
Worms 1482, 11503) (Heidelberg, 1 887), p. 36.
112 E. Leibenguth - R. Seidel, 'Die Korrespondenz Rudolf Agricolas mit den süd
deutschen Humanisten. Einleitung, Text, Übersetzung und Kommentar', in Rudolf Agricola
1444-1485, pp. 209-210.
113 Straube, 'Die Agricola-Biographie des Johannes von Plieningen', p. 26.
 L'ORAZIONE DI RUDOLF AGRICOLA PER PAUL DE BAENST 111

Severen contiene varie segnalazioni relative a Pieter Metteneye: borgo-

mastro (novembre 1474),114 sculteto (1488)115 ecc. Tramite gli indici del
quinto volume si rintracciano due menzioni:116 nella seconda svolge una
funzione militare, «capetein ende leedsman van de vors, pickenaers»,
ma non ad Oudenaarde. Per ragioni cronologiche è escluso che le tre
menzioni rintracciabili tramite gli indici del quarto volume117 abbiano a
che fare col cognato di Paul de Baenst.
La terza sorella di Paul de Baenst è moglie, afferma Agricola, del
dottore in utroque Jacob Boudins, persona di vasto sapere, «inter
paucos eruditus». Riferimenti a Jacob Boudins nelle fonti brugensi non
mancano. E' probabile che si debba fare una selezione per distinguere
tra gli omonimi. II manto di Anna de Baenst non è certamente uno dei
nobili fiamminghi che hanno accompagnato Filippo il Buono nella spedi-
zione per vendicare l'assassinio di Giovanni senza paura.118 Da Agricola
apprendiamo che era «iuris utriusque doctor» e giuridicamente molto
preparato. Nel 1446 «Jacobus Boudins Tornacensis diocesis» si immatri-
cola a Lovanio:119 l'identificazione col cognato di Paul de Baenst mi
sembra certa. Da un'opera di A. De Vlaminck si apprende che era signore
di Schoonewalle, che morí il 23 dicembre 1495, che sua moglie Anna
morí il primo gennaio 1485 e che la loro figlia Catherina sposö Pieter van
Belle signore di Eecke.120 Gailliard conosce l'iscrizione della tomba con
data di morte di Catherina: 1488. 121 Ragioni di spazio mi costringono a
non insistere sulla discendenza di Anna de Baenst per dedicare invece
ancora qualche riga a Jacob Boudins. Viene nominato nel contesto delle
esequie di Filippo il Buono: 1467; 122 è nella delegazione inviata a Sluis
per accogliere Margherita di York destinata sposa a Carlo il Temerario,123
viene nominato in questioni riguardanti Brugge e/o il duca nel 1469,124

114 P. 79 n° 1130.
115 P. 296 n°1229.
116 P. 368 e 555.
117 Pp. 371,478,481.
118 Gailliard, Bruges et le Franc, I, 205.
119 E. Reusens, Matricule de l'Université de Louvain, 1, 1426 (origine) — 30 août
1453 (Bruxelles, 1903), p. 157 n. 3.
120 Filiation de familles de la Flandre dressée sur pièces authentiques ou d'après des
manuscrits anciens (Gand, 1875), II, 261.
121 Bruges et le Franc... Unique volume supplément (Brugge, 1864), p. 208.
122 Prevenier, Handelingen van de leden en van de Staten van Vlaanderen (1467-
1477), p. 4.
123 Ibid., p. 29.
124 Ibid., pp. 57-58, 69, 72.
112 A. SOTTILI

nel 1470 e 1471,125 nel 1474 (borgomastro),126 nel 1475 (borgomastro),127

nel 1476 (deputato a Gent)128 e per una questione riguardante Sluis.129
E' ricordato ancora nel I486,130 nel 1487, come la volta precedente
con Guy de Baenst e in un affare riferentesi a Massimiliano I.131 Nel
medesimo anno è citato a proposito di una riunione tenuta a Brugge
sul problema della difesa delle frontiere,132 nell'anno seguente in una
riunione relativa a lettere inviate dalla città di Gent,133 nel 1490 come
membro di una deputazione inviata a leper,134 nel 1493 come membre
di una commissione che deve trattare una grossa somma di denaro in
rapporto all'esecuzione del testamento di Maria di Borgogna,135 di una
commissione di cui non si indicano le funzioni136 e di un'altra commis
sione che doveva esaminare certe lettere inviate da Jarme de Berch e
decidere sulla risposta da dare al rapporto degli inviati presso gli Stati
generali.137 Nel 1494 è di nuovo membro di una commissione deputata
ad ascoltare il rapporto del Presidente del Consiglio di Fiandra.138
Di Lodewijk de Baenst iunior Agricola puö dire poco perché «tener
adhuc». R. Mullie, che pubblica l'iscrizione funebre139 riprodotta da
Vermeersch140 e posta sotto il monumento nella Onze-Lieve-Vrouwkerk,
lo dice membro della confraternita del preziosissimo sangue, e cavaliere
dell'ordine di Gerusalemme e di Santa Caterina; ricorda inoltre che fu
consigliere della città di Brugge nel 1479, 'hoofdman' nel 1480 e nel
1482, 'forestier' della società nobile e cavalleresca dell'orso bianco nel
1480; aggiunge anche che fu armato cavaliere da Massimiliano I nella
battaglia di Blangy (Guinegate) e che morí il 5 giugno 1496, come del

125 Ibid., pp. 91, 125, 134.

126 Ibid., p. 234.
127 Ibid., pp. 241, 244 e 245, 253.
128 Ibid., p. 274.
129 Ibid., p. 289.
130 Blockmans, Handelingen van de leden en van de Staten van Vlaanderen. Regeringen
van Maria van Bourgondië en Filips de Schone, I, 387.
131 Ibid., pp. 400, 402-403.
132 Ibid., p. 428.
133 Ibid., p. 438.
134 Ibid., p. 559.
135 Blockmans, Handelingen van de leden en van de Staten van Vlaanderen. Regeringen
van Maria van Bourgondië en Filips de Schone, II, 661.
136 Ibid., p. 666.
137 Ibid., pp. 667-68.
138 Ibid., pp. 673-74.
139 Monuments de Bruges. 4e partie, pp. 36-37.
140 Grafmonumenten, II, p. 354 P1.168, p. 356 PI. 169.
 L'ORAZIONE DI RUDOLF AGRICOLA PER PAUL DE BAENST 1 13

resto si legge nell'iscrizione funebre. Agricola aggiunge un dettaglio

importante, il favore di Filippo il Buono di cui era 'quaestor' nonostante
proprio l'età giovanile. Sull'età è probabile che Agricola calchi la mano
perché Lodewijk ha certamente già passato i vent'anni essendo suo
padre morto nel 1454, come si è visto. 'Quaestor' dovrebbe indicare una
carica finanziaria. Le notizie di R. Mullie sono pero ampliabili. Si legge
in quest'opera che Lodewijk iunior sposö Margherita Boulangier: infatti
nel monumento funebre Margherita è rappresentata in ginocchio di
flanco alla Vergine e all 'ombra di Santa Margherita che uccide il drago.
L'iscrizione funebre riguarda solo Lodewijk perché Margherita sposö in
seconde nozze Jan van Praet o van Vlaanderen per morire molto tardi, il
24 febbraio 1526.141 II loro sepolcro è conservato.142 Lodewijk partecipö
al torneo che ebbe luogo a Brugge il 28. 4. 1479 e al quale partecipö
anche l'arciduca Massimiliano. Maria di Borgogna distribui i premi:
l'arciduca ebbe il diamante, Lodewijk la lancia. Lodewijk si trovava in
buona compagnia: Gauthier Despars, 'forestier' della società nobile e
cavalleresca dell'orso bianco, Jan van Nieuwenhove, Jan van Doorne,
Jacques de Vos, Mathieu de Brouckere, Jacques de Heere, Henri de
Werdenburch ecc.143 Che sia stato armato cavaliere da Massimiliano I
pare accertato: l'evento avvenne dopo la battaglia di Guinegate, 7 agosto
1479.144 Nel 1480 Lodewijk è consigliere e cavaliere. Per le vicende della
guerra contro la Francia gli Stati generali sono convocati a Mechelen e
prorogati ad Anversa. Il 3 gennaio 1480 partono da Brugge per Mechelen
il cavaliere Jan van Nieuwenhove, il borgomastro Jan de Boodt e altri
tra cui Jan Losschaert e Lodewijk de Baenst, come si è già ricordato.
Lodewijk resta assente 14 giorni.145 L'investitura a cavaliere dopo la

141 Gailliard, Bruges et le Franc, I, p. 259.

142 Selschotter, 'Gebeeldhouwde Grafsteenen', 184.
143 Gailliard, Bruges et le Franc, IV, 90.
144 J. S. F. J. L. De Herckenrode, Nobiliaire des Pays Bas et du Comté de Bourgogne
par M. De Vegiano Seigneur D'Hovel et neuf de ses suppléments (Gand, 1865), I, 81.
Per la battaglia di Guinegate ad es.: H. Klaje, Die Schlacht bei Guinegate vom 7. August
1479 (Greifswald, Diss., 1890); A. Bachmann, Deutsche Reichsgeschichte im Zeitalter
Friedrichs III. und Max l. Mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der österreichischen
Staatengeschichte (Leipzig, 1894), II, 679-80; H. Wiesflecker, Kaiser Maximilian 1.
Das Reich, Österreich und Europa an der Wende zur Neuzeit, Bd.1. Jugend, burgun-
disches Erbe und römisches Königtum bis zur Alleinherrschaft 1459-1493 (Wien, 1971),
pp. 144-49.
145 Gilliodts-Van Severen, Inventaire, VI, 196-99; Blockmans, Handelingen van de
leden en van de Staten van Vlaanderen. Regeringen van Maria van Bourgondië en Filips
de Schone, I, 125-27.
1 14 A. SOTTILI

giornata di Guinegate è confermata dalla denominazione di cavaliere

conferitagli in occasione del suo invio il 28 novembre del 1479 alla
riunione degli Stati generali a Gent per trattare il problema della difesa
del paese.146
Il tre marzo 1483 troviamo membri importanti della famiglia de
Baenst riuniti per un avvenimento solenne, la cerimonia funebre per
Anselm Adornes nella Jeruzalemkapel. Con loro è Lodewijk de Baenst
in quel momento 'hoofdman' del sestiere di Sint-Jacobs; è inoltre presente
ed è una cosa importante per il nostro assunto, Paul de Baenst, presidente
del Consiglio di Fiandra, Jan III de Baenst, signore di Oostkerke, e un
secondo Jan de Baenst, signore di Lembeke.147 Come si vedrà, Agricola
elogia un Jan de Baenst zio di Paul. Che ci fosse un qualche legame di
parentela tra gli Adornes e i de Baenst, quelli interessanti per il com-
mento all'orazione di Agricola, è nella logica dei rapporti tra le famiglie
che a Brugge contavano. Dall'opera ripetutamente citata di J. Gailliard148
ricavo il seguente albero genealogico per indicare i rapporti tra Paul e
suo fratello Lodewijk e Anselm Adornes:

Jan de Baenst

Jan Guy (t 1442)

!
Guy (consigliere di Filippo il
Buono e di Carlo il Temerario)
Lodewijk senior

Josse-Maria di Anselm Adornes

Paul Lodewijk iunior

Jan, padre di Lodewijk e, come si vedrà, balivo di Brugge, è uno degli

esponenti prominenti della vita politica di questa città chiamati a far
da padrini ai figli di Anselm Adornes.149 Lodewijk mon il 5 giugno

146 Blockmans, Handelingen van de leden en van de staten van Vlaanderen. Regeringen
van Maria van Bourgondië en Filips de Schone, I, 120-21.
147 Geirnaert-Vandewalle, Adornes en Jeruzalem, pp. 27-28.
148 Bruges et le Franc, I, 25-38.
 L'ORAZIONE DI RUDOLF AGRICOLA PER PAUL DE BAENST 1 15

1496.150 Quando nel 1490 Brugge insorse alleandosi con i cittadini di

Gent e con Filippo di Kleve, Lodewijk lasciö la città: nella lunga lista di
cittadini che con lui preferirono l'esilio compaiono due nomi di famiglie
ricordate da Agricola: Pieter Metteneye e Antoon Losschaert.151
L'albero genealogico disegnato sopra dà ragione ad Agricola quando
indica come 'proavus' di Paul un Johannes e come 'avus' pure un
Johannes. Agricola pero aggiunge ancora un Johannes come zio paterno
ed un altro zio paterno di nome Sigerus. Data la rarità del nome
quest'ultimo è il più facile da identificare. Agricola si esprime in termini
umanistici e classicheggianti e loda di Sigerus il senno dimostrato in
patria, l'efficacia del suo impegno all'estero e soprattuto presso il duca
di Borgogna. Secondo Gailliard152 Jan, T'avus' di Paul, e Anna Slijps
ebbero quattro figli : Jean, Louis, Josse, Soyer. Louis è Lodewijk senior,
padre di Paul, e Soyer (t 1471) è certamente Sigerus o Zeghin, sposo di
Catherina Honin e sepolto con essa a Brugge nella Onze-Lieve-Vrouw-
kerk.153 Gailliard afferma che fu scabino, 'hoofdman', borgomastro del
comune, borgomastro degli scabini, tesoriere, tutore dell'Ospedale 'de
la Potterie'. Borgomastro degli scabini era forse anche quando mon
perché con questa carica viene ricordato nell'iscrizione funebre.154 Il suo
matrimonio con Catherina Honin è da datare alla fine del 1439 o poco
dopo.155 Poiché Agricola afferma che tutti sanno come Paul de Baenst
sia stato legato a vincoli di parentela o affinità con tanti 'viri spectatis-
simi', 'equites strenuissimi', 'barones fortissimi', e poiché vanta gli
esempi di pudicizia, virtù e nobiltà delle donne della famiglia, va citato
che Zeghin de Baenst ebbe una figlia di nome Adriana che ando sposa a
Karel van Halewyn, cavaliere, consigliere di Brugge nel 1468, prima
dunque che Agricola tenesse l'orazione, ma salito poi fino al rango di
consigliere e ciambellano dell'arciduca Massimiliano I.156 Morí il 27
novembre 1496 in seguito a ferite riportate in una campagna militare e
fu sepolto nella chiesa degli Eremitani a Brugge.157 Zeghin aveva anche
149 Geirnaert-Vandewalle, Adornes en Jeruzalem, p. 23.
150 Mullie, Monuments de Bruges. 4' partie, pp. 36-37.
151 Gailliard, Bruges et le Franc..., IV, 92.
152 Bruges et le Franc, I, 26.
153 Gailliard, Bruges et le Franc, I, 26; Mullie, Monuments de Bruges. Ie partie.
Eglises et chapelles (Woluwe-Saint-Lambert, 1960), pp. 86 e 87.
154 Gilliodts-Van Severen, Inventaire, V, 189 n. 1.
155 Gilliodts-Van Severen, Inventaire, V, 188-89.
156 Gailliard, Bruges et le Franc, I, 231.
157 Mullie, Grafkapellen en Monumenten, pp. 36 e 38; Vermeersch, Grafmonumenten,
III, 411n°36.
116 A. SOTTILI

un figlio di nome Jan morto il 23 ottobre 15 18.158 Era più o meno coeta
neo di Paul de Baenst: il 5 maggio 1467 Zeghin acquista con una lunga
lista di altre persone un vitalizio dalla città di Nieuwpoort; tra gli acqui-
renti c'è anche Jan fratello di Zeghin.159 Lo spoglio della documenta-
zione archivistica è molto produttivo a proposito di Zeghin: pagamento
per una missione a Bruxelles il 15 febbraio 1468, pagamento per una
missione a Gent per trattare il problema di una sovvenzione chiesta
dal duca, e a Bruxelles per portare la risposta al duca nel marzo dello
stesso anno; nel mese di novembre con Jan Losschaert ed il borgomastro
Jan Breidel è deputato a Bruxelles presso il duca, come si è ricordato.
In missione a Gent con Jan Breidel borgomastro lo troviamo anche nel
1469: tra altre cose bisognava trattare sul miglioramento dei trasporti,
sul corso della moneta e sul problema dello Zwin a Sluis. In questa
località Zeghin è in missione ancora nel 1471, e quindi non molto prima
di morire.160 Copiosi rimandi a Zeghin raccoglie l'indice dei nomi
delVInventaire di Gilliodts-Van Severen.161 Tra le altre notizie elencabili
su Zeghin mi limito a quella relativa alla sua nomina a 'receveur'.
Avendo ottenuto di avere non più quattro, ma sei 'receveurs' gli 'hoofd-
mannen' presentano al duca una lista di otto persone: dicembre 1463.
Il 12 gennaio 1464 vennero nominati Zeghin de Baenst, Jacob Breidel,
Anselm Adornes, Jan de Plaet. Era stato presentato, ma non venne
nominato Antoon Losschaert iunior.162
E' inevitabile a questo punto affrontare la separazione dei vari
Jan de Baenst.163 Il nome Jan compare in tre generazioni successive,
almeno per quel che ci riguarda. Identifichiamo anzitutto l"avus' di
Paul, di cui Agricola afferma: «praeturam multos annos eximia inte-
gritate, maxima iusticia Brugibus gessit». Si tratta certamente del balivo
sposo di Anna Slijps che fu sepolto in Onze-Lieve-Vrouwkerk nella
cappella di Santa Margherita detta de Baenst o Bladelin o Colar de

158 Vermeersch, Grafmonumenten, III, 500-504.

159 Gilliodts-Van Severen, Inventaire, V, 469-70.
160 Blockmans, Handelingen van de leden en van de Staten van Vlaanderen (1467-
1477). Excerpten..., pp. 19-20, 21-22, 51-52, 58-59, 65-66, 112-13.
161 E. Gailliard, Table des noms de familles. Table des noms de lieux et glossaire fla
mand par E. Gailliard, 2 (Brugge, 1882), p. 8.
162 Nelis, Chambre des comptes de Lille, pp. 212 n° 959 e 960.
163 Non ho elementi per identificare il Johannes de Baenst elencato con la moglie il 29
ottobre nell'obituario di Sint-Donaas: Gilliodts-Van Severen, 'L'obituaire', p. (65). Direi
che quel Jan de Baenst citato come tutore dei figli di Joos de Witte il 17 maggio 1463
dovrebbe essere il balivo: Gailliard, Bruges et le Franc, V, 68; Vanden Bussche, Inven
taire des Archives de l 'Etat à Bruges, I, 1 50-5 1 .
 L'ORAZIONE DI RUDOLF AGRICOLA PER PAUL DE BAENST 1 17

Fevre.164 Secondo Agricola fu un magistrato esemplare che non ha

guardato in faccia ai potenti («nullius potentia severitas infracta fuit») e
non si è mostrato insensibile ai pericoli delle persone che si rivolgevano
a lui: «nullius periculis humanitas clausa». Sono espressioni che tradu-
cono in termini umanistici una realtà di cui Agricola ha avuto notizia da
Paul de Baenst. Jan de Baenst, fíglio di Jan e padre di Jan, Lodewijk,
Josse e Zeghin è stato uno dei balivi di Brugge con più lungo servizio
perché, nominato nel 1439, l65 tenne la carica fino al 1460: il suo suc-
cessore Pol des Champs venne nominato il 24 maggio 1460.166 La figura
del balivo Jan serve egregiamente per illustrare i rapporti di fedeltà ai
duchi di Borgogna della famiglia de Baenst e il favore da essa goduto.
L'aver avuto per tanto tempo la carica di balivo dimostra che Jan godeva
della piena fíducia di Filippo il Buono che infatti quando Jan lasciö
la carica per l'età avanzata lo nominö membro del Gran Consiglio
con parole di stima: «amé et feal aussi conseiller Jehan de Baenst».167
«De benoeming tot raadsheer van de Grote Raad was voor hem dan
de kroon op het werk»168 perché aveva alle spalle quarant'anni di ser
vizio ducale svolto ad esempio a Sluis169, Veurne170 e Mechelen, anche
se l'età avanzata gli impedí probabilmente di partecipare altivamente ai
lavori del Gran Consiglio.
Poiché Agricola insiste sulle qualificazioni dei parenti di Paul de
Baenst da un lato e dall'altro sul tradizionale ben volere dimostrato loro
dai duchi, ricordo a solo titolo di documentazione la carriera di Antoon,
fratello del balivo Jan, che fu balivo dei 'Vier ambachten' (1424-1431),
di Veurne (1431-1433), di leper (1433-34) e di nuovo dei 'Vier amba
chten' ( 1434-38). 17I I de Baenst erano una tipica famiglia interessata

164 Mullie, Grafkapellen en monumenten, p. 22.

165 Gilliodts-Van Severen, Inventaire, V, 188. E' ricordato come balivo in documenti
del 6 novembre 1441, del 31 gennaio 1450, del 15 aprile 1456: Gilliodts-Van Severen,
Inventaire, V, 257, 343, 396-97.
166 Van Rompaey, Het grafelijk baljuwsambt, p. 217. II 2 aprile 1460 è ancora nomi
nato balivo in una sentenza pronunciata contro di lui e che andö in esecuzione il 19
dicembre successivo: Nelis, Chambre des comptes de Lille, p. 186 n° 724.
167 Van Rompaey, Het grafelijk baljuwsambt, p. 218 n.l.
168 Van Rompaey, Het grafelijk baljuwsambt, p. 218.
169 Archives départementales du Nord. Répertoire numérique rédigé par M.Bruchet.
Chambre des comptes de Lille (Lille, 1921), p. 547 (Comptes des fortifications de Flandre,
В 5601-5603. L'Ecluse. Comptes par Jean Le Baenst, receveur de l'Ecluse, 1419-1428).
3.7.1417, scabino del Vrije (Gilliodts-Van Severen, inventaire, IV, 346). Avrebbe dovuto
esserci il suo sigillo, ma è scomparso, in un atto del 13 dicembre 1421 : Ibid., pp. 373-74.
170 Vanden Bussche, Inventaire, V, p. 134 n° 1004.
171 Van Rompaey, Het grafelijk baljuwsambt, pp. 238-39.
118 A. SOTTILI

soprattutto a cariche amministrative perché Anna, moglie del balivo,

era figlia di Jan Slijp di cui si conosce la lunga camera tra leper, Sluis
e Brugge tra Trecento e Quattrocento.172
Jan figlio del balivo ci permette di toccare probabilmente i rapporti
della famiglia de Baenst col mondo della cultura, una questione impor
tante perché Agricola sottolinea ampiamente che Paul era persona
colta e dedita a studi non solo di giurisprudenza. Le tombe del balivo
Jan e di suo figlio Jan: «cui cognomento de Sancto Georgio est, vir
equestris ordinis», come si esprime Agricola, sono tenute distinte da
R. Mullie173 e V.Vermeersch descrive ampiamente quella del figlio e di
sua moglie Margareta Fevers (t7 aprile 1497)174 indicando come data
di morte di Jan il 18 marzo 1486. L'epigrafe dice chiaramente che,
come la tradizione di famiglia voleva, Jan era un filoborgognone osser-
vante: «raed en camerlync ons geduchts heeren Philippe en Caerle».175
Johannes de Sancto Georgio per Agricola è in effetti una persona
vivente («cui...cognomentum est») che nel passato ha seguito Carlo il
Temerario nelle campagne militari con una squadra di ottanta cavalieri.
Il balivo deve essere invece morto da tempo perché, come si è visto, era
già in età avanzata quando cessö dall'ufficio nel 1460. Tener distinto il
balivo, nonno di Paul, da Jan, zio di Paul, è importante perché ne fa una
persona sola Antoon Viaene.176 1 meriti culturali di Jan, zio di Paul, sono
rilevanti: nel 1466 si è fatto portavoce con successo presso la città di
Brugge della richiesta di Carlo il Temerario perché venisse assegnata
una pensione annua al poeta Anthonis de Roovere;177 esiste l'ipotesi
che sia il committente del polittico con la leggenda di Sant'Orsola, la
Chiesa e la Sinagoga conservato nel Groeningemuseum di Brugge;178

172 Van Rompaey, Het grafelijk baljuwsambt, pp. 236-37.

173 Monuments de Bruges, le partie, p. 87.
174 Grafmonumenten, II, 324-28. Ricordano la finestra conmemorativa (ca. 1520)
del loro figlio Jan e di sua moglie Gertrude de Barlette: Mullie, Monuments de Bruges,
le partie, p. 87; Geirnaert-Vandewalle, Adornes en Jeruzalem, p. 112.
175 Gailliard, Bruges et le Franc, I, 27.
176 'Anthonis de Roovere. stadsdichter van Brugge 1466-1482', in Ad Harenas.
Gedenkboek van de Jubelviering Sint-Lodewijkscollege Brugge (Brugge, 1960), pp. 343-
66, in particolare p. 356.
177 Viaene, 'Anthonis de Roovere', 347-48.
178 Geirnaert, 'Kunst- en geestesleven te Brugge in de schaduw van de Bourgondische
hertogen ca.1450-1482', Vlaanderen, 31 (1982), 135. La committenza è affermata con
una riproduzione di Jan de Baenst in: E. van den Berghe - J. van den Heuvel - G. Verhelst,
De Zwartzusters van Brugge, Diksmuide, Oostende, Veurne en Brazilië (Brugge, 1986),
p. 51.
 L'ORAZIONE DI RUDOLF AGRICOLA PER PAUL DE BAENST 1 19

alla sua biblioteca appartenue il manoscritto 5092 della Bibliothèque

de l'Arsenal di Parigi contenente La pénitence d'Adam e YHistoire de la
vraie croix nella traduzione di Colard Mansion.179 Il codice è descritto
in un importante catalogo di mostra,180 ma con quello che pero è a mio
avviso, ma potrei sbagliarmi, un errore, vale a dire la già segnalata
confusione del balivo e 'avus' di Paul con l'uomo di cultura (|1486) e
zio di Paul. La traduzione di Colard Mansion è nata su sollecitazione di
Lodewijk van Gruuthuse181 dopo il 13 ottobre 1472, il codice di Jan de
Baenst è parente del manoscritto di Gruuthuse182 e la miniatura ad inizio
del testo pare opera dell' artista che ha illustrato la pagina iniziale delle
Genealogie deorum gentilium di Boccaccio appartenute a Jan Crabbe e
all'abbazia di Ter Duinen.183 Alle spalle di Jan de Baenst affíora cosí il
mondo della cultura e dell'arte della Brugge del secondo Quattrocento.
Jan de Baenst ha un posto negli annali della letteratura neerlandese
per aver fatto traduire in questa lingua la Cité des dames di Christine
de Pisan: Londra, British Library, Add. 20.098 del 1470.184 Forse alla
biblioteca di Jan è appartenuto un terzo manoscritto pure molto impor
tante per la vita culturale brugense: Holkham Hall, Library of the Earl of
Leicester, ms. 3 1 1 . II catalogo Vlaamse kunst op perkament dà un'ampia
descrizione del codice segnalando che è stato scritto per Jan Crabbe e
aggiungendo che ancora nel corso del Quattrocento entrö in possesso di
un membro della famiglia de Baenst, «misschien de bibliofiel Paul
III?», di cui è stato miniato lo stemma a f.9v su quello dell'abate
Crabbe: n° 87. Nel lungo elenco di membri della famiglia de Baenst dato
da J. Gailliard nel primo volume di Bruges et le Franc1** c'è un solo
Paul, il rettore pavese e presidente di Fiandra. Personalmente, per le lodi

179 Viaene, 'Anthonis de Roovere', 359.

180 Vlaamse kunst op perkament. Handschriften en miniaturen te Brugge van de 12de
tot de lode eeuw (Brugge, 1981), pp. 274-77 n° 1 17.
181 Viaene, 'Anthonis de Roovere', 359; Vlaamse kunst, pp. 275-76.
182 Parigi, Bibliothèque nationale, fr.1837. Elencato, ma non descritto in Martens e
altri, Lodewijk van Gruuthuse, pp. 178-81.
183 Vlaamse kunst, pp. 192-94; Aanwijzende Inventaris, p. 333. Per la storia e la
biblioteca di Ter Duinen: De Duinenabdij (1627-1796) en hei Grootseminarie (1833-1983)
te Brugge. Bewoners I Gebouwen I Kunstpatrimonium. Onder redactie van A. Denaux en
E. vanden Berghe (Tielt, 1984); alle pp. 137-88 un contributo alla storia della miniatura:
M. Smeyers en B. Cardon, 'Vier eeuwen Vlaamse miniatuurkunst in handschriften uit het
Grootseminarie te Brugge'. Inoltre: M.-T. Isaac, Les livres manuscrits de l'abbaye des
dunes d'après le catalogue du XVIIe siècle (Aubel, 1984).
184 Viaene, 'Anthonis de Roovere', 358; Vlaamse kunst, p. 276; Geirnaert, 'Kunst- en
geestesleven', 135.
185 Pp. 22-40.
120 A. SOTTILI

che Agricola gli fa anche in campo culturale sarei ben lieto di trovarmi
davanti ad un codice della sua biblioteca, soprattutto di un codice umani-
sticamente importante per il contenuto (Virgilio coi commenti di Servio
e Donato ed il tredicesimo libro dell'Eneide di Maffeo Vegio) e per la
struttura codicologica: l'ornamentazione e il committente (Jan Crabbe)
sono da situarsi a Brugge, ma con estrema probabilità anche la copiatura
in scrittura umanistica italiana è avvenuta a Brugge e precisamente nel
1472 e nel 1473 quando negli Stati di Borgogna era ambasciatore Ber
nardo Bembo,186 in un 'atelier' dove copisti italiani diffondevano la
letteratura umanistica in scrittura umanistica, per usare le parole del
catalogo. Al Virgilio di Holkham Hall collaboro Giorgio Ermonimo.187
In questo quadro di ricezione dell'Umanesimo l'opzione di Paul de
Baenst e di altre importanti personalità delle sue terre per Pavia ha
certamente una motivazione scientifica come scelta di un importante
centro di studi giuridici, ma anche una piu ampia valenza culturale
come ricerca dell'esperienza in loco della civiltà dell'Umanesimo con
gli effetti lenti, ma sicuri della ricezione dell'Umanesimo come civiltà.188

186 N. Gianetto, Bernardo Bembo, umanista e politico veneziano (Firenze, 1985),

pp. 121-31.
187 Indicazioni in Vlaamse kunst, pp. 184-86.; Duke Humphrey and English Humanism
in the Fifteenth Century. Catalogue of an Exhibition held in the Bodleian Library Oxford
(Oxford, 1970), pp. 59-61.
188 Per la presenza di bibliofilia umanistica in un importante giurista: D. van den
Auweele, G. Tournoy en J. Monballyu, 'De bibliotheek van Mr Filips Wielant (1483)',
Lias, 8 (1981), 145-87. Un panorama della civiltà letteraria latina nei Paesi Bassi
durante la giovinezza di Paul de Baenst in G. Tournoy, 'De Latijnse literatuur in de
Nederlanden ten tijde van Karel de Stoute', in Karel de Stoute. Tentoonstelling geor-
ganiseerd naar aanleiding van de vijfhonderdste verjaring van zijn dood (Brussel,
1977), pp. 34-37 e 'Het Humanisme in Vlaanderen 15de - 17de eeuw', in Stad in Vlaan-
deren. Cultuur en Maatschappij. 1477-1787 (Brussel, 1991), pp. 195-207. La storia della
ricezione dell'Umanesimo nei Paesi Bassi è stata scritta da J. IJsewijn, 'The Coming of
Humanism in the Low Countries', in Itinerarium Italicum. The Profile of the Italian
Renaissance in the Mirror of its European Transformations. Ed. H. A. Oberman e
Th. Brady Jr., (Leiden, 1975), pp. 193-301. Soprattutto per esercizio retorico cito quattro
titoli sulla ricezione giuridica: R. C. van Caenegem, 'Ouvrages de droit romain dans les
catalogues des anciens Pays-Bas Méridionaux (XIIIe-XVe siècle)', Tijdschrift voor rechts-
geschiedenis. Revue d'histoire du droit, 28 (1960), 297-347, 403-38 e 'Le droit romain
en Belgique', in lus romanum Medii Aevi, V b ( Milano, 1966), pp. 1-65; J. Gilissen,
'A propos de la réception du droit romain dans les provinces méridionales des Pays de
par-deça aux XVIe et XVIIe siècles', Revue du Nord, 158 (1958), 259-71; E. I. Strubbe,
'De receptie in de Vlaamse rechtbanken van midden veertiende tot einde vijftiende
eeuw', Tijdschrift voor rechtsgeschiedenis. Revue d'histoire du droit, 29 (1961), 445-62.
La mobilità degli studenti provenienti dai Paesi di Paul de Baenst è stata oggetto di una
lunga teoría di studi da parte di H. de Ridder-Symoens come ad esempio: 'Brabanders
aan de rechtsuniversiteit van Orléans (1444-1546). Een socio-professionele studie', Bij
 LORAZIONE DI RUDOLF AGRICOLA PER PAUL DE BAENST 121

Completa il quadro culturale relativo a Jan de Baenst e convincono

dell'assoluta necessità di tener distinto il balivo dall'omonimo figlio i
rapporti con William Caxton.189 Di Jan de Baenst si ricordano i viaggi
in Oriente e in Terra Santa,190 dove fu col carmelitano Adriaan Pas,
«laudatus et celeber propter pias conciones suas et utiles»: t 26 marzo
1494 191 La croce d¡ Gerusalemme e la ruota di Santa Caterina orna-
vano infatti il suo sepolcro.192 Pare pero che nella famiglia de Baenst il

dragen tot de geschiedenis, 61 (1978), 195-347; 'De universitaire vorming van de Bra-
bantse stadmagistraat en stadfunctionarissen. Leuven en Antwerpen, 1430-1580', Varia
historica brabantica, 6-7 (1978), 21-125; 'Tendences et méthodes de recherche sur la
mobilité universitaire', in Dall'Università degli studenti all'Università degli Studi. A cura
di A. Romano (Messina, 1991), pp. 27-42; 'Vlaamse studenten aan de Rechtsuniversiteit
van Orléans 1444-1546: een overzicht'. in Beleid en bestuur in de oude Nederlanden.
Liber Amicorum prof. dr. M. Baelde uitgegeven door H. Soly en R. Vermeir (Gent, 1993),
pp. 105-26. Le linee generali del problema della mobilità degli studenti nel Medioevo sono
state tracciate daU'Autrice in: 'Mobilität', in Geschichte der Universität in Europa. Hrsg.
v. W. Rüegg, I, Mittelalter (München, 1993), pp. 255-75 (L'opera è in commercio anche
in inglese). Sono molto prudente nell'attribuzione del Virgilio di Holkham Hall alla
biblioteca di Jan de Baenst per il fatto che a quella di Paul lo ha assegnato N. Geirnaert
che conosce la cultura brugense del Quattrocento infinitamente meglio di me: 'Bruges et
la vie intellectuelle en Europe au Moyen Age', p. 247.
189 Vlaamse kunst, p. 276. Al proposito ritengo necessario fare alcune considerazioni. Il
volume quinto del più volte citato Inventaire di L. Gilliodts - Van Severen contiene diversi
documenti relativi ad un Jan de Baenst dietro al quale potrebbero celarsi diverse persone.
Parlando di Zeghin de Baenst è già stato segnalato un documento del 5 maggio 1467 rife-
rentesi senza alcun dubbio al figlio del balivo e mecenate della cultura perché chiamato
fratello di Zeghin (V, 469). E' invece il balivo suo padre l'omonimo citato in un conto spese
per un gruppo di altolocati personaggi di Brugge andati a visitare le mogli degli inviati di
Brugge a Lubecca (IV, 499). Il catalogo Vlaamse kunst fa, come si è visto, una persona sola
di Jan balivo e di Jan mecenate aggiungendo che questo (ipoteticamente) unico Jan sarebbe
ricordato come borgomastro di Brugge nel 1470 e sempre come borgomastro avrebbe
accompagnato nel 1473 a Digione la salma di Filippo il Buono: p. 276. Il balivo ha lasciato
la carica nel 1460 per l'età avanzata e sembra quindi difficile ritrovarlo borgomastro dieci e
più anni dopo: deve trattarsi del figlio. Se. come fa notare van Rompaey (Het grafelijk
baljuwsambt, p. 218) la chiamata nel Gran Consiglio fu soprattutto un'onorificenza per l'ex
balivo a causa dell'età avanzata, ritengo molto difficile che sia lui e non piuttosto suo figlio
il borgomastro di Brugge andato a Gent nel febbraio 1464 per le vicende della rottura tra
Filippo il Buono e Carlo conte di Charolais (Gilliodts-Van Severen, Inventaire, V, 445).
Nei conti del 1453-54 sono registrati dei pagamenti, tra altri, a Jan de Baenst per un viaggio
ufficiale a Lubecca (Gilliodts-Van Severen, Inventaire, V, 411): mancando la qualifica di
balivo ed essendo impossibile ¡mmaginare che il balivo andasse a Lubecca a trattare gli
affari di Brugge scarterei in sede di identificazione il padre ed opterei per il figlio.
190 Viaene, 'Anthonis de Roovere', p. 357 e Vlaamse pelgrimstochten, een verzameling
opstellen over bedevaarten en bedevaarders vanuit Vlaanderen in de late Middeleeuwen
(Brugge, 1982), p. 195.
191 Rombout de Doppere, Fragments inédits, p. 47.
192 Geirnaert-Vandewalle, Adornes en Jeruzalem, p. 76 n. 24. La sua casa è ricordata
da de Doppere: pp. 70 e 71. E' certamente il mecenate della cultura quel Jan de Baenst
122 A. SOTTILI

pellegrinaggio in Terra Santa fosse tradizione. Secondo Viaene Lodewijk

de Baenst, padre di Paul, è noto come cavaliere di Gerusalemme e suo
figlio Lodewijk iunior portava il titolo di cavaliere di Gerusalemme e
di Santa Caterina.193
Il bisnonno di Paul era nella memoria di questi e quindi anche nel
discorso di Agricola un lontano ricordo: «erat Paulo proavus patemus
Johannes Baenst vir equestris ordinis praestantissimus, summae et apud
cives suos et apud exteros opinionis, summae autoritatis». Si tratta del
marito di Elisabeth Bave, morta I'll aprile 1396. Nella chiesa di San
Giovanni a Sluis c'era la tomba dedicata alla sua memoria e a quella
del marito Jan morto il 21 marzo 1403. 194 La menzione di Elisabeth
Bave viene a proposito per ricordare un'altra parentela importante della
famiglia de Baenst opportune a rinforzo di quanto Agricola declama
sugli innumerevoli personaggi significativi con cui per parte paterna e
materna Paul era imparentato. Una sorella di Elisabeth, Barbe, sposö
Mathieu van Schatille: la loro figlia Joanna fu la prima moglie di Jacob
Breidel iunior,195 altra rilevante famiglia da aggiungere ai già ricordati
Adornes e Halevyn. Cronologicamente il 'proavus' di Paul de Baenst
dovrebbe essere un'identica persona con lo scabino del Vrije documen
tato nell'ultimo decennio del Trecento.196
«Temporis nos angustia premit» afferma Agricola e si limita ad indi
care l'ampiezza della parentela di Paul e della sua importanza, con la
topica lode di «pudicitia, virtus, nobilitas» dei membri femminili. Dati
del resto alcuni esempi non valeva la pena di insistere troppo: gli uditori
di Agricola erano per vasta parte italiani e non li si poteva tediare
entrando nei dettagli di vicende politiche lontane e di carattere locale
ed elencando nomi di sconosciuti. A documentazione della veridicità
di Agricola per la parte femminile della famiglia limito le mie citazioni
ad Adriana de Baenst, moglie di Karel Halevyn e figlia di Zeghin.
La tomba si trovava nella chiesa degli eremitani di Sant'Agostino e
che è stato arrestato agli inizi del governo di Maria di Borgogna il 16 marzo 1477 insieme
a 16 antichi magistrati di Brugge tra cui Pieter Metteneye: Gailliard, Bruges et le Franc,
III, 18. E' altrettanto certamente la medesima persona quel Jan de Baenst coinvolto nel
1474 in un processo con Josse van Varsenare: J. van Rompaey, De Grote Raad van de
Hertogen van Boergondië en het Parlement van Mechelen (Brussel, 1973), p. 422 n. 275.
193 Vlaamse pelgrimstochten, p. 195.
194 Gailliard, Bruges et le Franc,V, 279. L'Autore corregge la notizia data in I p. 25
secondo la quale Jan sarebbe morto l'1 1 aprile 1396.
195 Vermeersch, Grafmonumenten, I, 163-65 n°175.
196 P. Bonenfant - J. Bartier, Ordonnances de Philippe le Hardi, de Marguérite de
Mаle et de Jean sans peur, 1381/1419 (Bruxelles, 1974), II, 15, 17, 205.
 L'ORAZIONE DI RUDOLF AGRICOLA PER PAUL DE BAENST 1 23

l'epigrafe è tramandata.197 La casata degli Halevyn era una delle più nobili
e più antiche della contea di Fiandra,198 ma per Rombout de Doppere Karel
apparteneva alla fazione nemica dei filoducali: «Hic non erat amicus
oppido Brugensi. Deus illi parcat...Paucos audivi dicentes: Requiescat in
pace».199 Per dare ragione ad Agricola e sottolineare l'importanza degli
elementi maschili della famiglia de Baenst cito soltanto i nomi dei due
Guido, forse padre e figlio. Guy de Baenst senior è stato balivo di terra
('landbaljuw') a Sluis.200 Guy de Baenst iunior divenne negli anni ottanta
consigliere nel Consiglio di Fiandra. Nel 1463 aveva ospitato nella sua casa
di Sluis Margherita di York dopo il suo arrivo dall'Inghilterra.201 Possiamo
cosi concludere che Agricola il 10 agosto 1473 ha veramente pronunciato
in duomo a Pavia, verso le 10 o le 11, l'elogio di una delle maggiori
famiglie di Brugge e con essa del partito borgognone facendo aperta-
mente l'elogio della casa di Valois e soprattutto di Carlo il Temerario.
La camera di Paul de Baenst, signore di Voormezele,202 si svolge in
questo orizzonte: membro del Gran Consiglio di Maria di Borgogna,
come si è detto, Presidente del Consiglio di Fiandra dal 1480 al 1488 e
poi dopo la pace di Kadzand dal luglio 1492 alla morte, 1497. Partecipö
ad importanti missioni diplomatiche: quella presso Luigi XI che preparo
la pace di Arras (1482) e quella che ebbe come conseguenza la libe-
razione di Filippo il Bello da parte dei cittadini di Gent. Fu uno dei pro-
tagonisti durante la prigionia a Brugge di Massimiliano I e subi anche
l'arresto. Ebbe nel 1489 molta parte nelle trattative che condussero alla
conclusione della pace di Montils-les-Tours insieme a 'borgognoni' di
primo piano come Jean le Sauvage e Thomas de Plaines, che era stato
rettore dell 'Università di Pavia.203 Per il resto basti il rinvio ad una

197 Gailliard, Bruges et le Franc, I, 231-32; Vermeersch, Grafmonumenten, III, 411

n°376.
198 Mullie, Grafkapellen, p. 36.
199 Romboudt de Doppere, Fragments inédits, p. 61.
200 Van Rompaey, Het grafelijk baljuwsambt, p. 645.
201 Kerkhoffs-De Heij, De Grote Raad, p. 14.
202 J.Béthune de Villers, Epitaphes et monuments des Eglises de la Flandre au XVI""
siècle d'après les manuscrits de C. Gailliard et d'autres auteurs (Bruges, 1900), pp. 225-
26; W. Desodt, Voormezele, s. d. n. 1. con qualche riproduzione dell'abbazia; Dit is
West-Vlaanderen. Steden, gemeenten, bevolking III (Brugge, 1962), p. 1978; J. Pycke,
'Prévoté puis abbaye de Sainte-Marie a Voormezele', in Monasticon belge. Tome III,
Flandre Occidentale (Liège, 1974), Ш, 691-756.
203 Come studente in civile e rettore è documentato alla licenza e dottorato in canonico
di Pierre de Châtillon, priore di Notre Dame de Thoiry in Savoia: Sottili, Lauree pavesi,
pp. 107-109.
124 A. SOTTILI

fonte204 concludendo pero che il cronista di Brugge ha pronunciato su

Paul de Baenst una severa condanna spiegabile probabilmente solo in
parte con l'appartenenza di Paul al partito avversario.205 II cronista indica
la data della morte (21 luglio 1497), e il luogo, presso Voormezele, nel
cui monastero fu sepolto; sa che era dottore in civile ed in canonico
(«doctor legum et iuris»), piccolo di statura, ma di grande dottrina e
indipendenza, avido di denaro, di cui non aveva bisogno perché ricco e
nobile, proveniente da una famiglia che de Doppere ben conosceva.
Quando mon, furono in pochi a rimpiangerlo: «Paucos audivi dicere:
molliter quiescat». Tre frasi caratterizzano l' operato di questo amico dei
principi: «Nunquam bene meritus de Flandria, sicut nec alii de Bastelingi
(sic)», «Quamvis esset civis Brugensis ingenitus, parvus tamen erat
amicus reipublicae», «Sed nihil erat ut pro tanto (i quattrini) fieret tantus
hostis suae patriae». Agricola, come leggeremo nelle pagine seguenti, lo
ha presentato all'Università legista pavese con ben altri connotati.
Concludendo e passando all'edizione, nel fissare le norme ecdotiche
occorre tener conto di un 'importante frase della lettera in cui Johannes
von Plieningen comunica al fratello Dietrich l'avvenuta trascrizione
del codice ora a Stoccarda: «Omnia namque cum exemplaribus ipse
contuli».206 Nel caso dell'orazione per Paul de Baenst l' 'exemplar' non
era l'autografo, perché il testo presenta numerose mende che la revi-
sione, se Johannes von Plieningen ha veramente rivisto l'orazione e sue
sono le correzioni, non ha sanato. Per questo ritengo legittimo in sede di
edizione un ampio intervento normalizzatorio nelle maiuscole, neU'inter-
punzione e nell'introduzione costante dei dittonghi: per il resto accolgo
le irregolarità ed incongruenze del manoscritto. Si tratta di una posizione
discutibile. Meglio sarebbe stata forse un'indagine sugli autografi di
Agricola per ricavare ed applicare le sue abitudini ortografiche. Una
scelta del genere avrebbe pero portato per ragioni di tempo a rinunciare
a fare rapidamente l'edizione. A questo punto non resta che leggere
finalmente quel bel testo che l'Umanista proveniente dal Nord declamö
cortamente con successo in una giornata estiva probabilmente piena di
sole nel duomo di Pavia, davanti alle autorità, ai professori e agli studenti
debitamente vestiti della toga accademica.

204 E. Karagiannis, De functionarissen bij de Raad van Vlaanderen (1477-1492). Een

onderzoek naar de sociale invloeden hij de samenstelling van de Raad (Università di
Gent, Tesi di licenza, 1991-92), pp. 69-72.
205 Romboudt de Doppere, Fragments inédits, p. 67.
206 Pfeifer, 'Rudolf Agricola', 99.
 L'ORAZIONE DI RUDOLF AGRICOLA PER PAUL DE BAENST 1 25

Appendice

Oratio rectoratus pro domino Paulo de Baenst per Rodolphum Agricolam

Papiae207 dicta anno salutis 1473.208
Cum magna per se res atque in primis ardua sit,209 magnifiee Rector, vosque
praestantissimi viri, egregias clarorum hominum res recteque facta et princi-
pem ipsam rectricemque rerum humanarum virtutem dignis prosequi verbis
atque qua par est oratione complecti, tum certe dicturo mihi hoc loco de ingen-
tibus laudibus Pauli de Baenst qui recturam est in praesentia initurus, hominis
tam diuturna vobis vitae integritate spectati, tanto omnium vestrum studio hono-
rati, tantis virtutibus praediti, ea sollicitudo et, ut verius dixerim, trepidatio
oboritur ut, nisi summa me benignitas modestiaque vestra210 firmaret, animo
collabi et deficere mihi foret necesse. Undecunque ordiri velim, quantamque2u
excellentiae, laudis, gloriae suae cupiam arripere portionem, protinus alia ex
parte maior mihi semper magisque mirandus occurrit. Sive enim fortunae
munera, generis claritatem212 opes honestissimas, amplissimas divitias memo-
rare pergam, summae bonitati naturae cedent ista atque obruentur. Sive haec
ipsa exequi stet animus quaecunque sunt nativa et tanquam genio felitiore bona
collata, eximius eruditionis cultus, eximius integritatis, probitatis, mansuetudi-
nis atque in omni virtutis genere splendor ista tamen adumbrabit. Quid fatiam
igitur? Quid consilii capiam? Tacere non licet et eloqui pro rerum dignitate
non possum.2*3 Cuius enim tenuissimam laudum partem alius longe (f. 323v =
343v) facundior difficulter aequaret, eius quomodo imbecillitas mea maximum
gloriae pondus sustinebit? Vos, vos,214 mihi, praestantissimi viri, vestra huma-
nitas, ut praedixi, animos praebet; vestram mansuetudinem mihi, veluti signum
quoddam in tanto mentis meae tumultu ad bene sperandum video oblatam.215
Sed neque vos laudum suarum modum ex hac qualicunque oratione mea putabi-
tis aestimandum, verum ex rebus factisque suis quibus se vobis tanto tempore
probavit, meque non tam virtutes suas velle nunc demum vobis explicare crede-
tis, quam admonitorem esse testemque iudicii atque voluntatis erga ipsum
vestrae quam iam pridem conceptam inclusamque animis vestris hoc recenti
ornamento nominis atque dignitatis suae declarastis. Equidem cum mecum
reputo Pauli ipsius praestantiam, decus, virtutes et vitae intueor institutionem,

207 'Papiae': aggiunto nell'interlinea dal correttore senza il dittongo.

208 L' assumptio capucii del rettore dell'Università legista, già eletlo il 4 luglio, aveva
luogo il 10 agosto.
209 Cic., Oral., 33: «magnum opus... et arduum».
210 Col. 3,12: «Induite vos... benignitatem. humilitatem, modestiam. patientiam».
211 Ms. 'quantumque'.
212 Quint., Inst. Or., 8, 6, 7: «generis claritatem»: PL, Pan., 70, 12: «Cur enim te
principe, qui generis tui claritatem virtute superasti...».
213 Cfr. «Loqui prohibeor et tacere non possum»: Walter Map, Dissuasio Valerii ad
Rufflnum philosophum ne uxorem ducat: PL, 30, 262; W. Map, De nugis curialium,
edited and translated by M. R. James (Oxford, 1983), p. 288. Cfr. anche: «Loqui vereor
et tacere non expedit»: Petrus Blesensis, Epistula 95 ( PL., CCVII, 298).
214 Sul secondo 'vos' un segno di rimando al margine apposto dal correttore.
126 A. SOTTILI

ipse mihi cum maiorum suorum gloria certamen videtur quoddam subiisse216 plus
ne ab eis nobilitatis acceperit, an plus ipsis claritatis sit daturus. Pulcherrimum,
mehercule, laudatissimumque certamen et in quo cui ipsorum priores tribuas,
haud facile discernas. Nam huius ea est honestas, tanta virtus ut quibuscumque
maioribus onus summo ipsis esset decori futurus. Ea quoque progenitorum
gloria ut qualiscumque ex ipsis procreatus, ipsorum splendore fieret clarus.
Paternum namque genus ex Baenstensibus (f. 324r = 344r) sibi, ex Loscardis
maternum, insignis utraque familia et Brugensis civitatis quae inter omnia occi-
dentis emporia et opum magnitudine et frequentia negotiatorum et commertio-
rum vel copia vei pretio vel varietate praestantissima est. Huius inquam civitatis
honoribus omnibus perfuncta planeque cumulata, praeterea quoque principibus
suis <fidelis> atque egregie cara et alias quidem semper et nostra insuper211
<aetate> illustrissimis et honoris causa mihi nominandis viris Philippo Burgun-
diae duci ac Karolo praecipue, qui nunc summa cum laude rerum potitur. Cuius
quidem maximi ac singularis exempli principis indicium atque benevolentiam
nescio an dicam quibus<li>bet2™ honoris titulis praeferendam, aequandam certe
dicere ausim, cuius tot tam egregie tantaque virtute partae victoriae,219 tamferi
populi subacti, potentissimi principes victi, ex cuius manu permaximi nostra
aetate reges (nota loquor)220 vel periculum metuunt vel sperant salutem, quem
nemo strenuitate in bello, nemo in pace tranquilIitate, nemo consilio in dubiis,
animo in asperis, in secundis moderatione superavit. Quale autem tanti duds
iuditium putari oportebit qui orbis terrarum iuditio omnibus omnis aevi viris
omni virtutis genere confertur? Ut autem rem in pauca conferam, erat Paulo
proavus paternus Johannes Baenst, vir equestris ordinis praestantissimus,
summae et apud cives suos et apud ex(f. 324v = 344v)teros opinionis, summae
auctoritatis. Avus vero Johannes eodem cognomento praeturam multos annos
eximia integritate, maxima iusticia Brugibus gessit ut nullius unquam potentia
severitas infracta fuerit, nullius periculis humanitas clausa. Huius filius Ludovi-
cus magna prudentia atque industria summum civitatis magistratum saepe gessit,
clarissimus quidem et inter incipientes adhuc uberioris gloriae annos apprime
laudatus, qui nisi fato praemature foret fractus,221 omnium expectationem, quae
summa de ipso, non implesset modo, sed omni laude superasset. Hic ex honestis-
sima coniuge sua Clara Loscarda222 primo hunc Paulum genuit, dehinc Ludvi-
cum qui et si tener adhuc et vix per aetatem tantae maturus223 curae principi suo

215 Ms. 'sublatum', poi corretto dal copista in 'oblatum'; il revisore corregge a margine
in 'oblatam'.
216 Il copista aveva scritto 'certamen videtur certamenque quendam (sic) subiisse'; il
revisore corregge 'certamen videtur quoddam subiisse'.
217 Ms. 'nsempera'.
218 Il correttore segnala in margine la necessità di una correzione.
219 Liv., 27, 31, 3: «victoriae partae fama auxerat»; Svet., Nero 54: «... proditurum
se partae victoriae».
220 Le parentesi sono del correttore.
221 Il copista ha scritto 'factus', il revisore corregge in margine con 'fractus'.
222 Ms. 'Lostarda'.
223 Curt., 3, 6, 19: «vix tantis matura rebus»; Sen., Dial., 10, 17, 6: «nondum tantae
maturus rei Scipio».
 L'ORAZIONE DI RUDOLF AGRICOLA PER PAUL DE BAENST 1 27

quaestor est mirumque in modum22* illi acceptus. Sarores eis Clara, Margarita
et Anna, quarum Clara castum Deo virginitatis florem primis protinus con-
secravit annis; Margarita vero nupsit Petro Mettengo, praefecto oppidi cui
Aldenardo nomen est, viro primario et in praecipuis cubiculi principis sui225
ministris habito. Anna uxor est lacobi Boudini, iuris utriusque doctoris consul-
tissimi atque inter paucos eruditi. Transeam oportet multos ornatissimos viros,
transeam proavum maternum lohannem Loscardum,226 hominem probatissimae
virtutis atque aestimationis; transeam magnum avunculum lohannem cui
(f. 325r = 345r) tam fîda cum illustrissimo duce Philippo familiaritas fuit ut,
quotiens duci collibuisset laxare curis animum, domum ipsius nonnumquam
solus, plerumque uno aut ad summum altero comitatus sese recipere soleret.
Transeundus patruus eius lohannes cui de Sancto Georgio cognomentum est,
vir equestris ordinis, qui strenuissimunf21 omnibus bellis Karolo se praebuit
armaque sua semper est octuaginta equitum manu secutus. Quid Sigerum
dicam, patruum item Pauli, qua prudentia, integritate, auctoritate virum, qui
domi consilio, foris auxilio, apud principem vero, si quando gravior res inci-
disset, gratia atque benevolentia id effecit ut spes <et> patriae suae parens iure
sit aestimatus. Quid praeterea tôt spectatissimos viros, strenuissimos equites,
fortissimos barones commemorent1* vel propinquos vel affinitate coniunctos?
Nec deerant insignia pudiciciae, virtutis, nobilitatis in muliebri sexu exempla si
percensere omnia vacaret; sed quoniam temporis nos angustia premit, genus
ipsius quia explicare non possumus, hactenus satis fuerit attigisse.
Has ergo veluti faces ad omne virtutis iter Paulus respectans sibi praelatas,
flammam illam quam praecipuus ait hystoricus in egregiis virorum pectoribus,
quum maiorum intuerentur imagines, nasci, eam ipsam quoque animo suo
hausit atque prorsus immersit idque sihi omni studio, cura, sollicitudine, omni
bus229, ut dicitur, nervis (f. 325v = 345v) enitendum putavit, non ut generis
gloria ad commendationem sui uteretur, sed ut quibus maioribus ortus esset
quisque ex rebus virtutibusque suis intelligere posset.230 Induit sibi protinus
hanc a tenero mentem neque ullam aetatis partem passus est incultu231 perire:232
non ludicros primae pueritiae annos, non lascivientis illum adolescentiae233

224 Ms. 'immodum'.

225 Ms. 'suis'.
226 Ms. 'Lostardum'.
227 Ms. 'strenuissimo'.
228 Ms. 'comemorem'. Il coirettore ha aggiunto una sbarra orizzontale sulla 'o'.
229 Cic., Verr., II, 3, 130: «Attendite iudices; omnibus enim nervis mihi contenden-
dum est [...]».
230 Cfr. Sall., Bell, lug., 4, 5: «Nam saepe ego audivi Q. Maxumum, P. Scipionem,
praeterea civitatis nostrae praeclaros viros solitos ita dicere, quom maiorum imagines
intuerentur, vehementissume sibi animum ad virtutem accendi. Scilicet non ceram illam
neque figuram tantam vim in sese habere, sed memoria rerum gestarum eam flammam
egregiis viris in pectore crescere neque prius sedari quam virtus eorum famam atque
gloriam adaequaverit».
231 Ms. 'in cultu'.
232 Cfr. Sall., Bell, lug., 2, 4: «ingenium...incultu... torpescere sinunt».
233 Ms. 'adolescentis'.
128 A. SOTTILI

fervorem, non hanc iam robustioris libertatis aetatem. Omne tempus honestis-
simis curis, optimis studiis litterarum, eruditionis, probitatis, mansuetudinis,
humanitatis impendit primamque vitae partem non, ut plerique soIent, qui
tamen ipsi quoque laudantur, spe commendavit futuri, sed uberrimis et
tanquam praecocibus decori honestatisque fructibus adornovit. Praeteriti
autem et incipientis aevi ego illi, posterions vos mihi estis locupletissimi
testes. Vidistis exactam et nullo victam labore circa litteras diligentiam, vidi-
stis assiduam studiorum operam, quin et fructum quoque videtis, Ingenium ut
natura promptum ita longa exercitum cura atque roboratum, optima doctrina
institutum, praestantissima eruditione perpolitum, praestantem divini humani-
que iuris scientiam, praestantem aequi bonique noticiam, quaeque in iuris
studioso optari solent, fida memoria, iugis lectio, exactum234 iuditium, haec
ipsa praestantissima. Consideranti autem mihi ip(i. 326r =346r)sum et mores
eius vitamque pressius intuenti, mirum nonnunquam solet videri quae tanta
sit in illo235 naturae felicitas aut unde hoc tam constanas animi robur ut in
laetissimo vitae spatio, in hac divitiarum amplitudine, hac rerum omnium
libertate cohercere sese et omnia facta dictaque ad exactissimam bene recte-
que vivendi regulam exigere possit atque formare, sit ne benignior numinis,
cuius nutu cuncta reguntur, effectus an suus cuique animus ad optima tendens
numinis vicem praestet236 an pariter sit et deus homini favens et homo Deo se
praebens regendum. Hoc hoc profecto, hoc est, Dei primum cuncta sunt munus
neque magnus quisquam est honestae rei sine divinitate conatus et rursus
ille231 non nisi optimi cuiusque atque dignissimi ad meliora concitat mentem.
Unde enim, quemadmodum omnes in Paulo prospicitis, in iuventae23% initio
mens sedatae senectutis, in summa licentia adductissimum vitae frenum,
in amplissima fortuna modestissimus animus, in blandissimis voluptatum
illecebris severitatis horror? Unde in tenero rigor, inter iucunda moderatio,
inter laeta gravitas nisi ad allions cuiusdam potestatis imperium mens nostra
vitae cursum in tam turbidis rerum humanarum fluctibus gubernaret?239
Gubernat sane bonorum deus mentem, mens vero dirigit vitam, vita (f. 326v
=346v) rectissima traducitur ad artium optimarum praescriptum,240 quarum
quanta in Paulo sit copia ipse de se moresque sui pulcherrimum praebent
documentum. Quis enim iusticiae peritior est putandus quam hic ipse qui
est iustissimus? Quis temperantiae241 praeceptorum doctior quam qui tem-
perantissimus? Quis modestiae mansuetudinisque offitiorum scientior quam
qui, par cum sit virtute atque dignitate summis,242 infimis tamen se comitate et

214 Ms. 'ex actum'.

235 Ms. 'in ullo'.
236 Ms. 'prestat'.
237 PL, Ep. 1, 5, 5: «Rursus ille: Quaero, quid de Modesto sentias».
238 II correttore per facilitare la lettura ha posto sulla 'i' un accento e distinto la lettera
' con il segno grafico v.
239 Ms. 'gebernaret'.
240 Ces., Bell. Civ., 3, 51, 4, 2: «agere ad praescriptum».
241 Ms. 'temperantis'.
242 Ms. 'summus'.
 L'ORAZIONE DI RUDOLF AGRICOLA PER PAUL DE BAENST 129

facilitate241 praestet aequalem ? Hoc est i Ilud in<signe> et humanae mentis lau-
dibus mirandum244 quotiens cum honestarum rerum scientia vita consentit et
quum aliis tuam eruditionem probaris, tuos ipse mores tibi probare possis.
Quid memorem coniunctissimam virtutis comitem vel potius virtutis prae-
stantissimae munus benevolentiam et erga hunc omnium et huius erga omnes?
Qua diligentia ille, quo studio, quibus mentis optimi et ornatissimi cuiusque sibi
amiciciam pararit, quanta semel paratam cura firmarit, quantaque firmatam
fide servant? Est videre24^ secum intimas honestissimorum huius civitatis viro-
rum familiaritates et arctissimam consuetudinem vitae nec quisquam peregri-
num eum, sed civem putat ut non Hlatus huic praeclarissimae urbi, sed natus in
ea possit videri.
At vero, ut cetera mittam, pulcherrimum illud florentissimae Germanorum
nationis (f. 327r =347r) de ipso iuditium ingentis certe laudis argumentum debet
putari quibus, quum esset adversus Gallos non odium (quod enim esse in tam
benignis animis posset?), sed ea quae tranquillissimas solet turbare mentes
aemulatio honorum atque dignitatis, ipsi, seposita omni contentione , non longo
ambitu fatigad, non precibus victi,246 sed solo virtutum probitatisque suae
respectu, ultro volentesque quo cumulatiorem241 beneficii sui gratiam inirent,24*
resistentem adhuc et prope tergiversantem ad munia magistratus huius obeunda
protraxerunt. lam vero consensus in ipsum et sollicitudо optimorum eorundem-
que labor in petitione, honoris studium in suffragatione , postea vero quam
rector est renunctiatus totius civitatis gaudium, summa omnium laeticia facile et
quid de aetate perada sentirent cuncti et quid sperarent de futura pronunctia-
vit.249 Equidem haud cunctanter affirmaverim, quum publias ex comido hume-
ris domum est relatus, turn vel maxime sensisse ipsum quantum oneris sibi
incumberet, quum intelligent praeteritam vitam, cuius illa laude tribuebantur,
non solum tuendam sibi, sed etiam superandam. Quod ipsum quoque facturum

243 Cic., Mur., 66, 18: «... Sed si illius comitatem et facilitatem tuae gravitati severi-
tatique asperseris...».
244 Ms. 'hoc est illud in et humanae mentis laudibus mirandum'. E possibile un'altra
correzione mediante l'espunzione di 'et': 'hoc est illud in humanae mentis laudibus
mirandum'. II correttore ha segnalato la corruttela, ma non è intervenuto.
245 Cfr. «Est hic videre»: lettera di Agricola a Johannes von Dalberg (E. Liebenguth
- R. Seidel, 'Die Korrespondenz Rudolf Agricolas mit den süddeutschen Humanisten',
in Rudolf Agrícola 1444-1485, p. 209); «Erat videre cuncta...»: traduzione latina della
lettera di Arnould de Lalaing a Paul de Baenst (Lucubrationes, p. 223); «Est apud Pla-
tonem videre...»: De inventione dialectica libri tres. Drei Bücher über die Inventio
dialectica. Auf der Grundlage der Edition von Alardus von Amsterdam [1539] kritisch
herausgegeben, übersetzt und kommentiert von Lothar Mundt (Tübingen, 1992), p. 464.
Questo grecismo non presuppone confidenza col greco da parte di Agricola già in Pavia:
R. Kühner, Ausführliche Grammatik der lateinischen Sprache, //: Satzlehre. Zweite
Auflage in zwei Teilen. Neubearbeitet von C. Stegmann, Erster Teil (Hannover, 1912),
p. 669.
246 Liv., 42, 22, 7 «Popiliae familiae precibus victus».
247 Liv., 4, 60, 2: «id efficiebat multiplex gaudium cumulatioremque gratiam rei».
248 Ms. 'in irent'.
249 II copista ha scritto 'pronunctiabit', il correttore sostituisce 'b' con V nell'interlinea.
130 A. SOTTILI

cum audeo250 polliceri haecque praeclara laudum suarum ornamenta, quin et

hoc quod ab alio fieri non posset, se ipsum etiam, quae est industria sua, vincet.
Feretis vos quidem fructum amplissimum ex huius (f. 327v = 347v) dignitate
quem tam diligenter ornastis. Cernetis in vestro benefitio gloriam suam auctam,
in sua virtute vestram laudem amplificatam et ille, quum ad hunc diem usque
praestiterit ut hoc ipsum honoris amplissimi onere251 circumdaretis, nunc certe
tanto munere vestro devinctus praestabit actis meritisque vestris ut, quantum
antehac252 magistratum hunc conferre sibi cupivistis, tantum collatum sibi esse
ipsum gaudeatis.
Hactenus vobiscum, praestantissimi viri, prout temporis brevitas253 simul et
tenuitas ingenii mei tulit ut de innumeris254 Pauli laudibus paucas <tangerem>.
Reliqua tecum, Paule, de hoc clarissimorum ordine virorum, qui ius omne
magnitudinis potestatisque suae apud te esse voluerunt. Amplissimum sustines
istorum beneficio255 munus, amplissimo succedis viro et virtutibus omnibus con
sumato Antonio Bulgiarino, qui res huius ordinis summa diligentia stabilivit,
maxima prudentia prospexit, eximia iusticia temperavit. Is autem,256 quo facilio-
rem tibi viam rerum administrandarum reliquit, eo dedit acriorem imitandae
virtutis stimulum, aequandae laudis rationem difficiliorem. Habebis materiam
qua virtus tua innotescat; habebis, inquam,251 aut invenies: neque enim talis
animus tantumque decus in obscuro poterit latere. Si quid huius magistratus258
temporis celeritate fugit, si (f. 328r = 348r) quid imperitorum259 latuit fraude, id
tu prebendes inque lucem proferes, et severitate legum iusticiaque aequitateque
tua emendatum perfectumque reddes.
Non es monendus mihi ut iusta facias, recta colas: iampridem te ipse monuisti.
Non est ordinis huius tibi commendanda maiestas, sua ipsam tibi commendat
benevolentia. Unum hoc dixisse satis habebo ut tam bonos alios facias quam te
ipse2№ fecisti. Nec difficile fuerit. Poteris, efficies. Rector enim eris, imperabis.
Dixi 261

Corso Casale 29 1
1-10132 Torino

250 Ms. 'audes'. II correttore ha posto il segno % su 'eum'. Con questo segno indica i
passi testualmente dubbi. Forse leggeva 'cum'.
251 Ms. 'honore'. Questa correzione è stilisticamente più sostenibile di: 'oneris amplis
simi honore'.
252 Ms. 'ante
лte hac'.
253 Cic. , Tuse, 2, 44: «.. . brevitas temporis Cic., Ait., 1, 10, 1: «brevitate tem-
ris. . . ».
254 Ms. ' in numeris'.
255 Ms. 'benefica'.
256 Ms. 'autem autem'.
257 Ms. 'in quam'.
258 Ms. 'magistratum'.
259 Ms. 'inpectorum'.
260 Probabilmente il copista ha scritto 'ipsum', corretto in 'ipse' dal revisore.
261 Il correttore ha aggiunto: 'anno 1473'.
 Dieter WuTTKE

EX ÚNGULA CERVAM
SEBASTIAN BRANT UND DIE NÖRDLINGER HIRSCHKUH

In dem berühmten Amerbachschen Kunstkabinett zu Basel befand sich

im 16. Jahrhundert nicht nur ein Bruchstück des Donnersteins von Ensis-
heim, des ersten beglaubigten Meteoriten der neueren Geschichte, sondern
auch der Huf eines Elchs von der Insel Lemnos.1 Mag die Aufbewahrung
solcher 'Kuriositäten' in einem Kunstkabinett in der ersten Hälfte unseres
Jahrhunderts noch Verwunderung erregt haben, sind wir inzwischen aber
längst mit der Erkenntnis vertraut, daß die Kunst- und Wunderkammer
als Ursprungsform unserer so reich aufgesplitterten Museumslandschaft
forscherische Zuwendung rechtfertigt.2 Zudem sind wir uns bewußt, daß
die meisten Wohnungen der modernen, reisefreudigen Bürger in einem
gewissen Maße als bescheidene heutige Ausprägungen der alten Kunst-
und Wunderkammer angesehen werden können. In die alten Sammlungen,
die damit ihre Herkunft aus den kirchlichen Reliquiensammlungen verra
ten, kamen freilich nur Gegenstände, die eine besondere Kunstfertigkeit
zeigten und/oder überindividuelle Aufmerksamkeit heischende Bedeutung
hatten. Zur Aufbewahrung des Donnerstein-Fragments hatte die Frage
«wie kann ein Stein vom Himmel fallen?» geführt, zu der des Elchhufs
«wie kann ein Elch nach Lemnos kommen? » und in jedem Falle auch die
Frage, inwieweit es sich um Zeichen, signa, oder auch Vorzeichen, prodi-
gia, handeln könnte, womöglich vom Allerhöchsten veranlaßt.
Es kann kein Zweifel bestehen, daß die Beobachtungs- und Deutungs
geschichte in dem Bereich der signa, der prodigia und auch der monstra
(Wunder) in die ernstzunehmenden Annalen der Naturwissenschaftsge
schichte gehört.3

1 Paul Ganz und E. Major, 'Die Entstehung des Amerbachschen Kunstkabinetts und
die Amerbachschen Inventare', Jahresbericht der öffentlichen Kunstsammlung in Basel
N.F. 3 (1907), 1-68, hier S. 29 und 52. Zum Donnerstein vgl. Anm. 5.
2 Vgl. zuletzt mit umfangreicher Bibliographie Wunderkammer des Abendlandes.
Museum und Sammlung im Spiegel der Zeit. Katalog (Bonn, 1994).
3 Dieter Wuttke, 'Renaissance-Humanismus und Naturwissenschaft in Deutschland',
Gymnasium, 97 (1990), 232-54, vgl. den ergänzten Wiederabdruck in D.W., Damischen.
Kulturwissenschaft auf Warburgs Spuren (Baden-Baden, 1996). Meine Ausführungen
132 D. WUTTKE

Der bedeutendste und einflußreichste Deuter, der 'Erzaugur' im Hei

ligen Römischen Reich Deutscher Nation der Zeit um 1500 war kein
Geringerer als der berühmte Humanist Sebastian Brant.4 Er hatte schon
verschiedenartige Wunder gedeutet,5 als man ihm im Januar oder Februar
1496 den Huf einer Hirschkuh zeigte offensichtlich mit dem Ziel, ihn zu
einer Bewertung zu veranlassen. Die Hirschkuh war nämlich ein Pracht
exemplar von ungewöhnlichem Alter, das man bei Nördlingen gefangen
und umgehend dem König Maximilian als Geschenk übersandt hatte. Da
Brants Deutung des Hufs bisher noch keine Beachtung gefunden hat,
sein Werk ist die umfangreichste gedruckte Wunderkammer aktueller
'Wunder' des ausgehenden 15. Jahrhunderts, soll hier diese kleine For-
schungsliicke gefüllt werden. Möge der führende Neo-Latinist unseres
Jahrhunderts zu seinem Jubeltage den Beitrag mit jenem Schmunzeln
und jener hilaritas in die Wunderkammer seiner reichen Erfahrungen
legen, die auch ernste Wissenschaft erst menschlich machen.
Beginnen wir mit dem Zeugnis des großen 'Wunder'-Sammlers Conra-
dus Lycosthenes aus der Mitte des 16. Jahrhunderts. Lycosthenes führt
zum Jahre 1496 u.a. aus: »Maximiliano inuictissimo Romanorum regi
insignis ac insolitae magnitudinis cerua donata est, quam Germanico
ac Latino carmine doctissimo descripsit Sebastianus Brandus.«6 Die
deutsche Fassung von Brants Gedicht konnte bisher nicht aufgefunden
werden. Die lateinische ist in den Varia carmina überliefert, die 1498
erschienen.7 Sie trägt dort den Titel: De Insigni Cerua Regie maiestati

passen nahtlos zu dem grundlegenden Verständnisrahmen, den Christoph Meinel geschaf

fen hat: 'Okkulte und exakte Wissenschaften', in Die okkulten Wissenschaften in der
Renaissance. Hrsg. von August Buck (Wiesbaden, 1992), Ss. 21-43. Einen überzeugen
den Verständnisrahmen bietet außerdem Lorraine Daston, 'Wunder, Naturgesetze und die
Wissenschaftliche Revolution des 17. Jahrhunderts', Jahrbuch der Akademie der Wissen
schaften in Göttingen 1991 (Göttingen, 1992), 99-122.
4 Joachim Knape, 'Sebastian Brant', in Deutsche Dichter der Frühen Neuzeit (1450-
1600). Ihr Leben und Werk. Hrsg. von Stephan Fussel (Berlin, 1993), Ss. 156-72.
5 Einen Überblick über meine Beschäftigung mit diesem Bereich bei Brant seit 1974
bietet Dazwischen (wie Anm. 3), vgl. zuletzt Dieter Wuttke, 'Erzaugur des Heiligen
Römischen Reiches Deutscher Nation: Sebastian Brant deutet siamesische Tiergeburten',
Humanistica Lovaniensia, 43 (1994), 106-31; Wolfgang Harms, 'Sebastian Brant und die
Möglichkeiten der frühen Bildpublizistik', in Sébastien Brant, son époque et 'la Nef des
fols'. Sebastian Brant, seine Zeit und das 'Narrenschiff'. Hrsg. von Gonthier-Louis Fink
(Strasbourg, 1995), Ss. 23-45.
6 Conradus Lycosthenes, Prodigiorum ac ostentorum chronicon (Basel, 1557), S. 505.
7 Sebastian Brant, Varia Carmina (Basel, 1498), fol. gvv- gviiv. Abschrift danach von
Hieronymus Streitl in clm 14053, fol. 113v- 114v. Zu Streitl vgl. Wuttke (wie Anm. 16),
hier Ss. 220-21 mit Anm. 7, und Franz Josef Worstbrock im Verfasserlexikon, Die deut
sche Literatur des Mittelalters, 9 (19952), Lieferung 2, Sp. 403-6.
 EX ÚNGULA CERVAM 1 33

donata: Anno domini MCCCCXCVI Elegia Sebastiani Brant. Beide

Fassungen waren mit Sicherheit zuerst als Flugblatt verbreitet. Dies ist
aus der Stelle zu erschließen, an der das Gedicht in den Varia carmina
überliefert ist, sowie der Zitierung in der lateinischen wie deutschen Fas
sung von Brants Flugblatt über die Geburt der Zwillingssau in Landser.8
Brant beginnt seine Deutung der Zwillingssau mit einem Überblick über
die zahlreichen Wunderzeichen des ausgehenden 15. Jahrhunderts und
nennt dabei die Hirschkuh. Aus der deutschen Fassung des Zwillingssau-
Gedichts erfahren wir den genauen Fangort, die Gegend um Nördlingen:
Was sol ich von dem tier nun sagen
So man ouch hatt jn kurtzen tagen
Gon NOrdlingen gefangen bracht
Wie ich vor hab jn gdicht gemacht /.
Die lateinische Fassung ist nicht so ergiebig, weil sie weder den Hinweis
auf das eigene Gedicht noch auf den Fangort bringt. Dafür wird aber
eindeutig von einer »cerva«, die Maximilian geschickt worden sei,
gesprochen, und damit die Festlegung des »tiers« der deutschen Fassung
auf die Hirschkuh9 erleichtert:
Monstrosam taceo ceruam: quae Maxmiliano
Capta / sacro regi missa proculque fuit.
Als Tag der Geburt der Zwillingssau gibt Brant den 1. März 1496 an.
Somit dürfte die Hirschkuh im Januar oder Februar dieses Jahres gefangen
und das entsprechende Gedicht zur selben Zeit noch vor dem 1. März
komponiert und gedruckt worden sein.10
Die einzige Quelle des Ereignisses scheint Brants Gedicht zu sein.
Der Humanist hat das Tier nicht selbst gesehen. Der König schickte dem
Herzog von Auranien einen Huf. Der Weg des Boten führte über Basel,
und so konnte Brant wenigstens diesen Huf in Augenschein nehmen.
Wahrscheinlich wird er bei dieser Gelegenheit auch die Einzelheiten
über das Tier erfahren haben, die er in seinem Gedicht anführt. Als
Gewicht des Hufs gibt Brant eineinhalb Pfund, als Größenmaße zehn

8 Wuttke, 'Erzaugur' (wie Anm. 5).

9 F. .Schult/ ist in seinem Nachwort zu Paul Heitz (Hrsg.), Flugblätter des Sebastian
Brant (Strassburg, 1915), S. VIII, der Bezug auf die Hirschkuh entgangen, seine Interpre
tation der entsprechenden Verse ist daher abwegig. Abwegiges auch bei Eugen Holländer,
Wunder, Wundergeburt und Wundergestalt in Einblattdrucken des 15. bis 18. Jahrhunderts
(Stuttgart, 1921), Ss. 341-2.
10 René Biéry, 'Landser im Spiegel Sebastian Brants und Albrecht Dürers', Annuaire
de la Société d'histoire sundgovienne 1955, Ss. 28-44, hier S. 30 mit Anm. 9 auf S. 42 hat
bereits ebenfalls auf ein Flugblatt geschlossen.
134 D. WUTTKE

Finger Breite und zwanzig Finger Höhe an. Aus der ungewöhnlichen
Größe des Hufs folgert er ein hohes Alter. Er meint, das Tier könne aus
der Zeit stammen, da Aeneas gerade Latium besetzt oder Hercules die
kerynitische Hirschkuh mit dem goldenen Geweih gefangen habe. Es sei
ein solches Prachttier, daß Diana, um sie zu besitzen, alles darangegeben
und dafür selbst Agamemnons Sache vor Troja gewendet und seine
Schiffe versenkt hätte. Es muß eine Diskussion entstanden sein darüber,
ob das Tier womöglich keine Hirschkuh, sondern »ein Wild von der
Art« gewesen sei, »wie es sich nach Caesar im hercynischen Wald
aufhält, das Hirschgestalt und einen großen Körper, aber Rinderhufe hat,
und bei dem weibliches wie männliches Tier Geweih tragen«, womit
Caesar Rentiere meint." Da glaubhaft versichert wird, daß das Tier kein
Geweih trug und Hirschhufe hatte, tritt Brant denen bei, die es für eine
Hirschkuh halten. Ihren Geburtsort setzt er in ein fernes südöstliches
oder südliches Gebirge und sagt, sie müsse sich herumstreifend von dort
in den hercynischen Wald verirrt haben. Unter der »silva hercynia«
verstand man damals die deutsche Mittelgebirgskette vom Schwarzwald
bis zum Böhmerwald.12
Den größten Teil des Gedichtes widmet Brant der Vorbedeutung, die
das Tier für Maximilian haben soll. Den Ansatzpunkt für die Berechti
gung dazu bietet die Feststellung, daß es kein edleres Tier als den Hirsch
gebe.13 Also ist der Hirsch ein portentum für den edelsten Menschen, den
König. Zwei Eigenschaften des Hirsches werden zunächst herausgestellt:
1 . Wenn er erkrankt, sucht er die Zweige des Olivenbaumes, frißt davon
und schafft sich so Linderung.14 2. Schlangen treibt er aus ihren Höhlen,
indem er sie anfaucht; danach zertrampelt und verschlingt er sie.15 Die

1 1 Gaius Julius Caesar. De Bello Gallico VI, 26.

12 Johannes Colchaeus, Brevis Germanie descriptio. Hrsg., übersetzt und kommentiert
von Karl Langosch (Darmstadt, 1960), S. 71 mit Anm. 104 (=111,17).
13 Michael Bath, The Image of the Stag. Iconographic Themes in Western Art (Baden-
Baden, 1992).
14 Otto Keller, Tiere des classischen Alterthums in cultwgeschichtlicher Beziehung
(Innsbruck, 1887), Ss. 85-101 zum «Edelhirsch»; Konrad von Megenberg, Das Buch der
Natur. Hrsg. von Franz Pfeiffer (Reprint Hildesheim, 1962), Ss. 129-131. Zur Selbsthei
lung durch Verzehr von Zweigen des Ölbaumes vgl. Keller S. 93 mit Bezug auf Wernerus
abbas Monasterii S. Blasii, dessen Libri Deflorationum sive Excerptionum 1494 in Basel
gedruckt worden sind; vgl. PL, 157 (1854), Sp. 721-1256, hier Sp. 1151.
15 Vgl. Bath (wie Anm. 13), Register, vor allem aber Herbert Kolb, 'Der Hirsch, der
Schlangen frißt. Bemerkungen zum Verhältnis von Naturkunde und Theologie in der mit
telalterlichen Literatur', in Mediaevalia litteraria. Festschrift für Helmut de Boor zum 80.
Geburtstag. Hrsg. von Ursula Hennig und Herbert Kolb (München, 1971), Ss. 583-610.
 EX ÚNGULA CERVAM 135

Fähigkeit, das Olivenlaub zu nutzen, hat der König neulich gezeigt:

Er rief einen Fürstenkonvent ein, nämlich den Reichstag von Worms,
und schaffte sich so Rat und Hilfe.16 Das grüne Olivenlaub möge er
weiterhin nutzen und zugleich die verborgenen Schlangen vertreiben
und sie zertreten: Dies werde zu seiner vollständigen Heilung führen.
Als Ergebnis dieses ersten Deutungsabschnittes ruft Brant daher dem
König in der direkten Sprache politischer Aktivierung sentenzhaft zu:
Bereite den Krieg vor, um sicheren Frieden zu gewinnen: »Bella moue:
vt pacem possis habere bonam.« Die weitere Deutung ist bemüht, aus
den Eigenheiten des Hirsches die zur Erreichung des politischen Zieles
angemessenen Verhaltensweisen für den König abzuleiten. Der Hirsch
ist ein schnelles und wegsicheres Tier, nach Aristoteles ist er im Ver
gleich zu anderen Vierfüßern besonders klug, freundlich und neugierig,
aber eher zur Flucht als zur Konfrontation geneigt. Daraus folgert Brant
für Maximilian, er solle schnell auf dem eingeschlagenen Weg fort
fahren, seine Aufgabe in schnellem Entschluß anpacken, keinesfalls
fliehend dem notwendigen Handeln ausweichen, böse Ratgeber, Denun
zianten und falsche Entscheidungen möge er auf jeden Fall meiden.
Er möge nicht neugierig die Lockungen der Zeit bewundern, sondern
aus Freude am Neuen durch Tapferkeit eine große, wunderbare neue
politische Realität schaffen. Hirsche besäßen Galle von besonderer Bit
terkeit, demgegenüber möge der König in allen Unternehmungen eine
freundliche Gelassenheit bewahren.
An welche politischen Ziele ist gedacht, denen der König mit Hilfe
der Fürsten sich zuwenden soll? Brant lenkt zunächst den Blick auf
Italien, auf die Erringung der Kaiserkrone.17 Die gefangene Hirschkuh
habe zwar nie ein Geweih getragen, doch der König möge seinem Haupt
einem Geweih gleich die heilige Krone aufsetzen. Diese möge er als
Waffe gegen alle Feinde richten, dann werde er ein weitverzweigtes
Reich gewinnen und selbst das Alter des Hirsches erreichen. Doch sei
Vorsicht geboten und zu bedenken, daß diese alte Hirschkuh aus Arglo
sigkeit schließlich in Bedrängnis geraten sei und in Netzen sich verfan
gen habe. Dieser Vorsicht möge die Eigenschaft der Hirsche, die Ohren

16 Dieter Wuttke, 'Wunderdeutung und Politik. Zur Auslegung der sogenannten

Wormser Zwillinge des Jahres 1495', in Landesgeschichte und Geistesgeschichte. Fest
schriftfür Otto Herding zum 65. Geburtstag. Hrsg. von Kaspar Elm u.a. (Stuttgart, 1977),
Ss. 217-44. 1495 — Kaiser, Reich, Reformen: Der Reichstag zu Worms. Katalog (Koblenz,
1995).
17 Literaturhinweise in den in Anm. 16 angegebenen Publikationen.
136 D. WUTTKE

aufzustellen und auf feindliche Geräusche zu horchen, zugute kommen.

Wie die Hirschkuh ihre Jungen Gefahren zu erkennen lehre, so möge
auch der König seinem Volk den Weg aus der Gefahr weisen. Diese
Gefahr sieht Brant in den Türken.18 Wie Hunde eine Beute verfolgten
diese grimmig die Christenheit und betrieben den Untergang der erbar
mungswürdigen Kirche. Maximilian möge dem umgestürzten Schiff
Petri19 Hilfe bringen und der Welt die Friedenszeiten zurückgewinnen.
Der Humanist schließt mit dem Wunsch an Christus, er wolle die Füße
des Königs, der der Berg, die Spitze, der Stein, der unzerbrechliche
Fels sei, so sicher über die Bergeshöhen hin lenken, wie wenn es Hirsch
hufe wären.20
In dem Gedicht finden wir also eine konkrete politische Zielsetzung.
Brant konnte gewiß sein, daß er sich in voller Übereinstimmung mit
den Plänen des Königs befand. Ein Italienzug war ja vorbereitet und
wurde noch 1496 ausgeführt. Und dies Unternehmen sollte die Wege zu
einem großangelegten Schlag gegen die Türken ebnen.21 Im Januar 1496,
kurz vor der Abfassung des Flugblattes, also etwa zu der Zeit, als
die Hirschkuh gefangen wurde, spielte die Stadt Nördlingen politisch
insofern eine besondere Rolle, als sich dort die Gesandten der für Maxi
milians Italienpläne wichtigen Heiligen Liga versammelten, um über den
Beitritt Englands zu beraten.22
Von einer unmittelbaren Wirkung des Gedichtes auf Maximilian ist
nichts bekannt. Aus der Umgebung des Königs darf registriert werden,
daß es in die Sammlung von Humanisten-Gedichten für den Rat Johannes
Fuchsmagen Aufnahme fand.23 Brant selbst hat Teile in seine Schriften
Naenia in Thurcarum nyciteria von 1518 und In laudem divi Maximi-
liani von 1520 übernommen,24 die beide in Straßburg erschienen sind.
In der Naenia zitiert er abgewandelt die drei Distichen, in denen er

18 Hierzu mein Aufsatz 'Sebastian Brant und Maximilian I. Eine Studie zu Brants
Donnerstein-Flugblatt des Jahres 1492', zuerst 1976, jetzt in Dazwischen (wie Anm. 3),
und Hermann Wiesflecker, Kaiser Maximilian I. Das Reich, Österreich und Europa an
der Wende zur Neuzeit. Bd. II (München, 1975).
19 Das »Schiff Petri« war ein von Brant bevorzugtes Bild für Kirche und Christenheit,
vgl. Narrenschiff Kap. 99 und 103. In größerem Zusammenhang beschäftigt sich mit
dieser Metapher Peter M. Skrine, 'The destination of the Ship of Fools: Religious
allegory in Brant's Narrenschiff , Modern Language Review, 64 (1969), 576-96.
20 Anspielung auf Cantica II 8 und 17?
21 Vgl. Anm. 16 und Wiesflecker (wie Anm. 18).
22 Vgl. Wiesflecker (wie Anm. 18).
23 ÜB Innsbruck Hs. 644, fol. 108v- 110" (mit Auslassung der Verse 21 bis 28).
24 Naenia fol. Aijr, In laudem divi Maximiliani fol. biv- bijr.
 EX ÚNGULA CERVAM 137

Maximilian zum Eingreifen gegen die Türken und zur Rettung des
Schiffes Petri aufruft. In die Lobschrift hat er dieselbe Stelle vom Schluß
der De Insigni Cerua Elegia, jedoch diesmal fast wörtlich und auf sechs
Distichen erweitert, gesetzt.
Der Beginn des Gedichtes zeigt meines Erachtens einen interessanten
formalen Aspekt, auf den abschließend eingegangen sei. Er bietet die
Vorform eines Emblems.25 Die einzelnen Textteile lassen sich nämlich
ohne weiteres folgendermaßen gruppieren und übersetzten: Man schaffe
eine pictura, auf der ein Hirsch abgebildet ist, der Olivenlaub frißt und
gleichzeitig mit den Hufen eine Schlange zertritt. Darüber setze man
die inscriptio »Bella move, ut pacem possis habere bonam«, darunter
die subscriptio, die aus Brants Gedankenmaterial gebildet, etwa den
Inhalt haben müßte: Ein Herrscher nehme sich den Hirsch zum Vorbild.
So wie er einerseits den Ölzweig für seine Heilung zu nutzen und
gleichzeitig die böse Schlange zu bekämpfen wisse, um die gewonnene
Heilung dauerhaft zu festigen, so möge ein Herrscher mit dem Mittel
friedlichen Rates und kriegerischer Tüchtigkeit zugleich die Gewalt
der Feinde brechen, also unablässig zum Angriff bereit sein, um umso
gewisser den Ölzweig des Friedens genießen zu können. Soweit ich
sehe, ist diese Art der Vorbereitung der emblematischen Mode im Bild
bereich der Humanistenliteratur noch nicht beobachtet worden.26

Arbeitsstelle für Renaissanceforschung

der Otto-Friedrich Universität Bamberg

25 Terminologie nach Albrecht Schöne, Emblematik und Drama im Zeitalter des

Barock (München, 19641, 19933), Ss. 18-19.
26 Ein anderes Beispiel bietet z. B. Paul Klopsch, 'Eine Frühform emblematischer
Dichtung', Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch, 10 (1974), 220-31.
 Francesco TATEO

L'IDEA DELLO SCRITTORE CRISTIANO MODERNO

IN GIANFRANCESCO PICO

La militanza religiosa e il carattere apologetico che informarlo tutta

l'opera di Gianfrancesco Pico hanno deviato generalmente l'attenzione
dai risvolti letterari del suo programma di edificazione, mentre hanno
destato un certo interesse critico alcuni aspetti particolari e difficilmente
riconducibili ad una matrice comune quali l'intervento sul problema
dell'imitazione, la dottrina delle streghe e l'indirizzo scettico della sua
erudizione. Tuttavia la complessa posizione del filosofo nella prospettiva
del secolo XVI richiama, oltre lo status del religioso e i suoi sospetti
nei confronti delle tendenze paganeggianti dell'umanesimo, l'eredità
culturale del Savonarola e dello zio Giovanni,1 i due campioni rispetti-
vamente dolía mistica teologica e della scienza speculativa nei quali la
crisi umanistica di fine Quattrocento trovo alcuni degli ostacoli più duri
alla sua risoluzione avviata in senso retorico e ciceroniano.2 Se non è
compito agevole, e forse nemmeno proficuo, cercare a tutti i costi una
linea organica che colleghi i vari esiti della dottrina e dell'opera di
edificazione svolta dal più giovane dei due Pico, è invece possibile

1 Per la delineazione complessiva delle due personalità, anche in relazione all'immagine

che se ne è avuta nei secoli successivi, va tenuta presente ormai soprattutto l'introduzione
di E. Garin al congresso su Giovanni Pico della Mirandola nel Cinquantesimo anno della
morte 1494-1994, svoltosi a Mirandola nell'Ottobre 1994, come si rimanda agli inter
venu di A. Biondi per gli aspetti ideologici che diversificano Giovanni e Gianfrancesco
Pico.
2 Ne ho accennato trattando de 'L'umanesimo' in Lo spazio letterario del Medioevo,
1. II Medioevo latino, ed. G. Cavallo - C. Leonardi - E. Menesto (Roma, 1963), pp. 145-
79 (pp. 174-9). Cfr. per la bibliografia F. Tateo, 'Ciceronianismus', in Historisches Wör
terbuch der Rhetorik, ed. G. Ueding (Tübingen, 1994), coll. 225-239. Per la polemica
cinquecentesca sul riuso di Cicerone basterà rimandare a M. Fumaroli, L'âge de l'éloquence.
Rhétorique et «res literaria» de la Renaissance au seuil de l'époque classique (Genève,
1980). Va tenuta presente, per valutare la posizione del Pico, la ricorrente questione della
compatibilità fra la retorica ciceroniana e la professione cristiana: un caso particolare
ma significativo, risalente ai primi decenni del sec. XVI, ha illuminato anche nelle sue
implicazioni di ordine generale L. Gualdo Rosa, 'Ciceroniano o Cristiano? A proposito
dell'orazione De morte Christi di Tommaso Fedra Inghirami', Humanistica Lovaniensia,
34 (1985), 52-64.
 L'IDEA DELLO SCRITTORE CRISTIANO MODERNO 1 39

confrontare il signifícato delle battaglie da lui combattute in difesa della

fede con l'orientamento metodologico del suo particolare umanesimo.
Il De studio divinae et humanae philosophiae rappresenta, al di là
dell'intenzione organica e riassuntiva della trattazione, per la quale ha
meritato di esser collocato all'inizio dell'intero corpus pichiano,3 il
segno più evidente della contraddittoria interpretazione della stessa
rinascita delle humanae litterae, da un lato come riappropriazione dei
valori trasmessi dall'antichità, dall'altro come riconoscimento del loro
limite di fronte alla modernità. In effetti il concetto di una sapienza
insieme umana e divina costituirà la prospettiva fondamentale della cul
tura latina del secolo XVI, quasi una sua prerogativa di fronte all'ascesa
della scrittura volgare, e sarà fondato su un'esigenza conciliativa quale
la stessa tradizione e medievale e umanistica aveva espresso sia nella
valorizzazione della cultura dei Padri, sia nella preminenza accordata a
due ductores come Virgilio e Cicerone, cristiani ante litteram. Ma i tempi
del Pico avevano conosciuto il pericolo dell'umanesimo paganeggiante e
gli scrupoli savonaroliani, lo sviluppo del ciceronianismo in un senso
ambiguo che poteva prefigurare un recupero diverso della classicità,
il rilando della poesia volgare e l'esperimento della poesia latino-
cristiana. Lo sforzo di risistemazione sostenuto da Gianfrancesco Pico
riproponeva la riflessione e la fatica dei Padri e allo stesso tempo
rinnovava gli interrogativi posti dagli umanisti nel momento critico della
rinascita del latino nella sua veste antica, quale legittimità avesse la
lingua colta, quale fosse la sua funzione moderna e il suo rapporto con
la lingua volgare, questione, almeno quest'ultima, ormai superata in
ambito ideologico e destinata piuttosto all 'area diversa degli studi
linguistici e grammaticali.
Predomina nel Pico un evidente proposito pratico di ordine peda
gogico, che non sempre gli fa distinguere con lucidità il problema della
scientia, ossia dei contenuti della cultura antica, da quello delYeloquen-
tia, ossia della forma linguistica e retorica, non solo per quel sottinteso,
talora anche esplicito, principio agostiniano della scienza che si fa
sapientia collegandosi con l'eloquenza e di quest'ultima che s'invera
divenendo forma della sapienza, ma perché lo stesso proposito della

3 Terremo presente (con qualche intervento sulla punteggiatura) Giovanni e Gian

francesco Pico, Opera omnia, ex officina Henricpetrina (Basilea, 1573), tomus II, conte
nente gran parte delle opere di Gianfrancesco, ripubblicata in edizione anastatica presso
Georg Olms Verlagsbuchhandlung (Hildesheim, 1969). Il De studio divinae et humanae
philosophiae occupa le pp. 3-39.
140 F. TATEO

aedificatio non gli consente di accogliere il criterio eminentemente laico

di assumere la retorica come arte umana indipendente dai significati che
vi si celano. Per questo il topos dei vasi d'oro e d'argento portati dagli
ebrei di ritorno in patria viene utilizzato non per riconoscere l'utilità
dell'operazione, ma per chiarire le condizioni entro le quali sia possibile
che l'operazione stessa non nuoccia:
Quod sane emolumentum cum scientiae tum eloquentiae cum nobis a
Christianis fratribus (omnes enim Deum Patrem vocamus) collatum sit,
hebetes nimis sumus et male grati si respuamus ac inimicorum nostrorum
placitis non praeponamus. Accedit quod securius animi suppellectile dita-
mur, quando auro et argento quae illi nobis ex Aegypto magno sui labore
apportaient tute tranquilleque uti possumus. Nam, si per Aegypti avia
vagaremur a venenosis animalibus magnopere cavere oporteret, ne externa
quaerentes bona interna perderemus, hoc est (ut sine aenigmate loquamur)
in legendis libris gentilium offendere multa possemus quae vel ad malam
religionem nos invitarent vel obsccena opera suaderent, vel ad superbiam
stimularent. Quapropter periculum esset ne, dum cultum animi quaerimus
illecti persuasionibus pravis, tam intellectus quam voluntatis recta instituía
desereremus. Multi enim virtutum quas adepti assiduis sudoribus fuerant,
eorum studiorum abusu parvo temporis spacio fecere iacturam.
Il discorso rimanda al momento storico cui il movimento umanistico
si era ricollegato per valorizzare l'eredità classica, ma per insistere sulla
cautela dei Padri, prefigurata nell'avvertimento che la sacra scrittura
effettivamente lanciava attraverso la storia dell'esodo. Non per altro
fra i moniti degli antichi, con cui qui s'intendono appunto le prime
generazioni di dotti cristiani, appare in primo piano Agostino col suo
messaggio già recepito da Petrarca nella sua complessa ambiguità:
Nec quenquam veterum opinor reperies faventium eis qui gentilium doctrinas
sectantur, quin in eodem contextu quo illud afferunt etiam non commoneant
obeundum id officii pavide et circumspecte. Quare Augustinus in libris De
doctrina ehristiana, cum dixisset ad intelligentiam scripturarum sacrarum
conducere liberales artes omnemque philosophiam, subiunxit ut is qui
sic instractus ad versanda sacra eloquia vellet accedere, illud apostolicum
cogitare non cessaret, «scientia inflat, charitas aedificat».4
Lo scrupolo, che qui si esplicita, è di carattere morale più che dottrinale
e sembra riferirsi propriamente ai 'modi' della cultura pagana, che
comunicano una sorta di autosufficienza della dottrina, per cui sorge
nell'uomo consapevole delle sue prerogative razionali la superbia, nemica
della necessaria umiltà del cristiano e della reale dimensione del suo

4 De studio, I m, p. 13.
 L'IDEA DELLO SCRITTORE CRISTIANO MODERNO 141

sapere: «Quia homo rationale animal: idcirco difficile fiet, ut qui se

alios aut aequasse aut superasse noverit animum ab noxia elatione con-
tineat». Di qui l'invito a leggere piuttosto le opere cristiane che hanno
già filtrato la cultura antica:
Tutius Christianorum commentaria versare possumus; nam, si quid quo
forte turgeamus hauserimus statim propinatur medela, monemurque saepe
ne circumferamur omni vento doctrinae, et quod Christiani vita non in dis
putando et ostentando disciplinait!, sed in humilitate charitateque perficitur,
nocereque maximopere et scientiam et eloquentiam, nisi earum virtutum
sale condiantur.
A parte l'ovvia argomentazione di chi si poneva nell'ottica religiosa,
siamo di fronte ad una profonda revisione del principio umanistico della
lettura diretta dei classici come strumento di una più sicura compren-
sione degli stessi testi sacri, che era il senso del richiamo agostiniano,
oltre che ad una sconfessione della disputa come il modo più adeguato
per affermare la propria identià culturale. La tradizione cristiana appare
dunque né la naturale continuazione della tradizione classica accresciuta
dal messaggio evangelico, né la depositaria della littera sacra quale
livello più alto di conoscenza rispetto alle humanae litterae, ma quella che
sostituisce queste ultime «abdicatis superstitionibus et falsis amoribus
repudiatis». La menzione della consuetudine antica di radere il capo,
le sopraciglia e i peli, e di amputare le unghie alla prigioniera prima di
condurla sposa riflette un concetto di purificazione della scrittura antica
quale condizione per tramutarsi nella nuova, piuttosto che di reinterpre-
tazione e quindi di accettazione dell'involucro antico nella convinzione
che esso possa contenere qualche plausibile verità.
Il punto è assai delicato e riguarda la cultura religiosa dei primi decenni
del secolo, in cui s'intensifica attraverso Fermetismo l'opera d'interpreta-
zione irenica della mitologia, che presuppone la validità delle immagini
antiche e la possibilità di fruirne ancora il valore simbolico, proprio perché
intese come portatrici di nebulose e molteplici verità. L'analogia fra le
superstizioni e i falsi amori che deturperebbero gli autori precedenti alla
rivelazione e le forme esteriori, unghie e capelli, gli ornamenti insomma,
che dovrebbero scomparire dalla donna prigioniera prima di essere acqui-
sita, rimanda alla polemica sostenuta dal Pico contro le immagini di
Venere e Amore, irricuperabili come tali e quindi da bandirsi finanche
come prodotti d'arte perché pericoloso incentivo di peccato.5 Sotto il

5 Nel 1513 apparve a Roma per i tipi di Jacobus Mazochius il carme di Gianfran-
cesco Pico sulla necessità di mettere al bando Venere e Cupido (De Venere et Cupidine
142 F. TATEO

rigore moralistico e l'intransigenza cattolica si nasconde in effetti

almeno la disattenzione, se non la condanna, nei confronti dell'indirizzo
culturale risalente al neoplatonismo ficiniano.6 L'interesse offerto da
questo atteggiamento è tanto maggiore quanto più vi si scorge una
divergenza dal maggior Pico, nonostante il legame affettivo e culturale
dichiarato dal nipote, per quel che riguarda il riuso dei miti, compresi i
più discutibili di Venere e amore. Né la questione si arresta entro i limiti
del problema religioso, ma coinvolge il problema letterario della validità
dei modelli antichi e quindi — come vedremo — dell'imitazione, che
non puö disgiungersi dalla riflessione religiosa e morale, sebbene la
famosa polemica con il Bembo sembri allinearsi sul fronte specifico
della retorica.
In realtà, come si è accennato, proprio la mancata estrapolazione
deh" elocutio dal patrimonio antico, o la mancata conversione tipicamente
sofistica, che percorre invece il classicismo, delYinventio in topica, a sua
volta disciolta in elocutio, implicano l'impossibilità di salvare senza
riserve l'oro e l'argento della cultura antica a dispetto della falsità
o scarsa validità intrínseca dei suoi oggetti. La cultura degli antichi è
valutata dunque nel suo complesso, senza lo stratagemma di salvarne un
aspetto in sé valido, per esterno che sia, talché ne vien fuori un sostan-
ziale ridimensionamento délY humana philosophia, quale è espresso alla
fine del libro primo in termini apparentemente conciliant:
Nam postquam ostendimus philosophiam humanam posse ad sacrarum lite-
rarum noticiam capescendam conducere, nec tantum extimandam quantum
multi autumant, nunc de divinis eloquiis pertractandum.

Il primo libro del De studio è infatti rivolto non tanto a dimostrare

la validità del patrimonio antico, quanto il suo limite, ed il suo limite
abbraccia la forma quanto la sostanza, perché gli allettamenti impliciti

expellendis), accompagnato da una lettera, che porta la data dell 'anno precedente
(29 agosto 1512), a Lilio Giraldi il quale appare chiaramente il promotore della pubblica-
zione. Il letterato ferrarese premette al carme un distico che interpreta l'operetta come
un «rimedio d'amore» (Et Venerem et caeci stimulas avertere amoris I si quis amat Pici
carmina docta legat). L'epistola con la quale Gianfrancesco aveva inviato il carme al
letterato ferrarese, datata 31 luglio, espone l'occasione del carme, cioè la collocazione
di due statue antiche di quelle divinità, da parte di Giulio II, in un profumato giardino
accanto ad una serie di sculture mitologiche dell'antichità. Rimando alla mia relazione su
'I due Pico e la tematica d'amore nel Cinquecento', svolta nel Convegno sui due Pico
tenutosi a Ferrara nel Dicembre del 1994.
6 Su questo indirizzo cfr. G. Savarese, La cultura a Roma ira Umanesimo ed ermetismo
(Roma, 1994).
 L'IDEA DELLO SCRITTORE CRISTIANO MODERNO 143

nella prima possono trarre in inganno e non far riconoscere gli errori
della seconda. Il procedimento dimostrativo segue una rigorosa linea
dialettica, dalla proposizione iniziale che definisce la bontà della
scienza in assoluto e attribuisce l'еггоге agli accidenti, alla distinzione
fra humana philosophia e divina philosophia, utile ma non necessaria
la prima per la formazione del cristiano (capp. I-II). Di qui procede
l'esemplificazione storica per valutare se la dottrina dei Gentili abbia più
giovato о nociuto ai grandi della Chiesa (cap. IIl), e per mostrare come
essa sia soltanto utile in quanto conduca al culto divino e quindi non sia
necessaria dal momento che non è sempre utile, cioè puö esserlo più e
meno, e talora puö essere perfïno nociva (capp. IV-VI). Gli ultimi due
capitoli del libro I si concludono con la giustificazione del perché i primi
autori cristiani abbiano frequentato i libri pagani (cap. VII) e della ragione
per cui ora sia necessario leggerli con 'circospezione' (cap. VII). Nel con
testo del cap. Ill il famoso exemplum agostiniano della conversione alla
scienza attraverso la lettura delVHortensius1 acquista il senso dell'ecce-
zionalità, poiché esso si conclude con un avvertimento contrario:
At parte alia ire nemo potest infidas non modica literarum secularium
occasione incommoda ecclesiae obvenisse, dum turgidi quidam inani vento
superbiae sola scientiae possessione suffulti prava dogmata sparserunt, vel
ob populi favorem emerendum sectatorumque ambitum vel ob pecuniae
quaestum.
Il ricorso alle sentenze di Paolo e agli scrupoli di Gerolamo riportano
infatti il discorso alla 'distrazione' rappresentata dalle opere pagane,
dove scienza ed eloquenza non costituiscono il binomio della sapienza,
ma due distinti e alleati nemici:
[...] quando eius animus qui quotidie in disputationibus versatur plurimum
a recto in Deum affectu impeditur multasque in partes trahitur et quasi
lacer in frusta discerpitur, partem scientia sibi vendicat, partem eloquentia;
haec opinio talibus fulcita rationibus in ditionem suam flectit animum,
illa aliis argumentationibus roborata contra nititur, ut ab ea deficiens ad se
declinet manusque det flexi animo quopiam sillogismo devinciens.

7 «Videtur etiam inflammare animum et ad aeternorum amorem ex fluxis temporariis-

que traducere, uti de se Augustinus testatur lecto eo Ciceronis libro qui Hortensius
inscribitur, quo philosophiae laudes continebantur. Accedit et illud sicuti ante novimus,
quod sacra eloquia cum facilius, tum enucleatius apprehenduntur, quapropter ipse Augu
stinus in libris de doctrina Chriristiana diffuse docet et philosophorum dogmata quae vera
sunt et eloquentiam ab ipsorum libris quasi ab iniustis possessoribus in usum nostrum
vendicanda» (De studio, I in, p. 13). Riprendendo la citazione dal De doctrina Christiana,
nel cap. vin il Pico ricorda l'avvertimento dello stesso Agostino di astenersi dalla superbia,
citato precedentemente (cfr. n. 4).
144 F. TATEO

Dove non tanto, come al solito, va considerato il rigore ortodosso,

quanto la svalutazione delle arti del quadrivio e del trivio, e che l'elo-
quenza sia identificata con la cavillosità della dialettica. I literalia praelia
divengono ostacoli alla meditazione sulle verità divine:
Ita saepe fit ut cum Deum velit meditan succurrat quid Parmenides Melis-
susque de entium pluralitate senserint, credendumne magis Simplicio in
hoc an Alexandra Aphrodisiensi. Item an universalia a singularibus cogita-
tione, aut re reive natura differant, an quantitas sit diversa res a substantia,
et caetera id genus inter literalia praelia versan solita.
Viene cioè recuperata la diffidenza petrarchesca per le disquisizioni
dei naturalisti e i rischi dell'aristotelismo, senza che l'antidoto invocato
sia quello dell'eloquenza morale degli antichi, anzi quest'ultima pare
confondersi nella generica considerazione delle literae litigiöse e fomen-
tatrici della superbia.
La propedeuticità della cultura pagana viene quindi, nel cap. vu del
libro primo, ridotta al dato di fatto, empirico, della formazione pagana
dei fondatori della dottrina cristiana convertitisi successivamente al loro
apprendistato nelle arti liberali. Vi si prefigura una sorta di sviluppo della
cultura cristiana e moderna, dalla fusione di sapienza e di eloquenza
dovuta nelle prime generazioni all 'opera di riappropriazione della
cultura antica, che tuttavia è superata dalla scoperta di «cose nuove»
(Alii postea surrexerunt, et vetera excoluerunt et invenerunt nova) con le
quali non puö più paragonarsi in nulla l'antichità pagana:
Quantum vero pertinet ad confutanda falsa dogmata, ad eloquentiam
discendam, ad sacra eloquia facile intelligenda, quibus muneribus obeundis
gentilium literas utiles diximus, et sic ab antiquis opinatum putarim, plus
utilitatis apud nos, quam apud exteros reperiri, suis enim scriptis nobis
has fruges pepererunt. Namque eloquentiam cum sapientia miscuerunt,
humanam philosophiam divinae quantum licuit agglutinarunt. Alii postea
surrexerunt et vetera excoluerunt et invenerunt nova, adeo ut facile quivis
mediocriter eruditus dignoscere queat plus et scientiae et eloquentiae in
Christianorum quam gentilium commentariis inesse, plures certe veritates
reperiuntur (ut etiam mittam quae deitus revelatae sunt) in nostris quam
in Ethnicorum lucubrationibus. Etiam si Platonem et Aristotelem nomi-
naverim, quis verebitur Augustinum et etiam aliquos priscorum opponere
Platoni? Thomam, Albertum, Scotum Aristoteli?8
Ne consegue Fapprezzamento dei recentiores e dell'attuale genera-
zione di scrittori, cui è noto almeno tutto quello che conobbero gli anti
chi. Perfino l'obiezione secondo la quale Platone e Aristotele avrebbero

8 De studio, I vu, p. 20.

 LÏDEA DELLO SCRITTORE CRISTIANO MODERNO 145

iniziato la via del progresso moderno della cultura rivelerebbe la sua

debolezza, perché condurrebbe a considerare sempre maggiori i pre-
cedessori, con conseguenze assurde di valutazione: Aristotele sarebbe
minore e meno dotto di Platone che lo ha preceduto, Platone di
Socrate, Socrate di Talete.9 Sappiamo che il canone umanistico oscillava
fra la valorizzazione massima delle origini e quella del periodo aureo,10
che comunque rappresenta una vetta con la quale confrontare le minori
età successive, e alla quale ricondurre la rinascita. La prospettiva umani-
stica viene come rovesciata, e mentre l'argomentazione serve innanzi
tutto a rigettare il principio della superiorità attribuita ai predecessori per
il fatto stesso che siano tali, la conclusione mira a provare esattamente
il contrario:
Hi ergo quos nominavimus, quicquid operum Aristotelis ad eorum pervenit
manus didicere, et plura alia invenere ipsi, cum nec Ulis temporibus, sicuti
пеc postea, in producendis hominibus fuit effoeta natura. Defuit tantum
eloquentia, quae non defuit Aristoteli. Sed apud alios eam quaerere datum;
neque enim illis etiam eloquentia cedimus. Si enim (ut inquit Fabius) Cicero
expressit vim Demosthenis, copiam Platonis, iocunditatem Isocratis et plures
etiam a seipso virtutes extulit eloquentiae, quis apud nos non videat esse
Ciceronem, sed Christianum, hoc est aliquem qui eum ad lineam unguem-
que expresserit? Quis non advertit Lactantium Firmianum aequasse ipsum
et forte praecelluisse in eloquendo?"
La confutazione della prospettiva umanistica incontra a questo punto
il difficile problema del ciceronianismo, che presuppone un'età aurea in
cui le qualità migliori giungano a maturazione e si concentrino in un
momento particolarmente felice, degno di perpetuarsi attraverso l'imita-
zione. Tanto più che proprio l'eloquenza viene indicata, nel passo citato,

9 «At tute inquies monstrasse eis iter quo philosophando progredi possent, quod inficias
non eo. Sed hac ratione quid colligis? Sic Aristoteles minor, hoc est indoctior Platone:
quid [sic!] certe men peripatetici inficiabuntur. Maior Platone Socrates et sic deinceps ad
Thaletem et ultra, quod est absurdum, пес ex hoc sequitur quoscunque qui philosophati
sunt ex prioribus ipsis posterioribus doctiores fuisse», ibid. Si veda più avanti un ulteriore
chiarimento di questa posizione: «Neque ego is sum qui priscam illam antiquitatis
speciem adeo venerabundus suspiciam, ut quoscunque posteriores inferiores prioribus
iudicem, tantum propter mille annos. Expendenda quippe sunt authorum merita: non quo
quisque vixit tempore metiendum: Alioquin Naevius Vergilio praestaret, Thaïes Aristo
teli. Praeterire nolo Joannem Picum patruum. Qui simul omnium priscorum virtutes com
omnifariae doctrinae tum eloquentiae complexus famelicos veritatis animos affluentis-
sime pavit», ivi, p. 22.
10 Rimando a quanto ho scritto 'Sulla formazione del canone degli scrittori nella
scuola umanistica', in // minore nella letteratura, ed. E. Esposito (Ravenna, 1984),
pp. 203-17.
11 De studio, I vu, pp. 20-21.
146 F. TATEO

come fattore principale di questa maturazione, e viene riconosciuta come

un fattore della perfezione di Aristotele. Che l'aristotelismo abbia poi
perduto l'eloquenza del maestro, non signifïcherebbe altro se non che
essa si è spostata altrove, non che la natura abbia fallito dopo aver
toccato la punta massima; anzi perfino sul piano della ricerca coloro
che appresero da Aristotele lo hanno superato (plura alia invenere ipsi).
Che lo stesso Cicerone potesse essere raggiunto e superato dal suo
emulo cristiano, Lattanzio, non dimostra soltanto che la natura non sia
mai stanca di produire, ma che perfino le punte ritenute massime pos-
sano esse stesse essere superate e soprattutto che l'età moderna possa
contenere ed esautorare l'antica.
Sono i medesimi argomenti impiegati nella polemica condotta dal
Pico contro il Bembo, e che portano necessariamente a respingere il
principio di imitazione quando esso implichi la superiorità degli antichi,
o postuli l'unicità del modello. Infatti in questo stesso luogo del De
studio vengono passati in rassegna gli scrittori cristiani, fino ai contem-
poranei, capaci di essere confrontati con gli antichi e risultare perfino
superior! 'Molti' naturalmente («possem equidem multos quos antiqui-
tati opponerem numerare, et afierre etiam rationes efficacissimas [...]»),
perché molti sono i generi nei quali i moderni si sono distinti, né più né
meno che gli antichi, ed è proprio la molteplicità dei generi l'indice della
piena autonomia della latinità moderna. Fra i contemporanei Pontano
(il prosatore s'intende) non ha nulla da invidiare a Cicerone, se appunto
lo misuriamo con i parametri ciceroniani, che non sono gli unici, giacché
ad altri piace di più lo stile di Plinio, o quello di Gellio o di Apuleio,
con i quali possono ben competere autori degnissimi quali Barbaro e
Poliziano.12 Nella poesia la palma è attribuita al filone dell'umanesimo
cristiano e figura in prima fila Battista Mantovano, indicato come mae-
stro in un'epistola del 1505 a lui diretta,13 con Pesplicito riferimento e
alla materia e alla forma:

12 «[...] quantum ad eloquendi facultatem pertinet proxime accessisse veteribus mihi

videtur Joannes Pontanus, si tamen Ciceronis mensura metiri velimus eloquentiam. Adeo
enim eius characterem aemulatus ut fere in nullo dissimilis appareat. Sunt tamen qui
Pliniano elocutionis genere magis delectentur, sunt qui mixta dicendi genere et variis
exquisitisque vocabulis perscatentia. Qualia apud Gellium, Apuleium desiderent. Et haec
certe munera a Politiano et Hermolao Barbaro impleta commode vel mediocriter eruditus
agnoscet», ivi, p. 21.
13 Opera omnia, pp. 1360-1362. Vi sono ricordati i canoni oraziani e l'opera di
censura attribuita all 'arte poetica (cfr. Hor., ars, 304): «Tua ego poemata, quae tu censes
cotis instar edita, semper admiratione digna iudicavi, cum ob multas virtutes, tum ob
 L'IDEA DELLO SCRITTORE CRISTIANO MODERNO 147

Asciscamus et afferamus in medium cum mullís antiquorum conferentes

Baptistae Carmelitae carmina, illa, inquam, «dubiam facientia carmina
palmam» [Juv., Sai. 11, 181]; nemo nisi indoctus non admirabitur, nemo
ipsam versuum decoram maiestatem non extollet. At certe nisi stultus infi-
ciabitur superasse eum gentiles omnes materia ea circa quam versatus est,
cum sancta Christianaque opera cuderit, illi vana penitus et inania; ipsi tan-
tum linguas instituerunt, hic praeter id et intellectum et mentem instituit,
ipsi inter dulcia pocula saepius venena propinarunt, hic in ora multorum
cum ipsa dulcedine arcana etiam religionis infudit.14
La superiorità dei moderni, fra i quali è possibile rintracciare scrit-
tori perfetti nel loro genere, è concepita dunque sulla base del concetto
di aemulatio, ma soprattutto sulla impossibilità di individuare come
oggetto di imitazione autori pagani, sia pure privati delle loro falsità, o
del rivestimento favoloso. La questione veniva dibattuta nella disputa
epistolare fra Gianfrancesco Pico e Pietro Bembo,15 dove da parte del
Pico non mancano di affacciarsi gli argomenti di fondo di carattere
teologico, i quali orientano il discorso favorendo l' idea della moltepli-
cità degli stili e della mescolanza, oltre che sostenere la prospettiva
dell'avanzamento del genere umano prodottosi in seguito alla rivela-
zione. A parte il facile ricorso al topos della scimmia quale esempio
tipico di imitazione, uno degli argomenti fondamentali del Pico in quella
questione è rappresentato dal rifiuto della possibilità della perfezione
assoluta nel mondo degli uomini e della natura. L'imitazione presuppor-
rebbe questa perfezione, che è invece confutata dalla dispersione delle
bellezze e delle bontà che l'esperienza ci dimostra, e presupporrebbe
oltre tutto la fiducia nell'oggettiva perfezione del modello, che dallo
stesso Cicerone viene disattesa quando questi presenta il suo oratore
come un 'idea perseguita dalla mente, più che come una figura reale da
riprodurre in tutti i suoi aspetti.
L'argomentazione, riconoscibile al centro di tutti gli scontri sul cice-
ronianismo, da quello sostenuto da Erasmo a quelli emergenti nelle
discussioni sull'arte figurativa e sul petrarchismo, faceva in effetti torto

eximium candorem et inaffectatam illam facilitatem, quam multa pene possit affectatio
consequi, quorum multa memini olim me in opusculo nostro quopiam inter prima postre-
mae adolescentia rudimenta edito laudavisse».
14 De studio, I vi1, p. 21.
15 Le questioni di fondo della polemica sono state sunteggiate da R. Sabbadini, Storia
del Ciceronianismo (Torino, 1885), pp. 46-50. Per il testo delle epistole vedi Le epistole
'De imitatione' di G. F. Pico della Mirandola e di Pietro Bembo, a c. di G. Santangelo
(Firenze, 1954). Le citazioni seguiranno questa edizione, in mancanza di un testo critico
più convincente, ma non vi si atterranno per quel che riguarda la punteggiatura.
148 F. TATEO

al Bembo, il quale aveva espressamente parlato di ragioni pratiche e di

metodo pedagogico nell'additare un unico modello,16 riferendosi alla
sua esperienza di scrittore realizzatosi solo dopo aver trovato una strada
concreta da percorrere. Il diverbio, si sa, era nell'ambiguità del termine
di imitatio, che tutti e due i contendenti concepivano come aemulatio,
ma dando ciascuno ad aemulatio un senso diverso sia nell'applicazione
sia negli esiti. Tutti e due del resto avevano come punto di riferimento
l'idea platonica, che fosse dentro o che fosse sopra di noi, sebbene il
Bembo inclinasse imprudentemente verso il concetto aristotelico della
tabula rasa quando ricordava di sé vagante e incapace di darsi una
linea di scrittura prima di aver scelto un modello.17 Eppure la scelta di
un modello ottimo storicamente concreto non poteva non presupporre
una meta ideale serbata nell'animo e ancora inespressa.18 Che perfino
i medesimi tasselli ciceroniani, recuperati in una compositio diversa,
diano un'immagine nuova, lo pensavano entrambi, ma il Pico si serviva
dell'argomento per sfatare l'idea che ricalcando Cicerone ci si possa
mai dire in tutto ciceroniani, il Bembo per mostrare come il 'cicero
niano' venuto fuori da questa operazione imitativa non debba essere
considerato una scimmia, ma un fíglio simile al padre, e quindi nobile
quanto lui.
S'intende come aprendo la prima lettera al Bembo,19 e riferendosi alle
discussioni avute con lui, Gianfrancesco Pico confessasse di non sapere

16 L'«ottimo» del resto non era concepito dal Bembo come perfezione assoluta, non
perfezionabile, ma in senso relativo, fra gli scrittori esistenti di un certo genere: «An
si inter illos, quicunque boni dicuntur esse, unus est omnium longe optimus longeque
praestantissimus, ut, quae singula insunt in caeteris, ea universa in uno illo splendidiora
etiam ornatioraque conspiciatur, eum unum multo omnium maximum atque summum
recte imitati cum fuerimus, nisi illos etiam qui boni mediocriter habentur, imitabimur,
nihil proficiemus?», Le epistole 'De imitatione', p. 41.
17 «Ante autem, quam in iis, quas dico, cogitationibus magnopere essem versatus,
inspiciebam quidem in animum meum nihilo sane minus, quaerebamque, tamquam a
speculo, effigiem aliquam, a qua mihi sumerem conficeremque quod volebam. Sed nulla
inerat in eo effigies, nihil se mihi offerebat, nihil conspiciebam», Le epistole 'De imita
tione', p. 42.
1l! II Pico si avvede con lucidità di questo presupposto platonico che assimila la posi-
zione del Bembo alla sua: «Sed quid loquar Tulliana oratione? Illa ipsa in universum,
qua de re tantopere loquitur Cicero, species Ideave dicendi insidet animo: quae nisi inse-
disset, quo pacto fuisset tanto studio a multis atque ab ipso etiam autore quaesita; quod
enim omnino ignoratur, quaeri omnino non potest», Le epistole 'De imitatione', p. 66.
19 Sulla replica del Pico all'epistola del Bembo, stampata senza data nell'edizione
delle epistole de imitatione curata dal Pico nel 1518, ma non inclusa dal Bembo nella
sua edizione del 1530, tanto da far ipotizzare che egli non l'avesse mai effettivamente
ricevuta, cfr. l'introduzione di G. Santangelo alla sua ediz. cit. nella n. 15.
 L'IDEA DELLO SCRITTORE CRISTIANO MODERNO 149

se dichiararsi d'accordo o dover contrabattere,20 e come nella replica gli

sembrasse che il Bembo tacesse sulle vere questioni da lui sollevate.
Nessuno dei due contendenti sconfessava Cicerone o rinunciava a vederne
rinnovata l'effigie nei suoi imitatori; tutti e due ritenevano speciose le
ragioni dell'altro e ciascuno dei due s'illudeva che l'avversario, pur
contraddicendosi, fosse sostanzialmente d'accordo. Una contraddizione
era infatti, a parere del Bembo, quella di accettare l'imitazione di tutti
i buoni autori e condannare come scimmie gli imitatori; una contrad
dizione era, a parere del Pico, imitare un solo autore, riproducendone
lo stile, e pretendere che il risultato sia altro che un'imperfetta ripro-
duzione. In certo qual modo il Bembo coglieva i termini del diverbio
ritenendo che il Pico, respingendo l'imitazione (imitan) perché l'inten-
deva come un furto (sumere),21 credesse di superare la difficoltà, invece
che approfondendo il significato della vera imitazione, vanificandola
nella molteplicità dei modelli e neU'arbitrarietà della scelta, cercando
cioè una soluzione che poteva bollarsi come una sorta di accattonaggio.
D'altra parte il Pico non aveva torio quando ribadiva che non puö
esserci somiglianza quando materia e forma sono diverse, e se la somi-
glianza è ricercata con arte, c 'è contraffazione.22
Gianfrancesco Pico avvertiva acutamente la distanza della polemica
intercorsa fra Paolo Cortesi e Poliziano e quella in corso fra il Bembo
e lui, respingendo l'assimilazione che ne faceva l'avversario.23 A quale
differenza principalmente alludesse si puö solo immaginare, conside
rando che il problema discusso alla fine del secolo precedente riguar-
dava il comportamento dello scrittore di fronte al modello ciceroniano,

20 «Utrum tibi cum antiquos imitanti scriptores, tum de imitatione mecum disserenti,
assentiri an adversan deberem, nondum satis, Bembe, iudicavi», Le epistole 'De imita
tione', p. 24.
21 «Ac mihi ipse videris, cum tuas litteras lego, ita sensisse, ut utrum quis aliquem
imitetur, an ab illo sumat, quod in sua scripta transferat, differre nihil duxeris», ivi, p. 59.
22 «Ubi enim inventio, quae quasi materia orationis est, eadem non habetur, nec
forma, nec quae illam nexu inseparabili sequitur dispositio eadem prorsus habebitur,
si autem similis, quoquo modo, si dissimilis, nullo pacto convenit. Quorum autem
quenquam reperias, etiam si adcersas Aesopi gracculum pennis ornatum alienis: qui, quae
aliorum sunt propria, eadem prorsus et impudenter cogitet expromere et impudentius
disponat, et effutias impudentissime?», ivi, pp. 33-34.
23 «[...] et frustra me ad Pauli Cortesii epistolam abs te fuisse relegatum; non propte-
rea solum quod alia est inter te et me, quam inter illum et Politianum fuit controversia,
sed quoniam quae Paulus conatus est, assequutum non magis illum vel aliud agens subiu-
dicavi, quam Politianum Tullianam scribendi rationem indeptum fuisse», ivi, p. 63.
Bembo aveva insinuato che il Poliziano respingesse l'imitazione di Cicerone perché non
si sentiva capace di realizzarla (ivi, pp. 40-41).
150 F.TATEO

e non metteva in discussione il paradigma dell'antichità, mentre il pro

blema emerso con le obiezioni del Pico riguardava la validité stessa
di questo paradigma e presupponeva il possibile capovolgimento del
rapporto fra antichi e moderni. L'imitazione dell'ottimo, che era una
scelta di gusto, di omogeneità, di organicità intrinseca dello stile, impli-
cava una forma di ossequio alla tradizione pagana quantunque attenuata
dall' aemulatio, mentre l'imitazione di tutti i buoni autori, trascurando
quell'ideale di omogeneità, riconduceva l'iniziativa alla scelta dello
scrittore moderno attribuendo preminenza aiV inventio, alle cose nuove
da dire e alla convenienza attuata volta per volta fra res e verba, più
che in assoluto fra i verba all'interno di uno stile privilegiato. Non c'è
dubbio che l'attenzione del Bembo andasse alla congruità dello stile e
che l'attenzione del Pico si rivolgesse invece alla validità della materia.
Cio non significa che la preoccupazione religiosa gli facesse dimenticare
la problematica retorica, ma che egli anzi avvertiva nella dottrina di
Dionisio e di Ermogene, che si andavano nuovamente affermando non
sempre in sintonia col ciceronianismo, la possibilità di allontanare il
feticismo ciceroniano, quando nemmeno Iddio va imitato, e di giusti-
ficare la mescolanza delle forme stilistiche :
[...] quibus de rebus apud probatos auctores cum alios, tum maxime
Dionysium et Hermogenem praecepta dantur, ad unam haec omnia quam in
mente gerimus ideam referenda sunt; et habenda est in consilio ratio, mix-
tioque paranda talis, ut una ex omnibus quae nulla sit illarum, sed perfec-
tissima tamen illa quidem quoad fieri possit et confletur et coalescat oratio;
tantum abest ut quispiam unus usquequaque sit imitandus, quasi ille Deo
praestaret Opt. Max., qui nobis usquequaque imitandus non proponitur;
neque enim potentiam eius possumus, nec sapientiam aut debemus, aut
possumus omnino imitari.24
Nel De studio divinae et humanae philosophiae il Pico aveva
mostrato una certa propensione verso lo stile misto del Poliziano e del
Barbaro, che è poi quello da lui stesso seguito, ma riservando ad esso un
posto fra gli altri; nel medesimo tempo aveva esaltato la poesia cristiana
del Mantovano, sulla scia della quale componeva i suoi carmi devoti,
considerandola emula dell'antica ma senza impegnarsi nella determi-
nazione di un modello privilegiato, ad esempio sul fondamento del
sublime biblico, come ci aspetteremmo. Aveva anzi indicato la grandezza
di Giovanni Pico nell'uso di molteplici stili a seconda degli argomenti
e dei generi trattati, recuperando quasi il pregio del sommo oratore

24 Ivi, p. 37.
 LTDEA DELLO SCRITTORE CRISTIANO MODERNO 151

ciceroniano e mettendo in evidenza sulle orme stesse dello zio lo stile

biblico delVHeptaplus, senza tuttavia penetrarne il carattere sublime che
Giovanni Pico aveva lucidamente disegnato,25 о additarlo all'imitazione.
Agiva forse in lui il medesimo scrupolo per il quale aveva considerato
inopportuno imitare Cicerone. L'obiettivo principale rimaneva quello di
ribaltare la prospettiva umanistica che assegnava la palma della scrittura
all'antichità pagana, e di combattere il ciceronianismo che ne era la più
genuina espresione. Perciö il trattato si concludeva, più che con una deli-
neazione del nuovo scrittore cristiano corroborato dalla cultura classica,
con la difesa dell'esaustiva funzione delle lettere sacre, sulla cui validità
retorica gli umanisti avevano prevalentemente espresso le loro perples-
sità. La difesa consisteva principalmente nel mostrare come le lettere
sacre fossero anteriori alle humanae litterae, fossero ovviamente sempre
utili e giuste, ma soprattutto non avessero nulla da invidiare alla gamma
dei generi fondamentali della letteratura classica, la storia, la poesia,
la trattatistica morale.26 Alle humanae litterae viene riservato invece
il topos ormai di moda, anche in ambiente schiettamente umanistico,
della miseria del letterato,27 accresciuta dall' incubo dei detrattori, delle
controversie, della dimenticanza cui è soggetta ogni opera umana e su
cui si arena il classico mito della gloria.

Università degli Studi - Bari

25 «Haec est idea, hoc est exemplar absolutissimi scriptoris, non ob id solum quia
huiuscemodi scribendi genus, ut supra demonstravimus, naturam effigiat et aemuletur,
quam quod, sicut inter mentes angelicas, auctore Dionysio et divo Toma, splendore
nostrae theologiae, illa est suprema quae paucissimis ea notionibus et formis per intelli-
gentiam comprehendit, quae inferiores variis et multiplicibus, ita inter scripturas illa est
summa, illa apicem tenet omnis perfectionis, quae paucissimis verbis omnia veluti singula
et congrue et profunde complectitur», Heptaplus, in Giovanni Pico della Mirandola, De
hominis dignitate, Heptaplus, De ente et uno e scritti vari, ed. E. Garin (Firenze, 1942),
pp. 222-224. Il passo fa riferimento ad un luogo precedente, nel quale appunto si diceva
che Mose non si era allontanato dalla natura, seguendola come un modello: «[...] cona-
bimur tum in sequentibus re comprobare Prophetam nostrum ab illa nihil quasi archetypo
decidisse», Heptaplus, p. 182.
26 De studio, II II, P. 28.
27 De studio, II vi, p. 35.
 Fred J. NICHOLS

GREEK POETS OF EXILE IN NAPLES:

MARULLUS AND RHALLUS

An interesting aspect of the revival of Latin as a living literary

language in Naples in the Renaissance is that two of the poets who asso
ciated themselves with this movement were Greeks. What is particularly
noteworthy is that although they spent only some part of their lives
in Naples, it was as Neapolitan poets in Latin that they wished to be
identified. These poets are Michael Marullus and Manilius Rhallus,
each of whom spent a period of time in Naples in the fifteenth century.
Marullus still enjoys a certain fame and this study will focus on him, but
I will also deal briefly with his friend Manilius Rhallus, whose poetry
has been very little studied, no doubt because the only printed edition
of it survives in only a few copies, although his poetry was greatly
appreciated in its own time.1
Michael Marullus tells us that he was still in his mother's womb when
his native city of Constantinople fell to the Turks.2 Since that event hap
pened in May of 1453, he is usually thought to have been born later in
that year. Another poem expresses his gratitude to the city-republic of
Ragusa (now Dubrovnik in Croatia) for sheltering him and providing
him with an education as a boy. His family later found its way to Italy,
but at the age of seventeen he was obliged by financial need to become
1 Antonio Altamura notes that the only surviving copies of Rhallus' poetry are the two
in the Biblioteca Nazionale of Naples in his L'umanesimo nel Mezzogiorno d'ltalia
(Florence, 1941), p. 136, n. 2. However, there is also a copy in the Bibliothèque Nationale
in Paris.
2 The fundamental study of Marullus' life and work is Benedetto Croce, Michele
Marulla Tarcaniota (Bari, 1938), reprinted in a somewhat reduced form in his Poeti e
scrittori del pieno e del tardo Rinascimento (Ban, 1958), II, 269-380. An extremely
detailed recent biography, rather romanticized, is that of Carol Kidwell, Marullus: Sol
dier Poet of the Renaissance (London, 1989). A different view of the circumstances of the
poet's birth is given by M. J. McCann, '1453 and all that: The End of the Byzantine
Empire in the Poetry of Michael Marullus', in Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Sanctandreani,
ed. I. D. McFarlane (Binghamton, 1986), pp. 145-51. On the Hymni naturales see now
Walther Ludwig, Antike Götter und Christliche Glaube: Die Hymni naturales von
Marullo (Hamburg, 1992), and the new edition and French translation by J. Chomarat,
Hymnes Naturels, Travaux d'Humanisme et Renaissance, 296 (Genève, 1995)
 GREEK POETS OF EXILE IN NAPLES 153

a mercenary soldier and he spent some time fighting in and around what
is now the Republic of Moldava. He was to support himself as a profes
sional soldier for the rest of his life.
In about 1470 he moved to the Court of the Kingdom of Naples and
its brilliant literary circle headed by the accomplished Latin poet and
influential political figure Giovanni Pontano. He regarded himself as
Pontano's poetic disciple and joined a circle of literary friends to whom
he remained attached even when it became expedient for him to leave
Naples later in the 1480's. After a revolt of the leading nobles of the
Kingdom of Naples against the king, Marullus' patrons were among
those who were executed or exiled, and at the end of the decade the poet
was living in poverty in Rome. By 1490 however he was settled in
Florence, enjoying the patronage of a branch of the Medici family,
the sons of Pier Francesco de' Medici. Within a few years Marullus
travelled to France to join the expedition of King Charles VIII into Italy
in 1494. We have a poem in which the poet implores the king to go on
to liberate Greece from the Turks.3
After all his hazardous military service, he died accidentally in the
year 1500, while crossing the flooded river Cecina outside of Volterra,
drowned when his horse fell and pinned him down in the water. When
his body was retrieved, in a pocket of his cloak was found the copy of
his text of Lucretius, whose first editor he was.4 His death was widely
mourned for he had already acquired a reputation as a poet. In fact
the first printed edition of some of his poetry, the first two books of
epigrams, had appeared at Rome in 1489. Other works were published
in his lifetime and into the sixteenth century. Alessandro Perosa's stan
dard edition of his Carmina consists of four books of epigrams, the four
books of the Hymni — the hymns to pagan deities which were regarded
then and now as his most remarkable poetic achievement —, a book
of Naeniae, and other miscellaneous material including an unfinished
fragment of a long poem on that favorite Renaissance theme, the edu
cation of the prince.5
Marullus most centrally constructs his poetic persona for the reader in
a poetic text which although called an epigram in the printed edition of

3 Epigram IV, 32, "Ad Carolum Regem Franciae."

4 His notes on Lucretius were incorporated into the edition of Pietro Candido, published
at Florence in 1512. See Kidwell, p. 255.
5 Quotations from Marullus are taken from Perosa's edition, Michaelis Marulli Carmina
(Zürich, 1951).
154 F. J. NICHOLS

his poetry (but an epigram of one hundred eighty-two lines!) is actually

a verse epistle. It is in fact a proposal of marriage to the unidentified
woman who is the main although not exclusive focus of his love poetry.
Adopting a name from Roman poetry, but a name with a Greek resonance,
he calls her Neaera. For whatever reason she is not present, although the
poet wishes she were, so the written word must mediate between them in
place of the spoken word:
Haec mandata tibi mitto, formosa Neaera,
Quae cuperem praesens aptius ipse loqui;
Sed tamen interea dum mens assuescit amanti
Et fiunt iusta mollia corda prece,
Candida signatis peraratur littera verbis
Et peragit nostras conscia charta vices. (p. 42, 11. 1-6)
(I send these things to you, lovely Neaera, which I'd wish more fittingly to
speak to you in person; but yet in the meantime while the mind has grown
accustomed to its lover, and hearts have been softened by a true plea, the
white page traversed by the words marked on it and the conscious leaf
describe our fortunes.)
This is very self-conscious writing, writing that is not only conscious of
its substituting for physical absence, but which insistently draws our
attention to its own status as physical object, the physical object which
will link the poet and the absent other. And the poet goes on to insist
that Neaera read this text carefully: "Perlege", he tells her not once but
twice, "read this text through."

Later in the poem, the poet describes the course of his life up to the
moment of his falling in love:
Vix bene adhuc fueram matris rude semen in alvo,
Cum grave servitium patria victa subit.
Ipse pater, Dymae regnis eiectus avitis,
Cogitur Iliadae quaerere tecta Remi.... (p. 44, 11. 65-68)
(I was scarcely yet an unformed seed in my mother's womb, when my
conquered country went down under heavy servitude. My father himself,
driven out of his ancestral domain of Dyme, was forced to seek out the
home of Remus, the son of Ilia.)
In these words, with these words, the persona who speaks to us in the
collection of Marullus' poetry constitutes himself: the exile permanently
displaced from a homeland which is forever lost, the exile early com
mitted to literary pursuits but who is obliged, also early in his life, to
take up the sword and to serve as a soldier, a figure deprived of all the
 GREEK POETS OF EXILE IN NAPLES 155

members of his family by death, dislocated in space and also, as we shall

see, in the very language he uses to create this image of himself.
Other poems fill out this picture. The poem in praise of the city of
Ragusa explains how it sheltered him when he was still a boy :
Amica quondam dulcis, ubi puer
Primas querelas et miseri exili
Lamenta de tristi profudi
Pectore non inimicus hospes.... (pp. 89-90, 11. 1-12)
(You friend, once sweet to me when as a boy I poured out my first com
plaints and laments over wretched exile from an unhappy heart, a not
unfriendly host.)
Here is a voice which from the beginning has created itself by its own
outpourings of grief. The lost family context is also shaped by a series of
poems scattered throughout the epigrams dealing with the deaths of the
members of Marullus' family: his brother, his father and two uncles, all
of whom died fighting the Turks, and his mother, her life darkened by
the loss and enslavement of her country and the deaths of her brothers
and her own father. These poems are clearly related to the texts gathered
in the collection entitled De Tumulis ("Of Tombs") by Marullus' friend
and mentor in Naples, Giovanni Pontano, but there is a critical difference
in emphasis. Whereas Pontano's words bring the dead back to us, the
funeral texts of Marullus emphasize the irrevocability of their loss.
Less severe is the poetry of Marullus' friend Manilius Rhallus, who
was born about 1440 and died after 1521.6 He was a native of Sparta
who settled in Rome where he was perhaps a member of Pomponio
Leto's academy and where in 1475 he published the first Renaissance
edition of the ancient Roman grammarian Festus. It is interesting how
ever, and a testimony to the prestige of the Neapolitan school of Latin
poetry in his time, that it was with Naples that he wished to be identified
as a poet. In 1520 he published at Naples his Juveniles Ingenii Lusus
with an important introductory letter. It is dedicated to Cardinal Giulio
de' Medici, the cousin of Pope Leo X, then serving as vice-chancellor
of the Holy See and subsequently himself to become pope as Clement
VII. Despite this connection with the Florentine Medici, and the fact

6 The chief modern source for information about Rhallus is Altamura, L'umanesimo,
pp. 1 34-36. See also the Antologia poetica di umanisti meridionali, edited by Altamura
with F. Sbordone and E. Servidio (Naples, 1975), pp. 147-50, which includes texts of
three poems with Italian translations. See also my article, "The Exile's Grief: Manilius
Rhallus', Journal of the Institute of Romance Studies, 2 (1993), 123-40.
156 F. J. NICHOLS

— which the introduction stresses — that Rhallus has lived in Rome for
fifty-six years, he aligns himself here with the poetic school of Pontano.
Rhallus spent only five years in Naples, from 1492 to 1497, which
makes his insistence on his association with Naples all the more striking.
He tells us that Pontano had described his style as "pressum" and
"floridum" ("compressed" and "flowery") and in his late reworking of
poems he had written in his youth Rhallus has tried not to depart from
these qualities. He must leave the result to the judgement of others for
Pontano and Marullus are gone: "Pontano etenim Ioviano et M. Marullo
ipsius discipulo in poesi et Oratoria primaras, ac secretioris doctrinae viris
morte sublatis" (since Giovanni Pontano and his disciple M. Marullus,
foremost in poetry and oratory, and men of uncommon learning, have
been carried off by death).7 It is by the standards of poets such as these
that he wishes his own work to be judged.
Pontano had addressed a hendecasyllabic poem to Rhallus, a graceful
and playful text in which the three Graces and four other attendants of
Venus are described as having dipped into a Cyprian fluid the pen with
which Rhallus wrote his love poetry in praise of his beloved Lycinna.8
Rhallus returns the compliment by addressing an elegy to Pontano,
which he begins by referring to Pontano' s role in stimulating his own
poetry :
Quid me fortunae prostratum vulnere saevae
Ad trípodas phoebi pieridesque vocas? (Civ)
(why do you call me, overwhelmed by the wound of savage fortune, to the
tripod of Apollo and to the Muses?)
There is nothing left of him, he goes on to say, but a shade :
Umbra ego sum / similisque mei si queris imago
Extructis superest sola relicta rogis.... (Ciir)
(I am a shade, and if you seek an image that's like me, the only one left is
on a heaped-up funeral pyre.)
On a figurative level Pontano' s call stirs up a voice from one who is
dead. Rhallus calls then on the verses themselves to come to him, so that
he can express his grief at the loss of his country:

7 Manila Cabacii Ralli Juveniles Ingenii Lusus (Naples, Pasquet de Sallo, 1520),
sig. +iiir. All citations from Rhallus are taken from this edition. I'm indebted to Rodger
Friedman for providing me with a photocopy of one of the copies in Naples.
8 In his Hendecasyllabi II, 24. See the edition of Pontano's Carmina edited by
Johannes Oeschger (Bari, 1948), pp. 327-29.
 GREEK POETS OF EXILE IN NAPLES 1 57

Vos dulces elegi, precor, о succurrite moesto

Et mihi nunc flenti, flebile carmen, ades.... (Ciir)
(O you sweet elegies, I beg, help one who is sorrowing, and, mournful
song, now come to me weeping.)
His master's call, together with the poetic form he is using, are what
have enabled him to sing of the loss of his country and the grief that loss
has caused. Pontano, who enjoys his native land and home, can sing of
the things in the heavens in his Urania, while Rhallus wants finally to be
left alone to hide himself "putri situ" ("in moldering inactivity") and
the text seems at the end to fall back into that silence which Pontano had
stirred it out of.
Yet this is a low point in Rhallus' poetry. As in the case of his
friend Marullus, poetry could at times be a consolation for exile, and
so could the realm of sensual pleasure evoked by love poetry. Here
again we are dealing with a persona which is almost entirely a con
struction of the poetic texts themselves. The function of poetry as a
response to exile can be seen in a different light in the second elegy in
Rhallus' collection, "De exilio et in eum cui primus servivit" (On his
exile and to him whom he first served). Here the poet dwells at length
on his advanced age: in 1520 when the volume was published he was
past seventy. Even if he were to be made young again, the loss of his
country would prevent it from being a consolation. What then can one
do whom fortune has deprived of a home? Even wealth — jewelry,
gold and meals served on tables made of rare and precious wood — is
no consolation,
Sed quo pierio liber mox redderet antro /
Nec ieiuna suum musa recuset onus:
Posset et auratos crines laudare licinnae :
Et satura argutum condere amoris opus (Bir)
(But that Bacchus might return us to this cave of the Muses, nor would a
starved Muse refuse her burden, but well-fed she could praise the golden
hair of Lycinna and compose the melodious work of love.)
This, the poet concludes, was his occupation ("militia") in youth, and
with this occupation he hopes the Fates will allow him to grow old.
One should note that it is a very textualised love which is the poet's
pursuit here. It is not the practice of love itself, but rather the creation
of texts about it which is a source of pleasure in the exile's old age.
Like Marullus in his love poetry, he sees a value in inserting himself
into the rhythm of nature. The creation of love poetry, which can as
158 F. J. NICHOLS

well be practiced by an old man as by a young one, is one activity which

transcends that aspect of time represented by the aging process.
The judgment Altamura made about Rhallus seems unduly harsh, "Un
sentimento quasi sempre superficiale e insincero, fatto di sensi più che di
cuore...."9 If not a poet of great range and profundity, he composed a
body of elegant and refined verse which at times touches on something
deeper, especially when he is responding to his own exile. His work
would repay closer attention.
The exile of Marullus is a harsher one than that of Rhallus because he
conceives of himself as a double exile, from a country as a Greek in
Italy, and from a language, as a Greek writing in Latin. It is symptomatic
that the only texts by him which we have in any vernacular language are
one or two short poems in Italian.10 His long epistle to Neaera explains
why she should not be ashamed to have a Greek husband. It was Greece,
he goes on to say, which first civilized men, and Rome herself had
Greek forbears :
Ipsa caput rerum quondam pulcherrima Roma —
Certa fides — Graiis condita gaudet avis. (p. 46, 11. 120-21)
(Most lovely Rome, once herself the head of things — the belief
is certain — rejoices in being founded by Greek ancestors.)
The relationship between Greece and Rome is complex in Marullus'
poetry, since his native city Constantinople had preserved until just now
what was left of the Roman empire and he himself, later in this same
text, can boast of having Roman ancestors of the Marullus clan. His last
name is a Roman name. Yet his country is now a corpse:
Quam te cadaver flebile aspicio miser,
Vix ipse adhuc credens mihi"
Oculis videre coelitum tantum nefas! (p. 53, 11. 5-8)

(How wretchedly I look upon you, mournful corpse, myself scarcely yet
believing that I see with my own eyes so great a wrong of the gods above ! )
It is perhaps hard for us now to appreciate how final the fall of Constan
tinople must have seemed at the time, apparently entailing the end of the

9 In the Antologia, p. 147.

10 A strambotto and another poem of doubtful attribution, given by Perosa, pp. 217-18.
11 It is interesting to note that these verses are a negative remake of Catullus, 31, 4-6:
(Sirmio), quam te libenter quamque laetus inviso,
vix mi ipse credens Thuniam atque Bithunos
liquisse campos et videre te in tuto.
 GREEK POETS OF EXILE IN NAPLES 159

Greeks and the obliteration of the physical remains of Greek culture.

Some of the dark tone of Marullus' poetic world is the result of such
a perception. Yet what will survive is glory: "Solaque de tanta gloria
gente manet" (Only the glory remains of so great a people; p. 21,
1. 34). This glory will be preserved in words, or as we might now say,
by texts:
Sic tua longinquum late diffusa per aevum
Nomina per gentes fama loquetur anus,
Certatimque canent docti tua gesta poetae
Factaque erunt populis dictaque nota tua.... (p. 21, 11. 37-40)
(So aged fame will speak your name widely spread for lasting ages through
out the nations, and learned poets will eagerly sing your deeds, and what
you have done and said will be known to the races of men.)

But Marullus' contribution to this making of texts in which the accom

plishments of Greek culture will live will not be in the Greek language.
The Hymn to the god Mercury several times reminds us of this fact. At
the beginning the poet describes himself, after centuries of silence,
singing in the Orphic mode in the valley of the Arno in Tuscany:
Hoc fatis etiam malignis,
Patria ut Graecus sacra non Pelasga
Voce referrem...
(In this too the fates are malignant, that I a Greek, recount the holy things
of my country in a speech that is not Greek: p. 133, 11. 2-4).

Later in the poem, the singer returns to the idea:

Interim, si non patriae beata
Voce, qua grato licitum cadente
Te canam Phoebo, tibi substrepemus
Syderis ortus. (p. 134, 11. 21-24)
(Meanwhile, if not with the blessed voice of our country, with which
rightfully I'd sing of you while welcome Apollo is setting, we will faintly
murmur to you at the rising of the stars.)

The imagery is suggestive. This sunset song is being sung at the time
when Phoebus, the sun god and also the god of poetry, is waning, to be
replaced by a lesser light. So the glory of Mercury will be celebrated
here not in Greek but in Latin.
The idea of the loss of the language and what that loss entails is
expressed again in the Hymn to Aether, the personification of the
upper air:
160 F. J. NICHOLS

Nam quo Pelasgi gloria sanguinis,

Si non futuri gens quoque temporis
Agnoscit auditor et ipsa
Voce probat sibi teste Graios? (p. 148, 11. 17-20)
(For where will the glory of Greek blood go, if the people of future time
don't also acknowledge and approve the Greeks they have heard, in their
own speech with themselves as witnesses?)

The experience of this poet-persona then is organized around a double

absence, the absence of a native land and the absence of a native language.
There is the terrible fear that the language itself may be finally lost,
expressed most forcefully in the Hymn to the Sun, which darkened itself
out of sympathy over the unhappy fate of the Greeks :
Quod si non regisque mei natique benigna
Cura sit, ipsa ruat divinae gratia linguae,
Ipsae artes tantoque virum sacrata labore
Nomina Lethaeis abeant immersa lacunis. (p. 144, 11. 271-74)
(But if it were not the kindly concern of my king and his son, the very
charm of the godly language would fall away, and the arts themselves and
the names consecrated by such great labors of men would vanish sunk into
the pits of Lethe.)

Yet his royal patrons are concerned, the poet goes on to say, to collect
the records of Greek culture, to preserve the distinction and the genius of
such great men and this is to be accomplished by saving the writings in
which these things are preserved, "Scriptaque divinas animi testantia
curas" (the writings which bear witness to the godlike concerns of the
mind; p. 144, 1. 278). What is left of Byzantium now, what remains of
Greek glory, are texts in which the Greek spirit and mind are preserved.
Some of this feeling was no doubt shared by fifteenth-century humanism
striving to acquire Greek manuscripts, but for Marullus such feeling has
an intensely personal element. The profoundest sign of his status as an
exile is the fact that he is writing in Latin rather than in Greek.
One could see the Hymni naturales as an attempt to recreate a central
aspect of Greek culture in Latin. The passage in the hymn to Mercury
I've already alluded to, "Quique tot saeclis tripodas silentes / Primus
Orpheo pede rite movi" (And I who in so many centuries have been the
first to move the silent tripod rightly with the tread of Orpheus; p. 133,
11. 5-6), suggests such a project. It has been centuries since a Greek has
sung hymns to the pagan gods, and Marullus is consciously reviving the
tradition. One is reminded of the moment towards the beginning of
 GREEK POETS OF EXILE IN NAPLES 161

Dante's Divine Comedy when Dante encounters the long silent voice
of Virgil, and Dante, as we shall see, is a poet whom Marullus has a
special interest in.12
Marullus insistently makes the point, however, that the gods are indif
ferent to human virtue and accomplishment. Byzantium did nothing to
merit its downfall. The sight of his country's corpse, as we've seen, is
described by the poet as a wrong of the gods above. The point is most
decisively stated in lines consoling a friend, Andrea Maria Acquaviva,
for the death of his father, also killed by the Turks:
Sed neque fas neque iura deos mortalia tangunt,
Et rapit arbitrio sors fera cuncta suo. (p. 21, 11. 27-28)
(But neither right nor the laws of mortals touch the gods, and savage destiny
snatches everything away of its own free will.)

The universe is governed by amoral forces, and the workings of fate

cannot be understood in terms of any moral pattern.
This is significant for it is fate which has made Marullus an exile, an
isolated figure defined by absences. He repeatedly makes the point that
it would have been better if he had perished along with this country, and
he envies those who have enjoyed the privilege of dying such a death.
To wish to survive is perverse:
Sed quis est ita perditus,
Unus qui Patriae et civibus optimis
Dedignetur idem pati
Communemque deum non ferat aequiter? (p. 170, 11. 39-42)
(But who is so abandoned that he, one man, would disdain enduring the
same as his country and the best of his fellow citizens, and would not
endure according to his share the common god?)

In this poem, which is entitled De Acerbitate Fortuneíe (On the Harshness

of Fortune), the poet laments the fate which both robs a friend of a young
son and himself of a country.
If these texts are so often focused on absences, what consolations do
they offer to compensate for those absences? There are certain poems
in which the poet seems not to have altogether abandoned the hope of
seeing his native country free again. In an epigram addressed to King
Charles VIII, Marullus urges him to descend into Italy with the eventual
aim of freeing Greece from the Turks, just as the Hymn to Mars concludes

12 Inferno, I, 62-63.
162 F. J. NICHOLS

with the hope that the god, who has favored the arms of the Turks, will
one day be moved by prayer and give his country a better and unex
pected fate. But such glimmers of optimism are infrequent. A poem in
the later collection called Naeniae complains to King Charles that he is
wasting time hunting wild animals in the forests while the political and
military situation is worsening. The liberation of Greece seems on the
whole unlikely. Its future existence will have to depend on the texts that
have survived its fall.
In the absence of his country, all the earth is the same for the exile.
One place is as good as another, and the poet's wanderings through the
Balkans and Italy are a symptom of this. Unable to be in the one place
which would be a fullness to him, the exile has no reason to stay in
one spot very long, although if we wish to read biographical details into
the texts there was usually a practical reason for Marullus' wanderings.
But the persona who speaks in these poems seems essentially restless.
He takes note of his surroundings but they do not fill the emptiness left
by the fall of Byzantium. In the epitaph he composed for one of his
maternal uncles, Paul Tarchaniota, he observes,
Una eadem terra est, quam cernis, ubique locorum,
Nec magis Elysium hinc aut minus inde viae.... (p. 97, 11.3-4)
(The earth which you see is one and the same in any place whatever, nor
are the roads to Elysium longer here or shorter there.)
In his proposal to Neaera he tells her that she shouldn't be afraid of
marrying an exile:
Nec te terruerit peregrini nomen inane:
Crede mihi, nulla est terra aliena viro (p. 46, 11. 123-24)
(Nor should the empty name of foreigner frighten you: believe me, no land
is alien to a man.)
It is significant, and unusual for a Neo-Latin poet, that Marullus has an
epigram on Dante, dwelling as one might expect on the fact that the
reward Florence bestowed on him for his accomplishments was exile.
The poem concludes with a further refinement on the idea: "Quamvis,
cui virtus contigit, et patria est" (Although for him who has achieved
virtue, that is his country; p. 60, 1. 10). And in a poem addressed to
a Sienese friend, Francesco Nini, the poet observes, "Quicquam ubique
viris patria est..." (Any place anywhere is a country to men; p. 35,
1. 21). The absence of his original homeland is not one that any other
place can compensate for.
 GREEK POETS OF EXILE IN NAPLES 163

Yet there is another side to Marullus' poetry. Counterpointing the

grim stoic acceptance of one's fate is a certain acceptance of life's basic
pleasures. A striking expression of this is an ode addressed to Rhallus.
The poem is in Sapphic stanzas, not coincidentally a form frequently
used by Horace. The text, strategically located at the end of the first
book of epigrams, situates itself at the beginning of May and describes
the dances of young men and women to celebrate the season. Cupid
flies about the gathering of young people, prepared to use his arrows to
enkindle the flames of passion. In this context, fluently and gracefully
presented by the verse, the persona commands,
Mitte vaesanos, bone Rhalle, questus:
lam sat indultum patriae ruinae est:
Nunc vocat lusus positisque curis
Blanda voluptas. (p. 29, 11. 21-24)
(Put aside, good Rhallus, your mad complaints: we've been occupied long
enough now with the fall of our country. Now play and sweet pleasure are
calling, with cares put aside.)
What is the point, the poet goes on to ask, of spending all of the brief
time we have in grieving over our sad fates? And the poem ends with a
call for a bottle of vintage wine.
The ideas underlying the attitudes of Marullus and Rhallus are worked
out by Marullus in the epigram we've already noted addressed to Francesco
Nini. Here we see that it is in fact a stoic indifference to the blows of
fate that underlies this acceptance of life's more basic pleasures. The
poem begins with an address to Nini :
Quid mirare unos non uno tempore vultus,
Nec mea tam multis pectora victa malis? (p. 35, 11. 1-2)
(Why are you marvelling that I have the same expression at quite different
moments, and my heart has not been conquered by my many evils?)
The rhetorical question sets up the idea of constancy in the midst of
shifting fortunes:
Turpe est arbitrio rerum, Francisсe, moveri
Atque animum dominae supposuisse rotas
Exiliique malis rationem perdere vitae
Et sinere incertis certa perire bona. (p. 35, 11. 3-6)
(It's shameful to be moved by the power of events, Francesco, and to have
submitted your spirit to the wheel of a mistress, and to lose a reason for
living because of the evils of exile and to allow good things that are certain
to perish because of uncertain things.)
164 F. J. NICHOLS

The mistress whose wheel is dismissed here is obviously Fortune and

what the poet is arguing for is the acceptance of compensations for loss,
compensations that these texts in some sense provide.
Marullus notes that he is neither the first nor the only one to suffer
such things. In a double intertextual reference he cites Aeneas and Teucer
as examples of those fleeing from their homeland who accepted such
pleasures:
Et tamen in media vixit uterque fuga,
Nec puduit nimio linguae movisse Lyaeo
Et madidam sertis implicuisse comam. (p. 35, 11. 12-14)
(and yet each one was alive in the middle of his flight, and wasn't ashamed
to have touched his tongue to an abundance of wine, and to have wrapped
his anointed hair in a wreath.)
Those lines are an echo, as Perosa has noted,13 of a passage in the seventh
ode of Horace's first book of odes:
Teucer Salamina patremque
cum fugeret, tamen uda Lyaeo
tempora populea fertur vinxisse corona. . . 14
(Teucer, when he was fleeing Salamis and his father, yet is
said to have surrounded his wet temples with a crown of poplar.)
The reference to the exiled Aeneas of course recalls Virgil, but Teucer,
driven from his native Salamis by his father because he did not come
back with his brother Ajax alive, is also mentioned in Virgil's Aeneid
(I, 619). The poet's predicament thus recalls those of ancient heroes,
celebrated by Virgil and Horace, a tradition into which he now inserts
himself. The meter however provides a certain ironic distance, since this
poem of Marullus is in elegiac couplets, a meter associated neither with
Virgil nor with Horace, but rather with Ovid, whose exile was much
less heroic. The slight displacement suggested by the use of a meter not
associated with the subject underlines the poet's presumption in com
paring his small fate with such important fates, after he has gone on to
recall further examples of exile such as those of Marius and Hannibal :
Nos quoque, si magnis fas est componere parva,
Omnia quis placida mente tulisse vetat?15
Si lacrimis redimi posset, si patria questu,
Arguerer, si non illa redempta foret.... (p. 36, 11. 37-40)

13 Perosa, p. 259, s.v.. Teucer.

14 Text from Horace, Odes and Epodes, ed. Charles E. Bennett (Boston, 1957), p. 8,
11. 21-23.
15 V. 37 is an echo of Verg. georg. 4, 176; v. 38 reminds us of Ov. trist. 1, 2, 1 1-12.
 GREEK POETS OF EXILE IN NAPLES 165

(If it is right to oppose small things to great ones, who forbids us to have
endured everything with a mind at rest? If our country could be set free by
tears, by complaints, I would be blamed if she had not been set free.)
But this is not the case, the tears and complaints which these texts
embody cannot free the lost homeland. Again at the end of the poem the
serving boy is commanded to scatter flowers and to pour some good
wine. Pleasure cannot restore; it can at times compensate.
The theme of exile even enters into another kind of poetry in which
Marullus was an important, if not obvious, influence on the later Renais
sance, his love poetry. The poet addressed more or less playful epigrams
to a number of women, including the woman he eventually did marry,
Alessandra Scala, the learned and beautiful daughter of the Florentine
public figure and humanist Bartolomeo Scala. (Interestingly enough,
she is apparently the only woman he addressed love poems to by her
real name.) But by far the greatest number of love poems are written to
and about the elusive Neaera, to whom, as we've seen, Marullus even
proposes marriage in a lengthy epigram. He praises her beauty and her
virtue, and complains strenuously over her slighting of his affections.
The very last poem of the Epigrams, a collection the poet concludes by
rejecting love for arms, refers to her death and still praises her beauty
and virtues "...ipsam Neaeram specimen humanae unicum / Naturae et
exactum decus" (Neaera herself the unique example and perfected glory
of human nature; p. 102, 11. 58-59).
By choosing the obscure classical name Neaera for the object of
his affections and by his adaptation of the meters and certain poetic
strategies of Catullus, Marullus helped to establish a central tradition in
Neo-Latin love poetry, reinforced by the use made of the name Neaera
and of the poetic rhetoric Marullus had worked out by the Dutch Neo-
Latin poet Johannes Secundus in the early sixteenth century. The devel
opment and spread of this tradition in Renaissance Latin has finally been
traced in detail by Walther Ludwig in the article "Catullus renatus"
in his recent book Litterae neolatinae .16 It affected most Latin and
much vernacular love poetry in Europe down to the end of the seven
teenth century, including such diverse figures as the Scottish humanist
and historian George Buchanan, Joachim Du Bellay in France, and even
John Milton.
In one of his poems of complaint to Neaera, the unhappy poet tells
her, "Certe tu mea cura, tu voluptas, / Per te non grave erat domo carere"

16 Walther Ludwig, Litterae neolatinae (Munich, 1989), pp. 162-94.

166 F. J. NICHOLS

(You are surely my concern and my delight; because of you it was not
hard to be without a home; p. 66, 11. 5-6). Recall that at the beginning
of this paper, we saw that it is precisely in his proposal to her, which
is both epistle and epigram, that Marullus most fully constructs the
persona who speaks throughout his poetry. There too the insistence
on this personal identity as an exile suggests that the ultimate conso
lation for the loss of his homeland, for the reestablishment of the equi
librium that loss had unbalanced, would be his possession of Neaera
herself. It is striking that in the poem in which he describes what has
been lost as domus ("home") rather than as patria ("country"), the term
he generally uses. The proposal epigram has an intentionality which
reaches beyond the world of the text, just as these texts are a response to
an event, a loss, prior to them, and so the poem has a central importance
in the dynamics of this poetic system. The loss of Neaera, first in
her rejection of him and finally in her death, is an especially grievous
one for, in the home she could have provided for him, she is his best
hope for filling with her presence the central absence of the loss of his
homeland. So the absence remains unfilled and the poet at this point
abjures love for war. It is curious that none of this strategy enters into
the two elegant but much less weighty poems Marullus addressed to the
woman he did marry. Nor is there anything comparable in Rhallus'
poems to his beloved Lycinna.
One other consolation takes the place of his lost homeland for
Marullus. This is the presence of the circles of friends he made in Naples,
Rome, and Florence. Although at times he gives us an impression of
himself as an isolated and lonely figure, the epigrams in particular
are full of poems which give some sense of the numbers of friendships
he enjoyed, as he writes poems to encourage, to congratulate, to give
advice, and to offer consolation to his friends for their own losses. Yet
because there would always come a time when he would be obliged
to move on, the pattern of another absence replacing a presence is
repeated. Marullus sees this kind of loss as another sort of exile. One of
his most admired poems is his Hymn to the Moon, which takes place
before dawn as he is leaving Florence, presumably to join the King of
France at Lyons. The poem is in the form of a dialogue between himself
and his servant as they move out of the city into the hills in the moon
light. The poem begins with a backward look at Florence, to which he
bids a final farewell, and he then expresses his regret at leaving his
friends behind:
 GREEK POETS OF EXILE IN NAPLES 1 67

О fida quondam tot cohors sodalium,

Duri levamen exili,
Ego ne, relictis, heu miser, vobis, queam
Exilia perpeti altera?
Sed fati acerba vis ferenda farther! (p. 145, 11. 9-13)
(O once faithful band of so many friends, consolation of my harsh exile,
can I, leaving you behind, wretched alas, endure another exile? But the bitter
strength of fate must be borne valiantly.)

Thus Marullus is propelled by a process in which each time a presence

compensates for the basic absence which defines him, that new presence
then is lost as the poet moves on. It is striking how many of his key
poems situate themselves at moments of departure.
We might now consider Marullus in the broader context of the currents
of exile in European Renaissance poetry. In the Italy which became not
just his physical home, but also his literary home, there was of course
already a well established literary tradition of exile, beginning with
Dante and carried on by Petrarch. It is the Petrarchan tradition that is the
more useful to the later Renaissance, becoming intertwined, especially
in terms of Latin verse, with the tradition of Ovidian exile poetry as
expressed in Ovid's Tristia and his Ex Ponto. It is this Petrarchan-Ovidian
vein that comes most naturally to any later Neo-Latin poet who happens
to be away from his home for any reason. One thinks of George Buchanan
writing Latin elegies while in Portugal, lamenting his exile from his
beloved Paris. This current exists in the vernacular as well. The first
Petrarchan sonnet sequence which focuses on a theme other than unre
quited love is Joachim Du Bellay 's Les Regrets, in which the poetic
persona laments the fact that he is in Rome and not in France.
Yet it is striking that the only vernacular writer commemorated in
Marullus' work is Dante. The last lines of the poem on Dante, as we've
seen, state that for the virtuous man virtue is his country, and there are
other aspects of the ten-line text we might now reflect on. The poem
locates itself at the tomb of Dante, presided over by the Muse Erato, and
is in the form of a question posed by an interrogator who in the tradition
of this kind of poem is a wayfarer passing by the tomb. One noteworthy
point is that the other poem in Marullus' collection which most nearly
resembles the poem on Dante is the epitaph of the poet's mother, in
which the wayfarer questions the figure of Pudicitia ("Modesty"), who
is guarding the tomb of Euphrosyne Tarchaniota. The model for both
these poems is an epigram in the Greek Anthology (XVI, 275) which the
168 F. J. NICHOLS

poet's mentor Giovanni Pontano was also to use as the model for an
epigram he wrote on the subject of his own tomb.17 What Dante and the
mother of Marullus have in common, a theme central to the poem on
each one, is that they were driven into exile.
Here we have, I think, the essential reason why it is Dante who is
more important for Marullus than Petrarch, a reason which will have
implications for poetic strategies as well. The basic fact about Dante's
exile is that it was involuntary and final in a way Petrarch's was not. The
last questions the wayfarer puts to the Muse at Dante's tomb are these:
'Unde domo?' 'Veterem agnoscit Florentia alumnum.'
Ecquae tot merces dotibus?' 'Exilium.' (p. 60, 11. 7-8)
("What home did his journey start from?" "Florence acknowledges her
former offspring." "And what was the reward for such gifts?" "Exile.")
The loss of balance here, the poet's gifts whose compensation was sim
ply exile, expresses a loss that Marullus certainly felt was the essence of
his own destiny. And although Petrarch was born into a very real exile,
at a certain point in his life when Florence begged him to return, his
exile became voluntary. One can see why Marullus felt a kinship with
Dante he would not have felt with Petrarch.
A very useful analysis of exile in the Renaissance is that provided by
A. Bartlett Giamatti in his essay 'Hippolytus among the Exiles,' where
he has this to say of Petrarch's case: "Petrarch's odyssey, his endless
exile, depended — as his courtship of Laura depended — on not achieving
what he said he desired. His sense of identity depended on being dis
placed, for only in perpetual exile could Petrarch gain the necessary
perspective on himself truly to determine, or create, who he was....
So Petrarch, never truly at home, always refuses to return."18 The most
important exile in Petrarch's poetry, I would suggest, is in fact the sepa
ration from Laura, and the poetic strategy that Petrarch adopts to deal
with his physical separation from her is to make her present in his
poetry, to use language to recreate the presence of the absent beloved.
This is the strategy that will be so useful to Du Bellay in his Regrets,
where he will use his text to relocate himself in the France he too has
been in voluntary exile from. Here it is the persona himself who is

17 In his De Tumulis, II, 62, the poem which completes the entire collection (Carmina,
pp. 257-58). The original Greek epigram, attributed to Posidippus, is on a statue of Time.
Versions were also written by Ausonius, Thomas More, and Erasmus.
18 A. Bartlett Giamatti, Exile and Change in Renaissance Literature (New Haven,
1984), p. 13.
 GREEK POETS OF EXILE IN NAPLES 1 69

absent, and so he creates in his text a sense of himself as being in France.

The very fact of writing in French as an exile in Rome contributes to
creating that sense of presence, as the language itself situates the poet
where he would want to be.
This is a poetic strategy which Marullus abjures. His status as an exile
is never compensated for by any kind of imaginative presence. In dealing
with his lost homeland, he rather focuses relentlessly on that which is
not. At times he seems to evoke, to make present, what is gone:
Est aliquid cineres et tot monumenta suorum
Cernere et imperiis imperia aucta patrum
Natalique frui, superest dum spiritus, aura,
Nec procul externis ludibrium esse locis. (p. 72, 11. 15-18)
(It is something to see the ashes and so many memorials of your people,
and the realms extended by your ancestors' authority, and to enjoy your
native air, as long as breath is left, and not to be a joke in far-off foreign
places.)
These lines are from the central poem on his exile, "De Exilio Suo," and
the evocation of the past, beginning with ashes and monuments, gives
the poet a moment to catch his breath of native air, but then the tone
abruptly changes. The pool is — and his very language reminds us of
this — in fact situated far off in a foreign place, where he is a ludibrium,
a figure of fun, and the poem as a whole defines the poet's condition in
terms of what he is not.
So too in the second posthumously published Naenia, where the
persona puts himself on the shores of the sea whose waters also wash
the Bosphorus, he thinks of the breezes who are able to come home after
their journey:
Felices nimium, vespere quae domo
Egressae redeunt mane Aquilonibus
Versis, nec peregre perpetuo exigunt
Aetatem exilio gravem.... (p. 173, 11. 13-16)
(Too happy are they who having set out at dusk from home return in the
morning when the north winds have turned, and do not spend their weary
lives abroad in unending exile.)
Again there is no consolation here: the evocation of the light winds
happy enough to return home points not to what might be for the poet,
or even what might have been, but to what will never be.
What Giamatti observes of Petrarch's exile, "His sense of identity
depended on being displaced," is certainly true of the persona self-created
170 F. J. NICHOLS

in these texts, but Petrarch uses language to recreate what is absent.

Marullus does not do this: the absent homeland is never a presence, nor
can he be present in it, even in language. He does not use language, as
Petrarch does, to compensate for his loss, but only to express that loss,
to restate it again and again. This is consistent with a stylistic feature of
his work somewhat unusual in the context of the Neo-Latin poetry of his
time, the relative lack of metaphor or of figurative language in his verse.
His poetry is essentially a poetry of statement not much adorned with
imaginative comparison.
Nor is there any religious consolation in the essentially pagan universe
this poetry creates, a quality which made contemporaries somewhat
uneasy. Croce notes the way in which some sixteenth-century commen
tators in Italy tried to read Christian allegory into the Hymns to the
pagan gods,19 but it was Erasmus who expressed the more general judge
ment of Marullus' immediate posterity on his Hymns in a letter written
in 1524, "Marullus mihi videtur nihil aliud sonare quam paganismum"
(Marullus seems to me to pour out nothing other than Paganism).20 The
exiled persona is situated in a universe where the gods are indifferent
to human virtue. The ultimate reward then will be these texts in which
the figure of the poet in eternal exile creates himself. One is reminded
of the heroes of the Iliad whose most meaningful reward is that they
will be the subjects of song, songs like the Iliad, for men to come.21 This
absence of any other ultimately lasting images of consolation gives this
poetry a very individual severity and integrity. These texts are finally
themselves the only compensation for the loss they are the monument to.

Graduate Center
City University of NewYork

19 Croce, Poeti e scrittori, II, 376, n. 1.

20 Cited by Ludwig, p. 187.
21 See, for instance, VII, 87-91 and IX, 189.
 Jacques CHOMARAT

L'ANE CHEZ ERASME, PASSERAT, HEINSIUS.

Depuis des années ma bibliothèque renferme deux éloges anciens de

l'âne; ARGUMENTORUM LUDICRORUM ET AMOENITATUM scriptores varii in
gratiam studiosae juventutis collecti et emendati, Lugduni Batavorum,
Excudebat Godefridus Basson, Anno MDCXXIIl, (6)+ 318+ 144 pp. contient
pp. 269 à 28 1 un ENCOMIUM ASINI de Jean Passerat. Le deuxième, sans
nom d'auteur, mais reconnu comme l'œuvre de Daniel Heinsius, est
LAUS ASINI in quâ, praeter eius animalis laudes ac naturae propria, cum
Politica non pauca, tum nonnulla alia diuersae eruditionis, asperguntur.
Ad Senatum Populumque eorum, qui, ignari omnium, scientias ac literas
hoc tempore contemnunt, Lugduni Batavorum, Ex Officinâ Elzeviriana,
Anno MDCXXIII, (8)+193 pp.+ Index pp. 194-222. Ces deux ouvrages ont
donc été édités la même année, dans la même ville; l'éloge de
l'âne était-il à la mode? Depuis plus longtemps encore je possède la
reproduction (Hildesheim, Georg Olms, 1961-1962) des Opera Omnia
d'Erasme éditées par Jean Leclerc en 10 tomes, Lugduni Batavorum,
cura et impensis Peter Vander Aa, MDCCIII à MDCCVI. Un hasard récent
vint rappeler à mon attention le héros de Passerat et de Heinsius dont
je n'avais pas encore eu le loisir de lire les textes: M. Yves Cambefort,
entomologiste au Muséum, auteur d'un savant essai, Le scarabée et les
dieux (Paris, Boubée, 1994) a remarqué que la lettre-préface d'Erasme
à YEloge de la Folie porte la date qui ouvre le chapitre I du Quart livre
de Rabelais: le 5 des Ides de juin, jour des Vestalia où les ânes qui
d'ordinaire faisaient tourner les meules se reposaient, couronnés de
fleurs. 1 Cela me décida à rechercher tous les Adages dans lesquels figure
l'âne, à réparer mon retard de lectures et à tirer de ces trois sources un
article en hommage au maître des études néo-latines, Jozef Usewijn.
Dernier motif: dans LE MYSTERE DE L'ANE, Essai sur Giordano Bruno,
de Nuccio Ordine, traduction publiée à Paris en 1993 (merci à Etienne
Wolff qui me l'a prêtée) d'un ouvrage paru en italien à Naples en 1987,
le chapitre consacré à «La littérature de l'âne avant Bruno», ne parle

1 Ovide, Fastes 6, 311-313. M. Cambefort doit bientôt publier un article à ce sujet.

 172 J. CHOMARAT

que de l'Italie, alors que les trois auteurs précédents appartiennent à

l'Europe du Nord et deux d'entre eux aux Pays-Bas.

Il n'y a pas moins de 47 Adages dans lesquels figure l'âne.2 Seul le

premier dépasse une colonne dans LB; aucun n'est un essai à la manière
des Sileni Alcibiadis ou de Scarabeus aquilam quaerif, 16 ont moins de
dix lignes; 14 autres moins de vingt. Il y a un contraste étonnant entre
leur nombre et leur minceur. Ce sont de petits riens, une poussière. Pré
cisément beaucoup expriment par une image l'insignifiance, l'inanité, la
nullité, le rien ou le presque rien. Tel est, paradoxe, le sens du plus long;
l'«ombre d'un âne», apprend-on, se dit de re nihili, d'une chose de rien;

2 1- (n° 252) Asini umbra, 132 С - 133 D (92 lignes). 2- (n° 264) De asini prospectu,
136 E - 137 В (41 lignes). 3- (n° 266) Asinus in pelle leonis (in Induitis me leonis
exuvium), 137 E-138 В (43 lignes). 4- (n° 267) Midas auriculas asini, 138 BF (46 lignes).
5-(n° 335) Asinus ad lyram, 164 В - 165 В (47- 9 = 38 lignes). 5 bis- (n° 335) Asinus
auriculas movens, 164 CD (9 lignes). 6- (n° 340) Asinum sub freno currere doces, 167 DE
(8 lignes). 7- (n° 379) Ab asino lanam, 175 F-176 A (9 lignes). 8- (n° 380) Asinum tondes,
176 A (5 lignes). 9- (n° 441) Asinus inter simias, 198 EF (17 lignes). 10- (n° 442) Asinus
inter apes, 198 F-199 A (6 lignes). 11- (n° 443) Asinus in unguento, 199 A (11 lignes).
12- (n° 612) Asinus apud Cumanos, 265 CD (15 lignes). 13- (n° 629) Ab equis ad asinos,
273 ВС (9 lignes). 14- (n° 630) Ab asinis ad boves transcendere, 273 CD (18 lignes).
14 bis-(n° 630) Ab asino delapsus, 273 E - 274 В (46 lignes). 15- (n° 699) Fricantem
refrica, 300 F 301 С (36 lignes). 16- (n° 798) Si vel asinus canem mordeat, litem move-
bit, 333 В (10 lignes). 17- (n° 1 104) Asinus portans mysteria, 449 E-450 A (22 lignes).
18- (n° 1452) Asinus in rupem (in Nec sibi пес aliis utilis), 568 D (7 lignes). 19- (n" 1458)
Asinus in paleas, 569 DF (22 lignes). 20- (n° 1468) Antronius asinus, 571 E-572 A
(15 lignes). 21- (n° 1648) Asinus esuriens fustem negligit, 625 BD (23 lignes). 22- (n° 1704)
Si bovem non possis, asinum agas, 640 DE (6 lignes). 23- (n° 1747) E.v tardigradis asinis
equus prodiit, 649 F-650 В (20 lignes). 24- (n° 2055) Quanto asinis praestantiores muli,
729 F-730 В (28 lignes). 25- (n° 2158) Asini mortes, 760 EF (7 lignes). 26- (n° 2159) Asi
nus compluitur, 760 F (8 lignes). 27- (n° 2239) Asini caput ne laves nitro, 791 E-792 A
(4 lignes). 28- (n° 2240) Asini mandibula, 792 A (8 lignes). 29- (n° 2414) Cani das
paleas, asino ossa, 831 A (7 lignes). 30- (n° 2441) Rex aut asinus, 838 BE (44 lignes).
31- (n° 2607) Vtere curru, de asinis nihil laborans, 885 E (8 lignes). 32- (n° 2624) Asinus
avis, 889 CD ( 1 3 lignes). 33- (n° 2687) Agas asellum, 905 B-906 A (24 lignes). 34- (n° 3047)
Asinus ad tibiam, 980 F (7 lignes). 35- (n° 3076) Asinus in rupes protrudere, 986 F-987 A
(11 lignes). 36- (n° 3130) Super te haec omnia Leparge, 997 CD (13 lignes). 37- (n° 3156)
Asini cauda, 1001 С (5 lignes). 38- (n° 3243) Asinos non curo, 1014 E (5 lignes).
39- (n° 3350) Asinus balneatoris, 1036 С (11 lignes). 40- (n° 3525) Onobatis, 1081 E-
1082 A (21 lignes). 41- (n° 3636) Asino fabulam, 1 105 EF (1 1 lignes). 42- (n° 3738) Asi
nus stramen mavult quam aurum, 1132 AC (15 lignes). 43- (n° 3754) Salvete equorum
filiae, 1 135 AB (1 1 lignes). 44- (n°3755) Mithragyrtes, non daduchus, 1 135 В (12 lignes).
45- (n° 3964) Asinus asino pulcher, 1 174 DE (21 lignes).
Ab asino delapsus (14bis) est sans numéro. Erasme est incertain sur le sens de 33.
 L'ANE CHEZ ERASME, PASSERAT, HEINSIUS 1 73

sens aussitôt illustré par plusieurs citations tirées de Suidas: Sophocle

dans une pièce perdue, Cedalion, Aristophane dans une autre pièce perdue,
Daedalus, puis Aristote faisant allusion, pense Erasme, à une comédie
d'Archippus (dont l'œuvre est perdue) mentionnée par Zénodote. Ce n'est
sans doute pas fortuitement qu'Erasme a commencé la série des citations
par de petits bouts d'œuvres disparues: c'est une manière indirecte et
subtile de souligner le thème de l'insignifiance et du quasi-néant que
d'utiliser ces miettes échappées par hasard au naufrage du temps:
ombres d'un âne. Puis viennent trois citations mieux enracinées: Lucien
dans Les Sectes, Aristophane dans Les Guêpes, Démosthène dans une
Philippique.3 Le nom de ce troisième auteur amène Erasme à conter
longuement l'anecdote qui aurait donné naissance à l'adage: lors d'un
procès criminel l'orateur athénien pour réveiller l'auditoire se mit à par
ler d'un jeune homme qui, ayant loué un âne, voulut en pleine chaleur
se reposer à son ombre, mais le propriétaire ne le permit point: il avait
loué l'âne, et non son ombre; d'où débat en justice; et Démosthène
commence à descendre de la tribune, mais l'auditoire veut connaître la
suite de l'histoire: Cela vous intéresse d'entendre parler de l'ombre
d'un âne, mais quand il s'agit d'un homme qui risque sa vie cela vous
ennuie! Puis Erasme présente une variante due à Plutarque dans sa
Vie de Démosthène: le conflit entre le jeune homme et l'ânier a pour
objet de savoir qui des deux a le droit de se mettre à l'ombre de l'âne.
Variante à peu près insignifiante, mais pour cette raison même en par
faite harmonie avec le sens de l'adage. Erasme s'amuse à en signaler une
autre: le jeune homme voulait se rendre non à Mégare, mais à Delphes.
Sont enfin nommés ou cités: Apulée, Ménandre, le Phèdre de Platon,
une lettre de Procope, le Contre Celse d'Origène. Pour conclure: «Mais
il est grand temps de quitter l'ombre de l'âne, de peur qu'on ne se
moque de nous, avec raison, comme trop minutieux au sujet de l 'ombre
d'un âne».4 Conclusion prévisible!
L'insignifiance est doublement représentée dans cet adage: par l'ombre,
qui s'oppose à la réalité, qui est vaine, qui est néant (gkiùç övap
avGpomoç)5 et par l'âne; on a une sorte de superlatif ou d'équivalent
de l'hébreu «vanité des vanités». Mais pourquoi l'âne est-il symbole
de chose négligeable ou méprisable? La citation du Phèdre le fait com
prendre, il est tel par comparaison avec le cheval (Erasme a négligé ce

3 En réalité le De Pace, 25 (cité à nouveau plus bas). Pour le récit Erasme traduit Suidas
(la Souda). Voir l'édition ASD II- 1, 364, 471 et 509.
4 LB II 133 D.
174 J. CHOMARAT

point dans sa traduction): «les orateurs incompétents agissent de façon

honteuse et dangereuse lorsque devant une plèbe elle-même incompé
tente ils font l'éloge non point de l'ombre d'un âne, chose inconsistante
et de nul poids, mais du mal comme s'il était le bien. Mf) rrepi övou
aкшç coç ïnnov tôv ETiaivov Tioioúuevoç, àXXh nspi какоС cbç
ауабоС.»6 (faisant l'éloge non de l'ombre d'un âne comme si elle était
celle d'un cheval, mais du mal comme s'il était le bien).
D'autres adages utilisent l'âne comme symbole de la nullité, étalon du
dérisoire, plus bas degré dans l'échelle des valeurs. Ainsi 2: (accuser)
«pour le regard d'un âne»; celui-ci ayant glissé sa tête par la fenêtre
d'un modeleur, sa vue provoqua un désastre dans l'atelier; «se dit donc
de ceux qui accusent quelqu'un pour un motif dérisoire ou intentent un
procès pour des questions frivoles». 13 «Passer des chevaux aux ânes»:
«quand on passe d'une profession fort honorable à une qui ne l'est
guère», devenant «de philosophe musicien, de théologien professeur
de lettres, de négociant cabaretier, d'intendant cuisinier, de forgeron
comédien»; certaines de ces déchéances ne sont pas énoncées sans une
éclatante ironie, comme la seconde. Même descente dans l'échelle des
valeurs avec 22 «Si tu ne peux mener un boeuf, mène un âne»: «quand
on ne peut faire comme on veut, il faut faire comme on peut. S'il ne t'est
pas échu une destinée éblouissante, contente-toi du sort qui t'est échu. Si
tu ne peux obtenir ce que tu souhaites, attache-toi à ce qui en est le
plus proche. Source: Suidas». Mouvement inverse dans une semblable
hiérarchie: 14 «S'élever des ânes aux boeufs» ou 24 «Combien les
mulets sont supérieurs aux ânes». Comme le rappelle 43 Simonide
amené par un bon salaire à chanter les mules les apostropha: «Salut,
filles des chevaux», passant sous silence leurs mères, les ânesses. Exprime
encore l'ascension 23 «Des ânes au pas lent est issu le cheval», «lorsque
quelqu'un né d'une famille obscure est devenu célèbre ou quand de chez
un précepteur ignorant sort un disciple savant»; «on peut aussi l'employer
par ironie avec une négation, par exemple : jamais des ânes n 'engendreront
un cheval ou bien: tiens! un cheval né d'ânes! c'est-à-dire: un être arro
gant et hautain né d'humbles parents». Plus énigmatique ЗГАлоуеиои
тт\ç csf\q auaÇriç, тrôv 5'ov©v oôôèv ué^ei, «Utilise ton char, ne te
soucie pas des ânes», c'est-à-dire: «Ceux qui ont un char chez eux n'ont
pas à louer des ânes ailleurs pour transporter leurs fardeaux»; donc

5 «L'homme est le rêve d'une ombre», Pindare Pvth. 8, 99 (Adage 1248 Homo bulla).
6 Platon Phèdre 260 C; LB II 133 С
 L'ANE CHEZ ERASME, PASSERAT, HEINSIUS 175

«il faut s'occuper de ses propres affaires et en profiter sans se mêler ni

se soucier de celles des autres». Le même adage est à peu près répété en
38 «Je ne m'occupe pas des ânes»; car «qui a un chariot chez lui n'a
pas besoin de prendre des ânes en location»; selon cette interprétation il
faudrait donc admettre que «le char» inclut l'attelage? ne pourrait-on
comprendre: l'important c'est le char, tu en as un, trouver des ânes pour
le tirer n'est pas une affaire, il faut distinguer l'essentiel de l'accessoire?
L'âne, symbole de ce qui est bas ou nul, permet de définir ce qu'on
appellera plus tard le burlesque, le ton épique pour raconter des baga
telles: 25 «(Dire) les morts d'un âne» «était utilisé contre ceux qui
narraient des choses absurdes et ridicules comme par exemple conter
dans un long récit les dangers courus par un âne comme Homère le fait
pour ceux qu'a courus Ulysse. Apulée en offre l'exemple dans sa Méta
morphose où précisément il rapporte les morts d'un âne.» Au jeu de
paume, rappelle 30, le vainqueur était appelé Roi, le vaincu Ane et il
devait exécuter tout ce que lui ordonnait le Roi.
D'autres adages donnent la raison bien connue de ce classement infa
mant: l'âne est sot, bête, incapable de comprendre, incapable d'apprendre
ce qu'on voudrait lui enseigner (ce sens a subsisté dans les écoles, plus
longtemps que l'âne dans les prés). Le plus célèbre est 5 «L'âne à la
lyre», avec citations de Vairon, Jérôme, Lucien: il se dit «de ceux qui
par ignorance n'ont ni jugement ni oreille» ou de ceux «auxquels on
ne peut enseigner les arts libéraux et qui sont inéducables»;7 variante:
5bis «L'âne qui remue les oreilles», «se dit de ceux qui, tout en ne
comprenant rien, font comme s'ils comprenaient tout, et par leurs hoche
ments de tête ou leurs sourires approuvent ceux qui parlent»; «on le
lancera à bon droit contre ceux qui s'essaient maladroitement à un art
qu'ils ignorent et auquel leur naturel répugne»; ce sont là scènes de
comédie. Autres adages exprimant l'inaptitude à comprendre: le 11 «L'âne
parfumé», «quand on offre des choses délicieuses à des gens à qui elles
ne conviennent pas et qui ne savent pas les utiliser ou n'en font pas leurs
délices», s'emploie «quand un ignorant tombe sur d'excellents auteurs
que son ignorance lui fait négliger ou même fausser»; le 34 «L'âne à la
flûte» «se dit de ceux qui ne remarquent ne comprennent ni ne louent
les finesses de ce qu'on dit», car «si certains animaux comme chevaux,
oiseaux, serpents ont quelque sentiment de la musique, ce n'est pas le
cas des ânes»; on notera cet emploi figuré de «musique» pour désigner

7 LB II 164 ВС indociles bonarum artium atque intractabiles.

176 J. CHOMARAT

l'éloquence. 41 «Raconter une histoire à un âne» dit la même chose.

6 «Tu apprends à un âne à courir en obéissant au mors», c'est-à-dire
«Tu veux instruire qui ne peut l'être» (doces indocilem), «car le cheval
est apte à la course, l'âne est nul pour la course équestre», rappelle ce
qui a valu à l'âne sa réputation de sottise obstinée dans les sociétés
antiques, puis dans les nôtres: il est rétif; le cheval, plus docile et donc
apte à la guerre, était considéré comme un animal noble; d'autre part,
suggère 14 (voir ci-dessus), pour labourage et travaux de ferme l'âne n'a
pas la force du boeuf, autre source de déconsidération. 37 «La queue
d'un âne» rabaisse encore l'âne devant le cheval pour une raison acces
soire: avec les crins de la queue du cheval on peut faire un crible;
impossible avec ceux de l'âne, donc l'adage permettra «de dire que
quelqu'un est inutile pour ceci ou cela». Même signification péjorative
dans 14bis «Tombé de l'âne», «se dit de ceux qui font quelque chose
sans réflexion ni compétence ou de ceux qui perdent leurs avantages
présents dont par ignorance ils sont incapables de tirer parti»; mais ici
l'origine de l'adage serait un calembour: àя'ovou (loin de l'âne)
proviendrait de ало voù (loin de l'intelligence); suit une historiette:
deux hommes dans un désert trouvent un âne, à qui appartiendra-t-il?
pendant qu'ils se disputent, l'âne s'enfuit; Erasme ajoute: «je note que
les Grammatic? aimaient attacher à tous les adages une anecdote vraie
ou imaginaire». 18 «L'âne contre un rocher» (inclus dans «qui ne sert
ni à soi ni aux autres») fait allusion à un passage d'Horace (Epist. I, 20,
15): un âne qui ne connaissait pas la route et refusait d'obéir à son
guide, fut précipité par celui-ci sur un rocher: c'est une image de ceux
qui, incapables de voir ce qu'il faut faire, refusent obstinément tout
conseil. On retrouve la citation d'Horace dans 35 où elle est devenue
adage à part entière.
D'autres opposent la réalité misérable représentée par l'âne à
une apparence, à un rôle social mirifique ou grandiose, mais trompeur.
3 «L'âne sous une peau de lion» «se dit d'ordinaire de ceux qui se
chargent d'une entreprise au-dessus de leurs aptitudes et qui se compor
tent trop magnifiquement pour leur condition»; Erasme raconte alors
d'après Lucien l'histoire de l'âne enveloppé dans une peau de lion et
longtemps pris pour un vrai lion par les habitants de Cumes qui n'en
avaient jamais vu; la même anecdote est reprise en 12 avec ce commen
taire: «s'applique à ceux qui malgré leur inaptitude ridicule sont en

8 Grammatici désigne les commentateurs et lexicographes antiques.

 L'ANE CHEZ ERASME, PASSERAT, HEINSIUS 1 77

haute estime chez ceux qui ne les connaissent pas, en raison même de
leur nouveauté; ou bien à ceux qui doivent à la fortune un honneur
qu'ils ne méritent pas et en tirent d'ordinaire de la suffisance et de
l'insolence.» Le 17 «L'âne portant des objets sacrés» (cf. Apul. Met. VIII,
27) «se disait de qui occupe une charge dont il est indigne. Par exemple
un illettré à la direction d'une bibliothèque»; ou, plus hardiment (mais
l'Eloge regorge de ces hardiesses), «quand on accorde à des ignorants le
titre de Docteur, le bonnet, l'anneau et autres insignes de ce genre»
(marque des théologiens); antithèse analogue dans 44 «Mendiant pour
Mithra et non porteur de torche» qui «signifie que le personnage n'a pas
été initié aux mystères, mais qu'il veut le faire croire»; à ces tricheurs
mis en scène par Apulée sont semblables «ceux qui aujourd'hui portent
ici et là des reliques de saint Antoine, de Corneille ou de Jean Baptiste
plutôt pour en tirer profit que pour la piété». On voit que toutes ces
expressions, réellement utilisées comme adages dans l'antiquité ou
élevées à cet honneur par Erasme à partir des textes anciens, dénonçant
la duplicité et la charlatanerie, sont appliquées sans difficulté aux réa
lités de son temps dans les deux domaines auxquels il a consacré son
œuvre: les bonnes lettres et la piété chrétienne.
Très voisin des précédents l'adage qui oppose chez l'âne lui-même
extérieur et intérieur, apparence imposante et stupidité réelle, comme
font les Silènes d'Alcibiade (les Silènes inversés); 20 parle d'un âne
d'Antronia (ville de Thessalie) «qui avait un corps massif et gigan
tesque, mais un esprit stupide et abruti»; «aujourd'hui aussi il existe une
plaisanterie populaire contre les hommes de grande taille comme s'ils
manquaient de jugement et comme si la nature se plaisait à établir un
équilibre, en ôtant à l'esprit ce qu'elle a donné en surplus à la masse
du corps». 4 «Midas a des oreilles d'âne» est équivoque: il peut signi
fier que sous la majestueuse apparence royale Midas cache des oreilles
qui trahissent sa stupidité ou bien que les tyrans ont des oreilles aussi
longues que les ânes qui leur permettent d'entendre même de loin,
comme s'ils avaient des espions partout. Si la première interprétation
rattache cet adage à la ligne de pensée précédente, avec la seconde on
passe à la dénonciation du despotisme.
La sottise, évidente ou cachée, n'est pas le seul défaut de l'âne enre
gistré par des adages antiques. L'animal, s'il fallait en croire 16, serait
querelleur, ami de la bagarre, rixosus, mais comme le montre Henri
Estienne (note de LB) Erasme a mal interprété «Il y aura procès même
si c'est un âne qui a mordu un chien». L'âne serait symbole d'avarice
178 J. CHOMARAT

selon 39 «L'âne du tenancier de bains», c'est-à-dire celui qui ne profite

pas de son travail, «comme le riche, avare et sordide, qui, tout couvert
de richesses, n'en tire pourtant aucune jouissance»; à vrai dire on aurait
plutôt vu dans cet âne qui travaille sans cesse sans jamais jouir de la vie
l'image de l'esclave, du travailleur exploité par son maître; mais Erasme
n'est ici que l'écho de Plutarque. D'après 28 «La mâchoire de l'âne»
celui-ci aurait été goinfre; selon Erasme cette passion de dévorer se
déduit non seulement d'Horace et d'Hésychius citant Eupolis, mais peut-
être aussi de Juges XV, 15 (Samson); c'est le seul renvoi à la Bible dans
tous ces adages. De sens voisin 21, «L'âne affamé ne fait pas attention
aux coups de bâton», «s'applique à ceux qui pour leur ventre ou pour
le profit supportent n'importe quel outrage»; Aristote l'utilise dans son
analyse du courage: il ne suffit pas, pour être courageux, de savoir sup
porter les coups, car à ce compte l'âne le serait au plus haut point. Enfin
40 «Celle qui avance sur un âne» associe l'âne à l'impudicité car à
Cumes la femme adultère était conduite sur un âne à travers toute la
ville; Erasme commente: «Il faut noter combien a décru la sévérité des
lois. Chez les Hébreux la femme adultère était lapidée. A Rome la loi
Julia la menaçait autrefois. A Cumes le pire déshonneur tenait lieu de
châtiment. Aujourd'hui chez les chrétiens l'adultère est un jeu, bien que
le mariage soit pour eux un sacrement. Que reste-t-il, sinon à décréter
une récompense pour ceux qui ont souillé les épouses de beaucoup
d'autres. Jadis les impures profanées étaient ensevelies vivantes.9
Aujourd'hui violer une vierge consacrée au Christ est de la piété.»
Rien ne sera donc épargné à l'âne? pourtant un changement de pers
pective serait permis par 45, «L'âne est beau pour l'âne, le cochon pour
le cochon»; Erasme l'interprète de façon péjorative comme dénonçant la
dépravation du jugement: «Il conviendra lorsqu'entre gens malhonnêtes
la ressemblance des moeurs et du mode de vie fait naître des dispositions
favorables, ainsi du soldat envers le soldat, du joueur envers le joueur,
du buveur envers le buveur, du sophiste envers le sophiste» (ces
sophistes sont les professeurs de dialectique, de théologie ou matéologie
comme dit Annot. 1 Tim. 1, 6). Mais on pourrait en tirer une leçon de
relativisme, comme fait la table systématique à la fin de l'ouvrage
puisqu'elle classe cet adage sous la rubrique Alia aliis placent (Des
goûts et des couleurs on ne dispute point) à côté de Quoi homines, tot
sententiae (autant d'hommes, autant d'avis) et de Suum cuique pulchrum

9 Les vestales (Tite-Live 8, 15, 8).

 L'ANE CHEZ ERASME, PASSERAT, HEINSIUS 179

(chacun trouve beau ce qui est sien).10 Cela ne suffit pas pour voir là un
tournant dans l'ensemble des adages qui ont l'âne pour pitoyable héros. Il
en est pourtant quelques-uns qui, sans effacer la sottise, suggèrent plutôt
pitié que raillerie méprisante. Certains mettent en lumière l'innocence
qu'il y a dans la stupidité de l'âne, face à l'astuce méchante d'autres ani
maux: 9 «L'âne au milieu des singes», «quand on tombe sur des gens
railleurs et injurieux, en étant soi-même stupide, et qu'ils se moquent
de vous impunément»; 10 «L'âne au milieu des abeilles» est pire:
«lorsqu'on tombe par malchance sur des gens malhonnêtes et brutaux».
Un pas de plus et on hésite: vertu ou vice? 15 «Frotte en échange qui
te frotte», c'est-à-dire, «rendre service à qui vous rend service, payer un
bienfait par un bienfait; selon Suidas cela vient des ânes qui se mor
dillent réciproquement et on peut le dire dans les deux sens, de ceux qui
s 'entraident par des services mutuels ou qui se nuisent par des outrages
mutuels»; donc rancune ou gratitude; mais on peut aussi comprendre:
échange de flatteries comme Moria (Miller 130, 92), parlant il est vrai
non point d'ânes, mais de mulets. Même incertitude avec 26 «L'âne est
arrosé par la pluie», «se dit de ceux qui ne sont absolument pas émus
par les injures. De même que l'âne en raison de sa peau dure est peu
incommodé par la pluie et ne sent même qu'à peine les coups de bâton» ;
ce qui pouvait être compris comme impassibilité stoïcienne et sagesse
(ainsi chez Heinsius) ne serait donc qu'insensibilité? On est tenté de se
faire avocat quand on voit méprisé à un tel point ce malheureux animal.
Encore en 42 ce qui commençait comme un éloge s'achève en critique:
Aristote (Eth. Nic. X, 5, 8) développant la même idée relativiste que 45
affirme: «tous ne prennent pas plaisir aux mêmes choses, certaines plai
sent au chien, d'autres au cheval, d'autres à l'homme», puis il cite Hera
clite: «L'âne préfère la litière à l'or»; «en ceci, commente Erasme, les
ânes sont plus sages que les hommes. Car ils estiment les choses d'après
leur utilité, tandis que nous fixons arbitrairement des prix élevés pour
certaines inutiles et même nuisibles»; mais Erasme mentionne le coq
qui avait préféré un grain de blé à une perle et ajoute: «ainsi ceux qui
sont esclaves de leur ventre préfèrent le plaisir de boire et de s'enivrer à
toutes les disciplines libérales»; sagesse ou bassesse? On flotte entre les
deux interprétations.
Il faut faire un sort à 36 car c'est le seul adage où l'âne confronté à un
autre animal, en l'occurrence le boeuf, a le dernier mot malgré son sort

10 LB II Index proverbiorum iuxta locos, colonne 25.

180 J. CHOMARAT

tragique: «Tout cela te revient, Blanquet»; se dit de ceux qui à peine un

travail achevé doivent en effectuer un autre sans avoir le temps de respirer
car après le labour il faut rapporter les instruments au logis; le boeuf a
refusé de partager la charge avec l'âne qui, plus faible, ploie sous le
fardeau et ne tarde pas à défaillir; mais avant de succomber il a le temps
de dire au boeuf la phrase ci-dessus; et le boeuf devra tout porter avec
de plus la peau de l'âne."
Est-ce tout? l'âne figure dans plusieurs autres adages, mais il n'en est
plus le «héros»: «Chercher de la laine sur un âne» (7) ou «Tondre un
âne» (8) c'est sottement chercher ce qui n'existe nulle part ou entre
prendre quelque chose d'absurde et d'inutile. La sottise n'est plus ici le
fait de l'âne. Pas davantage en 27 «Ne lave pas la tête d'un âne avec du
nitre» c'est-à-dire «ne dépense pas de l'argent ou des efforts à une tâche
vile et sordide». Ni en 32 «(Prendre) un âne pour un oiseau» (Aristoph.
Av.): quelqu'un près d'un malade, voyant un âne se relever de sa chute,
interpréta cela comme un présage annonçant la guérison. Ou en 29 «Tu
donnes de la paille au chien, des os à l'âne» évoque une distribution
à l'envers (praepostere, terme cher à Erasme). «Comme si on envoyait
à un ignorant un cadeau fait pour un lettré, à un savant des fleurettes
ou une épée ou un baudrier, à un soldat un livre, à un évêque des chiens
de chasse. Car ces cadeaux sont désagréables précisément parce qu'ils
sont inadaptés. Quelquefois ils se changent en affront»; Erasme ne
donne aucune source directe ou indirecte. Curieusement 19 qui com
mence sur un ton tout différent s'achève aussi en satire: «L'âne a trouvé
sa paille»; «se dit lorsque quelqu'un est comblé par la fortune au-delà
de ses espérances ou obtient par hasard ce qui fait ses plus grandes
délices; ainsi quand on voit un amateur d'huîtres s'en régaler à satiété,
il sera à propos de dire: l'âne a trouvé sa paille (Athénée). Ce sera plus
plaisant si on l'emploie par métaphore, mettons si quelqu'un lit avide
ment un Poète dont il fait ses plus chères délices. Il sera approprié
encore si quelqu'un par ignorance salit quelque chose, par exemple si un
barbare illettré salit de mauvais commentaires un bon auteur; c'est ainsi
que Thomas et Nicolas ont souillé de leurs gloses, Passavant de ses addi
tions également niaises le grand livre La Cité de Dieu. En effet l'âne
aime se rouler sur le sol et met le désordre par son dérèglement. C'est
aussi ce qu'indique Apulée, quand il écrit qu'à force de s'y rouler l'âne
a détruit toutes les planches d'un jardin. Tout le monde voit bien que

11 «Blanquet» pour Хеларуе qu'Erasme interprète comme épithète du boeuf.

 L'ANE CHEZ ERASME, PASSERAT, HEINSIUS 181

l'adage est né d'un fait réel.» On a traduit presque tout le texte, tant il
est révélateur du penchant d'Erasme à la critique: ceux qu'il vise sont
Thomas d'Aquin, Nicolas de Lyre que plus d'une fois il réfute ou raille
dans ses Annotations au Nouveau Testament; et Passavanti, un Domini
cain florentin du XIVe siècle dont Erasme écrit à Budé qu'avec Hugues
de Saint-Cher et les auteurs de Sommes ils le stimulent pour écrire.12
Pour conclure: rien dans ces Adages ne montre qu'Erasme ait observé
un âne vivant. Ils n'en sont pas moins personnels, mais l'expérience
se lit dans les exemples de sottise, de faux savoir et de fausse piété;
ensemble ils constituent une sorte d'annexe au tableau que propose
l' Eloge de la Folie.

Parmi les 20 divertissements destinés à un public scolaire, intitulés

Argumentorum, etc, deux sont dus à Jean Passerat (1534-1602), poète
latin et français, professeur au Collège royal dès 1572, commentateur
de Plaute, Catulle, Salluste, Cicéron, Virgile, Tibulle, Properce, Ovide;
l'un est un poème en 70 hexamètres intitulé Nihil, l'autre est VEncomium
asini, «Eloge de l'âne»; c'est une leçon inaugurale humoristique, de date
inconnue, déjà parue en 1606 dans un recueil d'Orationes et Praefationes
où elle occupe la seconde place après une In Plauti Prolegomena Oratio
et avant cinq autres Praefationes à des comédies du même Plaute.
Après son cours sur Amphitryon l'orateur va maintenant expliquer
VAsinaria; les comédies de Plaute ayant toujours été reçues très favora
blement, il n'est nul besoin d'une captatio benevolentiae, mais l'orateur
craint qu'en passant de la première pièce, «grave tragicomédie» avec
pour personnages des dieux et des rois, à celle-ci il ne soit raillé pour
être passé «des chevaux aux ânes» (Adage 13 ci-dessus); il entreprend
donc de se justifier en réfutant l'adage, en montrant l'injustice de la
mauvaise réputation faite aux ânes.
Pourquoi placer l'âne au-dessous du cheval? pour sa lenteur? mais il
y a des ânes très rapides en Orient selon Elien et Xénophon.11 Sa faiblesse?

12 Allen n° 531, II, 463, 150-153, à Budé, 15 fév. 1517: «Toi, Pline, Hermolao, Politien
t'aiguillonnent pour écrire. Moi, ce qui m'encourage ce sont les Passavant, les Hugues,
les auteurs de Sommes; car devant les premiers je suis plus que muet, mais chez ces ultra
barbares j'ose tant bien que mal faire entendre ma voix comme une alouette.»
13 Elien Nat. Anim. 12, 34, 25: les Saracoroi emploient les ânes pour la guerre; on n'a
rien su trouver chez Xénophon. Peut-être s'agit-il de références illusoires; cf. note 18.
182 J. CHOMARAT

mais les ânes engendrent les mulets, faute desquels (entre autres graves
inconvénients pour les humains) les médecins iraient à pied chez leurs
malades. Ils sont inaptes à la guerre, à la différence des chevaux? «Mais
j'accepte volontiers qu'on dise cela, que les chevaux contribuent gran
dement à la perte des hommes, tandis que les ânes servent seulement
à leur salut, à la pratique et au maintien des arts de la paix»;14 ce sont
les chevaux qui ont toutes sortes de défauts: refractarios, succussatores,
umbram metuentes, mordaces, sternaces, calcitrones. Ce sont des ânes,
non des chevaux qui portent les objets du culte de la Grande Mère,
Cybèle, Isis ou Cérès (cf 17); ils sont la monture de Silène; à la fête des
Consualia Neptune les honore autant que les chevaux.
Puis l'orateur énumère tous les services rendus par l'âne dans la
production du blé et de la farine. Il loue son endurance, sa frugalité
d'où vient sa longévité car il est rarement malade à la différence des
gastronomes, Apicius et autres, — à moins qu'on ne veuille voir de la
gourmandise chez l'âne mangeant des figues, spectacle qui fit mourir de
rire l'auteur comique Philémon.15 La reine des vertus, la justice, brille
chez l'âne qui ne vole jamais le fourrage d'autrui, est toujours serviable,
jamais nuisible. Il est fidèle à son maître; donc nul besoin de le sur
veiller ou de l'emprisonner, comme le cheval, qui ne songe alors qu'à
s'évader ainsi que le dépeint Ennius.16 Il aime ses enfants, les sauve de
l'incendie, l'ânesse n'abandonne jamais un nouveau-né, à la différence
des femmes qui font même pire parfois.17
Autres adages, autres griefs: «l'âne à la lyre», «l'âne à la flûte»
(Erasme 5 et 34). Ici la réfutation est sophistiquée: l'orateur néglige
d'abord le sens figuré, le sens vrai, et s'en tient à la lettre: quel mal y
a-t-il à ne pas aimer la lyre? beaucoup de grands hommes lui ont été
réfractaires, comme Thémistocle, Héraclès qui tua Linos, son professeur
de musique.18 Quant à la flûte, d'une part on en fait de très bonnes avec
des os d'ânes, d'autre part Minerve lui était hostile selon Properce.19

14 P. 271 «Facile hoc dici patior, equos ad hominum perniciem plurimum, asinos nihil
conferre nisi ad salutem, et ad pacis artes recolendas atque retinendas.»
15 Valère-Maxime 9, 12, 6 ext.; Diogène Laërce 7, 7, 7 (185) fait de Chrysippe le
héros de cette mort par le rire: Heinsius y fait allusion p. 33.
16 D'après Macrobe Saturn. 6, 3, 7, traduction latine d'Hom. Iliade 6, 506-51 1 où est
décrit un cheval évadé de l'écurie. Virgile a traduit ce passage dans Enéide 11, 492-7.
17 Pline Nat. 8, 169. Pire chez les femmes: l'infanticide.
18 Non pas Thémistocle et la lyre, mais Alcibiade et la flûte (Plut. Alc. 2, 5, 192 e).
Confusion volontaire? — Hercule et Linos: Elien Var. Hist. 3, 32.
19 Properce 2, 30, 17-18 (avec natauit au lieu de natasti ): «jetée, (la flûte) flotta sur
les flots du Méandre alors qu'une bouffissure enlaidissait le visage de Pallas».
 L'ANE CHEZ ERASME, PASSERAT, HEINSIUS 1 83

En second lieu si on interprète ces adages comme signifiant que l'âne a

l'esprit lent et épais, on se trompe, il a été le condisciple d'Origène et de
Porphyrion, les plus savants des hommes.20 Quant à l'ignorance, n'est-ce
pas des ânes qui ont enseigné par l'exemple aux vignerons l'art de tailler
la vigne? c'est pourquoi Liber les a reçus dans sa clientèle. On les offre
en sacrifice à Apollon, non qu'il les détesterait, au contraire: «Les dieux
aiment beaucoup l'âne». Il fournit des présages et l'orateur cite l'adage
32 «L'âne oiseau» en feignant d'ignorer qu'il est ironique.
L'âne a de grandes oreilles. Pas plus grandes que celles du lièvre. On
loue certains peuples de leurs grandes oreilles; tout le monde voudrait
avoir de grandes oreilles21 car elles donnent à l'âne meilleure ouïe qu'à
tout autre animal. Vient une interprétation des oreilles du roi Midas (4):
grâce aux renseignements obtenus il régla si sagement ses affaires que
«son royaume fut le plus florissant et le plus heureux»; d'où d'autres
composantes du mythe: tout ce qu'il touchait devenait or.
Peut-on reprocher à l'âne sa voix «rauque et âpre»? Il ne faut pas
oublier que lors de la Gigantomachie c'est le braiment de l'âne de Silène
qui mit en fuite les Titans;22 Jupiter lui doit plus qu'à son égide et à sa
foudre; aussi plaça-t-il l'âne parmi les constellations. Donc être appelé
«âne» n'a rien d'infamant comme le montrent l'exemple de Cléanthe
qui y vit un éloge23 et celui de grandes familles romaines les Asellii,
les Aselliones, etc. L'orateur remercie l'auditoire de l'avoir écouté avec
bienveillance, mais rien d'étonnant sur un tel sujet, puisque déjà le
prince des orateurs, Démosthène, avait reconquis l'attention des Athé
niens grâce à «l'ombre d'un âne» (1). Mais assez parlé. Nous avons
traité le sujet «sans art, ni ornement comme le demandait la vérité qui
aime le style simple». Si un autre veut le reprendre pour y mettre
parures et frisures, je le lui laisse volontiers. Je me contente d'avoir
préludé à l'explication de la pièce de Plaute.
Ce bref discours est une réussite par sa construction adroite, son uti
lisation ingénieuse de l'érudition vraie ou truquée, son art du raisonne
ment captieux et son ingénuité feinte. Est-il plus qu'une récréation?

20 Origène et Porphyrion n'ont pu être condisciples. Alors surnoms de contemporains?

Porphyrion est sans doute Denys Lambin (1520-1572) commentateur d'Horace; Origène,
Ramus (1515-1572) maladivement chaste (Bayle Dict. hist, crit., art. Ramus, note K, 43).
L'âne pourrait être un autre professeur royal («condisciple»!), Passerat lui-même?
21 «Auriculas asini quis sanus nolit habere, déformation présentée comme telle de
Auriculas asini quis non habet?» (Perse, le tenebricosus satvricus, 1, 121).
22 Hygin Astr. 2, 23 (Teubner, 1. 976-983).
23 Diog. Laert. 7, 5, 4, 170.
184 J. CHOMARAT

Passerat exprime fortement son amour de la paix. Y a-t-il une pensée

plus hardie dans: «les dieux aiment beaucoup l'âne» (diis asinus caris-
simus est)! Peut-on la transposer à l'époque de Passerat, y voir une
pointe contre les dévots fanatiques qui se font immoler? il y a des raille
ries de ce genre chez Dolet.24 Et on ne peut oublier que Passerat fut le
principal auteur de la Satyre Ménippée, pamphlet contre la Ligue dans
lequel l'âne joue un rôle.25

Daniel Heinsius (1580-1655), poète, philologue, historien, théologien

protestant, a écrit un «Eloge de l'âne dans lequel outre les mérites et
les particularités naturelles de cet animal se trouvent répandues non
seulement quelques réflexions politiques, mais encore plusieurs autres
observations d'une érudition variée. Dédié au Sénat et au peuple de ceux
qui, parfaits ignorants, dédaignent aujourd'hui les sciences et les lettres».
A la fin il explique la genèse de l'œuvre: «Je me souviens que jadis,
comme je dépassais les premiers rudiments des lettres sous l'autorité de
professeurs, chaque fois que j'avais écrit gauchement un poème ou un
discours ou que j'avais mal compris ce qu'on me disait, à ma grande
douleur ils m'appelaient âne. Ce mot, affreux par lui-même, pénétrait
alors dans mon âme plus désagréablement qu'on ne peut dire. Jusqu'au
moment où je commençai à regarder avec soin les affaires humaines,
à comparer entre elles les histoires grecque et romaine, contemporaine
et antique un peu autrement que ne font les pédagogues, et à noter non
point comme d'autres les antiquités ou les mots obscurs, mais les mys
tères et les secrets du pouvoir chez les plus grands auteurs et à en juger.
Alors j'ai facilement compris que je n'avais aucune raison pour refuser
d'être ce que sont ou furent tant de personnages, quelquefois de haut
rang, et des peuples tout entiers, et ce que sont, sans parler des autres,
tant de gens que je voyais placés au-dessus de tout le monde. J'ai aussi
jugé bon d'exprimer dans cet écrit l'amour et l'admiration que j'ai
toujours eus pour mon client à qui plus d'un rend un culte, mais que
beaucoup osent accuser» (pp. 191-2). La Préface adressée «au lecteur
amical» n'a pas la même ironie: «Je n'ai pas eu d'autre dessein que de

24 Dialogus de Imitatione Ciceroniana, réédition due à Emile V. Telle (Genève, Droz,

1974) p. 6, 1. 23-4: «(Les autres) me font rire par leur sottise, car avec un ridicule entê
tement et une intolérable obstination ils se mettent eux-mêmes dans un péril mortel.»
25 Regret funèbre sur le trépas de l'âne ligueur (Gilles Durand); Un pauvre asnier.
 L'ANE CHEZ ERASME, PASSERAT, HEINSIUS 1 85

venger les âmes avides d'apprendre et prétendant à la littérature du

mépris de tous ceux qui avec la plus grande liberté insultent non seule
ment ces hommes, mais aussi, à cause d'eux, la culture (еruditions) et les
sciences. Et comme on juge en général cet animal né pour la servitude,
j'ai aussi introduit çà et là des digressions en faveur de la liberté que la
nature recommande à tous, en saisissant les occasions qu'offraient notre
temps ou mon très ingénu client. »(f° *3).
Donc cet éloge est une réflexion sur l'histoire; Heinsius a voulu faire
la satire de l'ignorance, mais aussi des fausses grandeurs sociales et de
la servitude consentie, louer la liberté et la culture qui sont liées.
L'œuvre est difficile à lire à cause des fautes du texte26, de la complexité
du style, de la surabondance d'une érudition variée qui rend plus d'une
allusion obscure et du désordre de la construction que Heinsius confesse:
«Dans cet écrit, sauf erreur, j'ai imité celui que je loue. Car, de même
que lui sans plan fixé ni ordre quelconque, quand il rencontre des
chardons surtout ou une moisson, si l'on en croit Homère,27 s'égare
volontiers et s'éloigne du chemin, de même moi à ma fantaisie j'ai fait
des digressions vers les inepties des hommes et les homonymes de
l'âne»(p. 192).
Le discours commence par rappeler les moyens étranges utilisés par
certains orateurs pour captiver leur auditoire; ainsi Yasini umbra par
Démosthène. Etymologies d'asinus et d'ovoç. Zoologie, puis psychologie
de l'âne: courage, Ingenium, ténacité, alors que le cheval est calcitro,
cespitator, strigosus, succussor. Rôle des ânes chez les humains: sou
verains (Midas); philosophes, poètes: Polémon (cf. note 14); ânes qui
parlent, qui écrivent, ânes-juges, etc; bien des hommes instruits sont
écartés des hautes fonctions occupées par d'autres qui n'ont que l'appa
rence du savoir et de la raison (pp. 1-35).
A un jeune homme qui s'en plaignait l'auteur a répondu: les privi
lèges des chevaux sont anciens et connus, ceux des ânes indéterminés,
nullement fixés par la loi, donc immenses et presque infinis; partout on
trouve des ânes, même au ciel (constellation), dans la mer et aux Enfers;
que faire sinon venir grossir leur nombre ou bien supporter courageuse
ment cette situation, armé de la sagesse stoïcienne; car «de même que
dans la cité les individus passent, mais la République est éternelle, de
même des ânes sont enterrés chaque jour, mais la race demeure et
26 A la liste des mendae typographicae (fin de la Préface) ajoutons: p. 95 esca (au lieu
de recta); p. 112 texam (textam); p. 172 oleo (adeo), etc.
27 Iliade 11,560.
1 86 J. CHOMARAT

demeurera à jamais. Chaque âge, chaque héros, Platon, Aristote et avant

eux Socrate ont eu les leurs»; Homère, Pindare, Simonide, Virgile
aussi; aujourd'hui dans quelques Universités la corruption et l'or font
couronner les mauvais et éliminer les meilleurs. Si les souverains écar
tent les conseillers les plus intelligents c'est peut-être, selon Thucydide,
politicorum maximus (p.41), parce que ceux-ci sont trop prompts aux
innovations, tandis que ceux d'esprit plus lent savent mieux freiner le
cours des choses (moderandis rebus). La meilleure constitution politique
est celle qui fait une place aux ânes, comme celle des Athéniens, ainsi
qu'on voit chez Aristophane. Ceux qui ne savent pas supporter ces ânes
sont encore plus ânes qu'eux «car ils sont étrangers dans la ville où ils
doivent passer toute leur vie»; c'est la faute des parents qui ne leur ont
pas appris à vivre; on leur enseigne grammaire et autres disciplines,
mais non le nécessaire: La vertu est sa propre récompense. — elle est
LE BUT DE L'HOMME DE BIEN. Il N'Y A PAS DE GRAND NOM QUI NE SOIT
jalousé. — Les ânes sont parfois préférés à tous les autres. — Il
peut se faire qu'ils détiennent le pouvoir souverain. — partout on
RENCONTRE L ANIMAL ÂNE. (pp. 35-44).
De l'âne-ignorance on passe à l 'âne-servitude agréée; exemples divers
en Grèce (pp. 44-56). Puis c'est une violente critique du Haut-Empire
romain: servitude imposée par Jules César, divinisé après sa mort: «Sa
liberté éteinte, le Peuple Romain, jadis la tête du monde, prit spontané
ment ce qui est le plus à l'opposé d'une tête, les vertus et la forme d'un
âne, soit par un mouvement fatal de l'histoire et surtout des empires, soit
par la colère de Dieu» (pp. 58-59). «Si César avait vu le premier une
comète sur un mur ou des boeufs dans le ciel ou des ânes volants, aussitôt
le peuple romain aurait donné son assentiment avec une interprétation
servile et ridicule. Car la servitude est un état sans raison ni conscience
(bruta ас sine sensu) qu'on pourrait appeler léthargique. Et j'ai l'inten
tion ferme et arrêtée, si le jour fatal et suprême ne s'oppose pas à cette
tâche, de réserver pour ma vieillesse une œuvre unique dans laquelle
mon dessein est de représenter non point les métamorphoses ineptes
chantées par les poètes, mais celles, illustres et insignes, des Répu
bliques avec leurs causes et surtout comment Sparte et Athènes, puis les
Romains, auxquels on doit ici la première place, firent de l'homme un
animal» (p. 60). C'est ensuite Auguste; proche de la mort il demanda
s'il avait bien joué la comédie, mais nul n'eut l'à-propos de lui répondre
sur le même ton. «Avec la liberté ils avaient perdu son principal fruit,
la gaîté (festivitas)» (p. 63). Tibère laisse au sénat le soin de débattre du
 L'ANE CHEZ ERASME, PASSERAT, HEINSIUS 187

lieu de naissance de Diane et d'Apollon, «tant sont rares partout ceux

qui savent que la superstition est pour les ignorants une religion, pour les
autres un instrument de pouvoir. Et comme ils étaient tels, ils ne com
prenaient même pas que seuls à cette époque étaient heureux ceux qui
étaient ou paraissaient des ânes: le plus profond secret sous les tyrans.
Et surtout sous celui-ci, dont nul n'évitait les pièges, à moins de ne pas
les comprendre, ou, ce qui s'en rapproche le plus, d'en avoir l'air; sous
qui personne ne s'élevait, à moins d'être caché derrière l'apparence
d'un âne. Car la plupart des autres ou bien étaient fougueux et obstinés
ou bien, ce qui n'était pas moins mortel, flattaient ouvertement» (p. 70).
«Car pendant le règne de Tibère, ceux qu'entourait la réputation d'une
extrême vertu ou perversité, ainsi que les gens illustres et opulents,
étaient aussitôt atteints par le poignard de Sa Majesté.28 Quant à ceux qui
étaient plus prudents, comme la réputation de renard n'était pas utile
sous un prince aussi rusé, c'est celle d'âne qui conférait les dignités
(ce que même l'écrivain florentin n'a pas noté29). Armés d'elle seule
contre les délateurs et la malveillance, ils prenaient congé librement dans
leur vieillesse »(p. 71).30 Puis défilent les règnes de Caligula, Claude,
Néron: «Il n'y a rien de léger ou de menu dans la servitude: une fois
éteinte la liberté, elle n'admet jamais rien de modéré» (p. 75). Virgile,
Ovide, Horace ont loué les tyrans; Lucain, Martial, Sénèque louent la
liberté et flattent les tyrans; les poètes modernes (Naugerius, Flaminius,
Sannazar, Pontano, Bembo, Vida, Fracastor, Cotta) ne s'occupent que des
mots; sous l'Empire on ne pouvait écrire qu'avec obscurité et ambiguïté;
il fallait être non âne, mais renard. La nourrice des jumeaux31 devait être
une ânesse plutôt qu'une louve; l'âne était consacré à Mars; aux fêtes des
Consualia et des Vestalia on honorait les ânes (pp. 76-95). Il n'est pas dit,
mais on comprend que la satire des Romains vise aussi ceux d'aujourd'hui.
Certains d'entre eux attaquent «par des écrits vénéneux, par des cha
riots d'insultes Vénitiens et Bataves qui sont en notre temps les plus
attachés à la liberté» (pp. 96-97). Les écrivains vénitiens ne cessent de
se moquer des peuples passivement esclaves, avant tout des Enéades,
leurs parents, qui depuis plus de 1600 ans n'ont connu la liberté que dans

28 La Majesté n'est plus celle du peuple romain, mais de l'empereur avec ses sicaires.
29 Machiavel dans ses Discours sur la le décade de Tite-Live; cf. p. 78 manchette.
30 Sponte ac senes discedebant «ils quittaient la vie (se suicidaient) dans leur vieillesse
de leur propre mouvement», non sur ordre et dans la force de l'âge.
31 Si les jumeaux Romulus et Rémus ont eu une ânesse pour nourrice, cela expliquerait
que les Romains, descendants de Romulus, aient eu une âme d'ânes, c'est-à-dire d'esclaves.
188 J. CHOMARAT

l'œuvre de Tite-Live. Heinsius trace un parallèle entre l'histoire de Rome,

une décadence, et celle de Venise, restée immuablement libre grâce à sa
constitution mixte. Les Vénitiens ont les premiers fait renaître les lettres
(pp. 100-1). Sur les Bataves Heinsius réfute l'adage «oreille batave» dû à
un Espagnol32; il loue l'Université, l'attachement des Bataves à la liberté;
leur lenteur a des modèles antiques; d'ailleurs «II n'y a aucune nation,
aujourd'hui ou jadis, qui ne reproche aux autres de la stupidité, ou, ce
qu'on veut synonyme, quelque chose d'asinien dans sa vie ou sa menta
lité. On sait ce qu'aujourd'hui les Français pensent des Belges et ceux-ci
de ceux-là, etc.» (p. 105). Il y a quelques années Heinsius fut amené, au
cours d'un voyage, à faire l'éloge des Belges, il rapporte avec de longues
citations, une discussion sur Espagnols et Flamands où il est question du
Nouveau Monde, du duc d'Albe et de la guerre (pp. 107-18). Il parle
ensuite d'Henri le Grand assassiné, de la France, de l'Allemagne, et
dresse un tableau de la situation politique internationale.33
Retour au sujet: «tout ce que la nature a refusé aux autres espèces,
elle semble l'avoir accordé comme une bonne mère à l'âne seul». Il est
pour l'homme un trésor: son crâne, sa rate, ses reins, ses excréments,
sa viande aimée par Mécène, son esprit, voisin de celui de l'homme; son
nom grec a servi à former celui de certaines plantes (mais les modernes
ignorent le grec à l'exception de Scaliger;34 des Italiens Filelfe, Beroalde,
Barbaro; des Français Alciat, Cujas, Budé, Lefèvre, Rondelet, Fernel;
des Germains Erasme, Reuchlin). Il y a des unions sexuelles fécondes
entre homme et ânesse, à preuve certains auteurs contemporains issus
de telles unions! (pp. 120ter-139). Puis l'âne chez les Hébreux (Bible et
Cabale), dans l'histoire religieuse, chrétienne ou antique, chez les anciens
Romains qui le préféraient à tous les animaux. Suite désordonnée de par
ticularités de l'âne d'après les auteurs anciens (pp. 139-54). Enumération
d'adages où figure l'âne (la plupart sont déjà chez Erasme, nos 3738,
443, 3047, 335, 1104, 442, 441, 612, 2414, 335, 2159, 379, 2441, 252,
2239, 3636, 1648, 266, 2055), d'autres non, comme Asinus immittit
caput (cf. 2), Piger ultra asinum, Vultum circumferre asini, Malo asino
invehitur cités sans être expliqués (pp. 155-6). Anecdotes sur l'âne,
erreurs commises à son sujet par des grammairiens, des traducteurs de la
Bible; l'alphabet hébraïque; Cadmus arrivant en Grèce a-t-il rencontré
d'abord un âne ou un bœuf? Noms de familles romaines tirés de celui

32 Martial 6, 82, 4; c'est l'adage 3535 d'Erasme (LB II 1083 F).

33 Il y a erreur de pagination, se suivent: 1 18, 1 19, 120, 1 19, 120, 121, 120, 123.
34 Quel Scaliger? plutôt Jules-César d'après les dates des autres personnages cités.
 L'ANE CHEZ ERASME, PASSERAT, HEINSIUS 1 89

de l'âne. Noms de l'âne en grec. Questions posées aux grammairiens,

théologiens, médecins, légisconsultes, astrologues, philosophes de la
nature et critiques (pp. 1 57-79). 35
La sagesse de l'âne est supérieure à celle de beaucoup d'hommes. Il
ignore les passions et supporte la douleur comme les stoïciens. Il sait
que le sage, même sous la torture, est parfaitement heureux. Il pratique
le «Nil admirari», «lui que ni tableaux peints avec art, ni élégance d'un
mot ou d'un geste, ni gravité dans le discours ou majesté dans le poème
ou sublimité dans l'esprit n'émeuvent ou n'entraînent. Toutefois c'est le
seul point où il ait aujourd'hui de nombreux confrères». On dit que le
sage n'a pas d'opinion.36 L'âne n'a jamais d'opinion. Surtout quand il
reçoit des coups. Mais porter des fardeaux, recevoir des coups, être tiré,
l'âne sait (c'est le premier et le plus utile précepte du Portique) que cela
fait partie des choses qui ne sont pas en notre pouvoir et qu'il faut
supporter jusqu'au bout. A moins qu'en ce qui concerne les passions,
l'âne ne soit plus proche d'Aristote qui estime que plusieurs d'entre elles
sont la matière ou l'anse de la vertu; donc il faut les diriger vers celle-ci,
et non les retrancher; certaines sont bonnes par elles-mêmes et naturelles,
comme l'amour de ses enfants, si généreux chez notre héros que lorsque
les siens sont pris dans un incendie il va les y chercher.37 Il ignore la
colère. Il est courageux autant que cela est nécessaire. Il est toujours
doux, d'humeur égale. Contre la colère il est le meilleur précepteur.
A Rome, au temps de nos pères, des gens de cour instituèrent des col
lèges dans lesquels ils échangeaient insultes et reproches avec cette règle
que le premier à se mettre en colère serait puni. «Il n'y a rien de plus
grand et de plus difficile que de maîtriser les passions de l'âme et ses
premiers mouvements, auxquels souvent succombent de grands person
nages; aucun ne surpasse l'âne à qui sa vertu et la nature ont accordé
cette prérogative. Au même précepteur je voudrais qu'on renvoie aussi
les Sophistes de n'importe quelle secte38 dont tous les gens modérés,
même parmi ceux-là, détestent les malédictions, les outrages et les
calomnies. Quiconque est si peu que ce soit en désaccord avec eux,
même s'il est au-dessus de tout éloge et de toute critique, ne peut éviter
d'être traité de putassier, ivrogne, bouffon, nullité et surtout, même s'il
les surpasse de beaucoup en savoir, d'incompétent en théologie. Comme

35 Les «critiques» sont les philologues qui établissent le texte des auteurs anciens.
36 «Le sage n'a pas d'opinion»: Cic. Mur. 62.
37 Pline Nat. 8, 169 qu' Erasme utilise Ad. 2601 Scarabeus aquilam quaerit (LB 881 A).
38 Les théologiens de toutes tendances chrétiennes, protestants ou catholiques.
190 J. CHOMARAT

si c'était un art libéral ou une partie de la discipline céleste d'insulter

ou comme si l'infamie retombait sur d'autres que sur eux-mêmes»
(pp. 180-2). L'âne «ignore toute compétition, toute rivalité même
scolaire». Pourtant «il n'y a rien queje souhaiterais moins, si l'occasion
s'en présentait, que d'être mis aux prises avec un âne» car sa simple vue
lui gagnerait l'auditoire, puisque son ombre déjà a suffi! «Il ne s'attache
pas aux hérésies et ne les répand pas. Il ne recommande la paix à per
sonne, mais la respecte. Même esclave, il n'envie à personne sa liberté;
même malheureux, à personne sa félicité, contrairement à l'usage des
hommes» qui souvent, prisonniers, aident à faire d'autres prisonniers,
«tant pour la plupart il n'y a rien de plus plaisant dans l'esclavage que
d'être esclave avec d'autres» (pp. 183-4). «De même que le fondement
du stoïcisme est Г apathie (absence de passions), de même celui du
cynisme, qui imite le plus la nature, c'est, croit-on, V adiaphorie (indif
férence: vertu de celui qui se contente indifféremment de n'importe
quoi) dont les signes sont: coucher sur le sol, errer sans domicile fixe ni
foyer, pratiquer l'amour au grand jour et d'autres conduites de ce genre
qu'un Chien généreux, croit-on, inventa parmi les hommes. Je ne vois
pas pourquoi l'âne en serait incapable. Le blé, le chardon, l'orge, le son
ou toutes ces choses minables équivalent bien aux lentilles de l'autre.
Quant à la main avec laquelle, sa coupe rejetée, celui-ci apprit à puiser
l'eau, nous n'en faisons aucun cas; car notre client est plus économe: sa
bouche lui suffit pour faire passer dans son estomac l'eau pure, coulant
comme elle est sortie de sa mère.»39 (p. 185). L'âne l'emporte sur les
cyniques en ce qu'il n'a qu'une peau dont il ne change pas; il n'a pas de
cortège de disciples; il n'a pas besoin de tonneau pour dormir. Les
cyniques sont dépourvus de pudeur, tandis que les ânesses sur le point
d'accoucher se cachent. L'âne n'a ni inquiétude ni souci: c'est la tran
quillité d'âme d'Epicure, la гЬгахбз de Démocrite.40 Sa pureté d'âme est
attestée par ses rêves agités où il remue ses pattes41, mais ce n'est pas
pour scander des vers; c'est parce qu'il rêve de l'ombre d'un âne. Celle-ci
aujourd'hui excite et occupe l'Europe entière; «de là tant de controverses
sur des choses de rien, tant de niaiseries qui souvent croissent et se

39 «Chien»: Diogène (Diog. Laert. 6, 2, 6, 37); lentilles: «figues sèches» (Ibid. 26)?
Mère de l'eau: la terre. Indifférence (àëiacpopia) et impassibilité (алабеш) sont deux
notions stoïciennes: Cic. Ac. priores 2, 42, 130.
40 Tranquillitas animi n'est pas proprement épicurien (cf. Sénèque); voluptas n'est pas
une déformation d'eùiapa^ia: erreur sur Diog. Laert. 9, 7, 12, 45; eùsaxco, synonyme
d'eùOuuio, id. 9, 7, 13, 45.
41 Pline Nat. 8, 169.
 L'ANE CHEZ ERASME, PASSERAT, HEINSIUS 191

développent jusqu'à la guerre et au sang» (pp. 186-88). On ne sait pas

bien ce qu'il pense de la mort sinon qu'il craint quelque chose d'elle. Il
meurt comme fit Alexandre de Macédoine: après avoir expiré il cesse de
vivre. Ses funérailles sont sans apparat ni pompe, d'où l'adage hébreu:
«funérailles d'âne.»42 Après sa mort il donne naissance à des frelons,
animal irritable, comme le savent bien ceux qui prennent part aux contro
verses sophistiques. Conclusion: l'âne est le meilleur des animaux, «il ne
faut pas douter que chez les hommes, soit par la fréquentation de l'ani
mal, soit par un amour muet pour lui, soit pour une raison fatale et
secrète, ceux qui se rapprochent le plus de l'animal, sont souvent préférés
aux autres. On rira de grand cœur de ceux que cela attriste et qui s'en
plaignent. Soi-même, assuré et tranquille, on supportera avec constance
ce qu'on ne peut modifier, appuyé sur la sagesse seule que ne troublent
ni les sots jugements des hommes ni le malheur du siècle. Je peux
l'attester à mon sujet, je ne suis jamais plus hardi et fier que lorsque je
comprends les propos et les jugements sur moi de mes rivaux. Car de
même que jadis Pythagore déduisait correctement la taille d'Hercule à
partir de la mesure et de la longueur de sa plante des pieds,43 je pense
qu'on peut mesurer le mérite des grands hommes à la grandeur de
l'envie qu'ils suscitent. Mais on ne parvient à cet état d'âme que progres
sivement, cela aussi j'avoue en avoir fait l'expérience. Et j'ai maintes
fois déploré l'absence de cette sagesse chez des hommes éminents de
notre temps, qui, oublieux de Socrate44, négligent souvent les très grands
personnages qui les ont provoqués et déversent leur bile contre le troupeau
des ânes, assez semblables à un Grec qui, après avoir frappé un ânier,
comme celui-ci affirmait qu'il était Athénien de patrie, se tourna de toutes
ses forces contre l'âne: «Toi, en tout cas, fit-il, tu n'es pas Athénien»; ne
pouvant se réclamer d'aucune tribu, d'aucun peuple, il fut roué de coups
de bâton à satiété.45 Pour moi, je me suis loyalement acquitté de ce
que je devais à un animal si important» (pp. 188-90). Heinsius explique
alors l'origine de cette œuvre (voir le début de l'analyse). Enfin: «Nous
ne doutons pas qu'un jour viendra (bien que ces guerres si cruelles
menacent de ravager et détruire toute culture) où les érudits remercieront
ceux qui ont rendu d'éclatants services à chaque discipline. Vous on ne
saura même pas que vous avez jamais existé ou si, avec mon aide et

42 Cf. Jérémie 22, 19.

43 Aulu-Gelle 1, 1.
44 Diog. Laert. 2, 5, 6, 22.
45 Plut. De cohibenda ira 12, 461 A.
192 J. CHOMARAT

ma recommandation, votre nom un jour y parvient, toute la postérité

reconnaîtra que vous étiez les princes des ânes» (pp 192-3).
Ce discours est inégal; de longues pages sont remplies d'anecdotes, de
jeux érudits, de citations; leur nombre lasse un peu. Pourtant on admire
l'étendue du savoir; par exemple à la différence des deux auteurs précé
dents Heinsius connaît l'hébreu et la Cabale. Il prend âne tantôt au sens
propre, tantôt au sens figuré et dans ce cas soit avec sa valeur péjorative
usuelle, soit, comme l'annonce le titre, avec une valeur élogieuse, mais
d'un éloge ambigu puisqu'on découvre vite qu'il signifie servitude satis
faite aussi bien que sagesse. Deux passages sont particulièrement réussis;
le premier est la satire de l'Empire romain; déjà Erasme dans la Préface
à son édition de Suétone (Allen n° 586, 1. 162-68) avait tracé un tableau
sévère de ce despotisme: «O condition misérable et déplorable de ces
époques! l'autorité du sénat étouffée, les lois étouffées, la liberté du
peuple romain étouffée, l'univers était asservi à un prince ainsi désigné,
le prince lui-même asservi à ceux que nul homme honnête ne voudrait
avoir chez lui comme serviteurs. L'empereur était craint par le sénat, et
il redoutait cette foule de soldats: l'empereur donnait des lois aux rois,
mais des lois lui étaient données par des soldats mercenaires.» Valla
dans sa Donation de Constantin avait dénoncé l'usurpation impériale.
Les sources de Heinsius, Tacite et Suétone, l'amènent à évoquer non
point le pouvoir des soldats, mais la lâcheté des citoyens qui acceptent la
servitude. Il y a des maximes et des pages magnifiques. Le deuxième pas
sage qui se détache de cet ensemble kaléidoscopique est vers la fin l'âne
comme allégorie de la sagesse, stoïcienne ou cynique; mais parfois on
hésite: dans un même développement, voire une même phrase, l'ironie
change de degré et l'on se demande si l'indifférence aux événements, à
l'opinion et aux vicissitudes sociales est sagesse ou sottise? L'âne de
Heinsius est plus complexe que ceux d'Erasme et de Passerat. Tous trois
sont bien différents de l'âne de Bruno qui apparaît comme «l'âme du
monde» car «il est tout dans tout, et tout dans n'importe quelle partie46».
Dans le Nord on s'en tient à la satire sociale, à la morale et, chez Hein
sius, à l'histoire et à la réflexion politique.

16 Château-Gaillard
F-94700 Maisons-Alfort

46 Bruno, Cabala p. 843, cité par N. Ordine Le mystère de l'âne. Essai sur Giordano
Bruno (Paris, 1993), p. 99.
 Walther LUDWIG

EINE TÜBINGER MAGISTERPRÜFUNG IM JAHR 1509

Bei den jungen Menschen, die im fünfzehnten und sechzehnten Jahr

hundert den Magistergrad an einer Universität erwarben, sind uns zwar
die wissenschaftlichen Disziplinen bekannt, die sie studieren mußten,
und auch die Bücher, die sie dafür zu lernen hatten,1 aber die konkreten
Prüfungsanforderungen und die aktuellen Prüfungsleistungen bleiben
dunkel. Daher ist ein noch nicht beachteter handschriftlicher Text sehr
willkommen: es ist eine Rede, die im Jahr 1509 an der Universität Tübin
gen zur Erlangung des Magistergrades gehalten wurde. Wir können
damit zum ersten Mal in ein Dokument Einsicht nehmen, das uns genau
zeigt, was man in einer Universität wie Tübingen in vorreformatorischer
Zeit von einem Magisterkandidaten erwartete und was er leistete.2
Es handelt sich um die Magisterrede von Wolfgang Richart bzw.
Reichart, der sich später lateinisch meist Rychardus nannte.3 Er war am
3. Februar 1486 in der zum Territorium der Reichsstadt Ulm gehörenden
Stadt Geislingen als Sohn eines Wirts geboren worden und hatte seinen
ersten Unterricht in Geislingen von dem lateinischen Dichter und Priester

1 Vgl. z. B. im Hinblick auf den folgenden Fall die Bestimmungen in den Statuten der
Artistenfakultät der Universität Tübingen von 1505, ediert in: R. von Roth, Urkunden zur
Geschichte der Universität Tübingen aus den Jahren 1476-1550 (Tübingen, 1877, ND
Aalen, 1973) Ss. 320-375.
2 J. Haller, Die Anfänge der Universität Tübingen 1477-1537, 2 Bde. (Stuttgart, 1927-
1929), II, 34, erklärt zwar: «Promotionsreden sind nicht wenige erhalten, eine ganze
Anzahl z. B. von Wendelin Steinbach». Aber die von Haller, Ss. 67-70, aufgeführten
«Promotionsreden» des Theologieprofessors Steinbach sind einerseits seine Rede zum
Lob der Theologie, die er bei seiner Promotion zum Baccalaureus theologiae 1486 hielt,
andererseits Reden anläßlich von theologischen Promotionen anderer. Eine Prüfungsrede
für die Promotion zum Magister artium ist meines Wissens zumindest aus Tübingen noch
nicht veröffentlicht worden.
3 Zu seinem Namen und seiner Biographie vgl. W. Ludwig, 'Zur Familie und Bio
graphie des Ulmer Humanisten Wolfgang Reichart', Genealogie, 22/43 (1994), 263-72;
ders., 'Nachtrag zur Biographie und Familie von Dr. med. Wolfgang Reichart', Genealo
gie, 22/44 (1995), 404; ders. 'Der Ulmer Humanist Rychardus und sein totes Kind —
Humanismus und Luthertum im Konflikt', Daphnis, 24 (1995), 263-99. Die Biographie
Reicharts in dem Aufsatz von W. Reichie, 'Der Ulmer Stadtarzt und Humanist Wolfgang
Rychard', Ulm und Oberschwaben, 45/46 (1990), 162-90, weist zahlreiche Fehler und
spekulative Ergänzungen auf.
194 W. LUDWIG

Johannes Kassler genannt Casselius (um 1463-1517) erhalten, der ein

Freund des Tübinger Professors für Poesie Heinrich Bebel und durch
sein 1480 mit dem Baccalaureat abgeschlossenes Studium an der Uni
versität Heidelberg ein Schüler Jakob Wimpfelings war.4 Am 19. Juni
1500 war Reichart — 14-jährig — an der Universität Tübingen immatri
kuliert worden, wo ihm nach eigener Aussage Heinrich Bebel der liebste
Lehrer war,5 während ihm das Studium der Logik Widerwillen erregte.6
Er wurde 1502 Baccalaureus und scheint nicht lange danach wegen einer
frühen Heirat die Universität verlassen zu haben. 1507 ist er Latein
schulmeister in der zum Herzogtum Württemberg gehörenden Stadt
Blaubeuren. Er entschloß sich dann jedoch, die Promotion zum Doctor
Medicinae anzustreben, um sich eine einträglichere berufliche Laufbahn
zu eröffnen, und unterzog sich zu diesem Zweck 1509 zunächst in
Tübingen der Magisterprüfung, die er als Erstplazierter seines Jahrgangs
bestand. Im Jahr 1512 wurde er in Freiburg zum Doctor Medicinae pro
moviert und 1513 als Stadtarzt in Ulm angestellt, was er bis zu seinem
Tod nach 1546 blieb (vermutlich starb er an der Pest im Jahr 1547).
Im Jahr 1534 stellte er in einem handschriftlichen libellm von 84
Quartblättern eine Anzahl lateinischer Briefe und Gedichte zusammen,
die er geschrieben oder erhalten hatte. Unter sie stellte er auch seine
Magisterrede. Nach seinem Tod wurde diese Sammlung, die möglicher
weise als Autograph vorliegt, aus seinem Nachlaß durch weitere Briefe
und Gedichte von ihm und an ihn auf einen Quartband von 336 Blättern
erweitert, der im achtzehnten Jahrhundert in die Briefsammlung des
4 Vgl. O. Herding - D. Mertens, Jakob Wimpfeling, Briefwechsel (München, 1990),
S. 534, W. Ludwig, 'Der Ulmer Humanist' (wie Anm. 1) und ders., 'Graf Eberhard im
Bart, Reuchlin, Bebel und Johannes Casselius', Zeitschrift für württembergische Landes
geschichte, 54 (1995), 33-60.
5 Vgl. zu ihm zuletzt K. Graf, 'Heinrich Bebel (1472-1518) — Wider ein barbarisches
Latein', in P. G. Schmidt, Hrsg., Humanismus im deutschen Südwesten, Biographische
Profile (Sigmaringen, 1993), Ss. 179-94; D. Mertens, 'Bebels Einstand', in W. Schmierer
u. a., Hrsg., Aus südwestdeutscher Geschichte, Festschrift für Hans-Martin Maurer
(Stuttgart, 1994), Ss. 307-24. Die Beziehungen von Reichart zu Bebel werden an anderer
Stelle eine nähere Betrachtung finden.
6 Diese humanistische und antischolastische Einstellung geht aus einem Brief
hervor, den er am 1. Juli 1522 seinem damals für sein Baccalaureat in Tübingen studie
renden Sohn Zeno schrieb (Hamburg, Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek, Sup. ep. 4°, 49,
Bl. 108v-109r):«... Dialectices studium tibi tedio esse auguror. Nam itidem mihi accide-
rat, cum tuam aetatem agerem. Tubingae iussu patris bonas literas addiscere debebam,
omnes nervos in poetica intendebam neglectis logicis. Tanta erat in stomacho meo erga
syllogismos nausea, quae res magno mihi labori cessit et impedimento. Nam cum iam in
medio medicae artis campo deambularem, cogebar simul physica et logica legere, quo me
non in omni lapide deerrare facerem.»
 EINE TÜBINGER MAGISTERPRÜFUNG IM JAHR 1509 195

Frankfurter Patriziers Konrad Zacharias von Uffenbach und 1767 schließ

lich in die Stadtbibliothek von Hamburg, die Vorgängerin der heutigen
Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg, gelangte, wo er sich heute
noch — unter der Signatur Sup. ер. 4o, 49 — befindet.7 Auf den Blät
tern 89r - 90v liest man folgenden — hier erstmals edierten — Text
(die Orthographie wurde beibehalten, die Interpunktion modernisiert, die
Gliederung in Abschnitte eingeführt; Buchtitel und Zitate wurden kursiv
hervorgehoben):

Oratio Wolfgangi Rychardi, quam fecit in gymnasio Tubingensi

pro insignibus magisterii consequendis.
[1] Non sum nescius, patres sapientissimi, magna doctrina, solerti
ingenio, studiosissima praeterea dicendi exercitatione opus esse his,
qui hunc tam augustum, tam amplum locum cum honore aс dignitate
ascendere nituntur ac deliberant, cum nihil huc nisi perfectum ingenio
industriaque elaboratum afferendum, nemo sit, qui non intelligat. Ego
tamen hodie in celeberrimum vestrum conspectum et coronam huc pro-
divi, fretus non eloquentia mea, non ingenio, sed benivolentia vestra
et humanitate, sperans atque etiam obsecrans, ut me vel minus idonee
loquentem aequis auribus accipere veniamque pro errato benigniter
impartiri dignemini.
[2] Cum nihil sine deorum adminiculo atque ope perfici possit, deum
optimum maximum hisce imploro carminibus:
Spiritus et fili, genitor quoque summe deorum,
nomina trina quidem, sed tamen une deus,
a te nostra venit tamquam de fonte Minerva,
te sine conatus coeptaque nostra nihil.
5 Hunc mihi praesentem digneris reddere coetum
auditu facilem iudicioque pium.
Et iam progressam solita pietate carinam
dirige, ne Scyllam forte subire queat.
[3] Assignaverunt mihi nuper praeceptores mei colendissimi librum
Metaphysices Aristotelis, in quo absolute et quiditative [cd.: quittitative]

7 Zu Reicharts Briefen und Gedichten und ihrer Überlieferung vgl. W. Ludwig, 'Aliquot
epistolae ac epigrammata doctoris Vvolfgangi Rychardi medici et ad hunc aliorum — die
Edition der Korrespondenz des Ulmer Humanisten und Stadtarztes Wolfgang Reichart',
Chloe. Beihefte zum Daphnis, (1997, demnächst erscheinend). Ich danke dem Direktor
der Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg für die freundliche Genehmigung, in der
vorliegenden Untersuchung Texte aus der Handschrift Sup. ер. 4°, 49, erstmals zu veröf
fentlichen.
196 W.LUDWIG

determinatur de omnibus entibus, secundum quod sint entia, et dividitur

in duodecim libros partiales; in primo ostendit, circa quae versatur illa
scientia; et subdividitur in prohoemium et tractatum; dicitque primo sic:
Omnes homines naturaliter scire desyderant, unde ipsum videre prae
omnibus elegimus, quia hic quidem sensuum maxime cognoscere nos
facit multasque nobis differentias demonstrat.
[4] Ex quo textu illam moveo quaestionem, utrum inter omnes sensus
visus sit nobilior et ad scientias adquirendas magis utilis.
[5] Pro parte negativa arguo sic: Ille sensus plus conducit ad acqui-
rendam scientiam, cuius privatio magis facit ignorantes. Sed sic est
de auditu. Minor [cd.: Mmor] est philosophi in De sensu et sensato,
ubi inquit, quod caeci a nativitate habentes auditum sunt prudentiores
quam surdi habentes visum. Item Averrais [sic] super primo Metaphysices
auditum scientiae ianuam appellitat. Idem dicit Constantinus, inquiens:
auditum absurdari est pro maiori parte mentem auferri; unde philosophi
quidam auditum mentis portam vocavere. Haec ille.
[6] Sed pro parte constructiva: Est Aristoteles in textu iam recitato
dicens: ipsum videre prae omnibus eligimus, quia hic sensuum maxime
nos cognoscere facit et multas nobis differentias ostendit. Ille enim
sensus plus ancillatur et servit animae in eo, quod eius organum plus
indicat dispositiones et mores animae. Sed sic est de visu. Maior elicitur
ex gentili super tertia tertii [cd.: За 3i]. Minor est Avicennae primo De
animalibus dicentis: inter omnia membra oculi maxime significant
mores animae.
[7] Et quoniam huius quaestionis rationes et anfractus maiorem in
modum me ancipitem reddunt, elegi mihi venerabilem philosophum,
Magistrum Wolfgangum Bebelium, ut ipse pro sua in me singulari beni-
volentia hac de re suam sententiam in publicum proferre veut.
[8] Hanc quaestionem ego Wolfgangus Rychardus in Tubingensi
gymnasio pro magisterii insignibus recitavi Henrico Winckelhofer rec
tore et Magistro Michaele Mögling ex Urach decano die Lunae post
divisionem apostolorum, quae erat dominica anno 1509.

Ein heutiger Leser wird zunächst wohl über die Kürze dieser Prüfungs
leistung am 16. Juli 1509 überrascht sein. Vielleicht teilt er auch den
Eindruck von C. Th. Keim, der der einzige moderne Forscher ist, der sich
zu dieser Rede geäußert hat. Ihm stand eine im frühen 19. Jahrhundert
hergestellte Ulmer Abschrift des Hamburger Codex zur Verfügung. Keim
schrieb 1853 in seiner Abhandlung 'Wolfgang Rychard, der Ulmer Arzt
 EINE TÜBINGER MAGISTERPRÜFUNG IM JAHR 1509 197

— ein Bild aus der Reformationszeit':8 «Einen gewissen Schlußpunkt

der bisherigen Beschäftigungen bildete die Promotion zum Magister in
der philosophischen Abtheilung, die er Mont. p. divis. apostol. 1509
unter der Assistenz W. Bebels durch eine übrigens nicht sehr bedeutende
Rede über den Vorzug des Gesichtssinns nach Aristoteles erlangte».
Keim kommt zwar das Verdienst zu, durch seine umfangreiche Abhand
lung die wissenschaftliche Beschäftigung mit Reichart eröffnet zu haben,
aber seine Beurteilung der Magisterrede geht über einen ersten subjektiven
Eindruck nicht hinaus und verfehlt ihre eigentliche Bedeutung, da
genauere Beobachtungen und ein historisch begründetes Urteil fehlen.
Um diese Magisterrede als damalige Prüfungsleistung richtig einzu
schätzen, ist eine aufmerksamere Betrachtung nötig. Eine Grundlage
dafür soll die folgende Übersetzung geben, in der um des besseren Ver
ständnisses willen bereits einige zu supplierende Namen und Begriffe in
eckigen Klammern ergänzt wurden:

Rede Wolfgang Reicharts, die er in der Tübinger Universität hielt

zur Erlangung der Insignien eines Magisters.
[1] Nicht bin ich unwissend, weiseste Väter, darüber, daß eine große
Gelehrsamkeit, ein geschickter Geist und außerdem die fleißigste Übung
im Reden nötig ist für die, die diesen so erhabenen, so angesehenen Ort
mit Ehre und Würde zu besteigen erwägen und trachten, da es niemand
gibt, der nicht weiß, daß hierher nur das geistig Vollkommene und
fleißig Ausgearbeitete beigebracht werden darf. Dennoch bin ich in
euren gefeiertsten Anblick und Kreis hierher nach vorne gekommen,
doch nicht im Vertrauen auf meine Beredsamkeit und meinen Geist,
sondern im Vertrauen auf euer Wohlwollen und auf eure Menschen
freundlichkeit, hoffend und auch bittend, daß ihr mich, sogar wenn ich
weniger passend spreche, mit geneigten Ohren aufzunehmen und mir
Verzeihung für meinen Irrtum gnädig zu erteilen würdigt.
[2] Da aber nichts ohne der Götter Unterstützung und Hilfe vollendet
werden kann, flehe ich den besten und höchsten Gott mit diesem Gedicht
hier an:
Geist und Sohn, höchster Erzeuger auch der Götter, drei Namen zwar,
jedoch ein Gott, von dir kommt wie von einer Quelle unsere Minerva,
ohne dich sind unsere Versuche, ist unser Beginnen nichts. (5) Mögest
du mich würdigen, daß mir diese gegenwärtige Versammlung leichtes

8 Theologische Jahrbücher, 12 (1853), 307-73 (S. 312).

198 W.LUDWIG

Gehör und frommes Urteil gibt. Und den schon mit gewohnter Fröm
migkeit vorgefahrenen Kiel lenke so, daß er nicht zufallig Scylla zum
Opfer fallen kann.
[3] Es teilten mir kürzlich meine hochzuverehrenden Lehrer das Buch
der «Metaphysik» des Aristoteles zu, in dem absolut und quiditativ
Bestimmungen über alles Seiende getroffen werden — gemäß wessen
sie seiend sind — und das in zwölf Teilbücher gegliedert wird; im ersten
zeigt er, mit was sich diese Wissenschaft beschäftigt, und es wird unter
gegliedert in ein Prooemium und einen Traktat; und Aristoteles spricht
zuerst so: «Alle Menschen begehren von Natur zu wissen, weshalb
wir speziell das Sehen vor allen anderen Sinnen auswählen, da dieser
Sinn uns am meisten erkennen läßt und uns viele Unterschiede zeigt».
[4] Aus diesem Text nehme ich nun das Problem, ob unter allen Sinnen
das Sehen edler und für den Erwerb der Wissenschaften nützlicher ist
[sc. als andere Sinne]. [5] Für den negativen Teil argumentiere ich so:
Jener Sinn trägt mehr zum Erwerb der Wissenschaft bei, dessen Verlust
uns unwissender macht. Aber so ist es in Hinsicht auf das Hören. Der
Untersatz ist [ein Auspruch] des Philosophen [sc. des Aristoteles] in
«Über die Wahrnehmung und das Wahrgenommene», wo er sagt, daß die
Blinden, die von Geburt an Gehör besitzen, klüger sind als die Tauben,
die sehen können. Ebenso nennt Averroes [in seinem Kommentar] zum
ersten Buch der «Metaphysik» das Gehör die Tür der Wissenschaft.
Dasselbe sagt Constantinus [Africanus], wenn er sagt: «Das Gehör taub
machen bedeutet den Geist zum größeren Teil wegnehmen; deshalb
nannten gewisse Philosophen das Gehör das Tor des Geistes». Das sagt
jener. [6] Aber für den konstruktiven Teil argumentiere ich so: Aristoteles
sagt in dem bereits zitierten Text [sc. am Anfang der «Metaphysik»]:
«wir wählen speziell das Sehen vor allen Sinnen aus, da dieser Sinn
uns am meisten erkennen läßt und uns viele Unterschiede zeigt». Denn
jener Sinn dient der Seele mehr, dessen Organ der Seele die Zustände
und Verhaltensweisen mehr anzeigt Aber so ist es in Hinsicht auf
das Sehen. Den Obersatz kann man aus dem Heiden [sc. aus Averroes],
und zwar aus [seinem Kommentar] zum dritten [Teil] des dritten [Buches
der «Metaphysik»] holen. Der Untersatz ist [ein Ausspruch] des Avi-
cenna, der im ersten Buch von «Über die Tiere» sagt: «Unter allen
Gliedern bezeichnen die Augen am meisten die Verhaltensweisen der
Seele». [7] Aber da die Überlegungen zu diesem Problem und seine
Komplexität mich in größerem Maße unentschieden machen, habe ich
mir einen verehrungswürdigen Philosophen, den Magister Wolfgang
 EINE TÜBINGER MAGISTERPRÜFUNG IM JAHR 1509 199

Bebel erwählt, damit er selbst entsprechend seinem einzigartigen Wohl

wollen mir gegenüber seine Auffassung in dieser Sache der Öffentlich
keit vortragen wolle.
[8] Dieses Problem habe ich, Wolfgang Reichart, in der Universität
Tübingen zur Erlangung der Insignien eines Magisters vorgetragen unter
dem Rektorat von Heinrich Winckelhofer und dem Dekanat des Magi
sters Michael Mögling aus Urach am Montag nach der Einteilung der
Apostel [15. Juli], die ein Sonntag im Jahr 1509 war.

Vor einer genaueren Interpretation stellt sich die Frage, an welcher

Stelle diese Rede innerhalb des Verfahrens der Magisterpromotion stand.9
Jährlich fanden zwei Promotionsverfahren statt. Die des Sommers wurde
am 15. Juni angekündigt und drei oder vier Tage später eröffnet. Die
kandidierenden Baccalaurei (magistrandi) hatten sich nach ihrer Anmel
dung und ihrer Zulassung durch den Dekan, im vorliegenden Falle war
es der Magister Michael Mögling,10 zuerst einer mündlichen Prüfung
durch vier examinatores ihres «Weges» zu unterziehen, die durch
das Los aus den Magistern der Realisten und der Modernen gewählt
worden waren." Aufgrund diese Prüfung wurden die magistrandi in

9 Vgl. dazu die Bestimmungen in den Statuten von 1505 bei R. von Roth (wie Anm. 1),
Ss. 348-67, H. Hofacker, Der »Liber decanatus« der Tübinger Artistenfakultät 1477-1512
(Tübingen, 1978), und die Darstellung bei J. Haller (wie Anm. 2), I, 96-100, II, 33-34.
10 Michael Mögling war um 1485 als Sohn des gräflich württembergischen Forst
meisters Johann Mögling genannt Jäger bzw. Heidenmann in Urach geboren worden,
imm. Tübingen 1500, Bacc. 1501, Mag. 1503. Er war der ältere Bruder von Amandus
Mögling, imm. Tübingen 1503, Bacc. 1504, Mag. 1506, Dekan 1511,1. U. D., herzoglich
württembergischer Rat 1526, 1 1549/59. Die Tübinger Immatrikulations- und Promotions
daten sind hier und später ohne besonderen Nachweis H. Hermelink, Die Matrikeln der
Universität Tübingen, I (Stuttgart, 1906), entnommen; vgl. außerdem F. F. Faber, Die
Württembergischen Familien-Stiftungen, Neudruck mit Berichtigungen von A. Rentschler
(Stuttgart, 1940), Nr. 30, §2; und W. Pfeilsticker, Neues Württembergisches Dienerbuch
(Stuttgart, 1957-1974), §667, 2959.
" Da Johann König aus Öttingen (1486-1534, imm. Freiburg 1505, Bacc. in via
antiqua 1506, imm. Tübingen 1509, Mag. 1509, I. U. D. und Professor des kanonischen
Rechts 1518, s. E. Zeitler, Der «Liber conductionum » , das älteste Anstellungsbuch der
Universität Tübingen [Tübingen, 1978], S. 96, und К. K. Finke, Die Tübinger Juristenfa
kultät I477-1534 [Tübingen, 1972], Ss. 201-5) auch im Sommer 1509 magistrierte und er
in seiner Autobiographie (gedruckt in: J. Haller (wie Anm. 2), II, 211-224) die Namen
seiner examinatores mitteilt, sind diese für die magistrandi des realistischen Wegs
bekannt: Nach dem — für beide Wege zuständigen — Dekan Mag. Michael Mögling
(vgl. zu ihm Anm. 10) nennt König folgende examinatores: magister Wendalinus ex
Lauffen (Wendelin Bregel aus Lauffen am Neckar, imm. Heidelberg 1492, Bacc. 1494,
imm. Tübingen 1494, Mag. 1495, Bacc. theol. 1509), magister Andreas Lemp (Andreas
Lempp aus Steinheim an der Murr, imm. Tübingen 1494, Bacc. 1501, Mag. 1504), magi
ster Caspar Siessking ex Esslingen (Caspar Süßkind aus Esslingen am Neckar, imm.
200 W. LUDWIG

einer Rangfolge plaziert (locatio) — Reichart schreibt am 22. Februar

1524 in einem Brief an seinen in Ingolstadt für das Magisterexamen
studierenden Sohn Zeno,12 daß er seinerzeit als erster von allen damals
Magistrierten in das Magisterbuch (album) eingetragen wurde, d. h. die
Prüfung als bester bestanden habe.13 Der Dekan stellte dann die erfolg
reichen Bewerber dem Kanzler — im Sommer 1509 war es zum ersten
Mal Dr. iur. utr. Ambrosius Widmann14 — oder dessen Stellvertreter
vor und es wurde der Tag der öffentlichen Prüfung und Promotion
festgesetzt, zu dem der Rektor — in diesem Fall Dr. iur. utr. Heinrich
Winkelhofer15 —, der Kanzler und der Dekan alle graduierten und nicht-
graduierten Mitglieder der Universität, insbesondere die der Artistenfa
kultät, in die aula collegii einluden.16 Für diesen Tag — im vorliegenden
Fall war es der 16. Juli 150917 — hatten die magistrandi die Behandlung
einer quaestio zum öffentlichen Vortrag vorzubereiten und jeweils einen

Tübingen 1502, Bacc. 1503, Mag. 1505), und magister Thomas Hörn ex Feringen
(Thomas Berner/Beringer aus Veringen, imm. Leipzig 1504, Bacc. 1505, imm. Tübingen
1506, Mag. 1507, Med. D. 1511, Professor der Medizin 1513 — ein Erinnerungsfehler
bei König). Bei Reichart ist nicht bekannt, welchem »Weg« er angehörte, aber da sowohl
sein Geislinger Lehrer Casselius — in Heidelberg — als auch sein Sohn Zeno — in
Tübingen — in der Burse der Modernen studierten, hatte er vermutlich auch diese Rich
tung gewählt.
12 Zeno Reichart, geboren 1507 in Blaubeuren, Bacc. Tübingen 1523, Mag. Heidel
berg 1525, Med. D. 1536 an einer unbekannten, vermutlich italienischen Universität,
starb 1543 als Stadtarzt in Judenburg/Steiermark. Ein umfangreicher Briefwechsel
zwischen ihm und seinem Vater, dessen Edition zur Zeit vorbereitet wird, ist in dem
genannten handschriftlichen Hamburger Band Sup. ep. 4°, 49, erhalten.
13 Hamburg Sup. ep. 4°, 49, Bl. 156: «Ambas [sc. philosophiam rationalem et naturalem]
igitur edisce, ne inter consortes extremum locum occupes! Nam ego, dum magisterii insi
gnia acceptarem, primum locum in albo omnium obtinui, id quod tui alliciendi gratia
recito».
14 Johann Vergenhans genannt Nauclerus (1425-1510), Dr. iur. can., war im Frühjahr
1509 aus Altersgründen als Kanzler und Propst von Tübingen durch Ambrosius Widmann
(um 1476-1561), Dr. iur. utr., als Kanzler ersetzt worden, vgl. K. K. Finke (wie Anm. 1 1),
Ss. 8 1 -95 und Ss. 176-180.
15 Zu Heinrich Win(c)kelhofer, dem Sohn des Schwäb. Haller Stadtschreibers Mag.
Heinrich Winkelhofer aus Ehingen an der Donau (um 1480-1526, imm. Tübingen 1494,
Bacc. 1496, Mag. 1497, Dr. iur. utr. um 1501 wohl in Italien, Richter des Schwabischen
Bundes 1506, Rektor Tübingen 1509, Professor des kanonischen Rechts 1510) vgl.
E. Zeitler (wie Anm. 1 1), S. 108, und K. K. Finke (wie Anm. 1 1), Ss. 165-169.
16 Eine gedruckte, von Rektor, Kanzler und Dekan unterzeichnete Einladung zu einer
Magisterpromotion im Jahr 1629 ist abgebildet bei H. -M. Decker-Hauff — W. Setzler,
Die Universität Tübingen von 1477-1977 in Bildern und Dokumenten (Tübingen, 1977),
S. 103.
17 Auch Johann König gibt in seiner Autobiographie (s. Anm. 11) dieses Datum für
seine Magisterpromotion an: XVII Kalendas Augustas in arcium überalium promotus sum
magistrum.
 EINE TÜBINGER MAGISTERPRÜFUNG IM JAHR 1509 201

Magister als respondens zu gewinnen, der auf ihre Darlegung zu antworten

hatte.18 Diese Aufgabe erfüllte die vorliegende oratio von Wolfgang
Reichart, an deren Ende er seinen Respondenten, den Magister Wolfgang
Bebel einführt. Dieser war der jüngere Bruder des Poesie-Professors
Heinrich Bebel; geboren 1491, war er 1503 in Tübingen immatrikuliert
und schon 1504 zum Baccalaureus und 1506 zum Magister ernannt
worden.19 Der Ablauf des Tages der öffentlichen Promotion läßt sich in
Analogie zu Angaben erschließen, die Martin Crusius in seinen Annales
Suevici über den Ablauf einer Baccalaureus-Promotion im Jahr 1499
macht.20 Zuerst wurde eine Eröffnungsansprache gehalten, die das
Programm bekanntgab, sodann mußte jeder der magistrandi in einer
oratio seine quaestio behandeln, jeweils gefolgt von der oratio seines
Respondenten zur gleichen quaestio, sodann verlas der Pedell den Magi
stereid, den die magistrandi zu schwören hatten, worauf die Insignien
des Magistergrades, darunter ein Lorbeerkranz, an die magistri novelli
verliehen wurden. Der feierliche Akt wurde durch eine Rede des Dekans
geschlossen. Da bei jeder derartigen Promotion mehrere Magister kreiert
wurden — am 16. Juli 1509 waren es dreizehn — nahm der Vorgang
der Magisterpromotion so viel Zeit in Anspruch, daß den Kandidaten
für ihre Reden sicher eine Zeitbeschränkung auferlegt werden mußte.
Dies erklärt die auffällige Kürze der Rede Reicharts. Da er durch die
vorhergegangene Prüfung der Erstplazierte war, dürfte seine Rede die
erste dieser Promotion gewesen sein.
Die vollzogene Magisterpromotion wurde in folgender Weise ins
Magisterbuch eingetragen (im vorliegenden Fall ist die Datierung auf

18 Der magistrandus (auch genannt magister novellus) mußte seinem respondens

(auch genannt magister responsalis) einen halben Gulden als Honorar zahlen (insgesamt
betrugen die verschiedenen Gebühren für den Magistergrad etwa 10 Gulden).
19 Er wurde 1515 Dekan der Artistenfakultät, aber nicht schon 1506 Med. D. (so
fälschlich Neue Deutsche Biographie 1 (1953), S. 685), sondern erst zwischen 1515 und
1523, und danach Stadtarzt in der Reichsstadt Biberach. Er blieb mit Reichart befreundet,
vgl. W. Ludwig, 'Der Bruder des Humanisten Heinrich Bebel und der Tübinger Pro-
fesssor Konrad Ebinger', Südwestdeutsche Blätter für Familien- und Wappenkunde, 21
(1995), 248-52, und zuvor J. Haller (wie Anm. 2), I, 233 und II, 88.
20 M. Crusius, Annales Suevici, Tomus III (Frankfurt, 1595), S. 5 12: «Ritus creandi
Baccalaureos tunc [sc. 1499] hic [sc. Tubingae] erat, ut vidi ex SuCTOvayváaTW oratione
m[anu] scr[ipta]: 1. Exordiolum ponebatur, seu partitio faciendorum. 2. Candidati
quaestiones proponebant et explicabant, ut eo honore digni viderentur. 3. Recitabatur a
pedello iuramentum. 4. Attributio honoris vel gradus. 5. Oratio [sc. promotoris] de mise
ria generis humani, quae rectis studiis emendaretur. Et in alia diversi temporis oratione
laus eloquentiae iuvenibus comparandae. 6. Eiusdem promotoris gratiarum actio ad
coetum praesentem hoc modo...».
202 W. LUDWIG

den 15. statt auf den durch das einhellige Zeugnis von König und Reich
art belegten 16. Juli vielleicht dadurch bedingt, daß eine eröffnende
Zeremonie, möglicherweise ein Gottesdienst, bereits am Sonntag, den
15. Juli stattgefunden hatte):21
Ordo magistrorum promotorum sub decanatu venerabilis viri Magistri
Michaelis Mögling ex Urach Margarethe anno domini 1509: Wolfgangus
Rychart ex Gysslingen, Ioannes Schnell Stutgardiensis [Stuttgart, 1506,
B. 1507], Udalricus Zinck Mindelhaimensis [Mindelheim, 1505, B.1506],
Andreas Oma ex Esslingen [Ammann aus Esslingen, 1506, B. 1507, wird
Lic. iur. can., später Propst in Rheinfelden und Stuttgart], Ioannes Küng
Öttingensis [König aus Öttingen, s. Anm. 11], Georg Sigloch ex Baccana
[Backnang, 1505, B. 1507], Ioannes Bumaister ex Hagnow [Hagenau im
Elsaß, 1509], Andreas Ketz ex Wolfach [Kretz, 1508], Ioannes Kyssen-
pfening ex Kalw [Calw, 1506, B. 1507], Iohannes Hertzog ex Harbw [Horb
am Neckar, 1506, B. 1508], Wolfgangus Daner ex Göppingen [1506,
B. 1507, Priester in Göppingen], Ioannes Murer ex Harw [Horb am Neckar,
1506, B. 1507], Nicolaus Winttelinger alias Koch [Koch aus Winterlingen
bei Balingen, 1507, B. 1507].22
Die Promovierten kamen aus dem südwestdeutschen Raum und
dem Elsaß, 5 aus dem Herzogtum Württemberg, 3 aus dem Gebiet der
Reichsstädte Esslingen, Hagenau und Ulm, 2 aus der österreichischen
Grafschaft Hohenberg und je einer aus der Grafschaft Fürstenberg, der
Grafschaft Ottingen und der Herrschaft der von Frundsberg. Reichart
steht, wie er es später seinem Sohn mitteilte,23 an erster Stelle. Seine
Magisterrede kann also in der Tat als eine repräsentative gute Leistung
betrachtet werden.
Einen Schlüssel zu ihrer Interpretation gibt der erwähnte Brief vom
22. Februar 1524.24 Reichart gibt dort, augenscheinlich in Erinnerung an
sein eigenes Studium, seinem Sohn Zeno Ratschläge zu den Fächern, die
er für sein Magisterexamen studieren soll :

21 Aus dem handschriftlichen Magisterbuch, Universitätsarchiv Tübingen 15/11, mit

freundlicher Genehmigung zitiert. Die Immatrikulationsjahre, das Baccalaureat, andere
Namensformen und Angaben zu den Lebensläufen wurden hier in Klammern hinzugefügt.
22 M. Crusius verzeichnet in seinen Annales Suevici (wie Anm. 20), S. 535, Reicharts
Magisterpromotion als erste des Jahres 1509 und nennt insgesamt diejenigen zwei Magi-
strierten dieser Promotion, die später eine gewisse Berühmtheit erlangten, Reichart und
König: «Tubing. Cal. Maij, per annum creatus est Rector 59. Henricus Winckelhofer
Ehingensis, V. I. Doctor. Inscripti:... Decanus S. Katharinae: Venerab. vir M. Michael
Moegling ex Urach. Creati Magistri: VVolfgangus Richart ex Gislingen, Iohannes Kunig
Oetingensis, postea hic Professor Iuris».
21 Vgl. oben Anm. 13.
24 Vgl. oben Anm. 12.
 EINE TÜBINGER MAGISTERPRÜFUNG IM JAHR 1509 203

. . . opinionem illam approbo, scilicet ut philosophiae usque ad magisterium

incumbas. Nam illa scholarum doctrina arguendi, disputandi et ordinandi
syllogisticam phrasim in omni scientiarum opere methodum praebet,
quamvis medica professio multum iuvatur ex physicis corollariis, vice
versa forum et ius a logicis et poeticis atque oratoriis flosculis opiparum et
sapidum redditur. Itaque adhuc est mens mea, quamcunque arripias viam,
ut magister fias ad natalem domini, ubi non bene habebis sine utraque
philosophia, rationali scilicet atque naturali.... Sed rigorem, quem super
physicis studiis tibi iniunxi, modo remitto; sed in poeticam permuto, ita ut
dextera oratoriae vices, sinistra vero philosophiae attrectes.
(...ich billige diese Auffassung, nämlich daß du dich bis zu deiner
Magisterprüfung auf die Philosophie verlegen solltest. Denn die Schuldoktrin
des Argumentierens, Disputierens und der Anordnung der syllogistischen
Sätze bietet bei jeder wissenschaftlichen Tätigkeit die richtige Methode,
auch wenn der medizinische Beruf aus den naturphilosophischen Zusätzen
viel Hilfe erfahrt, während umgekehrt die iuristische Rede durch die logi
schen, poetischen und rhetorischen Schmuckstücke prächtig und schmack
haft gemacht wird. Deshalb steht immer noch mein Sinn dahin, daß du,
welchen Weg du auch einschlagen wirst, bis Weihnachten Magister wirst,
wo es dir ohne beide Philosophien, die rationale und die der Natur, nicht
gut gehen wird. . .. Doch will ich die besondere Anstrengung, die ich dir auf
naturphilosophischem Gebiet nahegelegt habe, jetzt zurückstellen und
sie mit der für die Poetik vertauschen, so daß du mit der rechten Hand das
rhetorische, mit der linken das philosophische Geschäft ergreifst.)
Ganz in diesem Sinn wollte Reichart in seiner Magisterrede seine poe
tische und rhetorische, seine logische und naturphilosophische Kompetenz
zur Darstellung bringen.
Seine poetischen Fähigkeiten stellt er durch das eingelegte Gedicht
unter Beweis, ein Gebet in vier elegischen Distichen, das alle Bauele
mente eines Hymnus aufweist. Die ersten vier Verse enthalten Anrede
und Prädikation, die zweiten vier die Bitte. Das erste Distichon gibt
sowohl die Anrede als auch die Definition der heiligen Dreifaltigkeit,
wobei die drei göttlichen Personen im Hexameter genannt sind und die
Definition mit der Antithese von drei und eins als Apposition in den
Pentameter gebracht worden ist. Die Prädikation im zweiten Distichon
benützt die kontrastiven Formen einer allegorischen und einer eigent
lichen Aussage im Hexameter und im Pentameter, bindet die beiden Verse
durch die parallel-antithetischen Satzanfánge a te und te sine und betont
die Vorstellung des von Reichart unternommenen Versuchs durch die
Alliteration in dem Doppelausdruck conatus coeptaque. In den die Bitte
enthaltenden zwei Distichen ist wieder eine eigentliche und eine allego
rische Aussageform gewählt, und zwar geht jetzt, anders als zuvor, die
204 W. LUDWIG

eigentliche der allegorischen voraus. Die beiden allegorisch gebrauchten

Begriffe Minerva und Scylla sind der antiken Mythologie entnommen,
damit diese in dem an sich christlichen und aktuellen Gedicht auch ihren
Platz hat. Es ist nur ein kleines Gedicht. Aber wenn man den Umfang
der gesamten Magisterrede und den Umstand berücksichtigt, daß in der
in erster Linie der Philosophie geltenden Magisterprüfung die Poesie
nicht notwendigerweise etwas zu suchen hatte, erkennt man, wie wichtig
es Reichart gewesen sein muß, in dieser Prüfungsrede auch ein Beispiel
für seine ars versificandi zu geben, wie er sie bei seinem Lehrer Heinrich
Bebel gelernt und seither gepflegt hatte.
Seine rhetorischen Fähigkeiten zeigen sich, was die inventio betrifft,
in der Gestaltung des prooemium, welches das Gedicht einschließt, was
die dispositio angeht, im Aufbau der Gesamtrede, und hinsichtlich der
elocutio vor allem im prosaischen Teil des prooemium. Darüber hinaus
kann auch die als rhetorische Aufgabe geltende Vortragsweise beachtet
worden sein.25
Die spezielle Themenangabe hat Reichart aus dem prooemium [1-2]
in den tractatus [3-6] verschoben. Er hat das prooemium ausschließlich
dazu verwendet, das Wohlwollen seiner Hörer zu gewinnen und sie
aufmerksam zu machen. Wie üblich wird der Topos der Bescheiden
heit eingesetzt und die Größe und Schwierigkeit der Aufgabe betont.
Begabung (ingenium), durch fleißiges Studium erworbenes Wissen
(doctrina) und praktische Übung im Reden (exercitatio dicendi) müs
sen zusammenkommen, um die Aufgabe zu erfüllen. Reichart geht
außerdem geschickt den indirekten Weg über die Apostrophe Gottes.
Er setzt das Gebet ein, um seine Prüfer aufmerksam und wohlwollend
zu stimmen.
Für den Rest der Rede war nicht so sehr rhetorische, als vielmehr
philosophische inventio notwendig. Die Gesamtdisposition muß jedoch
als rhetorische Leistung begriffen werden. Nach dem prooemium [1-2]
wird in einer narratio [3] über das ihm zugeteilte Prüfungsgebiet,
die Metaphysik des Aristoteles berichtet, in einer propositio [4] das
Problem gestellt, ob das Sehen der für die Wissenschaft wichtigste
Sinn ist, dann in einer zweigeteilten argumentatio [5-6] zuerst im
Sinn einer confutatio negativ, dann im Sinn einer confirmatio positiv

25 Sie wurde z. B. beachtet, wenn das Scholarchat von Schwäb. Hall Schülerreden
begutachtete, s. W. Ludwig, 'J. P. Ludwigs Lobrede auf die Reichsstadt Schwäb. Hall und
die Schulrhetorik des siebzehnten Jahrhunderts', Jahrbuch Württembergisch Franken, 74
(1990), 247-94 (S. 255).
 EINE TÜBINGER MAGISTERPRÜFUNG IM JAHR 1509 205

argumentiert, worauf die conclusio [7] einerseits das unentschieden

gebliebene Resultat festhält, andererseits auf dieser Grundlage den
Respondenten einführt.
Ein rhetorischer Test war schließlich auch die elocutio des prosaischen
Teils des prooemium. Während in den Abschnitten [3-6] ein ganz
andersartiger philosophischer Sprachstil angewendet wird, enthält der
Abschnitt [1] zwei lange, in Wortwahl, Aufbau und Stil völlig cicero-
nische Perioden mit vielen Doppelungen sowie Alliterationen, Assonan
zen, Anaphern, einem Chiasmus und einem dreigliedrigen Ausdruck mit
wachsenden Gliedern. Dieser Stil kehrt kurz auch im letzten Abschnitt
[7] wieder.
Die Logik, die Reichart in den Summulae logicales des Petrus Hispanus
zu lernen gehabt hatte, bestimmt formal den Gedankengang in den
Abschnitten [4-6]. Nachdem das Problem (quaestio) als zu bejahende
oder verneinende These gestellt ist (Petrus Hispanus definiert die quaestio
als eine dubitabilis propositio),26 argumentiert Reichart in einem vernei
nenden und einem bejahenden Teil mit Hilfe eines jeweils gleichartig
strukturierten Syllogismus, der der ersten aristotelischen Figur und deren
erstem Modus (Barbara) folgt. Er beginnt jeweils mit einem Obersatz
(maior) nach dem Schema 'P ist M': 'Der wichtigste Sinn ist der
Sinn, dessen Verlust unwissender macht als der Verlust anderer Sinne'
bzw. 'Der wichtigste Sinn ist der Sinn, der der Seele mehr zeigt als
andere Sinne'. Es folgt jeweils ein verkürzt ausgedrückter Untersatz
(minor): 'So ist es mit dem Hören' bzw. 'So ist es mit dem Sehen', d. h.
in Langfassung nach dem Schema 'M ist S': 'Der Sinn, dessen Verlust
unwissender macht, ist das Hören' bzw. 'Der Sinn, der der Seele mehr
zeigt, ist das Sehen'. Die beiden Untersätze, und im positiven Teil auch
der Obersatz, werden anschließend durch Zitate aus wissenschaftlichen
Autoritäten belegt, da insbesondere der spezielle Untersatz der Begrün
dung bedarf. Die einander ausschließenden logischen Schlüsse der beiden
Beweisgänge (S ist P: Also ist das Hören bzw. das Sehen der wichtigste
Sinn) werden nicht mehr eigens formuliert. Als dergestalt verkürzt
dargestellte Syllogismen können die Beweisgänge als Enthymeme
bezeichnet werden.27 Die Argumentation ist zu einem widersprüchlichen
Ergebnis gelangt — durch den Verlust des Hörens verliert man am
meisten; durch das Sehen bekommt man am meisten —, so daß die

26 S. I. M. Bochenski, Petri Hispani Summulae logicales (Turin, 1947), S. 44.

27 S. I. M. Bochenski (wie Anm. 26), S. 45
206 W. LUDWIG

quaestio nicht eindeutig beantwortet werden kann und Reichart, wie die
dispositionelle conclusio [7] feststellt, die Frage offen seinem Respon-
denten übergeben muß.
Thematisch gehören sowohl das zugeteilte Buch, die Metaphysik des
Aristoteles, als auch das ausgewählte, den Wert der Sinne betreffende
Problem dem Bereich der Naturphilosophie an. Sie ist für den magi-
strandus das eigentliche Prüfungsfach. Der Kandidat hatte die Aufgabe,
aus einem ihm aus diesem Bereich zugeteilten Buch eine quaestio zur
Behandlung auszuwählen. Die Aufgabe wird in den Statuten der Tübinger
Artistenfakultät von 1505 folgendermaßen definiert:28
magister novellus librum suum totalem in partialem dividat, et librum
primum in tractatus ac primum tractatum in capitula. Inde suam moveat
quaestionem, dimittendo mentem librorum partialium, tractatuum et capitu-
lorum singulorum
(der neue Magister soll sein ganzes Buch in einzelne Bücher einteilen und
das erste Buch in Traktate und den ersten Traktat in Kapitel. Von da her
soll er dann sein Problem nehmen und den Sinn der einzelnen Bücher,
Traktate und Kapitel beiseite lassen).
Reichart beschreibt entsprechend dieser Anweisung zunächst den
Inhalt der Metaphysik sehr knapp und zwar mit Begriffen, die vermut
lich aus der lateinischen Übersetzung des ersten Traktats der Epitome
des Averroes zur Metaphysik des Aristoteles stammen:29 dort wird bei
Aristoteles eine Betrachtung der allgemeinen Prinzipien des Seienden
(speculatur de ente absolute) unterschieden von der Frage nach der
quiditas, der 'Washeit', der einzelnen seienden Dinge, die durch eine
Definition nach Gattung und Spezies beantwortet wird; die von Reichart
gebrauchte adjektivische bzw. adverbielle Form quiditative des in der
Scholastik gebildeten Substantivs ist lexikalisch noch nicht belegt,
scheint aber eine damals gängige Ausdrucksweise gewesen zu sein. In
Übereinstimmung mit den lateinischen Ausgaben der Metaphysik vor
1515 zählt er in ihr zwölf, nicht — wie seit 1515 bis heute — vierzehn
Bücher.30 Er charakterisiert anschließend in gleicher Kürze, ohne dabei

28 S. R. von Roth (wie Anm. 1), S. 365, H. Hofacker (wie Anm. 9), S. 94.
29 Verglichen wurde der Text in der Aristoteles-Ausgabe mit dem Kommentar des
Averroes, die Venedig 1562 erschien (Bd. 8).
30 Die lateinische Übersetzung des Joannes Argyropulos umfaßte nur zwölf Bücher;
die Übersetzung mit vierzehn Büchern durch Kardinal Bessarion wurde anscheinend
zuerst Paris 1515 gedruckt. Die von Reichart benützte Metaphysik-Ausgabe war vermut
lich: Duodecim libri Methapisice ab Aristotele summo philosophorum principe... Liber
primus Metaphisice Aristotelis tractatus continens duos. Primus est prohemialis tria
 EINE TÜBINGER MAGISTERPRÜFUNG IM JAHR 1509 207

über die Angaben im Titel der damaligen Metaphysik-Ausgaben hinaus

zugehen,31 Inhalt und Aufbau des ersten Buchs und entnimmt die These
für seine quaestio der von ihm verkürzt zitierten Anfangspassage des
ersten Buches.32 In der folgenden Argumentation rekurriert er immer
wieder auf Sätze aus anderen naturphilosophischen Werken und beweist
damit seine Literaturkenntnis. Für den Untersatz des in Hinsicht auf die
These der quaestio negativen Teils [5] zieht er begründend drei Zitate
heran, eines aus dem Anfang der ersten Schrift der Parva naturalia des
Aristoteles,33 der hier nur 'der Philosoph' genannt wird, ein zweites aus
dem Kommentar zur aristotelischen Metaphysik von Averroes und ein
drittes aus einem Werk des Constantinus (sc. Africanus).34 Im für die
These der quaestio positiven Teil [6] verweist er für den Obersatz
nochmals auf den Metaphysik-Kommentar des Averroes, der jetzt als
'der Heide' bezeichnet wird, für den Untersatz auf eine Stelle aus Avi-
cennas Schrift De animalibus.K Naturphilosophische Kompetenz zeigte
sich in der Kenntnis und richtigen Verwendung der wissenschaftlichen

Habens capitula. Primum est de dignitate et eminentia huius sapientiae... (Leipzig, 1499),
GW 2418. Diese Ausgabe wird in dem Bücherverzeichnis der Ingolstädter Artistenfakultät
von 1508 genannt, s. den von W. John edierten Katalog in: Zentralblatt für Bibliotheks
wesen 59 (1942), 381-41 1, hier Nr. 277: Duodecim libri methavisice in utraque transla-
cione cum commento Averrois.
31 Vgl. Anm. 30.
32 In der Metaphysik-Ausgabe von 1499 (wie Anm. 30), lautet diese geringfügig
abgeändert wiedergegebene Anfangspassage der Metaphysik (die Übernahmen sind
unterstrichen): «Omnes homines natura scire desyderant. Signum autem est sensuum
dilectio. Praeter enim utilitatem propter se ipsos diligimur et maxime aliorum, qui est per
oculos. Non enim solum, ut agamus, sed et nihil agere debentes ipsum videre prae omni
bus, ut dicam, aliis eligimus. Causa autem est, quod hic maxime sensuum nos cognoscere
facit et multas differentias demonstra! rerum».
33 Der alte lateinische Titel der Schrift über die Wahrnehmung ist De sensu et
sensato, z. B. in einer 1496 in Venedig erschienenen Aristoteles-Ausgabe (später: De
sensu et sensibilibus). Der aus dem Ende von Kapitel l (Bekker 437a 15) zitierte Satz
lautet in der in Anm. 29 angeführten lateinischen Aristotelesausgabe, Bd. 6, 2, Bl. 4v:
«Quare a nativitate privatorum utroque sensu prudentiores sunt caeci mutis et sur-
dis». Reichart benützte vermutlich die Ausgabe, die auch W. John (wie Anm. 30) für
Ingolstadt aufführt: Nr. 282 Textus parvorum naturalium cum commenta Averrois
(GW 2427).
34 Vgl. zu Constantinus Africanus (Benediktiner, 1 1087): H. Schipperges, in Lexikon
des Mittelalters, Bd. 3 (München-Zürich, 1986), Sp. 171. Seine philosophisch-medizi
nischen Opera wurden gesammelt erst Lyon 1515 und Basel 1536 gedruckt: Constantini
Africani... opera... ¡am primum typis evulgata praeter paucula quaedam, quae impressa
fuerunt. Vorher konnten nur nachgewiesen werden: 1. eine Venedig 1487 ¡n einem Sam
melband erschienene lateinische Übersetzung des Galen-Kommentars zu Hippokrates'
Aphorismen aus dem Arabischen durch Constantinus monachus; 2. ein Venedig 1505 in
einem Sammelband erschienenes Breviarium Constantini dictum viaticum.
208 W. LUDWIG

Autoritäten, unter denen Reichart auch weniger bekannte wie Constan-

tinus und Neuerscheinungen wie im Falle Avicennas berücksichtigt.
Reichart wollte in seiner Magisterrede also gewiß Proben seiner Kom
petenz in zwei humanistischen und zwei philosophischen Disziplinen
geben, auch wenn er offensichtlich einer schwierigeren theoretischen
Frage aus der Metaphysik auswich, und seine Prüfer haben seine Leistung
dann auch anerkannt, so daß er sie noch 1534 für wert hielt, sie in seine
Sammlung aufzunehmen, in der er zeigen wollte, was er in der Dichtung,
der Philosophie und der Medizin gekonnt hatte.36 Insofern gibt uns dieses
Prüfungsdokument einen guten Einblick in das zu jener Zeit erwartete und
erreichte Leistungsniveau bei der das Studium in der Artistenfakultät
abschließenden öffentlichen Magisterprüfung. Die Reichart in seinen
ersten Studiensemestern bestimmende humanistische und antischolasti
sche Einstellung37 hat in dieser Rede dem Versuch Platz gemacht, die
scholastische Aufgabe mit humanistischen Leistungen zu verbinden.
Wir sind, wenn wir die geistesgeschichtliche Situation berücksichtigen,
nicht überrascht, daß Reichart seine quaestio ausschließlich unter Rekurs
auf die wissenschaftliche Literatur diskutierte und persönliche Erfahrun
gen mit keinem Wort heranzog. Eine solches akademisches Verhalten
war zu erwarten. So sind wir vielleicht im Gegenteil überrascht, wenn
wir in Erfahrung bringen können, daß es allem Anschein nach persön
liche Lebenserfahrungen waren, die Reichart dazu brachten, daß er gerade
diese quaestio aus der Metaphysik des Aristoteles auswählte.
Seiner überlieferten Korrespondenz läßt sich entnehmen, daß er 1507,
zwei Jahre vor seiner Magisterprüfung, wegen einer sich verschlechtern
den Kurzsichtigkeit äußerst besorgt war und eine kommende Erblindung
befürchtete. Er wandte sich damals aus Blaubeuren brieflich an den
Ulmer Stadtarzt Dr. med. Johannes Stocker (um 1457-1513), der einen

35 Reichart zitierte hier anscheinend aus einem erst 1508 erschienenen Werk: Avicennae
perhypatetici philosophi ac medicorum facile primi opera in lucem redacta. . . De anima-
libus... (Venedig 16. April 1508, Nachdruck Frankfurt, 1961), Bl. 29r: «Incipit liber
de animalibus Avicennae super librum de animalibus Aristotelis translatus ab Arabico in
Latinum per magistrum Michaelem Scotum..., Liber primus», hier Bl. 29v: «Et inter
omnia membra oculi maxime significant mores animae».
36 Hamburg Sup. ep. 4°, 49, Bl. 27r, in einem Brief vom 25. März 1534 an Pater
Heinrich, Confessor am Clarissenkloster in Söflingen bei Ulm: «in fasciculum collegi,
nondum autem recognovi aliquot epistolia... in quibus, si quid in poetica, philosophia
et medicina potui, conatus sum in medium adferre». Unter den aus Reicharts Nachlaß
kopierten Briefen befindet sich auch auf Bl. 288v-289r der Gratulationsbrief von
Johannes Casselius (vgl. Anm. 4) zu seiner Magisterpromotion, datiert Geislingen, den
22. Juli 1509.
 EINE TÜBINGER MAGISTERPRÜFUNG IM JAHR 1509 209

über Ulm hinausreichenden guten Ruf hatte. Stocker hatte sich 1472 in
Ingolstadt immatrikuliert, dort den Magistergrad erworben und war dann
zum Studium der Medizin nach Italien gegangen, wo er in Bologna zum
Medicinae Doctor promovierte. Von 1483-1513 war er Stadtarzt in Ulm,
wurde außerdem aber auch zeitweise als herzoglich württembergischer
und herzoglich bayerischer Leibarzt (seit 1496 bzw. 1503) zur Behand
lung an die Höfe in Stuttgart und Ingolstadt gerufen.38 An ihn wandte
sich Reichart am 30. September 1507 mit folgendem aus einem Prosatext
und einem Gedicht bestehenden Brief, den er wie seine Magisterrede
in sein 1534 zusammengestelltes Brief- und Gedichtbuch aufnahm
(Hamburg, Sup. ер. 4o, 49, Bl. 39r-40r; der Brief wurde nach denselben
Grundsätzen wie die Magisterrede ediert):

Excellentissimo et efficacissimo medico civique Ulmensi dignissimo,

doctori Ioanni Stockar doctissimo dominoque suo observando, s[alutem]
d[ico] p[lurimam].
[1] Celeberrime domine doctor et medicorum princeps solertissime,
dignitatem tuam eximiam per immortalem deum obtestor atque obsecro,
ut, qua de re tecum iam ago, petitioni meae morem gerere velis.
[2] Ophthalmia tenebrositatis oculos meos molestat. Etsi adhuc
video, parum tamen et praesertim ut alii homines videre non possum.
Tres enim visionis modos Galienus posuit, unum eum, quis longe et non
prope videt, secundum cum prope et non longe videt, tertium cum nec
prope nec longe videt. Ego prope possum videre perfectissime, sed

37 Vgl. oben Anm. 6.

38 Zu Johann Stocker, lateinisch Stockar, der nicht in Ingolstadt am 25. Mai (so
W. Pfeilsticker [wie Anm. 10], §340), sondern am 27. Mai 1513 in Ulm starb und seine
leibärztliche Tätigkeit für die Herzöge von Württemberg und Bayern immer nur neben
seinem stadtärztlichen Hauptberuf in Ulm ausübte, wo er immer ansäßig blieb, vgl.
H. Klemm, 'Die rechtliche und sociale Stellung der Ärzte in der Reichsstadt Ulm',
Ulm und Oberschwaben (1929), 3-23; E. Nüßling, Die Reichsstadt Ulm am Ausgang
des Mittelalters, II (Ulm, 1907), S. 294; H.-M. Decker-Hauff, 'Die Stuttgarter Königs
bach', Südwestdeutsche Blätter für Familien- und Wappenkunde, 11 (1964), 410-21,
und besonders Stadtarchiv Ulm, Handschrift Leopold 1, S. 7-13 (mit Kopie der Gra
binschrift) und Hamburg, Sup. ер. 4o, 49, Bl. 28-29, 39-46 (Bericht über seinen Tod
und Epitaphien von Reichart und Jakob Locher Philomusus). Aus seinem Nachlaß
wurden 1520-1634 mehrere deutsche und lateinische medizinische Schriften veröffent
licht (vgl. dazu J. Martin, 'Der Ulmer Wundarzt Johannes Stocker und sein nosologisch
gegliedertes Arzneibuch', Würzburger medizinhistorische Mitteilungen, 5 [1987], 85-
95). Zu einer Widmung Reuchlins an Stocker s. St. Rhein, 'Reuchlin als Dichter',
in: H.-P. Becht, Hrsg., Pforzheim in der frühen Neuzeit (Sigmaringen, 1989), Ss. 51-80
(Ss. 57-58).
210 W. LUDWIG

longius omnino nihil. Ad passum unum pinguissimam etiam scripturam

cernere non possum, ut legam. In pueritia tamen longius et perfectius me
vidisse certo scio. Quare ille meus defectus, ut puto, non ex paucitate
visibilium spirituum causatur, qui per venas duas in medio frontis sese
cruciantes ex cerebro ad organum visus deferuntur. Sed fortassis eo,
quod frequentissime et continue diu noctuque semper libros lectitavi,
inde acies oculorum fatigata et obtusior facta est. Alioqui oculos non
doleo nec plus me hodie quam heri, ante quam post meridiem videre
sentio. Post unum annum vel duos autem animadverto tenebrosiorem
mihi fieri potentiam visivam. Vereor quoque, ne pelliculae olim sint
obducturae oculos.
[3] Intellexit tua dignitas, reverendissime domine doctor, morbum
meum, nec te lateat aegrotanti praeciosius esse nihil cura et auxilio. Itaque,
si perpetua me tibi gratitudine devincire et obligare volueris, fer per
immortalem deum opem tuam. Quod si feceris, tanto me commodo
donabis, ut maiori in hoc orbe non possis. Hoc mihi gratius erit omni
argento, auro gemmisque. Vale, humanissime doctor, et me hac in re
atque alias commendatissimum habeto. Et si quid in me est, quod tuae
dignitati vel usui vel iucunditati esse queat, id non magis in mea quam
in tua potestate positum esse volo. Iterum vale.
[4] Ex Plaubyren pridie Calendas Octobres anno 1507. Wolfgangus
Rychardus Gyslingensis dignitatis vestrae poeta observantissimus.
[5] Ad accuratissimum, expertissimum fidelissimumque medicum,
dominum doctorem Stockar, carmen Wolfgangi Rychardi Gyslingensis:
Dum mihi Castalio mulcerent nectare fauces
continue nostris in manibusque forent
Virgilius Nasoque Propertius atque Tibullus,
Tullius et petulans cum luvenale Coquus.
5 tunc meliora meis exibant carmina septis
Aonioque dabam carmina tincta sale,
tunc etiam Aeneadum vidit me Musula regem,
et legit versus docta caterva meos.
Nunc postquam caligo meos obduxit ocellos,
10 carmina destitui Pieriamque chelym.
Ipse dolens oculos animum studiumque remisi.
Hinc fit, per salebras quod mea Musa fluit.
Tu tamen, o Stockar, medicorum maxime princeps,
fac, oculis abeat fex tenebrosa meis,
15 ut possim studiis operam praebere frequentem
atque poetarum continuare libros.
Sic mihi divitias Croesi nummisma Mydaeque
 EINE TÜBINGER MAGISTERPRÜFUNG IM JAHR 1509 211

aureaque Hesperidum reddere mala soles.

Tunc mea Musa tuas numeroso carmine laudes
20 dicet, et aeterno nomine notus eris.
Aesclapius, Peon, Podalirius atque Machaon,
Phillirides Chiron [cd.: Gallus], ipse Melampus item,
hos medicos quamvis celebrarit carmen Homeri,
non tamen hi vincant teque decusque tuum.
25 Tu tamen, o Stockar, medicorum summe monarcha,
fac, oculis abeat fex tenebrosa meis.
Ut mihi succurras, studii commertia poscunt:
vatibus et medicis unus Apollo favet.

«Dem exzellentesten und effektivsten Arzt und Ulmischen Bürger, dem

gelehrtesten Doctor Johannes Stocker und seinem zu verehrenden Herrn,
sende ich die besten Grüße.
[1] Gefeiertster Herr Doctor und geschicktester Fürst der Ärzte, ich
flehe deine herausragende Würde beim unsterblichen Gott bittend an,
daß du meiner Bitte, deretwegen ich mich an dich wende, willfahrig sein
mögest. [2] Die Augenkrankheit der Verfinsterung belastet meine
Augen. Auch wenn ich bis jetzt sehe, so doch zu wenig, und zumal wie
andere Menschen kann ich nicht sehen. Galen hat nämlich drei Arten der
Sicht beschrieben, eine, die weit aber nicht nahe sieht, eine zweite, wenn
sie nahe und nicht weit sieht, und eine dritte, wenn sie weder nahe noch
weit sieht.39 Ich kann in der Nähe sehr gut sehen, aber in der Ferne gar
nichts. Auf einen Doppelschritt kann ich die fetteste Schrift nicht so
sehen, daß ich sie lese. In meiner Kindheit habe ich jedoch, wie ich
sicher weiß, weiter und besser sehen können. Deshalb wird dieser
mein Defekt, wie ich glaube, nicht aus einer zu geringen Zahl der Seh
geister verursacht, die durch zwei Venen, welche sich auf der Mitte der
Stirn kreuzen, vom Gehirn zum Organ die Sehfähigkeit hinabbringen.40
Sondern vielleicht ist dadurch, daß ich sehr häufig und ständig tags und

39 Eine Stelle, wo Galen auf diese Weise drei Seharten festhält, ließ sich nicht
nachweisen. Zur Kurzsichtigkeit vgl. C. G. Kühn, Claudii Galeni Opera omnia (Leipzig,
1821-1833), XIV, S. 776 (in: Introductio sive Medicus):« Myopes vicina vident, remota
non item»; XIX, S. 436 (in: Definitiones med/'cae):«Myopsis est affectus ab ortu con-
tractus, quo propinqua cernimus, remota vel parum vel nihil omnino».
40 Die Vorstellung, daß ein тWEÛua vom Gehirn zum Auge fließt, das ihm die Seh
fähigkeit bringt, und daß eine Schwäche dieses icveuua die Sehfähigkeit beeinträchtigt,
findet sich mehrfach bei Galen, vgl. C. G. Kühn (wie Anm. 39), X, S. 275 (in: De usu
partium corporis humani): «visus instrumentum spiritum habere splendidum assidue
sibi a cerebro affluentem»; XIV, S. 752 (in: Introductio sive Medicus):«oculi propter
Spiritus visorii imbecillitatem hallucinantur».
212 W. LUDWIG

nachts immer Bücher gelesen habe, die Schärfe meiner Augen ermüdet
und stumpfer gemacht worden. Sonst schmerzen meine Augen nicht,
und ich glaube heute nicht mehr als gestern, vormittags nicht mehr als
nachmittags zu sehen. Nach einem oder zwei Jahren aber bemerke ich,
daß meine Sehkraft dunkler wird. Ich fürchte auch, daß sich dereinst
Häutchen über meine Augen ziehen werden. [3] Deine Würde, hochzu
verehrender Herr Doctor, hat meine Krankheit erkannt, und es sei dir
nicht verborgen, daß einem Kranken nichts wertvoller ist als ihm zu
Teil werdende Sorge und Hilfe. Deshalb, wenn du mich mit ewiger
Dankbarkeit an dich fesseln und mich dir verpflichten willst, gewähre
mir beim unsterblichen Gott deine Hilfe. Wenn du dies tust, wirst du mir
ein so großes Gut schenken, daß du mir in dieser Welt kein größeres
schenken kannst. Dies wird mir willkommener sein als alles Silber
und Gold und als alle Edelsteine. Lebe wohl, menschenfreundlichster
Doctor, und halte mich in dieser Sache und sonst für sehr empfohlen.
Und wenn etwas in mir ist, was deiner Würde oder deinem Nutzen oder
deiner Annehmlichkeit dienen könnte, so will ich, daß dies nicht mehr
in meiner als in deiner Gewalt liege. Leb noch einmal wohl. [4] Aus
Blaubeuren am 30. September des Jahres 1507. Der Geislinger Wolfgang
Reichart, eurer Würde ergebenster Dichter.
[5] An den genauesten, erfahrensten und zuverläßigsten Arzt, den
Herrn Doctor Stocker, ein Gedicht des Geislingers Wolfgang Reichart:41
Solange meine Kehle kastalischen Nektar genoß und ständig in unseren
Händen waren Vergil und Ovid, Properz und Tibull, Cicero und mit Juve
nal der freche Martial,42 (5) da gingen aus meinem Gehege bessere
Gedichte aus und ich schenkte Gedichte, die aonisches Salz gefärbt hatte.43
Da sah die Muse mich auch als König der Lateiner,44 und die gelehrte
Schar las meine Verse. Jetzt nachdem Finsternis meine Augen überzogen
hat, (10) habe ich meine Gedichte verlassen und meine pierische Laute. Mit
schmerzenden Augen ließ ich Mut und Studium fallen. Daher kommt es,

41 Die Struktur des Briefes wiederholt sich in gewissem Umfang in dem beigefügten
Gedicht. Der Brief begann mit einer Anrede und Bitte [1], brachte dann die Beschreibung
von Reicharts Augenkrankheit und seine eigene vorläufige medizinische Beurteilung [2]
und danach seine Bitte und sein Versprechen [3]. Das Gedicht beginnt mit einer Beschrei
bung seines einstigen und jetzigen Zustandes (V. 1-12) und läßt darauf wieder Bitte und
Versprechen folgen (V. 13-28).
42 Coquus ist ein unerklärter mittelalterlicher Name für den Epigrammatiker Martial,
s. M. Schanz - C. Hosius, Geschichte der römischen Literatur, II, 4. Auflage (München,
1935), S. 557.
43 Ausdruck nach Martial, Ер. 8, 3, 19:«at tu Romano lepidos sale tinge libellos.«
44 Der Begriff Aeneadae wird bei Vergil und Lukrez im Sinnne von Römer gebraucht,
hier danach für die Lateinisch schreibenden und sprechenden Gelehrten.
 EINE TÜBINGER MAGISTERPRÜFUNG IM JAHR 1509 213

daß meine Muse jetzt über holprige Stellen läuft.45 Du jedoch, о Stocker,
der Ärzte größter Fürst, mach, daß von meinen Augen der finstere Schleier
verschwindet, (15) damit ich häufig an meinen Studien arbeiten und die
Bücher der Dichter fortsetzen kann. Auf diese Weise kannst du mir den
Reichtum des Krösus, die Münzen des Midas und die goldenen Äpfel der
Hesperiden geben. Dann wird meine Muse dir mit einem metrenreichen
Lied dein Lob (20) singen, und du wirst durch einen ewigen Namen
bekannt sein. Äskulap, Paeon, Podalirius und Machaon, der Phillyride
Chiron46 und ebenso Melampus selbst, obgleich das Gedicht Homers diese
Ärzte feierte,47 werden dennoch nicht dich und deinen Glanz besiegen. (25)
Du jedoch, о Stocker, der Ärzte größter Monarch, mach, daß von meinen
Augen der finstere Schleier verschwindet. Daß du mir zu Hilfe eilst, fordert
die Verbindung unserer Studien: den Dichtern und den Ärzten ist ja ein
einziger Apoll gewogen.
Die Kenntnis dieses biographischen Hintergrunds berechtigt zu der
Annahme, daß Reichart in der Tat zur Wahl seiner Magister-quaestio
durch seine Augenkrankheit und die damit verbundenen Befürchtungen
motiviert war, so akademisch er sie dann auch diskutierte. Seine Seh
fähigkeit scheint sich im übrigen später nicht erheblich verschlechtert zu
haben. Er kommt in seiner Korrespondenz bis 1543 nie mehr auf sie
zurück und hat seinen Beruf als Ulmer Stadtarzt nachweislich bis 1546
ausüben können. Die 1507 mit Stocker aufgenommene Beziehung
führte ihn zum Medizinstudium und schließlich zur Nachfolge Stockers
in Ulm.
Allgemein gesehen, brachte die Edition und Erläuterung der beiden
Texte folgende Ergebnisse: Reicharts Magisterrede von 1509 zeigt die
normalen humanistischen und philosophischen Leistungen für eine damals
gut bewertete Abschlußprüfung in der unteren Fakultät der Universität
Tübingen in einer bisher meines Wissens nicht erreichten Konkretheit,
und man wird angesichts der Gleichartigkeit des damaligen Studien
betriebs auch in anderen Universitäten des deutschsprachigen Raums
Ähnliches erwarten dürfen. Leider sind Vergleichsstücke aus dieser

45 Ausdruck nach Martial. Ер. 11, 90, 1-2: «Carmina... per salebras allaque saxa
cadunt», und Cicero, Or. 12, 39:«Herodotus sine ullis salebris fluit».
46 Da der überlieferte Gallas nicht als homerischer oder sonst sagenhafter Arzt
identifiziert werden kann und Melampus als Arzt sicher aus Vergil, Georg. 3, 349-50:
«cessere magistri/ Phillyrides Chiron Amythaoniusque Melampus» stammt, wurde für
Gallus vermutungsweise Chiron eingesetzt.
47 Daß Reichart die vorstehenden Ärztenamen nicht den Gedichten Homers entnommen
hat, beweist der Umstand, daß Chiron und Melampus dort nicht vorkommen. Reichart hat
die Namen vor allem aus Hygin, Vergil (mit Servius), Properz und Ovid geholt.
214 W. LUDWIG

Zeit meines Wissens nicht bekannt. Reicharts Brief von 1507 dokumen
tierte andererseits die leicht übersehene Tatsache, daß selbst hinter einer
unpersönlich scheinenden akademischen Prüfungsleistung jener Zeit
sehr persönliche, im Leben des Kandidaten begründete Motivationen
stehen können, die wir nur dann erfahren, wenn die Überlieferung es,
wie in diesem Falle, gut mit uns meint.

Reventlowstr. 19
D-22605 Hamburg
 Hubertus Schulte Herbrüggen

UTOPIAE INSULAE FIGURA:

THE TITLE WOODCUT IN THOMAS MORE 'S UTOPIA, 1516

Utopia is the book which made More' s name famous and by which
he still is remembered throughout the world. It depicts his Platonic
ideas of a 'best state', expressed in elegant humanist Latin. Having no
intention that it should be read — and misunderstood — by the indis
criminate general reading public of his day at the eve of the reformation,
he skilfully employed Greek key-words for place-names, such as Utopia
(from où and xónoq, "no-place", also called by himself and other
humanists nusquama, "nowhere"), the capital Amaurotum ("ghost or
darkling city"), the river Anydrus ("water-less"), the Alaopolis, the Ane-
molians, the Macarenses etc. Equally he used Greek for proper names,
such as king Utopus ("land-less"),1 king Ademus ("people-less") or the
narrator Hythlodaeus ("dealer in nonsense, liar"), who tells the whole
story of that newly discovered ideal island. Thus it is only to those read
ers that are skilled in Greek — a vast minority then as well as today —
that More unveils his whole truth: his "new island", where all men live
according to reason and to the four cardinal virtues (prudence, justice,
fortitude and modesty), is not of this world but, he stresses, "more to be
wished than to be hoped for".

II. The Editio princeps of Thomas More's Utopia, 1516

When, on 3 September 1516, More finally despatched his manuscript

of the Utopia to Erasmus, he entrusted him with seeing it through the
press.2 About two weeks later he asked him to solicit recommendations

1 Perhaps More remembered king John Lackland (1 167-1216) of English history.

2 Opus Epistolarum Des. Erasmi Roterodami, edd. P. S. and Н. M. Allen and H. W. Gar-
rod, 12 vols. (Oxford, 1906-1958), IV, no. 461/1-3 (quoted henceforth as A with letter and
line number).
216 H. SCHULTE HERBRÜGGEN

from scholars and, if possible, from public celebrities.3 On 2 October,

Erasmus informed More that their common friend Pieter Gillis was
delighted with the book,4 and on 12 November Erasmus is told by Gerard
Geldenhouwer, that Martens has undertaken to print it with the greatest
pleasure and that he himself will secure the greatest possible care.5 On
15 December 1516 More is expecting to see the Utopia any day, as he
tells Erasmus.6 And on 4 January 1517, William Blount, Lord Mountjoy,
thanks Erasmus for a copy of the book.7
Utopia seems to have left the second Louvain press of Dirk Martens
in the second half of December 15 168, where five titles by Erasmus9 and
one by P. Faustus Andrelinus10 had been its immediate forerunners in
Martens's booklist.11

It was a small volume in 4°, 54 fols.; 12 beginning with the title, there
are 4 leaves unsigned, signatures a-k4, k-14, m6. The unsigned leaves
show the title (fol. lr); followed (apparently as a result of Erasmus's
solicitations requested by More) by a woodcut of VTOPIAE INSVLAE
FIGVRA (fol. Г); the VTOPIENSIVM ALPHABETVM and a Tetrastichon, a
humanist practical joke in the fictitious exotic language of the Utopians,
beginning (in Latin transliteration): "Vtopos ha Boccas peu la..." and
accompanied by a Latin "translation" (fol. 2r); the HEXASTICHON ANEMOLH

3 A 467/13-19.
4 A 474/29-30.
5 A 487/1-2, 6-7.
6 A 502/24-26.
7 A 508/1 -7.
8 For the long Renaissance title, facsimiles of the title-page and of 'Vtopiae Insvlae
Figvra' see (e.g.) André Prévost, L'Utopie de Thomas More (Paris, 1978), pp. 219-20.
9 In July 1516: his translation of Gaza's Grammaticae institutionis liber; in August:
his Institutiones principis christiani (twice); in September: his De octo partium oratio-
nis; in October: his Epistolae aliquot; cf. 'Catalogus van Martensdrukken', Appendix II
in: Tentoonstelling Dirk Martens 1473-1973 (Aalst, 1973); More's Utopia is M 136.
10 Epistolae proverbialis et morales, 'Catalogus van Martensdrukken', M 135.
11 Ibid., M 130-134.
12 W. Nijhoff & M. E. Kronenberg, Nederlandsche Bibliographie van 1500 tot 1540,
8 pts. ('s-Gravenhage, 1923-71), no. 1550 (henceforth quoted as 'NK'); Adams M 1755;
St. Thomas More: A Preliminary Bibliography of his Works and of Moreana to the Year
1750, compiled by R. W. Gibson (New Haven & London, 1961), 1 (henceforth quoted as
'Gibson' with number). This and the following editions are described in detail in the Yale
Edition of the Complete Works of St. Thomas More (henceforth quoted as 'YWC'), 4
(New Haven & London, 1965), pp. clxxxiii-cxcii, and by Prévost, L'Utopie, pp. 215-40.
The Yale edition is used throughout the present contribution. — For illustrations in the
volume see Edward Surtz S. J., "The Illustrations in the Yale Utopia', Moreana, 10
(1965), 55-73.
 UTOPIAE INSULAE FIGURA 217

poete (fol. 2v); a letter from Busleyden to Pieter Gillis (fol. 3r-4r); a
letter from Ioannes Paludanus (Van den Broek/Desmarais) to Gillis
(fol. 4r"v); and the first three lines of a "carmen" on the new isle of
Utopia by Paludanus (fol. 4v; continued on sig. a1), followed by an
epigram on Utopia by Gerard Geldenhouwer and one by Cornelius
Grapheus (de Schrijver) "ad lectorem" (sig. alr). Next (sig. alr-a 2v)
comes a letter from Busleyden to More13 (R 27), a "prefatio" in form of
a letter from More to Gillis (R 29, sig. a2v4v). Then the text of book I
of the Utopia starts with Raphael Hythloday's "sermon" (sig. blr). On
sig. e3v book II begins. It ends on sig. m6r; the final page, m6v, shows the
printer's mark.14
Utopia was an immense success. By March 1517 the book was so
well accepted everywhere that a revised edition was commissioned.
After a period of only a few months, Gilles de Gourmont printed in Paris
the second edition in 8°.15 The following year, 1518, saw two editions in
4°, in March and in November/December, by Johann Frobenius in Basel,
with woodcuts by Ambrosius Holbein and Urs Graf (Gibson, 3); in 1519
More' s Opúscula together with the Utopia were printed by Giunta in
Florence in 4° (Gibson, 82).
Utopia, so obviously designed for the erudite humanist reader,
was slow to instigate vernacular translations. A German translation
by Claudius Cantiuncula (Chansonette) was the first to appear in 1524
(Gibson, 34), half-heartedly as it were, since it contained only book II.
It was followed only one generation later, in 1548, by an Italian (Gib
son, 37), 1550 by a French (Gibson, 19), 1551 by Ralph Robynson's
first English translation (Gibson, 25), and in 1553 by a Dutch one
(Gibson, 38).
The editio princeps was critically edited by Victor Michels and
Theobald Ziegler;16 J. H. Lupton used the third edition of March
1518,17 as do the editors of the modern Yale Edition, Edward Surtz
S.J. and J. H. Hexter, whereas André Prévost used the fourth of November
1518.18

13 Published by Elizabeth F. Rogers (ed.). The Correspondence of Sir Thomas More

(Princeton, 1947), no. 27 (quoted henceforth as R plus number).
14 As in the edition of R. Agricola's Dialectica (Lovanii, 1515), but without the orna
mental borders; see Tentoonstelling..., P 76.
15 Adams, M-1755; Gibson 2.
16 Lateinische Literaturdenkmäler des XV. und XVI. Jahrhunderts, 11 (Berlin, 1895).
17 Oxford, 1895; it includes Robynson's first English translation of 1551.
18 Cf. supra, notes 8 and 12.
218 H. SCHULTE HERBRÜGGEN

III. The Author

Sir Thomas More's main biographical facts are familiar to us. It may
here suffice to recall just a few of them.
Born in London on 6 February 1477/78, 19 educated at Oxford and at
London's Lincoln's Inn, a barrister at law, married to Jane Colt (who
bore him three daughters and a son), Undersheriff of London, knighted,
King's Councillor, Under-Treasurer of England, Speaker of the Com
mons and, finally, Lord Chancellor; he resigned, refused the Oath of
Supremacy, was imprisoned, condemned on false evidence, executed on
Tower Hill on 6 July 1535, and canonized in 1935.
The public limelight on his dramatic end has so dominated our picture
of him that we do well in asking, what might the general public have
known of the Thomas More of 1515 to 1520? We are lucky in having an
account by a famous contemporary eyewitness, Erasmus of Rotterdam.
His pen-portrait of More was written for Ulrich von Hutten in 1519,20
only two and a half years after the first appearance of Utopia. It depicts
the early Thomas More, the tender paterfamilias, the eloquent humanist
and the clear-sighted royal councillor.
Furthermore, by 1516 More was known among the international circle
of humanists from three editions of his Latin translations of Lucian 's
Dialogues (Paris, 1506 & 1514; Venice, 1516), from his Life of John
Picus (i.e. Pico della Mirandola, London, с 15 10), and even renowned
from the Moriae Encomion (a witty pun on his name; Paris, 1511)
which Erasmus had dedicated to his close friend,21 or from the laudatory
epigram on him by Badius Ascensius of 1514.22 Dean Colet called More
Britain's solum Ingenium.
His diplomatic mission of 1515 on foreign-trade problems contributed
to make him known to the Burgundian court of Charles V and to such
influential councillors as William de Croy, Lord of Chièvres, chancellor
John Le Sauvage, Michael de Croy, Lord of Sempy, John de Halewijn,
Lord of Maldeghem, and George de Themsike.23

19 For John More's memorandum on Thomas's birth cf. The King's Good Servant: Sir
Thomas More 1477/78-1535 (London, 1977), no. 10 (henceforth quoted as KGS with number).
20 A999.
21 A222.
22 In his Dialogi et alia emuncta (Paris, 1516), sig. o7.
23 Thomas Rymer (ed.), Foedera, conventiones , literae et cuiuscunque generis acta
publica..., XIII, 544; /?10 & 14; Hubertus Schulte Herbrüggen (ed.), Sir Thomas More:
Neue Briefe, Neue Beiträge zur Englischen Philologie, 5 (Münster, 1966), no. 1 1A.
 UTOPIAE INSULAE FIGURA 219

In a word, More added to that esteem the fame which his Utopia, a
bestseller right from the start, won him throughout Europe.24

IV. THE PRINTER

When More sent his Utopia to Erasmus at Louvain for publication, it

was almost inevitable that Dirk Martens should be the printer.
Dirk Martens,25 only son of Joos Martins/Mertins by Johanna (?) de
Proost, was born at Aalst in Flanders about 1446/7 and was educated, as
is generally assumed, by the local Williamite Brethren, in whose local
convent he spent his last years and died in 1534. The circumstances of
his early visit to Italy are not known, but he met his compatriot Girardus
de Lisa (? Verleyen) of Ghent in or near Venice, a teacher and occasional
printer. K. Heireman, after close comparison of their book productions,
concluded that either de Lisa taught Martens the art of printing or that
they both learnt it from the same Venetian teacher.
After his return, Martens set up his first press in his native Aalst,
working at times in partnership with Johannes de Westfalia, who had
arrived from Cologne. Martens may have been in Spain between 1474
and 1486. Having returned to Aalst, his book production at his second
press may be described as mediaeval, i.e. devotional and scholastic,
though a first humanist name appears with Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini
(the later Pius II).
In 1493 he moved to Antwerp, taking over the business of the late
printer Gerard Leeu. Here he added Christopher Columbus to his list
of authors. In 1497 he registered at the University of Louvain26 and set
up shop opposite University Hall, extending his publications (besides
humanists like Beroaldus and Petrarch) to fiscal and synodal matters. He
kept in touch, though, with Antwerp, where he practised his trade again
from 1502-12. It was there that the young Pieter Gillis (Aegidius)27 and

24 During More's lifetime there were four Latin and one German edition(s) at Louvain,
Paris, Basel (3) and Florence.
25 For Martens cf. Tentoonstelling Dirk Martens 1473-1973 (Aalst, 1973); К. Heireman
in Nationaal Biografisch Woordenboek, VI (Brussel, 1974), 633-7; J. Usewijn in Con
temporaries of Erasmus, 3 vols. (Toronto / Buffalo / London, 1985-87), II, 394-6.
26 Matricule de l'Université de Louvain, ed. E. Reusens, A. Schillings et al. (Brussels,
1958), m, 1, no. 75.
27 Martens printed Gillis's collections of Rudolf Agricola's Opuscula nonnulla in
1511 and his Summae sive argumenta legum in 1517.
220 H. SCHULTE HERBRÜGGEN

Gerard Geldenhouwer (Noviomagus)28 worked for him as correctors,

and Gillis brought him into contact with Erasmus, for whom he published
four titles at his second Antwerp press. Other authors included the whole
range of Renaissance humanists: Pico della Mirandola, Filelfo, Petrarch,
Politianus and Agricola. When Erasmus handed Martens More's manu
script of Utopia in the autumn of 15 16, he had been in business with him
for more than twelve years29 and there were almost another seven years
to come.
Nor was More at that time unknown to Martens. About five years
earlier, in January 1512, he had printed an edition of Erasmus's best
seller, the Laus stultitiae sive Moriae encomium,30 dedicated to Thomas
More.11 In 1512 Martens returned to Louvain, and it was from his second
press there that he issued, apart from works by many other humanists,32
More's Utopia in December 1516.

V. Vtopiae Insvlae Figvra

On the verso of the title is a rough woodcut headed in capital letters,

Vtopiae insvlae figvra. The fact that it is not just one of those much-
favoured multi-purpose cuts from the printer's stock (with a few type-set

28 Whose Pompa exequiarum Catholici Hispanarum regis Ferdinandi Martens printed

in April 1516 and his De ingressu Philippi de Burgundia in ditionem suam in 1517.
29 Their business relations date back to Martens's second Antwerp press (working
between 1502 and 1512), where he had printed Erasmus's Lucubratiunculae aliquot
(1503; 1509); Gratulatorias panegyricus (1504); Laus stultitiae (1512). Up to More's
Utopia, the following titles by Erasmus were printed in Martens's second Louvain press
(1512-1529): De ratione studii (1512); Erasmus's translation of Plutarch's De tuenda
bona valetudine (1513); again the Lucubratiunculae aliquot (1514); Cato's Disticha
moralia along with Erasmus's Scholia (1514); De constructione octo partium orationis
(1514 twice); Erasmus's translation of Plutarch's Opúscula (1515); Enchiridion militis
christiani (1515); Parabolae (1515); again Cato's Disticha moralia (1515); Enarratio in
primum psalmum (1515); his translation of Lucian's Complures dialogi (1515) and of
Theodore Gaza's Grammaticae institutionis (1516); Institutio principis christiani (Aug.
1516 twice); again his De constructione (Sept. 1516), and, finally, his Epistolae aliquot
(Oct. 1516). At least 41 further titles by Erasmus were to follow the Utopia of 1516,
before the printer retired in 1524.
30 NK831.
31 Ca. 1519 he was to print twice More's Latin translation of Lucian's 'Menippus'
(NK 1392 and 1405).
32 Like Faustus Andrelinus, Dorpius, Barlandus, Cornelius Grapheus (who also
contributed to the Utopia), Johannes Murmellius. Rescius, Gaza, Geldenhouwer and
Lascaris.
 UTOPIAE INSULAE FIGURA 221

VTOPIAE INSVLAE FIGVRA

Anonymous Title Woodcut, Utopia, Editio Princeps, Louvain:

D. Martens, 1516
222 H. SCHULTE HERBRÜGGEN

legends inserted ad hoc) but an illustration made to order, is evident

from its characteristic features which correspond closely to the text of
Utopia.
Within a rectangular single-line frame (163 x 121 mm) the woodcut
shows a semi-bird's-eye view of a seascape, dominated in the centre by
an inhabited island, roughly in form of an horse-shoe, with the opening
at the bottom.
Vtopiensivm Insvla in media sui parte... millia passuum ducenta porrigi-
tur... fines uersus paulatim utrinque tenuatur. hi uelut circunducti circino
quingentorum ambitu millium, insulam totam in lunae speciem renascentis
effigiant. Cuius cornua fretum interfluens, millibus passuum plus minus
undecim dirimit, ac per ingens inane diffusum, circumiectu undique terrae
prohibitis uentis, uasti in morem lacus stagnans magis quam saeuiens,
omnem prope eius terrae aluum pro portu facit. (YCW 4, 1 10).
"The island of the Utopians extends in the center... for two hundred
miles..., but toward both ends it begins gradually to taper. These ends form
a circle five hundred miles in circumference and so make the island look
like a new moon, the horns of which are divided by straits about eleven
miles across. The straits then unfold into a wide expanse. As the winds are
kept off by the land which everywhere surrounds it, the bay is like a huge
lake, smooth rather than rough, and thus converts almost the whole center
of the country into a harbor. . . " (YCW 4, 111).
The background is occupied by the seashore of the hilly mainland.
passuum milia quindecim, qua parte tellus continenti adhaesit, exscindendum
curauit, ac mare circum terram duxit. (YCW 4, 112).
"He then ordered the excavation of fifteen miles on the side where the land
was connected with the continent and caused the sea to flow around the
land." (YCW 4, 113).
In the foreground there are three vessels. A large, sea-going boat is
shown from her starboard, a late mediaeval fully-rigged cog (German
kogge), broadly built, with the typically rounded raised prow and
stern, her planking topped by two washboards; the prow showing
some parallel shading. She has three square-rigged masts with multi
ple shrouds, secured by a set of short ropes across, known as 'rat
lines', forming rope-ladders for sailors to climb the ship's shrouds;
there is only one yard each for a square sail; all three sails are reefed.
Her foremast is held by a fore-stay from the bowsprit, not from the
jib-boom. Behind the foot of the foremast, and given only in crude
outline, stands a single, bareheaded seaman. The mainmast is topped
by a crow's nest, which flies a long (? split) pennant, showing the
 UTOPIAE INSULAE FIGURA 223

letters N and OP The stern is raised high and shows, protruding well
over the poop, a mast, a gallery and cabin windows, and underneath the
main piece of a huge rudder. The cog is riding on anchor, with the taut
rope stretching far out towards the right. It looks as if the cog had sent
her small cock-boat ashore, where it can be seen, empty, right through
the rigging of the mizzenmast.
The vessel on the right is being shown from the bow, coming on
quickly, with her Latin sail full in the wind and one man at the helm.
The island in the centre has a somewhat irregular roundish coastline,
which opens into a spacy gulf, forming a natural harbour which is con
trolled by a huge fortified tower with battlements, erected on top of a
great crag.
In medio ferme interstitio una rupes eminet... cui inaedificatam turrim
praesidio tenent... (YCW 4, 1 10).
"Almost in the center of the gap stands one great crag.... A tower built on
it is occupied by a garrison." (YCW 4, 1 1 1).
The dominating geographical feature of the island is the river Anydrus,
running roughly in form of a Greek Q. It is shown from the Fons, a
waterfall high up in the mountains on the left, following, at some dis
tance, the inner coastline to the Ostium, where, on the right, it joins the
gulf.
Oritur Anydrus milibus octoginta supra Amaurotum, modico fonte, sed
aliorum occursu fluminum, atque in his duorum etiam mediocrium
auctus, ante urbem ipsam, quingentos in latum passus extenditur, mox
adhuc amplior, sexaginta milia prolapsus, excipitur oceano. (YCW 4,
118).
"The Anydrus rises eighty miles above Amaurotum from a spring not very
large; but, being increased in size by several tributaries, two of which are
of fair size, it is half a mile broad in front of the city. After soon becoming
still broader and after running farther for sixty miles, it falls into the
ocean." (YCW 4, 119).
Small towns, represented by the traditional topographical symbols, are
placed at regular distances around the coast.
Insula ciuitates habet quatuor & quinquaginta spatiosas omnes ac magnifi
cas..., idem situs omnium, eadem ubique quatenus per locum licet, rerum
facies. Harum quae proximae inter se sunt millia quatuor aс uiginti sepa
rant... (YCW 4, 1 12).

33 On the letters О and N see infra, pp. 228-29.

224 H. SCHULTE HERBRÜGGEN

"The island contains fifty-four city-states, all spacious and magnificent...

and... as far as the nature of the ground permits, similar even in appear
ance. None of them is separated by less than twenty-four miles from the
nearest..." (YCW 4, 113).
The capital, inscribed Ciuitas amaurotum, dominates the island's centre,
with walls, pinnacles, turrets and towers, a fortified but open city gate,
steepled churches and gabled houses.
Situm est igitur Amaurotum, in lent deiectu montis, figura fere quadrata.
Nam latitudo eius paulo infra collis incoepta uerticem, millibus passuum
duobus adflumen Anydrum pertinet... (YCW 4, 1 16).
"Amaurotum is situated on the gentle slope of a hill and is almost foursquare
in outline. Its breadth is about two miles starting just below the crest of the
hill and running down to the river Anydrus..." (YCW 4, 1 17).
Strangely enough, the whole island shows no signs of any vegetation.
The surrounding sea is represented by wavy lines, stretching regularly
from left to right in the background, and interrupted realistically by the
reflecting waves from the vessels in the foreground and even where the
rope of the anchor dips into the water.
The continent in the background shows a hilly and, forming the
horizon, even a mountainous landscape with a large, walled city at the
right, with towers, steeples and gabled houses. It looks as if there were
six small sailing boats off-shore with others laying in harbour. On the
mainland we see some trees and shrubs.
In general, the woodcut is a typical hybrid of the time, i.e. late
mediaeval, turning slowly into the Northern Renaissance of the early
sixteenth century, mixing first attempts at nature-observing in giving
an 'aerial' bird's-eye view of a coastal land- and seascape using picto-
graphic symbols of traditional mediaeval cartography, as parallel wavy
lines for water or stylized houses, towers and steeples for cities. The
whole scene is traditional, with familiar, handed-down features, cp. e.g.,
the view in Epistola Christophori Columbi (1493):34 the wavy lines of
the water, the vessel seen from starboard and riding on anchor "to the
right", the three-mast cog (though there under sail), the shrouds, the sin
gle yards, the crow's nest (there manned) with a pennant flying "to the
right", the single sailor on board, the storied harbour tower, the coastal

34 Epistola. . . de Insulis. . . Indie supra Gangem nuper inuentis. . . [Rome, Stephan Plannck,
after 29 Apr. 1493; GW 7173; Epistola de insulis nuper inventis [Antwerp, Dirk Martens,
с 1493], 4°; GW 7176; 'Catalogus van Martensdrukken', M 26; facsimile: Ch. Ruelens,
La première relation de Christophe Colombe (1493) (Bruxelles, 1 895).
 UTOPIAE INSULAE FIGURA 225

landscape divided by rivers, the traditional symbol for towns as well as

the gothic ("Black Letter") xylographic lettering of place names. They
share even details of wood-cutting: the predominance of contouring,
shading or "rounding" by close parallel lines, the slight hatching of
landscapes, etc.35
Our artist, crude though he is, seems at his best when on familiar
grounds: in the elegant line of the hilly horizon, the set pieces of the
coastal landscape of the background, or in the stylized sailing vessels in
the front: stock features that every illustrator employs. Where he had to
tread new ground, as in depicting the literally non-existent island Utopia
with features stipulated by the author (e.g. the details of the island
Utopia, the gulfed port, the river Anydrus and the capital Amaurotum
etc.), his hand, somewhat coarse in general, becomes less secure; even
so, his illustration of the imaginary island, in all its plainness (or because
of it), conforms better to More' s text than the so very much more refined
one by Ambrose Holbein which decorates the third edition of the
Utopia, Basel 1518. The plainness of our artist's style still carries much
of the charm of the woodcuts from the then by-gone days of incunabula.
Turning, for comparison, to Ambrose Holbein (1494 - с 15 19, Hans
Holbein's elder brother), it is obvious that he had the 1516 woodcut in
front of him when he designed his own rendering. Indeed, he copied all
its main features:
- the hilly skyline and scenery of the continental background,
- the circular island with the river Anydrus following its coastal curve,
with the capital Amaurotum at the top and small towns placed at regular
intervals over the island,
- the three vessels in the foreground even in their minute detail : the large
cog in the foreground with one man at the mast, her reefed sails, the
pennant flying from her crow's nest, her strange vertical planking, the
oncoming second vessel under sail, and the cock-boat at the strand.
There are differences, though. As would be expected of a copy,
Ambrose's picture stands side-inverted: the cog, in 1516 shown from
her starboard with her prow to the right, has it now to the left, showing
her port. The same goes for the other two vessels. The island, too, is
turned around, having the waterfall at the source of the river Anydrus
now on the right and its mouth on the left, although the printer, who had

35 Cp. also some illustrations in Rudimenta novitiorum (Paris, Pierre Le Rouge for
Vincent Commin, 1488), as given in Sotheby's (London) sale catalogue (27 June 1995),
The Collection of Dr. Otto Schäfer, pt. II: Parisian Books (London, 1995), lot 172.
226 H. SCHULTE HERBRÜGGEN

V T O P ï AS I N S V L AB T A B V L A.

Title Woodcut by Ambrosius Holbein, Utopia, Third Edition, Basel:

J. Proben, 1518
 UTOPIAE INSULAE FIGURA 227

to insert the lettering for "Fons..." and "Ostium Anydri", inadvertendly

left the legends in their position of 1516, so that "Ostium Anydri" now
stands right next to its waterfall origin. Ambrose also failed to recognize
the huge bay harbour at the bottom of the island which he fills with hills.
He also did not catch the importance of the controlling tower at the bay's
entrance, since he represented it as a church with a cross on top of its
high steeple. These misunderstandings seem to suggest a certain unfa-
miliarity with the contents of More' s text.
The chief difference is Ambrose's happy invention of a small strip of
land right at the bottom, peopled by three male figures. The one on the
left, pointing with his raised left towards the Utopian isle, is identified
by a label as "Hythlodaeus". Ambrose adorns the whole scene with
one of his favoured36 elegant Renaissance festoons of pointed foliage tied
with ribbons and suspended from the upper frame; it carries three orna
mental tablets inscribed "Amaurotum vrbs", "Fons Anydri" and "Ostium
anydri". He also adds a third letter "R" on the pennant to the two ("N"
and "O") of 1516, which has given raise to speculation.37 Although offer
ing a copy of the crude cut of 1516, there can be no doubt that Ambrose
Holbein has turned it into a superb work of art, both in style and hand.
Finally, we have to enquire after the function of Vtopiae Insvlae
Figvra, to what purpose was it added? Here we have to remind ourselves
that it is not part of More' s text, but belongs to the bundle of parerga
that were inserted at the beginning of Martens' s edition (fols. Г-4\ sig.
alr- a4v). Following up More's masterful blending of literary "reality"
and "utopian" fantasy, which keeps the reader in constant suspense,
never sure on what ground he treads, with all the "life-like" features of
Utopia described in topographical and political and institutional detail,
the parerga, too, served as a means to add credibility to More's Utopian
hoax. And in particular a woodcut of a "view" of the Utopian island was
to serve, as it were, as an equivalent of our modern press photograph or
TV picture, suggesting to the reader / viewer he "had seen it with his
own eyes".

36 Cp. similar entwined festoons in his "Virgin and Child" of 1514 in the Kunstmu
seum Basel or in his "A twenty year old man with rich Renaissance architecture" of 1518
in the Hermitage in St Petersburg, to name but two paintings; H.W. Grohn observed his
"tendency towards abounding decor of framework and garlands".
37 Following up their speculation on "Nicoletti Opus" (cf. infra, pp. 228-29), the
Yale editors suggest that the added "R" might stand for Rossi, Rosa, Rosex, "if Ambrose
Holbein knew that the sketch of the island in 1516 had been done by Nicoletto..." (YCW
4, 277).
228 H. SCHULTE HERBRÜGGEN

VI. The Artist

The role of Erasmus in the production of More 's Utopia is well

known.38 Even in the composition of the artist's drawing for the accom
panying title woodcut his advice was sought, as is shown by a letter to
him from Gerard Geldenhouwer (Noviomagus; who assisted in the pro
duction of many of Martens's books), dated Louvain, 12 November 1516:
Insulae ipsius figuram a quodam egregio pictore effictam Paludanus
noster tibi ostendet; si quid mutatum velis, scribes aut figuram annotabis.
(Л487/2-4).
"The plan of the island itself has been drawn out by a capital artist, and
Paludanus [Jean Desmarez] will show it to you; if you would like any
alterations, either let me know, or note them on the draft".39
The drawing for the cut, then, was completed by 12 November. As it looks,
it also had received its title by then (Vtopiae Insvlae Figvra) and was
circulated for comment and criticism; that is to say, about a week before
we hear that the book's manuscript was in the hands of the printer.40
Unfortunately, the name of that egregius pictor has not been handed
down. Unless one reads the letters 'N' and 'O' in the cog's pennant
for the artist's monogram,41 the woodcut seems unsigned and the artist
remains unknown.42 Allen43 refers his readers to a tentative discussion of
possible artists in Michels and Ziegler,44 who mention Quentin Metsys
and (questionably) Ambrosius Holbein — mere guesswork without
presenting any arguments.
The Yale editors too speculate on the identification, suggesting that
"N. O." "might stand for Nicoletti Opus, i.e. a work by Nicoletto da

38 Cf. YCW, IV, introduction, xvff, clxxxiiiff and passim.

" The Correspondence of Erasmus, translated by R. A. B. Mynors and D. F. S. Thomp
son, IV (Toronto and Buffalo, 1977), no. 487/3-5 (quoted as CWE with volume and letter
number).
40 Erasmus, from Brussels, 18 November 1516, to Pieter Gillis: "Vtopia in manibus
est typographi", A 491/13.
41 Michels & Ziegler in their edition of the Utopia (cf. supra, n. 16), cl, describe the
"Monogramm O.N." as not identifyable.
42 If Martens relied on artists working around the turn of the century in his native
Aalst, perhaps also the following might be considered: Olivier Boccaert, Gooris de Bru,
Adriaan de Hase, Jan van den Hende fs. Jans, Gillis Coucke fs. Hendrik, Dieric van
Lombeke, Balthazar Neerincx, Jan de Roy, Adriaan Scollaert, Jan de Wenne; cp. Ten-
toonstelling Dirk Martens 1473-1973 (Aalst, 1973), p. 34.
43 A487, n. 3.
44 Cf. supra, п. 16.
 UTOPIAE INSULAE FIGURA 229

Morena"45 — a rather improbable ascription, for which no stylistic or

external evidence is given. They also consider Gerard Geldenhouwer,
reading "NO" for his cognomen Noviomagus, understanding that "Such
skill as evidenced in the sketch of Utopia should not be thought sur
prising in Geldenhauer."46 The Toronto editors, misreading a remark in
the Yale edition of the Utopia, to which they refer,47 erroneously name
the artist as Ambrosius Holbein,4* who in fact was the artist of the wood
cut in the third edition of the Utopia (Basel, Johann Froben, 1518). Even
a first glimpse at the respective woodcuts will reveal an almost total
difference of hands and artistic approach.
Comparing the Utopia woodcut with cuts in other books printed by
Martens, it seems more obvious to me that he would have employed an
artist known to him, perhaps the rather crude one (or one of that kind)
who had worked for him at his second Antwerp press, e.g. for his Book
of Hours of 15 12,49 that shows a similar style and technique of design of
landscapes in the background of many of his figurative woodcuts.50

VII

Martens's Utopia was a typical hybrid of the age. On first impression

it would be easy to sketch out a seemingly convincing picture, in which
for all its parerga and woodcut illustrations, Martens's Utopia, as most
of his output, was no bibliophile work of art, but a specimen of plain
printer's craft before the arrival of Italian Renaissance aesthetics in the
Northern printers' office (like Amerbach's and Froben's in Basel), before
the days of their assuming the rôle of humanist centre's of book culture
and before the days of the great artist-designers (like Dürer, the Holbeins,
Baldung Grien or Cranach) and superb form-cutters. Against those great
names it would seem symbolical that Martens's artist remained anony
mous, his style coarse; indeed, the three decorative initials (S, P, Q) of
the first edition are taken at random from three different mediaeval

45 YCW 4, 277.
46 Ibid.
47 YCW 4, clxxxviii.
48 CWE 4,. 125, n. 2 to letter 487.
49 'Catalogus van Martensdrukken', M 79; unique copy Brussels, Royal Library,
LP 4226.
50 Cf. the plates included at the end of Tentoonstelling Dirk Martens, 1973, e.g. P 19,
29, 33, 40-43, 49, 55, 59, 62, 68, 71.
230 H. SCHULTE HERBRÜGGEN

fonts, another two (N and U) are just plain versalia of a gothic type.
The text is set in roman ( 'Antiqua '), the marginals in black-letter ( 'Gothico-
antiqua'), thus combining the two main type-families characteristic of
that age. And in comparing the two editions of Utopia, Martens's editio
princeps and Froben's Basel edition, it would seem they represent, in
their physical appearance as books, two different worlds as it were; only
fifteen months apart (December 1516 and March 1518), Martens pro
duced a mediaeval book, Froben one of the Renaissance... But that
would be less than half the truth.
On closer observation, however, Martens's non-ostentation must be
seen in line with his policy of "democratizing the book" (K. Heireman)
by producing plain but solid editions at a reasonable price for a broad
market of students, far beyond the local university. In-ostentatious as
his books were, yet his printer's office at Louvain was all the same one
of those great centres of humanistic book culture, as witness his some
250 printed books, his Latin, Greek and Hebrew editions (in part for the
Collegium Trilingue), his grammars, dictionaries and bilingual books
— quite apart, of course, from the main point, that the Utopia itself
and More's whole concept of a newly discovered island and of a state
governed by reason and "heathen" virtues is, undoubtedly, a child of
the new era.

Moreanum
Forschungsstelle für Englische Renaissance
Anglistisches Institut der Heinrich Heine Universität
Universitätsstraße 1
D-40225 Düsseldorf
 Charles FANTAZZI

POETRY AND RELIGION IN SANNAZARO'S

DE PARTU VIRGINIS

In a sort of envoi to his pipe, 'A la sampogna', which he added to

his last revision of the Arcadia,1 the poet Sannazaro bids farewell to his
sylvan Muse. It is a very desolate scene:
Le nostre Muse sono estinte; secchi sono i nostri lauri; ruinato è il nostro
Parnaso; le selve son tutte mutole; le valle e i monti per doglia son
divenuti sordi.
He had earlier made some vague vaticinations about a new direction in
his poetry in an elegy to his beloved Cassandra Marchese:
Мох maiora vocant me numina scilicet alti
Incessere ¡minium sacra verenda Dei (Elegiae, III, 2, 45-46),
and adumbrates the theme of the work:
Nuncius aetheriis ut venerit aliger astris
Dona ferens castae Virginis in gremium (vv. 49-50).
Instrumental in converting the poet to a celebration of divine subjects
was the famous preacher and mystic, Giles of Viterbo. We are told in a
late life of the poet by Giovanni Antonio Volpi2 that he had been deeply
impressed by the Augustinian monk's use of a verse of Virgil in a ser
mon, given in Naples, to prove an article of faith, and was inspired by it
to set to work on his epic poem on the virgin birth. This same story is
related by Pino da Cagli in Del Galant'Huomo:
quel grande predicatore Egidio Viterbese, che fu cardinale, che predi
cando in Napoli con un verso della Eneide di Vergilio con buona occa-
sione allegato, compunse tanto il cuore e lo spirito di Jacomo Sanazaro,
nobile gentiluomo e poeta eccellentissimo, che amaramente si dolse di
non havere sentito prima si egregio predicatore... onde si diede al com-
ponimento di materie spirituali; come si vede nel bellissimo libro suo, De
partu Virginis.3

1 Jacobo Sannazaro, Opere volgarí a cura di Alfredo Mauro (Bari, 1961), p. 130.
2 Jacobi sive Actii Synceri Sannazari Poemata (Venetiis, 1752), p. xxxix.
3 Pino da Cagli, Del Galant'Huomo (Venezia, 1604), pp. 153-4.
232 С. FANTAZZI

Their contacts must have been strengthened by their association at the

Neapolitan Academy, where Sannazaro had succeeded to the post of
Pontano. In an excellent recent study Marc Deramaix4 has documented
this intellectual friendship of the two men by publishing three eclogues
of Giles of Viterbo written around 1504, thus exactly at the time when
Sannazaro was embarking on his career as a religious poet. The second
of these is an encounter between two shepherds, Meliboeus and Lycidas,
who are clearly Virgil and Sannazaro. The latter singer is taking leave of
his woodland haunts and his pipe has been silenced ('et vox et calamis
discessit musa relictis', v. 19, Deramaix, p. 246). As the rustic conver
sation proceeds, Lycidas intones a sublime song about events he wit
nessed in Palestine, the birth of a miraculous child, attended by many
of the circumstances that are narrated in the Fourth Eclogue. Thus we
have the strange reversal of a Christian poet reciting to Virgil his own
prophetic words in their Christian garb. No clearer indication could
be given of the genesis of the De partu virginis under both poetic and
religious auspices.
For Giles, as for Pico and Ficino, the ancient writers, among whom
Virgil held a privileged place, and the pagan myths prefigured the Chris
tian mysteries and were to be interpreted in that light. Augustine and
other Church Fathers had supplied the precedent of seeking the truth
under a poetic veil. Indeed he felt that those who studied the ancient
poets without being aware of the hidden meaning that lay behind them
were like those who are so captivated by the beauty of a tree's foliage
that they forget all about its fruit.5 He admired those poets of his own
day who were able to express religious truths in fitting language and after
so many centuries of barbarity once more to join piety with eloquence.
In the case of the De partu virginis Giles was an active collaborator with
the poet. We learn from a letter of Gian-Tommaso Tucca to Isabella
d'Este, dated 31 March 152 1,6 that Sannazaro had sent his poem to Giles
in Rome for corrections. This date corresponds exactly with a series of
letters beginning on 21 March and continuing to approximately 15 April,

4 M. Deramaix, 'La genèse du Du partu Virginis de Jacobo Sannazaro et trois

églogues inédites de Gilles de Viterbe', Mélanges de l'école française de Rome, Moyen
Age, 102(1990), 173-276.
5 John W. O'Malley, Giles of Viterbo on Church and Reform (Leiden, 1968), p. 57.
The original passage is from Giles' 'Historia XX saeculorum,' Rome, Biblioteca Angelica,
Ang. Lat. 502, fols. 52\ 228rv.
6 A. Luzio e R. Renier, 'La cultura e le relazioni letterarie d'Isabella d'Este con
J. Sannazaro', Giornale storica della letteratura italiana, 40 (1902), 316.
 SANNAZARO'S DE PARTU VIRGINIS 233

1521, to a mutual friend, Antonio Seripando,7 in which he responds to

various criticisms and suggestions made by his friends at Rome, prin
cipally Giles, to whom he had submitted the poem for inspection.
Through them we have access to the anguished travail of the poet in his
final revisions and the struggle between sacred and profane letters. In
more than one place he confesses to his desperation, e.g., 'io confesso
non saper né possere più' (Fantazzi-Perosa, p. 87). What he desired from
the judgement of Giles was not an imprimatur for the poem but the
benefit of the churchman's poetic knowledge and intuition. He insists
that although he has written on sacred subjects, 'la compositione, il
modo e lo ordine son puro di poema.' (Fantazzi-Perosa, p. 88). His chief
preoccupation is that there be nothing superfluous or irrelevant; he
constantly refers to 'lo soverchio' or 'pleonasmos' and cites passages
from the Ars poetica8 that speak of cutting back the over-elaborate in
the interests of greater clarity. As for the license of dressing religious
themes in Virgilian verse and ignoring the censures of 'i frati', he had
the example of Sedulius, Juvencus, Arator and Prudentius (cf. Fantazzi-
Perosa, p. 89). The Aldine edition of Poetae christiani veteres at the
beginning of the century had given great impetus to this type of religious
poetry.
Although overtly he discounts this criticism, there are frequent impa
tient verbal skirmishes with these detractors. Of more concern to the
poet is the desire not to desecrate the poetic canons of Virgil and other
classical poets. In answer to his critics he cites specific verses to show
that he had classical precedent, 'fare con exemplo', as he says. Yet he
has no patience with those who reprimand him for using a word that is
not found in Virgil. 'Ignoranti bestie' he calls them and protests his
unequalled love for his model in an emotional outburst: 'Io non daria
vantaggio ad persona che sia sopra la terra di amare, admirare et, dirö
più, adorare Virgilio che fo io, ma mi pare pazzia troppo scoverta non
volere che vaglia quel che Virgilio non dice' (Fantazzi-Perosa, p. 101).
With regard to mixing Christian and pagan elements Sannazaro is

7 These letters, contained in the codex Additional 12058 of the British Library, were
transcribed and published for the first time by E. Nunziante, Un divorzio ai tempi di
Leone X. Da XL lettere inedite di J. Sannazaro (Rome, 1887). They were then re-edited
by Alfredo Mauro (see n. 1), pp. 368-88, and have now been more faithfully reproduced,
with fuller citation of the classical and scriptural sources, in Jacopo Sannazaro, De partu
virginis a cura di Charles Fantazzi e Alessandro Perosa (Firenze, 1988), App., pp. 85-108.
All further references to the letters and to the text of the poem will be to this edition.
8 Horace, Ars poetica, 446-8.
234 С. FANTAZZI

unabashed, holding with his friend and patron, Giles of Viterbo, that
Virgil might have had the gift of prophecy, and, as he states, 'che Dio
volse essere bandito da tutto il mondo (Fantazzi-Perosa, p. 92). Like
Virgil he has more than one cord to his lyre. Rather than overwork
Mercury, he has Laetitia appear to the shepherds to tell them of the child
(III, 93-144). Proteus, a favourite god of his, may substitute David in
the art of prophecy, with the caveat 'mendax ad cetera Proteus / hoc uno
veras effudit carmine voces' (III, 336-7). Sannazaro does not go to the
extent, however, of calling Christ the son of Jupiter or Apollo, as
Petrarch does,9 or Dante.10 On the other hand he defends his calling
Joseph heros and the Virgin regina. Not for him, he says, 'quelle miserie
di farla filare' (Fantazzi-Perosa, p. 104).
Plagued by these artistic and religious scruples Sannazaro labored for
long years over his sacred poem. According to a tradition reported by
Paolo Giovio," he spent more than twenty years in the composition
of De partu virginis. The same was true of his vernacular works. The
Arcadia, of which the first draft was probably completed some time
around 1485 or 1486, was not printed until 1504,12 two years after an
unauthorized edition appeared, and even then Sannazaro was reluctant to
give it official recognition.
In the case of the De partu virginis, a work on which the poet set
much greater store, we have an extraordinary opportunity of observing
the evolution of a literary work at various stages of its completion over
a long period of time. Professor Perosa and I have given a detailed
exposition of this process in the history of the text in our critical edition,13
but I should wish merely to rehearse briefly here the chief elements
in this tradition so that the reader may be able to follow the present
study. The text of the earliest redaction of the first book of the poem is
preserved in five copies, four in manuscript (Firenze, Biblioteca
Nazionale Centrale, Cod II V 160, Vat. lat. 2874, Wroclaw, Biblioteca
Universytecka, IV, 17, and Sevilla, Biblioteca Capitular y Colombina, 7,

9 Petrarch, Bucolicum Carmen, I, 66.

10 Dante Alighieri, Purgatorio, VII, 18; Paradiso, I, 13.
11 "Gravi autem et sacro poemate De Partu Virginis, viginti annorum lima perpolito."
Paolo Giovio, Gli elogi degli uomini illustri, ed. R. Menegazzi, in Pauli lovii Opera, VIII
(Rome, 1972), p. 104.
12 It was carefully edited by Pietro Summonte from a MS given to him by Sannazaro
with his own corrections. Cf. Gianfranco Folena, La crisi linguistica del Quattrocento
(Florence, 1952), p. 1 1. A critical edition of the poem has yet to appear.
13 Fantazzi-Perosa, pp. lvi - xcvi.
 SANNAZARO'S DE PARTU VIRGINIS 235

1, 19); 14 and one in a clandestine Venetian printing, in which it is given

the title Christeis}5 Although recognizably the basis of the first book
of the definitive version, it is distinct enough to merit separate consi
deration in the critical text, as has been done in our edition.16 The five
witnesses of this earliest text are not derived from one another, each
containing numerous independent readings of its own. There are omis
sions of words and sometimes of entire verses in the Venetian printing
and Vatican, Sevilla and Wroclaw MSS, but not in the Florentine copy,
which is the best witness of this first version.
Sannazaro's reaction to the clandestine edition was furious, as might
be expected. In an undated letter to the Venetian patrician, Marcantonio
Michiel17 he lashed out against the 'ribaldo falsario' who had used such
iniquity against him. Exhibiting his usual concern for perfection he
protests 'le cose mie non meritano uscir fore', but obviously the appear
ance of this first tentative version of the poem instigated Sannazaro to
return assiduously to his work of revision in view of publication. Although
the Venetian edition contains a number of misprints and perhaps a few
changes originating with the publisher, it is a much better piece of work
than the clandestine edition of the Arcadia, likewise published in
Venice, in 1501, full of errors and Venetian dialectal forms.
Of the other two books we do not possess a preliminary version,
but it is quite probable that a similar text existed, given Sannazaro's
unremitting labor limae. Even before the Venetian appeared it is known
from the letters to Seripando that Sannazaro had subjected the poem to
innumerable modifications for several years. In his words 'non ho fatto
altro che radere e cassare tre quattro volte una cosa'. (Fantazzi-Perosa,
p. 89). These earlier drafts no longer exist but beginning with the state

14 The Wroclaw and Sevilla MSS, listed in P. O. Kristeller, Iter Italicum, IV (Leiden,
1989), 437a and 622a, unfortunately escaped our attention, but upon later examination
they are found to exhibit the same errors that are to be found in the Vatican MS and the
Venetian printing; the Wroclaw readings are closer to the Venetian edition and the
Sevilla Cristias, as it is called, closer to Vat. lat. 2874, but the errors and variants are not
completely identical with either of them.
15 The printer of this clandestine edition, preserved in two copies, one at the Marciana
in a miscellany that once belonged to Apostolo Zeno, and the other in the University
Library of Cambridge, has not been identified. It bears no date, but the paper and type
indicate the first decades of the sixteenth century. Fausto Nicolini conjectures Bernardino
de' Vitali, active at Venice from 1494 to 1539. 'Una lettera del Sannazaro al Michiel', in
L'arte napoletana del Rinascimento (Naples, 1925), p. 22.
16 "Libri primi forma antiquior", Fantazzi-Perosa, pp. 9-20.
17 Fantazzi-Perosa, pp. 85-86.
236 С. FANTAZZI

of the work in 1521 it is possible to trace successive stages in its

elaboration up to the Neapolitan editio princeps of 1526. Through the
letters to Seripando, the readings of various manuscripts, marginal notes,
and the deciphering of readings barely visible under erasures made by
the poet himself in two autographs in the Laurentian Library we can gain
an intimate glimpse of the poet at work and reconstruct the history of the
elaboration of the text in these final years.
One of these autographs, the codex Ashburnhamianus 41 1 (A), is the
key to this reconstruction. It is a sort of palimpsest, for underneath the
many erasures and crossings-out is an early redaction of the text, which
can often be made out with the help of other manuscripts, and in the case
of the first book, of the text of the Christeis. On the other hand, this MS,
save for very few instances, with all its corrections, additions and dele
tions, corresponds to the editio princeps, for which it served as the copy
text. This can be ascertained by the presence of finely drawn lines in
pencil after certain verses, which correspond exactly to the pagination of
the editio princeps.
Another autograph copy, Laurentianus Mediceus 34, 44 (L), is posterior
to the Ashburnham codex, but coincides almost entirely with it. In some
cases, however, it follows a text in A that had already been modified
while in others it retains the older reading unchanged. In the letters to
Seripando we learn that Sannazaro sent a copy of the poem to Rome so
that it might be examined for style and content by Seripando himself and
other illustrious personages. Among those readers were Jacopo Sadoleto,
bishop of Carpentras and papal secretary, Giles of Viterbo, and the poet,
Antonio Tebaldeo, whose interventions were particularly appreciated
by Sannazaro since, as he says, he often not only offered criticism but
suggested poetic alternatives. On the basis of the discussions of over
seventy passages in these letters it becomes evident that about half of the
suggestions proposed by the poet in response to the criticisms made by
his friends in Rome correspond to readings of the De partu that did not
undergo further revision. The other half correspond to readings that were
later erased in the autograph and substituted by others. Most of these
variants are witnessed to by readings of other MSS and can usually be
divined under the erasures in the Laurentian MS, but some, about eight
all told, are unique testimonies.
For other readings that lie beneath the erasures in A we have, for
the first book, the invaluable testimony of the Christeis, and for all three
books a group of three MSS, two belonging to Girolamo Seripando,
 SANNAZARO'S DE PARTU VIRGINIS 237

one of which is written partly in his own hand at the dictation of the
Neapolitan poet, Decio Apranio, partly by Apranio himself, and partly
by Antonio Seripando. The text of the poem in the other Neapolitan MS
was written by Apranio, while Girolamo Seripando inserted the biblical
annotations and textual variants between the lines and in the margin.
The third member of this group is a Vatican MS (U) in fairly tattered
condition, which belonged at one time to Fulvio Orsini. It is an exact
reproduction, folio for folio, of the MS of Apranio with notes, additions,
corrections and variants given in the same order as they appear there. In
all three of these the original text is not obliterated by an erasure, as in
the two Laurentian autographs, but is clearly legible, with the authorial
variants written in between the lines or in the margin. Thus with the
testimony of these MSS it is possible to reconstruct the intermediate
stage of the text, as it existed around 1523, between the original draft
of the autograph before the erasures and the definitive text of the
Neapolitan editio princeps of 1526. The copyists of these three MSS, or
the copyist of their archetype, evidently made use of a text that had only
been partially corrected by the author.18
A close comparison of the earlier form of the first book with the
definitive version yields valuable insights into the method of compo
sition and the artistic and religious personality of Sannazaro. I have
made some preliminary observations in this regard in a previous paper,
which I should like to expand at some length here.19 In general, the
poet amplifies the earlier text, adding connective passages, changing
an epithet or phrase here and there, accommodating the diction and
sentiments to his own rigorous poetic standards or to theological require
ments urged upon him, and at times slightly modifying the structure. In
all, he enriched the text with a hundred new lines, the largest single

18 Interesting contributions to the history of the text are also to be found in marginal
notes written into a copy of the Roman edition published by Minuzio Calvo at the end
of the year 1526 which exists in the Biblioteca Nazionale of Florence (Rari 306). The
variants were probably added towards the middle of the 16th century by someone who
collated the printed edition with some unknown MS. Of the eighty variants given there
thirty are not found elsewhere. Part of these correspond to erasures in the autograph,
where the original reading is not known from any other source, while others seem to be
errors of transcription or proposed emendations to a text that the reader did not fully
understand.
19 Charles Fantazzi, "The Making of De partu virginis' in Acta Conventus Neo-Latini
Sanctandreani. Proceedings of the Fifth International Congress of Neo-Latin Studies,
St Andrews 24 August to I September 1982, ed. I. D. McFarlane (Binghamton, 1986),
pp. 127-34.
238 С. FANTAZZI

insertion being the lament of Mary at the foot of the cross. Not all of
these new verses were added at the same time, but in successive stages.
The poet makes only a few changes in the splendid opening, substi
tuting the verb abluit for eripuit (I, 4), theologically more exact for the
washing away of the original stain from the human race. Rather than
repeat the notion of sin Sannazaro uses generis as the genitive with
labem rather than sceleris. He adds a cautious si fas (I, 6) to his plea for
heavenly inspiration and omits the elaboration of the traditional haunts
of the Muses — Cirra, synonymous with Delphi, and Ascra — as well
as a personal homage of three lines to the Muses, who had nurtured him
from birth to the cultivation of the arts.20 The mightiness of his theme is
made more prominent by the repetition of the adjective magna:
magna quidem, magna, Aonides, sed debita posco (I, 15),
where originally he had written:
Pierides, miranda quidem sed debita posco (Christeis, 16).
Sannazaro also uses more caution in his attribution of prophetic powers
to the Muses. The confident assertions vidistis and hausistis become
the more careful potuistis aspicere and nec latuisse putandum est (I, 16
and 18), but to the scene in the cave and the shepherds' jubilation he
adds the manifestation to the Gentiles with a reference to the star and
the coming of the Magi, which perhaps adds greater credibility to the
witnessing of these events by the Muses:
orientia coelo / signa... eoos reges (I, 17-18).
The poet turns next to the Virgin herself, invoking her with epithets
that bespeak her powers of intercession with God. In the Christeis he
addresses her as 'nova lux superum, tu gloria coeli' (v. 21), which then
becomes the more devotional, 'spes fida hominum, spes fida deorum'
(I, 19). In his letter to Seripando, however, he feels obliged to defend
the use of the plural deorum, citing in his defense various passages from
the Psalms and the fact that he had received the approval of theologians.
For the omitted epithet, gloria coeli, Sannazaro substitutes an 'amplifi
catio' of three verses depicting Mary's glorious presence in heaven with
a thousand battle lines set in array and surrounded by a heavenly militia,
chariots, standards and blaring trumpets. For his part, by contrast, the

20 These three lines are contained only in the Ashburnham codex, crossed out by trans
verse lines.
 SANNAZARO'S DE PARTU VIRGINIS 239

poet vows to continue his humble devotion and to celebrate the feast of
the nativity in the lovely shrine hewn out of the rock in his beloved villa
at Mergellina, overlooking the foaming tide. Already in these lines of the
introduction one senses a subtle expansion of the powers of Mary and of
her role as mediatrix between God and man, in response to the Lutheran
denial of the importance of the Mother of God in the plan of salvation.21
As often in epic poetry, including Christian epic, the scene shifts to the
heights of heaven, where God deliberates upon the fate of man, thrust down
into the depths of Tartarus. Of the numerous lexical changes in this passage
I shall cite but a few which illustrate Sannazaro's meticulous work of revi
sion. To describe the dire consequences of original sin the poet exclaims:
tantum odia et primae poterant contagia culpae ! (Chrisreis, 33).
This becomes the more compact classical line:
tantum letiferae poterant contagia culpae (I, 39).
The loss of the adjective primae, is compensated for in a successive line
through the contrast prisca — seri:
prisca luent poenis seri commissa nepotes (I, 41).
At the end of God's soliloquy, however, there is a terse epigrammatic
distich:
Nec mora, cum fuerit tantorum sola malorum
foemina principium, reparet quoque foemina damnum (Christeis, 45-6).
There may well be an echo of a famous Horatian line (carm. IV, 7, 13)
in reparet. . .damnum, but it is the quick reprise of the word foemina,
Mary making good the loss incurred through Eve, that gives pungency to
the lines.22 Sannazaro testifies to his dissatisfaction with the first version
(Fantazzi-Perosa, p. 97) but in this case, it seems to me, the solution
loses its terseness:

21 Pope Leo X refers to this service of the poet to the cause of the church in his brief
of 6 August 1521, written by Bembo, "divina factum Providentia, ut divina sponsa tot
impiis oppugnatoribus laceratoribusque lacessita, talem tantumque nacta sit propugna-
torem." (Fantazzi-Perosa, p. 109).
22 The antithesis contained in the repetition of the wordfoemina in close proximity may
be owed to a distich of Sedulius in a curious poem written in the figure of 'epanalepsis',
in which a phrase at the beginning of a couplet is echoed at the end of the couplet, con
trasting Old and New Testaments:
Sola fuit mulier, patuit quae ianua leto
Et qua vita redit, sola fuit mulier.
(Elegia, 7-8 in Patrologia Latina, 19, col. 753).
240 С. FANTAZZI

cumque caput fuerit tantorumque una malorum

foemina principium lacrimasque et funera terris
intulerit, nunc auxilium ferat ipsa modumque
qua licet afflictis imponat foemina rebus (I, 51-4).
Nothing is gained by the repetition caput. . . principium, and perhaps it
was at the suggestion of some theologian that the phrase auxilium ferat
is inserted.
In the following scene, in which God instructs the angel Gabriel for
his mission, a fine theological nuance is effected. Sannazaro had first
written:
ut foret aeternum sobolem quae sola Tonantis
conciperet ferretque pios non territa partus (Christeis, 62-63).
To have the Almighty refer to himself with the pagan title of Tonans is
surely somewhat awkward in the circumstances and it is replaced by the
more mysterious numen. In this solemn statement of the divine purpose
there was need of more doctrinal explicitness. Soboles, a word redolent
of Virgil's Fourth Eclogue, eliminated here, is employed later in the
second speech of the angel (I, 147). The epithet intacta of the Virgin's
womb is added together with the reinforcing phrase sine semine. This
change then necessitates another in a previous line from intactum to
inlaesum, to avoid repetition. Thus the new lines define the virgin birth
with much greater clarity:
ut foret intacta sanctum quae numen in alvo
conciperet ferretque pios sine semine partus (I, 75-6).
A corroborating quotation from scripture given in the margin of the
Laurentian autograph (all such quotations, written in red ink, are in the
poet's own hand): 'Quod nascetur ex te sanctum vocabitur filius Dei'
(Luke I, 35).
The marvelous passage describing the angel's descent from the heav
ens with its skillful amalgam of reminiscences of Virgilian diction and
rhythmical movement is left unchanged. In the depiction of the Virgin
immersed in her reading of the Scriptures once more the change intro
duced, apparently for doctrinal reasons, seems clearly to detract from the
poetry. As Mary contemplates with sentiments of admiration the future
mother of God, as foretold by prophets and Sibyls, she refers to her in
the Christeis (and this line is retained without erasure in the Laurentian
autograph) :
felicemque illam felici et sidere natam (v. 90).
 SANNAZARO'S DE PARTU VIRGINIS 241

The nice repetition is lost in the theologically more correct but metrically
more awkward
felicemque illam humana nec lege creatam (I, 103).

A few further lines down (v. 108), Sannazaro resisted a proposed change
for the Virgilian-derived description of the angel's divine presence.
He defends insuetum diffundit odorem (Georg., IV, 415), said of the
nymph Cyrene, in a letter to Seripando, citing a passage from Ovid's
Fasti and refuting suggestions that had been proposed to him in support
of honorem or honores. The second of these suggestions might have
some support from the classical context, in which the supernatural radi
ance in the eyes of Aeneas is owed to the intervention of his divine
mother, but probably Sannazaro rejected it because of the proximity
of honores in v. 104, as his own change of the epithet aethereum to
insuetum is probably motivated by the use of aethereis at v. 98. In this
exchange, particularly, the poetic judgment of the recipient seems quite
insensitive, while Sannazaro shows great docility, protesting that he
merely wished to give the artistic reasons for his choice without wishing
to exhibit any contrariety: 'Questo non è detto per contrariare, ma per
mostrare le cagioni che mi indusseno ad far cosí: facciasi perhö come
piacerà ad Sua Signoria, che ne staro al iudicio di quella' (Fantazzi-
Perosa, p. 92).
The angel's simple salutation takes on a very exalted tone in the
revision. The subtle change 'Salve, o nostris lux addita rebus' (Christeis,
96) to 'Oculis salve lux debita nostris' (1,109) emphasizes Mary's pre
destined role in the divine plan of redemption; the apostrophe 'Notum
coelo iubar' (I, 110) extols her above all human creation. Every grace
that flows from the eternal mind brought down to earth by divine
wisdom is attributed to her; in heaven she will be exalted, on earth she
will hearken to men's prayers. This fulsome eulogy must have pleased
his ecclesiastical patrons although alas! it is far from the spirit of the
simple evangelical account. The Virgin's perturbation at the words of
the heavenly messenger was translated quite literally from the Vulgate at
first, 'stupuit dictis conterrita virgo', echoing in more epic fashion the
words of Luke 'turbata est in sermone eius', but this met with oppo
sition, as we learn in the letter to Seripando (Fantazzi-Perosa, p. 97).
Sannazaro changed dictu to visu, explaining that the emotion would then
be more consonant with the following simile of a modest young maiden
on the shore of Myconos awaiting the arrival of her future spouse, a fine
242 С. FANTAZZI

naturalistic touch. In the end, he rejected both and settled for an innocuous
confestim with a necessary metrical change to exterrita.
Sannazaro obviously had second thoughts about the expression of the
angel's reassurance to Mary of the faithfulness of his words. In both the
Christeis and the editio princeps the text reads:
vaticinor, non insidias, non nectere fraudes
edoctus: longe a nostris fraus exulat oris (I, 144-5).
Under the erasure of A, however, and in the text of L, with the older ver
sion on a piece of paper glued to the margin, we read this alternative:
praedico, sic res hominum prospectat ab alto
qui coelum terrasque suo sub numine torquet.
Both versions are replete with Virgilian phrases: nectere fraudes, exulat
oris in the one, coelum torquet in the other, but one is tempted to think
that perhaps the older version would have been preferable, save perhaps
that it was deemed too reminiscent of the Roman chief deity. Indeed
the lines seem somewhat superfluous in the final version, where San
nazaro adds:
Neve haec vana putes dictis aut territa nostris / indubites (I, 170-1).
Mary's consternation at the angel's words was expressed rather force
fully in the first version with a direct echo from the beginning of the
Metamorphoses (I, 483) of Daphne's resistance to Apollo:
tactus exosa virum taedasque iugales (Christeis, 136).
This is considerably mitigated to 'me ne attactus perferre viriles / posse
putas' (I, 158-9), influenced perhaps by Mantuan's 'tactus non passa
viriles' (Parthenice prima, II, 597), although there these words are spo
ken by Gabriel. Mary's asseveration of her virginity is strengthened
by the addition of the phrase 'nitenti matris ab alvo', an allusion to the
doctrine of the immaculate conception, which again would find ecclesi
astical favor.
Mary's 'fiaf undergoes some subtle modifications in the final revi
sion, which accentuate her complete acquiescence to the will of God.
Faith and 'obsequiosa voluntas' (the adjective is very rare) conquer all
her doubts. 'En adsum', a fitting phrase in the mouth of the handmaid of
the Lord, was already in the Christeis, but her acceptance of the divine
will is made much more explicit by a direct address to the deity :
accipio venerans tua iussa tuumque
dulce sacrum, pater omnipotens (I, 181-2).
 SANNAZARO'S DE PARTU VIRGINIS 243

The newly added phrase, dulce sacrum, very appropriate to the context,
may come from a passage in Statius (Theb., IV, 231), a favorite author
of the poet, and took precedence over the previous wording, 'accipio
libens mandata Tonantis', which could have owed something to Man-
tuan (Parthenice prima, II, 594). At this point in the Christeis the angel
takes leave of Mary and she entrusts a message to him, asking that he
bear witness to her viginity before the heavenly throng. Much more
effectively in his revision Sannazaro inserts here the miracle of the
mysterious infusion of the Holy Spirit into the womb of the Virgin,
clothing the episode in mystical language, his source being a sermon of
St. Cyprian cited in the margin of the autographs, which speaks of the
invictus vigor of the Holy Spirit. From this suggestion a marvelous
sequence is created:
vigor actus ab alto
irradians, vigor omnipotens, vigor omnia complens
descendit (I, 190-2).
It has both a liturgical and a lyric solemnity unequalled by any of the
other writers who attempted this theme. One has but to compare Man-
tuan's crude image of an inflated bellows, (Parthenice prima, II, 663),
which is pure bathos. All of nature bears witness to this supernatural
event, whose repercussions are felt to the ends of the earth, a tradition
that has its origin in the apocryphal gospels. In the midst of this distur
bance of the natural order the angel takes flight, soaring above the
clouds, and now the Virgin addresses her final prayer to him as he hovers
between the crystalline heavens and the empyrean, which regions of the
sky Sannazaro duly notes in the margin. The sequence is much more
artistically satisfying. A brief, quiet interlude is added, as the Virgin
thinks of her cousin Elizabeth and wonders at the transformation that has
taken place within her womb.
From here the scene changes to limbo, where Fame has already
brought the news of the miraculous occurrence. By means of the vivid
dramatic device of 'repraesentatio' Sannazaro has the prophet David
foretell salient events in the life of Christ and his mother. He had to
defend this poetic figure to his critics in Rome, explaining them as
'furori, cioè in quanto vede presenti le cose future' (Fantazzi-Perosa,
p. 91). He goes on to explain that now that the Saviour has already
been conceived in the Virgin's womb, the prophet recalls things seen
only vaguely in the past in a new revelatory light. The scenes that flash
before his eyes are almost hallucinatory in character ('concepit mente
244 С. FANTAZZI

furores', 'intorquens oculos', I, 242, 244). Each tableau is presented

in a vivid, exclamatory fashion. First the aged prophet hails the birth
of the child, in the Christeis presented more as the deliverer of the
souls in limbo ('tantosque Erebi finire labores', Christeis, 203), but
given a more universal redemptive quality in the revision ('tantos
genitor voluit perferre labores', I, 246). David passes in his vision
to proximate events in the life of Christ: the adoration of the Magi,
the presentation in the temple, and the canticle of Simeon (not in
the Christeis), then suddenly the horrific apparition of the slaughter
of the innocents and a rather extended treatment of one of the seven
sorrows of Mary, the loss of Jesus as a boy in Jerusalem. To depict her
sorrow Sannazaro uses a lofty Virgilian phrase 'pulsabis sidera votis',
(I, 286).
The culmination of these furori is a vision of Christ's passion:
the glitter of armor, the nocturnal cohorts, the Mount of Olives, the
scourging, the crown of thorns, the mocking soldiers. Before considering
this meditation on the mystery of the sacrifice of the cross in the form of
a prophetic vision it is necessary to make some brief reference to a series
of poems on the passion both in the vernacular and in Latin that San
nazaro had been elaborating in the 1490's and into the beginning of
the next century. A sensitive discussion of these compositions and their
relation to one another is to hand in a recent article by Carlo Vecce
together with a critical edition of the De morte Christi ad mortales
lamentatioP This last poem is essentially an amplification of a similar
one in the vernacular, the Lamentazione sopra al corpo del Redentor del
mondo a' mortali, which was in turn an elaboration of a 'capitolo' in
'terza rima' on the same subject.24 This last composition has all the char
acteristics of a brief 'sacra rappresentazione' or perhaps a devotional
text to be recited together with the priest as part of the adoration of the
cross in the liturgy of Good Friday. The word legno is often repeated, as
in the antiphon Ecce lignum crucis sung by the priest in this ceremony.
The verses of Sannazaro with their antithesis of Christ's sacrifice for
mankind and man's ungrateful recompense resemble very much the
''improperio,' or reproaches sung in this same liturgical ceremony. The
final redaction of the Lamentazione expands the 'capitolo' from eight to
fifteen 'terzine' and broadens its theme from Christ's human sufferings

23 Carlo Vecce, 'Maiora numina. La prima poesia religiosa e la Lamentatio di San

nazaro', Studi e problemi di critica testuale (1991), 49-94.
24 Opere volgari, ed. A. Mauro, pp. 210-1 1 and 140-1.
 SANNAZAROS DE PARTU VIRGINIS 245

and their emotional response in the faithful to the plaint of nature and
the elements at the death of their creator.
For our purposes, the Latin poem is of interest as an earlier treatment
of the theme that forms part of David's prophecy. It is the dramatic situa
tion that distinguishes the two passages. The Lamentatio is addressed to
the human race with the second person plural of the verb used through
out — aspicite, videtis, cernitis — to exhort the hearers to repentance at
this sight and to prepare them for the final day of judgment. David's
vision is an anguished personal experience; only once does he use the
form viden, but with no listener in mind. There are a few verbal echoes:
mens caeca hominum (Lamentatio, 56; De partu I, 309-10), pia pandat
brachia (Lamentatio, 80-1), liventia pandet brachia (De partu, I, 329);
pectus hians (Lamentatio, 50), lato patefactum pectus hiatu (De partu, I,
332). Variant readings of the Lamentatio demonstrate that Sannazaro
suppressed certain violent descriptions of the suffering Christ and seems
to have concentrated more on the preternatural changes occurring in the
universe and the sublunary world at the death of the hominum rerumque
parentem (v. 7). In general, the art of the later poem is clearly superior
to this earlier attempt in its Latinity and dramatic effect. The final
elaboration of this section makes some significant improvements on
the Christeis, especially by exalting Christ's victory in death and its
salvific effects for mankind. Rather repetitive and even stilted phrases of
the Christeis become more humanized with emphasis on the fact of
redemption, as in:
illum regemque deumque
humanaeque ducem vitae fontemque salutis (I, 376),
and the beautiful 'enjambement' calling to mind the famous hymn of
Venantius Fortunatus:
unde hominum lux illa decorque
pendeat (I, 327-8).
The biblical passage cited in the margin of the autographs gives John 1 ,4
as the source: '£/ vita erat lux hominum
It is at this point that Sannazaro inserts the masterful passage that
he composed after the Christeis on the lamentation of Mary at the foot
of the cross, worthy of the best traditions of the vernacular 'pianti della
vergine', exemplified by the famous dialogue between the dying Christ
and his mother, of Jacopone da Todi and the Stabat Mater, often attributed
to him. This text is also preserved as a separate composition in three
246 С. FANTAZZI

miscellaneous codices, which bear witness to authorial variants visible

under the erasures of the two autographs.25 They are very numerous for
a passage of only thirty-five lines and for the most part tend to reduce
the high pitch of emotion, e. g., v. 335 substitutes demissa for discissa
(genas) and effusa for laniata (capillos), and v. 342 incipit for ingemit.
Sannazaro does not hesitate to usurp a phrase from Virgil's Fifth
Eclogue, in which the mother of the pastoral god Daphnis cries out
her grief to the heavens, 'crudelia sidera' (eclN, 23 and De partu, I,
339-40). He admits in a letter to Seripando that it had always given him
doubts about the theology but never about its poetic validity. Yet, having
passed muster with the most scrupulous theologians, it was allowed to
stand, although the poet proposes a rather banal pectora ('anchor che
non dica tanto', Fantazzi-Perosa, pp. 91-2), in case it did not find accep
tance with the Most Reverend Giles of Viterbo. Aerumnas, however, the
original and preferred reading of the poet at v. 351, did not find with
approval, despite the poet's protests, to the detriment of the poetry.
After the initial description of the sorrowing Virgin, Sannazaro sud
denly interrupts the narrative, having David apologize, as it were, for
what he will relate:
Ac si iam competía mihi licet ore profari
omnia (I, 337-8).
V. 337 is omitted from the independent version and is written into the
margin of the autographs. The previous version, continuing the narrative
without interruption, had
inspectansque sui demum morientia nati.
The intervening passage takes away from the dramatic scene, causing
one to wonder whether once again the poet was driven by religious
scruples or criticism to insert this line.

25 It is found in a MS of the University of Bologna (Cod. 400) containing various

examples of religious poetry; in a miscellany of works formerly belonging to the convent
of Santissima Annunziata and now among the collection of MSS of suppressed convents
deposited in the Laurenziana (Conv. Soppr. 440); and in a MS of the Bibliothèque
Mazarine in Paris, where it was discovered some years ago by Alessandro Perosa. In both
the Bologna and the Florentine MSS a similar lament, twice as long as Sannazaro's, from
the 5th book of Vida's Christiad is also present. The Parisan codex bears the strange title.
Carmen super planctum mariae Virginis quod puer Italus Adriano Pontifici obtulit, and
thereby hangs a tale, which Professor Perosa has ingeniously reconstructed: Alessandro
Perosa, 'Un codice parigino del Planctus Virginis del Sannazaro', in Filologia e forme
letterarie. Studi offerti a Francesco Della Corte (Urbino, 1987), pp. 473-90.
 SANNAZARO'S DE PARTU V1RGIN1S 247

The account of the upheavals of nature that follow on the death of

Christ is a mixture of Christian and pagan elements. In v. 372 a felici
tous revision of one word, the rather humble fuligine, to the more
poetic ferrugine is owed to a passage in Virgil describing the aftermath
of the death of Caesar (Georg., I, 467), a word he had also used in the
same context in the Lamentatio (v. 24). The liberation of the souls from
limbo gives the poet scope for a colorful tableau. This subject had been
a favorite one in the figurative arts as well as in poetry, and several
humanist poets had experimented with it, in particular, Macario Muzio
in his De triumpho Christi. Both Muzio and Sannazaro draw on the
legends contained in the apocryphal Gospel of Nicodemus, in which
a vision of Christ's triumphal entrance into limbo is portrayed. As
Giulia Calisti remarks,26 Sannazaro might well have been aware of it
through the widely circulated Legenda aurea of Jacopo da Voragine.
Another possible source, especially for the description of the 'Quadriga
Christi', to which Sannazaro alludes in the margin, is the procession
of the Church triumphant in canto xxix of the Purgatorio (vv. 106-
154). To introduce the scene the poet adds in the revision the paean to
Christ which David sings, punctuated by a ritual exclamation from
Roman religion: 'Victor, io; bellator, io' (I, 404). In both represen
tations the four living creatures from the vision of Ezechiel and the
Apocalypse representing the four evangelists draw the chariot of Christ.
Sannazaro's account is very descriptive, as if it were based on a minia
ture richly adorned with gold and various colors in some manuscript. At
the end of his description he makes specific reference to its pictorial
qualities:
veros agnoscere vultus
est illic, veros montes et flumina credas
et vera extremo Babylon nitet aurea limbo (I, 437-9).
He had composed such a triumph before in his Farsa per la presa
di Granata, and he must himself have witnessed such pageants in
Naples. As the glorious procession continues, select souls follow their
liberator to the starry realms and the magnificent habitations predicted in
the Book of Revelation. At this exit the gloomy halls of Erebus shudder
and its monstrous denizens resume their horrible tasks. The book ends
with this vivid evocation of the immobile hopelessness of the pagan

26 Giulia Calisti, // De Partu Virginis di Jacobo Sannazaro (Città di Castello, 1926),

p. 69, n. 2.
248 С. FANTAZZI

underworld which now gives way to the harbingers of redemption, as

Mary sets out to visit her cousin Elizabeth at the beginning of Book II.
It is not possible to pursue the poet's blend of Christian and classical
elements through the remaining books, but we may end with the skillful
integration into the poem of the prophetic verses of Vergil's Fourth
Eclogue (III, 200-36). They are sung by two shepherds in homage to the
new-born child, whom they see as the fullfilment of the Roman poet's
prophecy:
Hoc erat, alme puer, patriis quod noster in antris
Tityrus attritae sprevit rude carmen avenae (III, 197-8).
In this way Sannazaro subtly acknowledges his debt to Giles of Viterbo,
who had written allegorical eclogues in this same syncretic manner.
Here Virgil's exaltation of the bucolic genre, 'paulo maiora canamus', is
put explicitly to the service of the Christian dispensation, to propagate
the great mystery of the Incarnation, which was preached with such
powerful eloquence by Giles in the churches of Rome at this time.27
While there can be little doubt about Sannazaro 's sincere piety and
devotion to the Mother of God, he remains the first and foremost a poet
and liege of his beloved Virgil, as is expressed in the beautiful epitaph
that adorns his tomb, composed by Cardinal Bembo:
Da sacro cinen flores. Hic ille Maroni
Syncerus Musa proximus ut tumulo.

University of Windsor
Ontario
Canada N9B3P4

27 Cf. John O'Malley, 'Man's Dignity, God's Love and the Destiny of Rome', Viator,
3 (1972), 389-416.
 Edward V. George

RHETORICAL STRATEGIES IN VIVES' PEACE WRITINGS:

THE LETTER TO CHARLES V AND THE DE CONCORDIA

The humanist educator and philosopher Juan Luis Vives (1493-1540)

was from the beginning a person with a peculiarly narrow maneuvering
field, as a result of a combination of birth circumstances and choice.1
As a faithful Roman Christian but an ethnic Jew, he chose his topics
carefully to avoid the perils of theological dispute. As an expatriate to
the Low Countries, he spent his career at a distance from the Valencian
community with which, in his writings, he identified himself all his life
as his place of origin. Loath to attach himself too closely to any one
educational institution, he spent many of his years in search of patrons
who would assure him financial stability. Non-cleric, he was without the
protection that an order or a hierarchy might sometimes provide. And
finally, as a pacifist in a period of violent turmoil in and around Europe,
he was inevitably bound to offer advice to political leaders that had
little chance of acceptance.
It follows that a study of his rhetorical practice, alongside analysis of
his rhetorical theory, promises to reveal in detail how he compensated
for the narrow maneuvering field. Rhetoric, after all, is the art and sci
ence of seeking the available means of persuasion, and Vives was a man
who wanted fervently to have his say in the community arena, but whose
political ideals were sure to be a hard sell in his time and place.
The De concordia et discordia of 1529 is a good case study because
it is one of Vives' major political writings, it sketches some of his highest
pacifist ideals, and it comes accompanied by a dedicatory epistle to
Charles V, the monarch of Spain and the Holy Roman Emperor, and a
ruler hardly likely to attend to a pacifist worldview of the kind promoted

1 Citations of Vives' texts are from loannis Ludovici Vivis Valentini Opera Omnia
(abbreviated VOO), edited by Gregorius Majansius, 8 vols. (Valencia, 1782), by volume
and page number, with modified punctuation and orthography. The De concordia, cited
frequently by page only, occurs in Vol. 5. ЕЕ = Opus Epistolarum Desiderii Erasmi
Roterodami, edited by P. S. Allen (Oxford, 1906-1958), with citations by epistle and line.
ASD = Opera Omnia Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami (Amsterdam, 1969ff.).
250 E. V. GEORGE

by Vives. Commentators such as Dust and Riba García, while providing

encomia to Vives' lofty pacifist vision as expressed in the De concordia,
are not concerned with tracing the fault lines of tension between ideals
and audience.2 McCully's valuable examination, likewise, does not sys
tematically address the conflicts between aspirations and audience limi
tations that one might see by examining features of the work's rhetoric.3
It would be altogether too easy to judge Vives' rhetorical practice
by commenting on whether he affected the performance of European
monarchs: there is no hard evidence that he succeeded in this way.
However, if we take another approach and view his apparent failure in
this regard as an index of the difficulty of the task, we can flesh out
our picture of his practical attempts to formulate persuasive discourse.
This is an important undertaking because, as is well known, Vives belongs
to a movement to fuse logical coherence with appeals to emotion in
the theory of public communication, a movement in which he is often
regarded as an heir of Rudolf Agricola, the Frisian humanist of the pre
vious century. What needs to be done is to examine Vives' practice in
order to amplify, and perhaps modify, our awareness of his theory,
which has been closely observed.
My intention then is to explore some of the techniques Vives used in
grappling with a next-to-impossible challenge, one on which he himself
had expressed doubts in the persona of Tiresias in the De Europae
dissidiis et bello Turcico of 1526. There the Theban prophet fears that
out-of-control emotions have made it too late for European monarchs to
heed any sensible advice.4 My question, perforce, is not "How did Vives
do it?" but "How did he try to do it?" To rephrase it more specifically,
what tactics did he adopt to render his pacifist ideas accessible to the
mind of this Hapsburg ruler who had no trouble in resorting to violence
or bribery to achieve his goals, whose record had just been tarnished
by his implication in the military campaigns that led to the horrifying
sack of Rome in 1527, and who at the same time was Vives' best hope
for bringing reconciliation to a Europe torn by religious, political, and
military strife?

2 Philip Dust, Three Renaissance Pacifists: Essays in the Theories of Erasmus, More,
and Vives (New York, 1987), pp. 135-90. Carlos Riba y García, Luis Vives y el pacificismo.
Lección inaugural de los Estudios del Año academico 1933-1934 en la Universidad de
Taragoza (Zaragoza, 1933), pp. 51-57.
3 George E. McCully, Jr., Juan Luis Vives (1493-1540) and the Problem of Evil in His
Time (Diss. Columbia University, 1967), pp. 214-61.
4 VOO 6.466; cf. 481.
 RHETORICAL STRATEGIES IN VIVES' PEACE WRITINGS 251

The limits of this study dictate a selective examination. Among the

tactics to be observed I will focus first on the internal conflicts that sur
face when we place the De concordia alongside the dedicatory epistle
to Charles, beginning with a survey of the allusions to Alexander the
Great in the De concordia. This is a rather predictable exercise. Alexander,
as often in humanist peace writings, is the power crazed conqueror. In
Book 1, Charles the Bold's stupid 15th century rebellion, which lost
Burgundy for his heiress Mary to Louis XI of France,5 is attributed to his
misguided desire to emulate the blind ambition of Alexander (215).
Shortly afterward, when the subject is violence committed at the behest
of women, Vives cites the Macedonian conqueror's disgraceful compli
ance with the prostitute Thais in burning the palace at Persepolis (217).6
In another commonplace allusion to Alexander's questionable victories
Vives asks: When did he achieve greater glory, in the conquest of all
Asia, or in his merciful treatment of the defeated Darius' family (294)?
The parallel to Charles here is especially noteworthy; now, by analogy,
the suspect glory of the emperor's military conquests pales before
the honor he would win by achieving a reconciliation between himself
and the parties defeated in his armies' Italian successes.7 And finally,
Alexander appears twice with his hapless Scythian victims, who com
plain that the more he has, the hungrier he becomes for what is not his,
and who later caution that he cannot expect to make friends with those
he has defeated (264, 324).
But Alexander's presence in the dedicatory epistle to the De concor
dia from Vives to Charles is quite different. In an apparent allusion to
the League of Cognac8 around which Charles' enemies crystallized in
Italy prior to the sack of Rome, Vives bestows this lavish encomium on
the emperor:

5 Bernard Chevalier, "France from Charles VII to Henry IV," in Thomas A. Brady,
Jr., Heiko A. Oberman, and James V. Tracy, ed., Handbook of European History (New
York, 1994), vol. 1, 375.
6 Note Alexander's classification as a bandit in De Europae dissidiis et bello Turcico,
VOO, 6. 472.
7 Cf. also Vives' recommendation later (p. 325) that Charles emulate the Romans in
exercising clemency (!) toward the conquered.
8 The Holy League of Cognac, assembled May 22, 1526, included France, Pope
Clement VII, Milan, Florence, and Venice. Cf. e.g. John E. Longhurst in Alfonso de
Valdés, Alfonso de Valdés and the Sack of Rome: Dialogue of Lactancio and an
Archdeacon, translated with introduction and notes by Longhurst with the collaboration
of Raymond R. MacCurdy (Albuquerque, 1952), p. 27, n. 1 1.
252 E. V. GEORGE

Conspirarunt tot reges ac nationes, coierunt metuendam societatem poten-

tiae... Tu velut gladio nodum illum discidisti, ut nemo sit cui non fiat
perspicuum hos tantos tamque admirandos successus non humanarum esse
virium, sed divinarum, qui tibi viam ad pulcherrimum aliquod et maximum
opus communit, si velis ingredi.
A host of kings and nations conspired, and engaged in a formidable
alliance of powers; . . . You hewed apart the knot as if with a sword, in such
a way as to make it obvious to everyone that these mighty and awesome
successes, which open the path to a splendid and historic achievement — if
you but choose to travel that path — are the fruit of divine, not human,
strength. (VOO, 5. 188)9
Vives doubtless presumed that Charles would accept the parallel
between the emperor and the cutter of the original Gordian Knot as
a compliment, and that the weapon imagery would flatter the young
emperor.
Here in the dedicatory epistle, then, evocation of Alexander goes hand
in hand with glory to God for Charles' major victories; but we find a
quite dissimilar interpretation of one of these successes when we return
to De concordia, Book 3 :
Per triginta annos perniciosum Christiano nomini Gallia cum Hispania gerit
bellum paene continens: ademit Hispanus Gallo Neapolim, Navarram,
Ruscinonem, tot illi clades attulit, tot exercitus obsidione occidit, regem ad
ultimum cepit... Non hic cano Hispaniae encomium, aliis ego illam rebus
laudatam vellem, non his armis et victoriis, hoc est latrociniis et crudelitate...
Practically without interruption for thirty years France waged with Spain a
war that brought great harm to the Christian name. Spain took Naples,
Milan, Navarre, Rousillon from the French, inflicted so many disasters,
mowed down so many armies in sieges, and to top it off captured the
enemy king... This is not a song in praise of Spain. I would rather see her
honored for other achievements, and not for battles and victories, which by
their true names are merely plunder and atrocity. (VOO, 5. 283)
Latrocinium, plunder, recalls the first reference to Alexander in the
De concordia where Vives alters the ancient declaration to assert that
Alexander "came all this way to make war, that is, to commit robbery"

9 Vives further sacralizes Charles' success by pointing out (VOO, 5. 189) that, being
so favored by heaven, he has direct obligations to his divine Benefactor that even outstrip
his debt to his fellow humans. Cf. also VOO, 5. 190; "Boni omnes, et quotquot te propius
noverunt, sperant, ac pro certo compertoque habent, eam futuram perfectionem maximo-
rum operum, quae inchoasti, de quibus iam pridem te animo agitare decet, et profecto iam
agitas, nisi nos et ea quae hactenus fecisti bellissime fallunt..." The historical reference
must be to the victorious campaigns in Italy, including the sack of Rome.
 RHETORICAL STRATEGIES IN VIVES' PEACE WRITINGS 253

("Hucusque bellabundus, hoc est, latrocinabundus pervenit Alexander",

VOO, 5. 215).
Alexander is not the only figure from ancient myth/history engaged to
flatter Charles in the epistle; Hercules appears also. Charles' own coat
of arms features, among other things, the Pillars of Hercules along
with the motto plus ultra, pointing to overseas conquests awaiting
the Emperor. Vives chooses to link the image with the side-tale of how
Hercules once spelled Atlas the world bearer at the western end of the
Euro-African landmass. The humanist hopes that Charles will construe
himself another Hercules as he girds himself to hoist the daunting but
divinely-appointed task of restoring harmony to Christendom. If we
circle back to the De concordia, however, we find Hercules, like Alexan
der, remembered invidiously as an instance of a mortal Euhemeristically,
and unjustly, divinized for criminal deeds committed as a warrior and a
dominator of nations (213-15).
These conflicting images in the De concordia and its dedicatory epistle
occur in an atmosphere of heated quarreling generated almost immedi
ately in Europe over the degree of Charles' culpability for the sack of
Rome.10 In a letter to Erasmus dated June 1527, Vives had expressed the
feeling that Christ had provided, via the "victory" of the Emperor and
the imprisonment of the Pope, "an excellent opportunity for our times"
(kalliston... tois hemeterois chronois kairon).u Noreña, in the course of
arguing for Vives' pan-European vision, allows that
after Vives returned to Bruges in 1528, for a short period of his life, he was
strongly affected by the Erasmian imperialists of the Spanish court who saw
in Charles V the divine instrument of Spanish supremacy and the only sal
vation against Lutheran heresy and Turkish invasion. Nevertheless, excep
tion made for those years, Vives remained always neutral and detached from
any nationalistic passion. He considered the Imperial Crown of Charles "a
merchandise bought with huge amounts of money and terrible intrigues".12
But since the adulatory letter to Charles is the dedication for the very
work, De concordia, whose first three volumes are in Noreña's own
words "an eloquent attack against the insanity of war," and implicitly

10 Judith Hook, The Sack of Rome (London, 1971), pp. 279-83.

11 Vives to Erasmus, June 13, 1527 (ЕЕ 1836 66-67). Cf. Marcel Bataillon, Erasme
et l'Espagne, edited by Daniel Devoto and Charles Amiel, 3 vols (Geneva, 1991), I, 284.
P. S. Allen presumes that "victories" refers to the sack, which Erasmus feared was but
the prelude to more violence. Cf. Hook (cited n. 10 supra), p. 283. On Vives' support of
Charles cf. also Carlos Noreña, Juan Luis Vives (The Hague, 1970), pp. 141-42.
12 Noreña (cited n. 1 1 supra), p. 226.
254 E. V. GEORGE

one of the best examples of Vives' pan-European vision, attention to the

dedicatory epistle of the De concordia shows the pro-Charles and the
pan-European viewpoints to be, for the moment, not sequential but
simultaneous.
Vives' 1529 letter pictures Charles on the verge of his journey to Italy
to settle his affairs personally. Judith Hook outlines the high hopes peo
ple had for this trip, and chronicles the hostilities against Florence which
ensued after the double coronation of Charles at Bologna in December
1529.13 Vives asserts that it would be most imprudent for the Emperor to
use the occasion to subdue the peninsula. Thus Vives warns against the
prospect of another Imperial campaign, even while attributing successful
past conflicts to divine providence, and thereby faithfully echoing the
opinions — or at least the propaganda — of Charles himself and those
around him.14
The flattery of Charles has a counterpart in Vives' comparatively
respectful treatment of the English found in the 1526 anthology, De
Europae dissidiis et re publica, which I have discussed in an earlier
paper.15 But, as we have now seen, at least three lively images in the
letter to Charles associate his successes and opportunities with divine
power. They contrast strikingly with the absence of such mythological
inflation in the epistles to Englishmen (Henry VIII, Cardinal Wolsey,
John Longland the Bishop of Lincoln) and to Pope Adrian VI published
in 1526; Vives indicates by his choice of rhetorical strategies here that
he expects flamboyant associations with heroic divinity to work better
with the Emperor than with English statesmen.
In the dedicatory epistle, then, Vives is playing up to Charles' self-
image as a divinely appointed warrior, though implying hope for peaceful
objectives to his activity. The Valencian humanist follows up this drastic
act of circumspection by carefully postponing in the De concordia, first,
any mention of war at all; secondly, any mention of Italy's devastation;
and thirdly, any direct criticism by name of Charles, which criticism
does occur, but only once, as we shall see shortly.
First: His distribution of allusions to Charles' wars, or in fact any
specific contemporary wars, is judicious, and often made less pointed by

13 Hook (cited n. 10 supra), pp. 253-56.

14 Cf. Karl Brandi, The Emperor Charles V (Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1980), pp. 259-62.
15 'Juan Luis Vives' De Europae dissidiis et bello Turcico: Its Place in the 1526
Ensemble', Forthcoming in the Ada of the Ninth International Congress of Neo-Latin
Studies (Bari, 1994).
 RHETORICAL STRATEGIES IN VIVES' PEACE WRITINGS 255

association with ancient wars. Except for a very casual reference to the
Peloponnesian Wars after eight Majansius pages, the root of the word
bellum does not appear until 17 pages into the treatise, in a grammatically
subordinate context:
Ad pugnam et gladium provocant alii hominem procerum, aut elegantem,
in experimentum virium; alii robustum et valentem, ut animum explorent;
sunt qui exterum, ut sciat inter cuiusmodi agat viros; alii Germanum, aut
Hispanum, aut Helvetium, propter bellicam harum gentium famam, ut
canes, quibus ad rixam satis est praeter ostium transisse.
Some men challenge a prominent or elegant person to a duel with swords
to test their strength; others dare a strong, healthy opponent, as a trial of
courage. Still others threaten a foreigner, to let him know what real men he
has fallen in with. Like dogs whose only reason for battle is that someone
has come through the front door, people will pick a fight with a German
or a Spaniard or a Swiss, merely because of those nations' reputation for
combat. (VOO, 5. 205)
Here Vives only indirectly evokes the campaigns leading to the sack
of Rome: the peoples he cites were all involved in those Italian cam
paigns of 1526-27. And as McCully notes, it is only seven pages later
(at 212) that Vives passes from the causes of discord in general to war
specifically.16
Nor is it until the beginning of the Third Book that Vives focuses
explicitly on the appalling events in Italy. In lamenting the ravages
caused by armies in and out of battle, he cites the devastation of the
once prosperous Po Valley (256-57), and soon after, for the first time,
the sack of Rome :
Hoc funesto bello, quod tam diu Europam afflixit concursu duorum poten-
tissimorum principum Caroli Caesaris et Francisci Galliae regis, Lusitani
neutri partium accesserunt, nec ideo tamen continuerunt ab eis manus
Galli: nuper capta Roma, nec Germanus miles Germano incolae pepercit
nec Hispano Hispanus. Quid potest expulsa iustitia esse tutum, quae sola
praestat tutam imbecillitatem inter vires?
In this deadly conflict which tormented Europe so long with the dispute
between two powerful princes, Charles the Emperor and Francis the
French king, the neutrality of the Portuguese did not save them from the
violence of the French; in the recent capture of Rome, German and
Spanish soldiers did not even spare their countrymen. When justice, the
only safeguard for the weak in a time of disorder, is cast out, nothing is
safe. (VOO, 5. 257)

16 McCully (cited n. 3), p. 242.

256 E. V. GEORGE

The formal way of introducing the two kings points to this as their
first occurrence in the De concordia, which indeed it is. Even here the
reference to French attacks on Portugal, which at best were peripheral
to Italian campaigns, is puzzling, unless we ascribe it to Vives' concern
to divert attention away from Charles' violence and toward that of
Francis.17
The reader familiar with his earlier Sullan Declamations (1520) will
recall that Vives had rehearsed a simpler version of this tactic of delay
ing unpleasant words to a powerful ruler. In the First Declamation
the fictitious Roman Republican character Fundanus, advising the
dangerous dictator Sulla to keep his dictatorship, saves his riskiest but
most crucial argument until his speech is about four fifths finished:
then he finally makes bold to remind Sulla how many thousands of
executions the dictator ordered, what a harvest of hate he thereby
reaped, and how many enemies are waiting to take advantage of the
chance for vengeance if he abdicates.18 Vives' choice of situation for the
dry run in the Sullan Declamations is testimony to his astuteness in
anticipating what sort of situations he was likely to face in monarch-
dominated Europe.
Soon (pp. 260-61) Italy is pitied for its long history of warfare,
culminating in the sad situation of Vives' day, as if the fabled serpent
representing Hannibal had visited the peninsula again "for these [past]
nine years" (261). Without naming names Vives notes that two kings,
who in fact must be Charles and Francis,19 now control what twenty
lesser rulers once administered bountifully; he summarizes the result in
a series of blunt antitheses :
Confer mihi nunc hos tam late imperantes cum illis regulis; non aedificant,
immo diruunt; non locupletant sodalitia, immo spoliant; alunt paucos et
magna ex parte inutiles, ne quid dicam peius; ab omnibus auferunt, nemini
dant, nisi maligne et sordide.

17 My colleague Dr. Norwood Andrews, Jr., suggests that the allusion may even be to
conflicts between the French and the Portuguese in the New World.
18 Juan Luis Vives, Declamationes Sullanae. Part One (edited by E. V. George: Leiden,
1989), pp. 48-50 (DS 1.33: pp. 48-50). Cf. E. V. George, 'The Sullan Declamations:
Vives' Intentions', in S. P. Revard et al., ed., Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Guelpherbytani:
Proceedings of the Sixth International Congress of Neo-Latin Studies (Binghamton, NY,
1988), p. 57.
19 Antonio Fontán, Juan Luis Vives (1492-1540): Humanista, Filósofo, Político
(Madrid, 1992), p. 48, describes the competition between France and Spain as "el gran
drama de Europa" of the time.
 RHETORICAL STRATEGIES IN VIVES' PEACE WRITINGS 257

Come now and compare these far-flung rulers with their more modest pre
decessors. They do not build, they destroy; they do not make communities
prosperous, but rob them; they fatten a few mostly useless people (whom I
refrain from calling something worse); they take from everybody, and
except in malice and dishonor they give to no one. (VOO, 5. 264)
We are closing in gradually on the one place in the whole De concor
dia where Vives drops the mask and points the finger by name directly
at Charles, when he comes to the ugly business of hiring mercenaries:
Quid quod cogebant principes saeve ac impotenter habere suos populos, et
omissa iuris et legum cura, militariter in castris insanire, quo se militibus
approbarent, gratique essent illis ob vitae similitudinem, alioqui non habi-
turi imperium diuturnum? Et his bellis proximis, quam serviliter Gallus
Helvetio se submisit, Carolus desperatissimae ac perditissimae Germaniae
atque Hispaniae faeci! ... Principes nobilissimi et praeclarissimi... coacti
sunt... eis propter bellum adulari, quos in pace crucifixssent.
And look how they made princes treat their own subjects with uncontrolled
brutality, forget the enforcement of laws and rights, and play the role of
lunatics in camp to win the soldiers' approval, pleasing them by adopting
their way of life; for this was the only way these rulers could retain their
power. Look how slavishly the French toadied to the Swiss in these most
recent wars, and Charles kowtowed to the most hopeless and abandoned
trash of Germany and Spain ! Princes of the highest nobility and renown
were constrained to shower esteem on people whom in peacetime they
would have tortured to death. (VOO, 5. 268-69)
Having escalated carefully to the moment, Vives finally allows him
self this first and last instance of plain indignation aimed by name at his
dedicatee, 76 Majansius pages from the beginning and 134 pages from
the end of the De concordia.20 In fact Charles is mentioned briefly only
twice more in the remainder of the work, and not for criticism on either
occasion.
A piece of advice from Vives himself in the De concordia, closely
resembling in form his own rhetorical prescriptions offered elsewhere,
throws light on what is happening here. Principles laid down by him
for maintaining harmony include reasons for avoiding conflict with
potential adversaries that are stronger, weaker, or equal by comparison
to us. In an approach reminiscent of the techniques found in the De
consultatione21, on giving advice, he breaks down the aggregate of all

20 Later the sack of Rome is briefly mentioned as an example of the devastation war
brings upon arts and letters (307), but with no citation of guilty parties.
21 VOO, 2. 239. Written in 1523. Cf. E. V. George, 'Rhetoric in Vives', in Antonio
Mestre, ed., Ioannis Lodovici Vivis Valentini Opera Omnia (Valencia, 1992), I, 140.
258 E. V. GEORGE

people one deals with into sub-classes: the old, the young, women, etc.,
and for our purposes the most interesting, those who have greater, less,
or equal power by comparison to ourselves. He advises: "To contend
with a stronger party is crazy; with a weaker, shameful; with an equal in
power, risky."22 McCully, cognizant of the dedicatory epistle, notices
the relevance of Charles' status as dedicatee when Vives cautions that a
stronger contender might incur a loss in a conflict through the injudi
cious exercise of anger.23 McCully could easily have added a remark on
the significance of the first principle, that a weaker opponent should
avoid taking on a stronger one. (Vives, in an unabashed moment of prac
ticality, says the reason such an encounter is "crazy" is that the weaker
party will lose.) In attempting to influence Charles, Vives himself is in
effect risking conflict with a stronger opponent. But engage Charles he
must. The rhetorical devices which I am describing here constitute
Vives' attempts to submerge, or keep relatively out of sight, the indica
tions that he is taking on the Emperor as an adversary. In brief, he will
take his task as a challenge to enter into a querela, or quarrel, without
making it look any more like a querela than absolutely necessary. Rec
ollection of Vives' chosen motto, Sine querela (VOO, 4. 54), is natural.
There is one more tactic which Vives uses as a mask for the quarrel: the
citation of ancient exempla, but for the rather ironic purpose of diverting
attention from the modern individual whose behavior the exempla are sup
posed to illuminate. In one three-page segment (213-215), for instance,
Vives is discussing competition for glory as an unworthy motive for
conquest. Here, in part, is McCully 's description of these pages:
Evil had come, then, to be rewarded with dominion, and right to be ruled
by might. This was the source of the widespread admiration given to war
riors in Vives' time, and which had been encouraged by ancient literature,
of which Vives gave examples.... So to Charles Vives said, "Beware that
it does not appear that you wish to dominate rather than simply to rule, and
that it is government that you desire and not tyranny".24
Vives not merely recalls ancient examples, as McCully says; he does
so at tedious length, while the one modern he mentions is not Charles
the Emperor, but Charles the Bold of Burgundy. We encounter, in the

22 "Cum validiere cenare, insanum; cum infirmiore, turpe; cum pari, periculosum":
VOO, 5. 361.
23 McCully (cited n. 3 supra), p. 353.
24 Ibid., pp. 242, 243. In footnotes 50 and 51 to these passages McCully refers the
reader to VOO, 5.213ff. and 213-15.
 RHETORICAL STRATEGIES IN VIVES' PEACE WRITINGS 259

following order, with the divine members of the list included as mortals
Euhemerized into immortality:
Caesar and Pompey
Pyrrhus
Hannibal
"Vexor of Egypt"
Tanais of Scythia
Hercules
Dionysus of Thebes
Homer's Phemius (immortalizer of martial heroes)
Jupiter
Mars
Hercules (again)
Liber (Bacchus)
Thebans, Argives, Athenians, Spartans
Greeks and Trojans
Thersites
Achilles (more honored than Nestor)
Alexander
Pompey and Caesar (again)
Charles of Burgundy, Emulator of Alexander, beaten by Louis of France
Amazons, challenging the Athenians
Romans and Carthaginians (unable to master themselves at home, seeking
foreign conquests)
If McCully is accurate in reading here an admonition to the Emperor
Charles, who at the moment has the option of building on his recent
record with further conquests, Vives has succeeded in conveying his
message without a single direct allusion to any of Charles' past or pre
sent deeds or misdeeds, essaying only a single brush with "modern"
times by adding the then-deceased Duke of Burgundy to the list. In fact,
one might even wonder if the Duke was chosen because he was the
Emperor's namesake, thus bringing Vives even a step closer to his target
without striking it. In other words, Vives here exhibits a rather extra
ordinary quality for sixteenth century writing, if we resort to John D.
Lyons' analysis of exempla in that period for background; exempla, as
we see here, can paradoxically veil the true object of the author's cen
sure, by drawing the reader's attention away from this object.25

25 Cf. J. D. Lyons, Exemplum: The Rhetoric of Example in Early Modern France and
Italy (Princeton, 1989), pp. 25-34. In beginning with general remarks on example and its
roots in ancient and medieval theory and practice, Lyons employs a working definition
of it as "a dependent statement qualifying a more general and independent statement by
naming a member of the class established by the general statement" (p. x). He identifies
260 E. V. GEORGE

Another example occurs in Book 2, in the Chapter On the Inhumane

Pursuit of Conflict (pp. 235-39), where the discussion may be paraphrased
and compressed as follows: People fight more readily over luxuries
or conveniences than necessities. The Gauls, the Helvetii, and the Goths
(all invaders of the ancient Roman Empire) came south not to save their
lives but in search of the delights of wine, oil, and southern scenery.
Victims of a recent European famine, which hit Baetica in Spain parti
cularly hard, did not take up arms to alleviate their hunger. On the other
hand, flimsy excuses like an insulting word or greed and ambition drive
us to war with each other. (Here Vives actually uses the first person
plural.) And we suffer for it, as did world-class ancient losers like Cam-
byses, Antony, Cyrus, Demetrius, Pyrrhus, Hannibal, Crassus, Pompey,
numerous Roman emperors, the Helvetii, the Cimbri, and the Senonian
Gauls. When the restraints of harmony fall away, atrocity knows no
bounds. Pride dictates that the closer people are to us, the more grievous
is our offense against them: consider Cain and Abel, Polynices and
Eteocles, Atreus and Thyestes, Jugurtha and Adherbal, Nero and Britan-
nicus. But why go so far abroad? The ruler of the Turks embarks on the
execution of his brothers, as was a hallowed practice of the Persians.
Aetas patrum et nostra vidit fratres cum fratribus commissos, filios fratrum
et sororum, a patruis et avunculis occisos, fratres a fratribus interemptos,
non solum inter principes Christianos, sed etiam in plebe; haec prodente
me, hie Brugis duo fratres a fratribus sunt occisi, alter ob hereditatulam,
alter ob verbulum.
Our generation and the preceding one has seen [murder among close rela
tives], not only among Christian princes but in the common population: for
instance here in Bruges, two brothers were killed by their siblings, one over
a pittance of a legacy, the other over a word. (VOO, 5. 238)
Christian princes are cited but unnamed. When Vives promises to
come down to his own day we anticipate that he might take a daring
step; but no, his loftiest contemporary reference is a safe one, the Sultan.
He has used the convention of multiplying exempla as a shield against
naming the European princes he has in mind.

"seven characteristics of example" culled from his reading of "late Renaissance texts",
among which he includes the works of a writer as early as Vives' s contemporary Machi-
avelli. While Lyons allows that "Example is limited neither by the verbal form... nor by
the intended effect on the receiver of the speech" (p. 17), his discussion never remotely
approaches the possibility of using ancient examples as a means of diverting attention
from a contemporary figure at whom the examples are pointed. Perhaps Vives is out of
the mainstream, if not unique, in using examples in this way in the De concordia.
 RHETORICAL STRATEGIES IN VIVES' PEACE WRITINGS 261

Other instances occur. In Book 3 Vives offers a vivid antithesis.

In times of conflict, he says, we have difficulty calling our own what
we possess; in harmonious periods, even what belongs to others is open
to us. There were times when Charles visited Britain and Henry went
to Flanders, without troops; but now, neither party in a relationship
(no names named) dares to look at another's country, let alone trying
to enter it (pp. 278-79). There is nothing weaker than any political power
during discord, continues Vives. Look at Cyrus, killed by a woman;
Marcellus, slain by Hannibal's army; Pyrrhus, crafty and determined
but like Hannibal a loser; Demetrius the Besieger, captured by Seleu-
cus; Hasdrubal, seized by the Syracusans while they were under siege;
John the king of France (the victim of the disaster at Poitiers in 1356),
taken by the English after despising their outnumbered forces; and,
finally, Pope Clement VII, whom all the resources of Rome itself and
all his pontifical dignity could not save from an overturn of fortune.
Vives then caps the litany with one of his favorite pacifist etymologies:
people are right, he says, to call Mars "Mavors," the overthrower of
the mighty. Clement, Charles' adversary, occurs as but the last in a long
line of victims of fortune, and the focus on the sack of Rome is actu
ally diminished.26
My interpretation of Vives' practice finds support, I think, from two
remarks he himself makes in the De concordia. Once, on the subject of
emotions aroused in observers of conflict, he says, "I forebear to cite
examples for fear of aggravating discord, which it is my desire to see cut
off and extinguished." ("Exemplis est parcendum, ne discordiam quam
perditam atque extinctam cupimus magis irritemus", 284.) Here he
obviously means modern examples. Later he notes how the ancient
Romans regretted the corruption of bad habits carried home from
Greece, Sicily, and Asia, and then adds that although "I do not wish
to insult our own age too often" ("nolim aetatem nostram nimis saepe
suggillare"), everybody knows how armies carry diseases, crime, and
bad habits from one country to another (321-22). He then proceeds
without citing any contemporary instances.
This tension in the texture of the De Concordia — between dealing
with an adversary and mitigating the polemical character of the treatise
— is more definable when we locate the work between two other closely

26 For contrasting instances in which Vives declines to use the strategy discussed here
see pp. 282-83 and 325.
262 E. V. GEORGE

related humanist writings on behalf of peace from the era; Alfonso de

Valdés' Spanish dialogue Lactancio, a celebrated defense of Charles
from imputations of guilt for the sack of Rome, and one of its principal
sources of inspiration, Erasmus' Querela pacis, or Complaint of Peace?-1
In Erasmus' work, as in the De concordia, universal principles dominate;
among individuals from modern history, the only certified villain is a
dead pope (Julius II). When Erasmus charges that hostility to the French
grows out of envy for French harmony and prosperity, he might be
implicitly criticizing the Emperor Maximilian.28 Nonetheless, in a rousing
peroration which perhaps carries more hope than conviction, Erasmus
extols Pope Leo X, Maximilian, Francis, Charles V and Henry VIII
as willing partners in the search for peace.29 Any feeling of stress over
who among them is right or wrong, or what (if any) are the writer's
personal obligations to them, does not manifest itself in the text. Unlike
Charles as the addressee of the De concordia, the official recipient of
the Querela pacis is an apparently inconsequential figure, Philip the new
bishop of Utrecht, over whose role there is disagreement.30 In any event
Philip of Utrecht, unlike Charles in relation to Vives' De concordia,
is not a Titanic figure who arouses conflicting tensions in the ensuing
treatise.
Valdés' Lactancio, on the other hand, incorporates Erasmian generalities
into a framework dictated by the author's position as Charles' secretary,
and by his conviction of Charles' innocence.31 Apophthegms on the evils
of war, often echoing Erasmus and even Vives, are now subordinated to
the task of illustrating the immorality of one party, Charles' defeated
papal antagonist Clement VII.32

27 See Erasmus, Querela pacis, edited by O. Herding (ASD, IV.2, pp. 1-100); Alfonso
de Valdés, Dialogo de las cosas ocurridas en Roma, edited by José Montesinos (Madrid,
1928); Alfonso de Valdés and the Sack ofRome: Dialogue ofLactancio and an Archdeacon,
English version with introduction and notes by John E. Longhurst with the collaboration
of Raymond R. MacCurdy (Albuquerque, 1952); and Margherita Morreale, 'Alfonso de
Valdés y la Querela Pacis de Erasmo', in Aureum Saeculum Hispanum: Beiträge zu
Texten des Siglo de Oro, edited by Karl-Hermann Körner and Dietrich Briesemeister
(Wiesbaden, 1983), pp. 231-44.
28 Querela, ed. Herding, p. 80. Morreale (cited, previous note), p. 232, states that the
Querela Pacis, written as an attempt to mediate a dispute between Francis and Maximilian,
was addressed to secular rulers rather than Christianity at large.
29 Querela, ed. Herding, pp. 86, 98-100.
30 Ibid., p. 3.
31 Longhurst (cited above, n. 27), pp. 7-8.
32 On the Lactancio and the De concordia, see Longhurst, p. 29, n. 13.
 RHETORICAL STRATEGIES IN VIVES' PEACE WRITINGS 263

Vives' De Concordia occupies a position between these two works.

For while Vives like Erasmus means to enunciate controversial general
principles, the choice of Charles as dedicatee shows that he means to aim
these principles at a specific time, place, and audience in a more pointed
way than does Erasmus. But while Valdés in the Lactancio incorporates
the polemic overtly into the conversation between Lactancio and the
archdeacon, the stooge whose defense of the pope collapses, Vives takes
on Charles in the more surreptitious ways adumbrated above.33
In conclusion, then, Vives engages a royal adversary, but with cunning.
In the dedication he inflates his listener's self-importance by linking him
with Alexander and Hercules, characters whom he will nonetheless
employ in the De concordia proper as negative examples. He carefully
postpones direct references to war, to the devastation of Italy, and to
Charles' complicity in violence. He occasionally uses ancient exempla
not to reinforce his criticism of contemporaries, but as sources of dis
traction from his modern target's guilt. In short, he defies his own
prohibition against contending with a stronger adversary, but at the same
time he does a great deal to make his querela look as little like a querela
as possible.
There are other strategies in the De concordia waiting to be delin
eated; studying them will broaden our awareness of the range of Vives'
rhetorical capabilities, and thus of the ways he negotiated the narrow
territory within which he could afford to put forth his pacifist proposals,
and at the same time hold out hope of being taken seriously.34

Department of Classical & Modern

Languages & Literatures
Texas Tech University
Lubbock, TX 79409-2071

33 I am indebted to Sydney Cravens and Ted McVay for discussions on the impor
tance of Alfonso de Valdés in the controversy over Charles' role in the sack of Rome.
34 I acknowledge the support of the Program for Cooperation between Spain's Min
istry of Culture and United States Universities and the National Endowment for the
Humanities for travel grants which facilitated the research on which this paper is based.
I take this opportunity to acknowledge the valuable assistance of Prof. Usewijn over the
past sixteen years; it is due primarily to his generosity and encouragement that the field
of Neo-Latin studies has become the focus of my research.
 G. Hugo TUCKER

MANTUA'S "SECOND VIRGIL":

DU BELLAY, MONTAIGNE AND THE CURIOUS FORTUNE OF
LELIO CAPILUPI'S CENTONES EX VIRGILIO [ROMAE, 1555]

I. INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

A. Between Mantua and Rome, between Virgil and Petrarch

My topic is the intriguing literary case of Lelio Capilupi (1497-1560)
of Mantua.1 Like his celebrated younger brother Ippolito (1511-80),
Lelio distinguished himself in the service of Mantua's ruling Gonzaga
family, as a courtier in papal Rome, but also as a writer of neo-Latin
verses. Since the sixteenth century these verses have been best known to
modern scholars from their inclusion in the collected Capiluporum
carmina of 1590, which were dedicated to Vincenzo Gonzaga Duke of
Mantua (1587-1612). 2 However, Lelio was also no mean poet of the
Italian vernacular. Several of his sonnets appeared in Petrarchist antholo
gies of Rime produced by Gabriele Giolito de Ferrari in the 1540s and
1550s, and then in Dionigi Atanagi's Rime of 1565.3 Indeed, the final
accolade for Lelio's Italian productions came with the publication of all
the Capilupis' collected Rime in Mantua in 1585.4

1 For an overview of Lelio's life and works, see C. Mutini, 'CAPILUPI, Lelio', in
Dizionario biografico degli Italiani (Roma, 1960- ), 18 (1975), pp. 542-3.
2 Capiluporum [Hippolyti, Laelii, Camilli. Alphonsi, lulii] carmina, ed. lulius Capilupus
and losephus Castalio (Romae, ex typographia haeredum lo. Lilioti, 1590), pp. 153-250;
see O. Delepierre, 'Les Capilupi', in Id., Tableau de la littérature du centon, chez les
anciens et chez les modernes, 2 tomes (Londres: N. Trübner, 1874-5), I (1874), 170-223.
On Ippolito in particular, see G. De Caro, 'CAPILUPt, Ippolito', in Dizionario biografico, 18
(Roma, 1975), pp. 536-42.
3 See: Rime diverse di molti eccellentiss. auttori nuovamente raccolte. Libro primo...
(In Vinegia, appresso Gabriel Giolito de Ferrari, 1545), pp. 341-2; Libro terzo de le rime di
diversi. . . (In Vinetia, appresso Bartholomeo Cesano, 1550), ff. 108vo-! 13™; Libro quinto delle
rime di diversi... (In Vinegia, appresso Gabriel Giolito de Ferrari, et fratelli, 1555), p. 307;
and De le Rime di diversi nobili poeti Toscani, raccolte da M. Dionigi Atanagi. Libro primo. . .
(In Venetia, appresso Lodovico Avanzo, 1565), ff. 134vo-143ro [devoted to Lelio Capilupi].
4 Rime del S. Lelio, e fratelli de Capilupi nuovamente poste in luce. All'illustrissimo,
& eccellentissimo Don Ferrante Gonzaga, principe di Molfetta, & signor di Guastella
&c. (Mantova, per Francesco Osana, 1585) [= Index Aureliensis 131.599].
 MANTUA'S "SECOND VIRGIL" 265

It was this bilingual aspect of Lelio's literary talent that was emphasized
by his nephew Camillo Capilupi (1531-1603) in an anecdote about Lelio
that survives in manuscript:5
Lelio Capilupi huomo di mirabil giuditio et di rara acutella [belleza crossed
out] d' ingegno, come si po conoscer dalli xiii centone<s> de versi di
Virgilio ch' egli compose che fecero stupir al mondo dell' arte et della
destrezza dell' ingegno suo, senza che le rime [versi<?> crossed out]
scritte da lui fanno anchor fede quanto egli fosse [andasse<?> crossed out]
copioso di concetti et polito et culto [osservante crossed out] nella lingua
Italiana, come un giorno si conoscera meglio quando tutti i suoi scritti si
vedranno in luce,....
However, Camillo Capilupi's attempt here to correct an imbalance
between Lelio's standing as a neo-Latin poet and as a vernacular one is
significant; it points to the fact that Lelio had acquired for himself par
ticular fame, even notoriety, as the author of several ingeniously con
trived (and in part, satirical) Virgilian Centones composed in the 1540s
and early 1550s.6 The collected edition of "xiii centones" alluded to by

5 Camillo Capilupi, 'Atto di gran bonta et di avedimento di Lelio Capilupi per

salvezza dell' honor et scarico dell' anima d'un suo amico morto' in MS Roma Bibl.
Naz. Vitt. Em. 1009 [Capilupi, Camillo: 'Raccolta di aneddoti riferentisi a papi, sovrani,
ambasciatori e altre personalità del sec. XVI'], ff. 12vo-13vo (f. 12vo); see T. Gasparrini
Leporace, / manoscritti Capilupiani della Biblioteca Nazionale centrale di Roma,
Guida storica e bibliografica degli archivi e delle biblioteche d'Italia, 5 (Roma, 1939),
p. 6.
6 Namely:
(1) the satirical Laelii Capilupi Mantuani cento ex Virgilio de vita monachorum et
Gallus (Venetiis, [Paulus Gerardus], 1543; "Venetiis" [really Lyons, Gioanni Pullon
da Trino], 1550) — plus [just the de vita] (VVitembergae, 1545; [Zurich, с. 1545?];
[Basel, с. 1545?]; Edinburgi, 1565; "Romae" [really Genevae, Jacob Stoer], 1575)
[= Index Aureliensis 131.592-8];
(2) Laelii Capilupi centonum ex Virgilio libri tres [= (a) 'Ad principes Christianos
Aristaeus', (b) 'Ad Rainutium Farnesium Damon', (c) 'In foeminas', influenced by
Girolamo Fracastoro's Syphilis sive morbus Gallicus (Veronae, 1530)] ([Venetiis,
Michael Tramezinus, с 1545-50]) [only copy: Roma, Bibl. Naz. Vitt. Em. Misc.
Val. 674.2];
(3) Laelii Capilupi Patritii Mantuani Centones ex Virgilio, ed. Antonio Possevino
([Romae, Valerius Doricus, 1555]), [incorporating, and adding to, the centones of (1)
& (2)].
On these editions, see, most recently, D. E. Rhodes, 'Lelio Capilupi and the "Centones ex
Virgilio'", The Library, 16/3 (September, 1994), 208-18; see also G. H. Tucker, The
Poet's Odyssey: Joachim Du Bellay and the Antiquitez de Rome (Oxford, 1990), p. 269.
To these should be added the following:
(1) MS Città del Vaticano, Bibl. Apost. Vat. Lat. 9948, ff. 160vo-61ro: 'Lelii Capilupi
Cento ex Virgilio de Vita Monachorum, quos Vulgö Fratres appellant' [vv. 1-16 only
(f. 160vo), plus the last sixteen verses of the 'Gallus' (f. 161ro)];
266 G. H. TUCKER

Camillo was printed by Valerius Doricus in Rome circa 1555. In it Lelio

was extravagantly praised by his Roman contemporary Benedetto Egio
of Spoleto (d. 1567) as the very reincarnation of Virgilius Maro:7
Si vera est Laeli Samii sententia vatis,
Quœ tua nunc anima est ante Maronis erat.
Later, Lelio would be complimented in similar vein — as Mantua's second
Virgil — by his posthumous editor and anthologizer Giovanni Matteo
Toscano, who introduced him as such to the French reading public of
1577 in the second volume of his Carmina illustrium poetarum italorum
(Paris, 1 576-7) :8
Quis neget hoc mirum, reliquis ex urbibus unum
Nullam, Virgilios te genuisse duos?
Yet such hyperbole glossed over the more subtle question of Lelio' s
poetic individuality. By contrast Ippolito Capilupi's epitaph for Lelio,
composed upon his death (3 January, 1560), had been careful to stress
the paradoxical distinctness of Lelio's borrowed Virgilian voice:9

(2) the propagandistс edition of Lelio's 'de vita monachorum' (presenting it as a classic
anti-Roman testimony from the past) in Mathias Flacius Illyricus, Varia doctorum
piorumque virorum, de corrupto Ecclesiae statu, poemata, ante nostram aetatem
conscripta... (Basileae, Ludovicus Lucius, Mar. 1557; dedicatory epistle signed
'Magdeb. 1. Maii, anno Domini 1556'; re-printed 1986), pp. 355-70, on which see
Tucker, The Poet's Odyssey, pp. 86-7.
7 'Benedictos Aegius ad Laelium Capilupum', in Laelii Capilupi. . . Centones ex Virgilio
([Romae, 1555]), p. 65. On Benedetto Egio, who produced the editio princeps (with facing
Latin translation) of Apollodorus — Apollodori Atheniensis Bibliotheces, sive de Deorum
origine, tam graecè, quam latiné... libri tres, Benedicto Aegio Spoletino interprete...
(Romae, Antonius Bladius, 1555) — and on his circle in the Rome of the 1550s (which
included Fulvio Orsini (1529-1600), and Antonio Possevino (1533-1611), who also
contributed to the 1555 Roman edition of Lelio Capilupi's Centones), see P. de Nolhac,
La Bibliothèque de Fulvio Orsini, Bibliothèque de l'Ecole des Hautes Études: sciences
philologiques et historiques, 64 (Paris, 1887), pp. 6-7; E. Mandowsky and C. Mitchell,
Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities: The Drawings in MS XIII.B. 7 in the National Library
in Naples, Studies of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 28 (London, 1963), pp. 29,
33; Tucker, The Poet's Odyssey, p. 147; J. IJsewijn, 'Achilles Statius, a Portuguese Latin
Poet in Late 16th Century Rome', in Humanismo portugués na época dos descobri-
mentos: congresso internacional Coimbra 9 a 12 de outubrou de 1991 (Coimbra, 1993),
pp. 109-23 (pp. 116, 119); and, most recently, M. H. Crawford, 'Benedetto Egio and the
Development of Greek Epigraphy', in Antonio Agustín between Renaissance and Counter-
Reform, ed. M. H. Crawford (London, 1993), pp. 133-54.
8 Ioannes Matthaeus Toscanus, 'De Laelio Capilupo' [laudatory address to Mantua],
vv. 5-6, in Id. (ed.), Carmina illustrium poetarum italorum, 2 vols (Lutetiae, Aegidius
Gorbinus, 1576-7), II (1577), f. 308го. [Also in Io. Matth. Toscanus, Peplus Italiae (Lutetiae,
Federicus Morellus, 1578), p. 111.]
9 Vv. 1-4, as reproduced in Gasparrini Leporace, / manoscritti Capilupiani, p. xvi.
 MANTUA'S "SECOND VIRGIL" 267

Mantua te, Laeli, merito se iactat alumno,

Nam Maro qua sonuit tu quoque voce sones.
Et, tua sint quamvis ex omni parte Maronis
Carmina, non eadem quae canit ille canis.
Significant too may be other evidence that survives of Lelio's earlier
broader interest in other forms of Latin hexametric composition within
the circle of the Gonzagas of Mantua. We know that he was the possessor
of the manuscript of a paraphrase in Latin hexameters of the popular
Tabula Cebetis (the Pinax of pseudo-Cebes Thebanus, 1st century A.D.)
dedicated to Isabella d'Esie Gonzaga, marchesa di Mantova (1474-
1539), by its author Giambattista Pio of Bologna.10 Moreover, this Latin
verse paraphrase by Pio seems to have been composed as part of a poetic
competition; an anonymous, rival paraphrase of the Tabula Cebetis, also
in Latin hexameters, and also dedicated to Isabella d'Este, exists in
manuscript in the Royal Library of Copenhagen."

B. The Centones ex Virgilio and the cento: a genre and a mode of

writing
Against this background what, then, in particular is intriguing about
Lelio Capilupi and his Centones ex Virgilio? Firstly, they still represent
a bibliographical and an historical puzzle, despite the recent scholarly
work of Dennis E. Rhodes.12 Still unresolved are questions relating
to the genesis and to the circumstances of publication of the "xiii cen
tones", as Camillo Capilupi called them. The precise dating and contents
of the collection also need to be established, as well as its political and

10 MS Roma Bibl. Naz. Vitt. Em. 1072: listed by Gasparrini Leporace, / manoscritti
Capilupiani, p. 121, following Giovanni Andres, Catalogo de' codici manoscritti della
famiglia Capilupi di Mantova (Mantova, 1794), n. L.; but not listed by С. E. Lutz, 'Ps.
Cebes', in Catalogus Translationum et Commentariorum: Mediaeval and Renaissance Latin
Translations and Commentaries. Annotated Lists and Guides, ed. F. E. Cranz, V. Brown
and P. O. Kristeller (Washington D.C., 1960- ), VI (1986), pp. 1-14. On G. Battista Pio
of Bologna, author of the first published commentary of Lucretius, see (most recently)
Charlotte Goddard, 'Language and Religion in Paleario's De Animorum Immortalitate'',
in the Acts of the 16° Congresso Internazionale di Studi Umanistici 'Grammatica e
Lingua nell'Umanesimo', Istituto Internazionale di Studi Piceni, Sassoferrato (Ancona),
21-24 giugno 1995, forthcoming in Studi Umanistici Piceni, 16 (1996).
11 MS K0benhavn Kongelige Bibliotek Fabr. 138 VI 4io, ff. 2ro-10vo ('Paraphrasis
Tabulae Cebetis Poética. Qua vitae humanae, prudenter instituendae, ratio continetur.');
listed as 'Anonymus С in Lutz, 'Ps. Cebes', Catalogus Translationum, VI (1986), pp. 1-14
(pp. 6-7).
12 Rhodes, 'Lelio Capilupi' (see n. 6).
268 G. H. TUCKER

literary background. These questions we shall attempt to address below.

Secondly, the term cento itself seems to represent two things at once in
the minds of Renaissance literary critics, which it is helpful to bear in
mind from the outset. On the one hand, it can serve quite loosely as a
metaphor for an inadequate type of literary imitatio, dismissable as mere
mechanical transcription and conscious plagiarism. On the other hand, it
is seen, much more precisely, to be a witty, overtly intertextual genre in
its own right — principally in verse form, but also in the looser medium
of prose. As such, it is also deemed to furnish a paradoxical model for
a successful, authentic imitatio, realised by means of, and in spite of,
close verbal adherence to a pre-existing text or texts.13 In short, more
than a pejorative term, the cento can be a positive model, and a positive
metaphor, for a transparently allusive mode of writing that may be not
just erudite, but also witty, even parodic and subversive.14

13 Compare the conclusion of J. Lafond, 'Le Centon et son usage dans la littérature
morale et politique', in J. Lafond and A. Stegmann (eds), L'Automne de la Renaissance
1580-1630. XXIIe colloque d'études humanistes, Tours 2-13 juillet 1979, De Pétrarque à
Descartes, 41 (Paris, 1981), pp. 117-28 (p. 125), in relation, at least, to the prose cento:
"Le centon... veut être une solution au problème de l'imitation et à celui, plus technique,
de la citation.... le centon refuse de masquer ses emprunts, il les avoue et se donne pour
ce qu'il est: un tissu d'emprunts. Il est l'intertexte transparent au texte." By contrast, for
Hélène Cazes, 'Centon et collage: l'écriture cachée', in Montages I Collages, Actes du
second colloque du Cicada, 5-7 décembre 1991, ed. Bertrand Rougé, Rhétoriques des
Arts, 2 (Pau, 1993), pp. 69-84, the verse cento is a particular type of collage, "aux join
tures invisibles", characterized by "une aspiration à la continuité" (p. 75) — one to be
contrasted with other types of collage, which are marked by "une irrévérence envers le
matériau emprunté" (p. 72), and whose "incohérence" "accuse l'acte d'emprunt" (p. 73).
However, Prof. Cazes does concede in the case of the ancient verse cento exemplified by
Ausonius that even if "le centon affiche une homogénéité continue dans le tissage des
emprunts", nonetheless "il s'agit d'une affectation de continuité, qui n'a de sens que dans
son dévoilement" (p. 77). Indeed, Prof. Cazes's position comes closer to that of Lafond
in her subsequent observation that, "la lecture du centon est conscience de l'hétérogénéité
énonciative et de la jointure car elle est relecture des vers de Virgile; elle apprécie l'écart
entre les significations premières et les significations induites par le nouveau contexte,...
La disparité naît alors non du heurt ni de l'incompatibilité mais par l'accompagnement de
la mémoire de l'acte citationnel..." (p. 77).
14 On the parodic aspect of the ancient cento, see R. G. Austin's article on the ancient
"cento" ("patchwork") in N. G. L. Hammond and H. H. Scullard (eds). The Oxford Clas
sical Dictionary (Oxford, 19702), pp. 220-21 — an aspect further explored recently by
M. A. Rose, Parody: Ancient, Modern, and Post-Modern, Literature, Culture, Theory, 5
(Cambridge, 1993), pp. 16-17, 78-9. On this conception of the cento in the Renaissance,
see J. Lafond, 'Le Centon', p. 1 17, drawing attention to the fact that both Henri Estienne
in his Centonum et parodiarum exempla (Paris, 1575) and Julius Caesar Scaliger in Liber I,
Caput XLIII 'Centones' of his Poetices libri septem (Lyon, 1561; facsimile re-print
Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt, 1964), p. 47 [= ed. Luc Deitz, 5 vols (Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt,
1994-), I (1994), 378] associated the cento with parody. Questionable, therefore, is the
 MANTUA'S "SECOND VIRGIL" 269

This ambiguity of the cento — as both a term for inadequate copy

ing, and a paradoxical model of authentic creation — would later be
suggested by Montaigne (circa 1 590) in the last revision of his Essais
(post- 1588), a work which was itself a cento-like patchwork of literary
quotation and allusion. Even though critical of covert plagiarizers who
dishonestly practise unavowed literary collage, Montaigne nonethe
less gives due praise to those writers whom he considers to be overt
exponents of cento writing. For the verse cento he even singles out the
"highly-ingenious" work of "Capilupus", as he does for the prose cento
the "erudite and laboriously wrought" Politicorum...libri sex (1589) of
Justus Lipsius:15
De faire ce que j'ay descouvert d'aucuns, se couvrir des armes d'autruy,
jusques à ne montrer pas seulement le bout de ses doigts, conduire son des
sein, comme il est aysé aux sçavans en une matiere commune, sous les
inventions anciennes rappiécées par cy par là; à ceux qui les veulent cacher
et faire propres, c'est premierement injustice et lascheté... De ma part,
il n'est rien que je veuille moins faire. Je ne dis les autres, sinon pour
d'autant plus me dire. Cecy ne touche pas des centons qui se publient pour
des centons; et j'en ay veu de très-ingenieux en mon temps, entre autres
un, sous le nom de Capilupus, outre les anciens. Ce sont des esprits qui se
font voir et par ailleurs et par là, comme Lipsius en ce docte et laborieux
tissu de ses Politiques.16

neat identification of "a distinct historical shift... from the citation of authoritative writings
towards their parody" in T. Werveyen & G. Witting. "The Cento: A Form of Intertextual-
ity from Montage to Parody', in H. F. Plett (ed.), Intertextuality (Berlin / New York, 1991),
pp. 165-78 [German version: T. Werveyen & G. Witting, 'Der Cento. Eine Form der Inter-
textualität von der Zitatmontage zur Parodie', Euphorion, 87 (1993), 1-27], who nonethe
less usefully establish that the "Cento is not a generic term but an écriture" (p. 172),
which can be related to theories of intertextuality, which themselves have a long historical
pedigree (on which, see J. Still & M. Worton, 'Introduction', in M. Worton & J. Still (eds),
Intertextuality: theories and practices (Manchester / New York, 1990), pp. 1-44).
15 Montaigne, Essais, I.xxvi 'De l'institution des enfans' [post-1588 addition], in Id.,
Essais, ed. A. Micha, 3 vols (Paris, 1969), I, 193-225 (pp. 195-6). In commenting upon this
passage H. Cazes, 'Centon et collage', pp. 72-3, 76, understands Montaigne to be distin
guishing between "les auteurs de compilations et l'auteur de mosaïques citationnelles telles
que la sienne". This interpretation informs Prof. Cazes's subsequent conclusion that "le col
lage, sous la forme d'une juxtaposition de citations, n'est pas chez Montaigne une écriture
neutre de la mémoire et de l'autorité mais l'ancrage d'une parole originale et personnelle sur
les auteurs de la 'librairie'." However, this ignores the fact that Montaigne is distancing
himself in this passage from conscious, dishonest (as well as slavish) plagiarizers, who
seek to pass off their literary borrowings as their own. It is with these that Montaigne fur
ther contrasts the openly 'citational', derivative writers of centos, in which "la prouesse
métrique et citationnelle excuse l'impersonnalité et la transcende" (Cazes, p. 76).
16 Justus Lipsius, Politicorum, sive civilis doctrinae libri sex (Lugduni Batavorum, ex
off. Plantiniana, apud Franciscum Raphelengium, 1589). This addition to Montaigne's
270 G. H. TUCKER

Following Montaigne's lead, it is not my purpose here to give a full his

tory of the cento genre proper from its comic origins in Greek as a metrical
"patchwork" of several authors, then of Homer and Virgil principally,
leading, in the 4th century A.D., to the pagan Virgilian Cento nuptialis of
Ausonius and its counterpart in the Virgilian cento-writing of the Christian
poetess Proba. Nor is it my purpose to trace the Early Modern development
of the cento in prose form.17 However, it is important to note here that
four decades before Montaigne, one of his favourite French vernacular
poets, Joachim Du Bellay (15237-1560), had struggled against uncom
prehending accusations of plagiarism to formulate a much more positive
theory of unavowed, because unconscious, literary borrowing. Du Bellay
justified such literary imitatio in his own Petrarchist and Classicizing
vernacular poetry of 1549-50 as a spontaneous, even unconscious, act of
poetic re-creation that gave rise to a distinct poetic identity or voice:18
Si, par la lecture des bons livres, je me suis imprimé quelques traictz en la
fantaisie, qui apres, venant à exposer mes petites conceptions selon les
occasions qui m'en sont données, me coulent beaucoup plus facilement en
la plume qu'ilz ne me reviennent en la memoire, doibt on pour ceste raison
les appeller pieces rapportées? Encor' diray-je bien que ceulx qui ont
leu les oeuvres de Virgile, d'Ovide, d'Horace, de Petrarque, & beaucoup
d'aultres, que j'ay leuz quelquefois assez negligemment, trouverront qu'en
mes escriptz y a beaucoup plus de naturelle invention que d'artificielle ou
supersticieuse immitation... Je ne me suis beaucoup travaillé en mes ecriz
de ressembler aultre que moymesmes:...

1588 text of the Essais is therefore datable to between the publication of Lipsius's trea
tise and Montaigne's death on 13 September 1592. On the looser, more eclectic nature of
prose "centos" such as Lipsius's, the Sagesse of Charron (1601) and the Diversitez of
Camus (1609-18), see J. Lafond, 'Le Centon' passim.
17 For both of which see the critical works quoted above in nn. 15-16, as well as the
broad overview in Delepierre, Tableau, I (1874). 1-31 ; see also G. Salanitro, 'La poesia cen
tonaria greco-latina', in Osidio Geta, Medea, ed. G. Salanitro, Bibliotheca Athena, 24
(Roma. 1981), pp. 9-60, and 'Cento', in A. Preminger & T. V. F. Brogan (eds), The New
Princeton Encyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics (Princeton, New Jersey, 1993), p. 180. On the
Christian centos of Falconia Proba and the Empress Eudocia, drawn from the hexameters of
Virgil and Homer respectively, see also H. Cazes, 'Centon et collage', pp. 78-83. On the par
allel between the cento and Petrarchist writing, and on Lelio Capilupi's particular use of it,
see F. Erspamer, 'Centoni e Petrarchismo nel Cinquecento', and F. Calitti, 'Fatica о ingegno.
Lelio Capilupi e la pratica del centone', in Scritture di scritture: testi, generi, modelli nel
Rinascimento, ed. G. Mazzacurati & M. Plaisance, 'Europa delle Corti' Centro studi sulle
società di antico regime. Biblioteca del Cinquecento, 36 (Roma, 1987), pp. 463-95, 497-507.
18 'Au Lecteur' [Préface de la seconde édition de L'Olive], in Joachim Du Bellay,
Œuvres poétiques, I (L'Olive. L'Anterotique. XIII Sonnetz de l'Honneste Amour), ed.
H. Chamard. Nouvelle édition par Y. Bellenger, Société des Textes Français Modernes
(Paris, 1982), pp. 19-20.
 MANTUA'S "SECOND VIRGIL" 271

We have already seen such paradoxical coupling of individual poetic

identity with literary indebtedness astutely applied by Ippolito Capilupi
to Lelio Capilupi 's verse centos, and the same could be said of Mon
taigne's own essay writing. Here, however, Du Bellay was promoting an
accidental, and so more authentic, brand of imitation in very opposition
to the "supersticieuse immitation" of which he had accused Virgilian
cento-writers and Ciceronian prose-writers in his polemical Deffence et
illustration de la langue francoyse of the previous year (1549). More
over, for Du Bellay, such literary "whitewashing" on their part was
symptomatic of a broader problem: the inadequacy and misguidedness
of humanist scholars and writers who hoped to piece together again the
Classical past, its language, its literature, and its other monuments:19
Que pensent doncq' faire ces Reblanchisseurs de murailles: qui iour, &
nuyt se rompent la Teste à immiter, que dy ie immiter? Mais transcrire vn
Virgile, & vn Ciceron? batissant leurs Poèmes des Hemystyches de l'vn,
& iurant en leurs Proses aux motz & Sentences de l'autre:... Pensent ilz
donques ie ne dy egaler, mais aprocher seulement de ces Aucteurs, en leurs
Langues? recuillant de cet Orateur, & de ce Poëte ores vn Nom, ores vn
Verbe, ores vn Vers, & ores vne Sentence: comme si en la façon qu'on
rebatist vn vieil Edifice, il[z] s'attendoint rendre par ces pierres ramasseés
[sic] à la ruynée Fabrique de ces Langues sa premiere grandeur, & excel
lence.... & si vous esperez (comme fist Esculape des Membres d'Hip-
polyte) que par ces fragmentz recuilliz, elles puyssent estre resuscitées,
vous vous abusez:...

These sentiments of Du Bellay's echoed in part the doubts which

Paolo Giovio had expressed a short while before, in his Elogia of 1546,
about a celebrated Ciceronian dialogue de exsilio (1522) which Du
Bellay knew.20 If Giovio reported the common suspicion that its author,
Petrus Alcyonius (1487-1527?), had been guilty of secret plagiarism
(and then of destruction) of a unique manuscript of the De Gloria of
Cicero, he also lent credence to these suspicions by pointing to the uneven

19 Joachim Du Bellay, La Deffence, et Illustration de la Langue Francoyse. Par

ЦоаМт]. D[u]. B[ellay]. A[ngevin]. (Paris, Arnoul l'Angelier, 1549), I.xi 'Qu'il est
imposible d'egaler les Anciens en leurs Langues', ff. c iiiiro-[vi]m (ff. c iiiivo-[v]ro). A pas
sage discussed, in further relation to Lelio Capilupi, in Tucker, The Poet's Odyssey, p. 9;
see also Id., 'Joachim Du Bellay, poète français et néo-latin entre l'exil et la patrie',
Op. cit.- revue de littératures française et comparée, 3 (novembre 1994), 57-63 (pp. 57-8).
20 Petrus Alcyonius, Medices Legatus de exsilio (Venice, 1522). On this work its rela
tion to Du Bellay, see G. H. Tucker, 'Exile exiled: Petrus Alcyonius (1487-1527?) in a
Travelling-chest', Journal of the Institute of Romance Studies [University of London], 2
(1993), 83-103.
272 G. H. TUCKER

style of Alcyonius's text. He compared it (as he might Alcyonius's own

uneven nature) to a "patchwork", to a cento, of ill-assorted threads of
unevenly bright colour. In his dubious elogium of Alcyonius Giovio was
thus adapting the traditional etymological definition of the literary
"cento" as a multicoloured patchwork of different rags of cloth stitched
together.21 He was using it as a pejorative simile for an unsuccessful
instance of Ciceronian imitation, where there was insufficient stylistic
integration, and where linguistic borrowings stuck out too much:22
Sed luculento opere [Petri Alcyonii] de toleranda exilii Fortuna, ita erudi-
tionis ac eloquentiae famam sustentabat, ut ex libro de gloria Ciceronis,
quem nefaria malignitate aboleuerat, multorum iudicio confectum credere-
tur. In eo [sc. opere] enim, tanquam uario centone, praeclara excellentis
purpurae fila, languentibus caeteris coloribus intertexta notabantur.23
Yet, despite this pejorative metaphorical adaptation of the term cento,
Giovio — unlike Du Bellay in the Deffence, but like Montaigne later in
the Essais — must nonetheless have admired the verse cento proper, for
Giovio was subsequently to be accorded by Lelio Capilupi the honour of
becoming the addressee of one of his most celebrated and witty Virgilian
centos, the 'In foeminas,...ad Paulum lovium'.24

21 For example, Erasmus's explanation in the Adagia of the Latin proverb farcire
centones, quoted by Delepierre, Tableau, I, 7 (n. 2): "Centones dicuntur vestes a variis
pannilulis, ac diversis interdum coloribus consarcinatae. Ad harum similitudinem cen-
tonem vocant carminis genus, ex diversis carminibus, et carminum fragmentis, hinc atque
illinc accersitis contextum,..." [see Erasmus, Opera Omnia (Hildesheim, 1961; facsimile
re-print of Leiden, 1703 edn), II (Adagia) 542D].
22 Paolo Giovio, 'Petri Alcyonii', in Id., Elogia... Quae in musaeo 1oviniano Comi
spectantur (Venetiis, apud Michaëlem Tramezinum, 1546), ff. 70vo-71ro; Id., Elogia
doctorum virorum... Praeter nova loan. Latomi in singulos epigrammata, adiecimus. . .
(Basileae, [1556]), pp. 265-6. Giovio's criticisms echo the increasing emphasis placed
upon the stylistic rather than just the linguistic aspect of Ciceronian imitation — at the
level of elocutio and not just of inventio — in the writings upon imitation of Pietro
Bembo (1512-30), Giulio Camillo (1529) and Celio Calcagnini (1532); see L. d'Ascia,
Erasmo e l'Umanesimo romano, Biblioteca della Rivista di Storia e Letteratura Religiosa,
Studi, 2 (Firenze, 1991), pp. 139-57.
23 See also Tucker, 'Exile exiled', p. 92, commenting upon "in eo" as referring either
to Alcyonius's work ("opere") or to Alcyonius himself. The slander of plagiarism
involving the deliberate suppression of a prestigious manuscript source is fairly com
monplace in humanist polemic; on a similar accusation of humanist skulduggery cf.
Jozef A. R. Kemper, 'Plinio il Giovane nell'umanesimo', in the Acts of the 16° Congresso
Internazionale di Studi Umanistici 'Grammatica e Lingua nell'Umanesimo', forthcoming
in Studi Umanistici Piceni, 16 (1996), on Petrarch's alleged suppression of his "source",
the Letters of Pliny the Younger.
24 Lelio Capilupi, Centones ([Romae, 1555]; see n. 6), pp. 24-40. The 'In foeminas'
was first published circa 1545-50; see above, n. 6.
 MANTUA'S "SECOND VIRGIL" 273

Indeed, Giovo's literary involvement with Lelio Capilupi provides

another, unexpected parallel with Du Bellay. In the spring of 1553 Du
Bellay left Paris for Rome (where he was to stay until the summer of
1557, taking Alcyonius's Ciceronian "patchwork" de exsilio with him
there). Once in the Eternal City he frequented the same humanist and
curial circles as Lelio Capilupi, whose volume of collected Virgilan
Centones was in fact dedicated to him in Rome by its enthusiastic editor,
the young Antonio Possevino (1533-1611), on its publication circa
1555.25 This suggests at the very least an accommodation on Du Bel-
lay's part, in the Rome of the mid- 1550s, with a more positive notion of
the cento genre as practised by Lelio Capilupi (anticipating Montaigne's
concession in the Essais to the cento proper and to its chief exponents in
verse and prose). It also seems to suggest a fundamental accommodation
with a more technical and less inspirational notion of imitation itself.
Like the "docte et laborieux tissu" of the prose cento admired later by
Montaigne, such "supersticieuse immitation" no longer seems to have
been for Du Bellay such a threat to poetic authenticity as it had been in
the Deffence.26 Indeed, this apparent change in artistic attitude is borne
out by the French poet's own changed willingness to compose Latin
verse — his Poemata (published: Paris, 1558) — in humanist Rome. It
is also confirmed by Possevino' s dedicatory letter, which alludes to Du
Bellay's intense admiration for Lelio Capilupi as a brilliant modern
exponent of the lapidary art of the verse centonist:27

25 See de Nolhac, La Bibliothèque de Fulvio Orsini, pp. 6-7; Tucker, The Poet's
Odyssey, pp. 147, 240; and Id., 'Exile exiled', pp. 101-2.
26 Part of a more general shift in Du Bellay's poetics; see Tucker, The Poet's
Odyssey, ch. 1. With Montaigne, a similar tension is reflected in the body of the same
essay (I.xxvi), whose own assemblage of quotations, allusions and additions is as much
a "docte et laborieux tissu" as the prose cento of Lipsius which it cites (post- 1588) as
exemplary (see above, n. 16), whilst typically protesting (also in post- 1588 additions),
"Qui suit un autre, il ne suit rien... Ce qu'on sçait droittement, on en dispose, sans
regarder au patron, sans tourner les yeux vers son livre" (ed. Micha (see п. 15), I, 199,
200).
27 'Ioachimo Belaio Antonius Possevinus Mantuanus S .P. D.', in Laelii Capilupi...
Centones ([Romae, 1555); see n. 6), ff. [i]vo-[ii]vo (ff. [i]vo, [ii]ro); Possevino's dedi
catory letter is also reproduced in Io. Matthaeus Toscanus (ed.). Carmina, II (1577),
f. 308vo-310ro, and Capiluporum carmina, ed. Iulius Capilupus and Iosephus Castalio
(Romae, 1590), pp. 155-7. The topos of intense humanist friendship prompted by report
and reading (and by the resultant admiration and recognition of a kindred spirit) prior
to actual meeting is one that Montaigne will develop famously in 'De l'amitié' (Essais,
ed. Micha (see п. 15), pp. 231-42 (p. 236; post-1588 addition)), and for which Posse-
vino's comments on Du Bellay's literary friendship for Lelio Capilupi provide a possible
intertext.
274 G. H. TUCKER

in quo uiri illius memoriam, & acre iudicium soleo saepe admirari, qui res
tam dispersas in unum locum cogat, easque ita collocet, ut media primis,
extremis prima respondeant. ac ut perfectus fictor, qui ex diuersissimis
lapidibus opus egregium fingit, emblemateque componit, sic ille ex
omnibus Virgilii locis, quae ad suam sententiam in primis facerent optima
quaeque excerpsit, atque libauit, unumque hoc corpus confecit....Tu enim
is es, qui & summa uirtute praeditus, & omnibus literarum studiis ornatis-
simus Laelii Capilupi scripta es adeo admiratus, ut cum ne illum quidem
uirum de facie cognosceres, mirifice tamen amares & coleres, quod cum
illius ingenio, tum tuae humanitati & animo ad studia propenso tribuitur....
Quibus rationibus adductus statui hunc librum ad te mittere, quod scirem
apud neminem in loco meliore aut honestiore esse posse.
Accordingly, this shift of perspective upon the cento — viewed
increasingly as a legitimate form of, and as a legitimate metaphor for,
successful imitatio and an authentic mode of writing — can be traced
from Du Bellay's changing artistic perspective in his Roman phase,
through to Montaigne's pointed approval in the Essais discussed above,
and even beyond that, to the unashamed avowal of Robert Burton in his
Anatomy of Melancholy about the cento-like art of his overtly cento
like prose. Moreover, with Burton, the nature of the cento metaphor
would significantly change too; no longer a multi-colured patchwork
of various rags, the cento becomes a unified piece of cloth woven from
a variety of fleeces:28
Omne meum, nihil meum, 'tis all mine, and none mine. As a good house
wife out of divers fleeces weaves one piece of cloth,... I have laboriously
collected this cento out of divers writers,..: I cite and quote mine authors...,
sumpsi, non surripui. . . The matter is theirs most part, and yet mine, apparet
unde sumptum sit..., aliud tamen quam unde sumptum sit apparet; which
nature doth with the aliment of our bodies incorporate, digest, assimilate,
Ido...
Yet, if Burton insists upon the explicit naming of his sources, that is
precisely what the verse centonist Lelio Capilupi had done circa 1555 in
the printed marginalia of the Roman edition of his Virgilian centos. If
Burton insists too upon the authentic, unfragmented nature of his literary
voice despite this overt citation, we have seen that the same paradoxical
achievement was claimed for Lelio's Centones in Ippolito Capilupi's

28 Robert Burton, 'Democritus to the Reader', The Anatomy ofMelancholy [ed. pr. 1621],
ed. H. Jackson [collating the 5th & 6th edns of 1638 & 1651], Everyman's Library,
886, 3 vols (London / New York, 1932), I, 15-123 (pp. 24-5). Contrast the pejorative
metaphorical use of the traditional etymology made by Paolo Giovio, and alluded to
above (see nn. 22-3); contrast also Erasmus on farcire centones in n. 21.
 MANTUA'S "SECOND VIRGIL" 275

flattering epitaph for Lelio. Finally, if Burton insists, again paradoxically,

upon the organic, digestive, innutritive nature of his cento-like mode of
writing, Du Bellay had famously used the same digestive metaphor in
his Deffence in order to describe the ideal form of imitatio in contra
distinction from the cento-form.29 Nonetheless, as we have noted, only
six years later in Rome, Du Bellay himself was to be the chosen dedi
catee of Lelio 's intriguing cento volume (much as Giovio became the
privileged addressee of the cento 'In foeminas' contained in that volume).
Why, how and when this happened, what the volume comprised, and
what became of it, are the issues to which we must now turn.

II. THE BIBLIOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL PUZZLE C. 1555,

UNDER THREE POPES: JULIUS III (8 FEB. 1550-23 MAR. 1555);
MARCELLUS II (9 APR. 1555-1 MAY 1555); AND PAUL IV
(23 MAY 1555-18 AUG. 1559)

A. The genesis and circumstances of publication of Lelio Capilupi's

xiii centones: the Roman literary and humanist background
The names associated with Lelio's volume certainly constituted a
brilliant constellation of literary and scholarly figures. If the primary
dedicatee was Joachim Du Bellay, nonetheless, obliquely through him a
secondary dedicatee was Joachim's kinsman in Rome the Cardinal Jean
Du Bellay; the latter was an accomplished neo-Latin poet, a distin
guished literary patron, and a major statesman playing at the time an
ambassadorial role with Pope Julius III for Henri II.30 In addition, the
twenty-two-year-old compiler and editor of the volume was the future
Jesuit and travel-writer Antonio Possevino (1533-161 1),31 also of Mantua.
Fulvio Orsini (1529-1600), the famous Roman antiquarian and scholar,

29 Just as Montaigne would use it (again, in Essais, I.xxvi, shortly after mentioning the
cento genre) to describe an ideal sort of educational assimilation of knowledge: "C'est
tesmoignage de crudité et indigestion que de regorger la viande comme on l'а avallée.
L'estomac n'a pas faict son operation, s'il n'a faict changer la façon et la forme à ce
qu'on luy avoit donné à cuire." (1580 passage; ed. Micha (see n. 15), I, 198). For Du
Bellay 's innutritive notion of imitation taking as its model the Romans 'Immitant les
meilleurs Aucteurs Grecz, se transformant en eux, les devorant, & apres les auoir bien
digerez, les conuertissant en sang, & nourriture...', see La Deffence, (1549; see n. 19),
I.vii ('Comment les Romains ont enrichy leur Langue'), f. b iiiiro.
30 On the Cardinal Jean Du Bellay, see Tucker, The Poet's Odyssey, p. 10.
31 On Possevino, see Eric Cochrane, Historians and Historiography in the Italian
Renaissance (Chicago / London, 1981; paperback edn, 1985), pp. 357-9.
276 G. H. TUCKER

readily contributed as well. According to Fulvio's testimony in the postface

that he supplied, he was charged with circulating copies of the initial
printed version of the volume. Moreover, on his own initiative (in the
absence of Possevino) he had had it augmented by the same printer to
include a poetic exchange between Lelio and Benedetto Egio of Spoleto,
who at the time was responsible for the editio princeps (Rome, 1555;
with Latin translation) of Apollodorus:32
ANTONIVS Posseuinus, iuuenis cum morum suauitate & elegantia, tum
etiam eruditione incredibili, hosce Laelii Capilupi Centones... ab auctore
quotidianis propè conuiciis extortos ediderat. Cum autem Laelius... nonnulla
mihi illorum exemplaria litteratis arbitratu meo condonanda dedisset:
Benedictum Aegium Spoletinum... tanto munere non indignum esse censui.
Is uerö ubi id operis perlegit, supraeditum disticum huic argumento accom-
modatum conscripsit, mihique legendum dedit: quod cum ego memoriae
mandassem, paulo post Capilupo obuiam factus, recitaui. Qui statim pro
disticho,... solidum Centonem in B. Egii landein uel sesquihorae spatio
composuit. Quocirca... uolens libensque pro Antonio Posseuino..., cui,
quod, aberat, id reliquuum conficere non licebat, extrema hac pagella hunc
quoque Centonem, ut duorum simul amicorum immortalitati hac etiam in
parte consuleretur, iisdem typis impressum appingendum curaui. Vale.
No doubt, through these humanist allies Lelio and his work were
integrated within an even wider Roman antiquarian circle, which
would have included figures such as Fulvio's friend Ottavio Pantagato
(d. Rome, 1578), Pirro Ligorio (c. 1510-83), Onofrio Panvinio (1530-68)
and their common mentor the Spaniard Antonio Agustín (1517-86), not
to mention Ligorio's patron the Cardinal Ippolito II d'Este.33 Indeed, it
is tempting to see (as Du Bellay had done in the Deffence) a certain
convergence between the piecing together of the fabric of Rome, its
texts and its history by such antiquarians, and the cento form with its
literary re-assembling, even resurrection, of Virgil. A further implication
of Orsini's testimony is a readiness within the circle of Lelio's humanist
friends to have Possevino's original compilation augmented and topically
adapted through the offices of the same printer. This will set a pattern
for all subsequent revisions or additions to Lelio's Roman Centones of
the mid- 1550s.

32 'L. Fulvius Vrsinus Lectori S.', in Laelii Capilupi...Centones ([Romae, 1555]; see
n. 6), f. K[iir-vo.
33 On these figures, see the works quoted above in n. 7, especially Mandowsky and
Mitchell, Pirro Ligorio's Roman Antiquities, pp. 2-5, and, more generally, Usewijn,
'Achilles Statius'.
 MANTUA'S "SECOND VIRGIL" 277

No doubt also, the enterprising editor Possevino initially sensed that

this work, extracted painstakingly from a very reluctant, and perhaps
rather wary Lelio Capilupi, would need its defenders both literary and
political. Significantly, Possevino's prefatory address to Joachim Du
Bellay, the erstwhile "defender" of the French vernacular, exhorted
him to take up the literary defense now in Rome of this most artificial
of neo-Latin works, whose satirical and topical aspects made it con
troversial morally, religiously and politically as well. Possevino's dedi
cation is thus very astute in obliquely enlisting also the support of
the Cardinal Du Bellay, a prelate of scholarly and virtuous reputation
and a major figure of the opposing French (anti-Imperial) faction in the
papal court:34
Cum enim semper otium, & tempus in discendo contriueris, tum summo
illi Cardinali es sanguine coniunctus, in quo non facile iudices utrum more
à disciplinis, an à moribus disciplinae illustrentur & ornentur.... Reliquum
est ut nos diligas, & quando patrocinium literarum suscepisti, librum hunc
ab obtrectatorum maledictis defendes atque tuebere. Vale.
Conversely, we shall see later how the collection would soon be adapted
to enlist, for similar reasons, the protection (from the opposing camp)
of the pro-Imperial Cardinal of Trent, Cristoforo Madruzzo (d. 1 578) —
to whose protection, for example, the Italian satirist Ortensio Lando
(or Landi; b. circa 1512) appealed at about the same time (in June 1554
or 1555), when he was placed on the Venetian Index of May 1554.35 Let
us turn first, however, to examine Possevino's original compilation of
Lelio's centos as augmented initially by Fulvio Orsini.

34 To. Belaio Ant. Possevinus. . .S. P. D.' (cont.), in Laelii Capilupi. . .Centones ([Romae,
1555]; see n. 6), f.Iii]"-™.
35 See P.F. Grendler, Critics of the Italian World ¡1530-1560]: Anton Francesco
Doni, Nicola Franco & Ortensio Lando (Madison, Milwaukee and London, 1969),
pp. 36-7. See also F. Cairns, 'The Numeri of Niccolö d'Arco and the Veronese Circle
of Fracastoro', Studi Umanistici Piceni, 15 (1995), 19-29 (pp. 22, 24), on the fact
that the Cardinal Madruzzo and Lelio Capilupi were both celebrated in the Numeri
(Mantua, 1546) of the neo-Latin poet (with pro-Imperial and Mantuan leanings) Niccolö
d'Arco (1479? or 1492/3? — 1546/7?). More generally, see the article 'Madruce
(Christophe), dit le Cardinal de Trente' in l'abbé С. B[erton), Dictionnaire des Car
dinaux (Paris, 1857), cols 1 172-5. Apart from the protection of the Cardinal Madruzzo,
a further link between Ortensio Lando and Lelio Capilupi is supplied by Rhodes, 'Lelio
Capilupi', pp. 212-13, establishing that the "Venetiis 1550" edition of Lelio's De vita
monachorum et Gallus (see n. 6) was in fact printed by the same Lyonnese printer Jean
Pullon ('Gioanni Pullon da Trino') who had produced the 1543 edition of Lando's
Paradossi.
278 G. H. TUCKER

В. The dating and contents of the collection : the political background

The core "xiii centones" originally compiled by Possevino and
Orsini, whose immediate success was noted by Camillo Capilupi, fall
into three sections (as set out below, in Table 1). The initial group of
the first five, numbered centos reflects the contents and chronology of
publication of the two previous, Venetian editions of centos by Lelio
Capilupi in 1543 and then c. 1545-50.36 Although untitled, the first two
centos are in fact the 'Gallus' and 'de vita monachorum' of 1543, which
had been subsequently re-published in Germany and Basel (in 1545)
and in Lyons (in 1550).37 Indeed, their inclusion in Possevino's Roman
compilation contradicts Dennis Rhodes' assertion that "no other edition
appeared in Italy"; this scholar presumes, erroneously, that the Roman
edition of Lelio's Centones (c. 1555) by Possevino and Orsini "does
not include the De vita monachorum, and so would not incur the dis
pleasure of the Pope or the authorities who were about to publish the first
[AC. first universal] Index in 1557. "38 Similarly, the next three, num
bered centos (III-V, which, by contrast, retain their titles) correspond to
the pieces published five to ten years before in Lelio's rare Venetian
volume Centonum...libri tres,39 of which the most notorious and
lengthy, 'In foeminas', is now, in the Roman compilation, dedicated to
Paolo Giovio.
After these first five, already published centos, the next seven unpub
lished centos (VI-XII), form a much shorter second group, which is
also arranged in rough chronological order. The first two (VI-VII)
are fictional addresses, the one to the portrait of Francesco Gonzaga
(Gianfrancesco II), Marquis of Mantua (1466-1519),40 and the other, by
Virgilius Maro himself, to Cosimo I de' Medici (1519-74), the pro-
Imperial duke of Florence.41 These two are then followed by four, more

36 See above, n. 6.
37 See above, n. 6, and Rhodes, 'Lelio Capilupi', pp. 210-15.
38 Rhodes, 'Lelio Capilupi', pp. 211, 277.
39 See above, n. 6.
40 Possibly as part of a poetic contest in the Mantuan court. Compare the Latin verse
contest celebrating Gerolamo Carpi's 1547 portrait of Anna d'Este, of which a trace is
extant in the Latin verses of Didacus Pyrrhus Lusitanus composed during his period in
Italy: see G. H. Tucker, 'Didacus Pyrrhus Lusitanus (1517-1599), Poet of Exile', Huma
nistica Lovaniensia, 41 (1992), 175-98 (pp. 193-5), and G. Bertoni, 'Umanisti Portoghesi
a Ferrara (Hermico e Didaco)', Giornale storico della letteratura italiana, 114 (1939),
46-9 (pp. 48-9).
41 See Rhodes, 'Lelio Capilupi', p. 216.
 MANTUA'S "SECOND VIRGIL" 279

topical pieces (VIII-XI). The first (VIII) addresses the Cardinal Ippolito
d'Este — although it is unclear whether it is Card. Ippolito I (1479-
1520),42 or Card. Ippolito II (1509-72). (The latter was sympathetic to
the Du Bellays and to the French position in Italy, as well as being the
patron of Pirro Ligorio, who was, as we have noted, of the same Roman
humanist circle as Lelio Capilupi.) The second and the third make
explicit topical refence to the papacy of Julius III, to which they are
datable: the one (IX) addressing Homer in the voice of Virgil on the
recent excavation of a marble head deemed to be his likeness; the
other (X) addressing Julius as Pope in the voice of Rome herself. The
chronology culminates in the fourth cento of this group, 'Ad Fortunam'
(XI), touching upon the Franco-Imperial war for the Siennese Republic
(1552-55), which had been struggling (with French help) to keep its
independence from Cosimo de' Medici and Charles V.43 The cento
refers specifically to the siege of the Siennese by Charles V, and their
defense by Henri II; it also refers to Julius as pope still. This suggests
a date of composition just prior to Julius's death on 23 March 1555
— after Sienna had started negotiating surrender in early February, but
before it capitulated on 17 April.44
Following this, the fifth cento of this second group (XII), is
addresssed to Paul III (1534-49), and so breaks the chronology. Sig
nificantly, the editor draws attention to its erroneous position in a
printed marginal note, suggesting that it should have rather been
printed in fifth place: "Hic Cento collocandus erat post quartum qui
est in hoc libro" (i.e., just before cento V, which celebrates Paul IIl's
elevation of Rainuzio Farnese to the cardinalate in 1545).45 This also
confirms the impression already given in Fulvio Orsini's postface that
the volume was still being compiled even after the process of printing
had started.
The third and final section is then made up by the verse and prose
material of Orsini's appendix, which sets out in the same printer's type
the poetic exchange between Benedetto Egio and Lelio Capilupi, so
including Lelio's thirteenth cento (albeit not numbered as such).

42 The view of Rhodes, 'Lelio Capilupi', p. 216.

43 See G. R. Elton (ed.), The Reformation 1520-1559, The New Cambridge Modern
History , 2nd edn., vol. II (Cambridge, 1990), pp. 394-6.
44 Laelii Capilupi... Centones ex Virgilio ([Romae, 1555]; see n. 6), pp. 61-3. On the
precise chronology of the Siennese capitulation, see Gladys Dickinson, Du Bellay in Rome
(Leiden, 1960), pp. 117-18.
280 G. H. TUCKER

The whole may be summarised thus :

TABLE 1
OUTLINE OF LELIO CAPILUPI'S CORE "XIII CENTONES" (ATTESTED BY GAMILLO
CAPILUPI) AS THEY FIRST APPEAR IN THE COMPILATION OF ANTONIO POSSEVINO
AND FULvio ORSINI PUBLISHED IN ROME CIRCA 1555
First group (featuring texts already published elsewhere):
I. (pp. 1-9) [= 'Callus' (1st edn was Venice, [Paolo Gherardo], 1543)]
II. (pp. 10-23) [= 'De vita monachorum' (1st edn was Venice, [Gherardo],
1543)]
III. (pp. 24-40) Tn foeminas,... ad Paulum lovium' (1st edn was Venice,
[Michele Tramezzino, c. 1545-50])
IV. (pp. 41-6) 'Ad principes Christianos... Aristeus' (1st edn: ibid.)
V. (pp. 47-9) 'Ad illustrissimum Rainutium Farnesium Card, electum. Damon'
[on his election to the cardinalate in 1545] (1st edn: ibid.)

Second group (featuring texts hitherto unpublished):

VI. (pp. 49-50) 'In effigiem Francisci Gonsagae Marchionis Mantuae IIII.'
[address to the portrait of a former Marquis of Mantua, Gianfrancesco II
(1466-1519); possibly a vestige of a poetic contest in Mantua]
VII. (pp. 51-3) 'P. Virg. Maro ad illustriss. Cosmum Medicem Florentin, ducem'
["Virgilian" praise of Cosimo I de' Medici, 1519-74, a pro-Imperial ally]
VIII. (pp. 53-4) 'Ad illustriss. Hippolitum Cardinalem Estensem' [praising
either Card. Ippolito I d'Este (1479-1520), or (more topically) the pro-
French Card. Ippolito II d'Este (1509-72)?]
IX. (pp. 55-6) 'In Homeri marmoreum Caput Romae effossum... Virgilii
prosopopeia' [referring to Julius III as pope, so datable to between 8 Feb.
1550 and 23 Mar. 1555]
X. (pp. 57-60) 'Ad lulium III. Pont. Max.... Romae prosopopeia' [prior to 23
March 1555]
XI. (pp. 61-3) 'Ad Fortunam' [on the end of Charles V's siege of Siena, and
referring to Julius III as pope; so datable to between early Feb. 1555 and
23 Mar. 1555]
XII. (p. 64) 'Salutatio Calen. lanuarii ad Paulum .III. Pont. Max.' [pope 1534-
49; editor's note suggests proper slot as "4th Cento", so datable as prior to
Cento V. (1545)]

Third group (appended to the above by Fulvio Orsini, and appearing in same
printer's type as these first and second groups compiled by Possevino):
(f. K[i]ro) 'Benedictus Aegius ad Laelium Capilupum' [eulogistic distich]
[XIII.] (f. K[i]r°-™) 'Laelii Capilupi ad Benedictum Aegium Cento.' [replying to
Egio's distich]
(f. K[ii]ro"vo) 'L. Fulvius Vrsinus Lectori S.' [explanatory postface]
 MANTUA'S "SECOND VIRGIL" 281

The internal evidence from the core "xiii centones" as well as from
Possevino's dedicatory preface suggests, therefore, that the collection
was compiled by Possevino and presented to the Du Bellays when they
were already well established in Roman literary and curial circles, a good
time after their arrival in Rome in the early summer of 1553, but also
while the Cardinal Du Bellay was still a major figure of influence under
Julius III.46 Moreover, the latest poem (XI), on the Siennese war between
France and the Empire, suggests that the collection was only completed
in the last days of Julius IIl's papacy. Appropriately, this core collection
also seems to respect a delicate balance between courting the favour of
French figures such as Cardinal Du Bellay (if not also the pro-French
Ippolito II d'Este), and Imperial allies such as the Florentine Cosimo I
de' Medici. Again, this political balancing act is in harmony with the
neutral, mediating politics of the closing period of Julius Ill's papacy.
For the dating of the collection even more informative, however, is the
changing poetic presentation of the original core group of "xiii centones"
attested by Camillo Capilupi. As with the initial addition made by Fulvio
Orsini, poetic "packaging" is continuously added in the same type-face
of the same printer, Valerius Doricus.47 From the evidence of the several
different copies in Italian and French libraries, it emerges that these addi
tions conform to a tripartite pattern of changing emphasis corresponding
to the reigns of the three successive Popes over the period 1555-1556.
Initially (in stage LA; see Table 2), a poetic compliment is paid to the
reigning pope Julius III, through the inclusion of a prefatory cento on his
Villa Giulia.48 This poetic preface is then excised (stage I.B) — no doubt
on Julius's death on 23 March 1555 — leaving an awkward hiatus in the
foliation. This gap between the title-page and editor's preface on the one
hand, and the body of the "xiii centones" on the other hand, is then filled
(stage II) by an alternative prefatory cento celebrating the Cardinal of
Trent (the pro-Imperial Cristoforo Madruzzo) and the Council of Trent,49

45 Laelii Capilupi... Centones ex Virgilio ([Romae, 1555]; see n. 6), p. 64.

46 Despite becoming Dean of the Sacred College on the accession of Paul IV at the
end of May 1555, Cardinal Du Bellay was almost immediately left out of political con
sultations by the new pope and by Henri II (against whose wishes he had become Dean);
on which, see Dickinson, Du Bellay in Rome, pp. 124-5, and Gilbert Gadoffre, Du Bellay
et le sacré, nrf / Les Essais, 200 (Paris, 1978), pp. 73-5.
47 See Rhodes, 'Lelio Capilupi', p. 217.
48 On the Villa Giulia (and its poetic description by Lelio Capulipi), see D. R. Coffin,
The Villa in the Life of Renaissance Rome, Princeton Monographs in Art and Archaeol
ogy, 43 (Princeton, New Jersey, 1979), pp. 150-74 (especially p. 163).
49 See above, п. 35.
282 G. H. TUCKER

and so in harmony with the pro-conciliar Marcellus II, who died almost
immediately, on 1st May 1555, within three weeks of his accession to
the papal throne. Moreover, under this new presentation for the brief
papacy of the saintly Marcellus, the original prefatory cento celebrating
Julius's idyllic Villa is now, by contrast, relegated to the end of the col
lection. Finally (in stage III), under the anti-conciliar and anti-Imperial
Paul IV, who was elected on 23 May 1555, not only are these prefatory
centos now safely consigned together (in chronological order) to the end
of the collection, but also two additional poems are successively printed
and appended (in stages III.A & III.B). Significantly, these last two
formal appendixes, bearing their own title-pages, increasingly display
Lelio Capilupi's adherence to the increasingly beleaguered Imperial
camp in the papal court. The first (Ш.А.З.с), addressed to Paul IV, is
undated, but is concerned with the fraught political and military events
of september 1555; in it Lelio makes an emotional appeal to the pope
for the safe release of the Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, imprisoned after
the seizure of French ships in Civitavecchia by the Sforzas who were
allies of the Emperor.50 The second (III.B.4) of these poetic additions
(printed by the Dorici in Rome, 1556) unashamedly celebrates Cardinal
Madruzzo's appointment by Philip II of Spain as governor of Milan in
1556. 51 It is perhaps no wonder, then, that on 21 July 1556 Lelio's own
brother Ippolito will find himself under papal arrest, accused with other
Imperialist sympathizers of conspiracy against Rome and against the
person of the Pope.52

Table 2

The Differing Arrangements of the Centones,

through the Three Papacies (1555-1556)

Stage LA prior to death of Julius III (23 Mar. 1555):

1 . title-page + dedication by Possevino to Du Bellay
(4 pp. = ff. [iro-iivo])

50 On this episode, see L. Von Ranke, The History of the Popes During the Last Four
Centuries, transi. Foster (revised), Bonn's Popular Library, 3 vols (London, 1913), I, 225;
and Dickinson, Du Bellay in Rome, p. 123.
51 On Madruzzo's appointment as governor of Milan, see B[erton], 'Madruce (Chris
tophe)', in Dictionnaire des Cardinaux, col. 1 174.
52 See Dickinson, Du Bellay in Rome, p. 128; and G. De Caro, 'Capilupi, Ippolito', in
Dizionario biografico degli Italiani, 18 (1975), 536-42 (p. 538).
 MANTUA'S "SECOND VIRGIL" 283

2. prefatory cento 'In Villam luliam lulii III. Pont. Max.'

+ epigram 'Hippolyti Capilupi ad lulium III. Pont. Max.'
(5 pp. + 3 blank pp. = A4)
3. core "xiii centones"
(a) 12 main centos
(64 pp. = B4 C4 D4 E4 F4 G4 H4 14)
(b) appended 13th cento 'Laelii Capilupi ad Benedictum Aegium'
(headed by distich 'Benedictus Aegius ad Laelium Capilupum')
+ explanatory statement 'L. Fulvius Vrsinus Lectori S.'
(4 pp. = K2)
(as in the copies: Paris, Bibl. Mazarine 10679 and Bibl. Nat.Yc. 599)

STAGE I.B after death ofJulius III (23 Mar. 1555)? :

1. title-page + dedication by Possevino to Du Bellay (as above)
[no prefatory cento]
2. core "xiii centones" (a) & (b) (as above)
(as in the copies: Bibl. Apost. Vat. Ferraioli IV. 4049 (int. 2); and Siena Bibl.
Com. degli Intronati XXX.H.16)

STAGE II under Marcellus II (supporter of the Council of Trent)!

prior to accession of Paul IV (23 May 1555; hostile to reviving the Council of
Trent):
1. title-page + dedication by Possevino to Du Bellay (as above)
2. new prefatory cento, 'De laudibus illustrissimi Christophori Madruccii', with
colophon: 'Valerius Doricus imprimebat. ROMAE. MDLV.'
(on Card. Madruzzo and the Council of Trent (suspended Apr. 1552))
(7 pp. + 1 blank p. (= new A4))
3. core "xiii centones" (a) & (b) (as above)
4. old prefatory cento 'In villam luliam' etc
(5pp. + 3 blank pp. (= old A4) as above, but now placed at the end)
(as in the copy: Venice, Bibl. Naz. Marciana 79.C.94)

STAGE III.A under Paul IV (late 1555 or early 1556?):

1 . title-page + dedication by Possevino to Du Bellay (as above)
[no prefatory cento]
2. core "xiii centones" (a) & (b) (as above)
3. three centos appended in chronological order:
(a) original preface (of LA; & at end of II) 'In villam luliam' (as above)
(b) replacement preface (STAGE II) on Card. Madruzzo (1555) (as above)
(c) new appended cento 'Ad Paulum IIII. Pont. Max.', undated, but relating
to military & political events of autumn 1555
(t.-p. + 2 pp. + 1 blank p. = ff.[iro-iivo])
(as in the copy: Pavia, Bibl. Univ. Miscell.8° T.1197(No.l))
284 G. H. TUCKER

Stage III.B under Paul N (1556):

1. title-page + dedication by Possevino to Du Bellay (as above)
[no prefatory cento]
2. core "xiii centones" (a) & (b) (as above)
3. three centos appended in chronological order ((a), (b) & (c), as in Stage
III.A above)
4. 'Ad Insubreis. Ad quos pro rege missus est illustrissimus Christophorus
Maddruccius', with colophon: 'Impressum Romae apud Valerium, et Aloi-
sium Doricos Anno M.D.LVI.'
(on Card. Madruzzo's dispatch by Philip II of Spain to be governor of Milan
in 1556)
(t.-p. + 1 blank p. + 2 pp. = ff. [iro-iivo])
(as in the copy: Roma, Bibl. Corsiniana 170.C.233)

So much for the genesis and form of Lelio's Roman Centones printed
by the Doricus press in the mid- 1550s. This now takes us to the chequered
history of their hasty, even muddled, production, and to the reason for
their rarety, the story of their equally hasty and muddled censorship.

III. Censorship under Paul IV (23 May 1555-18 Aug. 1559) and
Pius IV (25 Dec. 1559-9 Dec. 1565), and eventual rehabilitation

All the copies examined by me in situ bear extensive identical manu

script corrections in an identical sixteenth-century hand. This suggests
hasty production into print and immediate editorial correction after
printing — by either Valerius Doricus, or Possevino or Orsini — of a
not impossibly large number of copies. A similar explanation is offered
by a late nineteenth-century Vatican librarian's extensive notes on the
fly-leaf of a copy of the Centones:53
Le parole mss a pag. 3 (non numer.) e 62 credo certo di carattere del Pos
sevino o almeno copiate da un ex. in cui egli le avesse scritte: perché altri
che lui non poteva supplire le parole della propria lettera omesse per errore
Tipografico,...54
This librarian's conjecture goes on, however, in more sinister fashion, to
attribute "la rarità di questo volumetto" to the fact that

53 MS note on fly-leaf of Lelio Capilupi, Centones ([Romae, 1555]) Bibl. Apost. Vat.
Ferraioli: IV.4049 (int. 2).
54 However, the anonymous Vatican librarian immediately qualifies this assumption:
"Per altro una lettera del Pos. da me veduta (scritto è vero nel 1607) ha un carattere molto
maggiore, e diverso" (ibid.).
 MANTUA'S "SECOND VIRGIL" 285

Il Possevino, nato nel 1534 dové curarlo nella prima gioventu. Si fece
gesuita a 26 anni [i.e. 1560], ed egli medesimo ed i suoi superiori con-
fratellii dovettero avvedersi che male si accoppiava il suo nome a quello
di un autore messo all'Indice, ed ai versi[1] contro i Frati, e studiarsi
di ritirarne e distruggere le copie che probabilmente non furono mai
molte.55
This conspiracy theory of suppression of Lelio's volume at least five
years later by the newly-fledged Jesuit Possevino acting in collusion
with his new religious superiors falls down on its own admission of
the original rarety of the volume. Nonetheless, there is truth in the per
ception of the controversial nature of Possevino' s re-edition of satirical
centos such as the 'In foeminas' or the 'de vita monachorum', which
were already known to be religiously or morally provocative. Indeed, the
latter was several times re-printed as Protestant, anti-Roman, reformist
propaganda.56 Even in the original edition of the 'de vita' of 1543, the
Venetian printer's dedicatory preface points to the unwitting Lelio's
reluctance to have his work published at all — apparently, not just out of
modesty, or because of worries concerning the literary standing of the
cento genre, but also through anticipation of the moral and religious
reaction that his amusing satire would provoke:57
Quae tibi cum Laelio illo Capilupo, homine quidem doctissimo, summa
familiaritatis atque amicitiae necessitudo intercedit... hanc mihi licentiam
concessisse visa est, vt illius viri de vita monachorum ex Virgilio cen-
tonem, eo ignaro, et fortasse etiam inuito, in publicum proferre, tibique
eius amicissimo dicare nequaquam veritus fuerim. Hoc enim modo facile
fieri posse existimo, vt, si ille, veluti de se ipso modeste sentiens, meum
hoc factum animo haud aequo patiatur,... cum primum tibi opus dicatum
esse intelliget,... non solum non moleste ferat, verum etiam maximopere
laetetur.... in hisce publicandis carminibus mea ratio, meumque consilium
fuit, vt hoc argumento iuuentur, atque etiam oblectentur studiosi. quod si
ita est, nullus, equidem arbitrer, nisi improbus improbabit.... Neque hoc
scribendi genus in postremo laudis gradu locatum esse quispiam exis
timaba.... etenim quis illum non laudet artificem, qui è multiplicibus
minutisque fragmentis vndique collectis, & ex arte dispositis, varium &
illustre opus efficiat?

55 MS note (cont.) on fly-leaf of the same copy of Lelio Capilupi, Centones.

56 See the editions listed above, in n. 6; and Rhodes, 'Lelio Capilupi', pp. 211-14.
57 'Magnifico ac generoso Ioanni Michelio. Patritio Veneto. Paulus Cerardus. S.P.D.'
[printer's dedicatory letter], in Laelii Capilupi Mantuani cento ex Virgilio de vita mona
chorum et Gallus (Venetiis, [Paulus Gerardus], 1543). See above, n. 6; and Rhodes,
'Lelio Capilupi', pp. 210-11, identifying the printer as Paolo Gherardo, from the "Paulus
Cerardus" of the dedicatory letter.
286 G. H. TUCKER

Be that as it may, and irrespective of Possevino's editorial inclusion

of the 'de vita monachorum' in pride of place in his 1555 Roman col
lection of Lelio's centos, a crisis point must have come a little later in
1556-7 with the inclusion of Lelio's irreverent piece (bearing the full
title, 'Laelii Capilupi cento Vergilianus, de vita Monachorum, quos
vulgo Fratres appellant') in Mathias Flacius Illyricus's propagandistic,
anti-Roman compilation, Varia doctorum piorumque virorum, de corrupto
Ecclesiae statu, poemata, ante nostram aetatem conscripta. . . (Basileae,
Ludovicus Lucius, Mar. 1557; dedicatory epistle signed 'Madeb. I. Maii,
anno Domini 1556').58
It is probably this that caused the listing of Lelio's cento in Paul IV's
initial universal Roman Index of September 1557 (fully elaborated in
1558-9) (see Table З.а-b). However, an important contributory factor
must also have been Lelio and Ippolito Capilupi' s increasingly unten
able position as Imperial sympathizers in Rome during the worsening of
relations between Paul IV and the Empire in 1556-7.
Unfortunately, the actual wording of the prohibition from 1557
onwards was imprecise — merely "Cento ex Virgilio'", in the singu
lar, without a specific title, possibly reflecting the presentation of the
'de vita' simply as 'Cento II.', without its proper title, in Possevino's
Roman 1555 compendium. This was only clarified much later by the
Spanish Inquisition's Index of 1583 (Table 3.J), which added "de vita
monachorum". For many years, therefore, there seems to have been
confusion as to whether this was a specific prohibition of just one
cento, or a total ban upon each and every "Cento ex Virgilio" of Lelio
Capilupi. This confusion was only increased with Ippolito's successful
attempt in 1562 (Table 3.c) to have the prohibition of his brother's
work lifted subject to the proviso of approved expurgation. Again,
the resultant entry in Pius IV's more moderate Tridentine Index of
1564 (Table 3.d) makes it unclear as to which Virgilian cento of
Lelio's this applies to, so implicating all of them potentially. This
increased confusion was only further compounded by the Liège Index's
subsequent omission of the proviso of expurgation in 1569 (Table 3.e),
an omission repeated in the otherwise precise entry of the Spanish Index
of 1583.

In pp. 355-70 of this compilation; cf. above, n. 6.

 MANTUA'S "SECOND VIRGIL" 287

Table 3

The Listing of Lelio Capilupi's 'Cento ex Virgilio'

in Various Indexes of Forbidden Books59

(a) First Roman Index (elaborated September-November, printed late Decem

ber, 1557), initial total prohibition, but cento not specifically named:
"Lelii Capilupi, Cento ex Virgil."
(Index auctorum, et librorum, qui tanquam haeretici, aut suspecti, aut per-
niciosi ab officio S. Ro. Inquisitionis reprobantur, et in vniversa Christiana
republica interdicuntur. (Romae, apud Antonium Bladum 1557), p. 36)
(= Index, ed. Bujanda, VIII (1990), pp. 717-51 (p. 735))
(b) Expanded first Roman Index (posted 30th December, 1558(7); published
January, 1559),60 repeated initial total prohibition, also unspecific:
"Laelii Capilupi cento ex Vergilio"
(Index auctorum, et librorum... (Romae, apud Antonium Bladum, ian.
1559), f. 20™; also, Romae, apud Valerium Doricum, 1559) (= Index, ed.
Bujanda, VIII (1990), pp. 752, 772)
(c) Record of intervention (early 1562?) by Ippolito Capilupi (papal nunzio in
Venice from May 1561) through the Patriarch of Venice for revision of the
ban upon Lelio's "Cento" by the Commission of the Index of the resumed
Council of Trent (18 Jan. 1562-4 Dec. 1563):
"LELLI [sic] CAPILUPI Cento, etc.- Dno. Patriarchae Venetiarum cum
theologis quos ipse elegit"
[entry in 'Nomina librorum qui in concilio Tridentino a Patribus deputatis
sunt expurgati et eorum quibus ut examinarentur ab eisdem Patribus dati
sunt'] (MS Archives of the Holy Office, ed. J. I. Tellechea (1987))
(= Index, ed. Bujanda, VIII (1990), pp. 81, 106-8 (p. 107))61
(d) Reformed Roman Tridentine Index (1564), qualified prohibition (with pro
viso of expurgation), but still without specific title:
"Laelii Capilupi Cento ex Virgilio non nisi expurgatus legatur"

59 On the inclusion of Lelio Capilupi in the Roman Indexes of, 1557, 1559(1558)
and 1564, see also Rhodes, 'Lelio Capilupi', pp. 209-10. Quotation is from Index des
livres interdits, ed. J. M. Bujanda, 10 vols (Sherbrooke / Geneva, 1984-): I (1985)
[= Index de l'Université de Paris 1544, 1545, 1547, 1549, 1551, 1556]; II (1986)[= de
l'Université de Louvain 1546, 1550, 1558]; HI (1987)[= de Venise 1549, Venise et
Milan 1554]; IV (forthcoming)[= de l'Inquisition portugaise 1547, 1551, 1559, 1561,
1564, 1581, 1597]; V (1984)[= de l'Inquisition espagnole 1551, 1554, 1559]; VI
(1993)[= de l'Inquisition espagnole 1583, 1584]; VII (1988)[= d'Anvers 1569, 1570,
1571 (de Liège 1568, 1569)]; VIII (1990)[= de Rome 1557, 1559, 1564]; IX (forth
coming)^ de Rome 1596. Avec étude des Index de Parme 1580, de Munich 1582,
et de Rome 1590, 1593]; X (forthcoming)[= Thesaurus de la littérature interdite au
XVI' siècle].
288 G. H. TUCKER

(Index librorum prohibitorum, cum regulis confectis per Patres a Tridentino

Synodo delectos, auctoritate Sanctiss. D.N. PU 1111, Pont. Max. comproba-
tus. (Romae, apud Paulum Manutium, Aldi F., 1564), p. 54)
(= Index, ed. Bujanda, VIII (1990), pp. 802-72 (p. 854; item 648))
(e) Indexes of Liège (1569) and Antwerp (1569), without qualification (proviso
of expurgation omitted), and still without specific title:
"Laelii Capilupi Cento ex Virgilio" (Liège, 1569)
"Lelii Capilupi Cento ex Virgil." (Antwerp, 1569)
(= Index, ed. Bujanda, VII (1988), pp. 582, 648)
(f) Spanish Index (1583), without qualification (proviso of expurgation omit
ted), but finally making explicit the identity of the banned cento:
"Laelii Capilupi Cento ex Virgilio De vita monachorum"
(= Index, ed. Bujanda, VI (1993), p. 428)

This muddle is reflected in Giovanni Matteo Toscano's above men

tioned Parisian anthology of Italian Carmina of 1576-7, where, in the
section devoted to Lelio Capilupi, the 'de vita' is completely absent, as
if under an unqualified and specific prohibition. Yet this is despite the
editor's pious Counter-Reformation protestations (in an admonitory
preface) of selective expurgation of Lelio 's problematic text in confor
mity with moral propriety and religious orthodoxy. In other words,
Giovanni Matteo Toscano's compliant censorship is specific and total,
general and selective, all at the same time:62
Quod in ceteris summorum auctorum poematis sedulö operam dedimus, ne
quid ederemus quod vel obscaenitatem redoleret, vel Christianae Catholicae

60 This generally accepted dating is contradicted, however, by f. 2ro of the "Ian. 1559"
Bladus edn (Bujanda, VIII, p. 752):
Die xxx. Decembris MD.LIX. praefatae literae affixae & publicatae fuerunt ad valvas
Basilicae principis Apostolorum de Vrbe Palatii sanctissimae Inquisitionis & in acie
campi Flore, dimissis inibi illorum copiis affixis per nos Triphonem Vitorellum & Hono-
frium Montargul S. D. N. Papae Cursorum.
This "posting" and "publishing" in Rome of the augmented Pauline Index by the
Holy Inquisition on "30 December 1559" (not 1558), suggests that the printed date of
publication might be, rather, January 1560 ("1559" old style), instead of January 1559.
If so, the further implication would be that the Inquisition persisted with publishing the
recently deceased Paul IV's index only five days into the new papacy of Pius IV (from
25 December 1559), no doubt fearing (rightly) that he would prove more moderate and
restrict their activity.
61 'Document provenant des Archives du Saint-Office', quoted by Bujanda VIII, 107
from J. I. Tellechea, 'La Aprobación del Catecismo de Carranza en Trento con noticias
sobre la Comisión del Index (1563)', in Scriptorium Victoriense, 34 (1987), 397-402.
62 'lo. Matth. Toscanus, Lectori S.', prefacing the Latin poems of Lelio Capilupi in lo.
Matth. Toscanus (ed.), Carmina, II (1577), f. 310™.
 MANTUA'S "SECOND VIRGIL" 289

religioni minime esset consentaneum, id in Laeliio Capilupo praestandum

nobis etiam fuit. Itaque quae pias, honestasque aures laedere poterant sus-
tulimus omnia: ea relinquimus quae neque inconcessos amores, neque
impietatem resipiunt....

Nor is the situation any clearer in the Capiluporum carmina (Rome,

1590), in which Lelio's nephew Giulio contributed his services in the
required expurgation, and where selected chunks of the 'de vita mona-
chorum' were re-introduced to be re-worked in the poem 'De aetate
aurea et ferrea' (pp. 231-46).63 This conforms to the Tridentine proviso
of expurgation of 1564, as clarified by the 1583 Spanish Index's precise
designation of the 'de vita'. Yet, once again, the editor's preface is
strangely inconsistent, suggesting that Lelio's centos have been gener
ally and absolutely banned for almost "twenty-five years" — that is,
since the Tridentine Index of 1564:64
LAELII Capilupi viri doctissimi Centones quos diu desiderari necesse fuit,
ad te tandem revertuntur. Vtinam ille aut ad Virgilii versus non ita se
adstrixisset, aut non tam soluto seculo floruisset. Multa scripsit ut illa tem
pora ferebant licenter, poetarum etiam more. Centonum quoque coactus
legibus nonnulla Virgiliana vsurpavit verba, quibus nobis interdictum est.
Haec quamquam non essent Laelii ipsius sed temporis, & facultatis vitia,
tamen nostri saeculi gravitas minime ferenda esse censuit. Quare opus
illud caeteroquin ingeniosissimum... Iulii Capilupi eius nepotis... opera &
studio quàm maxime fieri potuit expurgatum est. Si qua in eo verba sunt
reliqua à nostrae religionis more quae aliena esse videantur vt fata, fortuna,
Dii, Divi, Iuppiter, Mars, Venus, & alia huiusmodi meminisse nos oportet
Virgilii esse verba, deinde posse per allegoriam aliter accipi... Propter
quam difficultatem factum est vt annorum vigintiquinque ferè spatio hi
Centones interdicti extiterint. Hoc volebam[,] Lector optime[,] nescius ne
esses. Vale.

However, the further purpose of these pious strictures and admoni

tions would seem to have been to enhance Lelio Capilupi' s notoriety
as a morally dangerous, and artistically outmoded poet — one requir
ing rehabilitation, but also offering an exciting and erudite challenge to
his readers in the changed moral and literary climate of the Counter-
Reformation.

63 The two poems are set out comparatively in Delepierre, 'Les Capilupi', Tableau de
la littérature du centon, I, 203-13.
64 'Lectori' [prefacing 'Laelii Capilupi Centones ex Virgilio'] in Capiluporum
carmina, ed. Iulius Capilupus and Iosephus Castalio (Romae, 1590), pp. 153-250
(p. 154).
290 G. H. TUCKER

Now, if one reads on from Camillo Capilupi's opening attempt in his

anecdote (quoted by me initially) to rehabilitate Lelio's memory as an
Italian vernacular poet, rather than just as a notorious neo-Latin centon-
ist, one discovers similarly an attempt by Camillo at Lelio's moral reha
bilitation. Camillo's counter-reformation, quasi-hagiographic account of
the notorious Lelio concludes by stressing the secret nature of a deed of
goodness once done by him, in contrast with religious hypocrites' show
of public virtue, belied by their private vice:65
Argomento non tanto della sua bontà quanto della prudenza nel conservar
l'honore dell' amico, documento assai raro a ciascuno qwal debba esser
l'amico vero, et come conviene all' huomo da bene operar sempre inte
gramente cosi quando l'attione e pubblica come quando ha da esser
secreta essendo la firma della virtù l'operar bene compiacersi nel fatto,
et non nella vanita della gloria. . . come facevano questi che mentre scrive-
vano i libri de contemnenda gloria vi apponevano il nome loro, cose ordi-
narie degli Hippocriti et huomini fínti che tutte le operationi loro publiche
parono santissime le occulte poi diaboliche conforme alle perversità de
gli animi loro. Ma come disse Christo nostro salvatore, che[?] sperant
mercedem sui...

It would seem, then, from these various posthumous testimonies, that

the moral rehabilitation of the man and the artistic rehabilitation of
the poet went inevitably hand in hand. Indeed, we have seen that for
Montaigne reading Lelio's centos in the editions of 1555, 1577 or 1590,
as for Burton later, the condition for artistic and intellectual acceptance
of the cento genre was its very lack of textual hypocrisy. The cento text,
like the truly virtuous man, does not pretend to be anything other than
what it is. This means also an acceptance, even a vindication, of the
fragmentation of textual discourse, of knowledge, of identity, that had
been so dreaded by Du Bellay in the enthusiastic pages of his Deffence
of 1549.66 Significantly, that initial rejection by Du Bellay of the cento
as a genre and as a mode of writing and thinking had been prior to his
journey to Rome, that archetypal site of all fragmentations. It was prior

65 Camillo Capilupi, 'Atto di gran bonta et di avedimento di Lelio Capilupi', in MS

Roma Bibl. Naz. Vitt. Em. 1009 [Capilupi, Camillo, 'Raccolta di aneddoti'], f. 13™-™.
66 Such fragmentation being both reflected in and redeemed by the cento form Cf.
Lafond, 'Le Centon', p. 122: "Le choix du centon, à la fin du XVIe siècle, répond à un
problème plus simple: à l'âge du savoir en miettes,... succède le temps de la reconstruction
politique et idéologique... Il faut dès lors éviter la 'confusion'... d'un statut fragmentaire
et discontinu du texte,... Il faut donc trouver une forme qui concilie la force, la pointe du
discours discontinu et la fluidité du discours continu...".
 MANTUA'S "SECOND VIRGIL" 291

also to Du Bellay 's involvement in the Eternal City with the lapidary
texts, with the literary mosaics, of Mantua's "second Virgil", who was,
of course, no such thing.67

Faculty of Letters and Social Sciences

University of Reading
Whiteknights PO Box 218
Reading RG6 6AA

67 A preliminary, Italian version of this paper was read at the 16° Congresso Inter-
nazionale di Studi Umanistici 'Grammatica e Lingua nell'Umanesimo', held in Sasso-
ferrato (Ancona), 21-24 June 1995. I thank the Istituto Internazionale di Studi Piceni for
their invitation and hospitality.
 James Binns

ABRAHAM HARTWELL, HERALD OF

THE NEW QUEEN'S REIGN.
THE REGINA LITERATA (LONDON, 1565)

The resurgence of Latin writing from the 1540s onwards that charac
terises English literary culture in the sixteenth century witnessed a great
flowering of Latin poetry. Uncounted thousands of short poems of all
types survive and were printed during the period. There are epigrams,
pastoral poems, poems based on versifications of the bible, occasional
poems of all kinds celebrating not only the birth, marriage, entertainment
and death of royalty, the aristocracy and other significant personages but
also notable events in public life such as conspiracies against the life
of Queen Elizabeth I or the defeat of the Spanish Armada. There are too
countless liminary and dedicatory verses.1 When it comes to longer
poems, however, the contribution of the English Latin writers is not so
notable, and comparatively few such poems are written at this time.
Among the more significant of these is Sir Thomas Chaloner's De
republica Anglorum instauranda, possibly the longest Anglo-Latin
poem of the period, written in the early 1560s and published posthu
mously in 1579. The closing years of the sixteenth century are marked
by the printing of a certain number of mythological epyllia, including
John Clapham's Narcissus and John Dickenson's Deorum consessus of
1591, Thomas Campion's Umbra of 15952 and the posthumously printed
Hyppolitus Ovidianae Phaedrae respondens (Oxford, 1586) of John

1 See J. W. Binns, Intellectual Culture in Elizabethan and Jacobean England. The

Latin Writings of the Age, ARCA Classical and Medieval Texts, Papers and Monographs,
24 (Leeds, 1990), pp. 1 1-108. Shorter Latin poems on this period are discussed in greater
detail by L.V. Ryan in 'The Shorter Latin Poem in Tudor England', Humanistica Lova-
niensia, 26 (1977), 101-31. For a recent example of such shorter poetry, which also has a
university connection, see Dana F. Sutton, 'John Sanford, Apollinis et Musarum ЕЬкпка
EiôvUta (1592)', Humanistica Lovaniensia, 45 (1995), 207-49.
2 This poem was partially published in Campion's Poemata (London, 1595), and in
complete form in his Elegiarum libri duo (London, 1619). Clapham's Narcissus has
now been edited and translated by C. Martindale and C. Burrow, 'Clapham's Narcissus:
A Pre-Text for Shakespeare's Venus and Adonis? (Text, Translation, and Commentary)',
English Literary Renaissance, 22 (1992), 147-76.
 ABRAHAM HARTWELL, HERALD OF THE NEW QUEEN'S REIGN 293

Shepery. Other similar lengthy works, such as William Alabaster's

Elisaeis, or the occasional versified biography, such as John Shepery's
Vita Joannis Claymondi, circulated in manuscript but were not printed.3
There are the narrative historical poems of Christopher Ocland, Anglorum
proelia (London, 1580 and later editions). One can however scarcely
speak of a tradition of, say, full-scale Latin epic in England at this time,
and such longer compositions in verse as are extant from the hand of
sixteenth-century Englishmen seem always to call for explanation, rather
than being a matter of course.
Political propaganda, boosting and extolling the virtues of the sover
eign or the nation is certainly an important motivating force for much
Tudor Anglo-Latin poetry. Queen Elizabeth and her prominent advisors
were aware of the need to mobilise the nation's academics in the service
of the state. The Chancellors or formal heads of both English universities
were powerful political figures throughout Elizabeth's reign. William
Cecil Lord Burghley, one of Queen Elizabeth's chief counsellors, was
Chancellor of Cambridge University from 1559 to 1598, when he was
succeeded by the Earl of Essex. At Oxford Robert Dudley Earl of Leices
ter served from 1564 to 1588, to be followed by Sir Christopher Hatton
in 1588 and Thomas Sackville Lord Buckhurst in 1592. All these men
were popular dedicatees for Latin writing, and seem to have consciously
fostered such literary activities. The close links between the universities
and political power were strengthened in the early years of Queen
Elizabeth's reign, when she paid a formal and ceremonious visit to both
seats of learning, to Cambridge in 1564 and Oxford in 1566. To the best
of my knowledge no historian has ever studied these visits, though some
attention has been paid to them by historians of academic drama because
of the plays performed during the visits for the Queen and court.4 Yet the

3 The Elisaeis of William Alabaster is edited and translated by Michael O'Connnell,

Special Suppplement, Texts and Studies to Studies in Philology, 76 (1979). Shepery's
biography was not printed, but exists in a number of manuscripts in Oxford — see Binns,
Intellectual Culture, p. 552.
4 See F. S. Boas, University Drama in the Tudor Age (Oxford, 1914), pp. 89-108;
J. W. Binns, 'Elizabeth I and the Universities', in New Perspectives on Renaissance
Thought, ed. John Henry and Sarah Hutton (London, 1990), pp. 244-52. The volume of
verses written at Cecil's request by members of Cambridge University for the Queen's
visit of 1564 has recently been acquired by Cambridge University library, and is studied
by E. Leedham-Green, Verses presented to Queen Elizabeth by the University of
Cambridge, August 1564 (Cambridge, s.a. [1993]). A comparable Oxford collection is in
the British Library, MS. Royal 12. xlvii, not printed but available in volume 1 of John
Nichols, The Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth (London, 1788).
294 J. BINNS

visit to Cambridge in 1564 resulted in a notable poem, Regina literata,

by Abraham Hartwell, which was a manifesto for the political, literary
and intellectual ideals of the new age. It is my purpose in this essay to
assess the significance of this hitherto utterly unstudied poem.
Abraham Hartwell states that his poem was written initially for Sir
Walter Haddon.5 Now Haddon is a very significant and influential figure
in the worlds of Elizabethan politics and of learning.6 He was created
Master of Requests, an important legal office, at the time of Queen
Elizabeth's accession in 1558. He had been appointed Regius Professor
of Civil Law at Cambridge in March 1550/51, and was at the same time
Master of a college there, Trinity Hall. Haddon engaged in religious
controversy on behalf of the Queen with the Portuguese scholar Osorius
da Fonseca, Bishop of Silves.7 He was an important contributor to the
mid-century Cambridge university commemorative anthologies on the
death of the brothers Charles and Henry Brandon, Dukes of Suffolk, and
on the death and re-habilitation of Martin Bucer.8 His Lucubrationes,
consisting of poems, letters and speeches, were printed in 1567 at London,
and his Poemata were twice reprinted in London in 1576 and 1592.
He wrote liminary verses to the Toxophilus (London, 1545) of Roger
Ascham, who had tutored Queen Elizabeth as a young princess in Latin
and Greek, and to works by Thomas Wilson, the Secretary of State and
scholar, who like Haddon had been educated at King's College Cam
bridge. Earlier than this even, in his Cantabrigienses: sive exhortatio ad
liueras (London, 1552), he had endeavoured to revive the intellectual
life of Cambridge, and he became an important witness to the changes
effected in the university by the impact of the new learning. As a royal
visitor to the university, he delivered a Latin oration deploring the
decline of learning at the university. In this he stresses Queen Elizabeth's
intention that the nation should be learned. He states that the Queen
took a great interest in the affairs of the university and the abilities of

5 'Ad Clariss. virum D. Gualterum Haddonum...tunc temporis conscripta.' Abraham

Hartwell, Regina literata, p. 1. (My references to the poem are taken from the edition
printed in John Nichols, The Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Elizabeth
(London, 1788), vol. I. Nichols's work is not separately paginated, so all references are to
the individual pagination of the Hartwell section.
6 See Charles J. Lees, ed., The Poetry of Walter Haddon, Studies in English Literature,
46 (The Hague, 1967).
7 See Lawrence V. Ryan, "The Haddon-Osorio Controversy (1563-1583)', Church
History, 22 (1953), 142-54.
8 See Binns, Intellectual Culture, pp. 40, 43, 459 n. 62.
 ABRAHAM HARTWELL, HERALD OF THE NEW QUEEN'S REIGN 295

individuals within it, and had discussed with him what its members
could do for the good of the country. Haddon stresses that Sir William
Cecil, the university's Chancellor, and Sir Anthony Cooke (the famous
humanist who had tutored the young Edward VI and brought up five
learned daughters),9 were also interested in promoting the healthy learn
ing of the university, and he states his intention to see that this is done.
He will, as one of the university's own members, do this in a gentle and
equable way.10 That the policy of revitalising the universities was a
deliberate one is confirmed by the scholar Thomas Cooper, Fellow of
Magdalen College and later Vice-Chancellor of Oxford University.
Cooper had compiled the most important Latin/English dictionary of the
Elizabethan period, the Thesaurus linguae romanae et britannicae, first
printed at London in 1565 and reprinted in 1573, 1578, 1584 and 1587.
In an important preface to this work, Cooper states that the Earl of
Leicester and Sir William Cecil, together with the Queen, had entered
upon a plan for restoring the arts to their former dignity, and for encour
aging the young men of the university in learning, and that her visit to
Cambridge in 1564 was an expression of this interest."
Though other accounts of Queen Elizabeth's visit to Cambridge exist,
they were not published till over two hundred years later.12 Abraham
Hartwell' s Regina literata of 1565 is however a virtually contemporary
commemoration of the occasion by a Cambridge academic and man
of letters. It is a poetical record of the exercise and demonstration of the
panoply of state power. Like Haddon, Abraham Hartwell had been edu
cated at Eton and King's, and he was likewise in due course appointed a
Fellow of King's, in 1562. He wrote liminary verses to Haddon's
Lucubrationes of 1567 and to the English printing of John Foxe's Book
of Martyrs, and, along with Haddon and the leading Cambridge literati

9 See Mary E. Lamb, 'The Cooke Sisters: Attitudes towards Learned Women in the
Renaissance', in Silent but for the Word: Tudor Women as Patrons, Translators and
Writers of Religious Works, ed. Margaret P. Hannay (Kent, Ohio, 1985).
10 'Gualteri Haddoni Oratio', in Progresses and Public Processions of Queen Eliza
beth, ed. Nichols, pp. 45-47.
" Hanc opinionem mentibus hominum infix it anno superiore Cantabrigiensis profectio:
cum Regia maiestas in ipsis quasi Musarum delubris, non solum praesentia sua declaravit
honestissimarum artium sibi et curae fuisse et delectationi, sed etiam splendida et illustri
oratione studiosorum animos ad singularem spem amplissimorum virtutis et industriae
praemiorum concitabat. (Cooper, Thesaurus, (London, 1578) f. 2v.)
12 In the volumes assembled by John Nichols, The Progresses and Public Processions
of Queen Elizabeth (London, 1788) 2 vols, together with an often overlooked third volume
printed in 1805 containing much material relevant to the Cambridge 1564 visit.
296 J. BINNS

of the day, he also wrote verses on the death of Martin Bucer. Hartwell's
translation of one of Haddon's Latin refutations of Osorius da Fonseca
was published in London in 1565 as A Sight of the Portugall Pearle.
Hartwell also translated other works from Latin and French into English.13
Hartwell's poem, which runs to some 1400 lines of elegiac couplets, is
addressed to his patron Haddon, and he claims the work as a history
worthy of the patronage of such a one as Haddon who was himself a
poet.14 Hartwell stresses that he was himself present at many of these
events, which he intends to narrate in order.15 But straightaway an
elevated note is introduced, when Clio the muse of history calls an
assembly of the muses to take counsel what to do, and Urania the
heavenly muse advises that the event should be celebrated in verse. She
expresses a hope that the neighbouring towns such as Saffron Walden,
Huntingdon, Royston, Newmarket and Ely will not be envious of the
honour paid to Cambridge. The muses all agree with Urania, and as a
result the whole university celebrates the arrival of Queen Elizabeth in
verses, which, as we know from other sources too, were pinned to the
doors and walls of the colleges, a fact which is mentioned repeatedly in
the poem under consideration.16
The account of Queen Elizabeth's visit, which began on Saturday
5 August 1564, emphasises its ceremonial splendour — the roads and
streets are strewn with flowers and garlands. The scholars await the
Queen in a crowd, and a great shout goes up as she appears. The Queen
is accompanied by leading members of the aristocracy and the great men
of the state who are all briefly described, including the Duke of Norfolk,
the Earl of Leicester, the Earl of Warwick, the Earl of Sussex, Edward
Clinton Earl of Lincoln and Lord High Admiral, Sir William Cecil,

13 Accounts of Hartwell are given in Sidney Lee, ed., The Dictionary of National
Biography (London, 1885- 1902) s.v. (hereafter DNB), and С. H. and Thompson Cooper,
Athenae cantabrigienses: vol I, 1500-1585; vol. II, 1586-1609; vol. Ill, 1609-1611
(Cambridge, 1858-1913), ( II. p. 383).
14 Si tenues Musas, Musarum magnus alumnus
Idemque eloquii Pieridumque decus,
Suscipis, exactosque animo reparare labores
Non piget, haec curis insere parva tuis.
Forsitan historia est (quanquam levis ipse Poeta)
Non patrocinio defugienda tuo. (Hartwell, Regina literata, p. 1).
15 Historiam prima repetens ab origine, pandam
Quid doctos inter Regia virgo lares,
Quid Cantabrigiae pulcherrima fecerit. (Regina literata, p. 1).
16 See Binns, Intellectual Culture, p. 35.
 ABRAHAM HARTWELL, HERALD OF THE NEW QUEEN'S REIGN 297

Chancellor of the University, praised for his stewardship of the treasury,

and the Earls of Oxford and Rutland. Hartwell states that he witnessed
all these events and personalities.17 There follows a detailed description
of King's College Cambridge (where the Queen was to stay during
her six-day visit), its architecture, its stained glass, its ambulacrum,
its floor-tiles. Hartwell describes the verses that decorated the college
doors. At this point the Queen was apparently welcomed by a pageant
of members of the university dressed as the muses greeting the Queen,
each one speaking a distich to a musical accompaniment and lauding
various of her qualities. The ninth muse to greet the queen, Calliope,
was apparently William Masters, the university orator, in disguise. He
kneels to the Queen and greets her in a formal encomium. Since Masters
is praised by Hartwell as a man favoured by the Muses,18 and since
the other eight muses had delivered their lines in elegiac verses, it is
possible that the words of Masters given here are his own rendering
of what he said.
At any rate the next section encapsulates the propagandist message of
the poem. The power and nobility of the Queen are praised together
with her knowledge of French, Latin and Greek and her upholding of the
Protestant faith:
Te quisque, atque in te defixo lumine, quaerit
Nescio quae, sed non qualia vulgus habet.
Dulcesque expectat voces, et verba loquentis,
Francone an Latio mavelis ore loqui.
Seu tibi Romanae facundia mellea linguae,
Sive nova Graius spargitur arte lepos.
Seu quid agas: tibi dives enim faecundaque soli,
Docta peregrinos lingua referre modos.
Nugantes etiam cultus, deliria Romae,
Ludicraque haud nostris iniicienda sacris,
Dispulit ipsa dei (mentes miserata vagantes)
Dextra, sed auspicio dispulit illa tuo.
(Regina literata, p. 6)
Masters fancifully alludes to the tradition that Bede and Alcuin had
taught at Cambridge, and that Cambridge had handed on its learning to
the university of Paris. The passage of time brought a historical, not a

17 Haec et plura istis, omni gratissima saeclo

Vidimus, hoc splendens ordine venit honos. (Regina literata, p. 4).
18 virum magis omnibus unum
Quem Musae veneres edocuere suas. (Regina literata, p. 5).
298 J. BINNS

mythical patron to the university, Henry VI, and Masters closes his
words of welcome with a description of the buildings of Henry's endow
ment, King's College.19 The Queen acknowledged Master's remarks by
saying that her Latin was not adequate enough to do them justice, and
by extending to him her hand.20 She then enters the west door of King's
College chapel, as the scholars stand in order and watch. She dons a
ceremonial cope, and says her prayers.21 Significantly the visit starts
with an act of religious worship. The Queen is then escorted under a
canopy by four senior members of the university, and she admires the
walls and marble of the chapel, as the choir sings and musicians play.
She is then escorted to her lodging at the Provost's house. A tapestry
depicting a labour of Hercules, a popular topic of humanist rather than
of medieval art, is described. Sounds of trumpets announce her presence
and there the Queen, her courtiers and ladies-in-waiting enjoy a banquet
before going to bed.22 On the next day, Sunday, the Queen sets forth
escorted by Doctors and knights, and preceded by three university
bedells carrying jewelled sceptres in their hands. Lord Hunsden carries
the Sword of State, and the Queen is accompanied by her maids of
honour. The youth of the town and the peasantry watch as the Queen
disappears from view into King's College chapel. Inside the Queen says
her prayers, screened from view. After two readings, the Minister leads
the congregation in public prayer. Dr Andrew Perne23 then preaches a
Latin sermon, summarised here in verse by Hartwell. Perne preaches
on the reverence and honour of kings, and what scripture permits and
denies. Perne warns of the dreadful punishments in hell awaiting those
who dare to lay bloody hands on the royal sceptre. There follows a
banquet, at which the Queen is seated higher than all the others present.
In the evening Plautus's Aulularia is performed, on a stage constructed
in King's College chapel.24
On the next day, Monday 7 August, disputations are performed. But
first Masters describes the university library, which contains works in
Latin and Greek and other tongues, and in which there are books which
mark the conflict between Plato and Aristotle.

19 Regina Literata, pp. 6-7.

20 Ibid., p. 7.
21 Ibid., p. 8.
22 Ibid., pp. 8-9.
23 The Master of Peterhouse — see DNB, s.v.
24 For an account of this performance see Boas, University Drama, p. 93.
 ABRAHAM HARTWELL, HERALD OF THE NEW QUEEN'S REIGN 299

Hic Latio quaecunque sono, quaecunque Pelasgo,

Quaecunque ignotis Musa locuta modis,
Hic habitat quicquid doctus sudaverit orbis,
Quicquid ad incudem tempus et hora tulit.
Rex princepsque loci Stagirita, sed aemulus illi
Magnus saepe Plato bella cruenta movet.
Saepe hos horrendo vidi concurrere motu,
Utrinque acceptum vulnus, utrinque datum.
Nec requies odiis, non pax aut foedera: bella
Iurata repetunt quotidiana manu.
(Regina literata, p. 12)
Then we hear first mention of the debates that commemorated the
Queen's visit. These reflect the adversative and polemical nature of the
university teaching and examinations of the time: Latin speeches for
and against a particular issue would be delivered by the students, and a
moderator would sum up. One of the debates is on the Aristotelian topic
whether sight or hearing is more conducive to learning.25 Sir William
Cecil sums up this debate. In the Monday afternoon, the Queen herself
comes to hear a debate between Thomas Byng, Master of Clare Hall,
and later Vice-Chancellor of the University, and Thomas Cartwright.
Hartwell presents the debates in terms of a military metaphor, of a clash
of arms.26 Thomas Byng argues that monarchs do not share power.
There is for example only one sun and one moon, and one Neptune for
the waves. In reply Cartwright argues that it is nor right for one person
to have such power. He argues by analogy that Nature is the universal
step-mother of everyone, and that it would not be right for merely a
single individual to receive her favours. But with that, as Hartwell
remarks, Cartwright had shot his bolt, and missed the mark.27 Then two
other scholars, Laurence Chaderton and Thomas Preston28 join the
debate. Preston agrees that he does not want two kings in one kingdom,
and is at one with Byng in preferring single sovereignty. But one has
to bear in mind tyrants such as the Byzantine emperor Phocas, and the
Romans Tarquin, Julius Caesar, and Nero. There is too a case to be

25 Regina literata, p. 12.

26 Caecilius litem haud dignam moderamine tali
Temperat, et docta praelia voce regit.
Ipse gubernaclo subit, et molitur habenas,
Pugnas arbitrio temperat ille suo. (Regina literata, pp. 12-13).
27 Volat acta sagina,
Errat, et infecto vulnere, fracta cadit. (Regina literata, p. 14).
28 See DNB, s. v.
300 J. BINNS

made for having more than one ruler: the Spartans had the Ephori, and
the Romans had two consuls. Then Bartholomew Clerke, one of the
leading prose stylists of sixteenth-century England,29 rose to join the
debate. He admits that he really prefers a monarchy, but, for the sake of
argument, he takes a contrary view. Power confined to human hands
runs the danger of being puffed up, and thinking the wrath of God to
be unimportant. Thus, the rule of a single person was to be feared. Yet
God, the Sun, and Nature were all one. Clerke enquires how kings are
to be chosen? He asks if one can choose the heir, or whether the matter
is to be decided by popular voice. Perhaps one ought just to have a king
in times of war, as the Spartans did. But there was no danger of war
at the moment. Clerke maintains that he would like a say in deciding
when a monarch had to lay down the sceptre. However he concludes
by saying that he has advanced these views for the sake of argument;
in truth, he believes in monarchy.30 Byng then refutes Clerke's argu
ments, though these are not given in detail here. To debate the value
of monarchy might seem a curious thing for an Elizabethan to be doing
in the presence of Queen Elizabeth, but she is however pleased by
the debate, and praises Preston in particular. Walter Haddon, to whom
Hartwell's work is addressed, then moderates the debate in the traditional
fashion.
Some medical questions are next discussed: the size of meals, and
whether elegant or simple food is to be preferred. Dr John Caius, the
refounder of Caius college, and John Fryer, who translated some of
Hippocrates's Aphorisms into Latin verses, take part in this debate, as
does Robert Huicke, the Elizabeth's physician.31 Hartwell's poem then
passes to another of the traditional features which characterised the royal
visits to the universities in Tudor and Stuart England, the performance of
academic plays: first the tragedy of Dido, by Edward Halliwell, and then
the next night the tragedy Ezechias by Nicholas Udall, which ends with
an encomium to the Queen.32
On the next day, the Queen starts her formal progress round the Cam
bridge colleges, proceeding in a clockwise direction around the town
starting in the west at King's College. She rides on a horse bedecked in

29 See Binns. Intellectual Culture, pp. 258-64.

30 Non quid qua nollem (quis enim florere Monarchos
Non optet) sensu dissimulante loquor. (Regina literata, p. 16).
31 SeeDNB.
12 Details of these performances are given by Boas, University Drama, pp. 94-7.
 ABRAHAM HARTWELL, HERALD OF THE NEW QUEEN'S REIGN 301

gold and with a golden bridle, and spectacular trappings.33 There she is
again greeted in a speech of welcome which points out that Clare Hall
had been founded, expanded and completed by women, and maintains
that the college is glad it is next door to King's, where the Queen is
staying. Bartholomew Clerke then speaks words in the Queen's praise,
and hands her the collection of verses made in honour of her coming by
the members of King's College.34 The Queen then passes first to Trinity
Hall, then to Gonville and Caius, where she is again welcomed in verse.35
The Queen next passes to the adjacent Trinity College, and there she is
greeted, apparently in Greek,36 by Bartholomew Doddington, the Regius
Professor of Greek. Doddington remarks that the Queen's face and eyes
are reminiscent of those of her father Henry VIII:
Dum loquitur, patris in nata reminiscitur ora,
Luminaque, haec quamvis virgo, vir ille foret.
Et mox, 'En,' inquit, 'Regis Regina, parentis
En dona, atque iterum dona parentis,' ait.
Sponte patris nomen canet, et cum dicere dona
Octavi posset, dona parentis ait.
(Regina literata, p. 23)
From there the Queen passes to St John's College, where her ancestral
connection with the college, which was founded by the Countess of
Richmond and Derby, mother of Henry VII and hence the queen's great-
grandmother, is recalled. The Queen's cares of state are emphasised:
she has to worry about what the English, the unbridled Welsh and the
Irish are up to.37 Yet the Irish fear her, and the Welsh are part of her
dominions. The regions of the Thames, the Humber, the Severn and
the Tweed are her responsibility, even though the latter river is outside
her kingdom (in Scotland). The Queen then makes for Christ's College,

33 Instratumque auro alipedem pictisque tapetis

Increpat, ex auro fraena corusca tenens.
It sonipes, fulvumque ferox sub dentibus aurum
Mandit, et obtutu lumina magna rotat.
Invitumque caput torquens in colla superbus,
Doctus compositos ferre referre gradus. (Regina literata, p. 20).
34 Regina literata, p. 22.
35 Virgo decus patriae, spes inclyta, virgo, tuorum,
Virgo sagittiferi gloria prima soli.
Quis tibi sublimi sudabit pectore versus,
Quisve canet sceptro non renuenda tuo? (Regina literata, p. 23).
36 Hartwell's poems includes some words of Greek at this point (Regina literata, p. 23).
37 Quid Angli/Wallique infraenes et quid Hybernus agat. (Regina literata, p. 24).
302 J. BINNS

where a Greek speech was delivered, but reported by Sir Walter Haddon
to Hartwell in Latin.38 Then the Queen continues on her course to Pem
broke College, where a speech about its foundress is delivered.39 At
the next college, Peterhouse, Queen Elizabeth is compared to Diana.40
But the day is hot, and the tour of the colleges has to be curtailed, so that
there is no time to go to the extremities of the city and thus to go to
Jesus and Magdalene Colleges.
When all formal the speeches are over the Queen herself makes an
oration to the university. She says that she was reluctant because of her
feminine modesty, but had been moved to do so by the entreaties of
her courtiers and by public demand. She exhorts the members of the uni
versity to apply themselves to their books. This will help them to rise
in the world:
Principis hoc igitur signatum voce maneto,
Virtus sit vestris intima cura libris.
Sic et honoratos regum volitare per aulas,
Sic licet ex humili scandere celsa loco.
Omnia lustravi, peragravi tecta, domosque
Quas posuit pietas relligiosa patrum.
(Regina literata, p. 28)
The Queen remarks that she has visited nine colleges (King's, Clare,
Trinity Hall, Gonville and Caius, Trinity, St John's, Christ's, Pembroke
and Peterhouse) and has observed the verses affixed to their walls. She
calls the colleges the necklace of her kingdom (monilia regni). Whilst
regretting that she has not yet founded a college, she consoles herself
with the thought that 'Rome was not built in a day'. She says that she
is still young and has not been on the throne long. If she should die
without having founded a college, then that will be her dying wish.41
The response to that is that just the sight of the Queen has been plea
surable to the university. Even if the Queen does not found a college, the
university has royal foundations worthy of the kingdom. The Queen has
visited them, and the members of the university have seen her looking

38 ... haud potuit Graium meminisse, Latine

Sic (Haddone) tulit, sic tibi Musa feret. (Regina literata, p. 24).
The implication seems to be that the speaker had given Haddon a copy of a Latin
version of his speech, the scribes being unable to copy down the Greek original.
39 Regina literata, p. 25.
40 Tu quoque Dictinna es, quamvis gestare pharetram
Non soleas, certe tu quoque Numen habes. (Regina literata, p. 25).
41 Regina literata, pp. 28-29.
 ABRAHAM HARTWELL, HERALD OF THE NEW QUEEN'S REIGN 303

at them, and this will be something that is known for ever. Moreover,
the Queen has done what no sovereign before her has ever done: she
has spoken to them in Greek and Latin before a crowded audience.42
Hartwell says he could go on for a long time writing on such topics;
it is the hope of her subjects to write verses in measures that will not
perish. The age to come will wonder at her, and will cherish her and
her deeds.43
On the last day of her visit, the nobility are given honorary M.A.
degrees by the university. This is the last day of her visit, and therefore
a sad one. The Queen mounts her horse, and Thomas Preston says the
final words of farewell. In a prophetic speech, he expresses the hope that
the Queen will protect the pure Muses and the sacred arts. For the Muses
will surely celebrate the Queen's name, and convey to posterity the
achievements of war and peace.44 As the Queen departs, even little chil
dren who can hardly speak blab out the words, 'Vive, vale'. The streets
as she departs are strewn with incense and herbs and leaves. The Queen
reaches the ruins of Cambridge castle, and there she takes her leave.
Hartwell's Regina literata is a public celebration and demonstration,
in the fluent and elegant Latin that was to become characteristic of
Anglo-Latin writers, of the Queen's commitment to learning, to her
country, to the protestant religion, and to the educational values which
the university aimed to uphold. Hence the very public and ceremonious
nature of the Queen's visit, in which the university put itself through its
paces, so to speak, and demonstrated its prowess in oratory, in acting, in
the composition of verses, in the intricacies of learned debates on politics
and statecraft, among other matters, in the presence of the Queen and her
courtiers. The visit sealed the compact between monarch and university,
and the aristocrats who were given honorary degrees were also bound to
its cause. Because the Queen upholds the protestant religion and learning

42 Rex nullus Graio, nullus sermone Latino

Ausus tam celebri verba referre loco. (Regina literata, p. 29).
43 Plurima praeterea possem memoranda referre,
Et longos grata fallere voce dies.
Et tibi, Virgo, decus patriae, spes una tuorum.
Non cessaturis scribere verba modis.
Sed propero, ventura tamen mirabitur aetas.
Te pia posteritas et tua facta colet. (Regina literata, p. 29).
44 Non te Lethaeae carpent oblivia ripae,
Nec totam in cineres vertet avara dies.
Sunt tibi Pierides curae, semperque fuerunt,
Sive colas pacem, seu fera bella geras. (Regina literata, p. 31).
304 J. BINNS

at the same time, and because religion and learning flourish under her,
Hartwell celebrated her virtues in these repects in his poem.45 Abraham
Hartwell concludes his poem with an extravagant epilogue which lavishes
praise on its inspirer, Sir Walter Haddon.46 His Regina literata, which
was speedily printed in London in 1565, in effect set forth a programme
for the national and religious renewal of the Elizabethan era. This era
has remained even to this day in popular consciousness as one of the
most remarkable in English history, and Queen Elizabeth as one of the
most remarkable sovereigns. Such is the impression that they have left
on later ages, through rhetoric, literature, history and art. The Latin liter
ature of the age too saw Anglo-Latin writing attain a new peak. Both as
a work of Latin literature and for the aspirations which it expressed,
Abraham Hartwell's Regina literata is a remarkable emblem of the
Elizabethan era.

Centre for Medieval Studies

King's Manor
GB-York, Y01 2EP

45 Non hominum minima es, cuius vexilla secutus

Exclusit templis sacra superba Deus.

Hic tibi, te quoniam canimus (lectissima Princeps),

Hic tibi sit nostro in carmine primus honos.
Ingenuas coluisse artes laus altera: perge
O decus, et titulis (dum licet) adde tuis. (Regina literata, p. 35).
46 Regina literata, pp. 36-7.
 Ian D. MCFARLANE

TOWARDS A RELIABLE EDITION OF

GEORGE BUCHANAN'S PROFANE POEMS

The purpose of this contribution is to set out the manuscript and

printed sources to be used in producing a dependable version of George
Buchanan's profane poems. It will also highlight the endless reworking
by Buchanan of his text, whose multiple variants present a particularly
difficult challenge to the would be editor.
In focusing here on the profane poems I have to leave aside not only the
particularly successful metrical Psalm paraphrases, but also Buchanan's
translations from the Greek, his dramatic plays and his scientific poem
De sphaera}

1 For a first account I refer to my Buchanan (London, 1981), passim. Recent publi
cations dealing with Buchanan's poetry include Philip Ford & W. S. Watt, George
Buchanan, Prince of Poets. With an Edition of the Miscellaneorum Liber (Aberdeen,
1982); W. Beattie - J. Durkan, 'An Early Publication of Latin Poems of George
Buchanan in Scotland from the Press of Lekpreuik', The Bibliotheck, 1 1 (1983), 77-80;
W. S. Watt, 'Notes on the Minor Poems of George Buchanan', Bibliothèque d'Huma
nisme et Renaissance, 47 (1985), 161-63; Id., 'New Poems by Buchanan, From Portugal',
Ibid., 49 (1987), 605-6; Ph. Ford, 'George Buchanan and the "Satyra in Carolum
Lotharingum Cardinalem"', in Acta Conventus Neolatini Sanctandreani. . . ed. I. D. McFar-
lane (Binghamton, 1986), pp. 43-50; B. Kytzler, 'Buchanan's Poetry on Rome', in
ibid., pp. 61-67; J. R. C. Martyn, 'New Poems by Buchanan, From Portugal', in ibid.,
pp. 79-83; J. Durkan, Bibliography of George Buchanan, Glasgow University Studies,
1 (Glasgow, 1994); Marie-Thérèse Courtial, 'George Buchanan et la Saint-Barthélémy:
la "Satyra in Carolum Lotharingum Cardinalem'", BHR, 58 (1996), 151-63; Ead.,
'L'éloge funèbre de Jean Calvin par George Buchanan, poème de circonstance ou
profession de foi?', Bulletin Société Histoire Protestantisme français, 142 (1996), 175-
89. For the Psalm paraphrases see the excellent contributions by R. P. H. Green, 'George
Buchanan's Psalm Paraphrases. Matters of Metres', in Acta Conventus Neo-Latini
Sancíandreani, pp. 51-60 and 'The Text of George Buchanan's Psalm Paraphrases',
The Bibliotheck, 13 (1986), 3-29 and 'Horace's Odes in the Psalm Paraphrases of
Buchanan', in Acta Conventus Neolatini Guelpherhytani ... ed. M. Di Cesare, S. Revard,
F. Rädle (Binghamton, 1988), pp. 71-80. The text of Buchanan's tragedies has been
edited by P. Sharratt and P. G. Walsh (Edinburgh, 1983), and recently S. Berkowitz
published a Critical Edition of George Buchanan 's Baptistes and of Its Anonymous
Seventeenth-Century Translation Tyrannicall-Government Anatomized (New York —
London, 1992).
306 I.D. MCFARLANE

I. Manuscript sources

Manuscript sources include:

1) Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, ms Baluze 208.
This MS is thought by some to be written by Buchanan. It contains a
variety of poems, including the Franciscanas, the Somnium and the In
sc(h)araboeum, which was never published for scatological reasons.
2) Bordeaux, Archives municipales, Delpit ms 213, fol. 257.
Contains one poem, inc. O formosa Amaryllis.
3) Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, clm 10383, fol. 310r.
Contains the poem to Charles Utenhove, inc. Censor carminum meorum
4) Orléans, Bibliothèque municipale, ms. 1674.
Contains the Pro Lena.
The authenticity of a few other poems, such as the ones in the Vat. MSS
Palat. lat. 1821 and Vat. lat. 5182, is dubious.

П. The printed editions

A. Editions printed during Buchanan's life time

1) The Pasquillorum versus aliquot ex diversis auctoribus collecti,
printed by R. Lekpreuik (Edinburgh, 1565). Only copy in Trinity
College, Cambridge2. This book is a selection from poems of Pasquil
lorum tomi duo, collected by C. Secundus Curio (Basle, Io. Oporinus,
1544), to which are added seven poems by Buchanan. They all are,
except for the first one, present (with slight variations) in the second
volume of the Ruddiman — Burman edition of Buchanan's works,
Leiden, 1725.
2) Franciscanus. Varia eiusdem authoris poemata (n. p., 1566). A copy
of this first edition is in the Houghton Library, Harvard; a second
copy is in my possession.
3) Elegiarum Liber I. Sylvarum Liber I. Endecasyllabon Lib. I (Paris,
R. Estienne, 1567). Contains three books, plus the Buchanani Iambi
et alii versus lyrici.
4) The edition of the Laena, together with verses by Antoine de Gouvea,
etc. (Dijon, J. Des Planches, 1567). Only copy in the Paris Bibliothèque
Nationale.

2 W. Beattie - J. Durkan, 'An Early Publication of Latin Poems', 77-80.

 TOWARDS A RELIABLE EDITION OF GEORGE BUCHANAN'S 307

5) Franciscanus et fratres (Basle, Thomas Guarinus, 1568). A large

volume prepared by Charles Utenhove and containing verses by
distinguished humanists, such as Dorat, Michel de l'Hôpital and
Turnèbe. In the Buchanan section there appears for the first time the
complete set of Fratres poems, and the poem to Walter Haddon.
6) Franciscanus. . ..(and other poems by Buchanan) (Geneva, H. Stephanus,
1569). This edition is primarily the second edition, much revised,
of Beza's Latin poetry: Theodori Bezae Vezelii Poematum Editio
secunda, ab eo recognita. Item, ex Georgio Buchanano... excerpta
carmina, praesertimque epigrammata,
7) Elegiarum Liber I. Sylvarum liber I. Endecasyllabom lib. I. Baptistes
sive Calumnia, Tragoedia (Paris, Mamert Patisson, 1579). Copy in
St Andrews' UL and in the Pierpont Morgan Library, New York.
Contains the Ode on the fall of Calais 1559. A similar edition, but
without the Ode on the fall of Calais, is kept in the Pierpont Morgan
Library, New York.

B. Liminary poems:
1) Liminary verses for François de Sagon, Apologye en defense pour le
Roy (Paris, 1544);
2) Liminary verses for M. de Azpilcueta, Relectio (Coimbra, 1548);
3) Liminary verse for Diogo de Teive, Commentarii de rebus in India . . .
(Coimbra, 1548);
4) Liminary verses for M. A. Muret, Juvenilia (Paris, 1552 and 1553);
5) Liminary verses for J. Grévin, Le Theatre. . . La seconde partie de
rOlimpe (Paris, 1562)
6) Two epitaphs for J. Jewell in loannis luelli... vita et mors, ed.
L. Humphrey (London, 1573).

C. Three posthumously printed poems:

1) The epicedion on John Calvin (died 1564), first published by Israel
Taurinus in his Selectorum carminum ex doctissimis poetis collec-
torum... libri IIII (n. p., 1590).
2) The Satyra on the Cardinal de Lorraine (died 1547). First published by
I. Taurinus, p. 81; R. Sibbald, working from another ms., published
this text as an appendix to the Vita of Buchanan (Edinburgh, 1702).
3) The epitaph on Alexander Gordon, published in the Records of Aboyne,
MCCXXX — MDCLXXXI, ed. Charles IX Marquis of Huntly
(Aberdeen, for the New Spalding Club, 1894), p. 395.
308 I.D. MCFARLANE

III. THE VARIANTS

Buchanan repeatedly revised his texts, particularly his profane poems,

and this obliges us to look carefully at his alterations. An edition of these
variants is undoubtedly needed, not only for accuracy and completeness,
but also in order for us to rid ourselves of erroneous assumptions. It has
been thought that Buchanan may have been preparing an edition of his
poems — indeed, that he earnestly wished to produce a proper edition
of his works. In fact, since he spent so much time introducing variants
and continued to do so apparently until the last years of his life, these
assumptions are probably false. We gain a strong impression that the
humanist could not resist tinkering with his poems and that therefore he
could hardly consider a poem to be in its definitive state, let alone pro
duce a definitive published version of it. The fact that he left his texts to
the care of editors, especially in France, confirms this view.
Some of these variants have been noted by earlier critics, but they do
not amount to a full collation. The Scottish scholar Thomas Ruddiman
(1674-1757) published Buchanan's Opera Omnia in 1715 at Edinburgh;
it was republished ten years later by Burman at Leiden. Ruddiman noted
down many early variants, but since then further information about
manuscripts and printed sources has come to light and should be taken
into account.

2 Burlington Crescent
Headington
Oxford, OX 3 8 DY
 Fidel RÄDLE

KOMIK IM LATEINISCHEN THEATER DER FRÜHEN NEUZEIT

A. 'QUOD RIDENT HOMINES, PLORANDUM EST'

Der heilige Augustinus sagt in einer Predigt: 'Et rident homines et

plorant homines: et quod rident homines, plorandum est.'1 Schon im
Alten Testament, bei Jesus Sirach, kann man lesen, nur ein törichter
Mensch erhebe seine Stimme zum Gelächter: 'Fatuus in risu exaltat
vocem suam'2, und der Ecclesiastes warnt mit bedenklichen Worten vor
jener Art von Fröhlichkeit, deren Ausdruck das Lachen ist:
Melius est ire ad domum luctus quam ad domum convivii... melior est
ira risu, quia per tristitiam vultus corrigitur animus delinquentis. cor sapi-
entium ubi tristitia est et cor stultorum ubi laetitia... quia sicut sonitus
spinarum ardentium sub olla, sic risus stulti, sed et hoc vanitas.3
Kaum positiver ist das Urteil Benedikts von Nursia über das Lachen: der
10. und 11. Grad der Demut eines Mönchs (von insgesamt zwölfen)
besteht darin, daß dieser 'non facilis ac promptus in risu' sein darf und daß
er 'leniter et sine risu loqui'4 soll. Man sieht, das Lachen ist eine ernste
Angelegenheit, und das Komische kann sehr tragisch genommen werden.

1 Patrologia Latina 38, 194; vgl. dazu: G. Schmitz, ' "...quod rident homines, ploran
dum est". Der «Unwert» des Lachens in monastisch geprägten Vorstellungen der Spät
antike und des frühen Mittelalters', in Stadtverfassung — Verfassungsstaat — Pressepolitik.
Festschrift für Eberhard Naujoks zum 65. Geburtstag, hg. v. F. Quarthal und W. Setzler
(Sigmaringen, 1980), Ss. 3-15; vgl. auch B. Steidle, 'Das Lachen im alten Mönchtum',
Benediktinische Monatsschrift, 20 (1938), 271-280, jetzt in Ders., Beiträge zum alten
Mönchtum (Sigmaringen, 1986), Ss. 30-39. Vgl. auch E. R. Curtius, Europäische Literatur
und lateinisches Mittelalter (Bern, 1948), Exkurs IV: »Scherz und Ernst in mittelalterlicher
Literatur«, Kap. 2: »Die Kirche und das Lachen« (Ss. 421-423).
2 VULG., Sirach 21, 23.
3 VULG., eccles. 7, 3-7. In seinem Kommentar zum Ecclesiastes liest man bei Salonius
(5. Jh.):
VERANUS (=Interlocutor): 'Quare dicit: Tempus flendi et tempus ridendi, tempus
plangendi et tempus saltandi (VuLG., eccles. 3, 4)? Quis enim ignorat, quia alio tempore
flemus, alio autem ridemus? aut quid profuit dicere, tempus saltandi? Numquid forsitan
ostendere voluit, quia oportet nos saltationum exercere ludicra? SALONIUS: Absit; nihil
oportet nos scurriliter agere: sed tempus flendi est in vita praesenti, tempus ridendi in vita
futura.... '(«-53, 999C).
4 Benedict! Regula, rec R. Hanslik, CSEL 75 (Wien, 1960), cap. 7, 59.
310 F. RÄDLE

Umberto Eco hat das in seinem Roman Der Name der Rose getan,
indem er die subversive Wirkung des Lachens, das die Ordnung und
auch die Macht gefährden kann, schaurig ausmalte5 und dabei übrigens
auch die schon zitierten Belege aus Benedikts Regula einsetzte.
Es ist, durchaus im Sinne Ecos, anzunehmen, daß die inzwischen
unübersehbare Fülle von Untersuchungen über die verschiedenen kultu
rellen Erscheinungsformen der Komik, des Grotesken, des Karnevalesken,
der »Verkehrten Welt«, der »Lachkultur« ganz allgemein auch ein
Resultat der systematischen Bezweiflung von Autoritäten aller Art ist,
wie sie zumindest bis vor wenigen Jahren überall mit großem Ernst
betrieben wurde. Das Lachen also kann als ein sanft scheinendes, aber
effektives Mittel gegen von oben wirkende politische Tyrannei im gesell
schaftlichen Bereich, vor allem aber gegen innerpersonale Tyrannei in
der Psyche eines Individuums eingesetzt werden: Lachen als Mittel und
zugleich als Zeichen des Sieges über die Furcht — dies ist die Grund
idee eines sehr überzeugenden und überdies heiteren Theoretikers
der Lachkultur, dessen Name hier für viele andere Namen stehen soll:
Michail Bachtin.6

Im übrigen halte ich mich aus der Theoriediskussion lieber heraus

und berichte stattdessen, sozusagen auf der Ebene der noch ungeord
neten Phänomene, über einige Erfahrungen mit Komik im lateinischen
Theater des 16. und des beginnenden 17. Jahrhunderts. Es ist offen
kundig, daß die lateinische Theaterkomik dieser Zeit nur einen kleinen
und vor allem einen eher domestizierten Ausschnitt aus den vitalen
und oft wilden Erscheinungsformen der Lachkultur darstellt. Formal
steht das lateinische Drama zwar ganz in der Tradition der klassischen
lateinischen Komödie, also des Plautus und des Terenz, aber die Stoffe,
die es behandelt, und die Botschaft, die es verkündet, gehören normaler
weise ausdrücklich der christlichen Welt an. Eindeutig christlich ist

5 Vgl. dazu "... eine finstere und fast unglaubliche Geschichte»? Mediävistische
Notizen zu Umberto Ecos Mönchsroman 'Der Name der Rose ', hg. v. M. Kerner (Darmstadt,
1987); besonders ergiebig für das vorliegende Thema der Beitrag von P. von Moos,
'Umberto Ecos offenes Mittelalter. Meditationen über die Historik des Romans', Ss. 128-
68, hier Ss. 153-57 (vgl. z. B. S. 153: «ein zirkelhaft auf Autoritäten beruhendes und
Autoritäten begründendes System des Absoluten... war bedroht durch eine autoritative
Lehre vom Komischen und Relativen, das die Kraft hat, feste Substanzen zu dynamisieren,
Wahrheitspetrifakte aufzulösen.»)
6 Michail M. Bachtin, Literatur und Karneval. Zur Romantheorie und Lachkultur.
Aus dem Russischen übersetzt und mit einem Nachwort versehen von A. Kaempfe
(Frankfurt a. M., 1990).
 KOMIK IM LATEINISCHEN THEATER DER FRÜHEN NEUZEIT 311

das kulturelle Profil der Autoren, der Veranstalter und der Zuschauer,
und das religiöse Bewußtsein aller Beteiligten ist in dieser Zeit der
Reformation und Gegenreformation natürlicherweise außerordentlich
wach. Haben wir es also, nach den zu Anfang erwähnten Vorbehalten
des Christentums gegen das Lachen, mit eher bedenklichen Bedingungen
für Komik zu tun? Keineswegs.
Der bereits genannte Bachtin schreibt: 'Das 16. Jahrhundert ist die
hohe Zeit in der Geschichte des Lachens'7, und man darf hinzufügen:
das lateinische Theater hat seinen spezifischen Anteil daran. Bevor dies
konkretisiert und illustriert werden kann, muß in jedem Fall Thomas von
Aquin noch zu Wort kommen.

B. Komik als Erquickung der Seele nach Thomas von Aquin

Das Verdikt des Lachens, wie wir es z. B. bei Benedikt für die mona-
stische Gemeinschaft verordnet fanden, ist zum Glück nicht das einzige
und letzte Wort der christlichen Kirche zu unserem Thema geblieben.8
Wie man bei genauerer Prüfung nachweisen könnte, bezieht sich Bene
dikt mit seinen Warnungen hauptsächlich auf das unseriöse und indezente
Witzemachen, die in den rauhen Männergemeinschaften der christlichen
Orden offenbar gut gedeihende 'scurrilitas', der die Obszönität nicht fern
ist. 'Scurrilitas' und 'inepta laetitia', deftiges Possenreißen und Ausgelas
senheit, gelten dem Mittelalter als 'filiae gulae'9, was sich sehr gut mit
Bachtins Überlegungen zur 'Leiblichkeit'10 der Lachkultur verträgt.
Thomas von Aquin läßt sich nicht schrecken von solchen depravierten
Formen des Komischen: für ihn ist 'scurrilitas' nicht etwa eine niedere
Spezies von Komik, die ihre ganze (ohnehin sehr vielgestaltige) Gattung
diskriminieren könnte, sondern nur eine Verirrung, ein Versagen des
kultivierten Witzes." Er ist sich hier einig mit Aristoteles und vor allem

7 Ibidem, S. 45.
8 Zu diesem Komplex vgl. M. Wehrli, 'Christliches Lachen, christliche Komik?', in
From Wolfram and Petrarch to Goethe and Grass. Studies in Literature in Honour of
Leonard Forster, ed. D. H. Green - L. P. Johnson - D. Wuttke, Saecula Spiritalia, 5
(Baden-Baden, 1982 ), Ss. 17-31.
9 Vgl. Johannes von Erfurt, Summa confessorum, ed. N. Brieskorn (Frankfurt a. M.
Bern - Cirecester /U.K., 1981) Teil 2, Liber I, Ss. 632-33.
10 Vgl. Bachtin (wie Anm. 6). Ss. 15-23: »Die groteske Gestalt des Leibes«.
11 Über den Gegensatz 'urbanitas' — 'rusticitas' bei den Humanisten vgl. B. Bauer,
Jesuitische 'ars rhetorica' im Zeitalter der Glaubenskämpfe, Mikrokosmos, 18 (Frankfurt
a. M. - Bern - New York, 1986), bes. Ss. 296-97.
312 F. RÄDLE

mit Cicero, der im ersten Buch De officiis die Begriffe 'ludus' und
'iocus' auf eine auch für die Christen überzeugende, ja attraktive Weise
beschrieben hat.12
Es ist die von Cicero gerühmte maßvolle, vornehme und geistreiche,
sprachlich witzige Komik,13 die Thomas von Aquin in seiner Summa
theologica als ein humanes und legitimes Vermögen und zugleich
Bedürfnis anerkennt:14 'Circa ludos et jocos, qui nonnunquam ad animi
solamen utiles sunt, illa virtus versatur quam eutrapeliam vocant.'15
Komik hat, Thomas zufolge, eine psychisch begütigende und heilende
Funktion, insofern sie dem überanstrengten Menschen Trost und Stillung
bietet. Sie ist ein legitimer Teil der 'delectatio animalis', die der Seele
Erholung, 'quandam animae quietem', vermitteln kann. Die psychische
Ermüdung, die 'fatigatio animalis', soll und darf durch Komik behoben
werden. Die enorme Nachwirkung des Thomas von Aquin in der katho
lischen Theologie gerade nach dem Konzil von Trient ist, wie wir am
Beispiel der Jesuiten noch sehen werden, der Würdigung des Theaters
und seiner durch Komik entspannenden Funktion zugute gekommen.

C. KOMIK IM GLAUBENSKAMPF

Wer die Geschichte und besonders die Kirchengeschichte des 16.

Jahrhunderts auch nur oberflächlich kennt, wird zunächst skeptisch auf
horchen, wenn für diese Zeit vom spielerischen Einsatz von Theaterko
mik die Rede ist. Die Verhältnisse waren in den ersten Jahrzehnten der
Glaubensspaltung wirklich nicht so, daß sie Platz geboten hätten für eine
im humanen Sinne des Thomas von Aquin tröstende und entspannende
Komik. Das Theater wurde wie kaum eine andere literarische Gattung
zunächst in den Dienst der Reformation gestellt. Auf Komik als eine
sicher wirkende energische Methode, zuerst einmal beim Publikum
Interesse zu wecken und danach diesem Publikum etwas deutlich oder
gar drastisch zu erklären, konnten und wollten die protestantischen
Dramatiker keineswegs verzichten. Nicht nur die volkssprachigen, auch
die dem Humanismus bzw. der Schule verpflichteten lateinischen Dramen

12 Vgl. vor allem Cicero, De officiis l, 29, 102-104 (von Thomas zitiert).
13 'ipsumque genus iocandi non profusum nec immodestum, sed ingenuum et facetum
esse debet' (Cicero, ibid., 103).
14 Summa theologica, Secunda secundae Quaest. CLXVIII, Art. II und III.
15 Ibid., Art. II, Conclusio.
 KOMIK IM LATEINISCHEN THEATER DER FRÜHEN NEUZEIT 313

aus der ersten Hälfte des 16. Jahrhunderts sind voller Komik, allerdings
einer eindeutig aggressiven, satirischen Komik. Ihr Ziel war gerade
nicht die Entspannung, sondern die Anstrengung, die Aufregung der
Zuschauer und ihre geistige Mobilisierung. Das war bei der gegebenen
historischen Situation gar nicht anders zu erwarten: es galt ja, einen
klar zu benennenden Feind, nämlich das Papsttum, mit den sichtbaren
Deformationen seiner Herrschaft zu treffen, und dafür fand man im
literarischen Arsenal aggressiver und subversiver Komik taugliche
Waffen: wütende oder auch sich totlachende mimische Satire (wie
z. B. die Epistolae virorum obscurorum oder Pirckheimers dramatische
Invektive gegen Luthers Gegner Johannes Eck, den Eckius dedolatus),
und auf der Theaterbühne alle Arten von Scherz, Satire, Ironie, Parodie,
Spott und Hohn.

D. Komik aus Wut bei Thomas Naogeorgus

Ein Vertreter dieser aggressiven, satirischen Komik ist der wahr

scheinlich bedeutendste lateinische Dramatiker des 16. Jahrhunderts, der
im bayerischen Straubing geborene Thomas Kirchmair, der sich später
gräzisierend Thomas Naogeorgus nannte.16 Im Jahre 1538 veröffentlichte
er in Wittenberg ein Antichrist-Drama mit dem Titel Tragoedia nova
Pammachius}1 in dem der Papst ganz im Sinne Luthers mit der aus der
biblischen, apokryphen und mittelalterlichen Tradition bekannten mythi
schen Figur des Antichrist oder Endchrist identifiziert ist. Das Stück, das
Naogeorgus persönlich dem von ihm zu dieser Zeit noch hochverehrten,
später bekämpften, Luther in einer eigenen Vorrede widmet, schildert
den rücksichtslosen und korrupten Ausbau der Macht des Papsttums
und endet, historisch in der Gegenwart, mit den ersten Anzeichen des
Zusammenbruchs dieser Macht. Christus nämlich schickt die allegori
sche Figur der 'Veritas' in Begleitung des heiligen Paulus in eine kleine
Stadt an der Elbe (scil. Wittenberg); dort wohnt 'Theophilus', der Freund
Gottes (scil. Luther), der das Papsttum besiegen und der Wahrheit des
Evangeliums den Weg bereiten wird. (V. 3142-3156)

16 Vgl. H.-G. Roloff, 'Naogeorg. Thomas', in Literaturlexikon, hg. W. Killy, 15 Bde

(München, 1988-1993), 8, 330-332.
17 Thomas Naogeorg, Sämtliche Werke, hg. von H.-G. Roloff, Erster Band: Dramen 1 :
Tragoedia nova Pammachius nehst der deutschen Übersetzung von Johann Tyrolff, Aus
gaben deutscher Literatur des XV. bis XVIII. Jahrhunderts (Berlin - New York, 1975).
314 F. RÄDLE

In dieser erbarmungslosen, vernichtenden Tragödie finden sich einige

Szenen von grotesker Komik, zum Beispiel ein vom Teufel zur Feier
seines Triumphes arrangiertes Höllenfest (V. 2891-2992), zu dem der
gesamte katholische Klerus geladen ist. Die Mönche können das Gelage
kaum erwarten, sie kommen mit bereits gelockertem Kuttengürtel,
'laxato cingulo' (V. 2916), und prügeln sich um die besten Plätze am
Tisch.18 Der Teufel besorgt für jeden noch ein 'scortum elegans', ein
'huebsches Huerlein', wie es in einer zeitgenössischen Übersetzung19
heißt: denn 'On Weiber kann kein freud volkomen sein' (V. 3821),
'Nulla sine mulieribus sunt plena gaudia' (V. 2925). Der Speiseplan ist
interessant: unter anderem wird gereicht der fette Kadaver eines reichen
Mannes, den der Teufel dazu überredet hatte, der Kirche sein Vermögen
zu vermachen20 (es ist das variierte Motiv der Totenfresser des Pamphi-
lus Gengenbach). Der nächste Gang besteht aus dem Haus einer Witwe21
gemäß dem Wort Jesu bei Matthäus 23,14: 'Vae vobis, scribae et phari-
saei hypocritae, quia comeditis domos viduarum orationes longas oran
tes ! ' Danach reicht man Würste, die mit dem Mark und Blut der armen
Leute gefüllt sind;22 zum Nachtisch gibt es die Sünden der Menschen in
reicher Auswahl: 'omnis generis delicta... mortalium.'(V. 2964)

Auch die Parodie, bereits im Mittelalter eine gern gepflegte Unter

gattung komischer Literatur mit subversiven Energien, vor allem die
Parodie liturgischer Handlungen spielt bei Naogeorgus eine sehr ernste
Rolle. Im Pammachius findet sich sogar ein rares Beispiel von Bibel-
Parodie, zweifellos eine delikate Sache zu einer Zeit, in der das biblische
Wort neue Würde bekommen hatte.
Ich zitiere eine Partie aus dem 5. Auftritt des dritten Akts, in dem
Pammachius, also der Antichrist, also der Papst, seine neue perverse
Weltordnung verkündet und eine neue Welt erschafft. Er tut das unter
Verwendung des biblischen Schöpfungsberichts:

18 V. 2918: Dromo: 'Hem monachi sortiuntur verberibus locum."

14 Johann Tyrolff, Ein Christlich I und gantz lustig Spiel I Darinn des Antichristischen
Bapstthumbs Theufflische lehr I und wesen I wunder meisterlich dargeben wird. Die
Übersetzung ist in Roloffs Ausgabe (wie Anm. 17) parallel zum lateinischen Text
abgedruckt, hier V. 3819, S. 389.
20 V. 2933-34: 'Carpite nunc. Istuc est cadaver divitis. / Quem iussi vobis testamentum
condere.'
21 V. 2937-40: '... Haec viduae est domus / Quae vestrarum precum esse volebat par-
ticeps./ Optima supellex est. Vorate singula, / Nec tectis his nec fundamentis parcite.'
22 V. 2946-47: 'Haec farcimina sunt, magnis confecta artibus / Miserorum hominum
è medulla atque sanguine.'
 KOMIK IM LATEINISCHEN THEATER DER FRÜHEN NEUZEIT 315

Producat doctrina mea Monachorum ordines

Tonsos et intonsos, pullos et candidos.
Mixtique coloris, pauperes et divites.
Cinctos et discinctos, pelliceos, laneos,
Et lineos, Epicuraeos et Stoicos.

Pariat doctrina mea Canonicos nobiles

Qui canibus et equis Romanam doceant fidem.

Effodiantur divorum relliquiae, osculis

Honorentur, gemmis tegantur lucidis.

Divis ponantur statuae, pingantur imagines,

Appareant animae, fiant miracula. (V. 2442-2466)
An dieser Stelle unterbricht der dienstbare Sophist Porphyrius seinen
Herrn Pammachius mit den Worten:
Cessa, rogo, et die quiesce septimo.
Equidem Satanas creaturas has mirabitur.(V. 2467-2468)
Natürlich leistet sich Naogeorgus neben so bitterer religiöser Zeitkritik
manchmal auch etwas entspanntere Formen von Komik, über die vor
allem Philologen lachen konnten und können. Er realisiert z. B., daß die
Bezeichnung für den Pontifex Romanus, 'papa', in einigen Casus iden
tisch ist mit der lateinischen Interjektion 'papae', mit der die Römer
Verwunderung oder Befremden zum Ausdruck brachten, und er findet,
daß dies eine adäquate Bezeichnung für ein Phänomen sei, über das sich
die ganze Welt ja doch nur wundern könne. In seiner großen ironischen
Rede über die Mysterien der Papstkirche sagt Porphyrius u. a.:
Unde nec
Consueto debet Episcoporum nomine
Deinceps appellari, sed nomen aliud
Admirandi concedat interiectio,
Papa vocetur, mundi solus miraculum.
Nec ab re. Quid enim aut est, aut dicit, aut facit,
Quod non quis dignum iudicet miraculo? (V. 2100-2106)

E. WITZ UND HUMANISTENGEMÜT: NIKODEMUS FRISCHLIN

Wortwitze dieser Art, die nur schwer ins Deutsche zu übertragen sind,
begegnen in jedem lateinischen Drama der damaligen Zeit.23 Modell
23 Vermutlich gehen die Scherze, die Nikodemus Frischlin in seinen Dramen mit der
Anspielung auf den Papst durch die Interjektion 'papae' macht, auf Naogeorgus zurück;
316 F. RÄDLE

dafür standen natürlich die hochgeschätzten antiken Vertreter der Gattung,

Plautus und Terenz. Wie sie waren auch die Humanisten große Sprach
spieler, die sich mit besonderem Vergnügen produktiv — etymologisie
rend, zitierend und parodierend — dem Material der lateinischen Sprache
bzw. dem anspruchsvollen Spiel mit literarischem Bildungsgut hingaben.
Das verleiht den Dramen immer eine gewisse, wenigstens punktuelle
Behaglichkeit. Man gewinnt den Eindruck, daß selbst in den erbittertsten
konfessionellen Kämpfen der Literaten das gemeinsame humanistische
Fundament, buchstäblich verkörpert in der lateinischen Sprache, ein stark
wirkendes Element des Ausgleichs, sozusagen ein Vorschlag zur Güte
war. Das läßt sich bei dem bereits erwähnten Eckius dedolatus feststellen,
und ganz besonders gilt es für den protestantischen Humanisten und
geborenen Philologen Nikodemus Frischlin, der eine ganze Komödie auf
der Idee des Spiels mit der lateinischen Sprache aufbaute. Im Priscianus
vapulans, dem 'malträtierten Priscian', aufgeführt im Jahre 1578 zum
hundertjährigen Jubiläum der Universität Tübingen, wird nach dem
»Redivivus-Prinzip« der spätantike Grammatiker Priscian in die Neuzeit
versetzt — zu seinem Unglück, denn das Latein, das er von den akademi
schen Vertretern aller Fakultäten hören muß, ist für ihn eine einzige Qual.
Jede lateinische Äußerung der Philosophen, Mediziner, Juristen und
Theologen, die aktweise nacheinander immer durch zwei Vertreter auf der
Bühne repräsentiert werden, wirkt wie ein Hieb oder Stoß auf Priscian, so
daß er schließlich, aus tausend Wunden blutend und bereits ohnmächtig,
von Erasmus und Melanchthon, den beiden humanistischen Heroen des
reinen lateinischen Stils, wiederbelebt werden muß.

F. Pädagogische und psychagogische Komik bei den Jesuiten

Der Verfasser des Priscianus vapulans, der entschiedene Lutheraner

Frischlin, wurde überraschenderweise auch in katholischen Schulen
gelesen, und zwar, wie sein Biograph Georg Pflüeger aus Ulm betont,
vor allem bei denen, die unter den Katholischen als die gebildetsten
gelten, den Jesuiten.24 In einem unveröffentlichten Brief aus dem Jahre

vgl. F. Rädle, 'Einige Bemerkungen zu Frischlins Dramatik', in Acta Conventus Neo-Latini

Guelpherbytani, ed. by Stella P. Revard - F. Rädle - M. A. Di Cesare, Medieval and Renais
sance Texts and Studies, 53 (Binghamton - New York, 1988), S. 297, Anm. 38.
24 'Paraphrases Virgilianas ut et Comoedias, ipsi pontificii, et qui inter eos doctissimi
habentur Iesuitae admirantur et discipulis suis proponunt' (Vita Nicodemi Frischlini
Balingensis... Recensente M. Georgio Pflüegero Ulmano, Argentorati 1605, S. 38).
 KOMIK IM LATEINISCHEN THEATER DER FRÜHEN NEUZEIT 317

1610 lobt der Augsburger Jesuit Georg Stengel, selbst ein bedeutender
Dramatiker seines Ordens, Frischlin als den 'Plautus unserer Zeit':
'nostri saeculi Plautus'.25

Um der literaturhistorischen Gerechtigkeit willen muß nun diesen

'gebildetsten unter den Katholischen', den theaterfreudigen Jesuiten, die
noch verbleibende Aufmerksamkeit gehören.
Für die Jesuiten stand fest, daß die Reformation im wesentlichen eine
Folge der geistigen Verelendung des Klerus war. Das Fundament ihres
eigenen Reformprogramms für die katholische Kirche war dementspre
chend die sorgfältige humanistische Bildung der Jugend. Zur universalen
Pflege des Lateinischen und zu den 'Incitamenta studiorum' gehörte für
die Jesuiten von Anfang an das lateinische Theater: 'nec dramata aequo
diutius intermittantur; friget enim poesis sine theatro', steht in der Ratio
atque ¡nstitutio studiorum vom Jahre 1 59 1 .26 Das Theaterspiel war ein
wichtiger Teil ihrer Pädagogik, in der die geistige Entspannung, die
'remissio animi' im Sinne des Thomas von Aquin, nicht nur geduldet,
sondern geradezu konstitutiv war. Bereits in der (revidierten) Studien
ordnung vom Jahre 1586 liest man unter dem Titel 'Incitamenta studi
orum' folgende Bewertung der Theaterarbeit:
Adolescentes tandem eorumque parentes mirifice exhilarantur atque accen-
duntur, nostrae etiam devinciuntur Societati, cum nostra opera possunt in
theatro pueri aliquod sui studii, actionis, memoriae specimen exhibere.
Agendae itaque videntur comaediae ac tragaediae...27
In derselben Verordnung werden die Rektoren der Jesuitengymnasien
ermahnt, bei aller christlichen Strenge die Heiterkeit der Lehrer zu
bewahren :
Tandem illud universim habendum est, rectoribus nihil antiquius, nihil
optabilius esse debere, quam ut, salva religiosae pietatis disciplina prae-
ceptorum conservent hilaritatem, et in ea posita esse praesidia omnia scho-
larum bene gerendarum existiment.28
Der erfolgreiche Schulbetrieb schien nur bei unverbissener, entspannter
Haltung aller Beteiligten gewährleistet.

25 Georg Stengel am 19. Februar 1610 an Matthäus Rader (vgl. Archivum Prov. Germ.
Superioris S. J., München, Mscr. I, 29, Nr. 130).
26 Monumenta Paedagogica Societatis lesu, nova editio penitus retractata, ed. Ladislaus
Lukács S. I. (Romae, 1986), S. 241.
27 Ibid., S. 205.
28 Ibid., S. 180.
318 F. RÄDLE

Ein niemals auf befriedigende Weise gelöstes Problem für die Jesui
ten bestand darin, daß nur ein geringer Teil ihres Publikums in der Lage
war, das lateinische Drama seinem Wortlaut nach zu verfolgen. Die mei
sten ihrer oft nach Tausenden zählenden Zuschauer waren Analphabe
ten, und ihnen mußte man, wenn man sie nicht ganz vernachlässigen
wollte, etwas vom lateinischen Dialog Unabhängiges, nach Möglichkeit
Interessantes, Unterhaltendes und Verständliches bieten. Man wählte in
der Regel leichte, eindeutige Stoffe und bereits bekannte Geschichten,
man markierte die handelnden Personen unmißverständlich, etwa die
allegorischen Figuren, Engel und Teufel, man musizierte und tanzte. Vor
allem aber gab man den Leuten etwas Komisches zum besten. In den
ersten Jahrzehnten haben die Jesuiten einfach zwischen die seriöse latei
nische Handlung volkssprachige Intermedien eingeschoben, und zwar
meist derb realistische, schwankartige Szenen in Knittelversen, oft mit
tölpelhaften Personen (z. B. einem Bauern und seiner Frau) als Akteuren,
sozusagen kurze Fastnachtsspiele, die vom laufenden lateinischen Stück
völlig unabhängig waren und lediglich das nicht lateinkundige Publikum
bei Laune halten sollten.29 Wir haben Zeugnisse dafür, daß die Jesuiten
diese Konzessionen nur mit schlechtem Gewissen gemacht haben, und
bald kamen die ersten Warnungen, schließlich das Verbot vom Jesuiten
general aus Rom: Die Ratio Studiorum des Jahres 1599 brachte folgende
lakonische30 und endgültige Regelung:
Tragoediarum et comoediarum, quas non nisi latinas ac rarissimas esse
oportet, argumentum sacrum sit aс pium; neque quicquam actibus interpo-
natur, quod non latinum sit et decorum, nec persona ulla muliebris vel
habitus introducatur.31
Aus späteren Ermahnungen ähnlicher Art32 weiß man, daß die mögliche
Depravierung seriöser Schauspiele durch billige Komik, auch wenn

29 Daß derartige Intermedien auch noch nach dem gleich zu erwähnenden Verbot aus
Rom weiter gepflegt wurden, beweist z. B. die Perioche eines Luzerner Jesuitendramas aus
dem Jahre 1642. Am Schluß der Inhaltsangabe des Spiels Wol=Bewârte Tugend Pelagii
folgen vier 'Kurtzweilige / in 4. Theil getheilte Faßnacht Gespräch / welche zwischen den
5. Acten dero Comoedi gehalten werden'; vgl. E. M. Szarota, Das Jesuitendrama im deut
schen Sprachgebiet. Eine Periochen-Edition (München, 1980), Bd. II, 1, Ss. 499-500.
30 Es fallt auf, daß der Pflege des Theaters in den früheren Studienordnungen noch größere
und entschieden positivere Aufmerksamkeit geschenkt worden war. Möglicherweise emp
fand man in Rom die in der Zwischenzeit überall florierende Theaterpraxis als bedenklich.
31 Wie Anm. 26, S. 371.
32 In einer vertraulichen handschriftlichen Instructio pro censoribus librorum vom
Jahre 1631 heißt es: 'Dramatibus, Comoediis Tragoediisque quae subinde variis in locis
a discipulis nostris in scena aguntur, aiunt interdum admisceri multa ad risum spectantium
 KOMIK IM LATEINISCHEN THEATER DER FRÜHEN NEUZEIT 319

diese Komik sich nunmehr an das lateinische Reinheitsgebot hielt, eine

ständige Sorge der Ordensoberen war.33 Das zeigt z. B. das folgende Zitat
aus den das Theater betreffenden Kapiteln 35 und 37 derAdiumenta quae-
dam pro studiis Humanitatis in Gymnasiis Societatis promoveridis et illu-
strandis, die im Jahre 1619 für die Rheinische Provinz erlassen wurden:
35. Accommodentur actiones omnes ad finem, quem Societas intendit, ad
motum animorum in detestationem malorum morum, pravarum consuetu-
dinum, fugam occasionum peccandi, ad studium maius virtutum, ad imita-
tionem Sanctorum, quorum vitae si in scenam producantur, non permittatur,
ut de iis, quae bene et sancte gesserunt, quaeque ad exemplum esse possunt,
ieiune et obiter tantum agatur, prolixius autem de figmentis ridiculis ad rem
non pertinentibus, et de quibusdam levitatibus puerilibus.
37. Caveatur item, ne, quod justam reprehensionem habet, in omni actione
producantur Daemones, Mendici, Potatores, blasphemi, pueri leviculi 34
Nur solche »kindische« Komik galt als mit den frommen Gegenständen
(wie Heiligenleben) unverträglich. In der Praxis wurde auch in Stücken
mit entschieden religiösem Anspruch erfolgreich oft fein kalkulierte
Komik eingesetzt, wobei man sicher sein konnte, daß dies keine Einbuße,
sondern gerade eine Steigerung des 'motus animorum' und damit der
moralischen Katharsis bewirkte.
In den Annales collegii Monacensis liest man über die Aufführung des
Schauspiels Ferdinandina vom Jahre 1652:
Ac tulit universim Actio illa ingentem plausum, magna Societatis apud
Advenas commendatione: fuit enim ita temperata, ut graviter iucunda
Spectatorem novis identidem spectaculis, grata tristium laetorumque vicis-
situdine distineret.35

ciendum, quae mimos magis et histriones quam religiosos viros decent. Proinde adlaboran-
dum erit, ut nihil simile fiat.' (Vgl. K. Th. Heigel, 'Zur Geschichte des Censurwesens in der
Gesellschaft Jesu', Archiv für Geschichte des Deutschen Buchhandels, 6 (1881), 164).
33 Zum Problem generell vgl. J.-M. Valentin, 'Bouffons ou religieux? Le débat sur le
théâtre dans l'Allemagne catholique au début du XVIIe siècle (A. Albertinus, H. Guari-
nonius)', Revue d'Allemagne, 12 (1980), 442-480.
34 Ratio Studiorum et Institutiones Scholasticae Societatis Jesu per Germaniam olim
vigentes, ed. G. M. Pachtler S. J., Vol. IV, Monumenta Germaniae Paedagogica, 16 (Berlin,
1894), S. 186.
35 Archivum Prov. Germ. Superioris Mscr. I, 45, S. 429. Die Aufführung fand zu
Ehren der Erzherzöge Ferdinand und Sigismund statt und handelte von der Christianisie
rung Mexikos. — Eine Mischung von 'gravitas' und 'hilaritas' ist das erklärte Ziel des
erfolgreichen portugiesischen Dramatikers Ludovicus Crucius (Luís da Cruz S. J.), der
im Vorwort der posthum erschienenen Sammlung seiner Tragicae, comicaeque actiones
(Lyon, 1605) schreibt: '(Hoc secutus exemplum,) malui tragicocomoedias dare quam
vel solas Comoedias aut Tragoedias. Ut et gravitas esset nostris hominibus gratissima, et
hilaritas quaedam popularis, quae per intervalla spectatorem recrearet.'(** 4r)
320 F. RÄDLE

Gerade die begabten Dramatiker bauten in ihre psychisch oft strapaziö

sen Schauspiele mit Vorliebe komische Szenen ein. Jakob Bidermann ist
ein Beispiel dafür, daß man sich so 'aus den Scherzen und dem Geläch
ter eine Bahn zu den heilsamen Tränen verschaffen' konnte und daß
gerade 'die komischsten Stücke geistlich am ertragreichsten' waren, wie
es in der Vorrede an den Leser seiner posthumen Dramenedition vom
Jahre 1666 heißt.36

Die Jesuiten hatten oft das Leben von Sündern, verlorenen und
bekehrten, mit dem Anspruch auf Wahrscheinlichkeit darzustellen. Dabei
boten ihnen in der Regel die Stationen von Verfehlung und Schuld ihrer
Helden Gelegenheit, eindeutig profanes Leben auf der Bühne vorzuführen,
in dem sich Komik und komische Figuren leicht entfalten konnten.37
Intrigante Diener und Parasiten aus der Schule der klassischen lateini
schen Komödie, Narren, die wie bei Shakespeare das Richtige wissen,
liederliche Musikanten, die in einem Traktat des 16. Jahrhunderts als
'des Teuffels hofierer'38 bezeichnet werden, und, nicht zu vergessen der
Teufel selbst — oder besser: die Teufel mit ihren zahlreichen Helfern —
treten hier meist turbulent in Aktion. Man könnte dafür zahllose Bei
spiele nennen, ich muß mich mit einem einzigen Fall begnügen, einem
Spiel vom Verlorenen Sohn, das 1575 im Fuldaer Jesuitenkolleg aufge
führt wurde und in einer einzigen Handschrift in Fulda34 erhalten blieb.
In diesem Stück ist der moralische Niedergang des Helden, der in
der Fremde sein Erbe verpraßt, anschaulich dargestellt. Auf der Bühne
wird gespottet, getrunken, gewürfelt, mit Dirnen angebandelt, und auf
dem Höhepunkt der Stimmung verlangt der Verlorene Sohn nach den
Musikanten. In der Handschrift steht an dieser Stelle eine Regieanwei
sung: 'Chorus hoc loco canit cantionem sumptam ex Horlando, cuius
initium est Ave color vini' (fol. 1 8rv). Das bedeutet, daß hier ein Lied des

36 Jakob Bidermann, Ludi theatrales 1666, hg. von R. Tarot, Deutsche Neudrucke,
Reihe Barock, 6 (Tübingen, 1967): '... facile deprehendent (scil. Catones Censorini),
Poetam ex ipsis jocis et risibus iter sibi ad salubres lacrymas fecisse;' (S. 11) '... Nec est
silentio praetereundum hoc loco, fuisse à non nemine animadversum, ex P. Bidermanni
Comoedijs eas, quae maxime erant joculares, et hilaritatis quamplurimum continebant,
fructu prae alijs fuisse uberrimas.' (S. 14)
37 Vor dieser »Gefahr« warnt die oben (Anm. 34) zitierte Verlautbarung aus dem
Jahre 1619.
38 Tantzteuffel: Das ist wider den leichtfertigen I unverschempten Welt tantz... Gestellet
durch Florianum Daulen von Fürstenberg... (Frankfurt a. M., 1567), in Teufelbücher in
Auswahl, hg. v. R. Stambaugh, 2. Band (Berlin - New York, 1972), S. 138.
39 Fulda, LB, С 18, fol. Г-27\
 KOMIK IM LATEINISCHEN THEATER DER FRÜHEN NEUZEIT 321

Orlando di Lasso gesungen wird, und zwar ein Hymnus auf den Wein —
aber wer genau hinhört, merkt sofort, daß wir es mit der Parodie eines
Marienhymnus zu tun haben. Zwei Strophen seien daraus zitiert:
Ave color vini clari,
Ave sapor sine pari,
Tua nos inebrian
Digneris potentia....
Felix guttur, quod rigabis,
Felix venter, quem intrabis,
Os beatum, quod lavabis,
Et beata viscera.40

Parodie, zumal Parodie religiöser Texte ist in diesem stabilen Rahmen

katholischer Einmütigkeit erkennbar gemütlicher als in Naogeorgs Pam-
machius. Gleichfalls nicht denkbar in protestantischen Zusammenhängen
ist ein Text wie der folgende virtuos-diabolisch-spielerische Anfang einer
barocken Komödie, die der Münchener Jesuit Georg Bernardt (gestorben
1660) unter dem Titel Jovianus zur Eröffnung des Wintersemesters
im Jahre 1623 an der Universität Ingolstadt verfaßt und inszeniert
hat. (Danach ist sie noch einmal während des Dreißigjährigen Krieges,
1642, mit großem Erfolg an der Universität Dillingen a. D. aufgeführt
worden.) In diesem noch ungedruckten Stück geht es um die Entlarvung
der Scheinhaftigkeit der Welt,41 wofür alle Potenzen der Komik im
weitesten Sinne mobilisiert werden: Witz, spielerische Verkehrung
der Verhältnisse, Täuschung, Entlarvung der allgemeinen 'insania' und
tiefsinnige Ironie. Im 'Proludium' tritt ein griechisches Philosophenpaar
auf, das den christlichen Humanisten immer willkommen war und sozu
sagen eingeleuchtet hat: Heraklit, der über den absurden Lauf der Welt
nur noch weint, und Demokrit, der aus demselben Grund nur noch
lacht.42 Dazu kommen zwei dämonische Figuren, Pseudolus und der

40 Näheres dazu bei F. Rädle, 'Über mittelalterliche lyrische Formen im neulateinischen

Drama', in Litterae medii aevi. Festschrift für Johanne Autenrieth, hg. v. M. Borgolte und
H. Spilling (Sigmaringen, 1988), S. 349.
41 Clm 26017, fol. 49r-102r; vgl. dazu vorläufig: Georg Bernardt SJ, Dramen l: Theo-
philus Q'/iv (1621). Ein Faust-Drama der Jesuiten. Lateinisch u. deutsch hg., übers, u. komm.
v. F. Rädle, Geistliche Literatur der Barockzeit, 5 (Amsterdam & Maarssen, 1984),
Ss. 201-204.
42 Vgl. A. Buck, 'Democritus ridens et Heraclitus flens', in Ders., Die humanistische
Tradition in der Romania (Bad Homburg v. d. H. - Berlin - Zürich, 1968), Nr. 7, Ss. 101-
117; Th. Rütten, Demokrit — lachender Philosoph und sanguinischer Melancholiker
(Leiden, 1992).
322 F. RÄDLE

veritable Teufel Turbilo. Ihr Auftritt, der zugleich den vitalen (und
schwierigen ! ) Sprachwitz des Autors wie die intellektuelle Universalität
— um nicht zu sagen: Abgründigkeit — von Komik manifestiert, soll
den Abschluß dieses Beitrags bilden.

PROLUDIUM
PSEUDOLUS, DEMOCRITUS, HERACLITUS
PSEUDOLUS: Tandem igitur! Uter vestrum histrioniam hodie dabit? Lepidos
agyrtas ! Tu, tu, mimice profecto ! Nec ego sane fabulam ordiar. Scabra
nimis et pertusa nola sum, ut primus hic tinniam. Sed sultis momento
prodibo venustulus: Catastula haec mea omnes Veneres et lulos habet,
fungos quoslibet potens extemplo Hiacynthulos creassere. Mentior?
Durate pauxillulum, et valide vobis imponam dolis maxime inficetis,
insulsis maxime, et tamen imponam et modis dementabo insanis !
DEMOCRITUS: Nugae, nugae! Ineptiae ineptissimae !
HERACLITUS: Miseriae miserabiles! Calamitates calamitosissimae !
DEMOCRITUS: Ita ridicule orbis delirat!
HERACLITUS: Ita tragice affligitur!
DEMOCRITUS: Quae non sibi cudit formicaria, quot in negotioso cerebellulo
muscaria!
HERACLITUS: Nascitur, interit — interit, nascitur in funera identidem redi-
vivus ! Vertiginosum ludibrium ! Et tamen. . .
DEMOCRITUS: Et tamen, nugae, nugae nugacissimae, et tamen circumspectat
se purulenta sanies caeno suo, stercora mendicat, fulvam et tralucidam
terrae salivam lambit, lubricat salebrosam petiginem suam, et qui non
est, esse affectat improbissime.
HERACLITUS: O caecas hominum mentes! Intus, intus latet, quod divinum
est! Nisi virtute animum colas, quantumvis foris splendeas, latronem
squalidum, hispidum specioso claudis carcere.
PSEUDOLUS: lam prodeo: quaeso tantisper ingenium meum dissimulate,
fabre vos circumveniam !
DEMOCRITUS: Superi, quantae in humanis nebulae! Nec sapit, nec credit
orbis, tot sycophantas alit, tot moriones, personatos omnes, cannabi
multos, plures serico!
HERACLITUS: Quam suavem sibi cudunt interitum! Et tamen...
DEMOCRITUS: Insania est!
PSEUDOLUS : lam prodeo, viri eruditionis et generis nobilitate spectatissimi, nun-
quid pectus vobis micat? Nunquid lumbus scalpitur? Haud dubie dolus non
patet, quod ego, Thressis Lavernio cum sim, vobis me Hectorem aliquem
venditem! Quaeso vos, sinite benigne vos ludificarier! Pol non sum ille, qui
fui, non sum mucidus, luridus et circumforaneus rabula. Fui, sed non sum,
aedepol, non sum: vestibus credite! Nugae, nugae, nugae, nugae! etc.43

43 Clm 26017, fol. 49'-50'.

 KOMIK IM LATEINISCHEN THEATER DER FRÜHEN NEUZEIT 323

Die 2. Szene des ersten Akts besteht aus einem Dialog zwischen zwei
'Söhnen der Nacht' und 'Abgesandten der Hölle' ('noctis filii', 'Orci
legati'), dem vertrottelten 'Sathan vetulus' und einem cleveren Jungteufel
('Turbilo iuvenis'). Sie führen wortreich und witzig einen «Generatio
nenkonflikt» unter Teufeln vor; am Schluß schickt Turbilo die 'gute,
einfältige Kreatur aus dem Alten Testament', die in der raffinierten
Neuzeit nichts mehr ausrichten wird, zurück in die Hölle zu seinem
Großvater44 und widmet sich selber der Aufgabe, den stolzen König
Jovianus zu Fall zu bringen. In einer Ansprache an das Publikum stellt
er sich vor und schildert seine listigen Methoden:45
Ego Turbilo sum, noctis ex Plutone filius, mali corvi pessimum ovum.
Ibo iam et quietem regiae in vertiginem dabo. Sed non irruam igneus,
hamatus, bisulcus et minotaurus cornupeta, nec dicam obviis passim pro
cane: 'fure, percute, seca, iugula!' Haec nimis plebeia est insania, emunc-
tum hoc saeculum hos diabolos despuit.
Si quos mollicellos et comptulos reperero, ego illis Narcissulus et Ado
nis ero. Quidquid loquar, quidquid agam, quidquid tuear, quidquid gradiar,
Venus erit.... Sin ego in devotulos illos offensabo capitipendulos, precum
vocabularia et sanctorum lexica, ad manus hi noduli,46 in ore suspiria, in
oculis lacrimae et in toto diabolo devotio. Si in graves illas ansatas et ven-
tricosas amphoras, verborum trutinas, illam, inquam, oculorum et frontium
maiestatem, tum ego grandem grandibo gradum47 verbis paratragoediatus
et oculis. Sin denique in suaviludiones, vulpeculas, verborum et gestuum
promptuaria, illos cortesiparolavendulos,48 tum ego: 'di vostra Signoria
devotissimo servitore' etc.. Et sic ego omnibus omnia fiam, ut omnes
lucrifaciam.

Institut für Lateinische und Romanische

Philologie des Mittelalters
Humboldtallee 19
D-37073 Göttingen

44 Turbilo: 'Mi vetule, tu una bona simplex creatura ex veteri Testamento, hoc sae
culum tibi nasum uno stadio protenderet; recipe grallam et redi ad avum et proavum tuum
et ibi parumper elixemini. Turbilo bene curabit regiam.' (fol. 53™)
45 Clm 26017, fol. 53v-54v.
46 Turbilo trägt einen Rosenkranz bei sich.
47 Vgl. Plautus, Aulularia, 49.
48 Die recht unzuverlässige Handschrift hat hier 'cordesi parola vendulos'.
49 Hier wird Paulus (Vulg., I Cor 9, 22) parodiert: 'omnibus omnia factus sum, ut
omnes facerem salvos.'
 Chris L. Heesakkers

AN LIPSIO LICUIT ET
CUNAEO QUOD MIHI NON LICET?

Petrus Francius and Oratorical Delivery in the

Amsterdam Athenaeum Illustre*

1 . The Collegium Oratorium at Leiden University

On 8 February 1575 the first university in the Northern Netherlands

opened its doors in Leiden with an impressive ceremony under the
inspiring direction of the former commander of the town, Janus Dousa,
and the town's secretary Jan van Hout. The celebration was the pinnacle
of only six weeks of preparation for the foundation. It is, therefore, not
very surprising that after this festive inauguration academic activity
became practically invisible. The hastily acquired one-day professors
returned to their daily professions and the students had not yet arrived.
The first tangible proof of the existence of the new institute was the pub
lication, probably at the end of April, of a splendid collection of poems
about the events preceding the foundation, that is, the famous second
siege of the town from May until October 1 574 and its relief, and about
the foundation itself, which some historians have considered an award
for the courage of the town's citizens during the siege. This poetry,
written by Janus Dousa and his friend Hadrianus Junius, was, so the
title-page announced, "printed in our new university of Leiden", and
financed by the town's above mentioned secretary.1 From this moment
on the existence of the university was an undeniable fact within the
Republic of Letters. Nevertheless, the beginnings of the young institute
were difficult and the first years were not very promising. In April 1578,
however, Dousa succeeded in enlisting a celebrity into the university's
staff, the filologist of European fame, Justus Lipsius. Lipsius, who had

* I am indebted to Atmo Carlisle (Amsterdam) for the correction of the English.

1 Iani Duzae Nordovicis Nova poemata. Quorum Catalogum altera ab hac pagina
indicabit. Item Hadriani Iuni Carminum Lugdunensium Sylva. In nova academia nostra
Lugdunensi excusum. Anno 1575. Impensis Ioannis Hauteni.
 AN LIPSIO LICUIT ET CUNAEO QUOD MIHI NON LICET? 325

acquired professional experience as a professor at Jena University, was

soon elected Rector magnificus and took some measures which gave
the university a more professional look. So he introduced the regular
registration of the students in an official matriculation book. He did
much to improve the quality of the teaching and one of his own specific
contributions to this was the opening of what he called a 'collegium ora
torium', that is, practical exercises in oratorical delivery.

1.1. Justus Lipsius' Collegium oratorium (c. 1588)

Justus Lipsius (1547-1606) probably started his 'Collegium orato

rium' about ten years after his arrival in Leiden, in the late 1580's.
Unfortunately, we do not know whether he did this at the instigation of
the board of the university, that is, the assembly of the three Curators
of the university and the four Burgomasters of the town of Leiden,
nor if he did so with or without their explicit consent.2 Nor do we
know much about the way it functioned. Its existence is mentioned a
few times in contemporary epistolography and poetry. In a letter to
Theodorus Canter, October 1588, Lipsius promised to enroll the
latter' s sons in the 'collegium oratorium', which, he explained, he had
founded to exercise students in rhetorical practice.3 In a letter to Cor
nells Aerssens, January 1591, he was positive that Aerssens' son would
benefit from going to the collegium.4 Another pupil we know by name
is Joannes Hemelaers, who reminded Lipsius that he had taken part
in the exercises, shortly before Lipsius himself was finally to leave
Leiden university.5

2 I have not come across any traces of it in the records of the university, nor in the
useful clues to these records, P. C. Molhuysen, Bronnen tot de geschiedenis der Leidsche
Universiteit, I-VII ('s-Gravenhage, 1913-1924) and H. J. Witkam. De dagelijkse zaken
van de Leidse universiteit van 1581 tot 1596 (Leiden, 1970-1975).
3 Iusti Lipsi Epistolae 11I, ed. S. Sué and H. Peeters (Brussel, 1987), p. 137, letter no.
656 (88 10 10): "collegium oratorium quod hic institui ad exercitia". This collegium has
nothing to do with the Paedagogium or the Collegium Theologicum and the annotation
relating to the passage quoted is not relevant.
4 G. Delprat, Lettres inédites de Juste Lipse concernant ses relations avec les hommes
d'Etat des Provinces Unies des Pays-Bas principalement pendant les années 1580-1597
(Amsterdam, 1858), p. 56 (letter 1591 01 21): "filium tuum in Collegium oratorium
venire prorsus mihi ex usu eius videtur".
5 P. Burmannus, Sylloges epistolarum a viris illustrious scriptarum tomi V (Leiden
1727), I, 84 (letter 1591 06 18): "Agnosces igitur me ex discipulis esse tuis unum et
sub te Rhetoricis exercitiis non multo tempore ante tuum Lugduno nostra discessum
aliquando vacasse". Lipsius left Leiden in March 1591.
326 С. L. HEESAKKERS

However, the most extensive information about the collegium we owe

to young Janus Dousa, the son of Lipsius' great friend, the first curator
and librarian of the university, Janus Dousa Pater. Dousa Filius left us a
poem he had written when, on behalf of the Collegium, he had to present
his teacher a laurel wreath.6 Another of his poems seems to imply that
the collegium was located in the house of the printer and professor of
Hebrew, Franciscus Raphelengius, since the latter was honoured for his
hospitality with a painting of Hercules after one of the sessions. This
time again, it appears to be Dousa's task to deliver the gift, since he
wrote and probably recited the text that accompanied the handing-over
of the painting: "To Fr. Raphelengius the Father, when, on behalf of the
collegium, he was offered a panel on which a Hercules Gallicus was
painted".7 Another trace of young Dousa's active participation in the
exercises, which also confirms the location of the Collegium in Raphe
lengius' house, is found in the catalogue of the second auction of the
library of the philologist Petrus Scriverius, held in Amsterdam, August
1663. No. 89 of this catalogue mentions: "Two orations on thunder and
on lightning held by Janus Dousa in the collegium oratorium that was
founded by Lipsius in the house of Raphelengius".8
Soon after Lipsius' departure from Leiden, March 1591, the enthusiasm
for rhetorical practice seems to have faded away, notwithstanding the

6 J. Dousa Filius, Poemata, ed. Guil. Rabus (Rotterdam, 1704), p. 203: "Ad J. Lip-
sium, quum ei J. Dousa F. Collegii Oratorii nomine coronam Lauream offerret". The text
runs as follows:
Lipsi, quem alumnum vindicemque Musarum
Virens corona perpeti beat Fama,
Cape banc corollam, quam tibi recens tortam
Antistiti omnis elegantiae priscae,
Lubens volensque debitum offero munus.
Tu floriferti hoc macte messe cum Sacris,
Velisque nobis Divus esse Robigo.
О semper usurpande mentibus nostris
Absens, ut oculis quondam et auribus praesens.
7 J. Dousa Filius. Poemata, ed. Guil. Rabus (Rotterdam, 1704), p. 203-204: "Ad
Fr. Raphelengium, quum Collegii nomine eidem Tabula Herculem Gallicum depictum
repraesentans offerretur".
8 Libri appendiciarii Bibliothecae Scriverianae , quae audio publica distrib. 8 Aug.
1663 (Amsterdam, 1663), No. 89: "Jani Dousae... orationes duae de tonitru et fulgure
habitae in collegio oratorio quod Lugduni in aedibus Raphelengii instituerat Lipsius",
quoted by E. van Gulik, 'Drukkers en geleerden. De Leidse Officina Plantiniana (1583-
1619)', in Leiden University in the Seventeenth Century. An Exchange of Learning, ed.
Th. H. Lunsingh Scheurleer — G. H. M. Posthumus Meyjes (Leiden, 1975), pp. 367-393
(p. 390, n. 55).
 AN LIPSIO LICUIT ET CUNAEO QUOD MIHI NON LICET? 327

presence of a special professor of rhetoric since 1588. The reason might

have been, that this professor, Henricus Bredius (t 1621), who never seems
to have published anything, was obviously not a great teacher or scholar.

1.2. Petrus Cunaeus' Collegium oratorium (1620)

According to the records of the university, it was the students who
asked for lessons in rhetorical practice in 1620, that is, asked for a 'Col
legium oratorium' to be set up. The Board of Curators and Burgomasters
granted the request on 10 August with the appointment of a head of
these rhetorical exercises. This was not the old professor of rhetoric,
Bredius, but the young professor of Latin and Law, Petrus Cunaeus
(1586-1638).9 Rector and Professors were ordered to recommend the
exercises to the students and to publicize them by means of an official
programme, "publico programmate".10 Cunaeus was ordered to prepare
himself to open the institution with a public oration." On 12 October the
Board sent for Cunaeus to ask him if he was ready with the preparation
of his oration. Cunaeus confessed to needing some more time, but four
weeks later, on 10 November he opened his new institution with the
oration entitled "Exercitationum oratoriarum, quae autoritate publica in
Academia Leydensi institutae sunt, inauguratio, Academiae Curatorum
et Urbis Consulum mandatu facta".12 On the 'dies Natalis' of the
university, 8 February 1621 the Board decided on the salary of the direc
tor, which was to be 300 guilders annually. Moreover, the Curators and
Burgomasters granted Cunaeus a gift of 36 guilders for dedicating them
his printed oration.13

9 Leiden, Univ. Libr., ms AC 21, fol. lxxvv: The Curators and Burgermasters, "ver-
staende dat verscheijden studenten trachtende sich in eloquentiae studio te oeffenen
versochten een collegium oratorium privato publiucum opgerecht te werden, hebben
versocht ende oock bewilligt D. Petrum Cunaeum Iuris professorem om de directie
vantt voorsz collegie te hebben"; cf. P. C. Molhuysen, Bronnen tot de geschiedenis der
Leidsche Universiteit, II ('s-Gravenhage, 1916), p. 95; E. Bronchorstius, Diarium, ed.
J. С. van Slee, ('s-Gravenhage, 1898), p. 158, at 10 November 1620: "Habuit orationem
P. Cunaeus de Laudibus eloquentiae. Curatores illi mandarunt potestatem instituendi
collegium oratorium et decreverunt ut in eo studiosos habendis orationibus instrueret
et exerceret".
10 Leiden, Univ. Libr., ms AC 21, fol. lxxvv, and fol. lxxxiiif, where the official decree,
dated 14 october 1620, is found.
11 Leiden, Univ. Libr., ms AC 21, fol. lxxvv; "publicque declamatie dese exercita-
tiones oratorias sal inaugureren".
12 First edition Leiden 1621.
13 Leiden, Univ. Libr., ms AC 21, fol. xciiijv; cf. Molhuysen, Bronnen II, 101.
328 С. L. HEESAKKERS

However, we know next to nothing about the daily practice of Cunaeus'

exercises. It is possible that systematic investigation of Cunaeus' cor
respondence might yield more information. In the funeral oration for
Cunaeus, Adolfus Vorstius restricted himself to a rather general remark.
After having praised Cunaeus' oratorical gifts, he went on to say: "There
fore, for many years, and as far as his more serious responsibilities and
functions permitted, he lead the way to the glory of true eloquence with
official authorisation for the benefit of the noble youth".14

1.3. Marcus Zuerius Boxhornius' Collegium oratorium (1636)

In the 1620's, Cunaeus had become an outstanding professor and an
important jurist who was often consulted by governmental institutions in
The Hague. This may explain why his activities as the director of the
rhetorical exercises soon had to give way to "the more serious responsi
bilities and functions" mentioned by Vorstius, and therefore declined
and finally completely stopped. Two years before his death, continues
Vorstius, the Board relieved him from his position and appointed Marcus
Boxhornius as his successor.15
According to the records of the Curators, the initiative for this appoint
ment came from Boxhornius himself. In 1632, Marcus Zuerius Boxhor
nius (1612-1653) received permission to teach Eloquence for one year.
In 1633, he became an extraordinarius professor of Eloquence. In
August 1636, he approached the Curators and Burgomasters with the
request, "to be charged with the direction of a 'Collegium oratorium
publicum', in which students could have the opportunity to exercise
themselves in the public delivery of speeches within the university".16

14 A. Vorstius, Oratio funebris in obitum Petri Cunaei (Leiden, 1639), quoted after:
P. Cunaeus, Orationes, ed. C. Cellarius (Leipzig, 1735), p. 580-1: "Hinc multos per
annos, et quamdiu per graviores curas aс functiones licuit, juventuti generosae, ex publica
autoritate, ad verae eloquentiae laudem viam praeivit".
15 Vorstius. Oratio, p. 581: "A quo onere Curatorum ac Consulum humanitas, jam
ultra biennium est, quod eum absolvent; relicto tamen laboris praeteriti eodem il li
praemio, ac muneris ejusdem functione translata in clarissimum, et rei inprimis idoneum.
Marcum Boxhornium" (More than two years ago, the Curators and Burgomasters kindly
relieved him from his responsibilities but continued to pay him the salary he had received
in the past for his work, and transferred his position to the illustrious Marcus Boxhornius,
who was well equipped for this task).
16 Leiden, Univ. Libr., ms AC 21, fol. ccix: They comply with "het versoeck vanden
selven Boxhornius gedaen om vereert te werden met de directie van een collegium Ora
torium publicum, in t welck de Studenten sich souden oefenen met openbaerlick inde
Academie te peroreren".
 AN LIPSIO LICOU ET CUNAEO QUOD MIHI NON LICET? 329

In the official decree, the Board asked the Rector and the Senate to
arrange a suitable room for the exercises and to publicize them by means
of an official programme, "publico programmate".17 This sounds very
much like an echo of Cunaeus' appointment in 1620. At the same time,
this text suggests that in 1636 Cunaeus' institution had ceased to exist
for some years, for otherwise the request of Boxhornius, then only
twenty four years old, would have been quite disloyal, imprudent and
inopportune. Moreover, the local arrangements for these exercises would
still have existed.
Unfortunately, apart from the inaugural oration "De maiestate Elo-
quentiae Romanae", delivered in the university when he was created
head of the collegium,18 once more no further information about the
exercises Boxhornius organised and presided over, seems available. A
later step, however, taken in 1643 by Boxhornius, who in the meantime
had become ordinarius professor of Eloquence, seems to be in line
with his former initiative. This time, he asked the University Board,
at the request of Dutch and foreign students, for permission to organise
public disputations within the faculty of Politica. In 1648, Boxhornius
exchanged his chair of Eloquence for the most prestigious chair of
History, which implied that he had to stop his teaching of Eloquence.19

1.4. The disappointing results of the Leiden Collegia oratoria

One gets the impression, that the initial attempts and enthusiasm of
both Cunaeus and Boxhornius to introduce oratorical delivery into the
discipline of Eloquence soon floundered. This impression is confirmed
by a document about the decline of academic teaching during the
following decades, drawn up by the Rector and the Senate on 23 March
1670. The document points to earlier attempts to improve the teaching,
remarking that Curators and Burgomasters "had already instituted a
'Collegium exercitationum oratoriarum' in 1620 for this purpose under
the supervision and the directorship of the late Professor Cunaeus. The

17 Leiden, Univ. Libr., ms AC 21, fol. ccixv; the exercises are called "declamatien
ofte oratien".
18 M. Z. Boxhornius, Oratio inauguralis De maiestate Eloquentiae Romanae. Habita
in Academia Batavorum, cum Collegij Oratorum publici Praeses creatus esset (Leiden.
1636).
19 H. Wansink, Politieke wetenschappen aan de Leidse universiteit /575-1/650
(Utrecht, 1981), p. 94, states that Boxhornius continued to be the director of the collegium
oratorium, but as far as I can see he gives no references for this statement.
330 С. L. HEESAKKERS

latter, to kindle enthusiasm for these exercises in the students, delivered

a splendid oration, which thanks to its being printed has come into
everybody's hands and contains many subjects which pertain to the
problems in question. Nevertheless, in spite of all his efforts, he was not
able to achieve much, even though in those days the students were much
better equipped for such activities, stayed at the academy for a longer
period than nowadays, and had themselves asked for such exercises.
Later the same attempts of Mr Boxhornius had similar results".20
The absence of rhetorical practice in the decade before the document
quoted, in the 1660's, is explained in an explicit statement of a former
student. This student matriculated in Leiden in August 1 662 and remained
there until about 1668. Looking back at the academic education he had
received, he later stated "that the whole practice of oratorical delivery
had fallen into disuse and as far as I remember, no orations at all were
delivered in Leiden during the period I studied there".21 Referring to the
Leiden 'Collegium oratorium' in the same context, he mentioned Lipsius
and Cunaeus by name, but completely overlooked Boxhornius.22 So, the
fame of the latter's oratorical exercises in Leiden was even shorter lived
than that of his predecessors.
What Cunaeus and Boxhornius failed to achieve in Leiden, this same
student went on to accomplish in Amsterdam with great éclat.

2. The Athenaeum Illustre of Amsterdam

In 1631 the University of Leiden was unpleasantly surprised to hear

that another academic seat of learning was to be set up within the

20 Leiden. Univ. Libr., ms ASF 295, fol. 109-1 10, published in Molhuysen, Bronnen,
III, 1918, p. 229*-230*: (fol. 1 10 and p. 230*) The Curators and Burgomasters "hebben al
in den iaere 1620 gelijck desseyn gehadt tot dien eynde instituerende een collegium exerci-
tationum oratoriarum onder de opsight ende directie van wijlent d'heer Professor Cunaeus,
die omme de studenten daer toe te animeren heeft gedaen een treffelicke oratie, die door
den druck in ieders handen is gecoomen, in de welcke vele dyngen tot het jegenwoordich
subiect dienende occureren. Maer heeft de selve ende alle sijnen arbeyt weynich te wege
kunnen brengen; hoewel in die tijt de studenten daer toe bequamer waeren, langer op de
Academie bleven, als sy tegenwoordich doen, ende selff soodanige exercitien versoght
hadden. Het welck naderhandt by D. Boxhornio is getenteert met gelijck succes".
21 Francius, Orationes 1705, p. 415: "Rem omnem in desuetudinem abiisse constat,
nec ullas esse Leidae orationes habitas memini quando ego ill io studiorum gratia fui".
22 Francius, Orationes 1705, p. 408: "An in Academia proxima Lipsio licuit et
Cunaeo, quod in hoc mihi Atheneo non licet?" (Should what has been permitted Lipsius
and Cunaeus in the nearby university, be prohibited to me in this Athenaeum?).
 AN LIPSIO LICUIT ET CUNAEO QUOD MIHI NON LICET? 33 1

Province of Holland. Furthermore the increasingly flourishing city of

Amsterdam was becoming the cultural and literary metropolis, not only
of Holland, but also of the whole Republic of the United Provinces. In
1617 Samuel Coster had already founded his 'Neerlandtsch Academia',
or 'Duytsche Academie', where both dramatic performances and other
cultural and academic events were to take place, not in Latin however,
but in Dutch. This had been a private initiative. In 1631 the local govern
ment of Amsterdam itself decided to found an institute for elementary
academic instruction, a so-called 'Athenaeum Illustre'. The Leiden Uni
versity vehemently opposed the foundation of such an institute, claiming
a monopoly on academic teaching within the Province of Holland.
Amsterdam, however, successfully carried out its plan23. For Leiden the
pill was even more bitter, because the Athenaeum started its lessons with
two former Leiden professors. One of them, Caspar Barlaeus (1584-
1648), had been dismissed as a professor in 1620, after the Synod of
Dordrecht, and was free to go where he wanted. The other, however,
Gerardus Joannes Vossius (1577-1649), was one of Leiden's outstand
ing professors when he was enticed to exchange the university for the
Athenaeum, not in the least because of the generous salary Amsterdam
had offered him. Vossius opened the Athenaeum with his oration De
historiae utilitate on 8 January 1632, and Barlaeus delivered his well
known oration Mercator sapiens the next day.
Initially, the disciplines History and Politica were taught by Vossius
and Philosophy was taught by Barlaeus. Soon other disciplines were
added with varying success. After the death of the pioneers Barlaeus
and Vossius in the late 1640's, however, the Athenaeum was not very
succesfull in finding new professors. Nevertheless, according to a mono
graph about the history of Amsterdam, the programme numbered six
disciplines in 1663, one of them being Eloquence. Its chair was occupied
by Robertus Keuchenius, who had permission to teach eloquence in
1661 and delivered an oration De Fato eloquentiae Romanae in 1666
but soon afterwards disappeared from Amsterdam. In 1668 M. Meiboom
was charged with the teaching of History, Letters and Eloquence, but
in 1670 he was dismissed. Abraham Faber took over, but obviously
not with great success. An oration "On the study of Eloquence", was
delivered on 14 March 1672, not however by Faber, but by a young

23 Cf. С. L. Heesakkers, 'Foundation and Early Development of the Athenaeum Illustre

at Amsterdam", Lias, 9 (1982), 3-18.
332 С. L. HEESAKKERS

citizen, Petras Francius. Due to the confused political circumstances of

the time, this oratorical début did not result in his appointment as a pro
fessor at the Athenaeum. Faber was not moved to the vacant chair of
Jurisprudence until 1674 when the teaching of Eloquence was officially
handed over to Francius.

3. PETRUS FRANCIUS AND RHETORICAL PRACTICE IN THE

AMSTERDAM ATHENAEUM ILLUSTRE

Notwithstanding an extensive collection of Latin poetry and oratory,

Petras Francius (1645-1704) does not enjoy a great deal of attention in
the field of Neo-Latin studies. He was bom too late to be included in
the Bibliographie de l'humanisme des Anciens Pays-Bas, which stops at
about 1650. His name appears in the first edition of Usewijn's Com
panion to Neo-Latin Studies, but disappeared in the second edition.24 So
a concise biographical overview may be useful.25

3.1. Francius' schooling

Born in Amsterdam, Francius was sent to the local Latin School,
headed by the popular rector Adrianus Junius at that time. It was this
"most worthy school principal, the best one this city ever has had or
ever will have",26 who directed Francius' main attention to the poetical
work of Ovid. After his years at the Latin School, Francius matriculated
at Leiden university in August 1662. Jacobus Fredericus Gronovius
(1611-1671), professor of Greek and History, became his most influ
ential teacher. In 1667 Francius published his first poetry, a small epic
on Peace, Carmen De Pace. On 10 January 1668, the Grand Duke
of Florence, Cosimo de' Medici, paid a visit to the university, where

24 Bibliographie de l'humanisme des Anciens Pays-Bas, ed. A. Gerlo - H. D. L. Vervliet

(Bruxelles, 1972); lidem, Supplément 1970-1985, ed. M. De Schepper, avec la coll. de
C. L. Heesakkers (Bruxelles, 1988); J. Usewijn, Companion to Neo-Latin Studies
(Amsterdam - New York -Oxford, 1977), p. 125; the same work, Part I, second entirely
rewritten edition (Leuven, 1990).
25 For more details and references and for a bibliography of Francius' works, see
C. L. Heesakkers, 'De hoogleraar in de Welsprekendheid Petrus Francius (1645-1704)',
in Athenaeum Illustre, eds. Haitsma Mulier et alii (Amsterdam, 1997, forthcoming).
26 Cf. Francius, Posthuma 1706, Oratio Pro Eloquentia, p. 67: "Adrianus Junius, urbis
huius Gymnasiarcha dignissimus; quo meliorem nec habuit unquam haec civitas, nec
habebit".
 AN LIPSIO LICUIT ET CUNAEO QUOD MIHI NON LICET? 333

he was welcomed with a polished Latin oration by Gronovius. After

the session, leaflets with poems of others were distributed. Among the
authors, we find Nicolas Heinsius, Cosimo's guide around the Uni
versity buildings, and the student Francius. These poems were, of
course, incorporated in the printed edition of Gronovius' oration of the
same year.
The following year Francius started his Grand Tour. We hear about
plans to travel to England, but probably these plans were changed. The
first letters from abroad came from Paris, where Francius met with the
Jesuit and poet Renatus Rapinus. In Angers he received his doctor's
degree. In June 1670 he arrived in Geneva and in the period November
1670 to March 1671 his letters come from Rome. During his stay at
Naples, it is said, he paid a visit to the tomb of Virgil, and gathered
leaves from the laurel on top of it, to carry back as presents for his
friends in Holland. Passing through Florence, he was warmly received
by Grand Duke Cosimo, and introduced to the famous librarian, Antonio
Magliabechi. Some time before July 1671, Francius returned to Amster
dam. As far as regards his literary studies, Francius later declared, that
he had spent the whole triennium of his travel immersed in reading
Virgil and, later on, Horace.27

3.2. Francius' professorship and his public deliveries

As we have seen, Francius somehow started his career at the Athenaeum

in March 1672, without yet being officially appointed as a teacher, with
the delivery of an oration on the study of eloquence, De studio Eloquentiae.
This first public appeareance was to be followed by an impressive num
ber of similar performances. Within thirty-two years Francius delivered
a total of at least fifty orations in prose or pieces of heroic or elegiac
poetry, or even a combination of both. A few of the orations were in
Greek. Usually the venue was the great lecture-hall in the Athenaeum,
but his most solemn performances were part of celebrations held in the
New Church. A list of these performances is included in the Appendix at
the end of this contribution.
On 20 March 1674, before his appointment as a professor, Francius
celebrated the recent peace treaty with England of 19 February with the
delivery of his heroic poem Irenicon. Two days later the municipality

27 Saeculum Aureum, Amsterdam 1689, Francius Lectori.

334 С. L. HEESAKKERS

decided on his appointment for the chair of History. The recitation of the
Irenicon was a valid excuse not to deliver an inaugural lecture; instead
Francius prepared an oration De historiae utilitate (On the utility of
History), to serve as the opening lecture of his course on Livy on
20 April. The title sounded familiar to the Amsterdam audience, for
Vossius had used it for his oration during the opening ceremony of the
Athenaeum in 1632.
A highlight in Francius' career as an orator was his part in the funeral
celebrations of Holland's most famous sea hero, Michiel de Ruyter,
who fell in April 1676 in a naval battle off the coast of Sicily near
Mount Etna. The hero's body was carried to Holland and it arrived in
Amsterdam in February 1677. The entombment took place on 18 March
in the New Church, where Ludovicus Wolzogen, professor of Church
History at the Athenaeum, delivered the funeral sermon. The next day
a second ceremony followed in a packed New Church. Part of the
audience were the representatives of the town, the province of Holland,
the States General and the personal representative of the stadtholder
William III of Orange, the courtier and poet Constantine Huygens. The
most substantial part of this ceremony was the delivery of a Latin
'epicedium' of more than a thousand lines by Francius, standing in front
of the tomb. It is said, that the commander in charge, the soldier and
Latin poet Broukhusius, addressed the visitors at the door of the church
in Latin because of the overcrowding and refused entrance to those who
did not give an acceptable response and proved not to understand this
language. The epicedium was soon published both in Latin and in a
Dutch translation.

3.3. Eloquentia Exterior: oratorical presentations by his students

In 1686 Francius' function was enlarged with the teaching of Greek.

He opened his course in Greek with an oration on the usefulness and
eminence of this language, "De usu et praestantia linguae Graecae".
It was his first oration after a break from oratorical delivery of exactly
six years. In the autumn of the same year, Francius started a series of
three declamations of heroic poetry he had written about important
military events in Europe. The series closed with a fourth poem in May
1687, and after being published separately, the poems were gathered
together in a new publication, Laurus Europea. In this booklet, Francius
enlarged the poetry with a concise commentary in his own hand.
 AN LIPSIO LICUIT ET CUNAEO QUOD MIHI NON LICET? 335

3.3.1. Cicero's orations recited

With four more declamations, the year 1687 was a climax for Francius'
oratorical delivery. Moreover, these declamations add to our under
standing Francius' teaching of rhetorical practice. Ten years earlier, in
1677, in his oration about combining the study of literature with that of
eloquence, De conjungendo Litterarum et Eloquentiae Studio, Francius
had defended the need for exercising practical oratory. Obviously his
students had to learn orations from Latin antiquity by heart and to
publicly recite them. Francius admitted that this method had met with
criticism, but was firmly convinced of its use to develop rhetorical
talents. Within a short time, he promised, some of his students would
give public proofs of the progress they had already made and of the skill
they had acquired.28
Ten years later, in 1687, Francius was more explicit about his method.
It had been his conviction that his students, memorizing Cicero's orations,
would at the same time acquire some of the latter's stylistic qualities.
This would automatically lead them to compose their own orations in
the long run. Francius, however, confessed after all that he had been
disappointed in as far as his students had never dared to take the step
from presenting Ciceronian orations to reciting orations composed by
themselves. That was the reason why he had stopped the public pre
sentations in the Athenaeum and veiled himself in silence, although his
students continued to work on their presentations privately. Subsequently,
however, a student from Leiden who was spending his holidays in
Amsterdam, uttered a wish to practice oratory under Francius' direction
and a few other students joined him. So Francius finally had the oppor
tunity to start a 'Collegium oratorium' once more.29

28 Orationes 1705, pp. 35-64 (p. 35): "Cumque jam discipulorum meorum nonnulli
annum unum aut alteram hisce studiis invigilare atque incumbere pergant, nec contem-
nendos in iis progressus fecerint, jamque aliquod vobis documentum laborum suoram, et
publicum industriae suae specimen sint edituri..."; p. 60 Francius' reply to his critics.
29 1687 06 09, Orationes 1705, p. 141: "Quod ante annos complures... factum
sane oportuit et factum jam pridem fuisset, nisi Discipulorum meorum pudore dicam an
diffidentia generosum hoc meum propositum fuisset interpellatum, id novo me ardore
aggressum et hodierno, ut spero, die confectum videbitis"; pp. 144-145: "Venit hic ad me
Juvenis nuper, feriis Canicularibus proximis. Exercere sese, dum feriae essent, et Leida
sine incommodo abesse posset, in studio Oratorio petiit. Honestissimae ejus petitioni
deesse non potui, et operani illi promisi meam. Adjunxit se illico unus et alter, et Orato
rium inde conflatum Collegium est. Exercui eos privatim, exercui hoc ipso in loco. Quid
profecerimus, vos judicatis".
336 С. L. HEESAKKERS

3.3.2. A favourite text: Cicero 's Pro Archia

Unfortunately Francius does not tell us which orations were presented
on 9 June 1687. Soon, however, other presentations were to follow. On
10 July the professor mounted the platform — with some hesitation, he
confessed, for it was his sixth recitation within the year's course — to
introduce the declamation of Cicero's orations Pro Archia and Pro Mar-
cello. Obviously, the ceremony was well received by the public; all the
more reason for Francius to open his next course with the presentation
of the same orations, be it in the reverse order. Since the students were still
too young and inexperienced in the art of writing, the 'Eloquentia Interna',
Francius had them practice the art of presenting an oration, the 'Eloquentia
Exterior'. The 'Dictio' and 'Oratio' of what was to be presented, were
Cicero's, but the 'Actio' and 'Pronuntiatio' were the students' own.
Incidentally, learning by heart and the presentation of Cicero's most perfect
Latin ipso facto contributed to the acquisition of a good 'Dictio'30.
It is not surprising that Francius, who had already presented himself
several times as a versatile Latin poet, showed a preference for Cicero's
oration in defence of the Roman poet Archias. Moreover, Cicero had
made a flattering remark about his friend, the actor Roscius in this ora
tion and Francius as an orator obviously felt great affinity with the art
of acting. Actually, he considered an Amsterdam actor, Adam Karelsz,
together with Adrianus Junius mentioned above, as his absolute masters
in the art of oratory, for Karelsz had been for him what Roscius had been
for Cicero.31 It is no wonder, therefore, that the Pro Archia was to turn
up in Francius' teaching in several forms and disguises. In March 1689,
Francius delivered a short oration to introduce a series of presentations
of the Pro Archia by several students on various days. According to this
oration, students save time by listening to each other's deliveries, for
this helps them in memorizing their text. Within a short time, however,
they were going on to memorize other orations too. Francius added, that
he did not expect a large audience at these public performances.32

30 1687 07 10, Orationes 1705. p. 153: "Duplex est enim ac genuinus nostri hujus
exercitii fructus, cum verba Ciceronis ediscendo, recitando, et dictionem ejus pariter
imbibant, et ad illius se Actionem interim Pronuntiationemque componant".
31 For Francius and theatre in Amsterdam, see C. L. Heesakkers, 'Petrus Francius en
het toneel' in Kort Tijt-verdrijff. Opstellen over Nederlands toneel (vanaf ca 1550)
aangeboden aan Mieke B. Smits-Veldt, ed. W. Abrahamse, А. С. G. Fleurkens, M. Meijer
Drees (Amsterdam, 1996), pp. 243-250.
32 1689 03 14, Orationes 1705, pp. 175-7 (p. 176).
 AN LIPSIO LICUIT ET CUNAEO QUOD MIHI NON LICET? 337

A rather surprising manifestation took place on Christmas' Eve

1692. To prepare his audience, Francius explained that eloquence was
not limited to the Latin or Greek language. The Athenaeum happened
to have a young French student within its walls and Francius hap
pened to have a recent translation of the Pro Archia at his disposal,
made by a famous French orator, a member of the Parlement of Paris.
The audience knew that Francius was averse to innovations, but now
he wanted to take advantage of this happy coincidence to confront
his students with the proprieties of pronunciation in the various lan
guages.33
Still more surprising, if not for the contemporary public, then at least
for us, is the session of June following year, for this time Francius
addressed his audience not in Latin, but in Greek, to announce another
presentation of the combined orations Pro Archia and Pro Marcello.
Francius informed the audience that the presentation of the orations was
to be in Greek, just as a recent presentation of Ovidian texts had been,
for the students involved had themselves translated Cicero's texts into
fairly acceptable Greek.34
Five years later, Francius confessed that his audience might be
astonished that he dared to present the Pro Archia, "already so many
times performed", once again. Those people, however, Francius went
on, who had read his recent publication of the oration with his com
mentary — we will come back to that — would understand his
choice. At the end of his own oration, Francius added that the decla
mants were novices, and some of them had only recently entered the
Athenaeum and therefore merited particular consideration from the
audience. Francius came back to this argument, when he closed the
series of declamations which had lasted almost four weeks. He reiter
ated that some participants had arrived after Easter or after Quinqua-
gesima. The last speaker had even less than a month to memorize the
text, but had nevertheless greatly satisfied his teacher. In conclusion,
Francius announced that the students would soon present orations
written by themselves.35

33 1692 12 24, Orationes 1705, pp. 336-43 (p. 337).

34 1693 06 01/02, Orationes 1705, pp. 344-6; p. 345 informs us, that the trans
lation was made by the students. For the presentation of Ovid in Greek, see below
3. 3. 5.
35 1698 06 18, Orationes 1705, pp. 433-6 (p. 433 and p. 435); 1698 07 14, Orationes
1705, pp. 437-439 (p. 438 and p. 439).
338 С. L. HEESAKKERS

3.3.3. Presentations of other Ciceronian orations

As we have already seen, in addition to the Pro Archia the Pro Mar-
cello had also been presented twice, when Francius continued with his
rhetorical practice which he had begun in July 1687. Another oration,
presented shortly before Christmas of the same year, was the Pro Ligario.
Francius introduced the speaker with enthusiasm and praise for the
qualities of this oration. This explains why it was presented a second
time. This time, no introduction by Francius to the student giving the
recitation has been preserved. However, he alluded to a Pro Ligario
recitation in his introduction to the obviously brilliant young student
who was to deliver the Pro Archia in 1698, mentioned above.36 This
undeniably indicates that more, probably many more presentations were
organised by Francius than the number we are able to deduce from his
own introductory orations.
Unfortunately Francius did not reveal to us the name of his favourite
student who delivered the Pro Ligario and the Pro Archia in 1698. On
one other occasion, however, seven years earlier, Francius' introductory
oration to the student performing Cicero's Pro rege Deiotaro offers suf
ficient information as to the latter' s identity. The oration had been
assigned to various students, without, however, having been presented
until that moment. Now, finally, it was to be presented by a student, so
we are informed, who belonged to the senatorial, patrician ranks of the
city, the son of the burgomaster present in the audience. Moreover, he
was the grandson of the late burgomaster and patron of the Athenaeum,
the great Nicolas Tulp, father-in-law of the burgomaster present at the
session. Nicolas Tulp had promoted Francius' entrance in the institute
and exhorted him to deliver his first oration in 1672. Tulp's son-in-law
was Jan Six and the student delivering the recitation was therefore the
latter's son.37 The preface to the Orationes 1705 revealed his name, viz.

36 1698 06 18, Orationes 1705, pp. 433-6 (p. 434): "Vidistis non ita pridem quanta
sit vis eloquentiae, quid pars illius exterior praestare, vel sola, possit, cum disertissimi
Oratoris disertissimam pro Ligario Orationem, non sine summa omnium admiratione,
quam e vultu vestro legere potui, disertissimus vobis Juvenis repraesentaret" (You have
seen what strength eloquence possesses, what effect the performance on its own is able to
achieve at the time, not long ago, when the most eloquent young man delivered for you
— with the admiration of the whole audience, as I could read on your faces — the most
eloquent oration Pro Ligario by the most eloquent Orator Cicero).
37 1691 03 19, Orationes 1705, pp. 273-8 (p. 275): "hanc vobis recitabit, Auditores,
ac pronuntiabit Orationem ordinis hic Senatorii, ordinis Patricii Juvenis" (this oration,
Listeners, will be recited and pronounced by this young man of senatorial, of patrician
 AN LIPSIO LICUIT ET CUNAEO QUOD MIHI NON LICET? 339

Diederik, and added that this Diederik was honoured to be chosen to

deliver Francius' large panegyric on Amsterdam, the Amstelaedami Laus
in the following year, on 28 January 1692.38
In Francius' introductory oration to the recitation of Cicero's double
oration Post reditum, one held in the Senate and the other for the people
of Rome, it reads that not only gifted students were elected to represent
a Ciceronian oration. Francius publicly stated, that the student, to whom
the audience had already listened on a previous occasion, had not
much talent, but that he had nevertheless developed himself through
practice into a fairly good speaker, and could now compete with the
most talented.39
Francius speaks about one student only, which seems to imply that
this student delivered both the orations. However, considering the praxis
we have described until now, this seems to be rather surprising and
improbable. There is even one example of a presentation of an oration,
the Pro lege Manilla, which Francius divided between two students.
This was one of the last performances conducted by Francius. He
opened it with an interesting introductory oration. In this he argued that
the three 'genera causarum', the deliberative, the adhortative and the
demonstrative genre, could be reduced to only one, for they all tried to
convince the audience of the excellence of something, be it the point
of view to be chosen, the aim to be striven for, or the virtues of a person,
a city and so on. So all oratory belongs, in a way, to the 'genus demon-
strativum', within which the 'genus laudativum', the panegyric, is the
most common one. Unfortunately, Cicero has not left us a specimen of a
formal panegyric. There are, however, marvellous examples of the genre
within his orations, such as the eulogies on Sicily and Syracuse in the
In Verrem orations, on Poetica and Eloquentia in the Pro Archia,

rank" (p. 277): Francius is happy to introduce the grandson of him, "qui in hunc ipse me
locum produxit primus. Anni sunt prope viginiti, meministi, Consul,... cum... hujus
ipsius loci tutela ac salutare praesidium, Nicolaus Tulpius, amplissimus socer tuus, e privata
me vita in publicum, e tenebris in lucem protraxit. Hujus ego hortatu primam meam ex
hoc suggestu Orationem habui, et, nisi tempora obstitissent, jam turn adeptus fuissem,
quod exacto deinde biennio sim consecutus" (who just singled me out to stand on this
pulpit. For it is almost twenty years ago, — you will remember, Burgomaster — when the
patron and beneficial protector of this same place, Nicolas Tulp, your illustrious father-in-
law, drew me from private into public life, from the darkness to the light. On his urging,
I delivered my first oration from this pulpit and, if times had not being opposed to it,
already then I would have obtained what I obtained two years later).
38 Orationes I705, fol. *3v.
39 1690 06 28, Orationes 1705, pp. 259-61 (p. 261).
340 С. L. HEESAKKERS

on 'dementia' and 'bonitas', mercy and goodness (of Caesar) in Pro

Marcello, Pro Ligario and Pro rege Deiotaro. Francius' characterisation
of those orations seems to offer us the key to his way of making the
selection from the large number of Cicero's orations. The Pro lege
Manilía too contains a eulogy, viz. on Pompey, and this was, again, the
reason to choose this text. It was to be presented, as already mentioned,
in two parts by two students, with the advantage of relieving them from
too much memorizing and adding to the audience's enjoyment.40
At least four more orations of Francius served as introductions to the
delivery of Ciceronian orations. In two cases this is indicated in the title
itself, announcing the presentation of "nonnullae e Cicerone Miscellae
orationes" (1690), some orations, and "quaedam e Cicerone" (1702),
some texts from Cicero. The contents of the two orations De ratione
declamandi (1696 and 1697) also suggest that they preceded the decla
mation of one or more Ciceronian orations. None of these introductory
texts of Francius contains further specifications as to which orations of
Cicero were to be presented by the students.

3.3.4. Demosthenes in Greek

Only one year after "having broken new ground and started his
rhetorical exercises and public recitations" and not being very certain
about its success, Francius experienced considerable satisfaction and
was strongly encouraged, that his own students suggested a new experi
ment (1688). After their presentation of Latin texts, they were eager to
memorize Greek texts for similar exercises. The choice of these texts,
as Francius continues in his introductory oration to the session, was not
difficult, for the natural Greek counterpart to Cicero's Latin orations
were those of Demosthenes. Francius had chosen a short oration to the
Athenian citizens when they were discussing the letter of the angry King
Philippus of Macedonia. The illustrious student, who dared to tread new
and untested paths, merited the special attention of the audience.41
Obviously, the audience did not disappoint the student and his teacher,
for the success encouraged Francius to organize a second performance

40 1704 03 17, Orationes 1705, pp. 604-8.

41 1788 05 12, Orationes 1705, pp. 168-71 (p. 168): "nova plane via atque inusitata,
Oratorii hujus exercitii nostri et publicarum Recitationum initium feci"; p. 171: "juvenem
nunc ornatissimum in novo atque insolito dicendi stadio decurrentem". The recited text is
Demosthenes, Oratio XI, which counts six pages in the Oxford edition by S. H. Butcher.
The authorship of Demosthenes is doubtful.
 AN LIPSIO LICUIT ET CUNAEO QUOD MIHI NON LICET? 34 1

of Demosthenes. This time, the funeral oration of the Athenian author on

the soldiers fallen in the battle of Chaeronea against Philippus was to be
recited, hopefully with similar success. Francius was well aware of the
uniqueness of these performances in Greek, for he predicted that the
audience was to listen to something which might never be heard again.42
And indeed, no more presentations of original Greek texts have been
recorded. That is not to say, however, that Greek recitations were to
disappear completely. Indeed, the presentation of Cicero's Pro Archia
and Pro Marcello in Greek translations has already been mentioned, and
another example of this procedure will be discussed in the next section.

3.3.5. Recitations ofpoetical texts; Ovid and others

Two years after the Demosthenes recitations, Francius seems to have
forgotten them, for he declared that only Ciceronian texts had been pre
sented until then and that now he was going to offer something different
for the first time, viz. a recitation of poetical texts. Such a recitation,
Francius added, was rather unusual and demanded more effort from
the students. Moreover, texts suitable for recitation because of their ora
torical qualities were scarce. His choice for the performance had fallen
on a poem "On Civil War" by Petronius and on the Elegia ad Liviam.
To Francius' regret, the authorship of this elegy was doubtful, but it had
great rhetorical qualities, and therefore could very well be the work of
Ovid, to whom is has sometimes been ascribed, although others names
are proposed as well.43
After the presentation of the Elegia ad Liviam and the holidays
following it, Francius directed the students' attention to a text which
was certainly Ovid's. As we have seen, Ovid was a favourite poet of
Francius since his schooldays, and he would continue to be so through
out Francius' life. In 1689 Francius published three booklets containing
transcriptions in elegiac distichs by four students of passages from
Ovid's Metamorphoses, results of poetical exercises. Francius added his
own transcription to the transcriptions of the third passage, the well-
known Pyramus and Thisbe story. But Ovid's masterpiece was used for
rhetorical exercises as well. Two speeches from Book XIII were used

42 1788 07 07, Orationes 1705, pp. 172-4 (p. 174): "id unum vobis affirmo,... id
audituros vos, Auditores, quod nunquam fortasse in posterum audietis".
43 1690 07 10, Orationes 1705, pp. 262-6 (p. 263): "Sed nihil vobis exhibuimus
hactenus, nisi de Tulliano depromptum, et soluto sermone conscriptum".
342 С. L. HEESAKKERS

three times in a combined oratorical presentation, including the very last

one in Francius' career, scarcely five weeks before his death.
In the performance following the recitation of Petronius and the Elegy
to Livia, Francius again introduced an innovation. He announced that
the two famous speeches of Aiax and Ulysses, disputing their rights to
Achilles' suit of armour, were going to be recited. This time, however,
the audience would not, as usual, listen to texts which were merely
"aliena" and recited in their original form, but to texts which were partly
"nostra", "our own", for Francius had the students make a Latin prose
version of Ovid's hexameters. So, as well as the 'Actio' and 'Pronun-
tiatio', the 'Elocutio', the idiom of the prose, was this time a students'
contribution.44
One year later Ovid's two speeches were subject to another experiment.
The first surprise for the audience was the language Francius used in his
opening speech: it was his first oration written and delivered in Greek.
He informed his public that the two students who had presented the
speeches in a prose version of their own last year, were now to have the
two Greek heroes argue in their mother tongue. The Greek version was
probably in prose and composed by the students, just as students were to
translate the orations of Cicero delivered in Greek in June 1693, as we
have seen above.45
It seems almost symbolic, that Francius' favourite author from his
youth, Ovid, provided the material for what was to be his last professo
rial activity at the Athenaeum. On 14 July 1704, Francius had for the last
time gathered together his beloved Amsterdam audience. In his opening
speech, he reminded his listeners of the presentations of the Ovidian
speeches of Aiax and Ulysses from Ovid's Metamorphoses in prose and
in Greek, some ten or twelve years ago. Now, however, he had charged
two of his students to present the texts in their sweetest original poetical
version. In the preface to the posthumous edition of Francius' orations,
we are informed that the two orations were given by Egbertus Wildius
and Petras Vlamingius. Vlamingius (1686-1733) was to become a suc
cessful poet and editor of Latin and Dutch poetry.46

44 1690 10 09, Orationes 1705, 267-72.

45 1691 10 29, Orationes 1705, 279-81. For the Greek translations of Cicero's Pro
Archia and Pro Marcello, see above, 3. 3. 2.
46 1704 07 14, Orationes 1705, pp. 609-11, and "Praefatio", fol. *2r. Another
recitation of a poetical text, Juvenal's Tenth satire, had taken place earlier in that year,
on 25 February, on the initiative of the student involved, see Orationes 1705, pp. 598-
603.
 AN LIPSIO LICUIT ET CUNAEO QUOD MIHI NON LICET? 343

3.3.6. Orations translated into Latin; P. C. Hooft and others

The performances of Latin orations in a Greek or French translation in
the last quarter of the seventeenth century had their counterpart in the
presentation of Latin translations of Greek, French and particularly
Dutch orations in the first decade of the eighteenth century. In July 1701
Francius organized two sessions, for which he had prepared Latin trans
lations of an oration of the Greek bishop Flavian of Antiochia, addressed
to the emperor Theodosius and the oration of the French Huguenot
Petrus Duboscius (Pierre Du Bosc, 1623-1692) concerning the Edict
of Nantes, addressed to the French king Louis XIV. The introductory
orations of Francius do not contain much information about the presen
tation, but the edition of the translations, which soon followed, reveals
the names of the performing students, Isaacus ab Heule and Reinerus
Stapel. In his "Lectori", Francius showed his satisfaction with the large
gathering at the performance and added that he moreover had advised
the students to translate the orations into Dutch, but that he doubted,
whether they had followed this advice.47
Dutch literature itself provided the texts for the last public activity of
that same year at the Athenaeum. Already in his Amstelaedami Laus,
Francius had argued that the Dutch literary work he most admired was
the Historien of Pieter Corneliszoon Hooft (1581-1647). He praised this
work even more when he introduced the recitation of two orations taken
from it. These orations were summaries of the orations by the counsel
lors of King Philip II of Spain, the Duke of Alva and Philip's confessor
Fresneda. The complete texts in Italian were to be found in a work of
Bentivoglio. Hooft' s abridged versions had been translated into Latin by
the students who were to recite them and, Francius added, whom the
audience had often heard before.48 Since we have just come across the
names of two students, Van Heule and Stapel, from the year 1701 and
will soon meet them again, it is possible that they have also translated
and recited Hooft's orations.

47 1701 07 1 1, Orationes 1705, pp. 537-57; 1701 07 18, Orationes 1705, pp. 558-72;
Flavianí, Episcopi Antiocheni, Ad Theodosium Imperatorem; et Petri du-Boscii Ad Gal-
liarum regem, Ludovicum XIV, Orationes: Quorum primam Isaacus ab Heule; Alteram
Reinerus Stapel; In lllustri Amstel. Athenaeo, Julii XI et XVIII, Publice recitarunt
(Amsterdam, 1701); fol. +2r-v: "Petras Francius Lectori S.". The oration of bishop Fla-
vianus has been included by Johannes Chrysostomus in his "Ad populum Antiochenum
Homilia 21" (Migne, PG 49, coll. 21 1-222).
48 1701 12 29, Orationes I705, pp. 573-578 (p. 577): "Verum, jam ipsas, credo,
audire cupitis Orationes et hos ipsos Oratores nostras, qui in sermonem Latinum e lingua
eas vernacula transtulerunt".
344 С. L. HEESAKKERS

Hooft's Historien provided the material for a series of four public

sessions in the Athenaeum, held on Friday 16, Saturday 17, Monday 19
and Tuesday 20 July 1703 respectively. Francius himself opened every
session with a short oration of his own to explain the choices he had
made. The orations included one by William of Orange to the Princes
of Germany, one by Marnix of St. Aldegonde to the States of Holland,
one by the same at the Diet of Worms, and finally one by the diplomat
Elbertus Leoninus to the States General. To his regret, Francius had
not succeeded in finding the complete original text of the oration of
Leoninus, which had recently been published in Antwerp. In the second
session, Francius confirmed that the first oration was well received and
obviously the audience was satisfied with the others too, for Francius
soon had the texts published, together with his own introductory orations.
Thanks to this edition, once again we know the names of the students,
who gave the recitations and also made the translations. We have met
two of them before, Egbertus Veen de Wilde and Petrus Vlaming; the
others are called Johannes Wolters and Silas a Jaarland. Francius'
address "To the Reader" contains an interesting remark on the translation.
The aim, Francius explained, was not a verbal translation, but rather the
Latin should express the mind of the author. The latter, however, had
used a concise style, which sometimes tended to become obscure. Such
a brevity of style may suit a historical work, but it is less suitable in an
oration. That is the reason why the translations were longer than Hooft's
original texts.49

3.3.7. Original orations of the students

In all the sessions we have come across until now, the students pre
sented "aliena", i.e. texts borrowed from ancient classical literature, be
it in their original form, in a translation from one language into another
or in a transcription from poetry in prose. The only exception was the
presentation of the Amstelaedami laus, a new text which had been written
by Francius for the occasion itself. The ultimate aim of the rhetorical

49 1703 07 16/17/19/20, Orationes 1705, pp. 586-597 (p. 588): "per eos qui recitabunt
in Latinum sermonem conversas". The edition of the Latin translations, Quatuor Orationes,
e Petro Cornelio Hoofdio, in Latinum sermonem translatae. Per Egbertum Veen de Wilde,
Johannem Wolters, Petrum Vlaming, Silam a Jaarland: Et in illustri Amstelaedamensium
Athenaeo, XVI. XVII. XIX. XX. Jul. Ab iisdem habitae (Amsterdam, 1703), contains pp. 3-4
"Petrus Francius Lectori S." and Francius' introductory orations on pp. 5-7, 16-18,
25-27 and 35-37.
 AN LIPSIO LICUIT ET CUNAEO QUOD MIHI NON LICET? 345

exercises, however, was that the students prove their ability to offer their
audience "sua", texts written by themselves. Although Francius sug
gested more than once, e.g. in his orations De ratione declamandi (1696
and 1697), that his students had done so over the years50, we have to
wait until 1701 to find tangible proofs of this level of oratorical skill. In
May 1701, two industrious students, Isaacus ab Heule and Reinerus
Stapel, whose names we have already come across, recited their own
Latin orations "On the Inconstancy of human affairs" and "On Solon's
dictum 'Nobody is happy before his death'". There is no indication that
Francius preceded the delivery by an introductory oration of his own.51
As far as we know, it would be more than two years before other students
dared to follow this example. In July 1703, Abraham de Roemer and
Henricus Chastelain delivered their orations "On the study of History"
and "On the study of Rhetoric". Thus they had written praising orations
on the two disciplines that Francius was teaching. This time the orations
have also been published, with a letter "To the reader" by Francius, in
which he explicitly declared that the subject was not chosen by himself,
but by the students.52 The independence of the students and the length of
the orations presented, 16 and 19 pages respectively in the printed texts,
proved that Francius had finally succeeded in raising some of his pupils
to fully-qualified public speakers in the last year of his life.
50 1697 10 30, Orationes 1705, pp. 392-416 (p. 410-11): "Quis iste porro tarn audax,
qui semper nos aliena, nunquam nostra proferre audeat criminari?... Ab ista me calumnia
liberant praeclara discipulorum meorum specimina, quae et Latine vobis et Graece, et
soluto sermone et stricto, partim aliunde translata, partim per se composita et e sui scrinio
pectoris educta atque deprompta diversis saepe temporibus ediderunt" (so who will be
insolent enough to dare to accuse us, that we always present texts from others and never
our own? I will be exonerated from this slander thanks to the brilliant offerings of my
students, which they, both in Latin and in Greek, in prose and in verse, borrowed from
elsewhere and partly self-composed by their own, generated and inspired by their deepest
self, have presented on several occasions); 1697 06 27, Orationes 1705, pp. 417-32
(p. 427): "Aliena recitant juniores, sua provectiores. Utriusque rei exempla vidistis com-
plura et brevi denuo visuri estis: ut enim hic Ciceronem, ita mox alii alia, hoc est sua, hoc
ipso in loco repraesentabunt" (The younger students recite borrowed texts, the advanced
students their own ones. You have seen several examples of both kinds and shortly you
will see others, for just as today's orator will present Cicero, so others will present other
texts, that is, their own from this same pulpit".
51 Isaaci ab Heule Oratio De rerum humanarum Insconstantia: Et Reineri Stapel
Oratio Super dicto Solonis, Nemo ante mortem beatus: Habitae in Illustri Amstelaed.
Athenaeo VI et IX Maß (Amsterdam 1701). The booklet contains a "Petrus Francius
Lectori S.", but no introductory oration.
52 Abrahami de Roemer, et Henrici Chastelain, De Studio Historico, et De Studio
Oratorio, Orationes duae, XXIII et XXIV Jul. In Amstelaedamensi Athenaeo Habitae
(Amsterdam, 1703).
346 С. L. HEESAKKERS

3.4. Oratorical commentaries on Pro Archia and Pro Marcello

Among Francius' correspondents, we find some well-known philolo
gists, including Nicolaus Heinsius, Jacobus Gronovius, Johannes Georgius
Graevius and Jacobus Perizonius, and philological problems form part of
the topics discussed. Nevertheless, Francius' interest in editorial work
and commentary is rather limited. The only texts he published are the
two orations of Cicero he proved to be so familiar with, the Pro Archia
and the Pro Marcello, and his commentary on these texts is exclusively
concerned with problems of recitation, with the 'Eloquentia exterior',
as Francius called it. The edition of the Pro Archia, presented as "Speci
men Eloquentiae exterioris" (a model of oratorical delivery), offers a
critical text followed by a set of 39 rules concerning pronunciation,
"Regulae circa Pronuntiationem", and a set of 56 rules concerning
gesticulation, "Regulae circa Actionem". The general tenor of these
very specific rules seems to be moderation, "aurea mediocritas". The
recitation should be smooth, serious, full of dignity, avoiding extremes,
both in pronunciation and in gesticulation. To give an example: "It is
neither allowed or permitted to beat one's chest, to batter on the pulpit
or to make noise with one's hands".53
These rules could help us to reconstruct a picture of Francius' way
of presenting his orations. And his application of these rules in the
commentary on the Pro Archia would allow a still more perfect recon
struction of the way, in which Francius expected his students to present
this oration. For this commentary is exclusively concerned with the
'Eloquentia exterior', the pronunciation of all the words and phrases in
a recitation and the appropriate gesticulation. A summary of Francius'
comment on the opening words of the oration, "Si quid est in me ingenii,
Judices" will illustrate this: "Unlike some students do, the words should
be recited in one breath; this holds good for all pieces between commas;
the voice must be slow and low, as always in the 'Exordium' according
to rule XXXI, unless an 'Exordium ex abrupto' is concerned; 'Judices'
must be preceded and followed by a small stop; I hesitate about the
gesture; Quintilian wishes the hand to be moved towards the face or the
chest, but I prefer to omit any gesture for one should not start with a
gesture according to rule XLIX; only a gentlemanly and decorous bow
may accompany the word "Judices'."

53 Regula circa Actionem, XXXVII: "Pectus ferire, cathedram pulsare, aut ullum
manibus sonum edere vetitum ac prohibitum".
 AN LIPSIO LICUIT ET CUNAEO QUOD MIHI NON LICET? 347

The edition of the Pro Archia had been preceded by two orations of
Francius about the way to present a text, "De ratione declamandi", and
followed by a series of presentations of Cicero's oration, as mentioned
above. Two years later, Francius published the Pro Marcello as the
"Eloquentiae exterioris specimen alterum", the second model of oratorical
delivery. This time, 24 rules for preaching in the church were added.

3.5. Conclusion: approval and criticism

The Pro Archia edition of 1697 was actually an apologetic work. In a

letter to Gisbertus Cuperus, Francius revealed that the edition had been
prepared due to his quarrel with his colleagues at the Leiden Univer
sity.54 In 1692 the University had offered him the chair of Eloquence.
Francius had first accepted the appointment, but then declined it at
the very last moment, with the excuse that the Amsterdam government
wanted to keep him at any cost and had willingly promised him a
substantial rise in salary. The Leiden colleagues, in particular Francius'
former friend Jacobus Gronovius who would have been his collega
proximus, must have felt offended. The following year, Jacobus Perizo-
nius accepted the appointment Francius had refused. He soon became
involved in a vehement polemic with Francius over some trivial question
in a Greek poem of a pupil of himself and Gronovius. Behind the
animosity lay a different view on teaching ancient literature and on its
importance in daily life. While the practice of oratorical delivery had
fallen into disuse in Leiden and elsewhere, Francius considered practical
rhetorical skill absolutely indispensable for his students as future politi
cians, diplomats, lawyers, preachers and other members of public and
cultural life. Remarkably enough, although this manner of rhetorical
instruction was neglected at the other universities, their teachers more
than once praised Francius for upholding it. Among them were Perizo-
nius (during his professorship in Franeker), Graevius in Utrecht who
even sent his own son to Francius for an oratorical crash course of a
couple of days, and Cuperus in Deventer. The Pro Archia edition with
rhetorical commentary was particularly praised in the Netherlands and
abroad, and was even reprinted in the nineteenth century.55

54 Francius to Cuperus, 1697 10 01 (The Hague, Royal Library, MS 72 С 7, fol. 77r):

"Specimen, quod rixaram a me Leidensium occasione conscriptum est".
55 Cf. Posthuma 1706, p. 365 (Perizonius, Franeker 1683): "omnia quae a te proficis-
cuntur, tendunt ad retinendam gloriam antiquam patriae, pene ceteroqui collapsam prorsus"
348 С. L. HEESAKKERS

On the other hand, numerous passages in the orations of Francius

show that his oratorical exercises were met with criticism throughout his
career. Obviously, his critics considered these exercises, which demanded
so much time and energy from the students to memorize, a waste of time
and possible results not only useless, but moreover unattainable. The
students would never reach the level of the Ancients, if for no other
reason than the lack of spontaneity when reciting "aliena". Francius
fiercely rejected such objections, arguing that the memorizing of such
excellent Latin texts was no problem for his young students and that
it automatically provided them with a thorough knowledge of Latin and
helped them improve their own Latin style. Ultimately they would pre
sent texts written by themselves.

(whatever you produce aims to uphold the ancient glory of our fatherland, which other
wise has almost completely fallen into ruin); p. 388-389 (Graevius, Utrecht 1688):
"Filius meus... tui caussa tres quatuorve dies commorabitur Amsterodami.... Sed nec in
tantillo temporis spatio poterit a te inanis discedere, praecipue si semel iterumque legen-
tem aliquot Orationum Ciceronis capita correxeris, ubi aberrabit" (My son will stay three
or four days in Amsterdam to see you. Even after such a short time he will not depart
from you without being enriched, particularly if he has the opportunity to read you some
pieces of Cicero's orations and is corrected by you whenever he makes a mistake); p. 427
(Graevius, Utrecht 1697): "oratione Pro Archia, in qua docuisti ut Tullius ora ferebat, ac
quos gestus agebat, quique sint agendi" (your edition of the Pro Archia, in which you
have made known Cicero's pronunciation and gesticulation and taught which gestures
the orations have to be presented with); p. 432 (Cuperus, Deventer 1698): "Accipe...
me summam voluptatem percepisse ex specimine tuo meque ita statuere te natum esse
revocandae et restaurandae arti deperditae quaeque veluti Lethaeis aquis immersa et tam
a sacris quam aliis concionibus et orationibus exulabat. Nam regulae circa pronuntia-
tionem et actionem et quae alia per notas sparsae atque adeo binis Orationibus, quas olim
legeram, comprehensae sunt, petitae utique videntur esse ex ipsa rei natura, et si quis per-
pendere eas diligenter et apud se tentare atque exemplum inde sumere velit, fatebitur vel
invitus nihil tam naturale esse atque ab ipso rei ingenio quasi profluere" (You must know
that I have found the greatest pleasure in reading your Specimen; it persuaded me that
you are born to revitalize and restore that lost art, submerged as it were under the waters
of the Lethe and at the same time no longer found in religious and other sermons and
orations, as if it were in exile; the rules about pronunciation and action and everything
that is to be found throughout the annotations, and also in the two Orations which I
had read before [probably the orations "De ratione declamandi" are meant] seem to be
deduced from the nature itself of the material; if one is prepared to study them diligently
and apply them to himself and have them serve as an example, he will confess, even
reluctantly, that nothing is so natural and emerging, as it were, from the spirit of the mate
rial itself); the Acta eruditorum anno MDCXCII public ata (Leipzig, 1692), pp. 345-349,
offered a long analysis of Francius' first edition of his Orationes (Amsterdam 1692),
stressing the passages dealing with the rhetorical 'Actio'; those from the year MDCX-
CVII, (Leipzig 1697), pp. 464-466, abundantly praised the edition of the Pro Archia; this
work was published again in Berlin in 1823 by Conrad Levezow; the Rules on pronunci
ation and gesticulation have been included in several other publications.
 AN LIPSIO LICUIT ET CUNAEO QUOD MIHI NON LICET? 349

Francius obviously defended his methods for rhetorical teaching with

success, that is, during his lifetime. Indeed towards the end of his life,
his programme of public presentations even seems to have intensified,
and his audience faithfully continued to support them. Nevertheless, this
unique phenomenon seems to have definitely disappeared with Francius'
decease. Partly for financial reasons, his chair was left vacant. The part-
time professor of Logic, J.T. Schalbruch, offered to teach eloquence,
but there is no proof that this offer was accepted and traces of any such
activity on the part of Schalbruch are absolutely lacking. Although
eloquence was to be taught in Amsterdam again some decades later,
the "Eloquentia exterior", as conceived by Francius, had not only defi
nitely left the town on the Amstel, but, like another goddess Astraea, had
abandoned the world itself.

Berlagestraat 19
NL-2321 EK Leiden
350 С. L. HEESAKKERS

Appendix

Chronological list of registered public deliveries by Francius

[Orat. 1705 = Petrus Francius, Orationes. Editio secunda Longe emendatior et

magna parte auctior (Amsterdam 1705)]

1672 03 14 De studio eloquentiae [Orat. 1705, 1-24]

1674 03 20 Super inita cum Britannis Pace Irenicon [Amsterdam, 1674]
1674 04 20 De historiae utilitate [Orat. 1705, 25-34]
1677 03 19 Epicedium, in funere Herois invicti Michaelis Adriani Ruteri, Hol-
landiae ac Westfrisiae Archithalassi, Ducis, Equitis, etc. [Amsterdam,
1677]
1677 06 09 De conjungendo Litterarum & Eloquentiae Studio [Orat. 1705, 35-
64]
1678 10 10 Janus Clausus, seu carmen de pace inter Gallos, Hispanos aс Belgas
Foederatos Terra marique conventa [ed. Amsterdam 1678]
1680 03 04 Encomium Galli Gallinacei [Amsterdam, 1680; Orat. 1705, 65-99]
1686 03 04 De usu et praestantia linguae Graecae [Orat. 1705, 100-140]
1686 10 16 Buda expugnata [Amsterdam 1686]
1686 1117 Super Johannis III, Polonorum Regis, de Tartaris ac Turcis Victoria,
Oda epinicia [Amsterdam, 1686]
1686 12 30 Victoriae Caesarianae Accessio [Amsterdam, 1686]
1687 05 14 Super illustribus Venetorum victoriis Oda epinicia [Amsterdam,
1687]
1687 06 09 Praeparatio ad recitationes publicas [Orat. 1705, 141-145]
1687 07 10 Cum Orationes Ciceronis pro Archia et Marcello recitarentur [Orat.
1705, 146-155]
1687 09 18 Cum eaedem Orationes, sed vice versa, recitarentur [Orat. 1705,
156-161]
1687 12 22 Cum Oratio pro Ligario pronuntiaretur [Orat. 1705, 162-167]
1688 05 12 Cum Demosthenis rcpos tt|v «DiXircrcou ¿лютому Xóyos recitaretur
[Orat. 1705, 168-171]
1688 07 07 Cum Demosthenis X.óyos eTináqnos recitaretur [Orat. 1705, 172-
174]
1689 03 14 Cum Oratio pro Archia per plures recitaretur [Orat. 1705, 175-179]
1689 05 14 Finita omnium Recitatione [Orat. 1705, 180-182]
1689 07 1 1 Cum Orationes Catilinariae exhiberentur [Orat. 1705, 183-189]
1689 10 10 Oratio de perfecto et consummato oratore [Amsterdam, 1689; Orat.
1705, 190-251]
1690 03 07 Cum nonnullae e Cicerone Miscellae Orationes recitarentur [Orat.
1705, 252-258]
1690 06 28 Cum Orationes post Reditum ad Quirites & in Senatu repraesenta-
rentur. [Orat. 1705,259-261]
1690 07 10 Cum Specimen Belli Civilis ex Petronio & Elegia ad Liviam Con
solatoria pronuntiarentur [Orat. 1705, 262-266]
 AN LIPSIO LICUIT ET CUNAEO QUOD MIHI NON LICET? 35 1

1690 10 09 Cum Ajacis & Ulyssis ex Ovidio Orationes soluto sermone recita-
rentur. [Orat. 1705, 267-272]
1691 03 19 Cum Oratio pro Rege Dejotaro pronuntiaretur [Orat. 1705, 273-278]
1691 10 29 Acryos яроафюуптисс«... про túív toG Atavíos Kai 'Oôuaaécos
Aoyсоv àTioatonaTiaOeis [Orat. 1705, 279-281]
1692 01 28 Cum Amstelaedami Laudes Celebrarentur [Orat. 1705, 282-286;
followed by Laus Amstelaedami, Orat. 1705, 287-311]
1692 03 24 Pro Continuatione Muneris Gratiarum Actio [Orat. 1705, 312-335]
1692 12 24 Cum Ciceronis Oratio pro A. Licin. Archia Gallice recitaretur [Orat.
1705, 336-343]
1693 06 1/2 Aóyos TipoacpcDvnTiKÓs... яро tcûv imèp AßA.ou Aikivíou
'Apxiou Kai Маркой Марке^Лои Xóyav áKoo"Tоnaua0sís [Orat.
1705, 344-346]
1695 03 15 Oratio In funere Augustissimae ac Potentissimae, Magnae Britan-
niae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Reginae, Mariae. etc. etc. etc. [Amsterdam,
1696; Orat. 1705, 347-391]
1696 10 30 Oratio De Ratione Declamandi [Amsterdam, 1696; Orat. 1705, 392-
416]
1697 06 27 Oratio II De Ratione Declamandi [Amsterdam 1696, after the pre
ceding Oratio from 96 10 30, p. 27-40; Orat. 1705, 417-432]
1698 06 18 Cum Oratio pro Archia recitaretur [Orat. 1705, 433-436]
1698 07 12 Finita Recitatione [Orat. 1705, 437-439]
1700 01 01 Oratio de Anno Jubileo [Amsterdam, 1700; Orat. 1705, 440-475]
1 700 06 2 1 Oratio in funere Viri Clarissimi Stephani Morini, Linguarum Orienta-
lium Professons, et Verbi Divini in Ecclesia Gallicana Ministri [Amsterdam,
1700; Orat. 1705, 476-536]
1701 07 1 1 Cum Flaviani Oratio e Chrysostomo recitaretur [Orat. 1705, 537-557]
1701 07 18 Cum Petri Duboscii ad Galliarum Regem Oratio recitaretur [Orat.
1705, 558-572]
1701 12 19 Cum Albani Ducis & Fresnedae Orationes e P.C. Hoofdio recitaren-
tur. [Orat. 1705, 573-578]
1702 07 10 Cum quaedam e Cicerone recitarentur [Orat. 1705, 579-581]
1702 07 18 Finita Recitatione [Orat. 1705, 582-585]
1703 07 16 Cum Gulielmi I. Oratio ad Germaniae Principes recitaretur [Quatuor
Orationes e Petro Cornelio Hoofdio, Amsterdam, 1703, p. 5-7; Orat. 1705,
586-588]
1703 07 17 Cum Aldegondii Oratio ad Hollandiae Ordines recitaretur [Quatuor
Orationes e Hoofdio, Amsterdam, 1703, p. 16-18; Orat. 1705, 589-591]
1703 07 19 Cum Aldegondii Oratio in Consessu Wormatiae dicta recitaretur
[Quatuor Orationes e Hoofdio, Amsterdam, 1703, p. 25-27; Orat. 1705,
592-594]
1703 07 20 Cum Leonini ad Ordines Generales Oratio recitaretur [Quatuor Ora
tiones e Hoofdio, Amsterdam, 1703, p. 35-37; Orat. 1705, 595-597]
1704 02 25 Cum Juvenalis Satura X recitaretur [Orat. 1705, 598-603]
1704 03 17 Cum Oratio pro lege Manilia recitaretur [Orat. 1705, 604-608]
1704 07 14 Cum Ajacis et Ulyssis ex Ovidio Orationes recitarentur [Orat. 1705,
609-611]
 INDEX NOMINUM SELECTORUM

Aa Peter Vander : 17 Atanagi Dionigi: 264

Acciaiolus Nicolaus: 10 Athenaeus: 180
Achart Iohannes de Tornaco: 92 Augustinus Antonius: 276
Acquaviva Andrea Maria: 16 Augustinus (s.): 40, 44-7, 49-50, 140, 143-
Adornes Anselmus: 114, 116 4, 232, 309
Adrianus VI (papa): 254 Augustas (imperator): 186
Aegidius de Viterbo: 231-4 , 236, 246, Auratus Iohannes: 307
248 Ausonius Decimus Magnus: 168, 268, 270
Aegidius Petrus: 216-7, 219 Avanzo Lodovico: 264
Aegius Benedictas: 266, 276, 279-80, 283 Averroes: 196, 198, 206-7
Aelianus: 181 Avicenna: 196,208
Aerssens Cornelis: 325 Azpilcueta M. de: 307
Agricola Rudolfus: 87-130, 217, 219-20,
250 Badius Jodocus Ascensius: 218
Agustín Antonio: 276 Baenst Adriana de (filia Sigeri): 115, 122
Ala Ludovico d' : 96-8 Baenst Anna de (soror Pauli): 108, 111,
Alabaster William: 293 123
Albertus Magnus: 144 Baenst Antoon de (avunculus Pauli): 117
Alciatus Andreas: 188 Baenst Clara de (soror Pauli): 108, 123
Alcuinus: 297 Baenst Guy de (Junior): 112, 1 14
Alcyonius Petrus: 271-3 Baenst Guy de (Senior, avunculus Pauli):
Alexander Magnus: 191, 251-3, 259, 263 114, 123
Algoti Brynolphus: 25 Baenst Jan de (proavus Pauli): 1 14-7, 122,
Alvarez Fernando de Toledo (dux 126
Albanus): 188, 343, 351 Baenst Jan de (avus Pauli): 114-9, 122,
Amerbach Bruno: 229 126
Andrelinus P. Faustas: 216, 220 Baenst Jan de (dictas de sancto Gregorio,
Ansgar: 24 patruus Pauli): 117-9, 121, 127
Antichrist: 313-4 Baenst Jan de (nepos Pauli): 1 18
Antonius Marcus: 260 Baenst Jan de (dominus de Lembeke): 1 14
Apicius M. Gavius: 182 Baenst Jan de (dominus de Oostkerke): 1 14
Apollodorus Atheniensis: 266 Baenst Josse de (patruus Pauli): 114-115,
Apranio Decio: 237 117
Apuleius: 145, 173, 175, 177, 180 Baenst Ludovicus de (Senior, pater Pauli):
Arator: 233 88, 102-4, 108, 114, 117, 122
Archippus: 173 Baenst Ludovicus de (lunior, frater Pauli):
Argyropulos Iohannes: 206 102, 108, 112-4, 122, 126
Aristaeus: 265, 280 Baenst Margareta de (soror Pauli): 108-9,
Aristophanes: 173, 186 127
Aristoteles: 135, 144-6, 173, 178-9, 186, Baenst Paulus de : 87-130
189, 196-8,204,206-8,298,311 Baenst Zeghin (Sigerus) de (patruus Pauli):
Asconius Pedianus: 6-7 115-7, 121, 127
354 INDEX

Baptista Mantuanus: 146-7, 150, 242-3 Boodt Jan de: 113

Barbarus Franciscus: 6 Borssele Margareta van: 102
Barbarus Hermolaus: 146, 150, 188 Bosia Stefano: 92
Barlaeus Caspar: 331 Botti Giacomo: 92
Barlandus Adrianus: 220 Boudins Catherina: 111
Barzizza Gasparinus: 1-5, 7-9 Boudins Jacob: 108, 111, 127
Barzizza Guiniforte: 1, 3, 4 Boulangier Margherita: 113
Basson Godefridus: 171 Boxhornius Marcus Zuerius: 328-30
Baumgartner Gabriel: 90 Brandon Charles: 294
Bave Barbe: 112 Brandon Henry: 294
Bave Elisabeth: 122 Brant Sebastian: 131-7
Beaufort Margaret: 301 Bredius Henricus: 327
Bebelius Henricus: 194, 201, 204 Bregel Wendelin ex Lauffen: 199
Bebel Wolfgang: 196-9, 201 Breidel Jacob: 116
Beda Venerabilis: 297 Breidel Jacob junior: 122
Bellaius Iohannes (Bellay Jean du, cardi- Bremen Adam van: 24
nalis): 275, 277, 281, 283 Breydel Jan (burgimagister Brugensis): 108
Bellaius Ioachimus : 165, 167-8, 270-1, Britannicus: 260
273-7,279-81,283,290-1 Brouckere Mathieu de: 113
Belle Pieter van: 1 1 1 Broukhusius Ianus: 334
Bembus Bernardus: 120 Brunus Iordanus: 171, 192
Bembus Petras: 23, 142, 146-50, 187, 239, Branus Leonardus: 10, 12
248, 272 Bucerus Martinus: 294, 296
Benedetto da Genova: 89 Buchananus Georgius: 165, 167, 305-8
Benedicti Iohannes: 31, 36 Budaeus Gulielmus: 181, 188
Benedictis Benedictus de: 27, 37 Bugerini Antonio (= Bulgiarinus Anto
Benedictus (s.): 309-11 nius): 99-100, 130
Bentivoglio: 343 Bumaister Joannes: 202
Berch Janne de: 112 Burton Robert: 274-5, 290
Bernardi Carolus: 98 Busleyden Hieronymus: 217
Bernardt Georg, S. J.: 321 Byng Thomas: 299-300
Berner Thomas: 200
Вето (=Björn): 24 Caesar Iulius: 27, 134, 186, 259, 299, 340
Beroaldus Philippus: 188,219 Caius Iohannes: 300
Bessarion (cardinalis): 54, 56-8, 206 Calderinus Domitius: 27
Beza Theodorus: 307 Caligula (imperator): 187
Bidermannus Iacobus: 320 Calvinus Iohannes: 305, 307
Birgeus Gregorius (=Gregersson Birger): 25 Calvus Minutius: 237
Birgitta (s.): 25 Cambyses: 260
Bisticci Vespasiano da: 41 Camillus Iulius: 272
Bladius Antonius: 266, 287 Campion Thomas: 292
Blount William, Lord Mountjoy: 216 Campise Giovanni: 95
Boccaccio Giovanni: 46, 48, 119 Canteras Theodorus: 325
Boethius A. M. Severinus: 50 Cantiuncula Claudius: 217
Boncompagno da Signa: 48 Capilupus Alfonsus: 264
Bonde Karl Knutsson (rex Sueciae): 30 Capilupus Camillus: 264-7, 278, 280-1,
Bonzi Lorenzo: 2. 5, 11 290
 INDEX 355

Capilupus Hippolytus: 264, 271, 274, 282- Columbus Christophorus: 219, 224
3, 286-7 Commin Vincent: 225
Capilupus lulius: 264, 273, 289 Comminellis Hugo de: 41
Capilupus Laelius: 264-7, 270-88 Constantinus Africanus: 196, 198, 207
Capro Grammaticus: 4 Conte Enrico da: 100
Carolus Audax (dux Burgundiae): 88, 102, Cooke Anthony: 295
109, 111, 118, 121, 123, 126-7, 251, Cooper Thomas: 295
258-9 Cornutus Annaeus: 14
Carolus V (imperator): 218, 249, 251-9, Corradus Quintus Marius: 12
261-3, 279-80 Corrarius Antonius: 23
Carolus Lotharingus (cardinalis): 305, 307 Corrarius Gregorius: 14-18, 23
Carolus Vni (rex Franciae): 153, 161-2, Corte Francesco da: 93-94
166 Corte Matteo da: 94
Carolus (rex Sueciae): 30 Cortesius Paulus: 149
Carpus Hieronymus: 278 Costa Stefano: 93
Cartwright Thomas: 299 Coster Samuel: 331
Casselius lohannes: 194, 200, 208 Cotta lohannes: 187
Castalio losephus: 273, 289 Crabbe Jan: 48,50-52, 119
Cato M. Porcius: 27 Cranach Lucas: 229
Catullus C. Valerius: 22, 165 Crassus: 260
Cecil William, lord Burghley: 293, 295-6, Crispinus: 18
299 Croesus: 211, 213
Cesano Bartholomeo: 264 Croy Guillaume de: 218
Chaderton Laurence: 299 Croy Michel de: 218
Chaloner Thomas: 292 Crucius Ludovicus: 319
Chastellain Henricus: 345 Crusius Martinus: 201
Christianus I (rex Daniae): 30 Cruz Luís da: 319
Christina von Stammeln: 25 Cuiacius lacobus: 188
Christoph von Bayern: 30 Cunaeus Petrus: 324-351
Christus lesus: 290, 313, 314 Cuperus Gisbertus: 347-8
Chrysippus: 182 Curio Caelius Secundus: 306
Chrysostomus lohannes: 50, 343, 351 Cyprianus (s.): 243
Cicero M. Tullius l, 4-9, 11, 22, 27, 138- Cyrene (nympha): 241
9, 143, 145-9, 151, 212, 271-3, 312, Cyrus: 260-1
335-40, 345-51
Clamanges, Nicolas de: 48 Dacia Petrus de: 25
Clapham John: 292 Dalberg lohannes von: 87, 110
Clara (s.): 104 Daner Wolfgang: 202
Claudius (imperator): 187 Dante Alighieri: 161-2, 167-8, 234, 247
Claymondus lohannes: 293 Darius: 251
Clemens VII (papa): 155, 261-2 Daule Florianus von Fürstenberg: 320
Cleopatra: 56 David rex: 234, 243-7
Clericus lohannes: 171 Decio Lancellotto: 95
Clerke Bartholomew: 300-1 Demetrius: 260-1
Clinton Edward: 296 Democritus: 190, 321-2
Colet Jolin: 218 Demosthenes: 27, 145, 173, 183, 185,
Colt Jane (uxor T. Mori): 218 340-2, 350
356 INDEX

Despars Gauthier: 113 Farnesius Rainutius: 265, 279-80

Despars Marie: 108 Fedra Inghirami Tommaso: 138
Dickenson John: 292 Ferdinandus (rex Hispaniae): 220
Dionysius Areopagita: 27, 150-1 Ferrufini Luchino: 90
Dionysus (=Dionysius Thebanus): 259 Festus F. Sextus (grammaticus): 155
Doddington Bartholomew: 301 Fevers Margaretha (uxor Iohannis de Baenst
Doletus Stephanus: 184 Iunioris): 118
Doni Anton Francesco: 277 Ficinus Marsilius: 232
Doorne Jan van: 113 Fieschi Stefano da Soncino: 2
Doppere Rombout de: 105, 108, 123-4 Firminus Iohannes: 92
Dorat Jean: 307 Flacius Illyricus Matthias: 266, 286
Doricus Aloisius: 282-4 Flavianus (Antiochiae episcopus): 343, 351
Doricus Valerius: 265-6, 281-2, 284, 287 Fliscus Stephanus: 2
Dorpius Martinus: 220 Fonseca Osorius da: 294, 296
Dousa Janus (Junior): 324 Fontanis de Tristando: 89
Dousa Janus (Senior): 326 Fortunatus Venantius: 20
Duboscius Petrus: 343, 351 Foscarini Ludovico: 10
Durand Gilles: 184 Foxe John: 295
Dürer Albrecht: 229 Fracastorius Hieronymus: 187, 265, 277
Franciscus I (rex Franciae): 255-6, 262
Ebinger Konrad: 201 Francius Petrus: 324, 332-49
Eck Iohannes: 313, 316 Fredericus III (imperator): 88
Edward VI (rex Angliae): 295 Fresneda (confessor Philippi II, regis His
Egio Benedetto: 266, 276, 279-80, 283 paniae): 343, 351
Elizabeth (neptis Mariae): 243, 248 Frischlin Nikodemus: 315-6
Elizabeth I (regina Angliae): 292-304 Froben Johann: 217, 229-30
Ennius: 182 Fryer John: 300
Epicurus: 190 Fuchsmagen Iohannes: 136
Epistolae obscurorum virorum : 3 1 3 Fundanus: 256
Erasmus Desiderius: 147, 168, 170-3, 176-
182, 188-9, 192, 215-6, 218-20, 228, Gabriel Angelus: 23, 240, 242
253,262-3,272-4,316 Galenus Claudius: 207, 209, 21 1
Erfurt Iohannes von: 31 1 Gaza Theodores: 216, 220
Erich von Pommern: 30 Geldenhouwer Gerard: 216-7, 228-9
Este Anna d': 278 Gellius Aulus: 146
Este Ippolito I d' (cardinalis): 279-80 Gengenbach Pamphilus: 314
Este Ippolito II d' (cardinalis): 276, 280-1 Gerardus Paulus: 265, 280, 285
Este Isabellad': 232,267 Gillis Pieter: 216-7, 219
Este Lionello d': 10 Giolito Gabriel de Ferrari: 264
Estienne Henri: 177, 268, 307 Giorgio Antonio da San: 94
Estienne Robert: 306 Giovio Paolo: 234, 271-5, 278, 280
Eudocia (imperatrix): 270 Giraldus Lilius Gregorius: 142
Eupolis (comicus): 178 Giunta Filippo: 217
Ezechiel: 247 Giustiniani Bernardo: 12
Gonzaga Alessandro: 12
Faber Abraham : 331-2 Gonzaga familia: 267
Faber Stapulensis Iacobus: 188 Gonzaga Ferrante: 264
 INDEX 357

Gonzaga Francesco (marchio Mantuae): Hesychius: 178

278-80 Heule Isaac ab: 343, 345, 347
Gonzaga Vincenzo (dux Mantuae): 264 Hieronymus (s.): 22, 102, 143, 175
Gorbinus Aegidius: 266 Hilarion Veronensis: 53-86
Gourmont Gilles de: 217 Hippocrates: 207, 300
Gouvea Antoine de: 306 Hispanus Petrus: 205
Graevius Iohannes Georgius: 346-8 Historia Augusta: 22
Graf Urs: 217 Holbein Ambrosius: 217, 225-9
Grapheus Cornelius: 217, 220 Holbein Hans: 225
Grassi Luca: 95 Homeras: 175, 185-6, 211, 270, 279-80
Grassi Pietro: 90 Hondt Cornelia de: 104
Grévin J.: 307 Hondt Margareta de: 104-5
Grien Baldung: 229 Honin Caterina: 115
Gronovius Iacobus Fredericus: 332-3, Hooft Pieter Corneliszoon: 343-4,351
346-7 Hôpital Michel de l': 307
Gruuthuuse Lodewijk van: 102, 109 Horatius Q. Flaccus : 14-9, 22-3, 163-4,
Gualdo Girolamo: 7 176, 178,183, 187, 233, 239, 270, 305,
Guarinus Guarinus Veronensis: 7, 10-1, 27 333
Gugel Iohannes: 89 Horn Hans: 27
Horn Thomas: 200
Habrart Iohannes Tornacensis: 89 Hospitalius Michael: 307
Haddon Walter: 294-6, 300, 302, 304, Hout Jan van: 324
307 Hugo de sancto Caro (Hugues de Saint-
Halewijn Jan van: 218 Cher): 181
Halewijn Karel van: 115, 122-3 Hugenius Constantinus: 334
Halliwell Edward: 300 Huicke Robert: 300
Haneton Iohannes: 89, 91-2 Hunsden (lord): 298
Hannibal: 164, 259-1 Hutten Ulrich von: 218
Hans (rex Daniae): 31 Huygens Constantijn: 334
Hartwell Abraham: 292-304 Hyginus C. Iulius: 213
Hasdrubal: 261 Hythlodaeus Raphael: 217
Hatton Christopher: 293
Hecke vanden (uxor Iohannis Losschaert): Jaarland Silas a: 344
105-6 Jacopone da Todi: 245
Heere Jacques de: 113 Jewell John: 307
Heinsius Daniel: 171, 179, 184-5, 188, Insulis Alanus de: 48
191-2 Iohannes Intrepidus (dux Burgundiae):
Heinsius Nicolaus: 333, 346 111
Hemelarius (Hemelaers) Iohannes: 325 Iohannes III (rex Poloniae): 350
Henri II (rex Franciae): 279, 281 Iovius Paulus: 234, 271-5, 278, 280
Henry VIII (rex Angliae): 254, 261-2, 301 Isabella (ducissa Burgundiae): 106
Heraclitus: 179, 321-2 Iuellius Iohannes: 307
Hermanni Nicolaus (=Hermansson Nils): Iulius II (papa): 142
25 Iulius III (papa): 275, 279, 280-3
Hermogenes (rhetor): 150 Iunius Hadrianus: 324, 332, 336
Hermonymus Georgius: 50, 120 Iuvenalis D. Junius: 210, 212, 351
Hertzog Iohannes: 202 Iuvencus C. Vettius Aquilinus: 233
358 INDEX

Karelsz Adam: 336 Losschaert Jan (tl409): 105, 127

Kessler lohannes: 194, 200, 208 Losschaert Jan (x van den Hecke ?): 106-
Ketz Andreas: 202 7
Keuchenius Robertus: 331 Losschaert Jan (x Anastasia van den
Keyt Catharina de: 104 Steene): 105-7, 127
Kirchmaier Thomas: 313 Losschaert Jan (burgimagister Brugensis,
Kleve (Kleef) Philippus de: 115 1477): 108, 116
Kleve (KleeO Maria de: 106 Losschaert Jan (x Marie Despars): 108
Knutsson Karl (rex Sueciae): 30 Losschaert lohannes Cameracensis: 105
Koch Nicolaus: 202 Losschaert lohannes Tornacensis: 105
König Johann: 199, 200, 202 Losschaert Margarema: 126
Kress Anton: 90 Louf Anthunis: 108
Küng lohannes Ottingensis: 202 Lucanus M. Annaeus: 53, 56, 187
Kyssenpfening: 202 Lucianus: 173, 175-6, 218, 220
Lucius Ludovicus: 266, 286
Lackland John (rex Angliae): 215 Lucretius T. Caras: 153, 267
Lactantius Firmianus: 27, 145-6 Ludovico da Pesaro: 12
Laetus Pomponius: 155 Ludovicus Sanctus (rex Franciae): 104
Lalaing Arnould de: 88, 91, 129 Ludovicus XI (rex Franciae): 123, 251,
Lambinus Dionysius: 183 259
Landus Hortensius: 277 Ludovicus XII (rex Franciae): 40
Landus Silvester: 10 Ludovicus XIV (rex Franciae): 343
Landriani Gherardo: 1 Lussemburgo Giovanni di: 97
Lascaris I anus: 220 Lussemburgo Pietro di: 97
Lassus Orlandus: 321 Luther Martin: 313
Leclerc Jean: 171 Lycosthenes Conradus: 132
Leeu Gerard: 219
Lefevre Jacques - d'Etaples : 188 Machiavelli Niccolö: 187
Leggi Ludovico: 93 Madruzzo Cristoforo: 277, 281-4
Lemp Andreas: 199 Magliabechi Antonio: 333
Leo X (papa): 155, 239, 262 Magnus lohannes: 26
Leoninus Elbertus: 344, 351 Magnus Olaus: 26
Ligorio Pirro: 276, 279 Maino Giason del : 95
Livia: 341-2, 350 Malatesta Baptista: 10
Lipsius lustus: 269-70, 273, 324-50 Manettus lannotius: 45
Lisa Gherardus de: 219 Mangiaria Girolamo: 93
Livius Titus: 188, 334 Mansion Colard: 1 19
Locher lacobus Philomusus: 209 Mantuanus Baptista: 146-7, 150, 242-3
Lodi Andrea da: 92 M ¡mu 1 1 us Paulus diluis Aldi): 288
Longland John: 254 Marcellini Corrado: 90
Loschi Antonio: 5, 7-9 Marcellus II (papa): 275, 282-3
Losschaert Anna: 126 Marchese Cassandra: 231
Losschaert Antoon: 104-5 Margaret (regina Daniae et Norvegiae): 30
Losschaert Antoon (Junior): 104, 107, Margaretha Eboracensis (uxor Caroli Te-
115-6 merarii): 111, 123
Losschaert Clara (mater Pauli de Baenst): Maria (ducissa Burgundiae): 87, 102, 112-
102,104,126 3, 123,251
 INDEX 359

Maria (s.): 231-48 Murer Ioannes: 202

Maria Stuart (uxor Wilhelmi III Aurasini): Muretus Marcus Antonius: 307
351 Murmellius Iohannes: 220
Marius: 164 Muzio Macario: 247
Mamixius Sanctaldegondius: 344, 351
Martens Dirk: 216, 219-21, 224, 228-30 Naevius: 145
Martens Joos: 219 Naogeorgius Thomas: 313-5, 321
Martialis M. Valerius: 187, 212-3 Natta Giorgio: 93
Marullus Michael: 152-70 Nauclerus Iohannes: 200
Massimo Statilio: 6 Naugerius Andreas: 187
Masters William: 297-8 Neaera: 154, 165-6
Matthaeus Toscanus Ioannes: 266, 273, Nero (imperator): 187, 260, 299
288 Niccoli Niccolo:14
Matthaeus (evangelista): 314 Nichols John: 294-5
Maximilianus (archidux Austriae et impe- Nicodemi evangelium: 247
rator): 105, 109, 112-3, 115, 123, 132-6, Nicolaus de Lyra: 180-1
262 Nieuwenhove Jan van : 1 13
Medici Cosimo de' (archidux): 332-3 Nini Francesco: 162-3
Medici Cosimo I de': 278-9, 280-1 Nogarola Isotta: 10
Medici Giulio de': 155 Nonius Marcellus (grammaticus): 16
Medici Pier Francesco de'-: 153 Notte Stefano: 92
Meiboom M.: 331 Nutzel Konrad: 90
Melanchthon Philippus: 316
Menander: 173 Ockland Christopher: 293
Metsys Quentin: 228 Oferiano Baldassarre: 4
Metteneye Filip: 103 Olai Ericus (Olofsson Erik): 26, 31, 33
Metteneye Pieter: 107-11, 115, 127 Oma Andreas: 202
Meung Jean de: 48 Oporinus Iohannes: 306
Michelius Ioannes: 285 Oppizoni Ambrogio: 95
Michels Victor: 217 Orígenes: 173, 183
Michiel Marcantonio: 235 Orléans Charles d': 106-7
Milton John: 165 Orsini Fulvio: 237, 266-73, 275-81, 283-4
Mögling Amandus: 199 Ovidius P. Naso: 56, 164, 167, 187, 210,
Mögling Johann, dictus Jäger: 199 212-3, 241, 270, 332, 341-2, 350-1
Mögling Michael: 196, 199, 202 Oxenstierna (familia): 30
Mombretto Pietro: 92-3 Oxenstierna Jons Bengtsson: 31, 36
Monergie (Robert): 89-90
Montaigne Michel de: 269-74, 290 Paludanus Iohannes: 217, 228
Montargul Honofrius: 288 Pancoti Petrus: 98
Monte Nicolaus de: 91 Pantagato Ottavio: 276
Montefeltre Federigo da: 41, 44 Panvinio Onofrio: 276
More John: 218 Parisi Gian Paolo: 2-4
More Thomas: 168,215-30 Parrasius Aulus Ianus: 2-4
Morena Nicoletto da: 227-9 Pas Adriaan: 121
Morinus Stephanus: 351 Passavanti Jacopo: 180-1
Mozes: 151 Passerat Jean : 171, 181, 183-4, 192
Münzer Hieronymus: 90 Patisson Mamert: 307
360 INDEX

Patrensis Carolus: 12 Plinius C. Secundus: 146, 272

Paulinus Nolanus: 19 Plutarchus: 173, 178, 220
Paulus III (papa): 279-80 Poggius Bracciolinus: 1, 5-7, 27
Paulus IV (papa): 275, 280, 282-3, 286, Polenton Sicco: 5
288 Politianus Angelus: 146, 149-50, 220
Paulus (s.): 313 Pompeius Magnus Cn.: 259-60, 340
Pedianus Asconius: 6, 7 Pontanus Iohannes Iovianus: 14, 27, 146,
Pergamensis Gasparinus: 1 1 153, 155-7, 168, 187, 232
Perizonius Jacobus: 346-7 Porphyrion: v. Lambin Denys
Perne Andrew: 298 Posidippus: 168
Perpinianus Petrus: 12 Possevinus Antonius: 265-6, 273, 275-8,
Persius A. Flaccus: 14, 22 280-6
Petrarca Franciscus: 10, 27, 39-52, 88, 140, Pozzo Giovanni dal: 93, 95
167-9, 170, 219-20, 234, 364, 270-2 Praet Jan van : 1 1 3
Petronius C. Arbiter: 341-2, 350 Preston Thomas: 299-300, 303
Petruzius de Monte Sperello Iohannes: 27 Priscianus: 316
Pfeutzer Iohannes: 101-2 Proba Falconia: 270
Pfluegerius Georgius: 316 Procopius (historicus): 173
Philelphus Franciscus: 12, 188, 220 Propertius Sextus: 210, 21-3
Philemon (auctor comicus): 182 Proost (Johanna ?) de: 218
Philippus (archidux Austriae): 123 Prudentius: 233
Philippus (dux Burgundiae): 103, 105-7, Pseudo-Cebes Thebanus: 267
110-1, 113, 117-8, 121, 126-7 Pullon Giovanni da Trino: 265, 277
Philippus Burgundiae (episcopus Traiec- Pyrrhus: 259-61
tensis): 220, 262 Pyrrhus Didacus Lusitanus: 278
Phillippus Macedo: 341 Pythagoras: 191
Philippus II (rex Hispaniae): 282, 284, 343
Phocas (imperator Byzantinus): 299 Quevin Jan: 99
Piccolomini Aeneas Silvius: 27, 219 Quevin Josse: 88, 96, 99
Picus Mirandulanus Iohannes: 138-9, 142, Quintilianus M. T.: 1,7, 346
145,218,220
Picus Mirandulanus Iohannes Franciscus: Rabelais François: 171
138, 232 Rabus Guilelmus: 326
Pindarus: 186 Rader Matthaeus: 317
Pino da Cagli: 231 Ragvaldi Nicolaus (= Ragvaldsson Nils):
Pio Giambattista: 267 25-6
Pirckheimer Willibald: 313 Ramus Petrus: 183
Pisan Christine de: 119 Raphelengius Franciscus: 326
Pius II (papa): 27, 219 Rapinus Renatus: 333
Pius IV (papa): 284, 288 Rescius Rutgerus: 220
Plaet Jan de: 116 Reuchlin Iohannes: 188,209
Plaines Thomas de: 123 Rhallus Manilius: 152-70
Plato (philosophus): 144-5, 173, 186, 298- Rhetorica ad Herennium : 1
9 Richart (Reichart) Wolfgang: 193-214
Plautus Т. M.: 181, 183, 298, 310, 316-7 Richli Mathias: 100
Plieningen Dietrich von: 101, 124 Rimbert: 24
Plieningen Iohannes von: 100-1, 110, 124 Rinutius Aretinus: 7-9
 INDEX 361

Robynson Ralph: 217 Shepery John: 293

Rochefort Guy de: 88 Siessking Caspar: 199
Roels Georgius: 92 Sigloch Georg: 202
Roemer Abraham de : 345 Signa Boncompagno da: 48
Roovere Anthonis de: 118, 121 Simonetta Guido: 90
Rogge Kort: 24-37 Simonides: 174, 186
Rouge Pierre le: 225 Sirach Jesus: 309
Rovescala Riccardo: 89 Six Diederik: 339
Rovescala Rolando: 100 Six Jan: 338
Ruddiman Thomas: 308 SlijpJan: 118
Rustici de' Cencio: 5 Slijp(s) Anna: 116, 118
Ruteras Michael Adrianus (= Ruyter Socrates: 145, 186, 191
Michiel de): 334, 350 Solon: 345
Rychardus Wolfgang: 193-214 Sophocles: 173
Rychardus Zeno: 194, 200, 202 Stapel Reinerus: 343, 345, 347
Statius Achilles: 266, 276
Sabellicus Marcus Antonius: 12 Statius Caecilius: 22, 243
Sacchella Bartolomeo: 4 Steene Anastasia van den: 105-6
Sackville Thomas, lord Buckhurst: 293 Steinbach Wendelin: 193
Sadoletus lacobus: 236 Steiner Heinrich: 40
Sagon François de: 307 Stengel Georg: 317
Sallustius C. Crispus: 48 Stephanus Henricus: 177, 268, 307
Salonius: 309 Stephanus Robertus: 306
Sanford John: 292 Sterlich Romualdo di : 4, 10
Sannazarus lacobus: 187, 231-48 Stocker lohannes: 209-13
Sarti Pietro da Voghera: 97 Stoer lacobus: 265
Sauvage Jean le: 123, 218 Stortiglioni Guglielmo: 89
Savonarola Girolamo: 138 Stove Margareta van der: 106
Scala Alessandra: 165 Streitl Hieronymus: 132
Scala Bartolomeo: 165 Sture Sten (Senior): 30
Scaliger lulius Caesar: 188,268 Suetonius С. Tranquillas: 192
Schalbruch J.: 349 Süsskind Caspar: v. Siessking
Schatille Joanna van: 122 Suidas: 173-4, 179
Schatille Mathieu van: 122 Sulla Lucius Cornelius: 256
Scriverius Petras: 326
Scotus Johannes Duns: 144 Tacitus P. Cornelius: 192
Scotus Michael: 208 Tarchaniota Euphrosyne : 1 67
Secundus lohannes: 165 Tarchaniota Paulus: 162
Sedulius: 233, 239 Tarquinius L. Priscus: 299
Seleucus Nikator: 261 Taurinus Israel: 307
Seneca L. A.: 1 87 Tebaldeus Antonius: 236
Serandat lohannes: 92 Teive Diogo de: 307
Seripando Antonio: 3, 233, 235-8, 241, Terentius P. Afer: 310, 316
246 Thales Milesius: 145
Seripando Girolamo: 3, 236-7 Themistocles: 182
Sforza Ascanio (cardinalis): 282 Themsike Georges de: 218
Shakespeare William: 292 Theodosius (imperator): 343
362 INDEX

Thomas Aquinas: 144, 180-1, 311-2, 317 3, 240-1, 244, 246-8, 264-8, 270-1, 276,
Thucydides: 186 278-80,285,287-9,291,333
Tiberius (Imperator): 186 Vitali Bernardino de' : 235
Tibullus T. Albius: 210-2 Vitorellus Tryphon: 288
Torti Girolamo: 93, 95 Vittorino da Feltre: 14
To« (familia): 30 Vives lohannes Ludovicus: 249-63
Tramezzino Michele: 280 Vlaanderen Jan van : 113
Tremonti Giovanni: 5, 7 Vlamingius Petrus : 342, 344
Trivulzio Antonio: 90 Vogt Kaspar : 90
Tucca Gian Tommaso: 232 Volpi Giovanni Antonio : 231
Tudeschi Nicolaus: 27 Voragine lacobus de: 55, 247
Tulpius Nicolaus: 338-9 Vorstius Adolfus: 328
Turnebus Adrianus: 307 Vos Jacques de: 113
Vossius Gerardus lohannes: 331, 334
Ubaldis Petrus de: 37
Udall Nicholas: 300 Westfalia lohannes de: 219
Ulfsson Jakob: 31 Widmann Ambrosius: 200
Utenhovius Carolus: 307 Wildius Egbertus: 342
Wilhelmus (princeps Aurasinus): 344, 351
Valdés Alfonso de: 262-3 Wilhelmus III Aurasinus : 334
Valerius C. Flaccus: 1 1 Wilson Thomas: 294
Valla Laurentius: 28 Wimpfeling Jakob: 194
Varania Constantia: 10 Winckelhofer Henricus: 196, 199, 200,
Varro M. Terentius: 175 202
Vasa (familia): 30 Winttelinger Nicolaus: 202
Vasa Gustav: 26 Witte Catharina de: 104, 107
Vasis Carolus de: 96, 98 Wolsey Thomas: 254
Veen Egbertus Wilde de: 344 Wolters lohannes: 344
Vegius Maphaeus: 120 Wolzogen Ludovicus: 334
Velden Jacob van den (Sr. et Ir.): 140
Venantius Fortunatus: 245 Xenophon: 12, 181
Veranus: 309
Vergelois Nichasius: 88-9, 91 Zacharias Konrad von Uffenbach: 195
Vergenhans lohannes: 200 Zenodotus: 173
Vida Hieronymus: 187, 246 Zenus Apostolus: 235
Virgilius P. Maro : 18, 20-23, 48, 53, 56, Ziegler Theobald: 217
120, 139, 161, 164, 186-7, 210-13, 232- Zinck Udalricus: 202
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