T he Philistine Settlem ent

as M ercantile Phenom enon?

TRISTAN J. BARAKO

Abstract ical fra m e w o rk o f tra d e by a g ro w in g n u m b e r o f

In recent years the traditional view of the Philistine s c h o la rs.1 As su ch , th e tra d itio n a l view o f th e so-
settlement has been called into question by a growing c a lle d S ea P e o p le s as g ro u p s o f m ig r a tin g p e o ­
num ber of scholars. Rather than being understood as a p les fro m th e M y c en a ean a n d A e g e a n w o rld w ho
result of population movement, the sudden appearance
of the intrusive Philistine material culture in southern e v e n tu a lly s e ttle d in C y p ru s a n d th e co a sta l L e­
coastal Canaan during the first half o f the 12th century v a n t is la rg e ly d is c a r d e d .2 I n s te a d , th e a p p e a r ­
B.C. is attributed to mechanisms of trade. Locally pro­ a n c e o f M y c en a ean I I I C :lb (Мус I II C :lb ) in th e se
duced Mycenaean lllC :lb pottery, the widely held hall­ r e g io n s is v iew ed as r e f le c tin g th e activ ity o f a
mark of the Philistine settlement, is now seen by some as lo o se c o n f e d e r a tio n o f m a ritim e m e rc h a n ts b ased
reflecting the activity of a loose confederation of mari­
in C yprus, w h o in th e 1 2 th c e n tu ry B.C. w ere r e ­
time merchants based in Cyprus who distributed massive
quantities of this type of pottery throughout the eastern sp o n sib le fo r th e d is trib u tio n o f m assive q u a n ti­
Mediterranean. The archaeological evidence, however, ties o f M y c en aean -sty le p o tte r y .3 T h e P h ilis tin e s
does not support this alternative explanatory model. n o lo n g e r ex ist as an e th n o s , w h ich s h a re d a c o m ­
Three aspects of the Philistine settlement belie assign­ m o n g e o g ra p h ic , lin g u istic , a n d b io lo g ic a l b ac k ­
ing to trade such a formative role in the foundation of
g r o u n d , b u t r a t h e r a r e v ie w e d s o le ly as th e
these sites: (1) the complete absence of imports, (2) the
fully urbanized character of the sites and socioeconomi­ in e v ita b le r e s u lt o f lo n g -sta n d in g s o c io e c o n o m ic
cally diverse range of the population, and (3) the clear p ro c e s s e s .
destruction levels directly preceding Philistine strata. In In th is r e c o n s tr u c tio n th e S ea P e o p le s a re b o th
short, the available evidence best fits the traditional a g e n ts a n d b y -p ro d u c ts o f th e e a s te rn M e d ite rra ­
model of the Philistine settlement: hostile invasion by a
migrating population bearing a distinctively new mate­ n e a n p o litic a l a n d e c o n o m ic co llap se. A t th e e n d
rial culture.* o f th e L ate B ro n ze A ge, th e e x c h a n g e o f lu x u ry
ite m s b e tw e e n e lite c e n te rs was h a n d le d by a class
T h e e th n ic ity a n d m ig ra tio n o f th e P h ilistin e s o f m a ritim e m e rc h a n ts w h o e x iste d in a p a t r o n /
have rec en tly b e e n ree v alu a ted w ithin th e th e o re t­ c lie n t re la d o n s h ip w ith th e city-states th e y se rv e d .4

* The majority of the research and writing for this article I-I6 ), Bauer (1998,149-67), and Bikai (1992,137; 1994, 32-
was carried out at the W.F. Albright Institute for Archaeologi­ 3), have developed their own or adopted similar stances.
cal Research in Jerusalem, Israel, where 1was a United States 2The traditional model of the Philistine migration and set­
Information Agencyjunior Fellow during the 1998-1999 aca­ tlement based on the archaeological evidence is in large part
demic year. While injerusalem 1 benefited from the insights built upon the work of T. Dothan, whose seminal volume on
of numerous members of the Israeli archaeological communi­ the Philistine material culture remains the standard reference
ty, but from no one more so than Seymour Gitin and Trude (1982). The excavations at Tel Miqne-Ekron, which Dothan
Dothan. 1would also like to thank my academic advisors David codirected with Gitin, have greatly enhanced our understand­
G. Mitten, Peter Machinist, and especially Lawrence E. Stager ing of the Philistine settlement and material culture (Dothan
for their many helpful comments and encouragements. 1992, 1995, 1997,1998a), as has the ongoing work at Ashkel-
1 The alternative model, which is outlined below, has been on, directed by Stager (1991, 1998a, 1998b). For additional
extensively worked out by Sherratt (1992, 316-47; see also refinements of the traditional view see Mazar (1988b).
Sherratt and Sherratt 1991,373-5) and was first applied to the 3Sherratt 1992, 323; 1998, 298-307. Adams (1968, 201)
archaeological evidence of the late 13th and 12th centuries drew attention to the unreliability of using the appearance of
B.C. from Cyprus. Later, it was expanded to address the Philis­ mass-produced, wheelmade pottery as a barometer of popula­
tine settlement (Sherratt 1998, 292-313). The model incor­ tion change, although it can be used as “a sensitive indicator of
porates elements of the economic theory of W. Sombart, who economic conditions.” This observation, however, concerned
stresses the generative role played by the demand for luxuries only the appearance of a specific type of pottery and did not
in the development of capitalist society (1967, 113-71; cf. take into account those instances in which a wider range of
Sherratt and Sherratt 1991, 353-4). Embedded in the socio­ intrusive material culture traits accompanied mass-produced,
economic structure of the eastern Mediterranean during the wheelmade pottery, as is the case with the Philistines (see “The
second millennium B.C., as explicated by Sherratt, are certain Urban Character of the Philistine Settlement and the Diversi­
inherentoutcomes characterized by destabilization; herein lies ty of the Associated Material Culture,” following).
the model’s interpretative force. Others, such as Artzy (1997, 4Artzy 1997, 7; Sherratt 1998, 295.

513
American Journal o f Archaeology 104 (2000) 513-30
514 TRISTAN J. BARAKO [AJA104

Fig. 1. Cypriot and Levantine imports in the 12th century B.C.

O v er tim e th e r e was a sh ift in tr a d e fro m in tr in ­ an alread y d ec lin in g city-state system across th e east­
sic-value g o o d s (i.e., raw m a teria ls) c o n tro lle d by e rn M e d ite rra n e a n .
th e state to value-ad d ed goods (i.e., M ycen aean im ­ A lth o u g h th e arc h aeo lo g ical d a ta w o u ld seem to
ita tio n w ares) th a t w ere fre e ly c irc u la te d by a n s u p p o r t this sc e n a rio — th e w ide d is trib u tio n o f a
em e rg in g e n tre p re n e u ria l class, a m o n g w hom w ere fo re ig n p o tte ry type is o fte n a ttr ib u te d to m e c h a ­
th e Sea P eo p les.5*T his loss o f c o n tro l over in te rn a ­ nism s o f tra d e — a n d d e sp ite th e la u d a b le ap p lica­
tional tra d e c o n trib u te d to th e e c o n o m ic d em ise o f tio n o f conjoncture to th e so cio eco n o m ic e n v iro n m e n t

5This process corresponds to S herratt’s “luxury im port of Мус НІС: lb pottery in the eastern M editerranean, and,
substitution" (1992, 323; 1998, 294-6)—a concept loosely therefore, the key to a proper understanding of what is
based on the urban economic theory ofjacobs (1970,30), traditionally referred to as the Sea Peoples’ settlement.
which is the motivating force behind the wide distribution
2000] THE PHILISTINE SETTLEMENT AS MERCANTILE PHENOMENON? 515
T able 1. C ypriot Im p o rts o f th e 12th C e n tu ry B.C. F o u n d at Sites in Syria-Palestine

T ype o f Vessels a n d
Site Q u a n tity S tr a tu m /D a te R e fe re n c e

Tyre C y p rio t W hite- S tra tu m X I V /1 2 0 0 - Bikai 1978, 5 3 -5 , ta b le 13A,

P a in te d a n d B lack 1 0 7 0 /5 0 B.C. pis. 22:17, 28:3, 7, 3 4 :2 -3
Slip W h e e lm a d e (= W h ite -P a in te d ), 55, pis. 2 2 :1 2 -3 ,
(“B u c c h e ro ”) 2 8 :1 0 -1 (= B lack S lip W h eel-
vessels, Мус Н ІС c u p m a d e ) , 65, p i. 39:20 (= Мус IIIC )

Tell K eisan Мус НІС stirru p jar, S tratu m 1 3 /c a . 1200 H u m b e rt 1993, 864; B alensi 1981,
“w h ite-painted III”- B.C. 399-401
type d e c o ra te d ju g

B eth S hean “sm all quan tity Level VI = S trata S-3 M azar 1993, 216
o f h ig h quality a n d S -4 /1200-1130 B.C.
im p o rte d M ycenaean
IIIC p o tte ry ”

Tel D or LC IIIA o r IIIB local p h ase 9 /c a . 1100 W olff 1998, 778, fig. 14, r e p o r te d by
W hite-P ainted B.C. E. S te rn e t al.
W heelm ad e
stra in e r ju g

Tell F ar ‘ah, LC IIIB Black Early Iro n A ge I tom bs P etrie a n d T ufnell 1930, pis. 68 -7 0
South Slip W heelm ad e
(“B u c ch e ro ”) ju g s

o f th e eastern M editerranean in th e late second mil­ in th e an cien t texts o r ap p e ar o n Egyptian wall reliefs,
le n n iu m В .С ./ the com plete absence o f evidence for they are usually portrayed as hostile peoples to w hom
long-distance trade d u rin g the tim e o f the Philistine acts o f destruction are attributed. It is difficult to see
se ttle m en t ren d e rs this revisionist m o d el unten ab le. in any o f this the activities o f traders.
T hose excavated sites a t th e h e a rt o f the P hilistine
T H E S E T T L E M E N T OF P H IL IS T IA AN D T H E
se td e m e n t—A shdod, A shkelon, a n d Tel M iqne-Ek-
A B S E N C E O F IM P O R T E D P O T T E R Y
ro n — do n o t b ea r th e im p rin t o f pred o m in an d y m er­
cantile com m unities b u t ra th e r ap p e ar as urban ized D espite th e m any co m m o n m aterial cu ltu re traits
centers in h ab ited by an intrusive an d diversified p o p ­ sh a re d by P hilistia a n d Cyprus in th e 12th cen tu ry
ulation exhibiting a distinctively new m aterial cu lture.7 B.C.,8 th e re are n o item s o f proven Cypriot provenience
F u rth erm o re, massive destruction levels, w hich were in Philistia at this tim e (fig. 1, table l ) . 9 If Philistine
likely the resu lt o f v iolent e n c o u n te rs, im m ediately sites were truly settled by m ercantile com m unities with
p re c e d e d these setd em en ts a n d re p re se n t an u n ex ­ connections to Cyprus, o n e w ould ex p ect to find clear
p ec te d outcom e o f m ercantile contacts. Finally, w hen evidence for direct contacts in b o th re g io n s.10 L arge
th e Philistines a n d o th e r Sea Peoples are m e n tio n e d a m o u n ts o f rim fra g m en ts fro m C a n aa n ite sto rag e

6Braudel 1995, 892-903; cf. Sherratt 1998, 294. and Hankey 1989,163). Humbert (1993,864) reports that the
’ Dothan 1992, 97; Stager 1998a, 165-6; 1998b, 344-8. jar is probably from the Kouklia area on Cyprus. Although not
“D othan 1982, 160-72; Mazar 1991, 97-102; Sherratt tested, the Мус НІС: 1b sherds from Beth Shean may be from
1994, 70. Cyprus, based on their appearance (Warren and Hankey 1989,
“Based on neutron activation analysis (NAA), it has been 164-5; Mazar 1993, 216). Finally, some Late Cypriot (LC) III
shown that 12th-century B.C. Philistine pottery from Ashdod “Bucchero” jugs were found in tombs at Tell Far'ah, South
andTelMiqne-Ekron was locally made (Asaroetal. 1971,169- (Gilboa 1989, 204 n. 1).
75;Gunnewegetal. 1986,17-27). One sherdfromTel Miqne- 10For the resumption ofwide-scale Cypriot imports into Israel
Ekron proved to be of Cypriot origin, but it is a piece of Мус in the second half of the 11th century B.C. (= Cypro-Geometric
IIIB, and therefore dates to before the Philistine settlement I), see Gilboa 1989; 1998, 413-25. Even while these contacts
(cited by Sherratt 1994,68 n. 9; 1998,302 n. 17). Small amounts were intensifying at places such as Tyre and Dor, very few Cyp­
of Мус НІС: 1b pottery made in Cyprus have been found in Is­ riot vessels reached Philistia (Gilboa 1998, 423). Cf., however,
rael but outside the Philistine pentapolis. Balensi (1981,399- Wolff 1998, 778, fig. 14 (“Tel Dor” section by E. Stern et al.) for
401) originally published a stirrupjar from T ell Keisan as being the recent discovery of a LC IIIA or IIIB Cypriot “White-Painted
MycIIICTa; however, most would date it somewhat later, that Wheelmade” strainerjug atTel Dor in a transitional late 12th/
is, Мус НІС Middle (Mountjoy 1986, 168-9; see also Warren early 11th-century B.C. destruction level (= local phase 9).
516 TRISTAN J. BARAKO [AJA 104

ja rs , how ever, have b e e n fo u n d in LC IIIA co n tex ts afte r several seasons o f extensive excavation at th re e
o n C yprus a t K id o n ," H ala S u ltan T ek k e ,*12 E nko- m a jo r P h ilistin e sites (two o f th e m co astal), n o t a
m i,13 a n d M aa-Palaeokastro'4 (see fig. 1). S o u th e rn sin g le s h e rd o f im p o r te d C y p rio t o r A e g e an p o t­
P ale stin e a n d th e “c e n tra l L ev a n t” a re th e su g g est­ tery sh o u ld b e fo u n d . We are left to co n c lu d e , th e n ,
e d re g io n s o f o rig in fo r th e M aa-Palaeokastro m a te ­ th a t overseas contacts involving Philistia h a d ceased:
rial b a se d o n a lim ite d set o f co m p arativ e d a ta fro m an u n e x p e c te d d e v e lo p m e n t if th e re g io n h a d in ­
m a in la n d L e v a n tin e s ite s .15 C o n s id e r in g th e a b ­ d e e d recently b e e n settled by those involved in th e
se n ce o f C ypriot im p o rts a t sites su ch as P h ilisd a se ab o rn e tra d e o f massive am o u n ts o f p o tte ry a n d
in th e s o u th e rn coastal L evant, a n d th e p ro x im ity w ho w ere in “close a n d reg u la r co n tac t w ith C yprus.”19
o f C yprus to m a jo r C a n a a n ite a n d P h o e n ic ia n c e n ­
ters in th e n o r th e r n coastal L evant, in c lu d in g Byb- Overland Trade
los, Tyre, a n d S a re p ta , I w o u ld su g g e st th a t th e O verland trade connecting the Levantine coast with
C a n a a n ite im p o rts in C yprus d u r in g th e LC IIIA th e interior an d A rabia beyond has also b een cited as a
p e rio d d eriv e fro m th e la tte r re g io n a n d n o t fro m motivating factor in th e settlem ent o f Philistia.20 Sites
P h ilis d a .16 along the coast o f so u th ern C anaan would have been
Im p o rts fro m th e A egean w o rld are also co n sp ic­ well situated to receive goods arriving via desert cara­
uously lacking a t P hilistine sites in th e 12th c e n tu ­ van to b e m oved along the coastal ro ad o r transshipped
ry B.C. C om m only fo u n d in large am o u n ts d u rin g to points west th ro u g h o u t the M editerranean. It is even
th e L ate B ronze Age (fig. 2 ), p o tte ry fro m th e vari­ “possible th at desert traders also played an active role
o us reg io n s o f th e M ycenaean cu ltu ral koine n o lo n g ­ in th e fo u n d in g o f these new d ecen tralized trad in g
e r r e a c h e d s o u th e rn coastal C a n aa n follow ing th e posts.”21 T h e evidence for this is fo u n d primarily a t Tel
arrival o f th e P hilistin es.17 It h as b e e n a rg u e d th a t Masos, a m ajor Iro n Age site in the Negev. T h ere the
th e cessation o f M ycenaean im p o rts at this tim e was excavators fo u n d “M idianite” pottery,22 also referred to
re la te d to th e local P h ilistin e p ro d u c tio n o f those as “Qurayyah p ainted ware,” along with Philistine pot­
types, nam ely tablew ares, previously o b ta in e d fro m tery23 in a context dated from the mid-12th to the mid-
a b ro a d .18 A lth o u g h this was u n d o u b te d ly a m a jo r 11th century B.C. (= stratum II).24 Located as it is in an
fac to r in lessen in g th e d e m a n d for, a n d c o n s e q u e n t­ arid zone, Tel Masos is th o u g h t to have relied o n trade,
ly th e a p p e a ra n c e of, A egean a n d C ypriot im p o rts stim ulated first by Egypt an d th en by Philistine centers
in to P h ilisd a , it strain s th e ev id en c e to sta te th a t for its growth a n d prosperity in the Early Iro n Age.25

"Karageorghis and Demas 1985, pis. 55:T.15/17,60:T.17/ the Late Bronze Age.
26, 64:T.19/25. 21Bauer 1998, 162.
12Astrom 1991a, 150. Through NAA it has been determined 22Aharoni et al. 1974, 70-1, pi. 15:4-7; 1975, 109, pi. 23:3.
that some Canaanite storage jars were locally made, others im­ 23Dayton (1972, 25-33) and Parr (1982, 129) note certain
ported from Ugaritand Cilicia (Raban 1980,6,148,167, table D- motifs of “Midianite” pottery, e.g., birds, running spirals, chev­
5:21-4).JonesandVaughan,citedinAstr6m (1991a, 150),prefer rons, and lozenges, of possible Aegean and eastern Mediterra­
southern Cyprus as the place of origin for these storagejars. nean inspiration. More recently, Parr (1999) has even suggested
13NAA results suggest that the Canaanite storagejars from that there may have been Sea Peoples among the inhabitants
Enkomi came from Ashdod (Gunneweg et al. 1987,168-72). of Qurayya in northwest Arabia. A similar proposal has been
Mazar (1988a, 225) came to the same conclusion based on their made regarding the copper miners of the Arabah (Rothen-
shape and overall appearance. The ja r in question, however, berg 1998). Although there may have been some diffusion of
comes from a LC II tomb (Astrom 1991b, 78) and is, therefore, decorative motifs from the Aegean to northwest Arabia at this
not contemporary with the period of the Philistine settlement. time, there is no evidence for direct contacts between the two
14Hadjicosti 1988,340-85; Jones and Vaughan 1988, 386-99. regions. It is noteworthy in this regard that the birds depicted
15Jones and Vaughan 1988, 393. on “Midianite” pottery are ostriches (Rothenberg and Glass
16M.O. Sugerman’s (2000) petrographic analyses of Canaan­ 1983,99, figs. 1,7.3-5; Stager 1998a, 147), whereas those that
ite storagejar rims from sites throughout the eastern Mediter­ appear on Philistine Bichrome pottery are water birds (Dot­
ranean will greatly enhance our knowledge of the clay sources han 1982, 198-203).
for this type of vessel. 24Cfi, however, Holladay (1998, 383), where the date of
17For LB Mycenaean imports at Ashdod, see Dothan and stratum II is lowered to ca. 1000 B.C. based on the appearance
Freedman 1967, 81-3, fig. 24; Dothan 1971, 25, fig. 1.3, pi. of burnished red slip pottery also in this stratum.
8:3; Dothan and Porath 1993,48-9, fig. 12, pi. 34. For the same 25First suggested by B. Mazar in a lecture given at the Tenth
at Ashkelon, see Stager 1993, 107. For a sherd of imported Archaeological Conference in Israel, 1983 (cited by Finkelstein
Anatolian “Grey Burnished Ware” found at Tel Miqne-Ekron, 1988, 243 n. 18). Kempinski (1993, 989) also attributes the
see Allen 1994, 39-51. growth in trade at around 1100 B.C. to the nearby presence of
“ Bunimovitz 1990, 212. the Philistines. See also Oren (1984,48) where Masos is viewed
19Sherratt 1998, 298, 304. at this time as “an administrative centre and way-station for
20Bauer 1998,162. Artzy (1994,121-48) has reconstructed caravans on the road from Southern Philistia to Transjordan.”
a similar network of trade for the site of Tel Nami at the end of
2000] THE PHILISTINE SETTLEMENT AS MERCANTILE PHENOMENON? 517

Fig. 2. Late Bronze Age Canaanite sites where numerous Mycenaean a n d /o r Cypriot imports
have been found. (After Leonard 1994, maps 1-38)

M uch o f this trade is said to have involved frankincense d e stin a tio n fo r S o u th A rab ian a n d N ab a te a n carav-
an d m yrrh, w hich unfortunately rem ain “invisible” in a n e e rs w ishing to gain access to w estern m a rk e ts.26
the archaeological record. F ro m an arc h a e o lo g ic a l p ersp ectiv e, how ever, th e
T h e n o tio n th a t P hilistia was active in o v erla n d ev id en ce fo r su ch tra d e in th e 12th c e n tu ry B.C. is
tr a d e by se rv in g as a m a ritim e o u tle t f o r d e s e r t slim a t best. T h e P h ilistin e m a teria l a t Tel Masos is
tra d e rs a n d th e ir g o o d s is g e o g ra p h ic a lly so u n d . ex trem ely scant: th e “sm all q u a n titie s o f P h ilistin e
T h ro u g h o u t m u c h o f its history, Gaza was a m a jo r w are” d ate stylistically a n d stratig rap h ically to a b o u t

26Plin. I IN 12.64; see also Wapnish 1981, 112; Glucker 1987, 86-93.
518 TRISTAN J. BARAKO [AJA 104

Fig. 3. Southern Canaan, the Transjordan, and northwest Arabia

1100 B .C .,27 so m e 75 y ears a f te r th e in itia l P h i­ T h e b u lk o f “M id i a n it e ” p o tte r y a p p e a r s a t

lis tin e s e ttle m e n t. T el H a r o r is th e o n ly in la n d s ite s in n o r t h w e s t A r a b ia a n d in t h e A r a b a h
s ite in th is r e g io n w ith s ig n if ic a n t a m o u n ts o f w h e re th e e v id e n c e f o r c a ra v a n tr a d e is th e s tr o n ­
P h ilis tin e M o n o c h ro m e p o tte ry , also r e f e r r e d to g e st (fig. 3 ). I t d o e s n o t a p p e a r a t an y P h ilis tin e
as lo cally p r o d u c e d Мус I H C rlb (see fig. 3 ), a n d p e n ta p o lis sites fro m an y p e r io d ; h o w ev er, sm all
P h ilis tin e B ic h r o m e p o tte r y d o e s n o t b e g in to a m o u n ts o f “M id ia n ite ” p o tte r y h av e b e e n f o u n d
a p p e a r a t sites in th e N eg e v o n a w ide scale u n ­ n e a r b y in tr a n s itio n a l L B /E a r ly I r o n A ge c o n ­
til th e la tte r p a r t o f th e 1 2 th c e n tu r y B .C .28 te x ts a t G ezer, J e d u r , L a c h is h ,29*a n d T ell F a r 'a h ,

27Aharoni et al. 1974, 70-1; Fritz 1981, 65-6, fig. 6. The found at Tel Masos is slightly later than the date usually as­
bichrome vessel shown in figure 6 is Phoenician, which led signed to this type of pottery (cf. Parr 1982, 128-9).
Fritz (1981, 66) to posit that “extensive trading relationships 28Dothan 1982, 25-35, map 2.
existed between northwest Arabia in the east and the Phoeni­ 29The “Midianite” sherds from Lachish have not been pub­
cian coast in the north.” Trade with Philistia is not mentioned. lished; however, Ussishkin (1993,901) suggests that they came
Note that the transitional late 12th/early 11th-century B.C. from a level VI (ca. 1150-1100 B.C.) fill used beneath the
date given here to stratum IIB and to the “Midianite” pottery level IV palace-fort.
2000] THE PHILISTINE SETTLEMENT AS MERCANTILE PHENOMENON? 519

T able 2. “M id ian ite” P o ttery F o u n d a t Sites N ea r th e P h ilistin e H e a rtla n d

Type o f Vessels a n d
Site Q uantity S tra tu m /D a te R eferen ce

G ezer S m all bow l C o n te x t u n k n o w n B ra n d i 1984

Jed u r Sm all bowl L ate B ronze Age to m b B en-A rieh 1981, 120, fig.
5.1; R o th e n b e rg a n d Glass
1983, 81

L achish Few sherds Level V I?/ca. 1150-1100 U ssishkin 1993, 901

B.C.

Tel Masos E ig h t sherds, p erh a p s S tratu m IIB /m id -1 2 th to A h aro n i e t al. 1974, 70-1,
all fro m a single vessel m id - llth ce n tu ry B.C. pi. 15:4-7; 1975, 109, pi.
23:3

Tell F ar'ah , S outh A pproxim ately a S herds fro m b o th above Starkey a n d H a rd in g 1932,
d o zen sh erd s an d a n d below th e floors o f th e 29, pi. 63:53-6; R o th e n b e rg
o n e co m p lete ju g le t “residency” (= m id-13th to a n d Glass 1983, 82; T ufnell
en d o f th e 12th cen tu ry in D ayton 1972, 28
B.C.; Ju g le t fro m to m b 542
(= 12th ce n tu ry B.C.)

S o u th 30 (ta b le 2 ). A t Tel Masos e ig h t sh erd s w ere an c e a n d fre q u en c y a t sites in th e n o r th e r n N egev

fo u n d , all o f w hich m ay be fro m th e sam e vessel.31 an d so u th e rn coastal plain. In P hilistia cam els first
A rchaeological evidence fo r d ire c t c o n ta c t betw een a p p e a re d in significant n u m b e rs only by th e Iro n II
A rabia a n d th e P hilistine h e a rtla n d d u rin g th e 12th p e rio d ;34 o utside th e p en tap o lis th e only site in this
c e n tu ry B.C., th e re fo re , is n o n e x iste n t, w hile th e region with a large an d reliable fau n al sam ple is Tell
signs o f in d ire c t c o n ta c t are slight. Je m m e h . H ere a total o f 15 cam el b o n es w ere fo u n d
If, however, th e p rim ary com m odity involved h ad in co n tex ts p re d a tin g 700 B.C., in c lu d in g 5 fro m th e
b e e n in c e n se , n o a rc h a e o lo g ic a l tra c e w o u ld re ­ L ate B ronze Age a n d 2 fro m th e Iro n I p e rio d .35 L arge
m a in .32 O n e w ould expect, th o u g h , to fin d traces o f am o u n ts o f cam el (188 frag m en ts) indicative o f in ­
th e m o st effective m o d e o f tra n s p o rt across th e A ra­ creased caravan traffic d o n o t b egin to a p p e a r at Tell
b ian D ese rt a n d in to s o u th e rn P ale stin e— nam ely, Je m m e h un til th e N eo-Babylonian an d P ersian p eri­
th e cam el. T h e re has b e e n m u c h d e b a te c o n c e rn ­ ods in th e sixth to fo u rth cen tu ries B.C.36 T h e re is n o
in g th e d a te o f th e c a m e l’s d o m e stic a tio n in th e positive evidence, th e n , fo r sig n ifican t d ire c t trad e
a n c ie n t N ea r E ast,33 b u t fo r p re s e n t p u rp o ses th a t by cam el betw een A rabia a n d th e so u th e rn coastal
w hich is m o st im p o rta n t is th e d a te o f its a p p e a r­ L evant b efo re th e first m illen n iu m B.C.37*

30Starkey and Harding 1932, 29, pi. 63:53-6; see also Roth- subject see Artzy 1994, 134—5; Finkelstein 1988, 246-7; Bar­
enberg and Glass 1983,82. According to the excavation report nett 1985, 16-8; Wapnish 1981, 104—7.
the published “Midianite” sherds came from a Philistine con­ 34B. Hesse, pers. comm.
text; however, O. Tufnell (reported in Dayton 1972, 28) feels 35Wapnish 1981,102. Camel remains are completely absent
that they are better dated to ca. 1220 B.C. Rothenberg and from the Iron I faunal assemblages at Tel Masos (Tchernov
Glass (1983, 86) report that the jug from Tell el-Ajjul (Petrie andDrori 1983,215) and at nearby Tel Beer-Sheba (Hellwing
1932,12, pi. 41:42) is not “Midianite” but “Chocolate on White 1984, 114).
Ware.” 36Wapnish 1981, 120-1.
31Aharoni etal. 1975, 109. 37Hebrew Bible narratives, e.g., Gen. 37:25, involving the
32For trade in organic goods in the eastern Mediterranean use of domesticated camels are infrequent and in most cases
during the Bronze Age in general, see Knapp 1991, 21-68. anachronistic. References to travel and transport by donkey
More specifically for the incense trade in the Negev during are much more common, accurately reflecting the situation
the 12th century B.C., see Finkelstein 1988, 247. during the periods of the Patriarchs and Judges (see, e.g.,
33For a recent discussion and relevant bibliography on this Albright 1970, 205).
520 TRISTAN J. BARAKO [AJA104

D onkey caravans, o n th e o th e r h a n d , a re well at­ c a n n o t s u p p o r t assig n in g th e M id ian ites (a n d th e

tested in th e a n c ie n t N ea r E ast fro m as early as th e o v erlan d trad e they have co m e to re p re se n t) a c o n ­
C h a lc o lith ic p e rio d . F o r s o u th e rn C a n a a n d u rin g structive ro le in th e e sta b lish m e n t o f th e P h ilistin e
th e Early Iro n A ge th e p rim ary so u rce o f ev idence p e n ta p o lis .
is th e H eb rew B ible, p a rtic u la rly th o se n arrativ es T h e cessatio n o r m a jo r d e c lin e in in te rn a tio n a l
invo lv in g th e M id ian ites. In th e se n a rra tiv e s th e m aritim e trad e b ro u g h t a b o u t by th e b reak do w n o f
M idianites a p p e a r as cam el rid e rs38 a n d possess large Late B ronze Age political a n d eco n o m ic cen ters h a d
n u m b e rs o f d o n k ey s,39 asso ciatio n s fo r w h ich th e a significant im p act o n coastal regions such as P hi­
M id ia n ite s fro m th e s o u th e r n T r a n s jo r d a n a n d listia. As se en by th e v irtu al a b se n c e o f im p o rte d
N e g e v h a v e o f te n b e e n v ie w e d as d e s e r t c a ra - item s,46 P hilistine p o rts w ere n o lo n g e r th e bustling
vaneers.40 W ith o n e ex c ep tio n , th e “S ong o f D eb o ­ e n tre p o ts they o n ce h a d b ee n . T h e ap p eal fo r d o n ­
r a h ” f ro m J u d g e s 5, th e s e p a ssa g e s w e re e i th e r key ca rav an eers w h o m ig h t have se en th e ir goo d s
co m p o se d o r re d a c te d at a la te r d a te a n d a re th e re ­ reach a w ide overseas m a rk e t h a d vanished. This fal-
fo re historically suspect. D ate d by m o st to th e 12th lo ff in s ta te -s p o n s o re d m a ritim e tr a d e , how ever,
ce n tu ry B.C.,41 Ju d g e s 5 is a m o n g th e o ld e st literary m ig h t have ac te d as a stim ulus fo r d ec en tra liz ed over­
units in th e H eb rew Bible a n d o n e o f th e few n a rra ­ la n d tra d e ,47 sim ilar to th e p ro cess p ro p o se d by S.
tives ro u g h ly c o n te m p o ra n e o u s to th e events th a t it S h e rra tt a n d o th e rs fo r overseas c o m m erce a t this
d e s c rib e s . tim e.48 M ost o f this low-volume e n tre p re n e u ria l trad e
In alm o st o ffh a n d fash io n th e p o em reveals th e was p ro b ab ly d ire c te d alo n g an in te rio r ro u te b e­
c u r r e n t sta te o f affairs fo r lo n g -d ista n ce o v e rla n d cause o f th e u n sta b le c o n d itio n s a lo n g th e coastal
trad e . V erse six reads: “In th e days o f Sham gar, son ro a d .49 T h e d istrib u tio n o f “M id ian ite” p o tte ry sup­
o f A n ath , in th e days o f j a ’el, caravans42 ceased a n d p o rts this reco n stru ctio n : it ap p ears in large q u an ti­
travelers k e p t to th e byways.” T h e le ad e rs o f those ties only at sites in th e in terio r, e ith e r a t sites in its
caravans are su g g ested a few verses later: ‘Y ou rid ­ place o f o rig in in n o rth w est A rabia such as Q urayya
ers o n tawny asses, you w ho sit over M idian,43 a n d a n d to a lesser e x te n t Tayma, o r in th e copper-rich
w ho w alk o n th e ro ad : S ing o u t!”44 A rab ah a t th e sites o f T im n a h a n d K h irb et F einan,
E xcav atio n s a n d surveys in th o se re g io n s co m ­ thus in d icatin g a stro n g co n n e c tio n betw een m etal-
m o n ly associated w ith M idianite activity, in c lu d in g sm ith in g a n d ca rav an e erin g .50
n o rth w e st A rabia, s o u th e rn T ra n sjo rd a n , a n d th e
T H E M E R C A N T IL E N A T U R E O F T H E
Negev, have rev ealed a d ev e lo p e d m a teria l cu ltu re
P H I L I S T I N E S E T T L E M E N T IN L I G H T O F T H E
th a t flo u rish e d d u rin g th e tran sitio n al L ate B ro n z e /
D E S T R U C T IO N L E V E L S A T P E N T A P O L IS S IT E S
Iro n A ge p e rio d , thus e n c o m p a ssin g th e co m p o si­
tion d a te o f ju d g e s 5.45 Now th a t th e M idianites have A n o th e r d ifficu lty in a ttr ib u tin g th e P h ilistin e
b e e n situ a te d c h ro n o lo g ic a lly a n d g eo g ra p h ica lly se ttle m e n t to th e activity o f g ro u p s o f an essentially
th ro u g h excavation a n d text, w hat a re th e im p lica­ co m m ercial (a n d p ro b ab ly p eacefu l) n a tu re is th e
tions fo r in te rre g io n a l trad e a n d th e P hilistin e set­ p re se n c e o f d e s tru c tio n levels in th e rele v an t stra­
tle m e n t? C ertainly, as c o n te m p o ra rie s a n d d ista n t ta. A t T el M iq n e -E k ro n , th e sm a ll 4 h a LB city
n e ig h b o rs they w ere in a p o sitio n to in te ra c t w ith (= S tratu m V III) e n d e d in a “m assive d e s tru c tio n ”
Philistia, b u t th e available arc h aeo lo g ical evidence o v er w h ich th e m u c h la rg e r 20 h a P h ilistin e city

98See, e.g., Gen. 37:25-36 andjud. 7:12, 8:26. e.g., Exod. 18:14, Pss. 61:8, 102:13. Amos 1:5, 8 may contain
"S ee Num. 31. the closest parallel construction: “and I will cut off the ruler of
40The first comprehensive studies of the historical Midian­ the Valley of Aven (ydseb mibiq ‘at- ’aven) ” ... “And I will cut off
ites were Eissfeldt 1968, 383-93, and Albright 1970. the ruler of Ashdod (ydseb me’ asaddd)."
41G.F. Moore (1910, 133) was one of the first to recognize 44Verse 10 translation taken from Schloen 1993, 25.
the early composition of this passage. Also in favor of a 12th-cen- 45For discussion and relevant bibliography, see Cross 1998,
tury B.C. date are Cross and Freedman (1997,5) .Albright (1968, 63-5 nn. 40-1; Schloen 1993, 31 n. 50.
13),deVaux (1978,794-6),Gray (1986,261),andStager (1988, “ Supra nn. 9-10.
224), inter alia. For an 1lth-century B.C. date, see Mayes 1969; 47Schloen 1993, 33. Stager (1992, 40-1) observed a similar
Coogan 1978, 145 n. 11. For a date after the formation of the dynamic in this region during the Early Bronze Age. Periods of
United Monarchy (ca. 1000 B.C.), see Garbini 1978, 7-17. strong Egyptian presence in southern Canaan are character­
42Moore’s (1910, 142) repointing of 3orahot (“paths”) to ized by a rise in the amount, value, and variety of goods moved
read ’orehoi (“caravans”) has been widely adopted and makes by sea; in short, enterprises requiring the support of a central­
greater sense in the given context. ized authority backed by substantial capital. In the absence of
43Again, the re pointing of middin (“measure” or “garment”) this, small-scale trade by donkey caravan was the norm.
to midyan (“Midian”) is contextually preferable (Coogan 1978, 48Supra n. 1.
148 nn. 26-7; Schloen 1993, 25-7). The Hebrew verb yasab 49Schloen 1993, 34.
can often convey the sense “to sit over as king or judge”: see, "Stager 1998a, 148.
2000] THE PHILISTINE SETTLEMENT AS MERCANTILE PHENOMENON? 521

(= stratu m VII) was built.51 T h e evidence from Ash- q u est. B u t c o n s id e re d alo n g w ith th e te x tu a l a n d
d o d is n o t as u niform b u t no less dram atic: in are a B, a rc h a e o lo g ic a l ev id en c e fro m a n o th e r L ev a n tin e
stratum 1 (characterized by transitional L B /E arly Iro n coastal site, Ras S h a m ra /U g a rit, th e a rg u m e n t fo r a
Age pottery) was covered by a thick d estructio n lev­ s e a b o rn e in v asio n b e c o m e s m o re co n v in cin g . An
el.52 T h e succeeding strata seem to have b ee n excavat­ e x c h a n g e o f le tte rs b e tw e e n th e k in g o f C yprus
e d a n d d isc u sse d as a p a r t o f a r e a A w h e re th e (“A lashiya”) a n d th e last k ing o f U g arit, A m m urap i,
stratigraphy is less clear.53 In a lim ited ex p o su re in vividly presag es th e disastrous events so o n to befall
this area, an 85 cm ashy destruction layer covered a th e latter. In resp o n se to a le tte r now lost th e king
floor from the e n d o f the LB (= stratum XIV). Above o f A lashiya counsels: “W h a t have you w ritten to m e
th e level o f this destruction layer th e re was in places ‘en e m y sh ip p in g has b e e n sig h ted a t se a ’? Well now,
an 80 cm layer o f debris containing bo th LB an d Phi­ even if it is tru e th a t en e m y ships have b e e n sight­
listine pottery (possibly intrusive), a n d above this was ed , b e firm . In d e e d th e n , w h at o f y o u r tro o p s, y o u r
an eph em eral layer o f th e first Sea Peoples settlem ent. c h a rio ts, w h e re a re th e y s ta tio n e d ? A re th e y sta­
D u rin g th e in itial P h ilistin e o c c u p a tio n in Ash- tio n e d close a t h a n d o r are th ey not? Fortify y o u r
d o d a re a H (= local stratu m 5, g e n e ra l stratu m X III), towns, b rin g th e tro o p s a n d th e ch a rio ts in to th em ,
a large b u ild in g was c o n s tru c te d partially over walls a n d w ait fo r th e en em y w ith firm fe e t.”58
fro m th e previous stratu m a n d partially over an 80 To w hich th e b e lea g u ered A m m u rap i replies: “My
cm th ick layer o f ash.54 T h e clearest se q u en c e com es father, th e en em y ships are already h ere, they have
fro m a re a G, w h ere th e LB city (= stra tu m XIV) e n d ­ set fire to my towns a n d have d o n e very g rea t d am age
e d in an “in te n se d e s tru c tio n ,” follow ed by a settle­ in th e country. My father, d id you n o t know th a t all my
m e n t o f a “d if f e r e n t c h a r a c t e r ” m a rk e d by th e tro o p s w ere statio n ed in th e H ittite country, a n d th a t
a p p e a r a n c e o f s ig n ific a n t a m o u n ts o f P h ilis tin e all my ships are still statio n ed in Lycia a n d have n o t
p o ttery .55 U n fo rtu n a tely , th e tra n sitio n a l L B /E a rly yet re tu rn e d ? So th a t th e co u n try is a b a n d o n e d to
Iro n A ge strata at A shkelon have n o t yet b e e n suffi­ itself. . . . C o n sid er this my father, th e re a re seven
ciently excavated. T his, how ever, will so o n ch an g e en e m y ships th a t have co m e a n d d o n e very g re a t
as w ork p ro c e e d s in g rid 38, w h ere th e re is c u rre n t­ d a m a g e .”59
ly a w ide ex p o su re o f th e 12th-century B.C. Philis­ A t Ras S h am ra a clear a n d extensive d estru c tio n
tin e city.56 level has b een excavated th a t can be confidendy d at­
T h e ex isten ce o f d e s tru c tio n levels a t two exca­ ed to the d ecad e ca. 1190.60 T h e p resen ce o f n u m e r­
vated sites, Tel M iqne-E kron a n d A shdod, follow ed o u s a r r o w h e a d s t h r o u g h o u t th e d e b r is le d th e
by th e ap p e a ra n c e o f th e sam e distinctly new m a te ­ excavators to conclude th a t th e destru ctio n was o f an
rial c u ltu re 57 d oes n o t necessarily im ply fo re ig n co n ­ in ten tio n al an d hostile n atu re .61*As at Philistine sites,

51Dothan 1998a, 151-2. In the initial phase of stratum VII, 57, will determine whether or not this destruction layer was
a 5 m wide mudbrick city wall (= W6004) was constructed that local or covered the entire tell.
has thus far appeared in all fields excavated around the perim­ 57 See under “The Urban Character of the Philistine Settle­
eter of the tell. For field I, see Dothan and Gitin 1982, 10-3; ment and the Diversity of its Associated Material Culture,” fol­
for field III, see Gittlen 1984, 5; for field X, see Dothan et al. lowing.
1998, 13-4. Along the southern side of the tell in field III, an 58R.S.L.l. Translation taken from Sandars 1985, 143.
11m section of the same wall (= W16009-28002) was dated to 59RS 20.238. Translation taken from Sandars 1985, 143.
the late 12th century B.C. (= stratum VI). In the northwest 60A letter (RS 86.2230) sent by Bay, a high ranking official
corner of the tell, in field X, another 11m long and 6 m wide during the reign of Siptah (1197-1192 B.C.), addressed to
stretch was found (= W90006) in stratum VIIB, built directly Ammurapi was found in the final destruction level at Ras Shamra
on top of the Middle Bronze rampart. (Bordreuil 1987,297). Although Bay’s career began in the reign
52Dothan and Freedman 1967, 81. of Seti II (1203-1197 B.C.) and may have extended into the
53Dothan 1971, 25. beginning of Sethnakhte’s (1192-1188B.C.; Cerny 1966,39),
54Dothan 1971, 158-9, plan 20. only during the reign of Siptah does Bay rise to high office, a
55Dothan and Porath 1993, 53, plan 8. position indicated by his title in RS 86.2230 (Freu 1988). There­
56During the excavations byj. Garstang and W.J. Phythian- fore, the terminus postquem for the destruction of Ras Sham­
Adams in the 1920s, a thick layer of black ash was found sepa­ ra/U garit can be fixed to the reign of Siptah. A terminus ante
rating the Late Bronze (stage V) from the Iron Age (stage VI) quem can be found in the absence of Мус НІС imports at the
strata (Phythian-Adams 1923, 63-4, figs. 3-4). A decade earli­ site (Yon 1992, 119). There is some debate, however, regard­
er Mackenzie (1913, 21, pi. 2) observed a similar sequence in ing the date of some amphoroid kraters with pictorial decora­
the same part of the tell and tentatively associated the destruc­ tion found in the final destruction level (Warren and Hankey
tion and subsequent settlement with the arrival of the Philis­ 1989, 159-60, with references). Whether they belong in the
tines. This area corresponds to the current excavations of the terminal Late Helladic IIIB or are early IIIC imports does not
Leon Levy Expedition to Ashkelon in grids 50 and 57, where greatly alter the chronological picture.
a similar destruction level has notyet been found. The excava­ 61Yon 1992, 117, with further references.
tions in grid 38, approximately 225 m northeast of grids 50 and
522 TRISTAN J. BARAKO [AJA 104

th e p o tte ry fro m this stratu m a t Ras S h am ra y ield ed p a tte r n s o f s e ttle m e n t vis-a-vis th e n ativ e p o p u la ­
C ypriot a n d M ycenaean im p o rts, b u t co n tra ry to th e tions m ay b e o bserved. In g e n e ra l, th e P h o e n ic ia n s
situ a tio n in P hilistia, Ras S h a m r a /U g a rit was n o t c h o s e a b a n d o n e d o r sp a rse ly s e ttle d sites, as at
re in h a b ite d .62 A t th e n earb y royal resid e n ce o f Ras M otya,67 M o n te S irai,68 Sulcis,69 G a d e s/C a d iz ,70 Ibi­
Ib n H a n i, how ever, a g ro u p o f se ttle rs p ro d u c in g za,7’ a n d T oscanos.72 In all cases, re la tio n s w ith th e
larg e q u a n titie s o f Мус IH C rlb p o tte ry re o c c u p ie d n ativ e p o p u la tio n a p p e a r to h av e b e e n p e a c e fu l,
th e site.63 as ev id en c ed by th e ab sen c e o f d e s tru c tio n levels
A lth o u g h th e re seem s to b e a consensu s re g a rd ­ a t P h o e n ic ia n co lony sites; this is likely b ecau se o f
in g th e Sea P e o p le s’ ro le in th e d estru c tio n s affect­ a m u tu a l in te r e s t in e n s u rin g th e sm o o th o p e r a ­
in g coastal Syria a t th e close o f th e L ate B ron ze A ge,64 tio n o f tra d e .73
o p in io n s differ as to w ho was involved in th e reset­ M ercan tile co m m u n ities estab lish ed o v erla n d in
tle m e n t. S om e clearly id e n tify th e in h a b ita n ts o f d e n s e r p o p u la tio n areas a re also c h a ra c te riz e d by
Early Iro n A ge Ras Ib n H a n i w ith a g ro u p o f Sea h a rm o n io u s co e x isten ce w ith th e in d ig e n o u s p o p ­
P eoples, w hile o th e rs feel th a t “n o m a teria l o r his­ u la tio n : a t H a c in e b i, a f o u r th - m ille n n iu m B.C.
torical a rg u m e n t p e rm its th e ir id e n tifica tio n as ‘Sea “U ru k E x p a n sio n ” site in so u th e a ste rn Turkey, th e
P eo p le s.’”65 In e ith e r case, th e re is a g e n e ra l ag re e­ spatially d istin ct local A n ato lian a n d in tru siv e Mes­
m e n t as to th e cau se o f d e s tru c tio n (i.e., h o stile o p o ta m ia n c o m m u n itie s p e a c e fu lly c o e x is te d .74
a tta c k ), th e p e r p e tra to r s (i.e., S ea P e o p le s), a n d T h e p re s e n c e o f th e O ld A ssyrian m e rc a n tile e n ­
se q u e n c e o f a rc h a e o lo g ic a l events (i.e., M ycenae­ clave at K iilte p e /K a n e sh is k now n only th ro u g h th e
a n a n d C ypriot im p o rts follow ed by d es tru c tio n in ec o n o m ic texts fo u n d th e re . B ased o n a rc h aeo lo g ­
tu rn follow ed by th e a p p e a ra n c e o f locally p ro d u c e d ical c o n sid eratio n s a lo n e th e karum has th e a p p e a r­
Мус IIIC :lb ). B roadly speaking, th e sam e co u ld b e a n c e o f a ty p ical A n a to lia n s e ttle m e n t, a n d th e
said fo r th e situ atio n in Philistia. arrival o f Assyrian m e rc h a n ts a t th e site is n o t m a rk e d
Sites o f m e rc a n tile ch a racter, w h e th e r se ttle d by by any d es tru c tio n levels.75 A side fro m th e inevita­
sea o r o v erlan d , a re usually n o t m a rk e d by d e s tru c ­ b le b u sin e ss-re la te d d isp u te s, th e tex ts p o r tra y a
tio n levels. T h e P h o e n ic ia n ex p a n sio n in th e w est­ p e a c e fu l r e la tio n s h ip b e tw e e n th e A ssyrian m e r­
e rn M e d ite rra n e a n d u rin g th e e ig h th a n d seventh ch an ts a n d th e ir A n ato lian hosts.
c e n tu r ie s B.C. is p e r h a p s th e b e s t e x a m p le o f a
T H E U R B A N C H A R A C T E R OF T H E P H IL IS T IN E
se a b o rn e co lo n iz a tio n d riv en by tra d e .66 U n fo rtu ­
S E T T L E M E N T A N D T H E D IV E R S IT Y OF IT S
nately, few o f th e P h o e n ic ia n co lo n ies in Sicily, Sar­
A S S O C IA T E D M A T E R I A L C U L T U R E
d in ia, N o rth A frica, a n d S pain have w ell-preserved
se q u e n c e s o f in d ig e n o u s h a b ita tio n im m e d ia te ly U p o n th e ir arrival, th e P hilistines estab lish ed well
fo llo w e d by th e in it ia l P h o e n ic ia n s e ttle m e n t. p la n n e d u rb a n sites suggestive o f a so c io ec o n o m i­
B ased o n th e available evid en ce, how ever, c e rta in cally diverse p o p u la tio n .76 At Tel M iqne-E kron, ex-

62Traces of a squatter’s settlement immediately following mAequaro 1988, 214.

the destruction were found as well as a single Persian period 70Niemeyer 1990, 473.
installation (Yon 1992, 118-9). 71Semmler 1988, 237.
63For the most recent and thorough publication of the 12th- 72Niemeyer 1990,480. On Malta, however, Phoenician col­
century B.C. setdementatRasIbn Hani, see Bounnietal. 1998. onies were founded in areas where local peoples were well es­
64See inter alia Lagarce and Lagarce 1988, 137-69; Yon tablished (i.e., Tas Silag), with whom the Phoenicians seem to
1992, 116-7; Caubet 1992, 130. have coexisted (Ciasca 1988, 206). Also, Tharros was built on
65Caubet 1992,130. The author’s claims that “nothing sug­ top ofa proto-Sardinian village (Sumurumannu) and incorpo­
gests connections between the pottery discovered at Tell Ba- rated some of its architectural elements, in particular the for­
sit or Ras Ibn Hani with a foreign population," and that “the tifications (Aequaro 1988, 220).
proportion of imported or locally imitated pottery is instead far 73Aubet 1993, 205; Peckham 1992, 414.
less than that of the late Bronze Age levels” is misleading. The 74Stein et al. 1996, 205-60. The purpose of the Uruk colo­
discovery of large amounts of Мус IIIC:lb pottery at Ras Ibn nies in the Zagros Mountains, Syria, and southeastern Anato­
Hani (over 50% of the decorated wares; see Lagarce and Lagarce lia is a debated subject; many view them as trading outposts
1988, 143), locally made and with clear stylistic affinities to established to secure southern Mesopotamian access to the raw
Mycenaean Greece and Cyprus, would seem to contradict these materials of Anatolia (for references see Stein etal. 1996,207-
statements. 8 nn. 13-4). This situation may be compared to the Phoeni­
“ Good overviews of the subject include Aubet 1993, 167- cian exploitation of foreign natural resources, such as Sardinian
276; Niemeyer 1990, 469-90. copper and “Tartessian” silver (Aubet 1993,236-47).
67Isserlin and du Plat Taylor 1974, 79. 75Larsen 1976, 51; Orlin 1970, 201-14.
“ Aubet 1993, 205. 76Dothan 1992, 97; Mazar 1991, 96; Stager 1998b, 345.
2000] THE PHILISTINE SETTLEMENT AS MERCANTILE PHENOMENON? 523
p a n s io n a n d f o rd fic a tio n o f th e site m a rk e d th e ra e lite ” hill c o u n try sites, how ever, th e re is little o r
P hilistine se ttle m en t, as well as th e division o f th e n o ev id en ce fo r th e c o n su m p tio n o f pig. T his aver­
city in to in d u stria l, cu b ic, a n d resid e n tia l zo n es.77 sion to p o rk in th e n a sc e n t Israelite co m m u n ity has
T h ese p a tte rn s o f u rb a n iz a tio n have also b e e n o b ­ b e e n ju stly in te rp re te d as an early m an ifesta tio n o f
served a t o th e r p e n ta p o lis sites, th a t is, A sh d o d a n d kashrut p ro h ib itio n laws a n d th e P h ilistin es’ p re d i­
A sh k elo n , w h e re less a r e a o f th e early P h ilistin e le c tio n fo r p ig as a n o th e r in d ic a tio n o f th e ir A e­
cities has b e e n e x p o se d .78 In a d d itio n to distinctive g ea n b a c k g ro u n d .85
c u ltic a n d a r c h ite c tu r a l p ra c tic e s th a t clearly d e ­ S ig n ific a n t also is th e a p p e a r a n c e a n d u se a t
rive fro m th e A egean o r Cyprus, such as M ycenae- P h ilistin e sites o f distinctive k itch en w ares, such as
an-style fig u rin e s,79 in c ise d sc ap u la e,80 a n d h e a r th th e k alath o s86 a n d th e so-called A egean-style cook­
ro o m s,81 th e P hilistines also b ro u g h t w ith th e m m any in g ju g s ,87 w hich are clearly d e riv e d fro m A eg ean
o f th e ir dom estic trad itio n s. A t Iro n I sites in Philis- a n d C ypriot p ro to ty p es, a n d in th e case o f th e lat­
tia th e p e rc e n ta g e o f p ig in th e fau n a l assem blage te r, a lm o s t c o m p le te ly s u p p la n t th e p r e e x is tin g
rose sharply a n d su p p la n te d cow as th e se co n d m o st C a n aa n ite co o k in g p o ts.88 P h ilistin e p o tte ry in g en ­
a b u n d a n t sto c k a n im a l a f te r s h e e p / g o a t . 82 T h is era l d iffe red fro m local C a n aa n ite w ares in alm o st
affin ity fo r p o r k was a p p a r e n tly s h a re d w ith th e every asp ec t o f ceram ic p ro d u c tio n , in c lu d in g clay
A eg ean a n d G reek w orld w here p ig generally c o n ­ so u rces u tilized, m e th o d s o f clay p re p a ra tio n , ves­
stitu te s an even h ig h e r p e r c e n ta g e o f th e fa u n a l se l f o r m a tio n te c h n iq u e s , a n d f ir i n g te m p e r a ­
assem blage th a n a t P h ilistin e sites.83 M oreover, p ig tu r e s .89 In a d d itio n , h u n d r e d s o f u n p e r f o r a te d ,
is th e th ird m o st fre q u e n t fa u n a — afte r sh e ep a n d u n b a k e d , cy lin d rica l lo o m w eig h ts h av e also b e e n
g o at— m e n tio n e d in th e L in e ar В texts fro m Knos- f o u n d a t P h ilistin e sites, in d ic a tin g a c h a n g e in
sos a n d Pylos.84 A t c o n te m p o ra ry C a n aa n ite a n d “Is­ m e th o d s o f tex tile p r o d u c tio n .90 T h ey also have a

77Dothan 1992, 97-8; see also 1998a, 152. In fact, some of these principles anticipate a decline. This is
78Stager 1998b, 345-6. especially true fora corollary to the third principle, which holds
79Dothan 1982, 219-51. that “site size is to some degree negatively correlated with pig
80In Israel incised scapulae have been found so far at Tel abundance” (Hesse and Wapnish 1997, 245). The two main
Miqne-Ekron (Gitin and Dothan 1987, 203-4), Ashkelon faunal samples used in the discussion of pig preference and
(Bloch-Smith 1998,4), and Tel Dor (Stern 1994,96, fig. 49). Philistine ethnicity come from Tel Miqne-Ekron and Ashkel­
It has been suggested that they were used in divination/scapu- on, both of which were large urban sites in the Iron I period
lomancy (Webb 1985, 324—8) or as musical instruments (Do­ that had not decreased but increased in size with the settle­
than 1998a, 155). ment of the Philistines (see under “The Mercantile Nature of
81The best example in Philistia of a megaron-style building the Philistine Settlement in Light of the Destruction Levels
with a centrally located built hearth is at Tel Miqne-Ekron at Pentapolis Sites”; Stager 1998b, 345).
(Dothan 1998a, 156-7, figs. 7-9). At Ashkelon rooms with built 86Dothan 1998b, 23, pi. 13:3.
hearths of all shapes—keyhole, circular, square, and U-shaped— 87Killebrew 1998, 397, figs. 10.13-4, 12.15.
are common in 12th and 1lth-century B.C. phases (= grid 38, 88At Tel Miqne-Ekron in stratum VII of Field IV, only three
phases 18 and 19), whereas in the Late Bronze Age this archi­ Canaanite triangular-profiled-rim cooking pot sherds were
tectural feature is completely absent at the site (Stager, pers. found; all the rest belonged to Aegean-style cooking jugs. In
comm.). stratum VI, however, Canaanite cooking pots begin to reap­
82Hesse 1986, 21-3, table 4. Most recently for Tel Miqne- pear in larger numbers (L. Mazow and A. Tsuckerman, pers.
Ekron, see Lev-Tov 1999, 13-5. comm.). Kitchenware is widely held to be an enduring ethnic
8SFor a useful survey of faunal reports from LH sites on Crete, marker (see Sherratt 1992, 321-2, inter alia) because of its
the Aegean islands, and the Greek mainland see Reese 1995, resistance to change (as opposed to fineware), and because it
184-5. is often a part of a family’s domestic traditions.
84For the relevant tablets from Knossos, see Chadwick et al. 89Killebrew 1998, 399-401.
1971, 45-55; for Pylos, see Chadwick 1973, 205-6; for the ar­ “ Stager 1991, 14-5; Lass 1994, 32-3; Dothan 1995, 46-7.
chaeological and textual evidence for pork consumption in the At Late Minoan I (1675/50-1490/79 B.C.) Miletos, 95% of
Late Bronze Aegean in general, see Trantalidou 1988,395-7. the ceramics from the new excavations was found to be local­
85Stager 1991, 9; 1998a, 165; 1998b, 344. In recent years ly produced Minoan-style pottery (Niemeier 1998, 27). In­
Hesse and Wapnish (1997,238-70; see also Hesse 1995,197- cluded in this assemblage were numerous Minoan tripod
232) have cautioned that the decision to raise pig in antiquity cooking pots and disk-shaped loomweights. Along with the
was conditioned by a wide range of social, economic, and envi- other Minoan traits evident in the material culture at Mile­
ronmen tal factors—formulated as “pig principles”—in addition tos, for example, Linear A script, Minoan fresco fragments,
to the oft-cited cultural or ethnic ones. Although this was un­ and cultic vessels such as chalices and rhyta, these finds have
doubtedly the case, none but culturally or ethnically defined rightly been viewed as reflecting the presence of a Minoan
factors were operative at the time and place of the Philistine settlement in Asia Minor (Neimeier 1998, 28).
settlement in such a way as to predict a rise in pig husbandry.
524 TRISTAN J. BARAKO [AJA104
clea r A egean lin eag e a n d b e a r n o rese m b la n ce to p o ra ry P h ilistin e sites.95
th e p re c e d in g L ev an tin e lo o m w e ig h t types. A lo n g th e n o r th e r n co ast o f Israel th e d iffe ren c­
T h ese u n p r e c e d e n te d aspects o f c u ltu re in d ie t es in m a te ria l c u ltu re a n d s e ttle m e n t p a tte rn s are
a n d a n im a l h u sb a n d ry , m e th o d s o f fo o d p re p a ra ­ even g reater. Tel N am i, an im p o rta n t L ate B ro n ze
tio n , p o tte ry p ro d u c tio n , a n d w eaving e q u ip m e n t A ge e n tre p o t, was d estro y ed a n d a b a n d o n e d a t th e
a re n o t p a rtic u la r to o r d e te rm in e d by m e m b e rsh ip b e g in n in g o f th e 12th ce n tu ry B.C.96 A t a b o u t th e
in any single so cio eco n o m ic class such as m aritim e sam e tim e im ports ceased at Tell A bu H aw am (= stra­
m e rc h an ts. R ather, they in d ic ate th e influ x o f a d i­ tu m V ), w hich d u rin g th e L ate B ro n ze Age h a d re ­
verse p o p u la tio n g ro u p , cu ltu rally d e fin e d n o t by c e iv e d th e g r e a t e s t a m o u n t o f C y p r io t a n d
o c c u p a tio n b u t by a co m m o n g e o g ra p h ic a n d , m o st M y cenaean p o tte ry in Israel.97 N o Мус IIIC :lb , o r its
likely, e th n ic b a c k g ro u n d . T h is d o e s n o t e x c lu d e r e la te d m a te ria l c u ltu re , a n d very little P h ilistin e
m e rc h a n ts fro m b e in g a m o n g th o se settlin g in Phi- B ichrom e-type p o tte ry w ere fo u n d in th e n e x t stra­
listia a t th e b e g in n in g o f th e 12th ce n tu ry B.C. In ­ tum , le a d in g m an y to suggest a gap in o cc u p atio n
d ee d , sea trad e rs w ith a th o ro u g h know ledge o f th e a t Tell A bu H aw am .98 A ree v alu a tio n o f th e e a rlie r
co astal L ev a n t w o u ld have b e e n in d is p e n sa b le in excavations a n d ren e w e d w ork a t th e site, however,
such an u n d e rta k in g .91 T h e p a rtic ip a tio n o f a m o re su g g e st th e p o ssib ility o f s tra tig ra p h ic c o n tin u ity
h e te r o g e n e o u s co m m u n ity , how ever, was n e e d e d th r o u g h o u t th e 1 2th c e n tu ry B.C.99 T h e m a te ria l
in o r d e r to estab lish th e fully d e v e lo p e d cities o f c u ltu re o f Tell A bu H aw am a t this tim e resem b les
th e P h ilistin e p e n ta p o lis. th a t o f th e E sd rae lo n P lain a n d is d escrib ed as “dif­
f e re n t fro m P h ilistia p ro p e r.”100
The Philistine Settlement Viewed in the Context o f the A t n ea rb y A kko a level ch a ra c te riz e d by th e p ro ­
L evantine Coast d u c tio n o f Мус IIIC :lb p o tte ry has b e e n c o n n e c te d
It is im p o rta n t also to view th e P h ilistin e settle­ w ith th e se ttle m e n t o f th e “S h e rd e n .”101 V arious in ­
m e n t w ithin th e c o n te x t o f th e re st o f th e L ev an tin e d u stria l activities, su ch as p o tte ry p ro d u c tio n , m e t­
coast. If th e S ea P eoples p h e n o m e n o n was truly “an alw o rk in g , a n d th e m a n u fa c tu r in g o f p u r p le dye
e a s te rn M e d ite rr a n e a n coastally b a s e d e c o n o m ic fro m M urex m ollusks, have also b e e n asso ciated w ith
a n d cu ltu ral com m unity,”92 th e n o n e w ould ex p e ct this p e rio d o f se td e m e n t. U n fo rtu n ately , litd e else
to fin d a c e rta in u n ifo rm ity in th e m a terial c u ltu re ca n b e said a b o u t A kko in th e 12th c e n tu ry B.C.
o f th ese coastal sites. T his, however, is n o t th e case: u n til f u rth e r p u b lic atio n s are av ailable.102 Tell Kei-
at Tel Dor, the 12th-century B.C. “Sikkil” strata (= phase san, in la n d a n d a p p ro x im ate ly 10 km so u th e a st o f
10 in a re a G, stratu m X II in a re a B 1), a lth o u g h p o o r­ Akko, e x p e rie n c e d a heavy d es tru c tio n a t a b o u t 1200
ly exposed, reveal a ceram ic assem blage so m ew h at B.C., p e rh a p s a ttrib u ta b le to th e activity o f th e Sea
d iffe re n t fro m th a t o f P hilistine sites. T h u s far n o P eo p les.103 T h e 1 2 th -cen tu ry B.C. s e td e m e n t (= stra­
Мус Н ІС :l b a n d relatively litd e P hilistine B ichrom e- tu m X II) was c o n s id e re d by th e ex cav ato rs to b e
type p o tte ry has b e e n fo u n d ;93 “wavy lin e ” p ith o i, “p o o r,” p e rh a p s a re s u lt o f th e p o litic a l a n d ec o ­
E gyptian vessels, a n d c o llared rim storage ja rs, how ­ n o m ic u p h e a v a ls a ffe c tin g m u c h o f th e e a s te rn
ever, a re c o m m o n .94 T h e se la tte r vessel types a re M e d ite rra n e a n a t this tim e. P h ilistine-type p o tte ry
ex trem ely ra re o r com p letely a b se n t fro m c o n te m ­ ap p e ars in this stra tu m b u t in sm all q u an tities: o n e

91Anthony (1997, 23-4) discusses the importance of such construction of “domestic structures” is said to “reflect dearly
“information flows” between the home and destination regions the arrival of a new population, coming probably from north­
as a prerequisite for most migrations. ern Syria.”Elsewhere, the appearance of “domestic structures”
92Sherratt 1998, 292. on the upper mound in stratum Vc is associated with one of
93Gilboa 1998, 414. two waves of “Sea and Land Peoples”; their material culture is
94Stern 1998, 346-9, fig. 2; Wolff 1998, 777-8 (“Tel Dor” characterized by “pepper-and-salt” ware, which “combined
section by E. Stern et al.). Canaanite and Cypriot traditions with new characteristics from
95Asingle collared rim storagejar rim sherd has been found the Fertile Crescent” (Balensi et al. 1993, 13-4). In either
atT el Miqne-Ekron (M. Meehl, pers. comm.), and there are event, the 12th-century B.C. archaeological picture present­
none from Ashkelon (Stager, pers. comm.) ed by Tell Abu Hawam is significantly different from that of
96Artzy 1995, 32; 1998, 442. Philistia.
97Leonard 1994, 201-2; Gilmour 1992, 115-8. m Dothan 1986, 105-15.
98For references see Balensi 1985b, 107. 102A. Brody is in the process of publishing the Late Bronze
"Balensi 1985a, 68; 1985b, 105. and Early Iron Age strata at Akko as part of the Shelby White-
100Balensi etal. 1993,13. According to Balensi (1985a, 68), Leon Levy Program for Archaeological Publications.
an Iron I phase between strata Vb and Vla-b marked by the 103Humbert 1993, 866.
2000] THE PHILISTINE SETTLEMENT AS MERCANTILE PHENOMENON? 525

Philistine M o n o ch ro m e sh e rd was fo u n d d u rin g th e in g th a t th e re w ere w e ll-e sta b lish e d c o n v e n tio n s

ea rlier B ritish excavations, b u t its stratigraphical co n ­ fo r d e p ic tin g sea m e rc h a n ts in b o th E gyptian ico­
te x t is u n c e rta in .104 Im p o rts a n d local p o tte ry with n o g ra p h y a n d te x t,110 y et th ese w ere n o t em p lo y ed
clear fo reign influences begin to a p p e a r la ter in stra­ fo r th e S ea P e o p le s. T h e S h e r d e n , w h o a p p e a r
tum X, d a te d to the 11th cen tu ry B.C. alo n g sid e th e P hilistines in th e “N aval B a ttle” scen e
T h e P h o e n ic ia n h e a rtla n d , re p re s e n te d h e re by o n th e walls o f Ram esses I l l ’s m o rtu a ry te m p le at
th e excavations a t Tyre a n d Sarepta, em erg ed ap p a r­ M e d in e t H a b u ,111 a re clearly p o rtra y e d as sea raid ­
ently u n scathed: th e re is d e a r arc h itectu ral a n d ce­ ers in a n u m b e r o f E gyptian texts. As early as th e
ram ic continuity a t b o th sites with n o signs o f m ajo r re ig n o f R a m e sses II th e y a p p e a r in th e “T an is
d estructions fro m th e e n d o f th e Late B ronze th ro u g h S te la ,” p o r tio n s o f w h ic h r e a d “th e r e b e llio u s -
th e Early Iro n A ge.105 T h e re are, however, significant h e a r te d S h e r d e n ,” a n d th e ir “sh ip s o f w ar in th e
decreases in th e am o u n ts o f im p o rte d p o tte ry d u r­ m id s t o f th e [sea ].”112 D u rin g M e rn e p ta h ’s reig n ,
in g th e 12th century B.C., as o p p o se d to th e previous th e S h e rd e n a re in c lu d e d in th e G re a t K arn ak In ­
L ate B ronze Age strata.106 In g en eral, th e p o ttery falls scrip tio n am o n g those Sea Peoples, th a t is, th e Ek-
w ithin th e m aterial cu ltu re sp h e re o f th e n o rth e rn wesh, Teresh, Lukka, a n d Shekelesh, w ho are alig n ed
L evantine coast a n d th e Galilee; very few, if any, com ­ with th e Libyans ag ain st E gypt,113 a n d in Papyrus H a r­
parisons have b e e n m ad e to p o ttery from Philistine ris I, R am esses III is c re d ite d w ith re p u lsin g “th e
sites.107 Finally, alo n g th e coast o f n o rth Syria, as we S h erd en a n d th e W eshesh o f th e Sea.”114 In th e Am-
have seen, th e re was a clear d iscontinuity in settle­ a rn a letters we le arn th a t a n o th e r Sea P eoples g ro u p ,
m e n t a n d ceram ics m a rk e d by massive destructions th e Lukka, regularly p rey ed u p o n Alashiya: “m en o f
a t sites such as Ras S ham ra a n d Ras Ibn H a n i.108 Lukki, year by year, seize villages in my own (i.e., the
k ing o f Alashiya) country.”115 In a tex t fro m Ras S ham ­
P O R T R A Y A L O F T H E S E A P E O P L E S IN T H E
ra d atin g to th e reig n o f A m m urapi, th e last k ing o f
A N C IE N T T E X T S
U garit, it is revealed th a t th e Sikkels (o r Sikalayu), a
T h e Philistines a n d o th e r Sea P eoples freq u en tly g ro u p closely c o n n e c te d to th e P h ilistin e s in th e
a p p e a r as d e stru c tiv e a g e n ts in L ate B ro n z e A ge texts o f R am esses III,116 h a d re c e n d y k id n a p p e d a
E gyptian texts a n d d e p ic tio n s; th e re is n o in d ic a ­ resid e n t o f U g arit.117 Finally, th e various Sea P eoples
tion, however, th a t they w ere involved in any aspect are d ep icte d in E gyptian wall reliefs only as m erce­
o f tra d e .109 This is all th e m o re significant co n sid er­ n a rie s,118 ad v ersaries,119 o r captives,120 b u t n ev e r in

104Briend and Hum bert 1980, 229; Humbert 1993, 864. the Karnak Temple (Gardiner 1968,7.12-13). The Philistines,
105For the excavation of this transitional period at Tyre, distinguishable by their distinctive feathered headdresses,
see Bikai 1978, 8; for Sarepta, see Anderson 1988, 396; Khal- appear in the reliefs of Ramesses Ill’s mortuary temple at
ifeh 1988, 113. Medinet Habu among Egypt’s foreign mercenaries in the wars
l06Khalifeh (1988, 123) reports that at Sarepta “not one against the Libyans (Nelson 1930, pis. 17, 19, 24).
imported sherd belonging to period VI (1150-1125 B.C.) has 110Syrian merchants can be seen off-loading their cargo in
been documented.” For imports in general at Sarepta see Her- a scene from the tomb of Kenamon, an Egyptian official who
scher 1975, 85-96. At Tyre, Bikai (1978, 65) notes a “marked probably served during the reign of Amenophis III (1413-
drop in the quantity of Cypriote imports” and only one Мус 1377 B.C.; Daressy 1895, pis. 14-5; see also Davies and Faulkner
НІС cup was found in stratum XIV (1200-1070/1050 B.C.). 1947, pi. 8). Similar, but less well preserved, scenes appear in
107See Bikai 1978, 17-52; Anderson 1988, 140-313. the tombs of Nebamon (Save-Soderbergh 1957, pi. 23) and
108See under “The Mercantile Nature of the Philistine Set­ of Iniwia (Landstrom 1970, 138, fig. 403).
tlem ent in Light of the Destruction Levels at Pentapolis 111 Nelson 1943, 40-55.
Sites.” 112Breasted 1962, 3:§491.
'"''Various Sea Peoples, in particular the Sherden, were also 113Breasted 1962, 3:§§574, 579, 588.
frequently connected with the Egyptian army, usually in the 114Breasted 1962, 4:§405.
capacity of mercenaries. For example, during the reign of 115El Amarna text 38:10; Moran 1992, 111.
Ramesses II the Sherden appear on the walls of the Ramesse- 116Breasted 1962, 4:§§44 (Medinet Habu Great Inscrip­
um at Abydos among Egypt’s foreign mercenaries at the Bat­ tion), 403 (Papyrus Harris I). For the reference to the Sikkels
tle of Qadesh (Wreszinski 1935, pi. 19). The Sherden appear together with the Philistines in Ramesses Ill’s “South Rhe­
often during the reign of Ramesses III, as in Papyrus Harris I, torical Stela” see Kitchen 1972, 73.9-10.
wherein they are described as resting in their towns while 117RS 34.129 (Dietrich and Loretz 1978, 53-6).
“their bows and their weapons reposed in their magazines” 118Wreszinski 1935, pi. 19; Nelson 1930, pis. 30-5; 1932,
(Breasted 1962, 4:§410). In the Late Ramesside period, the pis. 62, 65C, 69, 88, 90.
Sherden are m entioned in such texts as Papyrus Amiens, 119Nelson 1930, pis. 32-4, 36-8.
wherein they are associated with the “Royal Scribes of the 120Nelson 1930, pis. 37, 41-3; 1932, pi. 99.
Army” and granted usufructory rights over land belonging to
526 TRISTAN J. BARAKO [AJA104

such a way th a t w ould suggest any involvem en t in la te 1 3 th a n d 1 2th c e n tu rie s B.C. in th e e a s te rn

m e rc a n tile activities. M e d ite rra n e a n th ro u g h th e len s o f tra d e is to over­
lo o k im p o r ta n t c o n tra d ic to ry ev id en c e— n o t least
C O N C L U S IO N
a m o n g w h ich is th e a p p a r e n t d isc re p an c y : if th e
F rom th e above b rie f survey o f coastal L ev an tin e P h ilis tin e s w e re p rim a rily m a r itim e m e rc h a n ts ,
sites,121 th re e p a tte rn s e m e rg e th a t a re in c o m p a ti­ th e n why d id they so quickly a b a n d o n th e ir trade?
ble w ith e n v isio n in g th e P h ilistin e a n d o th e r Sea
P eo p le s se ttle m e n ts as trad e -d riv e n , d e m o g ra p h ic H ARVARD U N IV E R S IT Y
p h e n o m e n a : (1) a t m a n y o f th e sites (esp ecially I 2 1 B E A C H ROAD
A sh d o d a n d Tel M iqne-E kron), th e se ttlem en ts are O RLEA N S, M A SSA C H U SE T T S 0 2 6 5 3 - 2 7 1 5
b u ilt o n to p o f m a jo r d e s tru c tio n levels; (2) a t all o f BARAKO @ FAS.H ARVARD.EDU
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