Richard N.

Frye

THEHISTORY
OF
ANCIENT IRAN

Verlag C-H- Beck

 THE HISTORY
OF
ANCIENT IRAN
BY

RICHARD N. FRYE
AGA KHAN PROFESSOR OF IRANIAN
HARVARD UNIVERSITY

C. H. BECK'SCHE VERLAGSBUCHHANDLUNG
MÜNCHEN
 HANDBUCH
DER ALTERTUMSWISSENSCHAFT

BEGRÜNDET VON IWAN VON MÜLLER

ERWEITERT VON WALTER OTTO
FORTGEFÜHRT VON HERMANN BENGTSON

DRITTE ABTEILUNG, SIEBENTER TEIL

 Mit 3 Karten im Anhang

CIP-Kurztitelaufnahme der Deutschen Bibliothek

Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft / begr. von

Iwan von Müller. Erw. von Walter Otto. Fortgef.
von Hermann Bengtson. - München Beck :

NE: Müller, Iwan von [Begr.]; Bengtson,

Hermann [Hrsg.]
Abt. 3.

Teil 7. -» Frye, Richard N.: The history of andern

Iran

Frye, Richard N.:

The history of ancient Iran / by Richard N. Frye. -
München Beck, 1983.
:

(Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft Abt. 3; :

Teil 7)

ISBN 3 406 09397 3

ISBN 3 406 09397 3

C. H. Beck'sche Verlagsbuchhandlung (Oscar Beck) München 1984

Satz: Spottiswoode Ballantyne Ltd., Colchester, England
Druck: C. H. Beck'sche Buchdruckerei Nördlingen
Printed in Germany
Nels der Zukunft gewidmet
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction IX
Abbreviations XV
Chapter I. Geographical Survey 1

Chapter II. Demography 21

Chapter III. Pre-Iranian History of the Plateau and Central Asia ... 45

Chapter IV. Medes, Scythians and Eastern Rulers 65

Chapter V. Achaemenids 87

Chapter VI. Alexander the Great and the Seleucids 137

Chapter VII. Greco-Bactrians, Sakas and Parthians 177

Chapter VIII. The Parthians on the Plateau 205

Chapter IX. The Kushans 249

Chapter X. Minor Dynasties on the Plateau 271

Chapter XI. The Sasanians 287

Chapter XII. Eastern Iran and Central Asia 341

APPENDICES
Appendix 1 . Genealogical Tables of the Achaemenid, Parthian and Sasanian
Dynasties 359

Appendix 2. The Behistun Inscription of Darius near Kermanshah, Iran 363

Appendix 3. The Bactrian Inscription of Surkh Kotal near Baghlan in

Afghanistan 369

Appendix 4. The Inscription of Shapur I at Naqsh-e Rustam in Fars . . 371

Appendix 5. The MP Inscription of Narseh at Paikuii north of Khanaqin, Iraq 375

Index 379

Maps
 INTRODUCTION

PROLEGOMENA
The Leitmotiv of this book is the continuity in the history of western Iran from the
earliest times to the Arab conquest, and in certain respects even down to the present.
In spite of constant invasion and widespread destruction, like a phoenix the Persians
have reasserted themselves often in the face of great adversity. The continuity is
observable in many realms, one of the most striking of which is the language of
ancient Persis, today the province of Fars, which developed from an Old Persian
through a Middle to a New Persian stage with many admixtures, of course, and
literary remains of all three stages exist. Of all the present day peoples of the Middle
East, the Persians are the most conscious of their pre-Islamic past, and in many senses,
traces of the ancient heritage of the area are better preserved in Persia than in Syria,
Egypt, or elsewhere.
In the present book the word 'Persia' refers to the contemporary land with the
capital of Tehran. The term 'Iran,' however, is used for a greater, and unfortunately
more imprecise, area including those regions where predominantly Iranian languages
were spoken in antiquity. It must be emphasized that the term has no political
connotations, and the word 'Iranian' is used primarily in a linguistic sense to
differentiate the Speakers of Iranian languages from Semitic Speakers, Indians, or
others. Persis or Parsa, on the other hand, is the modern province of Fars.
The main source for Median and early Achaemenid history is the Ionian historian
Herodotus, whose reliability, however, has been questioned many times. Many
scholars, on the other hand, swear by his veracity when his data fits their theories, but
reject or ignore him when his information goes counter to their reconstructions. On
the whole, I believe one should follow the general rule that Herodotus generally

reports what he heard and adds his own views in those matters where he moralizes,
such as in the invasion of Greece by the Achaemenids, or the like. Whether his sources
were reliable, of course, is another problem, but on the whole even if he reports stories
which were current in his time, these stories are important for reconstructing ancient
views.
The second feature of this book, which is emphasized, is the extension of the Iranian
cultural realm in antiquity to the borders of China, Siberia and South Russia. It is not
the intention here to attempt to write a history of the steppes before the rise of the
Turks but simply to stress the importance of Central Asia as an Iranian cultural area
overshadowed by the Achaemenids and the Sasanians, but important in its own right
as an independent source of Iranian ideas, art motifs, forms of society and government

which had more of an impact on the Far East and Russia than heretofore realized. The
post-Islamic-conquest flourishing of Bukhara, Samarqand and Khwarazm as great
centers of Islamic learning and culture has puzzled many scholars who did not find the
same phenomenon in the former Sasanian Empire. Central Asia was not a pale
provincial reflection of the Sasanian Empire; rather it was a flourishing, independent
X Introduction

mercantile civilization before the coming of the Arabs. The profuse results of a
Plethora of Soviet archaeological excavations in Central Asia have not only
enormously enriched our knowledge of this area in antiquity, but they have revised
long held ideas that here nomads roamed and culture was almost non-existent. It is
virtually impossible for one person to keep abreast of the ongoing work in Central
Asia, both in the western and in the eastern (Sinkiang) regions. Although no attempt
has been made to cover the history of Sinkiang or even adequately other parts of
Central Asia, nonetheless constant reference to contacts between Central Asia and the
more settled lands to the south, east and west has been made. It is hoped that the
importance of this area, far from Europe, will be realized by the reader. The chapters
of the present book pass from east to west and hopefully the differences as well as the
affinities of the two Iranian areas will appear. Central Asia always has been bound

with eastern Iran (present Afghanistan) rather than with Persia, and so it will be
treated as part of eastern Iranian history. Continuity in the east was more frequently
interrupted than in Persia, but it is also a feature of east Iranian culture.

GENERAL WORKS ON THE ANCIENT HISTORY OF IRAN

Unlike Greek, Roman, or even Egyptian and Mesopotamian history, there have been
relatively few general histories of Iran down to the Arab conquests. The reasons for
this lack are not dirficult to discern. First, few historians have ventured into this area
which requires formidable linguistic controls; instead the field has been left to
philologists and linguists who are more interested in the detailed investigation of
words than in the historical significance of texts. Second, the variety of aids one must
utilize to reconstruct the history of Iran deters many investigators. One must turn to
numismatics, art history, architecture, and, of course, archaeology to help recon-
struct the past of a vast area, which again has repelled historians and encouraged
archaeologists and art historians to take their place, often with not so happy results.
Finally, so many travellers and amateurs have written about Iran, Afghanistan and
Central Asia that scholars have shied away from writing a general work on the
ancient history of the area, preferring instead to concentrate on much needed detailed
monographs. It is true that much more investigation is needed on all aspects of the
pre-Islamic history of this part of the world, but it is regrettable that syntheses of new
discoveries in archaeology, art history, epigraphy and other branches of knowledge
have not been made in a general history of the whole Iranian world before Islam.
If we survey the books written on the general ancient history of Iran during the
past one hundred years, the picture is quite different from that of other parts of the
world which have received much more attention from scholars. The earliest general
history of ancient Iran which utilized the native Old Persian inscriptions, primarily of
Darius, was by George Rawlinson, brother of Henry, who copied and deciphered the
Behistun inscription. 1 His first publication dealt with the Achaemenids, as the last of
The Five Great Monarchies ojthe Ancient World, but this was soon augmented by the

The two-volume history oflran, down to the reliable, while earlier books on ancient Iran by
rise of the Sasanians, by le Comte de Gobineau. Thomas Hyde, Sylvestre de Sacy, among others,
published in Paris in 1 869, is neither systematic nor did not pretend to be histories.
 . .

Introduction XI

Parthians and Sasanians to become The Seven Great Monarchies. 2 George Rawlinson,
Professor of ancient history at Oxford, based most of his work on Classical sources,
but he did use other sources available to him in translation and his work remained a
Standard history of ancient Iran for many years. It should be mentioned that the vast
lands of eastern Iran (including Afghanistan) and Central Asia were largely
untouched in Rawlinson's writings. This was rectified to some extent in a tom-
prehensive three-volume account of geography, ethnology, religions and history by
Friedrich Spiegel, a philologist in the widest sense of the word, a professor of Oriental
languages at the University of Erlangen over a Century ago. In this encyclopedic
work, Spiegel utilized Oriental as well as Classical sources. His historical survey was
followed on the whole by Ferdinand Justi, who was Professor of Indogermanische
Philologie at Marburg University, first in a general world history edited by W.
Oncken in 1879, and then in the Grundriß der iranischen Philologie, published in
Strasbourg between 1896 and 1904. This latter publication long remained the
Standard survey of the ancient history of Iran.
The populär work of Brigadier-General Sir Percy M. Sykes, A History ofPersia,
vol. 1 (London, 1915), contributed little, and the book of the Orientalist Clement
Huart, La perse antique et la civilisation iranienne (Paris, 1925), is notable only for
including results of the many years of excavation at the site of Susa, and the
consequent addition of the history of the Elamites to the ancient history of Iran. The
book by Huart was revised several times, and the title was changed to L'Iran antique,

Elam et Perses, and remained the Standard reference work in French until R.
Ghirshman, an archaeologist, wrote his history called Iran (Payot, Paris, 1951),
translated into English and published for the Penguin paperbacks in 1954. The work,
as to be expected, was well illustrated and emphasis was on cultural history, art and

archaeology. The same was true of the general history of ancient Iran by the Soviet
3
Orientalist and archaeologist M. M. Dyakonov, published posthumously in 1961 In
this work the eastern Iranian world, including Central Asia, first received more than
cursory attention, primarily as a result of Soviet archaeological work there. This
trend was further elaborated in the book of R. N. Frye, The Heritage of Persia
(London, 1962), which, in spite of its title, chosen by the publisher for British readers,
Covers all areas where Iranian peoples lived in antiquity. The Cambridge History of
Iran, vols. 2 and 3, will treat the early plus Achaemenid periods and the Parthians and

Sasanians respectively, but even in those comprehensive volumes lacunae exist. It is

clear that histories in the sense of a history of Greece, Rome, much less of France or
England, cannot be written about ancient Iran; rather, a short sketch of ancient
Iranian civilization, including art and archaeology as well as other fields, must be
substituted in many periods. Nonetheless, an attempt is made here to utilize many
works of the past, based on available sources.
for a composite picture
Naturally secondary sources have provided the basis for much of this com-
prehensive history, even though disagreements may exist, since monographs and
specialists on restricted periods and regions have been able to concentrate on problems

2 3 (Moscow, 1961),
His first work on the 'five monarchies' was Ocherk istorii dtevnego Iran
published in London between 1 862 and 1 867, and 441
the 'seven monarchies' came out in 1 873 and 1 875
respectively.
X Introduction

mercantile civilization before the Coming of the Arabs. The profuse results of a
plethora of Soviet archaeological excavations in Central Asia have not only
enormously enriched our knowledge of this area in antiquity, but they have revised
long held ideas that here nomads roamed and culture was almost non-existent. It is
virtually impossible for one person to keep abreast of the ongoing work in Central
Asia, both in the western and in the eastern (Sinkiang) regions. Although no attempt
has been made to cover the history of Sinkiang or even adequately other parts of
Central Asia, nonetheless constant reference to contacts between Central Asia and the
more settled lands to the south, east and west has been made. It is hoped that the
importance of this area, far from Europe, will be realized by the reader. The chapters
of the present book pass from east to west and hopefully the differences as well as the
affinitiesof the two Iranian areas will appear. Central Asia always has been bound
with eastern Iran (present Afghanistan) rather than with Persia, and so it will be
treated as part of eastern Iranian history. Continuity in the east was more frequently
interrupted than in Persia, but it is also a feature of east Iranian culture.

GENERAL WORKS ON THE ANCIENT HISTORY OF IRAN

Unlike Greek, Roman, or even Egyptian and Mesopotamian history, there have been
relatively few general histories of Iran down to the Arab conquests. The reasons for
this lack are not dimcult to discern. First, few historians have ventured into this area
which requires formidable linguistic controls; instead the field has been left to
philologists and linguists who are more interested in the detailed investigation of
words than in the historical significance of texts. Second, the variety of aids one must
utilize to reconstruct the history of Iran deters many investigators. One must turn to
numismatics, art history, architecture, and, of course, archaeology to help recon-
struct the past of a vast area, which again has repelled historians and encouraged
archaeologists and art historians to take their place, often with not so happy results.
many travellers and amateurs have written about Iran,
Finally, so Afghanistan and
Central Asia that scholars have shied away from writing a general work on the
ancient history of the area, preferring instead to concentrate on much needed detailed
monographs. It is true that much more investigation is needed on all aspects of the
pre-Islamic history of this part of the world, but it is regrettable that syntheses of new
discoveries in archaeology, art history, epigraphy and other branches of knowledge
have not been made in a general history of the whole Iranian world before Islam.
If we survey the books written on the general ancient history of Iran during the
past one hundred years, the picture is quite different from that of other parts of the
world which have received much more attention from scholars. The earliest general
history of ancient Iran which utilized the native Old Persian inscriptions, primarily of
Darius,was by George Rawlinson, brother of Henry, who copied and deciphered the
Behistun inscription. 1 His first publication dealt with the Achaemenids, as the last of
The Five Great Monarchies ofthe Ancient World, but this was soon augmented by the

The two-volume history of Iran, down to the reliable, while earlier books on ancient Iran by
rise of the Sasanians, by le Comte de Gobineau, Thomas Hyde, Sylvestre de Sacy, among others,
published in Paris in 1 869, is neither systematic nor did not pretend to be histories.
 . .

Introduction XI

Parthians and Sasanians to become The Seven Great Monarchies. 2 George Rawlinson,
Professor of ancient history at Oxford, based most of his work on Classical sources,
but he did use other sources available to him in translation and his work remained a
Standard history of ancient Iran for many years. It should be mentioned that the vast
lands of eastern Iran (including Afghanistan) and Central Asia were largely
untouched in Rawlinson's writings. This was rectified to some extent in a com-
prehensive three-volume account of geography, ethnology, religions and history by
Friedrich Spiegel, a philologist in the widest sense of the word, a professor of Oriental
languages at the University of Erlangen over a Century ago. In this encyclopedic
work, Spiegel utilized Oriental as well as Classical sources. His historical survey was
followed on the whole by Ferdinand Justi, who was Professor of Indogermanische
Philologie at Marburg University, first in a general world history edited by W.
Oncken and then in the Grundriß der iranischen Philologie, published in
in 1879,
Strasbourg between 1896 and 1904. This latter publication long remained the
Standard survey of the ancient history of Iran.
The populär work of Brigadier-General Sir Percy M. Sykes, A History ofPersia,
vol. 1 (London, 1915), contributed and the book of the Orientalist Clement
little,

Huart, La perse antique et la civilisation iranienne (Paris, 1925), is notable only for
including results of the many years of excavation at the site of Susa, and the
consequent addition of the history of the Elamites to the ancient history of Iran. The
book by Huart was revised several times, and the title was changed to L'lran antique,
tilam et Perses, and remained the Standard reference work in French until R.
Ghirshman, an archaeologist, wrote his history called Iran (Payot, Paris, 1951),
translated into English and published for the Penguin paperbacks in 1954. The work,
as to be expected, was well illustrated and emphasis was on cultural history, art and

archaeology. The same was true of the general history of ancient Iran by the Soviet
3
Orientalist and archaeologist M. M. Dyakonov, published posthumously in 1 961 In
this work the eastern Iranian world, including Central Asia, first received more than
cursory attention, primarily as a result of Soviet archaeological work there. This
trend was further elaborated in the book of R. N. Frye, The Heritage of Persia
(London, 1962), which, in spite of its title, chosen by the publisher for British readers,
Covers all areas where Iranian peoples lived in antiquity. The Cambridge History of
Iran, vols. 2 and Achaemenid periods and the Parthians and
3, will treat the early plus
Sasanians respectively, but even in those comprehensive volumes lacunae exist. It is
clear that histories in the sense of a history of Greece, Rome, much less of France or
England, cannot be written about ancient Iran; rather, a short sketch of ancient
Iranian civilization, including art and archaeology as well as other fields, must be
substituted in many periods. Nonetheless, an attempt is made here to utilize many
works for a composite picture of the past, based on available sources.
Naturally secondary sources have provided the basis for this com- much of
prehensive history, even though disagreements monographs and
may exist, since
specialists on restricted periods and regions have been able to concentrate on problems

2 3
His firstwork on the 'five monarchies' was Ocherk islorii drevnego Iran (Moscow, 1961),
published in London between 1 862 and 1 867, and 441
the 'seven monarchies' came out in 1873 and 1875
respectively.
 ;

XII Introduction

which can only be touched by the present work, and reference is made to them for
further information. For pre-Achaemenid history the writings of I. M. Dyakonov
have proved especially valuable, while M. Dandamayev and W. Hinz have
concentrated on the Achaemenids. Seleucid history in Iran is not so well served while

J.
Wolski is our man on the early Parthians as is V. G. Lukonin for the early Sasanians.
Other scholars and their works are cited in the various chapters, but obviously it is

impossible to cover or cite everything one should. Many times, rather than increase
the volume by adding bibliographies, reference has been made to other works where
extensive bibliographies are given. In the forthcoming age of Computers and easily
recalled bibliographies, the present book will become antiquated, but for the time
being I hope it some aid in finding one's way in the undergrowth and
will be of
proliferation of writings on ancient Iran and Central Asia.

TECHNICALITIES

When one marvels at books of the past which were handset and printed with Greek
and Oriental fonts by many experts, as well as a series of editors, one question which
may arise is 'what price pedantry?' The use of diacritical points and macrons is
necessary in linguistic arguments but hardly in a general history where those who
read Oriental languages know what is meant, while to those who do not it is
superfluous. Therefore I have omitted such banes to printers and proof-readers as
much as possible, although in Arabic and other Semitic language words a more strict
system of transliteration at times has been followed. I have tried to be consistent in
spellings and only hope not too many slips will provide grist for reviewers. I must
plead guilty to inconsistency in the usage of Latin and Greek forms of names and
words, especially such details as final -us and -os. On the whole I have followed
commonly accepted spellings except certain names, e.g. Priskos for Priscus, but again I
hope that at least consistency has been observed in one and the same name. One
explanation for variations, though not excuse, is that this book was originally
intended to be written in German, but I found that my strength and ability by this
time were not equal to the task and after much lost time and effort, I decided I would
have to write in English. In the shift some 'un-English' forms of names may have
survived. Also, in the case of transcripitions, rather than transliterations, of Middle
Persian or other Iranian forms of names or words, consistency has not always been
observed, for example: Weh not Veh but Neu rather than New, so one would not
mistake the latterwith the English word new.' Again, I hope no one will be confused
specialists will not be, and those who are not should realize that there are many forms
of transcription of foreign sounds and written forms. I have used the antiquated
Wade-Giles System of transcribing Chinese characters, since it will be easy to consult
the dictionaries and change into other forms of transcription with which I am not
familiär. I must reiterate that this book is a general history of pre-Islamic Iran in its
widest sense and not a philological treatise.
The endings of Russian names cause trouble since forms in western European
languages differ from the original. Thus we find Litvinskii written as Litvinsky and
Perikhanyan written as Perikhanian, but hopefully the reader will understand such
inconsistencies.
 Introduction XIII

One Innovation different from the usual Interpretation of numismatics should be

mentioned. Numismatists, on the basis of styles and iconography, assign coin series to
certain time periods, and the suspicion that archaizing tendencies may negate their
conclusions rarely becomes a factor to consider. Studies of Sogdian silver in the fifth
and sixth centuries of our era have revealed archaic forms similar to similar objects of
the Parthian and even Achaemenid periods. Coinage likewise may confuse one by
archaic styles. Also the continuity of series of coins in eastern Iran or Central Asia,
even one style lasting several centuries, as in Bukhara, frequently has been ignored by
numismatists. In western Iran we find dynastic continuity while in the east we have
lip-service to dynastic allegiance. Unfortunately, the history of eastern Iran is a vast
area in itself and here it can only be touched with reference to bibliographies for
further study.
Finally, it is somewhat of a miracle that this volume appears since it was begun
years ago when I was director of the Asia Institute of Pahlavi University in Shiraz,

and I will not bürden the reader with stories of the vicissitudes of lost books and
portions of the manuscript, as well as the lack of aid in preparing the MS. This book
should have been written by an old-fashioned Ordinarius with several assistants to
compile bibliographies, fetch books, check references and read proofs. Unfortunately,
I have been alone with many burdens and if it were not for the süperb typing

of Carolyn Cross, secretary of the Department of Near Eastern Languages and

Civilizations at Harvard University, the book would not have seen the light of day. I
would have preferred to have colleagues read the MS. and save me from errors, but
today no one has time or inclination. Perhaps in the future machines will allow more
time for such tasks but until then one should strive the best one can. If this work
provides a useful guide to the history of ancient Iran I will be grateful.

Richard N. Frye
Hamburg, Shiraz and Cambridge, Mass.
 ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THIS BOOK

Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungarkae (Budapest)

Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften und Literatur, Mainz
Abhandlungen
Altorientalische Forschung (Berlin)
Abhandlungen der -» GWG
Acta Iranica (Leiden)
Annali dell' Istituto Orientale (Naples)
American Journal of Archaeology (New York)
American Journal of Ancient History (Cambridge, Mass.)
American Journal of Semitic Languages (Chicago)
Asia Major (London)
Archaeologische Mitteilungen aus Iran (Berlin)
American Numismatic Society (New York)
American Numismatic Society Museum Notes (New York)
Archiv Orientälnl (Prague)
seeAbk.PAW
Bulletin de l'icole francaise de l'Extrime Orient (Paris)
Bibliotheca Orientalis (Amsterdam)
Bulletin de la sociM linguistique (Paris)
Bulletin of the School ofOriental (and African) Studies (London)
Beiträgezur Namenforschung (Heidelberg)
Central Asian Journal (Wiesbaden)
Cambridge History of Iran (Cambridge, England)
Centre national des recherches scientifiques (Paris)
Comptes Rendus de l'Acadimie des Inscriptions et Beiles Lettres (Paris)
Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium (Paris)
Darius, Naqsh-e Rustam inscription d in R. Kent, Old Persian (New Haven, 1953)
Darius, Suez inscription
Epigrafika Vostoka (Leningrad)
East and West (Rome)
Fragmenta Historicorum Craecorum, ed. C. Müller (Paris)
Die' Fragmente der Griechischen Historiker, ed. F. Jacoby (Berlin and Leiden)
Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen
Handbuch des Altpersischen, W. Brandenstein u. M. Mayrhofer (Wiesbaden, 1964)
Handbuch der Orientalistik, ed. B. Spuler (Leiden)
Iranica Antiqua (Leiden)
Indogermanische Forschungen (Berlin)
Indo-Iranian Journal (The Hague)
Journal of the British Institute of Persian Studies (London)
Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente (Rome)

Journal Asiatique (Paris)

Journal of the American Oriental Society (New Haven)
Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient (Leiden)
Journal of Indo European Studies (Washington, D.C.)
Journal of the K. R. Cama Oriental Institute (Bombay)
Journal of the Oriental Society of Australia (Canberra)
Journal of Near Eastern Studies (Chicago)
Journal of the Numismatic Society of India (Benares)
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (London)
Kartir Ka'bah of Zardusht at Naqsh-e Rustam
Kuhns Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft (Göttingen)
XVI Abbreviations

MIA Materialy i Issledovaniya po Arkheologii SSSR (Moscow)

MMAI Mtmoires de la mission archiologique en Iran (Paris)
MDAFA Mtmoires de la dtltgation archMogique francaise en Afghanistan (Paris)
MP Middle Persian (Pahlavi)
MSS Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft (Munich)
NC Numismatic Chronicle (London)
NNM Numismatic Notes and Monographs (ANS) (New York)
NP New Persian
NTS Norsk Tidsskriß fer Sprogvidenskap (Oslo)
OAW Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften (Vienna)
OLZ Orientalische Literaturzeitung (Berlin)
OP Old Persian
OS Orientalia Süecana (Uppsala)
PAW Preussische Akademie der Wissenschaften (Berlin)
PO Patrologia Orientalis (Paris)
PW Pauly Wissowa's Realenzyklopädie der Altertumswissenschaft (Stuttgart)
RIzA Revue des hudes Armtniennes (Paris)
RHR Revue de l'histoire des religions (Paris)
RN Revue numismatique (Paris)
RSO Rivista degli Studi Orientali (Rome)
SA Sovetskaya Arkheologiya (Moscow)
Sb Sitzungsberichte
SHAW Sitzungsber. der Heidelberger A.W. (Heidelberg)
SWAW see Sb., WAW
SI Studia Iranica (Paris)
SKZ Shapur Ka'bah of Zardusht
SPA Survey of Persian Art, ed. A. U. Pope (Oxford, 1939)
TP Toung Pao (Leiden)
TPS Transactions of the Philobgical Society (London)
UCLA University of California in Los Angeles
VDl Vestnik Drevnei Istorii (Moscow)
WAW Wiener Akademie der Wissenschaften (Vienna)
WZKM Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes (Vienna)
XPf Xerxes, Persepolis inscription f in R. Kent, Old Persian (New Haven, 1953)
ZA Zeitschrift für Assyriologie (Berlin)
ZDMC Zeitschrift der Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft (Wiesbaden)
ZU Zeitschrift für Indologie und Iranistik (Leipzig)
 CHAPTER I

GEOGRAPHICAL SURVEY

The scholarly investigation of the geography of the Iranian plateau and Central Asia is
relatively recent. Until theof systematic collections of data on
beginning
temperatures, water utilization, soils, and the like, geographical questions
were mostly
discussed by travellers and amateurs. Historical geography, on the other hand, was
primarily the concern of academics who rarely if ever ventured into the field, and
consequently misconceptions and gaps in knowledge abounded. Because of the
Strategie importance of Persia and Afghanistan, primarily British and Russian officers,
but also others, sought to map the entire area at various times, and the result is today
we have aerial photographs and maps of considerable detail. It is not possible to
review all of the relevant geographical literature, but those works which aid the
Student of history will be mentioned under the three geographical headings of Iran,
Afghanistan and Central Asia.

Literature: Iran, generaliThe general gazetteer prepared by the army under the direction of Gen. Husain
'All Razmarä' in ten volumes Farhang-e Joghräflyä-ye Iran (Tehran, 1950-54), lists the towns and villages
in each province, giving the location, population, main language, rehgion, prineipal occupatio™ and
industries, and similar information. Although in need of correction this collection of information is
surpassed only by the comprehensive gazetteer of villages, based on the census of 1966, the Farhang-e
Abädl-hä-ye Kishvar, of which 27 volumes have appeared in Tehran beginning in 1969. Another gazetteer
in English based on the above, as well as on the British India Office archives is less comprehensive but
useful. 1 Perhaps the most comprehensive textbook on the geography of Iran is the three-volume work of
Mas 'od Kayhän, Joghräfiya-ye mufassal-e Iran (Tehran, 1 937), but now see E. Ehlers, Iran, Grundziige einer
geographischen Landeskunde (Darmstadt, 1980).
For the historical geography of Iran, we have F. Justi, Beitrage zur alten Geographie Persiens, Zwei
Abtheilungen (Marburg, 1869), 56 S., who tried to identify place names in the Avesta with those of
Classical and Islamic geographies. W. Tomaschek concentrated on Classical place names, especially in the
Tabula Peutingeriana, a world map probably made by a Roman called Castorius in the third Century but
preserved in a thirteenth-century copy. He also identified many sites with place names in Arabic
geographies. 2 The most erudite and produetive historical geographer, however, was Joseph Marquart
(laterchanged to Markwart) who clarified many identifications of site names in ancient Iran in his
publications. 3 Hiscommentaries to an edition and translation of an Armenian geography attributed to
Moses of Chorene were perhaps his most valuable contribution to the historical geography of the entire
Iranian world. 4 The old Geographie der Griechen und Römer of Konrad Mannen, fünfter Theil (Leipzig,
1829), is still useful.

Sources: The classical books relevant to historical geography are first, Herodotus, with the useful Lexicon
to Herodotus by J. E. Powell (Hildesheim, 1966), based on the edition of Hude (Oxford, 1926). Then we
have Ptolemy in three editions by C. F. Nobbe (1 843 reprinted Hildesheim, 1 966), F. G. Wilberg (Essen,
;

1845) and C. Müller (Paris, 1883), which is the basic work on place names in the pre-Christian east. The

'L.W. Adamec, ed., Historical Gazetteer o/Iran, von Iran, 2 Hefte (Göttingen, 1 896) "Beiträge zur
;

1 (Graz, 1977) and foll. Geschichte und Sage von Eran," ZDMG, 49
2
W. Tomaschek, "Zur Topogra-
historischen (1895), 628-70, as well as his A
Catalogue of the
phie von Persien," Sb WA
W,\02 (1883), 146-231, Provincial Capitals of Eranshahr (Rome, 1931).
and 108 (1885), 583-652, issued in book form in 4
Eriiüahr nach der Geographie des Ps. Moses
1972.
3
Xorenac'i, Abh. GWG (Berlin, 1901).
Especially his Untersuchungen zur Geschichte
 2
3

Chapter I

Parthian Stations of Isidore of Charax, ed. by C. Müller in Geographi Graeci Minores (Paris, 1 855) and in
C, Zweiter Band) has a list of towns on the silk road to the east. The geography of
Frg. Hist. (Dritter Teil
Strabo, written about the time of Christ, with several editions in the Loeb Classical Series, as well as the
Teubner edition by A. Meineke (Leipzig, 1853 foll.), contains much information on Iran and the
Caucasus. Pliny's Natural History is less valuable, but also has interesting details about lands of the east, and
both Strabo and Pliny give place names and Information older than their own times of writing. 5
For the Sasanian period the number of geographical sources increases but the quality does not, for the
vanous cosmographii in the Geographi Latini Minores give very little information on the east. 6 The
historian Ammianus Marcellinus, especially in book 23, mentions the provinces and cities of the Sasanian
7
Empire. Useful for details about place names and peoples are the lexicon of Hesychius (fifth Century)
where some Persian and 'Scythian' words and names are explained, the geography or Ethnika of Stephan
of Byzantium (sixth Century), and the dictionary of Suidas (tenth Century). 8 The anonymous geographer
of Ravenna (seventh Century) based much of his work on the Tabula Peutingeriana of Castorius and does
not add much on the east. 9 A secondary source on Armenian place names is a useful reference work for
10
that region. Talmudic geography is of minimum value to our concerns, although the Talmudic
dictionary of Aruch contains interesting items, especially for the Sasanian period. ' Syriac sources also are 1

not particularly helpful, although the corpus of Nestorian synods with the locations of bishoprics, as well
as the acts of martyrs, occasionally give geographical information not found elsewhere. 12
Thus, it is obvious that the historical geographer of pre-Islamic Iran must rely on items of information
from many and varied sources. Not only the works mentioned above must be considered but the results of
archaeology as well, which bring new materials for our understanding of the past almost yearly. For
example, the site of the Parthian capital of Hekatompylos was not estabhshed, until a survey of the area
and excavations showed that it was the Islamic site of Qumis between present-day Damghan and
Semnan. 3 It is obviously impossible to give a bibliography for all the surveys and site excavations which
1

have some relevance to historical geography. The yearly survey of excavations published in the Journal
Iran, however, gives a good picture of work in that country since 1965. This is paralleled by publications
of the annual symposia on archaeological research in Iran organized by the Iranian Centre for
Archaeological Research in Tehran, since 1 972, as well as the Journal Bastan Chenassi va Honar-e Iran, also
printed in Tehran.
By far the most detailed sources of geographical information for the ancient as well as medieval periods
are the geographies in the Arabic or Persian language. Fortunately, a comprehensive survey of the sources
relevant to western Iran was made by Paul Schwarz, to which one may add a few items which were not
known to him. 14 The Hudüd al-'älam is perhaps the most important new source, especially for eastern

5
Plinii Naturalis Historia, ed. by C. MayhofT Beitrage zur Geographie und Ethnographie Babylo-
(Dresden, 1905; reprinted Stuttgart, 1967); also niens (Berlin, 1884). For the Talmudic geography of
Loeb Classical Library (Cambridge, Mass- Mesopotamia the best work is by J. Obermeyer, Die
London). Landschaft Babylonien im Zeitalter des Talmuds und
6
A. Riese, ed., Geographi Laiini Minores (Heil- des Gaonats (Frankfurt, 1929). See also Additamenta
bronn, 1878; reprinted Hildesheim, 1964) esp. 45, ad Librum Aruch Completum, ed. by A. Kohut
61, 74. (Wien, 1937; reprinted New York, 1955).
7
Ammianus Marcellinus, ed. by W. Seyfarth, 4 1

J -B. Chabot, Synodicon Orientale (Paris,

vols. (Berlin, 1968-71), and in the Loeb Classical 1 902) G Hoffmann, Auszüge aus syrischen Akten
;

Series. Both have a translation as well as Latin text. persischer Märtyrer (Leipzig, 1880), and O. Braun,
K. Latte,
ed., Hesychii Alexandrini Lexicon, 3 Ausgewählte Akten persischer Märtyrer (Kempten-
vols. (Copenhagen, 1953, 1966, 1977); A. Mein- Mumch, 1915).
ecke, ed., Stephan von Byzanz Ethnika (Berlin, 1
Hansman, "The Problem of Qumn,." JRAS
J
1849; reprinted Graz, 1958); Ada Adler, ed., (1968) 111-40.
Suidae Lexicon (Leipzig, 1928-35), 4 vols. 1
Schwarz, Iran im Mittelalter (Leipzig,
•*
P.
J. Schnetz, Itineraria Romana II: Ravennatis 1927-36) The book of G. LeStrange, Lands ofthe
anonymi cosmographia (Leipzig, 1940) trans. by Eastern Caliphate (Cambridge, 1905; reprinted
Schnetz, Ravennas Anonymus: Cosmographia, in 1930), is less detailed but useful. The Istoriko-
Nomina Germanica, 10 (Uppsala, 1951). geograficheskii obzor Irana (St Petersburg, 1903, of
H. Hübschmann, "Die altarmenischen Orts- Bartold, reprinted in his Sochineniya, 7, Moscow,
namen," IF, 16 (1904), 197^90; also issued as a
1971) contains much material of pre-Islamic
book in 1969. geography, but it is especially valuable for
The book by A Neubauer, La geographie du Afghanistan, below. The value of Islamic sources
Talmud (Paris, 1 868), is still useful, as is A. Berliner, for ancient history is shown by such publications as
 Geographica! Survey 3

15
Iran,Afghanistan and Central Asia. The second source, previously known from quotations in Yaqut's
geographical dictionary and elsewhere, was found in a manuscript in Meshhed, Iran and published
twice.
16
A later source The Jahän-näme contains little new except a few items, such as the building of a
7
long wall in Gurgan by the Sasanians to protect settled people from raids by nomads.' Finally, local
geographies and histories occasionally give items of interest. The bibliographical references to the most
important books below refer to pages in Storey's Persian Literature, a bio-bibliographical survey in its
enlarged Russian translation.
18
The oldest is the history of Qom (p. 1008), which contains Information
about the Arab conquests and di visions of land and irrigation. The Qualities of lsfahan, a similar book,

existed in Arabicand in an old Persian translation (101 1-1 2), and histories ofYazd (1021), and especially
the Färs name of Ibn al-Balkhl, which contains much Information about the geography of Fars in Sasanian
times (1027), are to be noted. The city histories of Baihaq and of Nishapur in Khurasan (1041 1044), and ,

Herat in Afghanistan (1043, 1046) have items of geographical interest, whereas the city histories of
Kerman are less useful (1056-63). The local history of Tabaristan (present Mazandaran) is important for
ancient geography and history (e.g. the letter of Tansar), while other books on the Caspian Sea Coast
provinces are less important (1071-77). The local history of Seistan is an important source book for the
historical geography, as well as history, ofthat province (1078-81), but its legends obscure much of the
history. The same is true of the local history of Shustar in Khuzistan (1082). Azerbaijan and Kurdistan
have a number of local histories (such as the Sharaf-näme, 1097), but they help little with the ancient
history or historical geography of the respective regions.
Finally, European travellers from the time of Marco Polo occasionally provide geographical
information relevant to ancient times not found elsewhere. A survey of such accounts may be found in a
book by Alfons Gabriel, 9 but his book contains errors and has an insufficient bibliography hence must be
1

used with caution. There are also general bibliographies of Iran which are useful to consult. 20
Literature: Afghanistan, general: Parallel to Iran, there exists a gazetteer in Persian as well as a Pashto
Qämüs Joghräßyä-ye Afghanistan in four volumes and several reprintings in Kabul (first ed.
edition, the
1952).The English language parallel is the Historical and Political Gazetteer of Afghanistan, ed. by L.
Adamec in six volumes, five of which have appeared. 21 A general, physical geography of Afghanistan is
the work by Johannes Humlum, La geographie de YAfghanistan (Copenhagen, 1959). On the historical

M. Streck, Die alte Landschaft Babylonien nach den Vorderasiens," in 10. Internationaler Kongreß für
arabischen Geographen (Leiden, 1900). Namenforschung, (Vienna, 1969), 123-30
15
Text, ed. by ManQchehr Sotodeh (Tehran, 20 Y. M. Nawabi, ed., A Bibliography oflran, 2
1340/1962), with notes by V. Minorsky
trans. vols. (Tehran, 1969 and 1971); A. Abolhamid and
(London, 1937). The MS is now in Leningrad and N. Pakdaman, Bibliographie francaise de Civilisation
was published in facsimile by V. Bartold (Lenin- Iranienne, 3 vols. (Tehran, 1972-74); A. Kazemi,
grad, 1930). "Addenda" to the book were pub- Iran Bibliographie, Deutschsprachige Abhandlungen,
lished by V. Minorsky in the BSOAS, 17 (1955), Dissertationen, usw. (Tehran, 1970). In Persian are
250-270. the valuable Fihrist Kitäbhäye chäpl Farsl, ed. by
16
V. Minorsky, Abu-Dulaf Mis'ar ibn
ed., Kh. Moshär, 5 vols. (Tehran, 1972-77) an index of
Muhalhil's Travels in Iran, circa A.D. 950 (Cairo U. printed books, as well as the Fihrist-e maqalat-e
Press, 1955) and P. G. Bulgakov and A. B. Fürst, ed. by I. Afshär (Tehran, 1961), which is an
Khalidov, eds., Vtoraya zapiska Abu Dulafa (Mos- index of articles published in Persian from 1910-
cow, 1960). 58, Two other works in Persian by I. Afshär are
17
Fol 1. 19a, line 23 of Muh. b Najib Bakran, useful, the Bibliography of Bibliographies on Iranian
Dzhahan-name, ed. by Yu. Borshchevskii (Mos- Studies (Tehran, 1964), and Directory for Iranian
cow, 1960), also ed. by M. Amin RiyähT (Tehran, Studies (Tehran, 1971). Other bibliographies exist
1964), 82. m profusion, but noteworthy is W. G. Oxtoby,
Storey's work was published in London in Ancient Iran and Zoroastrianism in Festschriften
fascicules (1927-72), and the enlarged translation (Pahlavi University, Shiraz, 1974), and the Russian
Persidskaya Literatura, ed
by Yu. Bregel and Yu. language Bibliografiya po geografii Irana by M. P.
Borshchevskii in 3 vols. (Moscow, 1972). Petrov (Ashkabad, 1955), an annotated
A. Gabriel, Die Erforschung Persiens (Wien, bibliography.
1952). There is not space here to mention many 2I
The three provinces or areas covered in the
special, detailed studies on historical geography, three published volumes are Badakhshan (Graz,
but the articles by W. Eilers on this subject should 1972) Farah and Southwestern Afghanistan (Graz,
be noted, "Der Name Demawend," /lO, 22 (1954), 1973) and Herat and Northwestern Afghanistan
267-374 and 24 (1956), 183-224, and "Zur (Graz, 1975), all compiled from British-Indian
Ortsnamengebung und Ortsnamen-Forschung gazeteers.
4 Chapter I

geography of the area, the same sources mentioned above for Iran also apply to the east, but the works of
Markwart, notably his Wehrot und Arang (Leiden, 1 938), are particularly useful for this part of the world.
A special study of Ptolemy's geography by Italo Ronca, and the relevant chapters of Bartold's Istoriko-
22
geograficheskii obzot Irana are noteworthy. Also V. Bartold's Turkestan down to the Mongol Invasion
(London, 1968) Covers northern Afghanistan as well as Central Asia.

and Isidore,
Sources: In addition to the Classical sources listed for Iran, especially Herodotus, Strabo, Pliny
particular mention must be made of the historians of Alexander's campaign, for they give a few items of
geographical Information not found elsewhere. 23 Unfortunately, Indian texts give us no help, and even
the geography of Varahamihira, except for names of tribes in the north west of the subcontinent, is too
vague to be of much value. 2 * More informative are Chinese sources, especially the life and the travels of
Buddhist monks or laymen such as Fa-hsien (c. 400 B.c.), Sung-yUn (c. 518) and especially Hsüan-tsang
25
(629 B.c.). These travel accounts, however, frequently give us names which are difficult to identify in
non-Chinese texts. In addition to the accounts of travellers, the dynastic histories of China also have a
modicum of geographical information about lands comprising present-day Afghanistan. Most of the
sections about Iran, Afghanistan and Central Asia in those texts fortunately have been translated into
European languages thus making them available to those who do not read classical Chinese. The oldest
account comes from an embassy sent by the Chinese court starting about 138 B.c. headed by Ch'ang
26
Ch'ien, whose account was incorporated in the history of the former Han dynasty (Ch'ien Han Shu).
The annals of the later Han dynasty, the Hou Han Shu, do not add much to the account of the western
regions in the annals of the former Han. 27 Later dynastic histories such as the Wei-Ho and the Chou Shu,
give additional information. 28 Even later Chinese sources are still useful for the earlier historical
geography of the western regions (in Chinese eyes), such as the voyage of another Buddhist monk Huei-
29
cha o about 726 A.D., and the later dynastic histories of the Sui and Tang.
The same geographical books in Arabic and Persian, mentioned above, also contain information about
Afghanistan, but the Hudud al-ä'latn is especially detailed. Since the mountainous regions of Afghanistan
were converted to Islam long after the Arab conquests in Iran, several later histories relating to
Afghanistan are more valuable for the earlier historical geography than one would expect. These are the

22 26
Italo Ronco, Ptolemaios, Geographie 6, 9-21, The Ch'ien Han Shu, relevant chapters have
Ostiran und Zentralasien (Rome, 1971). See also A. been translated by J. J. deGroot in Chinesische
Berthelot, L'Asie ancienne centrale et sud-orientale Urkunden zur Geschichte Asiens, die Westlande
d'apres Ptolemke (Paris, 1930). Chinas in der vorchristlichen Zeit (Berlin, 1926), 9-
23
The principal sources are Arrian, Diodorus 19. Also trans. by F. Hirth, "The Story of Chang
Siculus and Quintus Curtius, all available in either K'ien," JAOS, 37 (1917), 89-162.
the Loeb or Teubner of Classical texts. In the
27
series E. Chavannes, "Les pays d'Occident d'apres le
appendices to W. Tarn's The Creeks in Bactria and Heou han Chou," TP (1907), 149-234. The
India (Cambridge, 1951), many geographical translations of Iakinf Bichurin into Russian of this
questions are discussed. and other Chinese accounts are outdated: N. Ya.
24
H. Kern, ed., The Brihat Sanhita, Bibliotheca Bichurin, Sobranie svedenii o narodakh obitavshikh v
Indica, 48 (Calcutta, 1865), also ed. by S. Dvivedi Srednei Azii, 3 vols. (Moscow, 1950-53) also his
(Benares, 1895-7), Sanskrit Brihatsamhitä . Trans, Sobranie svedenii po istoricheskoi geografii vostochnoi
into English by Kern in JRAS, new series 4 (1 869), i srednoi Azii (Cheboksarai, 1960), both reprints.
430-79; 5 (1870), 45-90, esp. eh. 14 on the The same is true of the old French translations of
division of the globe 81-86; 6 (1872), 279-338; 7 Chinese texts by S. Julien.
28
(1874), 81-134. E. Chavannes, "Les pays d'oeeident d'apres le
25
Classical Chinese texts are available in many Wei-lio," TP (1905), 519-71; R. A. Miller,
printings and only translations are mentioned here. Accounts of Western Nations in the History of the
For Fa-hsien and Sung-yUn see S. Beal, Travels of Northern Chou Dynasty (Berkeley, 1959).
29
Fah-hian and Sung-yun (London, 1869), also his For the monk see W. Fuchs, "Huei-cha o's
translation of 77ie Life of Hiuen-Tsiang (London, Pilgerreisedurch Nordwestindien and Zenral-
191 1). The best translation of Sung-yUn, however, Asien um 726," Sb PAW, 30 (1938), 426-69. For
is by E. Chavannes in the BEFEO, 3, no. 3 (Hanoi, the histories, the collection and translations in E.
1903). For Hsüan-tsang's travels the translation by Chavannes, Documents sur les Tou-kiue (Turcs)
T. Watters, On Yuang Chwang's Travels, 2 vols. Occidentaux (St. Petersburg, 1900; reprinted Paris,
(London, 1904) is better than Beal's (London, 1946), esp. the discussion of sources on the
1884). "western countries", pp. 99-100, is very useful.
 Geographica Survey 5

history of Gardlzland that ofJazjänT, both of whom were natives of the area. 30 There are no extant local
historiesof Kabul, Qandahar, Ghazna, Bamiyan or other cities, although Balkh has a local history which
gives very little ancient history or topography of the surroundings. 31 Finally, European travel accounts
occasionally contain items of value for the historical geography of the land. Archaeology has been the
monopoly of the French until after World War II, and the series MDAFA
contains much valuable
Information, while the latest information about archaeology may be found in the Journal Afghanistan,
published in English or French by the Historical Society of Afghanistan.
Several bibliographies of Afghanistan exist which are useful for specific references in modern literature,
32
and together they offer good coverage of writings on the land.

Literature: Central Asia, general : There are no gazetteers as above, but rather lists of place names as in B.
Volostnov, Slovar geograficheskikh nazvanii SSSR (Moscow, 1968) and S. V. Kalesnik, Entsiklopedicheskii
Slovar geograficheskikh nazvanii (Moscow, 1973). For each of the Transcaucasian and Central Asian
republics of the USSR there exists a general geography, in the series Souetskii Soyuz, and some of these
books have been translated into English in abbreviated form, but only the Russian Originals should be
consulted; for Uzbekistan, see Korzhenevskii, N. L., Uzbekskaya SSR (Moscow, Geografgiz, 1956); for
Turkmenistan, Z. G. Freikin, Turkmenskaya SSR (Moscow, 1957). and for Tajikistan, I. K. Narzikulov,
Tadzhikskaya SSR (Moscow, 1956). 33 For older works see the bibliography in I. M. Kaufman,
Geograficheskie Slovari i bibliografiya (Moscow, 1964).

Sources: The same Classical which have been mentioned above are also relevant for Central Asia,
sources
especially Herodotus, Strabo and Ptolemy. Particularly to be noted for this area is Ctesias, who constantly
must be checked, however, with other sources. 34 Among secondary publications, the works of Markwart
are indispensable for anyone studying the historical geography of Central Asia. In addition to Wehrot und
Arang (Leiden, 1938), the continuation ofthat book, printed in two articles, as well as an earlier study of
Tomaschek, are noteworthy. 35
The Islamic and Chinese sources for the historical geography of Central Asia are the same as those
mentioned for Afghanistan. The pioneering work of V. Bartold, Turkestan down to the Mongol Invasion, as
well as Minorsky's notes to his translation of the Hudad al-'älam, are both very informative. For
archaeology in Central Asia and the Transcaucasus, the yearly reports of field work, Arkheologicheskie
Otkrytiya, ed. by B. A. Rybakov for the year 1975 (Moscow, 1976), as well as the Journal Sovetskaya
Arkheohgiya, are indispensable reference works. Most of the republics have their own surveys of
archaeological work done within the borders of the republic every year, as, for example, Arkheologicheskie
Raboty v Tadzhikistane, vypusk II (Dushanbe, 1975). Other publications of value for the geography of
Central Asia are the series of the Vostochnaya Komissiya geograficheskogo Obshchestva SSSR, called Strany i
Narody Vostoka, vol. 1 6 of which (Moscow, 1 975) is devoted entirely to the Pamirs, also the Trudy and the
Materialy of the Khorezmskoi Ekspeditsii and the same for Turkmenistan in the Yuzhno-Turkmenistanskoi

30 33
'Abd al-Hayy Hablbl, ed., Zain al-akhbär of There are other books in series with useful
GardTzI (Tehran, 1969), esp. the final chapters; he information, such as the general survey of each
also edited the Jabaaat-e Naslrl of JnzjänT (Kabul, republic, e.g., D. A. Chumichev, Tadzhikistan
1965) in two vols., the second with notes. (Moscow, 1968), on climate, physical features,
Also the Atlas Tadzhik SSR
31
See the Fadäi'l-e Balkh, ed. by 'A. HablbT production, etc.
(Tehran, 1972). The contemporary book on (Moscow, 1 968) has historical, as well as contem-
Qandahar by Muh. Wali Dzalmai (Kabul, 1973) porary, maps. The Atlas of Uzbekistan, on the
does give geographical information, but it is other hand, is quite poor.
written in Pashto. 34 König, Die Persika des Ktesias von
W.
See F.
32
T. I.Kukhtina.ed., Bibliografiya Afghanistana, Knidos (Graz, 1972), and several articles by I. V.
literatura na Russkom Yazyke (Moscow, 1 965) W. ; Pyankov in the VD1, such as "Svedeniya Ktesiya o
Kraus, ed., Bibliographie der Afghanistan-Literatur vladeniyakh Bardii na vostoke Irana," no. 4 (1961),
1945-1967, Teil 1, Literatur in Europäischen 98-103, "Istoriya Persii Ktesiya i sredneaziatskie
Sprachen (Hamburg, 1 968), and Teil 2, Literatur satrapii Akhemenidov," VDI, no. 2 (1 965), 35-50.
in persischer Sprache und Paschtu, ed. by G. Knabe 35
Markwart, "Die Sogdiana des Ptolemaios,"
(Hamburg, 1971); D. Wilber, Annotated Bibli- Orientalia, 14 (1945), 123-49,and 15 (1946),286-
ography of Afghanistan (New Haven, 1968); E. 323; W. Tomaschek, "Zentralasiatische Studien"
Naby, Recent Books about Afghanistan 1968-1973 Sb WAW, 87 (1877).
(Afghanistan Council, The Asia Society, New
York, 1973).
6 Chapter I

36
arkheohgicheskoi kompleksnoi ekspeditsii. Central Asia is also well-represented in the series Matetialy i
issledovaniya po arkheologii SSSR. The vast field of archaeology, of course, cannot be covered and
individual publications will be mentioned in the succeeding chapters relative to particular questions.
City histories are also of value for the historical geography of these lands, and the most famous in
Central Asia is the history of Bukhara by Narshakhi in Persian (Storey-Bregel, 1108), while the

counterpart for Samarqand, known as al-Qandiyya (1112) does not contain pre-Islamic information as
does Narshakhi. Other local histories of Bukhara or Samarqand are too recent to have information
relevant to ancient history or geography. The memoirs of the first Moghul emperor, Babur, contain a
geographical sketch of the Ferghana Valley and surroundings (828, 1 187). Other texts, unfortunately, are

of little or no value for ancient times.

A word should be added about maps, since now very detailed aerial maps exist for most of Iran,
Afghanistan and Central Asia, but, unfortunately, access to them is frequently difficult. For example, the
photomaps of Afghanistan, prepared for the government ofthat country by Fairchild Aerial Surveys of
Los Angeles (or Teledyne Geotronics), have a scale of 1 50,000 and show surprising details, but they are
:

not available for general use. A stereo-topographic survey of Afghanistan in 1959, produced maps of
1 :100,000, printed in 1960. For ordinary purposes, however, maps of 1 :1 ,000,000 are adequate, and these

exist in many editions for the entire area. The various Soviet republics have such maps, published by the
Glavnoe Upravlenie geodezii i kartografii gos. geologicheskago komiteta SSSR, in Moscow in the 1960's,
while the U.S. Army Map Service, Corps of Engineers has available a series of world road maps. The
German Army maps, made in the 1930's are also very good for topographical details over the entire area.
Unfortunately, no good atlases or series of maps on the ancient history of Iran, Afghanistan or Central
Asia exist, and many ancient names cannot be identified with present sites, but at least we are much better
informed about geography today than only a few decades ago.

THE ENTIRE AREA

It is no exaggeration to say that rugged mountains and barren deserts have
conditioned the lives of Iranians on the Iranian plateau and in Central Asia perhaps
more than have similar conditions for other peoples. For the mountains and deserts
have divided and separated the people more than rivers or lakes, and consequently
many peoples, many languages and dialects and ways of life have developed in isolated
Valleys. Geography is vitally important for a study and understanding of this part of
the world. A common feature of most of the areas under discussion here (modern Iran,
Afghanistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan) is that they all are on a
plateau or series of plateaus, the middle parts of which have the lowest altitudes, while
the highest mountain ranges are on the peripheries. Rivers and streams drain into the
central depressions, frequently forming salt lakes or dried lake beds which are deserts
today. The greatest contrast in height and depth is found between the highest peak of
the Elburz ränge, Mt. Demavend (5604 m.) and the Caspian Sea, less than 100 km. to
the north, which is below sea level. Both the Elburz ränge in the north and the Zagros
ränge to the west, branch off from the Caucasus in the northwest of Iran, the former
extending to the east and the latter to the southeast, with many Valleys and mountain
offshoots. In the east the Elburz ränge becomes lower with one series of mountains
continuing into Afghanistan, while another branch, of less altitude, extends south to
the depression of Seistan.
The main characteristic of the Iranian plateau is the drainage of rivers into salt lakes

36
The southern Turkmen expeditions have a tematike yuzhna-Turkmanistanskoi arkh. komp. eksp.
bibliography of writings about them from 1949- Akademii Nauk Turkmen. SSR (Ashkhabad, 1970).
69, Perechcn ' opublikovannykh rabot i materialov po
 Geographica Survey 7

or into the sands in the interior. Other than the Caspian Sea, the largest lake in the
world, the sah lake of Urmia (formerly Rezaiye) is the main place of drainage for
streams in Azerbaijan. Other lakes are seasonal, spreading over large areas at the end of
Winter and almost vanishing at the end of summer. Such are the Darya-ye Namak
(Salt Lake) east of Qom, the Bakhtegan lake south of Persepolis and Maharlu lake
south of Shiraz. In the east, the Hamun in Seistan receives the water of the Helmand

River, while other seasonal lakes are much smaller. It is possible that in antiquity all
over Iran more water was available than in recent times, and certainly in many
regions, such as the mountains of Fars, the Vegetation and number of trees were
greater than today. But on the whole the land is much the same today as it was 3000
years ago, in both temperatures and landscape. Water and Vegetation are and were
more plentiful in Azerbaijan than elsewhere, except on the Caspian Sea coast, and the
land becomes more arid as one goes south and east, where extensive irrigation was and
is necessary for cultivation. The creation and extension of the Underground canal

system for irrigation, called qanat in Iran and karez in Afghanistan and Central Asia,
developed probably at the beginning of the first millennium b.c., according to some
archaeologists, enabled people to move out upon the plains from mountain Valleys,
37
thus enabling a larger population to develop. It is conceivable that the spread of the

Iranians on the plateau was aided by the qanat irrigation System, but in any case the
spread of both occurred roughly at the same time.
Afghanistan and Central Asia have much the same geographical features as Iran,
except the eastern part of Afghanistan, which lies in the drainage zone of the Indus
River basin. Yet even here, in the relation of the mountain highlands of the
Hindukush ränge to the plains of India, we have a parallel with the Zagros ränge in
the west and the plains of Mesopotamia. Internal lakes, into which streams drain, are
fewer, smaller and generally higher in altitude in Afghanistan than in Iran. In that
part of Central Asia where Iranians in the past established extensive Settlements
(present Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan), rivers, on the whole, drained into
the Caspian or Aral Seas. North of these three areas streams fed the seasonal Lake
Balkash and the deep Issyk Kul. The vast steppe lands to the north, however, placed
limits on Iranian settlement in that distant region. The general picture of the entire
area of Iran, Afghanistan and Central Asia is the same for all, mountains on the edges
and in the middle lands sloping from the mountain ranges, with drainage into
internal seas, lakes or marshes. Deserts and general aridity also characterize the entire
area, which, for the most part, has a Continental climate, except for the narrow bands
of land which are adjacent to the Caspian Sea, the Persian Gulf, or the plains of India.
Since geography has played such an important role in the history of this part of the
world, a more detailed local survey is appropriate. We Start with the area of present
Iran, then Afghanistan, and finally Central Asia.

7
On the origins of the important qanat System, Annales: honomies-societe's-cwilisations, 18 (Paris,
see P. W. English, The Origin and Spread of 1962), 499-520. B. Brentjes, "Studien zum Bewäs-
Qanats in the Old World," Proceedings of the serungsackerbau," Schriften zur Geschichte und
American Philosophical Society, 112 (Philadelphia, Kultur des alten Orients, 11, AF, 1 (1974), 53-4,
1 968), 1 70-81 and H.
, Goblot, "Dans l'ancien Iran, suggests that qanats are an Urartian discovery.
les techniques de l'eau
et la grande histoire,"
g Chapter I

IRAN

Since Persis (OP Parsa, NP Fars) was the center from which both the Achaemenid and
the Sasanian dynasties arose, we can Start with the geography of this part of Iran. Fars
can be described best as a series of Steps leading from the Persian Gulf to the central
deserts of Iran, with the largest and most fertile step or piain being that of present
Marvdasht where the ruins of Persepolis stand. It was in the rieh Valleys running
northwest to southeast between ridges of the Zagros ränge, that the human resources
were found several times to expand and create empires. The average annual rainfall of
350 mm. at Shiraz, compared with over a thousand mm. along the Caspian Sea coast,
indicates the relative aridity of the south. Nonetheless, the altitude of the mountain
Valleys, plus water from melting snows provided sufficient water for irrigation, thus
enabling a sizable population to live in the broad Valleys. The mountains between
Pasargadae and Abadeh (the latter still included in Fars) in the past have provided a
barrier for Communications with the north. The salt and swamp depression, leading
from east of modern Abarqu southeast to the pass east of Darab, also provided a
natural barrier isolating Fars from the rest of the plateau. The boundaries of Fars, of
course, varied at different times because of political events, more than sketched above,
but the geographical boundaries can be determined as encompassing the land between
the Persian Gulf and the mountains on the north and the salt depression in the east.
The salt depression, of course, was nothing like the central deserts of Kavir and Lut,
but it was nonetheless an inhospitable band of land varying from 50 to 100 km. in
width and descending to 400 m. above sea level east of Darab.
Settlements in Fars, as elsewhere on the plateau, were primarily in oases where
water was obtainable for raising vegetables and gardens. These Settlements were
either in the warm district (garmslr) or in the cold district (sardslr), aecording to the
classical Islamic geographers. By this they meant that a settlement could grow either
tropical plants or trees (such as date palms) or temperate ones (apples, pear trees). The
oases, of course, could be large or small, but the character of an oasis is determined by
the availablility of water. In some broad Valleys a succession of small
plains or
Settlements or oases flourished, while in others water was led to a central town, and
throughout history the site of this town might vary from place to place.
The Marvdasht region is really a series of connecting plains separated by individual
mountains but not by ranges. In other words, one could travel from Malyan tepe (in
the Baida district), the site of the ancient Elamite city of Anshan, to Persepolis,
continuing to the Bakhtegan salt lake in the south without crossing any mountain
pass. To go to Pasargadae from this piain, however, meant following a river, at times

through gorges, to climb to a higher altitude where it was much colder in winter.
The piain and rolling hüls around Pasargadae were better suited for shepherds than
for settled folk, and this region, in any case,
was the last eultivated area before one
reached the mountains of Fars to the north, which were not high but wide and with
Vegetation. From Marvdasht (alt. 1737 m.) to the west one descended, passing
little

over mountain ranges, to the next and lower step on the plateau, the present Shiraz-
Käwar-Khafr-Jahrum series of plains going south, or Shiraz-Guyum-Ardakan to the
north. Again
no high mountain passes break up this chain of Valleys or plains, and the
drainage of water is also into a salt lake, called today Maharlu, to the south of Shiraz.
 Geographica Suruey 9

The altitudes of Settlements also are lower towards the south, from c. 2212 m. at
Ardakan to c.1600 m. at Shiraz and 1065 m. at Jahrum. Three side plains were
located southeast of Maharlu lake, that of Sarvistan (alt. c. 1645 m.), Fasa (c. 1560 m.)
and Darab 88 m.). The altitudes are important to show the descent from a higher
(c. 1 1

northern part of the step to a lower one. The next step towards the Gulf was down to
the plains of Firuzabad (c. 1350 m.), Kazerun (c. 815 m.), Fahliyan (886 m.) and even
lower, Behbehan (335 m.), actually in Khuzistan province, where the greatest
altitude, unlike the other steps, is reversed, descending from south to north. After this,

we findmountain ranges going down to sea level on the Persian Gulf. Only the
coastal piain of Borazjan-Bushire is wide enough for extensive Settlements,
depending primarily on the date palm as their major agricultural product. In the
south of Fars a few isolated Valleys, which have never supported a large population,
have served as way stations for merchants travelling from the Gulf to northern
centers. The most important valley is that of Khunj-Ivaz—Lar (909 m.) where even
today local dialects are spoken, an indication of its isolation from the rest of Fars. Thus,
Fars itself is isolated on all sides, from the mountains rising from the Gulf to the great
altitude drop in the Bandar 'Abbas depression east of Darab and the sah desert band
east of Abarqu and north and east of Darab. The cohesion of this part of Iran, seen also
in the dialects which constitute a unity with modern Persian, strikes the traveller in
comparison with other parts of the country. None of the rivers here are navigable,
and mountains dominate the landscape. Also the people, especially in villages, seem
less variegated than elsewhere in Iran, probably the result of the isolation. Finally,

because of the variety of climate, altitudes and large tracts fit only for herding,
traditionally Fars has been a province with the greatest variety of migrating nomads
in all of Iran. Nomadism seems to have flourished here from early times, and the
relatively short distances from summer to winter quarters, just as on the eastern rim of
the plateau in Afghanistan and the plains of India, have encouraged the development
of nomadic life.
The same Situation, of course, also obtained in the present day province of
Khuzistan where nomads moved in the summer from the plains of Mesopotamia
onto the Zagros ränge, and this has been a constant feature of the history of this
province. The navigable Karun River, widest in Iran, flows through the province, but
it must be remembered that the land to the south of Ahwaz, to the Gulf, was not

occupied in historic times, except along the river banks, whereas north of Ahwaz the
land was fertile and heavily cultivated. A number of tributaries of the Karun make
Khuzistan a well-watered province. Here was located the Elamite city of Susa, and
other ancient towns, and since this region is an extension of the plains of Mesopotamia
to the east, influences from the west always have been strong.
The wide mountainous tract to the north and east of Khuzistan is Luristan, where
the population is and was different from the people on the plains. Luristan, however,
was not like Fars, with wide and long plains between the mountains, but rather many
small and narrow Valleys with a variety of Settlements separated from each other.
Also roads pass through Luristan, connecting the plains with the plateau, corridors of
trade. Thus, the geography of Luristan, unlike Fars, was not conducive to the unity of
the people inhabiting this large area. Furthermore, control of Luristan from the
outside was always difficult and nominal.
10 Chapter I

The only centers of population which could expand, were in Valleys on the edges of

Luristan, such as present Borujird. Khurramabad, on the other hand, was important
rather for its Strategie location on a trade route to the plains of Khuzistan. Settlements
might was not much livable space between
vary in location frorn age to age, but there
the mountains for great displacements of people. Even as today, Luristan in the past
provided summer quarters for the inhabitants of the piain seeking to escape the
excessive heat.
We find a similar Situation in the northern Zagros mountains, in Kurdistan and
Azerbaijan, while the ancient road from Babylon to Khurasan in the east, sometimes
called the 'Silk Route,' was a dividing line between Luristan and Kurdistan. The latter,
comprising the mountainous areas from Kermanshah north to Lake Urmia at present
shows an interesting linguistic division between Kurdish and Turkish Speakers. In the
mountains to the west of the valley of the Simin and Zirineh Rivers, where the
present-day towns of Mahabad, Saqqiz and Bijar are found, the population is Kurdish-
speaking, while in the lower areas, the line of towns from present Miyandoab south
through Takab, and in the mountains to the east, the population is Turkish-speaking.
It is doubtful whether this present split represents an ancient division rather than

being the result of political and other factors. One may rather consider the entire area
of Kurdistan and Azerbaijan as a geographic whole, with more of a significant
geographical division existing in the mountains between the Van and Urmia lakes
than between the Valleys inside of Azerbaijan. Geographically speaking, lake Urmia
can be considered a link rather than a barrier between the eastern and western parts of
Azerbaijan, and the land along the western shore of the lake from Urmia through
Salmas, then north to Khoi and Maku presents no great geographical barrier to the
movement of peoples. It is curious that, regardless of political controls and divisions,
the ethnic boundary between Armenians and Iranians, in Sasanian times if not earlier,
was the line of hüls separating the present district of Urmia from Salmas, and
Manneans
generally this seems to have been the border between the Urartians and the
before the Coming of the Armenians and Iranians.
It must be remembered that routes of communication in antiquity did not

necessarily follow modern highways, since wheeled vehicles were very little in use in
Iran; instead pack animals, such as donkeys,mules and cameis, carried merchandise
over mountain passes and pack animals followed the lines of
plains. Nonetheless, the
least resistance, and the modern road from Mt. Ararat and Maku in the northwest

through Tabriz, Mianeh, Qazvin, Tehran, Semnan and to Khurasan, was the main
trade artery together with the branch which descended from the plateau at Hamadan
through Kermanshah to the plains of Mesopotamia. Since these were also the routes of
invasion and conquest from earliest times, the populations along these routes were
variegated and did not present the same unity of peoples along them as, for example,
the inhabitants of Fars. Control of the 'Silk Route' to the east and of the branch
through Azerbaijan to the Black Sea, would ensure control of most of the Iranian
plateau, and this control was necessary to maintain an empire, or even unity over the
plateau. In Azerbaijan present Settlements along the route, such as Marand, Tabriz,
and Mianeh, were also ancient centers, showing the continuity of routes from
antiquity. Other towns such as Maragheh, Ardabil and Ahar are not on important
routes of communication but owed their importance on the whole to agriculture. It is
 Geographical Survey li

richer in Azerbaijan than elsewhere on the plateau because of the relative abundance
of Underground water, as well as streams from melting snow on the mountains, not to
mention the soil itself, in many places lava from now extinct volcanoes.
One area of Azerbaijan is different from the rest, and that is the low-lying steppe of
Mughan, which served in later times as a winter camping ground for the Mongols
and Turkish nomads. This lowland, which continues north across the Aras River, was
the division in the northeast between Iranian Speakers and the land and people known
as Aghvan to Armenians, Arran to the Arabs and Albania to the Greeks. Since this
was non-Iranian land in the north we need not describe it. The eastern boundary of
Azerbaijan was not the Caspian Sea but rather the high mountains along the coast
with a narrow band of coastline which is part of the Caspian provinces, with a
landscape very different from the rest of Iran. Those provinces are Talysh, Gilan and
Mazandaran.
The coastal area of Gilan, including Iranian Talysh, is roughly 225 km. long from
north west to southeast and the width varies from 1 5 km. or less in the Talysh area of
Astara to over 100km. by Rasht. The actual piain, however, excluding foothills, is
even narrower, varying from a few hundred meters near Astara to 45 km. at Rasht.
On the Caspian side of the Elburz mountains are many trees, thick underbrush, called
locally a jangal. To the east both water and Vegetation decrease, but many streams
descend from the mountains to the Caspian, making Communications along the shore
difhcult. Just as in the west the delta of the Safid Rud and its tributaries provided a flat
agricultural area for development, with its center at Rasht, so in the east the Haraz and
Babol Rivers with many tributaries made the piain of Mazandaran a center of
population. But in the east, unlike the west, the piain continues further, to the east of
the Caspian Sea, forming the wider piain of Gurgan, ancient Hyrcania. Mazandaran
and Gurgan were linked in history, and both were open to invasion from the steppes
of Central Asia. The jungles of well-watered Gilan and Mazandaran give way,
however, to the forests of the hüls of Gurgan, and the mountains to the south did
shield the inhabitantsof the Caspian provinces from penetration from the south.
Archaeology has uncovered remains of ancient cultures in sites such as Marlik,
Kaluraz and Kalardasht, located in the northern foothills, or even in the higher Valleys
of the Elburz mountains. It is unlikely that the marshes and jungles of the plains were
much inhabited in early times, but the hülswere fertile and watered, enabling people
to live there.It has not been possible to determine by archaeology when the Caspian

plains were settled, but probably by the Achaemenid period Settlements were being
established on the plains. Much like India, the lowlands of the Caspian were invaded,
but the reverse, an expansion from the lowlands to the mountains and onto the
plateau, was rare.
The southern sides of the Elburz mountains on the plateau are the opposite of the
north where winds drop their moisture, as they try to cross the lofty ränge. The
aridity of the southern slopes is progressive, however, for the further south one goes
from the Elburz the less moisture is found. Therefore, the band of land from the
mountains, one might say from Hamadan through Qazvin, Tehran to Semnan and
Damghan, is, and has been, the most practical route of communication from west to
east. Settlements are found on the route where water is available, and this is the main

reason for the continuous existence from ancient times of a town at Hamadan, where
12 Chapter I

Springs and streams from Mt. Alvand bring water. Likewise at Qazvin not only do
streams bring water from the nearby mountains, but the Strategie location as a
crossroads to the Caspian provinces, to Azerbaijan, to Hamadan and to the east,
insures the continuous existence of a town from antiquity. Further, at Semnan but
especially at Damghan, which isprobably a much older site, the presence of water
enables Settlements to flourish. North of Damghan the copious spring, today called
Chashmeh-ye 'Ali, undoubtedly provided water for early settlement on the piain,
first at Hekatompylos (present ruins of Qumis) and later at Damghan. Thus along the

trade route to the east, access to water provided the means of settlement.
The same is true of the road south to Fars along the edge of the Kavir salt desert. At
Kashan the spring of water at Fin, in the mountains to the southwest of the present
city, provided a similar basis for ancient settlement as at the area of Damghan. On the
edge of mountains with streams leading down to the central salt depressions of Iran,
ancient man established himself. The large oasis of Isfahan, however, was watered by
the Zayandeh River. All of the were and are about 1000 m. in
prineipal Settlements
altitude or higher, for the depressions where streams on the interior of the plateau
debouched are salt marshes where life is not possible. The main settled part of the
western Iranian plateau, comprising the area of Hamadan-Qazvin-Tehran-Isfahan,
was frequently under a single political administration, since there were no great
obstacles to communication between these cities. The southeastern part of Iran,
however, is more difhcult of access, and is also more arid.
The same pattern of settlement prevailed here as in the north; wherever streams
descended from the mountains, or springs existed, settled human life was possible.
The mountains of the center of the land, however, are not as high as the Elburz or
Zagros ranges. The present city of Kerman lies 1860 m. above sea level and is
separated from the Lut desert to the north by a ränge of mountains, while a former
capital of the province, Sirjan, is 1650 m. high. Because of the altitude, summers are
not so intolerable as one might expect in an area in the south. Because it is south,
however, in the lowlands date palms, mango trees and other tropical plants may be
found. East of present day Kerman city, however, the land slopes to 1000 m. at Bam
and then much lower to the east of Bam in the desert sands. Historically, as well as
geographically, the Lut desert and the sands to the east of Bam have divided the
Iranian plateau into its western and eastern parts, the of which continues into
latter
present Afghanistan and Pakistan. The only parts of the eastern part of the modern
country of Iran which sustained settled populations in the past are Seistan and the
Bampur valley of Baluchistan in the south. Seistan is the large piain into which the
Helmand River from the mountains of Afghanistan empties, and it lies under 1000 m.
above sea level, and in parts even down to 300 m. The wind is especially strong here
and a local summer wind of '120 days' shapes the sand and creates dunes. But the
overflow of water from the Helmand in the spring creates large reed marshes or
shallow lakes, called hamun or "piain." The number and size of these hamuns varies
aecording to the season and also depending on the amount of water brought by the
Farah and Helmand Rivers from the snow on the mountains. The Seistan depression is
large in area, most of which lies within the borders of present Afghanistan. To the
north of the Seistan depression, and east of Qaen, is a similar but considerably smaller
depression called the Namaksar where salt marshes or lakes block Communications
 Geographica Survey 13

between east and west. Here, as usual on the plateau, Settlements are at high altitudes to
the west of the depression, with Birjand 1490 m. and Turbat-e Haidariyeh 1370 m. It
is clear that human habitation in antiquity as today flourished primarily on streams

on the slopes of mountain ranges, for the drainage basins of small streams were saline.
The large basin of Seistan, however, was an exception, since the water from rivers was
ample enough to provide a source of livelihood in fish and fowl, as well as water for
irrigation. Nonetheless, Seistan always must have fluctuated between years of plenty
and years of scarcity, with salinity an ever present threat to overcome.
A similar Situation may be found in Baluchistan where the drainage of several
small rivers, such as the Bampur River, is into the salt lake of Jaz Muryan. In
were found along the rivers, the Halil River to the
antiquity, as at present, Settlements
from the Kerman mountains, and the Bampur in the east. In neither,
west, descending
however, did any centers of population exist, since the land was too barren and
unproductive to sustain many people. The Makran mountains down to the coast are
about as unhospitable a landscape as may be found anywhere on earth, and not until
One
the Indus River Valley in the east can any extensive land for cultivation be found.
may characterize all of Baluchistan, from the Kerman highlands to the Indus River, as
a kind of refuge area where people retreated, either driven out of more favorable land,
or simply fleeing to maintain a free and unattached life, albeit one of great hardships.
The only trees to be found are palm trees in oases, together with mangroves, and
occasionally tamarisk and other bushes elsewhere. The climate is exceedingly hot in
the summer and is not conducive to any human activity. The coastal plains, varying
in width from a few kilometers up to 100 at Bushire and a similar extent at Bandar
'Abbas and Minab, usually have had a minimum of contact with the interior, but
rather communication has been across the sea. Fishing and date palms provide
sustenance for the small population able to eke out a livelihood from the
surroundings. The mountains and deserts which separate the coasts from the towns on
the interior of the plateau are formidable barriers to commerce and Communications,
and only at Bushire and at Bandar 'Abbas have seaports existed which served the
hinterland as outlets for trading goods.
Just as the southern ports have served as entrepöts for seaborn trade, so on the
northeastern frontier of Khurasan towns on the edge of the desert have served as

places of entry for nomads and merchants with caravans coming across the Kara Kum
desert. The Valleys between the two ranges of mountains, the Turkmen or Kopet
Dagh ränge in the north, forming the present boundary between Iran and
Turkmenistan, and the southern Khurasan or Binalud ränge north of Nishapur, are
relatively fertile and well watered by Underground canals from the mountains.
Human settlement in this region is old, and locations of ancient towns are almost
predictable, as for example, at Tus or Meshhed, or at Isfarain, a fertile valley in the
mountains. The mountains of Khurasan are not high and passes through them are
frequent. On the northern slopes of the Turkmen ränge lies the ancient Parthian city
of Nisa, near present day Ashkabad, and seemingly from ancient times a settlement in
this region (as at Anau) has served as a center of trade along an east-west axis.
Southern Turkmenistan, both geographically as well as historically, is an extension of
the Iranian plateau in the north, and the same features of aridity and Settlements where
water is found apply here.
14 Chapter I

The natural resources of Iran are many, but in antiquity few were exploited. In
antiquity copper was mined, one might better say stripped from on, or just below, the
surface, in the central deserts of Iran at Anarak and north of Kerman. Metallurgy
developed in Iran early with alloys of copper, such as bronze, soon superceding
copper. Tin was mined in Azerbaijan near Tabriz while lead, zinc, and iron were
found in the mountains of Khurasan and Kerman. Gold and silver were also mined in
antiquity,all of which made Iran a source of metals for craftsmen all over the Near

East. Local craftsmen made Iran famous for its luxury arts and crafts throughout
history, and textiles, rugs and ceramics were items of trade in the past as at present.
Wood too was important for the crafts as well as for building, and one may assume
that the mountain slopes were more covered with trees in antiquity than today,
although no great changes in climate or water supply can be detected.
The area of present day Iran is vast with many differences in climate and soil, from
the jungles of Gilan to the lifeless mountains and deserts of Baluchistan. On the plateau
the climate is Continental with cold winters and hot summers, and settled life
flourished in sheltered Valleys where a water supply was available. Only on the edges
of the plateau did this pattern vary. On the south Caspian coast and in Khuzistan
ample rainfall enabled rice and other subtropical foodstuffs to grow. Yet the intense
summer heat in Khuzistan makes any activity there virtually impossible for months
of the year. The southern seacoast, extending to the Indus River, is too arid to produce
anything except bare subsistence for a small population. On the plateau we find what
one may describe as oasis Settlements, either a series of small oases, or villages or urban
centers with surroundings, such as Isfahan or Shiraz. The urban center may be more
or less stationary because the water supply is constant, such as in the city of Hamadan.
Or the city may shift its location over centuries, such as Nishapur. Also the names of
cities appear and disappear or change. Sometimes the name of a town vanished while
the district retained the name of the town, such as Qumis (Komisene) in Khurasan.
Identifications of archaeological sites thus present problems, although, as noted above,
the possibilities of ancient settlement were little different from what they are today.
Nonetheless the very number ofthose possibilities in each Valley or piain is not small,
since present day were once large towns, and cities of today were once
villages
villages. Possibly nowhere on earth do we find evidence of the ebb and flow of
history, the rise and fall of cities, with consequent deserted ruins, so prominent on the
surface of the soil, as in Iran, Afghanistan and Central Asia. When the soil becomes too
saline or the water table sinks, people will abandon a town or village, and the mud
walls and ruins of houses will remain visible for years or even centuries. Sometimes
entire cities, like Bam east of Kerman, were abandoned, providing tourist sites at the
present time. Nowhere does the phrase — vicissitudes of time and the changes of
fortune - seem more apt in its visible evidences than in this part of the world.

AFGHANISTAN
The extension of the Iranian plateau to the east ends in a great mass of mountains,
which like the Zagros ränge in the west, has been a refuge area for many peoples. The
geography of what is today Afghanistan and the western borderlands of Pakistan, for
our purposes can be best understood as the area of four drainage Systems where
 Geographica! Survey 15

agnculture and settled life for little more than a handful of people were possible. The
mountains, from which all rivers take their sources, in the center of the country and in
the east, have inhibited close contacts between the various parts of the country which,
in any case, is a political creation of recent times. The Hari River with its principal
city of Herat, loses its water in the sands now in the Turkmen SSR. Similar to the
Khurasan province of Iran, historically Herat usually has been part of a western
kingdom or empire, rather than of the east. On the other hand, Herat has served as a
pivotal area for trade and invasion routes from the north to the southeast, to the plains
of the Indian subcontinent, as much as a Station on east-west trade routes. The Valley of
the Hari Rud is fertile, and it has been a source of wealth for the inhabitants enabling
them to develop in the past a center of civilization in this region. The central
mountains have been a barrier for Communications between Herat and the Kabul
valley in the east, which is revealed in culture by the Persian orientation of the former
and the Indian for the latter. To the south, the road to Qandahar and thence to India
crosses barren plains and rivers, but there is no formidable barrier to contacts, either
between Herat and Seistan, or Herat and Qandahar. To the northeast of Herat, over a
low ränge of mountains, lies the district of Badghis with the Murghab River, also
draining north, but into the Merv oasis. This district, at present called Qala-ye No
after the main town, is primarily an excellent pastureland with some fertile Valleys,

but which could never support a population comparable to the Hari Rud valley. If it
were not for thesummer wind of '120 days,' summers in Herat would be intolerable,
since the low altitude of the city (c. 690 m.) would not provide relief from the hot
sun. Other ancient places of settlement in the area included Fushang (today:
Zendajan), some 45 km. to the west of Herat on the river, Aspozar or Isfizar (today:
Shindand or Sabzevar) south of Herat, and Merv-e Rud (today: Bala Murghab) on
the river of the same name. One may presume that ancient and modern centers of
population differed little in their locations on this part of the Iranian plateau.
The second system of drainage in Afghanistan empties the present Farah, Khash and
Helmand Rivers, as well as smaller streams, into the perennial lakes or hamuns of
Seistan. The Helmand is a river, and in the spring it carries a large
1300 km. long
volume of water along its We
have already mentioned Seistan in the
course.
discussion of Iranian provinces, and if the Afghan region is added, as it should be from
an historical viewpoint, the entire area was very extensive and a center of civilization
from ancient was larger than the comparable Merv and Bukhara oases
times. Seistan
and irrigation was widely practiced here in antiquity. The lower
in the north,
Helmand River basin was much more cultivated than it is today, but one must go up
the river to the district of Qandahar and the confluences of the Arghandab, Tarnak
and other with the Helmand, to find comparable extensive cultivation and
rivers
centers of population. On both sides of the lower course of the river are deserts, and
there no reason to suppose that in antiquity the cultivable land was much more
is

on either side of the river than it is today. The name Helmand, (Avestan:
extensive
Haetumant) means 'rieh in dams,' an apt description of a river which even today is
the source of irrigation for a large expanse of land. The Valleys of the many rivers and
streams which descend southward from the central mountain massif are also fertile
and produetive, and one may suppose that this area was the homeland of the Pashtun
or Pathan tribes to be discussed in the next chapter. The district of Qandahar,
16 Chapter I

however, not only maintained contacts with Seistan down the river, but also with
Ghazna, 'the treasury' and Kabul. In antiquity the Qandahar-Ghazna route was on the
border between Iranian- and Indian-speaking populations.
Stnctly speaking, the third drainage System of Afghanistan, the Kabul River and its
tributaries, in ancient times was part of the Indian sphere of influence rather than the
Iranian, and the river ltself was part of the Indus River System. There are three large
Valleys which have been centers of settlement according to archaeologists, the
Panjsher with the Koh-e Daman Valley, the Kabul and the Logar Valleys. The first
Valley is the highest in altitude (c. 2800 m.), and lt lies north of the Helmand
watershed as the first valley of the Kabul River basin. The Kabul Valley (alt. c. 2200
m.) was important from ancient times as the crossroads of routes from north and
south, and on the edge of the descent to the plains of India. The mountains to the^east
of Kabul quickly give way to lower altitudes, and the piain of Nangrahar (or
Jalalabad) averages about 600 m., very hot in summer. To the north of Kabul the
valley of Koh-e Daman is lower than Kabul, and with an average altitude of 1600 m.,
protected by the high Hindukush mountains to the north, the climate is also milder.
Other, narrower Valleys, such as the Ghorband and the high Bamiyan valley (c. 2800
m.), were less populous in antiquity than Koh-e Daman. The ethnic populations of
these areas will be discussed in the next chapter, but suffice it to say that in all of them
mixtures of Iranian and of Indian Speakers occurred in ancient times. The high
mountains of the Hindukush and the narrow Valleys of Nuristan (formerly
Kafinstan), have created many refuge areas where people have fled from invasion or
Mining was practiced in the
persecution, a paradise for hnguists and anthropologists.
Hindukush mountains in antiquity, and the principal source of lapis lazuli was in
Badakhshan on the northern slopes of the mountains.
The northern slopes of the Hindukush, which is the watershed between the Kabul
and Oxus River basins, have many fertile but narrow Valleys, through which streams
descend to the Oxus or Amu Darya. But it is the plains of Turkestan which were
covered with many Irrigation canals in older times, and which provided cultivation
adequate to support a large population.
The altitude of the piain of Turkestan varies from 350 to 400 m., a considerable
drop from the mountains to the south, and it is in these plains that ancient cities
existed where today their counterparts of Sheberghan, Aqcha, Mazar-e Sharif and
Kunduz flourish. The largest city on the plains was Balkh, called 'mother of cities' by
the invading Arabs, but today it has been replaced by Mazar-e Sharif. Many streams
from the mountains do not reach the Oxus but are either used for irrigation or simply
evaporate and vanish. The land on the southern banks of the Oxus on the whole is flat
and sandy, while on the northern, present Soviet side, cliffs and mountains
predominate. To the west, the plains of Turkestan become the Kara Kum desert,
while to the east the mountains of Badakhshan lead to Wakhan and the Pamirs, where
only hardy nomads can eke out an existence.
The central mountains of Afghanistan, where the four river Systems take their rise,
have never been centers of population, and only the Bamiyan valley has had sizable
permanent Settlements in the past, for it was situated on a route leading from Balkh
over the mountains to Kabul. In summary, one may conclude that settlement patterns
in the area of present-day Afghanistan were concentrated in the hüls and plains
 Geographica Survey 11

around the central mountains, which were well watered, such as Seistan, Herat,
Qandahar and the plains of Turkestan, except for the mountain Valleys around Kabul,
which combined provided sustenance for a large population, hence a base for power
for a kingdom. The mountains to the east are parallel to the Zagros mountain ränge
on the western side of the plateau. In both many narrow Valleys and series of
mountain ranges have provided regions of retreat or refuge for various peoples, and
both are the farthest extent of Iranian-speaking peoples, to the lowlands of India in the
east and to Mesopotamia in the west. Like the Zagros, the eastern mountains of
Afghanistan were formerly more wooded, but the lack of rainfall and the extremes of
temperature with a severe Continental climate all over the plateau, never permitted
the growth of population similar to the Indus, or Tigris-Euphrates lowlands. The
people of the lowlands were rarely tempted to venture far into the mountains,
whereas the rieh, alluvial plains were always an attraction for the hardy inhabitants of
the highlands. The relative inaccessibility of the sea coasts from the plateau did not
induce the Iranian peoples to become seafarers, and neither the Caspian nor the
Persian Gulf with the Arabian Sea played an important role in history for the peoples
of the plateau, and Central Asia was even more isolated from the sea.

CENTRAL ASIA
A comparison of the altitudes of the prineipal cities at once reveals that Turkestan or
Central Asia lies off the Iranian plateau. In the west the Caspian Sea depression extends
across the Kara Kum and Kizil Kum deserts, which are really one desert separated by
the Oxus River, to the mountains which descend from the Pamirs and the T'ien Shan
ränge to the northeast. Ashkabad, capital of the Turkmen republic and near ancient
Nisa, 240 m.; Merv is slightly higher while Khiva in the delta of the Oxus is less
is

than 00 m., and Bukhara is similar to Merv. To the east altitudes rise and Samarqand
1

is almost 900 m. in some areas of the extended city, but Tashkent is only 455 m. An

extension of lowlands to the east lies between mountains in the fertile Ferghana valley
where Leninabad (former Khodjent) is 400 m., Kokand 396 m., Andijan c. 450 m.,
and Margilan 576 m. This valley provides the easiest access from the west over the
mountains to Chinese Turkestan and the city of Kashgar. Just as the mountains to the
south of the Oxus have many Valleys descending to the river, so do the mountains of
present-day Tajikistan to the north. The Hissar-Alai mountain ränge has three main
rivers which water narrow but fertile Valleys, the Surkhan Darya, the Kafirnigan and
the Vakhsh. The last is the longest and takes its origin on the Alai plateau which
provides a trade route to Chinese Turkestan, as well as excellent pasturage for the
flocksand horses of nomads. In history the lands watered by the three rivers have
been more closely tied to the plains of Afghan Turkestan than with Samarqand or
Bukhara. The climate is also milder in winter here, protected by mountains to the
north, than it is on the open areas to the west subjeet to winds blowing from Siberia.

Dushanbe, the capital of Tajikistan, lies 824 m. high and has hot summers but mild
winters. The great mountain complex of the Pamirs, with many glaciers, provides
water for three great rivers, the Indus to the south, and the Oxus and Jaxartes (Syr
Darya) to the west, not to mention streams flowing eastward into Chinese Turkestan.
18 Chapter I

The delta of the Oxus River was an important center of culture in the past
(Khwarazm), but not the delta of the Jaxartes.
Khwarazm (present Khorezm) is the low-lying land south of the Aral Sea mostly
on the west side of the Oxus River. The eastern bank is more hilly than the opposite
bank, and water for irrigation is taken from the river predominantly on the western
side. Archaeologists have found ancient remains here, and one may infer that an early

center of civilization flourished in this fertile region. The question of the ancient
course of the Oxus River has never been conclusively resolved. For there are those
who still claim that it emptied into the Caspian Sea at times, flowing into a depression
known as Sarikamysh and then down a Channel called the Uzboi, even though there is
no evidence that the Oxus did flow into the Caspian Sea in ancient times. The Situation
in prehistoric times is unknown, and accounts of the river changing its lower coutse in
the Islamic period are uncertain. In any case, the center of Khwarazm was located on
the river over a hundred kilometers from the Aral Sea, below any turning offto the
Caspian Sea, which appears unlikely in the historical period with which we are
concerned.
The antiquity of settlement in Khwarazm is matched by the Merv oasis, with the
added ad van tage of lying on the important trade route from Iran to Central Asia and
China. Its location seems to have made this oasis on the Murghab River more
important than the lower course of the Hari Rud (called the Tejend), which also lost
its water in the desert, although the town of Sarakhs on the latter was similar to Merv

on the Murghab. Water being the key to life in the deserts of Central Asia, river
Valleys are natural places for Settlements, but the rise of towns on them is usually
determined by their location on trade routes. Merv, situated in the Kara Kum desert,
was the stopping place for caravans plying between the Iranian plateau and Bukhara
and the Zarafshan valley.
The oasis of Bukhara, like that of Merv, utilized the water of a river, here the
Zarafshan, before it disappeared in the sands, and like Merv, the rise of Bukhara must

have followed the development of trade. The prosperity of the Merv oasis, the
Bukhara oasis, and many other sites in Central Asia, depended on the efficacy of the
irrigation Systems. In fact, so important is this all over this area, as well as Iran and
Afghanistan, that the ancient Iranians may be called the practitioners of an irrigation
civilization par excellence. It was extensive development and expansion of irrigation
Systems which brought prosperity and civilization to the Settlements such as Merv,
Bukhara and Samarqand, although all three owed their rise to their locations on trade
routes.
One of the ancient centers of settlement in Central Asia was the Ferghana Valley, a
rieh area enclosed by mountains to the north, east and south, some 300 km. long and
70 km. wide, watered by the Jaxartes. To the west is a narrow desert strip called the
Hungry Steppe,' some 7 km. wide, which continues into the larger Kizil Kum desert;
so the Ferghana valley is virtually an isolated Valley varying from 350 to 900 m. in
altitude. The relatively low altitude, as well as the mountains, protect the valley from

the cold north winds of winter to which Tashkent and Bukhara are subjeeted. The
middle of the valley has much barren steppe land, but the foothills of the mountains
are relatively rieh in verdure. Archaeologists have reavealed very early Settlements in
the valley, and the existence of various minerals in the surrounding mountains
 Geographica Survey i9

undoubtedly further enhanced the attractions of the irrigated land as a good place to
settle, for mining was also practiced at an early date.

To the north of the Ferghana valley, and in the foothills to the east of the Kizil Kum
desert was the oasis of Chach, today Tashkent, which was also settled in early times,

although probably not as extensively as either the Ferghana valley or Samarqand. To

the east of Chach the mountains hindered both Communications and settlement such
main road to the east ran north skirting the mountains, and then turned east
that the
over low passes to the Talas River valley. Again skirting the Kara-tau and Ala-tau

mountain ranges, the road continued eastward towards the Altai Mountains. The vast
steppes of northern Central Asia and southern Siberia were traversed by Iranian
nomads called by a generic term, Sakas, when we first hear of them in the sixth
Century b.c. But here too, as in the south, the Valleys of the Chu and Ili Rivers had
Settlements from early times.
Not only did Iranian nomads reach the Altai mountains, but they also spilled into
Chinese Turkestan, which, before the Turkic expansion, was in great measure
Iranized. Today only some 20,000 Iranian Speakers survive in the Sarykol valley of the
Chinese Pamirs with the principal town of Tashkurghan. The northern and southern
sides of the Taklamakan desert in Chinese Turkestan were inhabitated by Iranians, as
well as others, and traces of ancient Settlements have been found on dried-up stream
beds far into the desert. The extreme of the entire area makes any settlement
aridity
entirely dependent on irrigation, and in the southern rim of the Tarim Basin, as it is
called, the only oasis is Khotan because of two rivers which bring
of importance
water down from Kunlun mountains to the south. The Kunlun mountains and
the
the Tibetan plateau made Communications with the south almost impossible, and
only two arduous routes to the west were important in history. The first, and most
used, northern route we have briefly mentioned above. It followed the Surkhab
(Turki: Kizilsu) River through the Alai plateau over the mountains to Kashgar. The
southern route followed the Wakhan corridor in present Afghanistan through the
eastern Pamirs to the valley of Sarykol. The easiest access to the Tarim basin of
Chinese Turkestan was from the north over several passes of the Tien Shan
mountains. The eastern part of the Tarim, on the borders of China, comprises a sah
desert, called Lop Nor, once a prehistoric sea, stretching almost 300 km. in length.
Human habitation was always at a minimum here. On the northern side of the Tarim,
however, several oases have flourished in history, such as Aqsu, Kucha and Turfan,
probably because water is more available from streams descending from mountains
to the north, and there is more fertile ground, not as eroded as the characteristic loess
earth of the south.
The reason why Chinese Turkestan has been included in the geographical survey of
ancient Iranian civilizations is that Iranian Sakas lived in the oasis of Khotan and

vicinity for centuries before becoming absorbed by Turks, and the northern string of
oases formed China over which Sogdian merchants travelled and
a trade route to
made Settlements. The oasis of Turfan has yielded
valuable documents in the Sogdian,
Parthian and Middle Persian languages, of inestimable value in many fields. We will
return to this in the chapter on demography.
This survey of the lands where Iranians lived in the past indicates the common
features of terrain in Iran, Afghanistan and Central Asia. We must repeat that
20 Chapter I

mountains, deserts and oases, with Settlements based on irrigation, are the hallmarks

of life in of the world. There was rarely any excess of agricultural produce, or
this part
rather foodstuffs, to trade; rather minerals and objects of craftsmanship, such as
textiles and carpets, were the mainstay of trade from ancient times. Also the difference
between the dweller in an oasis, and one on the bleak steppes, mountains or deserts,
was always marked. The contrast also between the verdure of a well-watered oasis,
which seemed a haven of security, and the forbidding land outside, was sharp, and this
conditioned human attitudes about nature and the land in which the Iranian lived.
Extremes of temperature and frequent earthquakes, flash floods, and other ra vages of
nature, tested the endurance of humans, and left them ever ready to migrate to the
more fertile and less harsh lowlands of India or Mesopotamia. If anything has
conditioned the lives of Iranians, it is this sharp contrast in nature, between the, huge,
arid, barren, forbidding mountains and deserts and the irrigated garden surrounded
by mud walls to keep out the sand and the encroachments of a hostile outside world.
The word 'paradise' is Iranian in origin, and it originally meant an enclosed garden
where the ruler hunted his favorite game which had been introduced into the
enclosure for that purpose.
From this geographica! survey of Iran, Afghanistan and Central Asia, it is clear that
there could be neither unity nor large populations here like the Nile and Tigris-
Euphrates River basins. Vast areas, for the most part, could only be ruled for a short
time by either nomadic or tribal states, or by some kind of feudal alliances. The
Problems of communication and holding allegiances were enormous, yet some sort of
adherence or allegiance to Iranian culture permeated the entire area, at least until the
expansion of the Turks changed much of the demography. The conflict between
steppe and sown area also has been a thread running through the history of this part of
the world. In general one may say that geography and natural conditions have always
played an important role in this vast area, and nature has not been predictable or
gentle.
The earthquakes and other natural catastrophes are constant features of this entire
area, so man has lived in the shadow of an unpredictable nature over millennia of
years. For the history of culture and civilization, however, the means by which people
overcame their isolation and traded with each other, exchanging ideas as well as
articles of trade, was of primary importance. River Valleys, passes over mountains and
watering places in the desert assumed a greater importance than in other regions of
the globe. This is why an understanding of geography, which might not be so
relevant to the study of the history of others, in the case of the lands occupied by
Iranians is of paramount importance, and in the pages to follow constant reference
will be made to the geography of the area.
 CHAPTER II

DEMOGRAPHY

Anthropologists have made many studies of towns and villages in Iran, Afghanistan
and Soviet Central Asia. Linguists have investigated varieties of dialects, but ancient
historians have been overwhelmingly concerned, on the whole, with events reported
by chronicles or other written sources, perforce mainly concerned with the royal
courts or more rarely with religious leaders or intellectuals including poets and men
of letters. We should remember that few written records of the ancient past are
concerned with the life of the common folk, and even among them, nomads or
villagers are rarely mentioned, civilization and writing being bound to the urban
environment. Nonetheless, populations did change with rather important conse-
quences for the history of the entire area. One may divide people in the Iranian
cultural area between settled people, nomads, and mountaineers, plus urban dwellers,
although other patterns of Classification might be made. The modes of life of these
four divisions have been constant throughout history although the people who
followed the various ways of life have not remained static. To understand the past of
the common folk we must consider the present and then frequently interpolate from
know to unknown. That is why anthropological and even sociological studies, as well
as linguistic research, must be heeded by anyone trying to recover the past of this part

of the world. A survey of relevant bibliography shows many gaps.

Lilerature Iran, General: There is no comprehensive survey of the peoples of Iran except in general books
:

on the country which include chapters on demography. Usually these accounts are brief and inadequate,
but one should be mentioned, since it is more comprehensive than others: N. Y. Kislyakov, ed., Narody
Perednei Azii (Moscow, 1957), 173-308, dealing with the non-Turkic population of Iran. Individual
studies of both settled and nomadic peoples exist; two brief chapters, on the 'people' (318-55) and
'distribution of the population' (356-93) are relevant to our concern in Persia, Geographica! Handbook
Series, Naval Intelligente Division (London, 1945). Few of them have any relevance to pre-Islamic times;
some, however, do provide interesting Information which can be interpolated back to the past, for
example the census. The Iranian Statistical Centre in Tehran is in charge of the results of the census; the
first real census was made in 1956 and published in 1 10 parts in Tehran beginning in 1961, while the next

census, of 1966, is still being printed. Several general studies on the population of Iran have appeared; F.
Firoozi, "Demographie Review, Iranian Censuses," The Middle East Journal, 24 (Washington, 1970), 220-
28, and a populär discussion by H. Goblot, "La strueture de la population de i'Iran," L'Ethnographie, 57
(Paris, 1964), 33-54. Before the 1956 census most statistics on population were mere guesses. While

reliable figures are lacking the present locationsof Settlements and eulti vation can provide clues to past
settlement and population patterns, for the land and availability of water have not changed much over the
centuries.
It is not germane to our task to list studies of physical types or races in Iran, since mixtures of cranial

types and skeletons are found in the earliest excavations, and only extensive comparison of these with
modern might give us an idea of significant racial changes in Iran's history. Very roughly, one
skulls
might say of Iran brachycephals with curved 'Armenoid' noses are more
that today in the northern part
common than in the south where narrow-faced dolichoeephalics may predominate, and this seems to have
been true of the past as of the present. On the physical anthropology of Iran at present see H. Field,
Conlributions to the Anthropology o/Iran, Field Museum of Natural History, vols. 29-30 (Chicago, 1939;
reprinted 1968). Most publications of archaeological excavations in Iran have a section on skeletal
22 Chapter II

material, and one general survey of ancient man, based on remains from Tepe Hissar is by W. M.
," American Journal
Krogman, "The peoples of early Iran and their ethnic amliations of Physical
Anthropology, 26 (Philadelphia 1940), 269-308. For earlier man see C. S. Coon, "Iran," in H. Vallois,
Catalogue des hommes fossiles (Macon, 1953), 267-70 and M. Cappien, The Iranians ofthe CopperjBronze
Ages, H Field Research Projects (Miami, 1973), 60 pp. The only discussion of peoples in western Iran in
early historic times is by I. M. Dyakonov, "Narody drevnei prednei Azii." in Predneaziatskii
the study
Elnograficheskii Sbornik, 1, Trudy Institut Etnografii, 39 (Moscow, 1958), 18-39.
Many publications exist on vanous tribes or small groups living in Iran, but the majority of settled
population has received httle attention insofar as questions of ethnogeny are concerned. The main Iranian
tribal people are the Kurds, and several books discuss their origins and early history, such as it is known, as
B. Nikitine, Les Kurdes (Paris, 1956) and esp. O. Vilchevskii, Kurdy, Trudy Instituta Etnografii, 67
(Moscow, 1961), 165 pp., which is concerned with the origm ofthe Kurds. A special sect ofthe Kurds is
the subject of S. S. Ahmed, The Yazidis, their life and beliefs, H. Field Research Projects, no. 97 (Miami,
1975), 485 pp. A large bibliography on the Kurds is useful also for ancient questions: S. van Rooy,
International Society of Kurdistan Bibliography, 2 vols. (Amsterdam, 1968). See also N. A. Aleksanian,
Bibliografiya Sovetskoi Kurdskoi Knigi 1921-1960 (Erevan, 1962). The Lurs to the south of the
Kermanshah-Hamadan road, are not as well studied, as the Kurds, but we ha ve some information on them
in Persian Publications: 'Ali Muh. Sakl, Luristän (Khurramabad, 1343/1969), and H. Izädparrah,/ir/j<}r-e
bästänl ve tarlkhl Luristän, 2 vols. (Tehran, 1350/1972 and 1353/1975), concerned with the antiquities and
history of Luristän as well as the present population. Anthropological articles and monographs exist on
the Kurds and Lurs, which may be found in the bibhographies above.
The peoples of the Caspian Sea coast, Talysh, Gilan and Mazandaran, had and have dialects and
characteristics different from the rest of Iran. On the people of Mazandaran consult a series of monographs
in Persian on villages and districts from east to west, beginning with Alasht by Hüshang Por KarTm,
pubhshed by the Ministry of Culture and Art (n.d., c. 1 976), Yüsh by Situs Tshbäz (University of Tehran,
1342/1964), Öräzön byjalal Äl-Ahmad (Tehran, 1954), and Feshendak by H. Pur KarTm (University of
Tehran, 1341/1971). All of these deal with anthropological, linguistic, folkloric and other matters. For
material remains along the entire Caspian coast we have a series of volumes by ManOchehr SotDdeh, Az
Astära tä Astäräbäd (Tehran, 1 349/1 971 and foll.). Other references may be found in works on dialects of
,

this region, on which see below. The Encyclopaedia of Islam (old and new editions) has information and
bibliography on individuals, places and tribes.
The southern tribes of Iran, which are not Turkic, have been studied by anthropologists presenting
material of interest for an historian; cf. D. Ehmann, Balftiyaren (Wiesbaden, 1975), and V. V. Trubetskoi,
"Bakhtiary," in M. S. Ivanov, ed., Etnicheskie protsessy i sostau naseleniyakh v stranakh Prednei Azii
(Moscow, 1 963), 1 41 -72. Further see F. Barth, Nomads of South Persia, The Basseri Tribe (Oslo, 1 961 ) V.
;

Monteil, Les tribus du Fars (Paris, 1966); and M. S. Ivanov, Plemena Farsa, Trudy Instituta Etnografii, 43
(Moscow, 1961); R. Löffler, "Die materielle Kultur von Boir Ahmad, Südiran," Archiv für Völkerkunde,
28 (Wien, 1974), 61-1 42; and in Persian, ManOchehr Lam a, Farhang-e 'ämyäneh-e 'ashatr Buyer Ahmedl
ve Kohgilüyeh (Tehran, 1 349/1 971 ).On the primitive people of Bashakird, to the west of Baluchistan, see
1. Gershevitch, "Travels in Bashkardia,"JJMS, 46 (1959), 216-24. A mountain group in southwest Iran
are Les Papisby C. G. Feilberg (Copenhagen, 1952). Other references may be found in the works listed.
To the southeast, the chief group of Iranian nomads are the Baluch who extend to the Indus River. On
them see M. G. Pikuhn, Beludzhi (Moscow, 1959), and on the northernmost group E. G. Gafferberg,
Beludzhi Turkmenskoi SSR (Leningrad, 969). Many publications from Pakistan exist on the Baluch, such
1

as Muh Sardar Khan Baluch, History ofthe Baluch Race and Baluchistan (Karachi, 1958), but most are of
httle value for our purposes. A non-Iranian people, and possibly among their predecessors in Baluchistan,
are the Brahuis, a Dravidian-speaking folk, a few of whom exist today in Iranian Seistan see G. H.
villages ;

Srasser, "Brahui in Persien," Bulletin of International Committee on urgent Anthropological and Ethnological
Research, 2 (Vienna, 1959), 97-98.
Perhaps the most important element for differentiating people, language, fortunately needs few
references, since surveys and bibhographies exist on all ofthe Iranian languages; see "Iranistik, erster
Abschnitt, Linguistik," ofthe Handbuch der Orientalistik ed. by B. Spuler (Leiden, 1 958) ; further T. Sebeok,
ed Current Trends in Linguistics, 6 (The Hague, 1 970), 1-135, and the useful handbook by I. M. Oranskii,
,

Vvedenie v iranskuyu filologiyu (Moscow, 1960), trans. into French by

J. Blau, Les langues iraniennes (Paris,
1977). Needless to say, much information on ancient languages can be found in modern dialects, not to
mention relatively new fields such as glottochronology or areal linguistics.
Finally, a bibliographical note on handicrafts and technology and plants may be useful. Fortunately a
handbook by H. E. Wulff, The Traditional Crafts of Persia (M.I.T. Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1966), also has
 Demography 23

3 large bibliography of relevant literature. The first chapter is on metallurgy in ancient Persia, on which
cf.T. Wertime, "Man's First Encounters with Metallurgy," Science, 146, no. 3649 (1964), 1257-67. The
classic works by B. Laufer, Sino-lratiica, Field Museum of Natural History publication 201, vol. 15
(Chicago, 1919), discusses plant borrowings, and this is supplemented by E. H. Schaefer, The Golden
Peaches of Samarkand (Berkeley, 1 962). Dictionaries of plants and trees, animals and minerals, in Persian or
Arabic, contain archaic words and Information about them. The Kitäb al-jamählr (Hyderabad, 1355/
1936) of al-BlrOnT, is perhaps the most famous book on minerals. While such works may seem to have
littleconnection with ancient Iran, they are similar to Pliny's natural history, which contains items of
historical significance. It must be remembered that unlike Greek or Roman history with a plethora of
sources, we must use every piece of information in the little known east to attempt to reconstruct the
scantiest of history.

Literature: Afghanistan, general: Studieson the people of Afghanistan and north west Pakistan are mostly
concerned with linguistic minorities such as the peoples of the Pamir or Hindukush mountains, especially

the Kafirs or Nuristanis. Several bibliographies are of great aid to the researcher which have been listed
already in the first chapter on geography. Several general handbooks, including detailed chapters on the
population, languages, etc., are W. Kraus, ed., Afghanistan, Erdmann, Ländermonographien, 3 (Tübingen,
1 972) D. N. Wilber, ed., Afghanistan (New Haven, 1 962), and L. Dupree, Afghanistan (Princeton, 1 973)
;

each of which has a different viewpoint. Old works such as H. W. Bellew, The Races' of Afghanistan
(Calcutta, 1880), may contain interesting items, but on the whole they are out of date. A special
bibliography exists on Nuristan by S.Jones, An Annotated Bibliography qf Nuristan (Kafiristan) and the
Kalash Kafirs of Chilral (Copenhagen, 1966). On the Kafirs, see the work of P. Snoy, Die Kafiren
(Universität Frankfurt M., 1962), and further his "Nuristan und Mungan," Tribus, Nr. 14 (Stuttgart,
1965), 101-48. In the same issue, pp. 11-99, consult F. Kussmaul, "Badaxsän und seine Tagiken." Studies
of various languages in Afghanistan are listed in the same works, noted above, for the languages of Iran.
Many scattered articles on various aspects of Afghanistan's ethnography as well as history, numismatics,
,

and others, are photographically reproduced in the Journal Afghanistan, published by the Historical
Society in Kabul. On physical types see G. F. Debets, The Physical Anthropology of Afghanistan, trans. by E.
Prostov (Peabody Museum, Cambridge, Mass., 1970). Since Afghanistan has not had a proper census
much work remains to be done in demography, as well as ethnography, cf, however, L. Dupree,
"Settlement and Migration Patterns in Afghanistan", Modern Asian Studies, 9 (1975), 397-413. On the
nomads of Afghanistan see C. Jentsch, Das Nomadentum in Afghanistan, Afghanische Studien 9
(Meisenheim, 1973), also B. Glatzer, Nomaden von Charjistan, Beiträge zur Sudasienforschung,
(Heidelberg, 1977). Other studies, on Turkic or Mongolian peoples of Afghanistan are not germane to
our task here.

Literature: Central Asia, general : Many Soviet publications have been devoted to the ethnogeny of the
peoples of Central Asia and the Caucasus, and it is not possible to mention more than the most helpful
general studies, many of which contain detailed bibliographies. Consult H. Field, Bibliography of Soviet
Archaeology and Physical Anthropology (Miami, 1972). The series Narody mira, etnograficheskie ocherki, ed.
by Tolstov, 2 vols. (Moscow, 1962-63) is especially useful for Central Asia and for the Caucasus, 2
S. P.

vols.(Moscow, 1961-62). M. S. Andreev, N. S. Kislyakov and others were especially interested in the
ethnography of the Tajiks and wrote several articles about them; cf. vol. 1 of Narody Srednei Azii
(Moscow, 1 962), 701-3. On the mountaineers of Tajikstan see O. E. Agakhanyants, Bibliografiya Patnira, 1
(Dushanbe, 1968). Such works as Tafiki Karategina i Darvaza by N. Y. Kislyakov and A. K. Pisarchik
(Dushanbe, 1976) contain much interesting material for historians. Consult also the various publications
of the USSR Academy of Sciences such as Sovetskaya Etnografiya and Trudy Instituta Etnografii, especially
the Sredneaziatskii Etnograficheskii Sbornik II, no. 47 (Moscow, 1959) where noteworthy is the article by
L. F.Monogarova, "Materialy po etnografii Yazgulemstev," 3-94. Further see H. Field, Contributions to
the anthropology ofthe Soviet
Union (Smithsonian miscellaneous collections, vol. 1 10, no. 13, Washington,
1948), and his Contributions to the physical anthropology
of Central Asia and the Caucasus (Peabody
Museum, Cambridge, Mass., 1968).
The areas now occupied by Turkic-speaking peoples, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhastan, and
Kirghizistan, were once peopled by Iranians, so we are more concerned with archaeological remains of
the ancient inhabitants than
the present population. The results of archaeological expeditions are especially
valuable, and the Khwarazmian expedition
led by S. P. Tolstov plus the Southern Turkmen complex
expedition, begun by M. E. Masson, have
been especially noteworthy. See, for example, T. A. Trofimova,
Drevnee naseleniye Khorezma, po dannym
paleoantropologü (Moscow, 1959).
24 Chapter II

THE ENTIRE AREA

All of the people of present Iran, Afghanistan and Central Asia can be simply divided
into settled people and nomads, with various degrees of settlement and nomadism-
pastoralism represented. Since the geographical features of this vast area, including the
availability of water, have helped to determine in no small measure the population
distribution in historical times as well as the present, the life-styles of the present
people can throw light on the past. On the other hand, in any particular region it is

frequently not possible to ascertain whether the population in the past was definitely

nomadic or settled, or predominantly one or the other. The previously held

supposition of some anthropologists that early man was first a hunter, then a
herdsman and finally a settled farmer in a temporal progression, is not accepted today.
The change from a pastoral to an agricultural use of land, or the reverse, can be
observed in recent times, and must have been true in antiquity. The falling of a water
table or salinization of farm land causes the abandonment of a village, while the
persistence of a few years of drought in one area can change a flourishing oasis into a
desert. Therefore, in regions which did not have a regulär and abundant supply of
water, changes in ecology must have occurred many times in the past. Certainly one
of the prime tasks of governments in this part of the world has been to organize,
regulate and promote the use and distribution of water. Of the three requirements,
land, water and manpower, necessary to insure any flourishing culture on the Iranian
plateau, water has been the most diftlcult to supply, and this has been true from
antiquity.
Throughout history the stronger have displaced the weaker in possession of good,
watered land, and the weaker people either coexisted with their masters, or they
moved to less desirable 'refuge' areas in the mountains or deserts. Settled oases, which
were and are the dominant places of settlement over most of the plateau, presumably
were early mixed in population. From the dawn of history we find a differentiation of
labor in Settlements, and one of the clearest groups, distinct or apart from the rest of
the populace, were the smiths or metal workers. They had probably evolved from
potters, who found that high temperature fires made glaze on pottery, and then
experimented with other media. In any case, a caste of smiths seems to have developed
in the Near East who were different from the local populations. Otherwise,
specialization of functions or labor does not seem to have produced separate castes or
the like. We may presume that people in the ancient Near East were separated by
different languages or ways of life rather than by profession. Since nomads or
mountaineers have not left records one must project backwards from known
situations of later times. For example, much of the land on the plateau, other than
barren deserts or mountains, is not fit for agriculture but only for grazing. So it was
also in the past, and the conflict between the steppe and the sown area dates from the
unrecorded past. Since not only history but writing itself is a product of settled life,
the pastoralists remain on the dim fringes of Settlements, little recorded and hardly
appreciated. Consequently, our picture of the past is one-sided in many respects, and
one can only note the continued existence of nomads and pastoralists, who usually
appear in records only when they mount massive raids on the Settlements which
suffer from their depredations.
 Demography 25

The routes of trade or the movement of peoples have been exceedingly constant
throughout the history of Iran because of the dictates of geography and water. Thus,
the easiest route of access from the Mesopotamian lowlands to the plateau has been the
present route of Khanaqin, Kermanshah, Hamadan to Tehran, and then east to
Khurasan. There are other routes over the Zagros Mountains from the west, but they
are more arduous and were much less used than the principal route through the

Kermanshah area. The Assyrians and succeeding conquerors saw the need to control
this route as a key to rule over any pretended empire. A map showing the routes,
which have followed essentially the same passes through the mountains, shows the
primacy of the Kermanshah route, which is also well watered. One may presume that
along this route, as well as others, Settlements arose which began to trade with each
other. At all times, of course, minor variations in Settlements, as in the routes
themselves, have taken place, but the main lines of communication have remained
constant.
Another feature of the plateau, which should be mentioned, is the great variety of
fruits and agricultural products which grow in relatively small geographical areas.
Because of the altitude, it is possible in many places to find apples, pears, and other
fruits of a temperate zone in the mountain Valleys, while a few kilometers distant, in
an oasis protected from winds and cold, date palms and citrus fruits will flourish. This
variety was always a feature of some mountain areas of Iran, and it in a sense parallels
the people who may be very different from each other yet living only a short distance
apart. Similar conditions obtain in Afghanistan and in Central Asia, but on the whole
not so variegated as in Iran. Although local specialities of crafts as well as produce
distinguish one area from another, the unity of the entire Iranian area in modes of life
and responses to nature appears throughout history. Rather, the unity is one of similar
diversity in response to the changes in landscape and availability of water and other
natural phenomena. This is best observed in the different linguistic groups which
exist later, especially before the expansion of Turkic Speakers, beginning in the tenth
Century of our era. Even though many people did adopt new languages, the basic
population continued to be the same though mixed with newcomers. There is no
better way to distinguish people than by the languages they speak, but one must not
neglect the settled-pastoral differentiation, and both are followed here in a survey of
the entire Iranian area.

IRAN
Fars exemplifies the diversity of nomad and peasant, mountain and desert and other
contrasts, perhaps better than any other province of Iran. From the present population
of the province one must exclude Arabs who came after the Islamic conquest and the
Turks, such as the Qashghai nomads. Today the Arab-speaking population along the
shores of the Persian Gulf is sparse, and in antiquity the numbers must have been less.
There has always been, it seems, contact across the Gulf, so some mixtures of
populations would be expected. Since Elamitc clay tablets have been found in the
region of present Bushire, it would be natural to assume the existence of early Elamite
Settlements along the coast. Unfortunately, we know too little about the Elamite
language to even speculate about borrowings or influences from Elamite on certain
dialects of Fars as opposed to others. We may suggest that the population of the coast
26 Chapter II

was engaged and commerce with the interior, while

in fishing as well as transit trade
the date palm, was the local staffof life for them. Since the coastal
as across the Gulf,

piain is narrow and the mountains behind it are barren and lacking in verdure and
water, this area never enticed large nomadic tribes to spend winters here with their
flocks. The coastal Settlements were usually dominated by governments on the
plateau, and the poverty of the coastal people kept them from playing a significant
role in history.
There are many ancient remains on the next step up onto the plateau to Kazerun,
evidence of a flourishing area as early as Elamite times. The Elamites probably
occupied most of the Valleys and plains which extend from the northwest to the
southeast, andwould be natural to assume that ancient pastoralists at times followed
it

these Valleys to the rieh alluvial plains of Mesopotamia for the winter. Much
down
has been written on the far-flung ancient trade connections, which brought, for
example, lapis lazuli from the mountains of Afghanistan as far as Egypt in early times.
This has been adduced as evidence for very distant contacts between traders, but it is
misleading. True, some hardy traders in antiquity may have traveled enormous
distances like Marco Polo in later times, but they like he, were rare exceptions. Most
trade was usually a process of exchange from one local group to another rather than a
direct long distance contact between the consumer and producer. Wares usually were
passed from one merchant to another, although sometimes they did travel long
distances. Likewise, the presumed migrations of peoples over vast distances were
probably even rarer than long voyages by merchants, and changes in material eulture
on the plateau are much more likely the result of diffusionary influences or even
internal stylistic development, rather than the intrusion of a new population. Great
movements of peoples like the Arabs and Turks in more recent times or the Iranians
onto the plateau were probably just as few in prehistoric as in historic times, and one

must be careful about the attribution of a change in pottery designs to a mass invasion.
Also the movements of people noted above were the migrations of nomads or
pastoralists, who were rarely great originators of complex, new eultures as compared

to the settled folk.

The upper steps of the Zagros ränge, known today as the sardslr 'the cold zone' were
eminently suited for pastoralists, and we may assume that much of Fars, such as the
present areas of Pasargadae and Abadeh were very Coming
sparsely settled before the
of the Iranians. It is volume to discuss archaeology,
not the purpose of the present
which is covered in Barthel Hrouda's Vorderasien, Handbuch der Archäologie,
(München, 1971), but since almost all of our evidence of pre-Archaemenian Iran is
from archaeology, it cannot be ignored in presenting a background for the historical
periods. The material remains in prehistoric southern Iran point to an Elamite
oecupation of much of the area. It is, of course, impossible to determine whether the
people of the mountainous areas of Fars were the same as those in the Valleys and
but the extensive survey of the Marvdasht piain, where Persepolis is located,
plains,
by William Sumner shows a unity in the extensive oecupation of all parts of the plains
from very early times. From surveys, based primarily on surface potsherd finds,
1

1
W. Sumner, Cultural Development in the Kur the Persepolis Piain and Shiraz Area," Iran, 6
River Basin (Ann Arbor, Michigan 1972), Univer- (1968), 168-70.
sity Microfilms. Also see P. Gotch, "A Survey of
 Demography 27

similar occupation periods have been found elsewhere in Fars, especially in those oases
where one would expect a continuous occupation, such as Fasa and Darab. 2
Unfortunately some areas of Fars province archaeologically are virtually terra
incognita, such as the districts of Lar-Khunj and Ivaz in the south, and the
Farrashband-Kazerun valley west of Shiraz. There is no reason, however, to assume
that the population of these areas was dirFerent from that of the large Marvdasht piain.
One may suppose that some tracts of lands which are occupied today or were in the
early Islamic period, in antiquity were either empty of people or sparsely settled.
Further, since trade was an important factor in the development of civilization, it is
not fool-hardy to conjecture that the people of Fars early traded foodstuffs and animal
products between the inhabitants of the cool and warm zones of the province, with
little need or even incentive to go beyond the provincial borders.

The distribution of Iranian dialects today in Fars may provide an indication of

settlement patterns in antiquity. The most obvious and distinctive dialects are those
spoken in the mountainous area of southern Fars, the dialects of Laristan. It is
significant that many of these dialect Speakers are today Sunni Muslims, separated
from the Shiite majority of Persians. Religious difference surely contributed to the
maintenance of these dialects as much as geographica! isolation, but whether the
difference between the people of Laristan and others in Fars is a phenomenon of
Islamic times, or has antecedents in the pre-Islamic past, cannot be determined.
Perhaps all that can be said is that given the geographical isolation of Laristan, an
ancient differentiation of population in this part of the province, compared to other
areas, would not be unexpected. Here mixtures of peoples, including some negroid
strains, especially along the coast, took place in antiquity as well as Islamic times. It

should be noted that the existence of an Iranian dialect spoken in Oman today,
Kumzari, indicates the two-way of peoples moving across the Gulf in the past. 3
traffic
One would expect the Zagros mountain ränge to contain pockets of linguistic
differences from Standard Persian, but by now most of these have been lost, although
it must be admitted that little investigation has been made of possible survivals. One

of these is the dialect of Davan, a village in the mountains northeast of Kazerun. 4 This
is not the place to go into the peculiarities of dialects, but historically one may propose
dirFerent strata or waves of Iranian dialects which spread over Fars province,
absorbing pre-Iranian tongues completely.
The north western part of Fars province has rugged mountains and here live today
Luri-speaking tribes, the Boyer Ahmad and Kohgiluye. Strictly speaking they are
mountaineers, even though transhumance is practiced by many of them. The way of
life of these contemporary people can have differed little from that of the their
ancestors. 5 It is significant to note that Islamic geographers of the tenth Century,
writing in Arabic, mention the existence of the Khuzi language in these mountains,
which has been interpreted as a continuation of an ancient Elamite dialect. 6 Today the

2
P. de Miroschedji, "Poteries Elamites du Fars H. Mahamedi, "Three Iranian Dialects of Fars,
Oriental," Bastan Chenassl va Honar-e Iran, 7-8 Davani, Avazi and Koroshi," Iranian Studies, 14
(Tehran, 1971), 60-67. (1982). Note that the people of Davan are Shaikhis,
B. Thomas, "The Kumzari Dialect of the a special sect of Shiite Islam.
Shiluh tribe," JRAS (1930). 5
See Löffler, supra, Boir Ahmad, 62-141.
G. Morgenstierne, "Stray Notes 6 [eh. 1, n. 14],
on Persian References in Schwarz, op. eil.

Dialects, "NTS, 19 (Oslo, 1960), 123-29, and 406.

28 Chapter II

language of the Boyer Ahmad tribes can be called a Luri dialect, quite close to Persian,
and thus northern part of Fars province is really part of the mountainous area of
this
Luristan. It is possible that the Lurs, like the people of Laristan in the south, and others
in mountainous areas, represent the vestiges of the first wave of Iranians who invaded
the plateau and whose dialects were replaced and on the plains by New
in the Valleys
Persian. An no more than that, is the common
indication of this hypothesis, but
vocabulary of Luri and Laristan dialects, where certain common words and usages are
not found in Persian. The fact that New Persian is a wedge between these outlying
7

dialects is best explained by the wave hypothesis, that an earlier substratum of Iranian
dialects was gradually replaced by a standardized New Persian dialect, but the time
when this occurred is unknown. In any case, we may assume a parallel earlier process
whereby the original Iranians in Fars province gave their tongue to the
autochthonous inhabitants in the first millennium B.C., whereas the mountain areas
retained their original language and customs longer than the plains.
The plains of Khuzistan from the earliest times were bound to the neighboring
mountains of Luristan in a symbiosis of peoples. Not all of the population practiced a
yearly migration to the mountains in the summer and to the flatlands in the winter,
however, but enough of them did to mix the population such that Khuzistan was
from the lands to the west, in the basin of the Tigris and
different in this respect
Euphrates. Contact between the peoples of Mesopotamia and Khuzistan was much
easier than between mountains and piain, and certainly much exchange of culture
took place, but nonetheless the special relationship with the mountains from whence
made Khuzistan quite different from Mesopotamia.
the Elamites probably originated,
The interchange of products between the cool mountains and the hot plains was
ancient in origin and continued throughout millennia. Many fruits and flowers were
given to their western neighbors by the people of the plateau, and just the later Iranian
words in Semitic languages alone such as Aramaic warda, 'rose,' testify to the
exchange. Likewise, the time of the introduction of the date palm to the warm oases of
southern Iran is unknown, but it is generally agreed that the earliest cultivation is

found in southern Mesopotamia. Thus the ancient exchanges, though undocumented,

can be assumed as a continuing process. So the geographical unity of Khuzistan with
Mesopotamia, at least from the economic point of view, made less sense than the
connection between the lowlands of Khuzistan and highlands to the east, and the
occupation of both areas by Elamites, or at least Elamite culture, is understandable. It

is true that the mountain ranges are very rugged and

of access, but this did
difficult
not deter either merchants, or peoplejust seeking to escape the heat of summer on the
plains. Surely ideas and artifacts were exchanged in this area from ancient times.

The location of the mountain ranges, generally in a north west—southeast direction,

made descent from the plateau to the plains easier southward from Luristan than
The inhabitants of Luristan were those mountain dwellers
directly west to Babylonia.
who had most continuous contact with Khuzistan. In the many Valleys of Luristan
one may postulate an early Iranicization of the original inhabitants who were

For example, the word for 'stone' is bard both others. Many words and expressions are not
in Luri and Laristan gap and
dialects, also 'large' pecuhar to these two groups of dialects, however,
gapu respectively, 'egg' xa and xag, and many but they are not used in Persian.
 Demography 29

probably a mixture of Elamites, Quti or Guti, Kassites and others. The predominantly
pastoraleconomy of the Lurs today must have been similar over millennia, and a
multitude of small Settlements was the rule, rather than any large cities in the region
we call Luristan.

The Lurs years ago were usually divided into two groups, the large (buzurg) and
the small (kuchek) Lurs, the former located roughly to the southeast and east of the
Ab-e Diz and the latter to the northwest and west of the upper reaches ofthat river.
The small Lurs were divided primarily into two geographical areas, Pish-e Kuh
(before the mountain) and Pusht-e Kuh (behind the mountain), the ränge being the
Kavar or Kabir mountains. The former region includes the chief city of
Khurramabad, but today much of the population in the northern Valleys, up to
Kermanshah speak Lakki dialects which are south Kurdish dialects. The Pusht-e Kuh
population lives in wilder surroundings and has been less studied than their northern
cousins. The Luri dialects generally spoken here merge with southern Luri of the
Lur-e buzurg. The main tribes are the Mamasani, Kohgiluye, Boyer Ahmad and
Bakhtiyari, the formerly divided into the Haft Lang and the Chahar Lang.
last

Whether the present divisions of the Lurs reflects an ancient ethnic differentiation is
unknown, but it is not improbable, for the rugged geography of Luristan alone
would make it an excellent divided refuge area.
The present linguistic picture does not help us with reconstructing the past. As
noted, Speakers of Lakki dialects in northern Luristan are probably relatively late
intruders, as are the Kurds in their homeland to the north of the Kermanshah-
Hamadan road. One may assume that the ancient population must have been as
divided as the present, but there is some archaeological evidence that at least culturally
the area did have a unity. Also the Iranicization of the ancient peoples of Luristan-
Guti, Lullubi, Kassites and others seems to have been uniform, in that ancient
difFerences do not appear in the modern dialectology or ethnography of Luristan. 8 In
other words, Luristan as an entity, with a common culture and group of dialects, is an
ethnographic as well as a geographic and historical reality. The origin of the word
Lur is uncertain, but folk tradition claims it comes from the gypsies or Luris brought
from India by the Sasanian king Bahram Gör, as reported in Firdosi's Shahname, to
bring music to the common people of Iran. Usually these itinerant musicians are
called Luli, but it is possible that the name is a transfer to the inhabitants of the
mountains. In any case, the word is not an ancient designation for the land or its

peoples.
Whereas the Lurs and their dialects are closely related to the Persians of Fars
province, and naturally belong to the southwestern branch of the Iranian peoples, the
Kurds are more complicated and their relations are much in dispute. It is generally
accepted that the Kurdish language in its two major divisions of Kurmanji (northern)
and Sorani (southern) is related to eastern and central Iranian dialects, thus indicating
an eastern origin in respect to the geographical position of Kurdish today. 9 The
8
On Luristan and Luri dialects see the works of Windfuhr, "Isoglosses: A sketch on Persians,
Hamid Izadpanäh, esp. his Farhange Luri (Tehran, Parthians and Medes," AI, Hommages et Opera
1 343/1 965), and
'Ah ftasan, Gozäresh-e Govlshha- Minora Monumentum H. S. Nyberg, 2 (Leiden,
ye Luri (Tehran, 1342/1964). 1975), esp. 470-71.
9
See the survey, with references of G. L.
30 Chapter II

Median which were absorbed or supplanted by Kurdish dialects may be

dialects
considered as by Zaza and Gorani, both of which, however, were
represented today
heavily Kurdicized. The process of Kurdicization of both the Gorani Speakers (now
living in the mountains north of the Kermanshah-Hamadan road) and of the Lakks
(south of the road) must have slowly proceeded throughout the Islamic period. ° The
1

Zaza Speakers in Anatolia also have a tongue different from Kurmanji and Sorani,
even though one cannot thereby connect closely Zaza with Gorani. The native
designation of the Zaza language as Dimli has been interpreted as Coming from
Dailami, a Caspian dialect spoken by the Dailamis, who expanded from the Elburz
mountains to the upper Zagros mountains, in the eleventh Century.
1 i
Whether this is
true or not, the great dimculty in separating various Iranian dialects and languages
from each other in the general area of Kurdistan is obvious, since many strata and
overlays have occurred because of migrations or forced settlement of groups from
elsewhere. Just as in the Hindukush mountains of the east, so here too we find an
ethnographic and linguistic museum of various peoples, again both refuge areas.
In Kurdistan, as in Luristan, it is hardly possible to draw ancient conclusions from
the present distribution of dialects or religious sects, except to note that geography
also here plays an important role in determining where different peoples live and
lived. The land dictates either agriculture in the Valleys or pastoralism on the slopes of
the mountains, and it is possible that the extensive spread of pastoralism is the result of
the spread of Iranian-speaking tribesmen into those areas. Of course, we have r/o

written or archaeological evidence for this supposition, but the Iranicization of the
northern Zagros ränge may well have proceeded from occupation of pastoral
meadows to the settled agricultural land. 12 Obviously the process of Iranicization
took time, but the lack of any apparent ethnic or linguistic unity in ancient
northwestern Iran, not to speak of a empire, probably aided the spread of
political
Iranian speech. Together with several presumed confederations of tribes, the Iranian
dialects seem to have presented a greater unity among the invaders than was found
among the aborigines. All indications from Assyrian sources, which teil of Assyrian
forays upon the Iranian plateau from the beginning of the first millenium B.c., reveal a
diverse linguistic, cultural and presumably ethnic, mosaic among the aboriginal
population here. Also we may further presume that the Iranian dialects were spread
over relatively large expanses of territory and were insofar mutually intelligible that
one might conclude that Iranian easily became a kind of linguafranca not only for
Iranian pastoralists, but also for the settled people on the plateau with whom the
Iranians came in contact. As mentioned above, we may further infer that the Kurds
are still in the process of expansion from the highlands into lowland villages of the
piain of Urmia and elsewhere, whereas the Zaza and Goran are remnants of a settled

10
G. B. Akopov, "Kurdy-gurany," Strany i Persische Forschungen (Berlin, 1930), 14-17, and
narody blizhnego i srednego vostoka 7, Kurdove- in the same series his Mundarten der Zizi (Berlin,
denie, Akad. Nauk Armyanskoi SSR (Erevan, 1932), 2-6.
1975), 164-65. i^Cf. the discussion in Vilchevskii, op. cit.
1
' On Goran and Zaza see K. Hadank,
the supra, Kurdy, 25-39.
Mundarten der Güran of O. Mann's Kurdisch-
 Demography 31

Iranian-speaking population which had settled in mountain villages before the

13
Kurdish expansion.
Azerbaijan, strictly speaking, comprises the Valleys and plains between the
mountains of Kurdistan in the west to the Elburz mountain ränge descending to the
Caspian Sea in the east. Even today in the western highlands, where the towns of
Sanandaj, Bijar, Sakkiz and Mahabad are located, the majority of the population is
Kurdish-speaking, whereas just to the east, in the lower lands, between the towns of
Takab and Miyandoab the population is Turkish-speaking. Does this present division
correspond to an ancient one? On the basis of scanty source material it is not possible
to say whether present divisions could reflect earlier ethnic or linguistic
differentiation; the differentiation, generally speaking, would be between predomi-
nant pastoralists in the mountains and agriculturists in the lowlands. In the Assyrian
annals, the area comprising the present province of West Azerbaijan was divided
between the Urartians in the north and Manneans to the south of Lake Urmia, while
the area of Urmia itself was probably a place of mixture. No ancient information is
available, however, on the mountain-lowland division, for possibly relevant names
in the ancient geographers Strabo and Ptolemy cannot be localized. The lake was
perhaps the best known landmark of Azerbaijan, called the lower sea of Nairi by the
Assyrians and later the lake of the Mantiane (Manneans) or the "blue" lake (Kabodän)
and also Chaechist by the Iranians. 14
Many scholars have tried to identify the place names and tribal names in Assyrian
sources but most of the localizations are only guesswork. The general reconstruction
of the historical geography of Azerbaijan by I. M. Dyakonov, Istoriya Midii
(Moscow, 1956), 87-93, is accepted by most scholars with modifications made by L.
Levine, "Geographical Studies in the Neo-Assyrian Zagros," Iran, 1 1 (1973), 1—28 and
12 (1974), 99-122. According to Dyakonov, the area called Sangibutu by the
Assyrians was the contemporary fertile Khoi-Marand area, which was conquered by
the Urartians in the ninth Century b.c. To the east of this region was the valley of the
Kara-su, a southern tributary of the Araxes River which was later occupied by a
people called by Classical authors the Cadusii. The identification of other localities or
tribes in the Assyrian sources is fraught with many difficulties and reveals the
complexity of the geography of the land.
historical
While there is no evidence of ethnic or linguistic unity among the pre-Iranian
population of Azerbaijan, we may guess that some of them had relations with small
groups of Caucasian peoples of today who in ancient times extended farther to the
who lived in present day Soviet Azerbaijan, may
south. Thus, the ancient Albanians
have been the descendants of what might be called linguistically Caspian peoples
living on the western and southern shores of the sea, whereas to the west was the

1
Cf. Hadank, loc. eil. [n. 1 1 ]. The Mukri Kurds Kurdish from those to the
dialects are different
who today oecupy the area of Mahabad and south in Sanandaj and Kermanshah, and this
Sakkiz,may have migrated from Iraq in the 17th division may possibly represent an ancient division
Century according to O. Mann, Die Mundart der of peoples.
Mukri-Kurden, 1 (Berlin, 1906), xviii. The Mukri l4
Strabo XI, 523 and XI, 529.
^2 Chapter II

Hurrian-Urartian and possibly Mannean linguistic group. 15 We do not know how

far to the north Elamite dialects or related languages extended, nor indeed how many
other tribes or peoples existed, speaking tongues different from the two main groups
in western Iran. In any case, at the time of the expansion of the Iranians we may
presume that western Iran was dominated by the Elamites in the south and Urartian-
Hurrians in the north. To the east, however, we have no sources other than
archaeology.
Archaeology has revealed highly developed cultures in the south Caspian Sea
regions, as early as the second millennium B.C., at sites such as Marlik and Kaluraz in
Gilan. 16 Archaeological surveys have indicated that the Gilan piain probably was not
settled before the Parthian period, and that all ancient sites are located in the foothills
17
of the Elburz mountains, none of them of great size indicating a sparse population.
Since no early second millennium or earlier pottery or other ancient objects have
been found in Gilan or western Mazandaran, we may conclude that the Iranians were
the first people to settle in the south Caspian plains in any numbers. In the Talysh
provinces, however, especially in the Soviet Union, ancient graves have been found
dating from the second millennium Presumably the descendants of these people
B.c.

were the Cadusii, about whom we know little more than their name. Yet Strabo (XI,
508) associates them with the Anariaki or "non-Aryans," and we may suppose that the
Cadusii were non-Iranians and related to the Albanians or people of Arran, as it was
called in the Islamic period, who were then Iranicized.
The plateau where today are located the cities of Tehran, Hamadan and Isfahan,
was the center of Iranian settlement, but who were the aborigines here whom the
Iranians conquered or absorbed ? We know from archaeological excavations at sites
such as Tepes Giyan, Hissar and Siyalk that there existed cultures before the coming of
the Iranians. The of the central plateau seems to have been so complete
Iranicization
that no conclusions may be drawn
about the ethnic or linguistic nature of the
autochthonous population. Pottery and other remains do not help in this regard, but
we may suppose that the population on the plateau was sparse, for as mentioned
previously, techniques of irrigation such as the Underground water Channels are not
attested before the first millennium B.c., which enabled agriculturists to extend
cultivation into the plains and deserts, thus opening virgin tracts of land to
settlement. 18 On the other hand, some oases have lost their water supplies and have
become desert, as at ancient sites such as the graves of Shahdad in the Lut desert to the
northeast of Kerman where pre-Islamic remains have been found. 19 Who were these
pre-Iranian people? We may suppose that the inhabitants of the areas to the south and

The close relationship of Urartian and " Ibid., plus A. Hakemi, "Excavations in
Hurrian has been established, but with no written Kaluraz, Gilan," Bulletin of the Asia Institute of
remains of the Manneans, the nature of their Pahlavi University, 3 (Shiraz, 1973), 1-3.
language is conjectural. See I. M. Dyakonov, ' 8
See eh. 1 , n. 37.
Yazyki Drevnei Prednei Azii (Moscow, 1967), 19
Cf. M. A. Kaboli, "Shahdad in the Third
113-20. Millennium B.C." (in Persian), Proceedings of the
Cf. Hrouda, op. cit., [p. 26] Vorderasien, 248. Und Annual Symposium on Archaeological Research
Although the graves may extend into the first in Iran (Tehran, 1974), 1-9, and reports by A.
millennium and the period of Iranian invaders, the Hakemi at the Vllth International Congress of
art forms are autochthonous. Iranian Art and Archaeology at Munich in 1976.
 Demography 33

eastof the Lut desert in Kerman, Seistan and Baluchistan may have been related to
each other and possibly to others both to the north in present Turkmenistan or to the
20 Certainly trade existed from a very early period,
southeast in Pakistan. even in
luxury items such as lapis lazuli from Badakhshan in Afghanistan, for it has been
21
found in early graves in Mesopotamia. The urban Settlements, however, must have
been small and few, first merely as suppliers both to peasants and to pastoralists, and
then developing into Centers where craftsmen produced their wares as specialists. It is
important to remember in the history of Iran that although agriculturalists and
pastoralists represented two different and sometimes inimical ways of life, a third
factor, urban dwellers, were important in their own right. Invaders or nomads
usually tried to control the towns of a land, where they interacted with townspeople.
On the whole they despised the villagers and did not intermarry with them. The
towns were stages where events were enacted and records were compiled, so history is
their story. Unfortunately we know very little about large Settlements on the Iranian
plateau in ancient times, and even less about the composition of the population of
those centers. There were many racial types as seen from wide, long and other types of
skulls from burials, and one may presume that mixtures of populations had been
occurring since palaeolithic times. One must constantly re-emphasize the vital
importance of water to any life, settled or nomadic, especially in eastern and
southeastern Iran, which were barren wastes, and archaeology reveals constant
attempts at building dams or cisterns to preserve every drop of the precious fluid. 22
Under difficult physical conditions the transient nature of Settlements in eastern Iran
and Baluchistan is not surprising, since settlement patterns followed the availability of
water and the rise or fall of the water table. One should not expect many large towns
in the east, and it would seem that pastoral and nomadic life was dominant here,
except in the province of Seistan where the Helmand River provided water for
extensive agriculture. Today the population is a mixture of Persians, Pashtuns, Baluch
and even Brahui, and we may presume that the region was also mixed in antiquity.
The Brahuis, who speak a Dravidian language, were either ofFshoots of a wandering
Dravidian tribe from the Deccan, or they represent an ancient branch of Dravidians,
who may have come from the sub-continent at the end of the fourth millennium B.c.
The latter theory is generally accepted today, because of the archaic nature of Brahui
among the Dravidian languages. 23 If this is the case, then the proto-Brahuis may have
been the dominant people in Baluchistan and even Sind when the Aryans expanded.
Whether they were the inhabitants of Mohenjo-Daro and carriers of the Indus
civilization, probably destroyed by the Vedic invaders of India, is uncertain.
Although the Iranian-speaking Baluchis came from the west in Islamic times, before
their arrival other Iranians had mixed with the Brahuis, as can be seen from archaic

20
M. Tosi, "Shahr-i Sokhta: a charge and a Phases of its Trade," Iraq, 30 (London, 1968), 29-
chance for urban archaeology," in F. Bagherzadeh 30.
22
ed., Proceedings
of the Ist Annual Symposium of Cf. J. T. Maruchek, "A Survey of Seasonal
Archaeological Research in Iran (Tehran, 1973), 1- Occupation Sites in Northern Baluchestan," in
5; also his "A Topographical and Stratigraphical Baqerzadeh ed., Proceedings of the IVth Annual
Periplus of Shahr-e sukhte, "Proceedings ofthe IVth Symposium on Archaeology (Tehran, 1976), 272.
Annual Symposium (Tehran, 1976), 43. 23
M. S. Andronov, Yazyk Braut (Moscow,
21
G. Herrmann, "Lapis Lazuli: The Early 1971), 12-13, with a bibliography.
34 Chapter II

24
Iranian borrowings in the Brahui language. Also the extent of Brahui Settlements in
early times cannot be determined, but one reason they have not been absorbed by the
Baluchis was the primarily nomadic-pastoral way of life of the latter as contrasted
with the settled Brahui of Kalat and elsewhere. If much of the Iranian national epic, as
preserved in Firdosi's Shahname, can be traced to Seistan, then the identification of the
Brahuis as the Turanians of the Epic might be considered. It would seem, however,
that other peoples also lived in this desolate part of Iran, and today's dialects may
indicate also an earlier linguistic division. In the highlands of Bashakird (or Bashkard)
of Minab live primitive agriculturists speaking Iranian dialects, while
to the northeast
of Bampur and beyond live Baluchis, most of whom are
to the east in the lowlands
nomads or semi-nomads. Along the coast are fishermen, a medley of races including
Negritoes, and negroids, the former from Malaysia to the east and the latter from
Africa. One cannot teil whether they are relatively recent arrivals brought as slaves,

or whether they (especially the Negritoes) may represent an ancient strain in the
population. 25 Classical authors teil of fish-eaters (Ichthyophagi) and other folk living
along this coast, but their ethnic or linguistic identity, of course, cannot be
determined.
In early Islamic times the people of the interior of Bashakird and Makran were
calledQufs and Balüs by Arabic authors, the former presumably mountaineers and
26 Again the differentiation of peoples by their mode of
the latter pastoralists.
livelihood is striking, and a possible ethnic differentiation in antiquity is possible.
Today, of course, all of the population speak Iranian languages or dialects, and we may
27
assume that the Iranicization of the earlier inhabitants was not a prolonged process.
Along the southern coast only the harbors at Bandar 'Abbas and Tiz-Chahbahar
which could export products, in the former case Sirjan
offered access to an interior
and the province of Kerman, and in the latter Bampur and the Saravan regipn of
Baluchistan.
few words about the population of the central deserts of Iran may aid us
Finally, a
in placing these people in the history of Iran. Inasmuch as the domestication of the
camel long preceded the arrival of the Iranians on the plateau, we may presume that
the oases of the central deserts of Iran had been long occupied, at least as way stations
on trade routes from east to west, and the archaeological finds at Shahdad in Kerman,
mentioned above, would tend to substantiate this hypothesis. Unfortunately no
excavations or even archaeological surveys have been carried out in any of the oases,
but Ptolemy (VI, 5, 1) mentions a district of Parthia called Tabikene, which one
supposes is the desert area of Tabbas. Also Stephan of Byzantium, in his Ethnika
mentions the Tabenoi as a people living in the desert of Kerman, so we may assume
that the oases were inhabited. The numbers of people living in such isolated places
even today isand in antiquity it cannot have been more, so we may suppose
small,
that the early inhabitants, like today, made their living on date palms and as watering
places for Caravans. It should be noted that ancient copper mines have been found in

24
A. V. Rossi, "Iranian Elements in Brahui," Bosworth, The Kufichis or Qufs in Persian
AION, 31 (1971), 401. History," Iran, 14 (1976), 9-17.
25 21 Gershevitch on
Cf. Pikulin, supra, Beludzhi, 31. Cf. the various articles of I.

26 the dialects of Bashakird (or Bashkardia) listed in

B. Spooner, "Kuch u Baloch and Ichthyo-
phagi," Iran, 2 (London, 1964), 53-59, and E. Bosworth, op. cit. [n. 26], n. 20.
 Demography 35

the central desert near Anarak, and one may further suggest that this area was one of
28
the sources for the metal in antiquity. The population probably did not differ from
the settled people in the Qom and Kashan areas to the west. Tepe Siyalk is not far from
the copper mines.
In summary, the population of Iran in antiquity seems to have followed much the
same pattern as in the recent past. Where pastoralists roamed, conditions of geography
and hence life have little altered, and where villages barely maintained an existence
with scarce water supplies, conditions have remained much the same without great
changes. The mountains were refuge areas with little contact from one Valley to
another, and peasants were oppressed either from the towns or from the pastoralists

(or nomads), and sometimes from both. There were three centers which could be
unified and provide bases of power or expansion, Fars province in the south,
Azerbaijan in the north, or the central plateau area of Hamadan-Tehran-Isfahan.
Other parts of Iran were either dependent on one or more of these areas, or lived in
relative isolation.But from very early times trade and commerce were important
across Iran, as well as inside, and the age-old invasion route into Iran from Central
Asia was used by nomads seeking better pasture lands. Since the pattern of migration
seems to have been invariably from east to west, we should turn to the east and north
to examine the inhabitants of those areas.

AFGHANISTAN
As an extension of the plateau to the east, conditions of life in Afghanistan are similar
to those in western Iran, although in the east water is scarcer and the mountains are
higher than in the west. The inhabitants of Herat, stretching to ancient Bactra (Balkh)
on the east, were an extension of the population of the present-day Iranian province of
Khurasan, and from the time of the Achaemenid Empire these 'upper provinces' had a
unity, probably ethnic as well as cultural. As usual, it is in the mountains that one finds
small groups of people the very existence of whom can perhaps teil us about the
settlement or movement of peoples in the east. For a pre-Indo-Aryan population, we
should consider the Burushaski people of Hunza, Pakistan, for they, like the Brahuis
to the south, may be yestiges of an earlier population which was much more
widespread than today. Unlike Mesopotamia, the vast subcontinent of India has very
few ancient written records which can be used for historical purposes. Consequently
there is no information about the past of the Burushaski Speakers whose language has
no relation to its neighbors of the Iranian, Indian or Tibeto-Burman families. 29
The pre-Aryan past of the east is much darker than in the west, and just ns the proto-
Brahui hypothesis is guesswork for the southern part, so that of proto-ßurushaski
Speakers is hypothetical for the northern part of the Indo-Iranian borderlands. It must
be remembered that nomadism and semi-nomadism are much more widespread in

28
29
'Wertime,op.cit.supra,Metallungy, 1257-67. On the Burushaski language see D. L. R.
Other mines, dating from the Bronze Age, have Lorimer, The Burushaski Language, 3 vols. (Oslo,
been found near the city of Qom; cf. H. Holzer,
1935), and H. Berger, Das Yasin-Burushaski
Ancient Copper Mines in the Veshnoveh Area, (Werchikwar), (Wiesbaden, 1974).
Kuhestan-Qom," Archaeologica Austriaca, 59
(Vienna, 1971), 10-11.
36 Chapter II

eastern than in western Iran, and the settled folk in the east have been more subject to
domination by tribes than in the west. Whether proto-Burushaski Speakers were
nomads who were pushed into the mountains by invading Indo-Aryans, or whether
they were always settled mountaineers cannot be determined. In the east, unlike the
west, traces of the first wave of Indo-Aryans, comparable to those in the Mitanni
confederation in the west, still survive. These are the present Speakers of Dardic and
Kafir (Nuristani) languages.
The Dardic peoples today live in the mountainous northeastern part of Afghanistan
and the northwestern part of Pakistan and India. The languages occupy a position
between Indian and Iranian, and in spite of disagreements about the origin of these
languages, investigators agree that the Dardic languages can be considered a
all

separate group of Indo-European tongues with features particular to that group. 30 In

the old religion and folklore of the Dardic peoples one can find many features which
support the thesis that these people were much more widespread in the past than
today, and that they represent the remains of the earliest wave of Indo-European
Speakers who entered the plains of India. 31 If we assume that linguistically this

Suggestion makes sense, then these pre-Vedic Aryans may have carried a distinctive
black pottery with them as proposed by R. Ghirshman. 32 We may assume then that
these early Indo-Aryans were pushed into the mountains by the Vedic Aryans
invading India from the north west about the twelfth Century B.C.; but did the Dardic
Speakers constrain the aborigines to retreat even further, so that today we only have
the Burusho, the Burushaski Speakers, as their remnants? If this seems to is true, there
have been relatively less absorption of the previous inhabitants by newcomers than in
the west. For we must remember that the final movement into the Indo-Iranian
borderlands, in Islamic times, is the expansion of the Iranian Pathans or Pashtuns from
their homeland in the mountains of Afghanistan onto the plains of the northwest
subcontinent.
The Pathans are organized tribally and rule present Afghanistan. They are the
pastoralists par excellenceof the Indo-Iranian borderlands, practicing an annual
migration to the highlands of Afghanistan in the summerand to the lowlands in the
winter. Herodotus (IV, 44 and VII, 67, 85) mentions the land of Paktyia and the
Paktyes living near Kabul, which may be the ancestor of the name Pakhtun or
Pashtun, used by the nomads. The Pathans expanded from their homeland in the
Sulaiman mountain ränge onto the plains only in the aftermath of the Mongol
invasions in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries of our era, and it would seem that the
Pashtu language is today expanding in Pakistan. Legends linking the Pashtuns to
still

the Hephthalites or to the Khalaj Turks may reflect a northern origin, although
nothing eise can be said about their ongins. 33 Pashtu, probably, has absorbed other
30
On the Dardic languages see D. I Edelman, also his Die Sprache von Sau in Ostafghanistan
Dardskie Yazyki (Moscow, 1965) with an exten- (Munich, 1967), ll,andK.Jettmar,Di'eÄf%'o«e«
sive bibhography,and on the inhabitants P Snoy, des Hindukusch (Stuttgart, 1975).
Die Kafiren (Frankfurt, 1962), 10, and G. G. 3:
R. Ghirshman, L'han et la Migration des Indo-
Morgenstierne, "Die Stellung der Kafirsprachen," aryans et Iraniens (Leiden, 1977), 68-69.
Irano-Dardica (Wiesbaden, 1973), 327-43 " G. Morgenstierne, in Iranistik, Handbuch der
31
G. Buddruss, "Zur Mythologie der Prasun Orientalistik, (Leiden, 1958) 169, also his Parachi
Kafiren," Paideuma Festschrift für H. Lommel, and Ormuri [n. 35, infra], 8.
(Wiesbaden, 1960), 207, with Vedic parallels. Cf.
 Demography 37

Iranian Speakers in Afghanistan as well as Indic and Dardic Speakers in Pakistan, and
two survivors of older Iranian languages, now almost wholly engulfed by Pashtu, are
Parachi and Ormuri, the former of which is still spoken in a few isolated villages of
the Hindukush mountains north of Charikar, while the latter is still spoken by a few
people in the Logar Valley south of Kabul and in a village in Wazirstan, Pakistan. It is
fascinating that both of these languages show many features in common with Persian,
34 Unfortunately
and they have been designated as southeast Iranian relict languages.
it is not possible to determine when the ancestors of the Parachi and Ormuri Speakers
arrived in the mountains of Afghanistan, and exactly what relationship they had to
the Pashtuns. If the relations between their tongues and New Persian could be
clarified, the proto-Parachi and Ormuri Speakers might have been an intrusion from
the west in historic times. Or they might have been the original Iranian invaders into
a Dardic-speaking area in very early times. A few concurrences in vocabulary
between and
these languages Brahui, Baluchi and Pashtu indicate little more than
geographic proximity and complex borrowings which cannot be tied to historical
35
events or even to the movements of peoples.
When we turn to the Pamir languages, their isolated geographic location, north of
the Hindukush, has caused much inter-borrowing, making reconstructions of
etymologies and family relationships difhcult. While some scholars have sought to
derive one or more of the Pamir languages from the Middle Iranian Khotanese Saka,
it seems better, from what little we know, to speak of an unknown proto-Pamir

language as the ancestor of the present Pamir languages. 36 At least some

difFerentiation has been made among the Pamir languages, and the Shughni group of
languages (Roshani, Bartangi, Sarykoli, and Yazghulami) seems to constitute one
family, while Munjani, Wakhi, Ishkashmi, and other little known languages,
constitute other families or relationships. 37When such words for 'sun,' as Ishkashmi
remuz and Sanglechi ormözd (from ancient Ahura Mazda), and Munjani mlra from
Mithra, occur in the Pamir languages, it readily will be seen that the folklore and
beliefs of the Pamir peoples, as well as their languages, have interesting implications
for reconstructing the past of the east-Iranian world.
Whereas the Pamir languages cannot be considered as descendants of any known
ancient Iranian language, the language of the Yaghnobis, today less than two
thousand, living in an isolated mountain valley a hundred kilometers to the north of
Dushanbe, Tajikistan, is descended from a Sogdian dialect. The Yaghnobis are the last
remnants of a once populous folk who inhabited the valley of the Zarafshan River,
where the cities of Bukhara and Samarqand are located. Until fragments of
manuscripts from Chinese Turkestan written in the Sogdian language were
deciphered and identified in the beginning of the twentieth Century, it was not
known what kind of a language Yaghnobi was. 38 But Yaghnobi and the Yaghnobis

4
Morgenstierne, Iranistik, Loc. eil. on linguistic Shughni Group (Wiesbaden, 1974), with an
grounds, suggests that Pashtu may have originally extensive bibliography.
come from the north. 37
Cf. T. N. Pakhahna, Pamirskie Yazyki
Morgenstierne. Indo-Iranian Fronlier I.an- (Moscow, 1969), 9-10.
guages, 1, Parachi and Ormuri (Oslo, 1929), 13,
38
See A. Khromov, Yagnobskii Yazyk (Mos-
3 "- cow, 1972), with bibliography.
Morgenstierne, Etymological Vocabulary oflhe
38 Chapter II

are important not only from the point of view of linguistics but also for anthropology
and folklore. 39 The Sogdian language first gave way to Persian, and then in many
partsof Russian Turkestan Persian/Tajiki was supplanted by Turkic languages. In
reconstructing the life of the common folk of Central Asia before the Arab conquests,

the Yaghnobis can be helpful, especially in comparing words used today with
Sogdian. It must be emphasized that Islam and the new Persian/Tajiki language have
both greatly influenced the Pamir peoples and the Yaghnobis such that it is very
difficult to unpeel the accumulation of centuries to try to recover the past.
The Yaghnobis, of course, are not the only Iranian Speakers in Central Asia, for the
vast majority are now Tajiki/Persian Speakers, who mostly live in Tajikistan, with its

capital Dushanbe. In antiquity the people of Tajikistan were called Bactrians, and they
extended also to the south of the Amu Darya into Afghanistan where their main city
was of Balkh. So the ethnographic, if not also linguistic,
located, the present-day ruins
unity of the Bactrians living south of the Hissar mountain ränge, seems apparent from
earliest times. To the north of the Hissar ränge lived the Sogdians, mostly in what is

now Uzbekistan. Just before the Arab conquests, we infer that Buddhism was the
dominant religion and culture of the Bactrians, while a local form of Mazdaism or
Zoroastrianism seems to have been prevailing among the Sogdians. But the Sogdians,
an active trading folk, had trading colonies as far to theeast as China and Mongolia,
and many religions, including Christianity, Manichaeism and Buddhism, were
populär with the Sogdians. The Sogdians also were very mixed ethnically because of
their Strategie location, as were their cousins in Khwarazm, the land on the lower
course of the Amu Darya south of the Aral Sea, who spoke a language different from
Sogdian. Although the Tajiki dialects of today, unlike Yaghnobi, are descended
from New Persian, nonetheless many Sogdian survivals may be found in them,
distinguishing Tajiki from Persian spoken in western Iran. Many studies of Tajik
folklore and anthropology, as well as dialectology, help us further to reconstruet the
past of that part of the world, especially old forms of family relationship and social
life.
40

The Turkic Speakers, Uzbeks, Turkmens and others, are of lesser aid in
reconstructing the past, since they have added a layer of Turkic traditions >and
practices to that of the Tajiks, and are thus further removed from the culture of the
ancient inhabitants of the land. Only in Turkmenistan are, and were, nomadism and
pastoralism dominant over the settled life, and so in antiquity the steppes of Dahistan,
to the east of the Caspian Sea, also supported a nomadic population. According to
Classical authors in antiquity here lived the Massagetae, an Iranian people who raided
settled lands to the south as did the Turkmens in recent times. Again, here as in Iran,
climatic conditions have not changed much since antiquity.
Paleoanthropology teils was
us that the population of Central Asia in antiquity
much the same as the south of the Amu Darya with mixtures of long-heads and
mesoeephalics; while possible connections with the south may be found in certain

39
M. S. Andreev, Malerialy po etnograßi Yag- works on the folklore of the peoples of the Pamirs
noba (Dushanbe, 1 970). and much research has been done on various Tajiki
40
The Institute for the study of the Pamirs in dialects and folklores.
Dushanbe has published a number of valuable
 Demography 39
41
cranial types similar to the Dravidians of India. Man, of course, lived in very early
times in Central Asia, for Neanderthal remains have been found there, including the
skeleton of a boy of eight or nine years old. 42 It is unnecessary to go back into

prehistory, however, since neither cranial types nor various prehistoric artifacts aid in
the reconstruction of later history. Suffice it to say that archaeology is yearly
revealing very early Settlements in Central Asia before the expansion of the Indo-
European-speaking peoples from south Russia, and the pattern of life found there is
much the same as in western Iran, with the settled population more numerous than the
nomad-pastoralists, except in Turkmenistan. To the north of the present Tashkent
area, however, the steppes were dominated by nomads.
The Kara Tau and Kirghiz (formerly Alexandrovskii) ranges were the dividing
line between the towns of Russian
oases Turkestan (today the Soviet republics of
Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan) and the vast steppe lands of present
Kazakhastan and Kirghizia. The population of the steppes when we first learn about
them, was naturally nomadic except in the southern forested Valleys of present Alma
Ata and Frunze. To the far north were the forests and tundra of Siberia, the domain of
hunters and fishermen. Mobility was the key to life on the steppes, and the almost
paramilitary Organization of the tribes who roamed here, made them formidable
opponents of any settled folk. Slowly archaeology is also uncovering the material
civilization of nomads whose culture was more complex than hitherto supposed. We
should pause to consider briefly the origins of pastoralism.
When we think of pastoralists as horse-riding nomads, it refers to historic times, for
even the early Indo-European migrants were chariot-riding invaders into India, as also
the Myceneans into Greece. The use of horses primarily as riding animals rather than
pullers of wagons cannot date much before the middle of the second millenium B.C.,
and it took a long time before riding displaced the use of horses as draught animals.
On nomads could hardly exist without the use of horses
the other hand, true
primarily for riding, and this suggests that nomadism is a relatively late and
sophisticated development of a pastoralism based on the use of wagons to follow the
herds. 43 Wherever and whenever the domestication of the horse took place, possibly
in the Near East, it was nonetheless the Indo-European-speaking peoples who later
utilized the horse more than any others, and it surely contributed to the spread of
those peoples. The Indo-Europeans in the course of their wanderings, with chariots
and wagons, may have learned that riding was more efficient than chariots, especially
in combat. 44 In any case, the first horse-riding nomads in history were the Iranian

41
T. A. Trafimova, Drevnee Naselenie Khor- Central and Eastern Europe," American Schools of
ezma po dannyin paleoantropologii (Moscow, 1 959), Prehistoric Research Bulletin, 25, Peabody Museum
1- (Cambridge, Mass., 1968), 5-7.
42 44
For a bibhography of works on the Neander- W. Brandenstein, "Das Pferd - eine Haupt-
thal siteof Teshik Tash in Uzbekistan by A. P. frage der indogermanischen Altertumskunde,"
Okladnikov, see Istoriya Vzbekskoi SSR, 1 (Tash- Mitteilungen der anthropologischen Gesellschaft in
kern, 1955), 12-15 and 532 Wien, 92 (1962), 30-33; and J. F.
Downs, "The
43
Cf. F. Hancar, Das Pferd in prähistorischer und Ongin and Spread of Riding in the Near East and
frühhistorischer Zeit, Wiener Beiträge zur Kul- Central Asia," American Anthropologist, 63 (1961),
turgeschichte und Linguistik, 1 1 (Vienna, 1 956)
, 1 1 93-1 203.
and S. Bökönyi, "Data on lron Age Horses of
40 Chapter II

Scythians, or Sakas as the Persians called them, and they are found already into the first
millennium b.c. The Scythians extended eastward to the forest lands of the Altai
mountains and Mongolia, and it seems that the Turks and Mongols, who were
originally forest dwellers, learned horse-riding from the Iranians.45 The Scythians
were carriers of a dynamic 'animal style' in their metalwork and on textiles, such as
those preserved in the tombs of Pazyryk in Siberia. 46 In Siberia and the Altai
mountains the Iranians mixed with Mongoloid peoples from the east, but the steppes
were occupied by Iranian nomads throughout the first millennium b.c. Karl Jettmar
has proposed, however, that horse-riding became dominant in Turkmenistan about
1200 b.c. and afterwards was carried first to India and then north ward to the steppes
where previously agriculturalists had been dominant.47 He further postulates a
change from settled life to a half-nomadic pastoral existence and then suddenly to füll
nomadism, with large flocks and groups of warrior nomads. A comparison with the
change in life-style of the American Indians after the introduction of the horse to
North America, from a settled existence to buffalo-hunting nomads in the füll light of
history, can be instructive.
48 It would seem that the movement of peoples beginning

about 1000 b.c. was the result, in large measure, of a great expansion in the use of the
horse, first pulling carts and chariots and then as cavalry. We may conclude that from
the period of earliest records in Iran, we find Iranian nomads in the steppes, and they
were much later succeeded by Turks and Mongols.
At the present time one small group of Iranian Speakers remains from the once
widespread Iranian world of the steppes. These are the Ossetes who today live in the
Caucasus north of Tiflis, with their center at Ordzhonikidze (formerly Vladikavkaz).
The Ossetes whose language has two dialects, a more archaic Digor, and the majority
speaking Iron, are a classic refugee people. Although greatly influenced by their
Caucasian neighbors, in customs, costumes and even language, it is generally agreed
that they are descendants of the Alans, one of the Sarmatian peoples who ruled the
south Russian steppes before the expansion of the Turks. 49 Because the Ossetes are the
only living representatives of the northern Iranians, their language, and especially
their folklore, has been studied to find ancient Iranian, or even Indo-Eu^opean,
features which survived of the north Caucasus. 50 The material
in the refuge area
culture of the Ossetes, however, is overwhelmingly Caucasian, since the Iranians
settled down here so many centuries ago. 51 Although these northern Iranians were
historically very important for the history of Eurasia, their impact on the Iranian
plateau, the core area for this book, was only sporadic. Their history is only tangential
to the history of the south, and we must omit any detailed discussion of them.

45 48 Ibid, 217.
See O. Lattimore, "The Geographical Factor
49
in Mongol History," Geographical Journal, 91 Onthe origin of the Ossetes cf. the results of a
(1938), 8. Conference on Proiskhozhdenie Osetinskogo Naroda
46
On the finds of Pazyryk, see S. I. Rudenko, (Ordzhonikidze, 1967), where all points of view
Frozen Tombs of Siberia (London, 1970), and S. V. about the origins of the Ossetes were aired.
Kiselev, Drevnyaya Utoriya Yuzhnoi Sibiri (Mos- 50
See, e.g., G. Dumezil, Legendes sur les Nartes
cow, 1951). (Paris, 1930), 9; also his Le livre des heros (Paris,
47
Die frühen Steppenvölker (Baden-Baden, 1965), 11-12.
5i
1964), 215. 5^ B A Kaloev, Osetiny (Moscow, 1971).
 Demography 4\

CONCLUSIONS
We may summarize recent work on the ethnology and anthropology of the Iranian
areas briefly. In the realm of physical anthropology and the study of crania, the
presence of Negrito elements in southern Iran and Bachichistan, as well as Dravidian
types in Central Asia in ancient times leads to the supposition that the pre-Aryan
inhabitants of the Iranian plateau did in fact leave clues to their identity, but work in
thisdomain has only begun. For example, no synthesis has been made, as far as I know,
of the copious skeletal material from archaeological excavations, to portray the
physical characteristics of the population in any area over a time period. Whether we
can have any meaningful analyses of racial types in the history of the Iranian world
remains to be seen, but at least overall syntheses are first needed. Studies on the
dynamics of pastoral-settled occupation of land, and on types of coexistence have
52
clarified the relationships of peoples with different ways of life. As part of this
question, investigations on the domestication of the horse have been mentioned as an
important development in the early history of the Iranian world. The domestication
and use of the camel was presumably less important here than it was in Arabia and
North Africa, but the camel, like the horse and donkey, enabled man to go longer
distances and to cross hitherto impassable deserts. Whether the camel was the decisive
factor in causing the inhabitants of the Iranian plateau to abandon wheeled vehicles, as
a recent study claims, is perhaps exaggerated. 53 It would seem rather, that the wheel
had lost importance long before the Sasanian era, as suggested in the study, and that
its

the horse and donkey participated with the camel in relegating the wheel to
inemciency over the mountains and deserts of the Iranian world at least as early as the
Achaemenids.
One must always ask whether any contemporary model of ways of life can be
projected profitably into an explanation of the past, ignoring changes in religion,
For the vast majority of people throughout history the needs of survival,
culture, etc.
of economics, were far more important than intellectual activities, and continuity in
nature, as well as way of life among the Iranians, suggests that contemporary studies of
settlement and pastoral patterns do have great relevance to understanding the past;
but in the part of the world we are discussing, the reverse is also true. Unfortunately
we know very little about the instabilities of societies in the past which arose from
failures to maintain subsistence levels. How many years of drought in a given area
caused the inhabitants to move, or to change their way of life? It would seem that
districts which could be characterized as frontier areas, on the margins of richer
agricultural lands, were the prime centers of instability and were the scenes of
transfers between settled and pastoral folk. Central Asia has been called the arena
where tribal states ruled over vast distances, but only for relatively short periods of
time, and this pattern overlaps as well into Iran and Afghanistan. On the whole,

Cf. the works by F. Barth, such as his Indus 53

R. Bulliet, The Camel and the Wheel (Cam-
«nd Swal Kohistan (Oslo, 1956), his Ethnic Groups bridge, Mass., 1975), 175.
<">d Boundaries (London,
1969), and W. Irons and
N - Dyson-Hudson, eds., Perspectives on Nomadism
(Leiden, 1972).
42 Chapter 11

people who lived in fertile oases, or Valleys copiously watered by rivers, were stable
and did not seek greener pastures elsewhere. Although history in this part of the
world has been concerned with empires and kingdoms, many significant events, as for
example the migration of the Baluchis, are tied to such matters as drought or plagues
of locusts. Therefore, it behooves the historian to consider the contributions of the
anthropologists and folklorists to our understanding of the past.
In recent years the ancient and medieval city has caught the imagination of many
scholars with the result that a plethora of studies and Conferences devoted to the city
has appeared. The oasis character of the Iranian world insured an early development
of town life, and Soviet scholars have contributed much to our understanding of the
Central Asian city, as well as to settlement patterns on the Iranian plateau. 54 The
archaeological work in Central Asia, and in eastern Iran, at sites such as Shahr-i Sukhte
in Seistan and Tepe Yahya in Kerman, has revealed ancient and extensive trade
connections hitherto unknown. ss Eastern Iran and Central Asia are now revealed as
separate cultural areas and not provincial extensions of western Iran. Furthermore, the
oases of the plateau and Central Asia can make a claim to having been early centers of
civilization, parallel to the river Valleys of the Indus and Tigris-Euphrates, where the
earliest written records have appeared. On the other hand, it must be emphasized that
the oases could never vie with the great river plains in productivity, population,
hence in historical importance, but they are also not to be compared with the
primitive Settlements of northern Europe.
Finally a word must be said about the achievements of linguistics in recent years,
which have revolutionized our view of the Iranian peoples. Not only have
documents in several eastern Middle Iranian languages, Khwarazmian, Sogdian,
Khotanese-Saka, and Kushano-Bactrian, revealed a rieh, new east-Iranian world, but
also studies of modern dialects have shown the complexity of the movement of tribes,
the resettlement of villagers far from their homeland and a host of cultural problems
in the development of the languages and dialects. As more and more data aecumulates,
our guesses about the Solutions to problems become more educated, and lacunae of the
past are gradually filled. Pioneering work in deeiphering Khwarazmian was made by
W. B. Henning, and before him F. W. K. Müller for Sogdian. 56 Khotanese-Saka was
elueidated by the early work of Leumann, Konow and Bailey. 57 The latest Middle
Iranian language to come to light was Kushano-Bactrian, which was studied by
Maricq, Henning and Benveniste. 58 We now know that Khwarazmian had a long

54 -
See especially the collection of articles in Müller, "Handschriften Reste in Estrangelo-
both Antkhnyi Corod (Moscow, 1963), and Schrift aus Turfan," Abh.PAW (Berlin, 1904).
57
Drevnii Voslok, Goroda i torgoulya (3-2 mill. B.c.) E. Leumann, Zur nordarischen Sprache und
(Erevan, 1 973), for the Near East, N. Pigulevskaja, Literatur (Strasbourg, 1 91 2) ; S. Konow, in A. F. R.
Les villes de l'itat Uanien aux tpoaues parthes et Hoernle, Manuscripl Remains of Buddhist Literature
sassanides (Paris, 1963), for Iran, and A. M. found in Eastern Turkestan (Oxford, 1916); and
Belenitskii, ed. Srendnevekovyi gorod Sredttei Azii H. W. Bailey in many articles in the BSOS and
(Leningrad, 1973), for the Islamic period of books, beginning in 1935.
Central Asia. 58
A. Maricq, "La grande inscription de Kan-
55
For Central Asian archaeology see G. Frum- 246 (1958), 345-440; W. B. Henning,
lshka," JA,
kin, Archaeology in Soviet Central Asia (Leiden, "The Bactrian Inscription," BSOAS, 23 (1960),
1970). 47-55; E. Benveniste, "Inscriptions de Bactriane,"
56
See W. B. Henning, "Über die Sprache JA, 249 (1961), 113-52.
der Chvarezmier," ZDMG, 90 (1936), *30-34;
 Demography 43

modified Aramaic aiphabet; then it was written in Arabic

history, first written in a
characters down to the Mongol
conquests. Sogdian was written in its own aiphabet,
derived from Aramaic, or in a special Manichaean aiphabet, or in a Syriac Script, resp.
in texts of three religions: Buddhism, Manichaeism and Christianity. Kushano-
Bactrian, written in a modifed Greek aiphabet, survived into the Islamic period,
when it was replaced in writing by new Persian in Afghanistan or by Indian tongues
to the east.
All contemporary Iranian languages and dialects are either unwritten, or have
recorded literatures only from the nineteenth Century, save Mazandarani which was
recorded in the Arabic aiphabet just prior to the Mongol invasions, and Pashtu and
Kurdish, both of which are later in being written. G. Morgenstierne classified the
Indo-Iranian languages of the frontier areas, while many Soviet scholars, beginning
with 1. 1. Zarubin brought the Pamir languages into an orderly Classification. In the
investigation of Ossetic, pioneer scholarly work was done by V. Miller and many,
especially V. Abaev, have continued his work. One may say that progress in
understanding the Iranian world in all of its aspects has been remarkable in the past

sixty years, and the most exciting discoveries have come in the east, in Afghanistan
and Central Asia, revealing much hitherto unknown information, and the new
developments are the result largely of field work.
In the twentieth Centurynew technologies of recording, photography,
transportation, etc., have opened areas to investigation which formerly had been
difficult of access. The results of archaeology, anthropology and dialectology, all field

work, have amply justified efforts, time and money put into them. Without the raw
material from the field, cabinet scholars would not have data on which to base their
studies. The combination of field and desk work is even more essential, in my
opinion, than the study of both past and present in the understanding of the Iranian
world, or any part of it. Because of both the unity and the continuity of this world,
perhaps more than anywhere eise, a Renaissance approach to Iranian Studies still has a
value for all who venture onto the manifold and specialized branches ofthat world.
This is why, in my view, the study of the pre-Islamic past of the Iranian world must
begin with an appreciation not only of the complexities ofthat study, but also with a
survey of disciplines such as anthropology and linguistics, which in other areas are of
less importance to the reconstruction of the picture of the past. In the Iranian area all

of this, and more, does indeed have relevance to how we seek to understand the past,
and also it does aid us to appreciate the present and the future.
 ,

CHAPTER III

PRE-IRANIAN HISTORY OF THE PLATEAU

AND CENTRAL ASIA

Liieralure: The history of the Near East in the pre-Median period is well covered by the Cambridge
Ancienl History, especially vol. 2 (Cambridge, 1 973). On Iran see especially Chapter 7 by W. Hinz "Persia,
c. 1 800-1 550 B.c.," Chapter 1 6 by R. Dyson "The Archaeological Evidence of the Second Millennium B.c.

on the Persian Plateau," Chapter 29 by R. Labat, "Elam, c. 1600-1200 B.c.," and his Chapter 32 "Elam and
Western Persia, c. 1 200-1 000 B.c.," plus R. A. Crossland "Immigrants from the North," Chapter 27 with ;

bibliographies on the Hurrians. The book by I. J. Gelb, Hurrians and Subareans (Chicago, 1944) is useful as
a general survey, but consult also D. O. Edzard "Hurriter" in Reallexikon der Assyriologie (Berlin, 1 975) sub
Hurriter.
The problem of the Ur-Heimal of the Indo-Europeans has a huge bibliography with much controversy
but a consensus has been reached that the homeland must have been in the vast steppes of South Russia and
Siberia. Many linguists such as Brandenstein and archaeologists such as Gimbutas, believe the homeland
can be further defined as the general lower Volga River region (cf. their articles in A. Scherer, ed., Die
Urheimat der Indogermanett, Wege der Forschung, 166 (Darmstadt, 1968). Cf. also B. Schlerath, Die
Indogermanen, das Problem der Expansion eines Volkes im Lichte seiner sozialen Struktur, Innsbrucker
Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft, 8 (Innsbruck, 1973). Also of interest is P. Thieme, Die Heimat der
indogermanischen Gemeinsprache, AAWM, no. 1 1 (Mainz, 1953). All of the scholars quoted, however, are
cautious about defining a homeland. The main dispute, is between linguists and archaeologists, since the
Identification of certain types of burial (kurgans) as Indo-European, is not accepted by everyone. See R.
Schmitt, "Proto-Indo-European Culture and Archaeology Some Critical Remarks," JIES, 2(1 974), 279-
:

88, and the reply by M. Gimbutas, 288-89.

It is generally agreed, however, that the unseparated Indo-Iranians must have had close contacts with

the early Finno-Ugrian peoples because of very old borrowings into the languages of the latter. Cf. A. J.
Joki, Uralier und Indogermanen, Memoires de la Societi Finno-Ougrienne, 151 (Helsinki, 1973). Soviet
archaeologists have come to the conclusion that the center of the Indo-Iranians should be sought near the
southern Urals, and this is not contradicted by linguistic data. Cf. K. F. Smirnov and E. E. Kuzmina.
Proiskhozhdenie Indoirantsev v svete noueishikh arkheologicheskikh otkrytii (Moscow, 1967), esp. 51-52.
On the Andronova culture, the archaeological name for the presumed Indo-Iranian culture in
Kazakhastan, cf. K. Jettmar, "Mittelasien and Sibirien in Vortürkischer Zeit," in Handbuch der Orientalistik,
Altaistik, Geschichte Mittelasiens (Leiden, 1966), and G. Frumkin, Archaeology in Soviet Central Asia
(Leiden, 1970), eh. 1. On the southern connections of this and other cultures see V. M. Masson, Srednyaya
Aziya i Drevnii Vostok (Moscow, 1964), 184-85, and his Central Asia, Turkmenia before the Achaemenids,
with V. I. Sarianidi (London, 1972), esp. 150-54. A survey of archaeological work to the west, in
European Russia, may be found in M. Gimbutas, "Proto-Indo-European Culture: The Kurgan Culture
during the Fifth, Fourth and Third Millennia B.c.," in C. Cardona and H. Hoenigswald, eds., Indo-
European and Indo-Europeans (University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, 1970), 155-98.
Archaeological, primarily pottery, evidence for the Indians (or Indo-Aryans) on the Iranian plateau in
the second millennium B.c. has been assembled by R. Ghirshman in L'Iran et la migration des Indo-aryens et
des Iraniens (Leiden, 1977),who proposes an early migration of the former from Central Asia, but a later
one from the north Caucasus for the Iranians. The Caucasian migration of Iranians is rejeeted in favor of a
Central Asian path by T. C. Young.The Iranian Migration into the Zagros," Iran, 5 (London, 1967), 1 1-
34, and other archaeologists. No agreement seems possible, although the Central Asian route seems more
plausible.
With the Coming of the Indians to the subcontinent and the Iranians to the plateau, the Vedas, especially
the Rigveda, and the Avesta, join archaeology as two written sources, but their historical Interpretation
and attempts to find archaeological parallels to the texts are fraught with problems. An indispensable
handbook to work on the Avesta is B. Schlerath's Awesta-Wörterbuch (Wiesbaden, 1968), while the old
work of W. Geiger, Ostiranische Kultur im Altertum (Erlangen, 1882) is still useful as an attempt to relate
the Avesta to history and geography. For bibliographies see my
The Heritage of Persia, second edition
46 Chapter III

(London, 1976), 303-05. Finally, a linguistic attempt to put the migration of the Indians into historical
perspectiveis T. Burrow, "The Proto-Indoaryans," JRAS (1973), 121-40.

RECONSTRUCTIONS
A half a Century ago it would have been possible to begin the history of the Iranians
with the cuneiform records of the ninth Century B.c. which give Iranian names for
persons met by Assyrians in their campaigns to the east. It is clear that the Iranians,
when they reached the plateau, came upon natives who were at various stages of
culture and with different ways of life. In western Iran before the Coming of the
Iranians, the Hurrians had descended to the plains in the north, while the Elamites
were dominant in the south. Whatever other groups existed, we may speak of the
Hurrian (and later Urartian and Mannean) sphere in the north, and the Elamite
(together with Kassite) realm of the south. The former is more difficult to understand,
but we must discuss both before turning to the Iranians.
From the third millennium B.C. Akkadian cuneiform tablets mention the Hurrians,
first in the highlands to the east and later in northern Mesopotamia, Syria, and even
Anatolia. Just as the 'Fertile Crescent' of Mesopotamia and Syria was the goal of
Semitic invaders from Arabia, so it was also the field of expansion for immigrants
from the eastern highlands, throughout history. And just as various Semites such as
the Akkadians and then the Arameans spread over Mesopotamia, especially in the
south, so did the Hurrians, especially in the north. If we use the term Hurrian in its
widest sense, as a generic term for all of the peoples in northwestern Iran speaking
related languages, there are three states which are recorded in history, the Mitanni
confederacy, which flourished in northern Mesopotamia in the middle of the second
millennium b.c., and the states ofUrartu and of the Manneans, both of which flourished
in the first part of the first millennium B.C. Other peoples such as the Lullubi and the
Guti or Quti, mentioned in earlier cuneiform records, surely continued to exist in
Kurdistan of today, but they seemingly had little or no political influence. The
Mitanni are important Hurrian kingdom in northern Mesopotamia where the
as the
first Indo-Iranian names appear in history. Much has been written about the

undoubtedly small group of Indo-European Speakers who appeared from the east.just
as other early Indo-European speaking peoples, the Hittites, Luvians, and others appear
in Anatolia, probably at Much has been written also about the
an earlier period.
names of the between a Hittite ruler Suppiluliumas I and a Mitanni
deities in a treaty
king Kurtiwaza, which deities now everyone agrees are to be identified with Indian
Indra, Mitra-Varuna and the Näsatyäs. Likewise the terms for the training of chariot
horses by a Mitanni called Kikkuli, found in a manual written in cuneiform Hittite,
point also to a language used by some of the Mitanni which can be called an archaic
Indian dialect of the Indo-European family. la Other words in a Kassite glossary and
Hurrian cuneiform texts from a site called Nuzi, attest to the presence of Indo-
European Speakers in the Near East in this early period. It is not the intention here to
discuss any of the words, whose etymologies are much disputed, but to draw

u M. Mayrhofer, Die Indo-Arier Vorderen Orient - Ein Mythos?, SWAW, (Vienna,

im alten Vordera-
sie n (Wiesbaden, 1 966), and his sequel Die Arier im 1 974), 294.
 Pre-Iranian History ofthe Plateau and Central Asia 41

historical conclusions from the undeniable presence of Indo-European Speakers in

Mesopotamia who came from the east.

From the outset, itnow that those Indo-European Speakers were

can be accepted
Indo-Aryans (to be distinguished from Dravidians or other
Indians, yroto-Indians, or
Indians), whatever one may wish to call them; they were neither Iranians nor
unseparated Indo-Iranians. This general opinion is shared by scholars who hotly
dispute the etymologies of various words such as Kammenhuber, Dyakonov, and
Mayrhofer (cf. bibliographies of works in Mayrhofer, Die Arier, supra). The second
point, that these Indians were not a group who came westward from India but rather
an offshoot of probably the first migration of Indo-European Speakers from Central
Asia into eastern Iran or Afghanistan, is also generally accepted by most scholars.
Further conclusions are rarely drawn, except the obvious one that these Indians, even
though they may have been a ruling class ofthe Mitanni, were soon absorbed into the
local populations of Mesopotamia and Syria. Unfortunately, we do not have the data
to any more conclusions, but the important question one would ask is, what
come to
is were only a small spearhead of a tribe
the story of these Indians in Iran? Either they
which wandered from the east across Iran to Mesopotamia, or they were only that
group of Indians who moved away from other Indians on the Iranian plateau down to
the plains of Mesopotamia. If the former weremust have been an
true, the Indians
unusual military band with a superior technology of war
which enabled chariots
them to cut through other peoples in Iran to penetrate like a mobile army to the plains
of Mesopotamia. If the Indians of Mitanni were only part of a much larger group of
Indians on the Iranian plateau, one would expect some traces of them in Iran. Also, in
either case, the split between the Indians and Iranians must have occurred much
earlier than hitherto supposed, and presumably in Central Asia not in Iran or
Afghanistan. These two questions are related to each other, and we must examine
both of them.
The problem has been much discussed by both archaeologists and linguists
latter
because it is problem about which there is an enormous
part of the Indo-European
literature. Here too there is now a consensus that the homeland ofthe Indo-European

peoples was in south Russia, while the Indo-Iranian branch was located in the
northeastern part ofthat general homeland. This is, of course, all hypothetical, but it is
the most likely theory. Also, the Indo-Iranians probably were the last, or one ofthe
last,of the Indo-European peoples to move from the homeland, and the movement
was and east. The difficulty of attaching archaeological finds to linguistic
to the south
data plagues everyone seeking to reconstruct the movement ofthe Indo-Iranians, but
a general acceptable hypothesis
is that the Separation ofthe Indians from the Iranians

took place in Central Asia, or even more to the north, and the Indians moved
southward in the first half ofthe second millennium B.c. This admittedly is imprecise,
but not possible to go into further details given the State of knowledge at present.
it is

At the same time one must account for the existence ofthe Dardic languages today
and other facts, so an attempt at explanation should be made, always remembering
that we are not dealing with factual data but surmises.
Ghirshman reconstructs the movement ofthe Indians as follows 1 : the place from
1
Op. eil. [eh. 2, n. 32], 18.
48 Chapter III

which they dispersed was Gurgan and Turkmenistan where they had settled in the
third millennium b.c. Coming from the north. He bases the settlement of Indians on
the presence of grey or black pottery which replaces earlier painted pottery,
accompanied by clay idols, highly stylized "violin-shaped" female figurines. Together
with these two features, chariots drawn by horses and small trumpets in gold or silver
complete the list of components identifying the Indians (or Indo-Aryans). Where
these features occur in excavations, according to the author, we should expect to find
Indians. These criteria force the author to bring the Indians to the southeast corner of
the Caspian Sea already at the end of the fourth millennium b.c. Such an early date is
surprising though not impossible. The first criterion for the presence of Indians is the
grey or black pottery. But this pottery is also associated later with Iranians at sites such
as Hasanlu south of Lake Urmia in Azerbaijan, presumably with a Mannean

(Mannai) population. 2 The distribution over time and Space of grey or black wäre
obviously precludes the incorrect syllogism that where this wäre occurs we must
have Indians. To turn to the "violin-shaped" female figurines, a special style centered
on Turkmenistan can be argued, but the existence of similar figurines from the Indus
valley to Mesopotamia from ages long before the Indo-Iranians appeared also cannot
be denied, and an extensive survey of such figurines does not support Ghirshman's
hypothesis. 3 Horses and chariots also do not inspire confidence in his theory, since at
Uruk from the end of the fourth millennium, the character for a four-wheeled vehicle
4 This
is recorded in cuneiform and the domestication of the horse is also early there.

leaves the trumpet, and the evidence brought by Ghirshman for the Indo-Aryan
origin of this is the borrowing of it by the Egyptians, possibly from the Mitanni. In
other words, none of Ghirshman's arguments are convincing; on the other hand all of
them conceivably may be attributed to Indo-Aryans if this term is stretched beyond
the usual conception of these people.
All of this brings us back to philology and how the Indians came to the Near East.
What happened to the Indians who did not descend to the plains of Mesopotamia as a
component of the Mitanni? As mentioned, either the Mitanni Indians were an
isolated band who wandered far to the west leaving no remnants behind them in Iran,
or they were only a small part of a larger group in Iran, and if the latter where are
their traces? If traces are to be found, they should exist in the mountain refuge areas
where the remnants of the Indians survived while the rest were absorbed by their
cousins, the Iranians, who came later. T. Burrow, who adheres to this view, even
suggests that the name Urmia (for town and lake) goes back to a Sanskrit word ürmi
"wave." 5 This is unlikely, however, since in the Urartian language a number of place

2
See E. Porada, The Art of Andern Iran (New Reports of the USSR delegation to the 8th
York, 1965), 108, and R. H. Dyson, "Problems of international congress of pre- and proto-historic
Protohistoric Iran as seen from Hasanlu," JNES, 24 sciences in Beigrade, 8-9. More detailed and with a
(1965), 211. large bibliography is her article "Rasprostranenie
V. M. Masson and V. I. Sarianidi, Sredneasiats- konevodstva i konya v iranoyazychnykh
kulta
kaya Terrakota epokhi bronzy (Moscow, 1973), plemen Srednei Azii," in Srednyaya Aziya, ed. by
especially eh. 4 B. G. Gafurov and B. A. Litvinskii (Moscow,
4
E. E. Kuzmina,
Earliesl Evidence of Horse 1 977), 28-52.
Domestication and Spread of Wheeled Vehicles in 5
T. Burrow, "The Indoaryans," JRAS (1973),
Connection with Problem of time and place of the 139
formalion of Indo-European Unity (Moscow, 1971)
 Pre-Iranian History of the Plateau and Central Asia 49

names begin with ur-, and Urmia, being in Mannean territory, is more likely a word
from their language than from Sanskrit. Likewise the etymology of Mazandaran as
containing the name Indra, a Vedic deity, proposed by Burrow, does not inspire
6
confidence. What is needed are some names which are indisputably Indian, such as
the Mitanni deities. Unfortunately, etymologies of names are subject to as much
dispute among linguists as the historical significance of pottery types among
archaeologists, and none of the names suggested as being of Indian origin, Bagdatti
and Artasari, Bagbartu, etc. can be definitely assigned an exclusively Indian
7
etymology. So in the realm of linguistics we depend on impressions, which suggest
an Indian presence on the plateau or in the mountains of Iran, but there is no data
available to confirm these impressions. If we follow Burrow in his discussion of devs
in Mazandaran, again we are in the realm of conjecture, for the use of the term dev, in a
favorable sense, does not assure us that Indians were present, in Opposition to the
Iranian or Zoroastrian condemnation of the devs, and their worshippers. The devs
could, of course, refer to non-Aryan deities and names found in the Caspian region
later, such as Devsalär 'leader ofdevs,' Devdäd Theodore,' etc., do not necessarily point

to Indians or even to Iranians who did not follow the condemnation of the daevas and
daiva worship. On the other hand, the Indians of the Mitanni people must have
existed, so the theory of a first wave of Aryans as manifested in these Indians or proto-
Indians, before the coming of the Iranians, is not at all far-fetched.
The existence of the Dardic languages in the northeast of the Iranian area would
also point to an early wave of Indo-European Speakers into this area. The extreme
dimculties of comparing contemporary languages with an ancient language of over
three millennia ago (the Indic of the Mitanni) is obvious, and further comparison
with the religion of some of the Dardic people (the deity Imra as Indra, and the like)
with the Vedic deities of Varuna, Miträ, etc. can lead to no certain conclusions, but
rather little more than a subjective intuition that the remote ancestors of the Dardic
peoples had some relations with the Indians of the Mitanni. There is, it seems,
no objection to the proposition that when the Iranians came upon the plateau they
were not the first Indo-European Speakers that the autochthonous population had
encountered. Surely the Indian layer on the substratum, however, was not very
numerous, and in places it must have been absorbed early by the natives. The only
of the Indians which may have survived could be the daiva worship (not devil
traces
worship), primarily in the Caspian provinces, which withstood the Zoroastrian
reform of the ancient religion of the Indo-Iranians. As we shall see, a Zoroastrian
reform is the easiest way to explain most of the divergences between the Iranians and
the Indians in religion.

THE NEAR EAST AT THE TURN OF THE MILLENNIUM

Whatever the roleand importance of the Indians in the Near East had been, by the
year 1000 b.c. the autochthonous peoplewere organized into small states or tribes in
western Iran, according to cuneiform sources. Elam was in decline, since it had

S. Kiyä, Shähnäme ve Mäzandärän (Tehran "Weiteres zur Urgeschichte der Inder," KZ, 55
1353/1975), 32 (1927), 75-103, especially 100.
7
Burrow.op. dt. [n. 5], 140; and P. Kretschmer,
50 Chapter III

suffered greatly at the hands of the Babylonians over a Century previously. The
Kassites long before 1000 b.c. had been absorbed in Mesopotamia, although in the
Zagros mountains, present southern Luristan, they continued to live, and many of the
'Luristan' bronzes were found in graves here. Known to the Greeks as KoaaaToi, to
the Latin authors as Cossaeans (both with variants) and in cuneiform sources as Kassa,
this Zagros people are mentioned as late as Alexander's conquests. To the south of

them, also in the mountains lived the Uxii or Ov£ioi (with variants), hwz' in the
Talmud (but applied to the plains as well as mountains), Hüzäye in Syriac, and
Khuzistan of today with its capital Ahwäz (Arabic pl. oihwz). These tribal peoples
owed no allegiance, or only temporary, nominal fealty to Elam or other later states. In
Persis to the south were primarily Elamites with Anshan Qiodie
their principal city
Tepe Malyan), and were various peoples who
to the north of the Kassites apparently
are not clearly identifiable in the cuneiform sources. Whether the ancient, Quti/Guti,
or other peoples still lived in the Zagros mountains at the beginning of the first
millennium B.c. is uncertain, but surely their descendants were there. It is clear,
however, that no states or tribes were either dominant or expanding in this area at this
time, but this was to change greatly with a series of events which seems to have
occurred in the first centuries of the millennium - the expansion of Assyria and
Urartu, and, of course, the Iranians over the plateau.
If we only had information from the
first Century of the millennium, some of the

later changes in and peoples might be explicable, but one can only guess at the
states

forces at work which changed this part of the ancient world. Assyria had expanded,
especially to the west, under Tiglath-Pileser I (c. 1116-1090 B.C.) but after his reign
had soon returned to the size of its homeland in northern Mesopotamia. Babylon
likewise was in a State of decline, and the apparent reason for the decline of both
powers was the spread of the Arameans into Mesopotamia. Many small states of these
invaders from the desert were created, but they never united into a strong kingdom.
Instead they gradually gave their language to the settled folk and fused with them.
The spread of the Arameans and their language Aramaic was paralleled by the
expansion of the Iranians, and incidentally also of a much more widespread use of iron
8
and steel. Whether the Iranians were carriers of this expanded metallurgy is

doubtful, but they could have utilized it well in their expansion.

We return to the question of the Iranians who spread from their homeland much
laterthan their cousins, the Indians. The Iranians, we have mentioned, remained in
Central Asia and continued the tradition of the Andronovo culture after the Indians
had moved south. It is interesting to note that ancient Iranians in Central Asia, and
presumably extending into European Russia, did have contacts with the Finno-
Ugrian peoples, but not apparently with the Baltic Speakers. 9 These observations,
based on linguistic data, coincide with archaeological finds of the Andronovo culture
in Kazakhastan. Since the widespread (over both space and time) black or grey pottery
is no useful index of the presence of either Aryans or Iranians, what were some other

See C. A. Singer, A
History of Technology, obugrischen Sprachen (Budapest, 1972), esp. 33-34;
5 vols. (Oxford, 1954-58); and R. J. Forbes, and P. Arumaa, "Baltes et iranicns," Sludi Linguis-
Sludies in Ancient Technology (Leiden, 1955- tici in onore di Vitlore Pisani (Brescia, Paideia,
58). 1969), 73-90, esp. 89-90.
E. Korenchy, hanische Lehnwörter in den
 Pre-Iranian History of the Plateau and Central Asia 51

featuresof the culture of the early Iranians? Just as with pottery one must be careful in
attributing types of burial and features of material culture exclusively to Iranians, for
they too could be borrowed or
adapted by other peoples. Burials in kurgans, a large
mound with a room for the body and burial objects, and interment of horses with the
10
dead chieftain or warrior, are two features of the culture of the Andronovo people.
Can one maintain that wherever these two features are found Iranians are present, or
any one of these two cases, the migration of
that they are exclusive to the Iranians? In
Iranians through the Caucasus to northwestern Iran can be proposed, since kurgan
burials have been found in Soviet Azerbaijan near sites such as Mingechaur and
Kirovabad. ' The use ofkurgans persisted into historic times and the dating of graves
1

without inscriptions is particularly difFicult, since presumably the early Iranians were
nomads or semi-nomads who both adopted and gave ideas, making difficulties in
entangling origins. There is no reason why Iranian bands should not have gone down
the western shores of the Caspian Sea, as well as through Central Asia. And, whereas
the possible traces of an Iranian migration from the north to Azerbaijan and south are
difFicult to find, in Central Asia archaeological indications for a migration are more
promising.
In Central Asia the archaeological trailof Iranian migrations, as of any migrations
of tribes, has not left however, have opened new
clear traces. Soviet archaeologists,
vistas on ancient Central Asia, and although excavations at Kyuzeli-Gyr in

Khwarazm, Afrasiyab I in Sogdia, Elken tepe in Turkmenia, Yaz II in the Merv oasis
and Kobadian I on the north bank of the Oxus River in southern Tajikistan have
revealed similar pottery from the immediate pre-Achaemenid period, the earlier
2
centuries are not at all uniform. All attempts to establish the material culture of the
1

ancient Aryans on the basis of archaeological finds, including types of burial, metal
objects and the like, have failed to establish an overall accepted reconstruction of the
expansion of the ancient Iranians. One feature which may confuse archaeologists is
that cultural objects may go the opposite direction from a nomadic invasion or a
movement of peoples. Indeed, it is likely that many aspects of early Iranian settled
civilization, including city or town structures, came from Mesopotamia or at least
from south to north rather than the reverse. 13 The direction of influence is always
difFicult to discern especially in early periods of history.

It is not possible here to discuss the many ramifications of Central Asian

archaeology, the comparative stratigraphies of such key sites as Anau and Namazga
tepe in Turkmenistan, and the many other excavations which have given us a picture
of Central Asia difFerent from the old view of the area as a wide expanse of steppe
lands sparsely inhabited by nomads. Although deserts do occupy much of Central
Asia, elsewhere the fertility is great, as Quintus Curtius, historian of Alexander the
Great, noted, "the land of the Bactriani is of a manifold and varied nature. In one part

Smirnov and Kuzmina, supra, Protskhozh- Drevnezemledelcheskaya kullura Margiany, MIA 73

•k"'«. 6.
(Moscow, 1959), 218 pp. A French summary of
For a bibliography see K. V. Trevor, Ocherki the book by Ghirshman may be found in IA, 4
Po isioriii Kulture Kavkazskoi Albami (Moscow,
(1964), 69-84.
1959), 36. iJCf. V. M. Masson, "Problema drevnego
A good survey of the pottery of the various goroda i arkheologicheskie pamyatniki severnoi
sites with historical notes is in V. M. Masson, Baktrii," Dreunyaya Baktriya (Leningrad, 1974), 8.
52 Chapter III

many trees and vines produce and mellow fruits, frequent streams irrigate
plentiful
the rieh soil, sow with grain, the rest they leave for
the milder parts of which they
pasture for the flocks." 14 There is no evidence of any large political entity in Central
Asia before or at the time of the expansion of the Iranians, and one would not be
expected so early. From excavations and from the Avesta, as well as the parallel Vedas,
however, a tentative coneeption of the life of the early Iranian tribes may be
reconstrueted.
The picture of early Iranian life by Geiger still retains interest for the Student even
though some of his nineteenth Century romantic coneeptions or ideas about race seem
misplaced today. 15 The ancient Iranians were both conversant with agriculture and,
of course, with pastoralism; at least the vocabulary indicates both forms of life.
Likewise the tribal nature of Iranian society is implied by the aecounts of Herodotus
and other Classical writers which conform to all we know about it. There are no
indications of a developed town life among the early Iranians, and we may assume
that they encountered relatively undeveloped urban societies, and only in some of the
16
oases of Central Asia and on the Iranian plateau. For a long period of time the
Iranians probably remained in Central Asia and eastern Iran with little contact to the
west where settled eultures did flourish. We infer this since the Avesta shows no
evidence of any contact with the states or civilizations which existed in western Iran
or Mesopotamia. Although the 'urban revolution,' to use an expression of Gordon
Childe, had not oecurred in the areas where the early Iranians first lived before
spreading over the plateau, some Settlements even previous to the Coming of the
Iranians did exist in Central Asia. 17 Trade and commerce, as noted above, had been
active for many centuries if not millennia before the Coming of the Iranians, but
Settlements for the produetion of objeets were few and small.' 8 In oases such as Herat
and in Seistan small centers probably existed, but we need more archaeological work
to give us a clear picture of their extent
and nature. Anthropologists and sociologists
have proposed many development of urbanism, or for the distinetion
criteria for the
between an urban and an agricultural civilization, and modeis have been created to
apply everywhere. One or more of the modeis may fit the case of the Iranians, but
from the only sources we have, archaeology and the ancient religious writings, again
the dominant pastoral society of the early Iranians is what strikes one's attention. It
was an heroie, tribal society probably similar to the life of the Pathans or Pashtuns
today on the Afghan-Pakistan borderlands. The exploits of warriors and sacrifices to
the gods were two important activities we infer from the Avesta.
Controversy has not subsided over the theories of Georges Dumezil regarding Indo-

14
Hisforyo/Vl/e.vWer(VII,4,26),ed.andtrans. Evolution of Urban Society (Chicago, 1966); R.
by John C. Rolfe, 2 (London, 1962), 159. Tringham.ed., Urban Settlements (Warner Modu-
15
W. Geiger, Ostiranische Kultur im Altertum lar Publications, Andover, Mass., 1973); R.
(Erlangen, 1882). Braidwood and G. Willey, eds., Courses Toward
16
See V. M. Masson, Srednyaya Aziya i Drevnii Urban Life (Chicago, 1962), and R. M. Adams,
Vostok (Moscow, 1964), 454-56. 'The Origins of Cities," in C. C. Lamberg-
17
V. G. Childe, "The Urban Revolution," in Karlovsky, ed., Old World Archaeology (San
The Rise and Fall of Civilizations, ed. by C. C. Francisco, 1972), 137-43.
Lamberg-Karlovsky (Menlo Park, California, ,8
Cf. J. A. Sabloff and C C. Lamberg-
1974), 6-14. An immense literature exists on the Karlovsky, eds., Civilization and Trade (Albuquer-
beginnings of urbanism; cf. R. M. Adams, The que, N. M., 1975).
 Pre-Iranian History of the Plateau and Central Asia 53

European, and, of course, early Iranian society and religion. Indeed in the Iranian field
scholars are sharply divided on the theory or on its relevance to an understanding of
ancient Iranian society. Briefly Dumezil claims that Indo-European society had a
tripartite division based on a conscious ideology found nowhere eise in the world.
Although the division of people into priests, warriors and common folk may have
existed elsewhere, only the Indo-Europeans developed this ideology as a fundamental
19
basis of both their religion and their society. In this division of society, which
the division of the gods, there is a further subdivision of magical and juridical
reflects
of the three functions. Thus, among the Indians, the gods Mitra and Varuna
aspects
were the deities of the priests, the highest function of sovereignty, and this
corresponded to Vohu Manah and Asa in Iran, two of the AmSsa Spentas "holy
immortals" or archangels in the Zoroastrian religion. Although the Zoroastrian
reform of the ancient religion of the Iranians changed the roles of the ancient Indo-
Iranian deities, Dumezil nonetheless of the ancient Indo-
finds a continuation

European ideology in Zoroastrianism with a Substitution of characters for the

original roles. Almost everyone concedes that a tripartite division of society is almost
a natural differentiation in ancient societies everywhere, the only argument
concerning Dumezil's theory is the conscious, overwhelming importance of this
ideology and its ramifications for the Indo-Europeans. It would fit in well with the
caste system of India or the division of society into three classes in Iran, but the
significant ramifications of this are difficult to find. To say that one important result
of the division of society was the Männerbund or group of young warriors, upholders
of the second function of force or military power, does not single out Indo-European
society as greatly different from other societies. If the young men of the Indo-
Europeans had better weapons or horses than the young men of another group, one
can only say that in a conflict the former would win. Just how far one can use the later
Turkification of Azerbaijan or Anatolia as amodel for the earlier expansion of the
Iranians is by which local people adopted the
subject to dispute, but the process
language of their conquerors must have had some analogies in both cases. If there had
been a clear tripartite ideology among the Indo-Europeans including the early
Iranians, nowhere proclaimed or spelled out in the sources. It may well have been
it is

understood by everyone thus obviating any need to explain or propound it, but it is
surely not found in unequivocal fashion in 20
any sources.
To return to the Iranians, regardless of how profound a meaning the tripartite
divisions of the cosmos and society had for these people, the rites and incantations used
to propitiate or implore the deities for aid must have survived from the hoary Indo-
European past, with possible additions or changes according to new circumstances of
life or contact with other peoples. On the other hand, in religion conservatism is the
rule,and an examination of the text of the Avesta does not reveal any autochthonous
elements. This suggests that the ancient Iranian beliefs were perhaps closer to the

The Output of Dumezil is prodigious, but The New Comparative Mythology (Berkeley, 1973),
smce he insists that one read only his latestworks, and in G. J. Larson, ed., Myth in Indo-European
see hh Mythe et epopk, 3 vols. (Paris, 1968-73), and Antiquity (Berkeley, 1974).
his earlier 20
L'idMogie tripartite des Indo-Europlens Most divisions of any kind can only be dual
(Bruxelles, 1958). An analysis of his work, or tripartite, or multiples thereof, so the peculiarity
including critics, may be found of such Classification not apparent.
in C. S. üttleton, is
54 Chapter III

general Indo-European religious milieu than the religions of many other daughter
linguistic groups. By the time the Iranians spread over the plateau, however, we may
say that the social and moralof the deities in their pantheon were paramount,
aspects
and the functions of the gods were more important than identifications with forces of
nature. Thus Mithra (Vedic Mitra), while associated with or even identified as the
sun, was more the god of respect for contracts and oaths among the Iranians, which
was part of the responsibility of humans to follow or to have fta (Skt.) or ala
(Avestan). This important concept in the religion of the Indians and the Iranians
which has been well elucidated by Mary Boyce as the concept of order in its widest
sense - cosmic, social - and the order of sacrifice, plus truth among men, was the basis
of the philosophy of life of the ancient Indians and Iranians. 2 1 The pantheon of the
Iranians presents a problem with the name of the highest god Ahura Mazda 'Lord
Widsom,' seemingly an epithet. Although much controversy exists about the origin
and identification of Ahura Mazda, it is generally accepted that this deity is somehow
related to the Indic Varuna. Just how the Iranian Varuna lost his position and Ahura
Mazda assumed the role of chief god for the Iranians is an enigma, but Boyce
proposed that Varuna was tied to another deity of the waters Apäm Napät, and
whereas in ancient India the figure of Apäm Napät receded and Varuna remained
important, in Iran the reverse happened. Further, in Iran Ahura Mazda assumed the
role of Varuna, while Mithra/Mitra remained important for both Iranians and
22
Indians. There is much discussion among scholars about the various roles of the
deities in the pantheon of the ancient Iranians, and here is not the place to investigate
such details, but rather the role of religion in the life of people and related problems
concern the historian. In both India and Iran hymns were sung to the deities as part of
the ritual or sacrifice, and the hymns were passed on from priest to priest from hoary
antiquity. If anything, the Iranians were more universal than the Indians in their
objects of praise or worship, for in the Avesta we find praise for plants, animals,
mountains, rivers, the days of the year, and in fact much of creation is revered (e.g.,
Yasna 17, We do not find the transposition of identities of one deity to another in
17).
the Avesta as in the Rigveda of India.Thus in RV 94, 13 Agni identified with
I, is

Mitra and in RV 1 3 with Indra and Visnu, but in Iran we do not find this in the
II, ,

hymns. It is difficult to know what has been changed or added in later times to the
text of the Avesta, but such additions seem to conform to the spirit and continuity of
the ancient religion. In fact, the "long tradition" daraya upayanä is mentioned several
times in the Avesta as something to be revered (Y. 17, 13, etc.). Repetition of
formulae is also a constant feature of the Avesta, and the only important changes or
additions to the ancient religion probably were made by Zoroaster.
Before turning to the prophet, however, one may mention several features of the
religion which seem to have been in Operation before Zoroaster. One was surely
ancestor worship, found all over the world of the Indo-Europeans, and in the Avesta a
special Yast 13 is devoted to the spirits of the departed including animals, birds, etc.
(verse 74). Prayers to mountains, rivers, the elements (fire, wind, water, etc.) have
been mentioned, and we shall meet this feature again below in considering the

21
Boyce, A History ofZoroastrianism.l (Leiden, 22 Ibid., 48-52.
1975), 27.
 Pre-Iranian History of che Plateau and Central Asia 55

cuneiform tablets in Elamite from Persepolis. Ritual punfication and ablutions were
probably also a part of the religion of the ancient Iranians, and in later times fire

occupied a special place in the worship of Zoroastrians. The eclipse or rise of certain
deities, the dropping of names for epithets, and the changes in functions of certain

spirits, in both India and Iran,have provided scholars with much material for
all

speculation. Fortunately, the detailed account of the gods of pagan Iran by Boyce
23
obviates the need to comment on these religious and etymological questions. It

should be noted that the demons and evil forces in the world were as innumerable as
the good spirits, and it seems that at times propitiation of demons in many forms was
as much a part of some rituals as were the hymns and ofFerings to the benevolent
spirits. Also noteworthy is that legends in the Avesta about ancient heroes blend with

those of the gods. Obviously all things in life, health and sickness, poverty and wealth,
and many more, were bound words and deeds, hymns and sacrifices.
to religion in
Belief in an afterlife also was a feature of ancient Iranian religion, but burial customs as
recovered by archaeologists are notoriously dimcult to interpret as reflecting
theological or eschatological beliefs ofthose who practiced them. Whether the rulers
or aristocracy espoused different means of disposal of a corpse than those of common
folk is not easy to determine, but archaeology indicates that many of the early Iranians
24
buried their dead in the ground. In this connection the ancient rite of the horse
sacrifice (RV I, 162) the aivamedha, the skeletons of which have been found by
archaeologists in graves in south Russia in later Scythian times, indicates the
importance of burial for at least kings and warriors. For both Indians and Iranians
horses and chariots were important, as.we find in the Vedas and Avesta (Druäspä Ya$t
I, 2; Mithra Yak, 10-11, etc.). Furthermore, the horse was a symbol or incarnation

(avatar) of various deities, including Tistriya, the star Sirius (Yast, 8, 46). It was a
feature of both Indian and Iranian religious belief that epithets and symbols were
interchangeable among the deities, and thus a picture of a universal or even
syncretistic pantheon of deities, overlapping each other's functions and domain, is
revealed. This should have enabled the Iranians to integrate local spirits or deities of
other peoples, such as those of the Elamites, into the vast Iranian pantheon. Probably
only later did real syncretism become fashionable, when the gods of the Greeks were
identified with Iranian deities. Obviously what we have preserved of the ancient
Iranian and Indian religions is the priestly traditions, what one might call scholastic
traditions, reflecting the beliefs, rituals and legalities of one group over the millennia.
The mythology of the Avesta may well have been understood differently by priests
than by the common folk, who were surely more inclined to magical interpretations
of hymns, special incantations to ward off evil, and less formal interpretations of the
meanings of sacrifices and litanies than those of the priests. The cult of haoma (Skt.
soma) which produced ecstasy in the participants who drank the draught prepared
from the plant, whatever it was, necromancy, divination and other populär
manifestations of the supernatural, were probably more important for the common
folk than the elaborate hymns to the gods and the rituals which were the specialty of

Ibid., 22-84. of graves in those places and times when Iranians

It is difficult to assign certain graves to were living indicates that some Iranians buried
Iranians, and to distinguish between nomadic and their dead.
settled burial customs.
Nonetheless, the existence
56 Chapter III

priests. The Avesta, as we have it, in general shows the result of much priestly
preoccupation with the text, and rather than devote more space to continued
discussion of the religious beliefs of the ancient Iranians, which have exercised
generations of scholars in Iranian matters, let us turn to the society and perhaps
political order indicated by the religious texts.
From the absence of words and expressions for city or even State in the Avesta, one
may conclude that early Iranians lived in a tribal society based on the extended
family. In both the RV (e.g., I, 96, 3) and the Avesta (Yast 8, 56; Yast 13, 10) the
Aryan tribes or Aryan lands are mentioned, indicating a strong sense of solidarity and
difference from the subjugated peoples. The family (Av. nmäna) and clan or extended
family (vis) were the basis of authority in ancient Iranian society with the pater
familias (nmänöpaitt) under the vtspaiti, the clan leader. The zantupaiti, the tribal chief,
on the other hand, seems to have represented more than just a larger unit of people,
but was also a chief of a district or the land where the tribe had its home. It is difficult,
of course, to distinguish between territorial and human units, but the next higher
division of society, the dahyu, is apparently a geographical more than a social division,
although if one translated this word as 'people' rather than more correct 'country,' the
hierarchy in society would be maintained. Beyond this stratification an even higher
confederacy of 'peoples' is implied in some parts of the Avesta, notably in Yast 10
dedicated to Mithra, where a chief of some such confederacy is mentioned (verse 18:
fratemaöät, and verse 115). Although some scholars have claimed that this means the
existence of an empire, I. Gershevitch has convincingly argued that we should rather
understand a confederation of Iranian peoples, perhaps headed by a Council with a
chief ofthat Council. 25 Perhaps the easiest way to indicate the old Iranian hierarchy of
groups is to look at the Old Persian cuneiform inscriptions where the family or taumä
(Av. nmäna) is the narrow family of Darius, and the clan, or extended family, would
be viO, here Achaemenid (Hakhämanishya) the tribe (unattested in OP) would be the
;

Pasargadae, and finally the people or nation (OP dahyu), in the case of Darius, were the
Pärsa or Persians inhabiting Persis or Fars. Above this in the case of the Achaemenids
was an empire instead of a confederacy as previously in eastern Iran. The Avestan
words sästar, hamö-xfadra, xlaya, and others, seem to be epithets of the ruler of the
dahyu, or possibly of a chief of the rulers in a confederacy. Later, in western Iran, of
course, different concepts of rule developed with the Achaemenid Empire, which will
be discussed below.
In addition to the political hierarchy above, there existed the social division already
mentioned, between warriors and common folk (Yasna 40, 3). Caste divisions,
priests,
as known in India (Skt. värna), are not found in Iran, and the special position of the
priests later, an exclusive and hereditary Situation, was surely the end result of priestly
endeavors to exalt their own As in most tribal societies, presumably also
standing.
among the ancient Iranians, the young warriors of the tribe were of prime
importance. Much has been written about the Old Persian word marlka, usually
translated as 'menial' or 'servant,' although the Interpretation of this as the young

25
1. Gershevitch, The Avestan Hymn to Mithra synonym, cannot be discussed here, but the picture
(Cambridge, 1959), 296-99. The relation of the of the hierarchy is unchanged.
Gathic term SoiOra (Skt. ksltra) to zantu, possibly a
 Pre-Iranian History of the Plateau and Central Asia 51

warrior of a tribe makes more sense. 26 Whether the young Iranian warriors followed
special cults apart from the
rest of the people, as suggested by Wikander, is possible,

but any definite Information about them is lacking. 27 Priests, on the other hand,
dominate the scene in the religious writings which have survived, again probably a
distortion of their real Status in the society of the time. There are many words
denoting priests but one of special concern to us is kavi, a word with a long tradition
in Iranian languages, but which originally probably meant a seer or wise man as in
28 Somehow and somewhere in eastern Iran the kavis
India. seem to have attained
temporal power and started dynasties of rulers in small areas. At least this is the easiest
interpretation of the title at the time of the prophet Zoroaster, to whom we must now
turn.
The figure of Zoroaster is at the core of the Avesta but his life and times are
anything but historical, since legends have accumulated about him throughout the
Most scholars now agree that the place of Zoroaster is in eastern Iran because of
ages.
the language of the Avesta and the geographical knowledge found there, both of
which refer to the east. To narrow the geographical limits further is difficult, but the
view of Henning that Herat and Merv was the most likely candidate for the area of
activity of the patron of the prophet Kavi Vishtaspa has much to commend it. 29
Because of the shifting of place names by the movement of people any geographical
identifications must be subject to great scrutiny, and no real determination of the
place of Zoroaster's activity is possible. The closeness of the Khwarazmian language of
later times with the two dialects of the Avesta, Gathic and the dialect of the rest of the

Avesta, was shown by Henning, although he cautioned that Khwarazmian cannot be

considered a descendant of Avestan. 30 The movement of the Iranian Sakas in the first
centuries b.c. to Seistan probably contributed to legends about Zoroaster's activities in
their new home, while those traditions assigning the prophet to Azerbaijan are even
later in origin. Thus we can only say that somewhere near the Herat area would be a
likely place for the area where Kavi Vishtaspa flourished.
The date of Zoroaster has produced much
some scholars such as controversy,
Herzfeld assigning the prophet to the time of Cyrus with the assumption that
Vishtaspa is to be identified with the father of Darius who bore the same name. 31
Others adopted the tradition of some later Zoroastrian writings that the prophet lived
258 years before Alexander," a tradition whose reliability was ably defended by
Henning. 32 His principal argument was the likelihood that any fabricated number
would have some magical or other, perhaps historical, overtones, whereas 258 had
none and therefore should be considered reliable. This date was accepted as genuine in
Sasanian times and was reported in the later Arabic writings of al-BifünT, Mas 'üdland
others, even though the interpretation of "before Alexander" was much disputed. 33
Cf. Frye, supra, The Heritage of Persia, 55. of articles, ed. by B. Schlerath, Zarathustra
27
S. Wikander, Der Arische Mannerbund (Lund, (Darmstadt, 1 970).
19 ^8). 30 44-45.
Henning, op. eil.,

On the term see Boyce, op. eil. [n. 21 ], 1 1 , and 3 '

E. Herzfeld, Zoroaster and his World (Prince-
^«shevitch, op. eil. [n. 25], 185. ton, 1947), esp. 161 and 204.
W - B - Henning, Zoroaster (Oxford, 1951), " Op. eil. [n. 29], 40-42.
43. Hisname probably means 'one who can handle "See S. Shahbazi, "The 'traditional date of
cameis well', an appropriate 29-
name for eastern Iran. Zoroaster' explained," BSOAS, 40 (1977),
On the prophet and his message,
see the collection 30.
58 Chapter III

Among some scholars, however, the origin or significance of the number which was
passed to posterity was disputed, and Shahbazi suggested that the date "258 years
before Alexander" was taken by Zoroastrian priests from Babylonian sources, which
would have played down the reigns of the early Achaemenid kings, Cyrus, Darius
and Xerxes, who conquered or suppressed uprisings in Babylonia, whereas Artaxerxes
I, who had several Babylonian wives, does appear in the Zoroastrian tradition. 34 On

the basis of a Babylonian origin for the year 258, Shahbazi finds that 539 B.c., the date
of Cyrus' conquest of Babylon, is 228 years before the Seleucid era, plus 30 years for
the prophet's life before he received a call to propagate the good religion. The
Babylonian origin for the dates of early Zoroastrian tradition is an interesting
Suggestion which at the least Supports an older date for Zoroaster. To go further and
date Zoroaster at 1080 b.c., on the basis of a Statement of Xanthos of Lydia and the
Khwarazmian calendar is perhaps overly bold, but the traditional date has now been
35
seriously challenged. Inasmuch as centuries are but as a day for prehistoric times, it is
hardly possible to assign even a Century for Zoroaster's activity, and Boyce's "about
1 500 b.c., or even earlier," places perhaps too much weight on the hoary antiquity of

both the Gathic dialect and on archaic rites and the contents of the hymns. 36 To give a
date to Zoroaster, even in a certain Century, is hazardous.
Since Zoroaster is probably to be dated in prehistoric times and placed in eastern
Iran, the continuity of his teachings, the basis of the religion we call Zoroastrianism,
throughout so many centuries to the present is most striking. This is not to deny
changes in the religion, but his personality and teachings must have made a powerful
impact on his contemporaries to have survived. Many scholars have suggested that
Zoroaster was a traditional priest who broke with the ancient religion and became a
monotheist. There is nothing, however, to suggest that the prophet did more than
inject his own moral and of the Iranians seeking
ethical ideas into the ancient religion
thus to reform it. At most he could be characterized as advocating monolatry, since in
the Gathas he appeals to Ahura Mazda, although other deities are assumed to be
helpers of the great god, while followers of the evil spirit Angra Mainyu (MP
Ahriman) by the prophet. This is not the place to discuss the
are not denied existence
doctrine of the six AmSsa of the creator Ahura Mazda, or of the
Spentas, helpers
ethical dualism and the choice of man, but we must seek to recover the historical
significance of the Zoroastrian reform of the old religion. From the Avesta it is clear
that Zoroaster had no easy time propagating his ideas. The turning point came when
Kavi Vishtaspa accepted his teachings, but this led to many conflicts which are
indicated in the Yasts. Possibly one reason for the slow propagation of the faith was
that Vishtaspa seems to have been the last of his dynasty. Perhaps the initial
establishment of the faith by the sword was followed by a more pacific spread by
priests, since Yasna 42, 6 honors "the return of the priests (äthrauan), who go (to those)
afar who seek asa (truth, nghteousness) in (other) lands." The FarvardTn Yast 13, 94
speaks of the spread of the Mazdayasnian (Mazdä-worshipping) religion all over the

u 32
Ibid., Jf
M. Boyce, A Persian Slrotighold of Zoroas-
35
34 See also Boyce, op eil. |n 21], 17,
Ibid. irianism (Oxford, 1977), 17
189-91, with other arguments for a very early
date.
 Pre-Iranian History of the Plateau and Central Asia 59

world, and the many personal names, as well as place names, must have been real,
although they cannot be identified. Verse 143 speaks of the jravahs or spirits of asa
believing men and women of the Aryan, Tüira, Sairima, Säinu, Dänu and other lands
which are honored in prayer. The persons mentioned as belonging to these groups or
lands have Iranian names yet there must have been something to separate them, since
only the first are particularly mentioned as the Aryans. In the Iranian epic tradition
the Tüira, Sairima, and Säinu were identified as descendants of three brothers Erech,
Salm and Tue, Iranian counterparts of Biblical Shem, Harn and Japheth. The Sairima
have been identified as Sauromatae in South Russia by Marquart, while the Dänu
37
with the Dahae of Classical sources to the east of the Caspian Sea. The Säini are
enigmatic while the Tüira or Türa present many problems, since they became known
as the enemies of the Iranians par excellence in the epic tradition, and with the advent of

the Turks in this part of the world they were identified with the ancient Tür people,
who may have been originally an Iranian tribe which actively combated Zoroaster's
teachings. The district of Turan (Kalat in present day Baluchistan) may reflect a
movement of the Türa to the south, but it is of interest that it is today oecupied by
Dravidian-speaking Brahuis, who seem to have fallen into the same category as the
Turks to the north, both enemies of the Iranians.
All attempts to relate the Avesta, or the ancient Iranian epic tradition as found in
the Shahname of Firdosi, to historical events in eastern Iran have failed, since there is
nothing other than the Avesta itself as a source. Poetic fiction and tales are so mixed
with what might have been fact in the Avesta that it is not possible to distinguish
them from each other, but Mary Boyce is probably correct in saying that "both
secular and priestly traditions transmitted by minstrel poets as well as by religious
schools," mixed with superstition and tales are found, and this mixture has been
transmitted down to the present. 38
We cannot dwell on the basic features of Zoroastrianism, perhaps easily
characterized as a threefold division of ethics (speaking, thinking and doing good), the
correct Performance of acts of sacrifice, and the keeping of the laws of purity, all of
which world to come. The cosmic
will help the individual to secure salvation in the
history, or the "world year" of the Zoroastrians, however, should be mentioned since
it does figure in problems of chronology connected with the Zoroastrian sources.
The origins of the a millennium each are
"world year" divided into periods of
uncertain, but Babylonian with astronomy, mathematics and
preoecupation
chronology suggest the lowlands as a possible place of origin. 39 Some Iranian sources
give the number of millennia as nine, others as twelve, but there are further
disagreements on the significance of the various periods of three thousand years each.
The first period is said to be creation in the spiritual (menög) State, followed by the
second period of creation of the physical universe (gitig), and in the third period
Ahriman launches an attack and brings sickness and death, but at the end of this period
of strife Zoroaster is born, and he reeeives his revelation at the very beginning of the

31
J.
J Marquart, EranSahr (Berlin, 1901), 155. latedevelopment in time speculation, but such
38
[n- 36],
[
108. ideaswere prevalent. Cf. "Berossos," by C. F.
39 -
The exaet form of the Zoroastrian 'world Lehmann-Haupt, Reallexikon der Assyriologie, 2
year' is not attested in Babylonia and it may be a (Berlin 1932-), 9-11.
60 Chapter III

fourth period. 40 Again it is not possible to follow the variations in prophecies about
the last it had a cyclic character with good and evil times. The
period of existence, but
idea of one savior and then another, one every millennium, also developed in
Zoroastrianism, together with apocalyptic ideas and the final judgment when good
conquers evil. Beliefs in the world periods not only influenced ideas of chronology,
but later doom or salvation appeared throughout the history of Iran
prophets of
exercising mfluences on the common folk.
It should be remembered that we are talking about prehistory when history is only

latent, or a history to be induced from few traces left by peoples, and those often of an
enigmatic interpretation. Our reconstructions are based on surmises, and it is thus
necessanly an impressionistic view which is presented. Any kind of quantitative
history or 'manifest' history based on specific historical sources is impossible and
probably always will remain so. The added accumulation of potsherds or other
objects of material culture can only go so far in aiding our reconstruction of the past,
and to reconstruct history from the Avesta is more like using the Book of Psalms
rather than the historical books of the Old Testament as a source for recreating a
history of the Israelites. Even the threefold division of society for that ancient period
must be inferred, since there is no explicit Statement of this. We can make some
guesses about the early history of Zoroastrianism, but they remain only surmises.
Although the Gathas of Zoroaster usually speak in generalities about good and evil,
Yasna 46 is more specific about the prophet himself 'To what land to flee, where to
:

flee shall I go? They keep (me) away from my own (family) and my friends. Neither

the Community has satisfied me nor the deceitful rulers of the land." He continues to
mention those who helped him in his need, Fryäna the Türa and Kavi Vishtaspa. This
information has been amplified by later traditions which teil of the tribulations of the
prophet and struggles to establish acceptance of his teachings. Just how much can be
read into the early struggles of the faith, a conflict between settled herders and
agriculturists who followed Zoroaster, and nomads who rejected him, is impossible
to determine, but conflict there was. On an ideological or religious basis, it was
probably primarily between the Zoroastrians who
worshipped Ahura Mazda with
his Amasa Spentas and the old daeva (Indian deva) worshippers, for whether it was
Zoroaster who initiated the Opposition between good ahuras and evil daevas, or that
he only emphasized what already existed, this Opposition has been a fundamental
difFerence between the Indians and Iranians. Surely some Iranians did not follow
Zoroaster's reform but rather opposed him, since daeva worshippers are mentioned in
later sources, including the Old Persian inscriptions. Since the history of Zoro-
astrianism has been recounted in great detail by Boyce, it is unnecessary to repeat
controversies over interpretations of details of the religion. Suffice it to say that for
centuries the Zoroastrian faith had to combat Opposition and in the process it codified
own rites, rituals and beliefs into a
lts way of life which held the Zoroastrians together
down to the present.

40
The MP
texts about the world era are
and discussed by R. Zaehner, Zurvan
translated in
(Oxford, 1955), 95-100.
 Pre-Iranian History of the Plateau and Central Asia 61

ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND EXTRA-AVESTAN EVIDENCE

A passage in Herodotus (III, 117) says that a certain piain in Asia surrounded by a ring
of hüls in which five passes may be found, used to belong to the Khwarazmians, but
now to the Achaemenids. Further, that piain was located on the boundaries of the
Khwarazmians, Hyrcanians, Parthians, Sarangians and Thamanians. The last but one
may be identified with the people of Drangiana (medieval Zranka) and the last with
people living to the east of Seistan. From the words "used to belong to the
Khwarazmians," scholars beginning with Marquart have deduced the existence of a
41
large Khwarazmian State. There is no tangible evidence, however, for the greater
Khwarazmian empire, and the further supposition that Herodotus refers to an
extensive irrigation System in the piain, thus requiring the existence of a centralized
unwarranted. It is true that archaeologists have uncovered ancient Settlements
State, is

on the Murghab and Tejend Rivers, but again no evidence for a large State is
42 The results of archaeological investigations show rather the absence
available. of
urban centers, which would not suggest an ancient centralized State in the east. In
Khwarazm itself archaeological work has revealed the existence of fortified living
quarters or even villages from very early periods, but they teil us nothing of the
43 On
political Situation in that area. the other hand, many scholars believe that the
ancient homeland of the Airyandm vaejah (Iranian region), is to be
Iranians, called
identified with Khwarazm, which is in accord with lists of place names in the
Vendidad 1, 2 (see also Yast 5, 17, etc.).44 While this may be true, as the natural
geographical halting place of tribes moving from the north, the place of Khwarazm
in the Zoroastrian tradition is unclear, for we cannot determine later changes made by
priests in the tradition.

The from the land north of the Oxus

various Iranian tribes must have dispersed
River to the lands where we hear of them
all, however, moving at the same
later, not
time. To the east went the Bactrians, probably the easternmost group of Iranians at
this time. They may have displaced older Indo-Iranian or Dardic peoples living on the
plains of modern Afghan Turkestan, such that remnants of these earlier peoples are
today found only in the mountains. The legends associating Zoroaster with Balkh
(ancient Bäxtri-) seem to be late in appearance and have no discernible historical basis.
The name is derived from the river Bactrus (from Pliny, Nat. hist. VI, 48, 52) which
means 'the bestower, distributer' according to Marquart.45 Both the origin and the
etymology of the name, however, are open to question, since it is uncertain whether
the name is parallel to other Old Iranian tribal names such as Mäda or Pärsa, or if it is
an autochthonous geographical name. If it is in fact originally a river name, it would
parallel Harahuvati or Arachosia and Haraiva or Herat. The existence of a large

41
J. Markwart, Wehrot und Arang (Leiden,
44 Marquart, Eranlahr [n. 37], 118, 155, and E.
1 938), 8-1 2, and in other writings. Also Henning, Benveniste, "L'Erän-Vel et l'origine legendaire des
»pat. [n. 29], 42. Iraniens," BSOS, 7 (1934), 265-74, and A.
V. I. Sarianidi, "Pechati-Amuleti Murgabs- Christensen, Le premier chapitre du Vendidad et
kogo stilya," SA, 1 (1976), 42-68, with further l'histoire primitive des tribus iraniennes (Copen-
bibliographical references. hagen, 1943), 66-67.
43
S. P. Tolstov,
Auf den Spuren der altchoresmi- 45 Markwart, A Catalogue of the Provincial
J.
sehen Kultur (Berlin,
1953), esp. 103-12. Capitals of Eränshahr (Rome, 1931), 34.
62 Chapter III

Bactrian State before the Achaemenids also has been surmised by many scholars, but
this assumption even more tenuous than that of a Khwarazmian empire. Whatever
is

the political realities in eastern Iran and Central Asia, we may conclude that the
various oases must each have had a political Organization based on the clan or tribal
structure of the Iranians, but beyond a possible confederation of such oasis states we
are not justified to go, at least on the basis of the scant source material which exists.
If we assume the existence of one or more confederations of oases with princelings,
another question to ask is whether there was a solidarity on inner tribal lines only, or
whether supra-tribal groups existed. That is, were the Bactrians only united among
themselves in some kind of a Bactrian kingdom, or did the Bactrians and Sogdians, or
others, have a large confederation of several tribes? Again, there is no evidence which
can provide a satisfactory answer. If we remember, however, that the confederation
of the Medes came into being only at the end of the seventh Century B.C., most
first

likely because of the threat of Assyrian conquest, the existence of a parallel eastern
confederation seems unlikely. The later satrapy lists of the Achaemenids cannot be
used profitably for a reconstruction of past combinations of lands or peoples. In short,
we cannot find evidence for the existence of any large State or even confederacy in
eastern Iran or Central Asia before the Median and Achaemenid empires.
We have mentioned that Harahuvati (Skt. SärasvatT), the name of a river probably
the present Arghandäb and/or the Helmand, gave its name to the district of
Arachosia, present Qandahar. In the early first millennium B.C. Iranians probably

were mixing with Indians and pre-Indo-European peoples in this border area with
India. Around the lake where the Helmand River empties, Iranians also must have
mixed with a settled autochthonous population which had been engaged in trade and
agriculture long before the Coming of the Iranians. Archaeological excavations at
Shahr-e Sukhte, and other sites in Seistan, confirm the antiquity of Settlements and of
extensive trade relations at an early period. 46 We can only speculate on the process
whereby Iranians spread over Seistan, which, we remember, had the name Zranka in
Old Persian, possibly the name given to the unusual mountain plateau in the middle
of the lake today called Kuh-e Khwaja. 47 It should be noted that the names of Iranian
peoples found in the Old Persian inscriptions are a mixture of tribal and geographical
names, and do not represent a catalogue of various Iranian tribes who settled down
after their migrations. Also it is difficult to determine whether names of peoples
found in Classical sources from this part of the Middle East are Iranian in origin, or
non-Iranian, and many explanations of names such as Derbikes, a tribe east of the
Caspian Sea, the Tapuri, in the Elburz mts., and others, do not inspire confidence.
Historically one would expect Iranian and autochthonous peoples to co-exist for long
periods of time in any area until the Iranians eventually became dominant, at least in
giving their language to others.
Archaeology is slowly Alling gaps in the picture of the material culture of the
ancient Iranians, but problems of connecting the discovered material culture with
Iranian-speaking peoples are many and complex. There is as yet no consensus on those

46 47
M.
Tosi, "Excavations at Shahr-i Sokhta," G. Morgenstierne, "Notes on Balochi Ety-
Iran, 10 (1972), 174-75; 11 (1973), 204, and mology," NTS, 5 (1933), 43.
succeeding numbers.
 Pre-Iranian History of the Plateau and Central Asia 63

aspects of life which can be called distinctively Iranian. Whether the future will soon
see a breakthrough in this regard remains to be seen.

In conclusion, the exceedingly scant source materials from eastern Iran and Central
Asia, with a consequent general reconstruction based primarily on archaeology and
stories in the Avesta and later Zoroastrian traditions, plus the epic, give us a hazy and
very impressionistic picture of the pre-Achaemenid history of the entire area. It is
only with the formation of the Median State that we can say that pre-history passes to
history.
 CHAPTER IV

MEDES, SCYTHIANS AND EASTERN RULERS

Literalure: Linie archaeological work has been done on Median sites, and the written sources are most
scanty. The literary sources have been assembled by I. M. Dyakonov in Istoriya Midii (Moscow-
Leningrad, 1956), 485 pp. while I. Aliev in his Istoriya Midii (Baku, 1960), 360 pp. concentrates on
archaeology, and especially the ethnogenesis of the Medes. Since the appearance of these two works, both
of which have ample bibliographies of former publications, work on the Medes has been conspicuous by
its absence. The populär work by W. Cullican, The Medes and Persians (London, 1965), 190 pp. adds
nothing and emphasizes and architecture. Archaeology is still all-important for the early history of the
art

Medes and several sites are presumably Median, notably Tepe Nosh-e-Jän near the modern town of
Malayer south of Hamadan. For a series of reports on succeeding yearly excavations headed by D.
Stronach, see Iran, 16 (1978), 1, note 2, for a bibliography; the date when the fort and temple complex
flourished was established from about 700 to 600 B.c. Unfortunately no inscriptions have been found
which would give us information about the settlement, and we must rely on the material temains to
reconstruct a picture of this Median settlement. Two other sites with Median strata are Bäbäjän Tepe near
Harsin to the west of Nüsh-e Jan in Luristan and Godin Tepe near Kangavar. For the former see C. Goffin
Iran, 16 (1978), 29, note 1 where a bibliography of former articles on the site is given, and for the latter
,

see T. C. Young and L. D. Levine, The Godin Project: Second Progress Report, Royal Ontario Museum of
Art and Archaeology, Occasional Papers No. 27 (Toronto, 1974). The discovery in 1967 of a large palace
with a columned hall at Godin Tepe, together with the fort at Nüsh-e Jan, indicated both the monumental
tastes of Median rulers of this period and their quest for security from enemies. Comparisons of
architectural features such as the narrow Windows or 'arrowhead' slots in the wall show the widespread
use of common motifs in western Iran, and the central position of the Medes in the give-and-take of such
features. It is, of course, in the present State of knowledge, and before excavations at Hamadan, not possible
to assign to the Medes any role of innovation in such features. Suffice it to say that the Medes participated
in the general cultural milieu of the eighth Century B.c. which seems to have been dominated not only by
the political power of Assyria but by Mesopotamian culture.
Assyrian cuneiform sources do not give much direct information about the Medes, for only in the
campaigns of the Assyrian kings to the east do we find mention of the Medes, first in the time of
Shalmaneser III (Salmanasar) about 835 B.c., on which see Die Welt des Orients, 2 (1955), 156. The
geography of Media in ancient times has been studied by L. Levine, "Geographical Studies in the Neo-
Assyrian Zagros," Iran, 11 (1973), 1-27 and 12 (1974), 99-124, and he convincingly argues that the
horizons of Assyrian conquests must be greatly limited, since they did not at any time cross the Alvand
mountain ränge west of Hamadan. References to texts and translations of Assyrian texts relevant to the
Medes may be found in the footnotes to Levine's article, especially pp. 1 06-1 1 9. To the publications of the
Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia, texts and translations by D. D. Luckenbill (Chicago, 1926-27),
and the Prisms of Esarhaddon and of Ashurbanipal by R. Campbell Thompson (London, 1931), add the
articles of E. Michel on "Die Assur-Texte Salmanassars III." in Die Welt des Orients, 1 (1947), 67 foll., and
D. J. Wiseman, "The Vassal-Treaties of Esarhaddon," Iraq, 20 (1 958), 1-99. Other references may be found
in Levine.
In addition to the Assyrian sources one should mention Herodotus and Ctesias, Xenophon in his
Cyropaedia, as well as the Anabasis (e.g., III, 4, 1 ) and stray remarks in his Hellenica (as 1, 2, 19). Later texts,
1
such as Eusebius,who gives a list of Median kings, copy the earlier sources and add little to our knowledge,
while Kings 17,6 and 1 8, 1 1 merely teil us that after the conquest of Samaria in Palestine by the king of
II

Assyria (Sargon II), about 721 b.c., he deported the inhabitants to the 'cities' of the Medes. The Medes,
curiously, are not mentioned in Urartian inscriptions. This is all of the literary evidence we have now,
about the Medes, and it seems that only archaeology can provide additional information to reconstruct
more of their history. What follows is a survey of our State of knowledge. (Other references may be found
in the footnotes.)
66 Chapter IV

THE FORMATION OF THE MEDIAN EMPIRE

The expansion of the Medes, indeed of all of the Iranian peoples in western Iran might
be compared in analogy with the expansion of the Turks in Azerbaijan in the eleventh
and twelfth centuries A.D. Probably, just as in the case of the Turks, so in this early
period other Iranians migrated into the northwestern part of the plateau, together
with the Medes. This would account for the early appearance of the Parsua in this
area. In the Urartian inscriptions, the same land is mentioned as Barsua, devastated by
King Menua and later by Argishti, son of Menua, from the first part of the eighth
Century b.c.
1
The on the southern shores of Lake Urmia had been
location of Parsua
generally acceptedby scholars, but already in 1 962 1 had suggested rather "a district of
imprecise location north of modern Kermanshah" as the location of Parsua
(Akkadian: Parsuas). 2 In 1974 L. Levine reviewed the literature on the subject and
came to the same conclusion, but he narrowed the area of Parsua to the Mahidasht, or
3
the piain to the northwest of Kermanshah. The question of the identity of the
inhabitants of Parsua, however, remains. Were they the ancestors of the same Persians
who moved south to the present province of Fars, which bears their name, or were
they a splinter group of Persians who wandered westward from the main body
moving south? Ghirshman in many writings supported the view that the Iranians
came to Iran over the Caucasus route from south Russia and the Parsua of cuneiform
inscriptions represents a stage of the march of the Persians to the south. Dyakonov, on
the other hand, suggested that the words Parsa, Parsua and Parthia were three forms of
an Old Iranian parsava 'rib, side, frontier,' and all three were on the frontiers of Media,
hence, it was a common name to those peoples who settled on the frontiers of the
central Medes. 4 Other etymologies have been proposed but none help us with the
identification of the Parsua. Since this northern Parsua is different geographically
from the southern Parsa (Parsu in the Akkadian versions of the OP inscriptions), one
would normally surmise they were two groups of the same people, were it not for the
temporal as well as geographical Separation of the two.
The first mention of the Parsua in Assyrian records is also from the time of
Shalmaneser III (858-824 b.c.), when in his twenty-fourth year of rule he received
tribute from twenty-seven kings of the land of Parsua. 5 Notices of this Parsua
continue until the time of Sargon II (722-705 b.c.) when they cease. As far as I know,
there is no reference to the northern Parsua after his reign. From the time of
Sennacherib (705-681 b.c.) until the rise of the Achaemenids we find reference to the
Par-su-ma-as or Parsu (both presumably for Parsua) only in the south. The name is

mentioned together with Anshan or Anzan and other allies of the Elamites, in the
eighth campaign of the Assyrian king against Elam. 6 Obviously, if the name

1
G. A. Melikisvili, Uranskie klinoobrazny and Babylonia, l (Chicago, 1926) 206 The use of
nadpisi (Moscow, 1960), 138-40 and 218-20. For the word 'king' for these local chiefs is normal for
a discussion of the historical implications see N. V. the ancient cuneiform records.
Arutyunyan, Biainili (Urarlu) (Erevan, 6 The Annais of Sennacherib (Chi-
1970), Luckenbill,
134-35 cago, 1924), I, A discussion of the different
143.
- Op. eil. [ch 3, n. 26], 47. forms of the name in cuneiform, and an etymol-
1
L Levine in Iran, 12 (1974), 112 ogy, are found in Herzfeld, op eil 2 [ch. 3, n. 31],
Dyakonov, Isloriya Midii (Moscow-Lenin- 727-29, but one must be cautious in using
grad, 1956), 69. Herzfeld's works since they mix brilliance and
5
D. D. Luckenbill, Ancienl Records of Assyria nonsense.
 Medes, Scythians and Eastern Rulers 61

disappears from the north and then reappears a few years later in the south the natural
conclusion is that the inhabitants moved from the north to the south, but this is not
necessarily true. We might also suppose, for example, that some, perhaps only a few,
of the Persians in the north left to go south, or as the number of Persians in the south
swelled, the name was transferred even though no great movement of peoples took
place. In any case, Parsua in the north disappears from history at the end of the eighth
Century b.c., and the name is ever afterwards applied to the province today called Fars.
6
For a lengthy discussion on the Parsua question see Grantovskii. * Here all occurrences
of the name are mentioned, even possible references in Classical sources to them on
the southwest shores of the Caspian Sea, as well as Indian sources referring to them to
the west of the Indus River. Without investigating all possible references, many of
which are ambiguous, it would seem that members of the Parsa tribe of Iranians were
widely scattered, whether before the Achaemenid period or during it is not possible
to determine. The Medes, although first mentioned c. 836 B.c., later than the Parsua,
soon became more important for the Assyrians.
Herodotus (I, 101) mentions six tribes of the Medes, the Bousai, Paretakenoi,
Strouxates, Arizantoi, Boudioi and Magoi. Of the six, the Paretakenoi are mentioned
elsewhere (Polybius 31,11; Arrian 3, 1 9 Curtius 5,13; Strabo, 1 5, 732), and it seems
;

they lived around modern Isfahan and to the south of it. An Iranian etymology could
be reconstructed from this name, but etymologies are always hypothetical, and unless
7
they give information in a larger context little can be derived from them. The name
Arizantoi has an obvious Iranian etymology 'Aryan clan' but again it teils us nothing.
The Magi, on the other hand, present a problem since it is the same name as the later
priestly caste, and we cannot determine whether originally they were a tribe of
Medes who performed priestly duties, as the Levites among the Israelites, or that
Herodotus is mistaken. Whether the Magi were centered around Rhages, modern
Tehran, because of the religious epithets given to it in the Avesta, implying a special
place in Zoroastrian tradition, again is pure conjecture. How much the Medes
mingled with the local population as compared with the Persians in the south, is also
open to speculation. In any case, we may assume that the people called the Medes had a
number of tribes and they settled in various parts of western Iran.
From Assyrian annals it is clear that these early Iranians on the plateau were not
united, but lived under minor chieftains, whom the Assyrians called kings ($ar). We
have already mentioned that in the reign of Shalmaneser III (c. 834 b.c.) he received
tribute from the kings of Parsua and in his thirtieth and thirty-first years he marched
against them and punished them. It was not long after this time that Urartu became a
major power and rival of Assyria under King Menua (c. 810-786 b.c.) and Assyria
was put on the defensive in the east until the revival of Assyrian power under Tiglath-
Pileser III c 745-727 b.c.). This monarch penetrated deeper onto the Iranian plateau
.
(
than his predecessors, and he received gifts from the chiefs of the Medes as far as Mt.
Bikni. 8 Much has been written about this mountain which has been identified as Mt.
Demavend, but an identification with Mt. Alvand near Hamadan, or another peak of

kanu, etc., cf. Sumer, 7 (1956), 1-2. On the

' E. A. Grantovskü, Ranyaya Isloriya Iranskykh
lernen (Moscow, 1970), 133-83. *
etymologies of the names of the Median tribes see
There were several Assyrian forms which Herzfeld, op. eil. [eh. 3, n. 31], 724-26.
probably represented 8
this name Pariakku, Parila- Luckenbill, Records [n. 5], 281.
68 Chapter IV
the Zagros chain, seems more likely. 9 The Assyrian contacts with the plateau were at
first developed into overlordships through tributaries.
raids for booty, but then they
There is no evidence that in the many Valleys and plains of western Iran the Assyrians
sought direct rule through Assyrian governors and permanent garrisons. Local rulers
instead were made Assyrian vassals. Epithets given to the Medes in Assyrian
inscriptions such as 'mighty Medes' or 'distant Medes' do not imply any political or
ethnic differentiation among the Medes, although it is clear that the Assyrians
regarded the Medes as powerful adversaries even before they united to form a State.
But the Assyrians had other problems in the east.
An old enemy again measured strength with the Assyrians, and the annals of the
Assyrian kings are now filled with accounts of expeditions against Urartu. Already in
the thirteenth Century B.C. Assyrian sources mentioned the Urartians as strong
10
opponents of Shalmaneser I. (c. 1272-1243 b.c.). First a union of tribes, in the land

between the three lakes, modern Van, Urmia and Sevan, this area became the center
of a powerful kingdom, the Ararat of the Bible. The various forms of this name, as
well as other designations of Urartu, are discussed by Melikisvili 13—22, and
Piotrovskii 33, but, contrary to several scholars, there is no connection between the
names Urartu and the word 'Hurrian.' The early expeditions of the Assyrians against
I (c. 1114-1076 B.C.) Assur-
the Urartians in the succeeding reigns ofTiglath-Pileser
bel-kala 1073-1056 b.c.), Adad-nerari II (c. 911-890 b.c.), Tukulti-ninurta II (c.
(c.

889-884 b.c.) are somewhat monotonous in their formulae of victories and booty
secured. Both the early Assyrian and Urartian states had periods of alternate
flourishing and decay in this time, but we cannot follow the histories of these peoples.
Under Assur-nasirapal II (c. 883-859 B.c.) Assyria revived its imperial ambitions, and
it is under his successor, Shalmaneser III, as we have noted, that both Parsua and the
Medes first appear in Assyrian annals. At the same time Urartu experienced a revival
and soon disputed control over lands on the Iranian plateau with Assyria.
Unfortunately, it is not possible to determine the succession and length of reigns of
the Urartian kings from Assyrian sources, but the names Aram and Sarduri are
mentioned as royal opponents of Shalmaneser III. The Assyrians seem to have had the
upper hand until the reign of the Urartian king Menua (c. 810-786 B.c.) who built
many fortresses to defend his land against the raids of Adad-nerari III (810-783 b.c.).

The small states and towns between the two powers, however, suffered most, for they
were the objects of conquest and domination by both sides, and it is very difFicult to
determine the extent of either Assyrian and Urartian rule on the plateau at any time.
Much has been written about the geography of place names on the plateau conquered
by, or merely reached by, Assyrian armies. The mother of Adad-nerari III may be
famous Semiramis (Shammuramat), who for a time acted as a regent
identified as the
for her son, but the legends about her in Ctesias, Moses of Chorene and elsewhere
unfortunately cannot be used for any historical reconstructions. Under her and her 1
'

son, Assyrian armies raided the plateau many times, but afterwards the power of

9
Levine. |n 3j, 1 1 9. '
' On the ramifications of the legend see W.
10
For the history of Urartu see G. A. Mehkis- Eilers, Semiramis, SWAW, 274 (Vienna, 1971).
Nairi-Urartu (Tbilisi, 1954); B. B. Piotrovskii,
vili,

Vanskoe Tsarswo (Moscow, 1959); and Arutyun-

yan, op eil. [n. 1]
 2 3 2

Medes, Scythians and Eastern Rulers 69

Assyria seems to have suffered a setback for we do not hear of any other expeditions to
the east. The next revival of Assyrian expansion to the east under Tiglath-Pileser III
(745-727 b.c.) appears to coincide with a movement of peoples on the Iranian plateau
and a resurgence of the Elamites, under a series of rulers such as Shutruk-Nakhunte II
(c. 717-699 B.c.). Inner conflicts, however,
kept the Elamites weak, and their main
arena of activity, as far as the sources reveal, was in Babylonia. As mentioned, in the
north the Urartians under King Menua had begun to expand to the south and west,
and under Argishti I, son of Menua (c. 786-764), they conquered a confederation of
towns in the vicinity of modern Erzurum and exacted tribute. In the inscriptions of
1

the Urartian kings, copying Assyrian prototypes, booty and tribute are described in
detail, while the burning of cities and taking captives was recorded by both Assyrians

and Urartians.
The early period of the expansion of Assyria onto the Iranian plateau, from c. 900-
825 b.c. has been characterized by Levine as an attempt to control or even
monopolize trade and trade routes to the east, while the next period to 744 B.C. saw
the rise of a competitor, Urartu, also interested in Controlling trade especially in the
1
northern part of the plateau. Certainly trade, or perhaps also the amassing of booty,
an important source of gain in the ancient world, must have played an important role
in the foreign policies of both Assyria and Urartu, but other factors including a quest
for fame, may have spurred the rulers to conquest. Whereas Tiglath-Pileser III

directed his armies along the Khurasan road through modern Kermanshah and many
times overran Parsua and received tribute from the Medes, Sargon (722-705 B.c.),

turned to the north. Both rulers, however, departed from the ancient custom of
turning local rulers into vassals and instead put Assyrian governors in control of
newly conquered areas. 14 The policy of the Assyrians seems to have shifted from
nominal control through vassals to direct rule over the trade routes to the east. Horses
were important items of trade but also cattle, sheep, lapis lazuli and other semi-
precious stones, and other wares, were sought by the Assyrians. In 715 b.c. Sargon
captured a local Median chief called Dahyuka, together with his family, and deported
them to Hamath in Syria. This is the first mention of the name which appears in
Herodotus as Deiokes, who presumably was intriguing with Manna or Urartu
against the Assyrians. 15 Much has been written about the identity of the Dahyuka of
Sargon's annals, but most scholars agree that he cannot be the founder of Median
unity as stated by Herodotus. 16 Herodotus (1, 102) says he ruled for fifty-three years
and was succeeded by Phraortes, who ruled for twenty-two years, followed by
Cyaxargs, forty years, and then Astyages, thirty-five years. If one figures backward
from the date of the rise of Cyrus, then Deiokes should have ruled c. 728-675 B.C., but
Problems arise in the chronology. Several scholars have investigated the rise of the

1
Melikisvili, op 234-35. Arutyun- ,4 281 2, 29.
cit. [n. 10], Luckenbill, Records 1 [n. 5], ;

yan, op. cit. 186. This the beginning of ,5 of the name, cf. R.
[n. 1], is Ibid., 2, 28. For a discussion
Urartian expansion. Schmitt, "Deiokes," Anzeiger der phil.-hist. Klasse
L. Levine,
"East-West Trade in the Late Iron der Österreichischen Akademie der Wiss. 110
Age a view from the Zagros," Le plateau iranien et
: 1 973), 1 37-47.
lAsie centrale des origines l6 6a] 251, the
ä la conquite islamique, Acc. to Grantovskii, op. cit. [n.
colloques internationaux of Misi, a
du CNRS, no. 567 (Paris, Dahyuka captured by Sargon was ruler
''), 171-79. province of Manna.
70 Chapter IV

Stateof the Medes, but no one has reached a satisfactory conclusion one Suggestion ;

17
has that Phraortes should change places with Deiokes.
it The Cimmerian and
Scythian invasion of northwestern Iran, however, further complicates the picture.

CIMMERIANS AND SCYTHIANS

The Cimmerians lived north of the Caucasus mountains in south Russia and probably
were related to the Thracians, but they surely were a mixed group by the time they
appeared south of the mountains, and we hear of them first in the year 714 b.c. after
18
they presumably had defeated the Urartians. Rusa, son of Sarduri, who ruled c.

735-713 was the Urartian ruler who sufFered at the hands of the Cimmerians,
B.C.,

and then from Sargon H's famous campaign of the eighth year of his rule when the
Assyrians marched through Parsua, the Mannai country and defeated the Urartian
army with its allies of local rulers around lake Urmia. 19 The following march of the
Assyrian army through Urartian territory, plundering and burning, Struck a
significant blow at the expanding Urartian kingdom, which caused a temporary
decline in its power. It was mainly the loss of allies and territory in what is today
Iranian Azerbaijan, however, which proved more damaging to Urartian power. The
decline and fall of Urartu, however, was gradual. Under Sennacherib (Sinaherib),
705-681 b.c., tribute from the far-away Medes, "whose name no one among the
kings, my fathers, had (ever) heard" was received, and they were made tributary. 20
This king, however, had to turn his attention from the north to the south, for the
Babylonians and Elamites had united against the Assyrians. Elam had the support of
Parsua (now in the south) as well as Anzan (Anshan), perhaps used as Synonyms, one
Iranian and the other Elamite, for the same area, but they lost to the Assyrians. 21 The
Urartians under Argishti II (713-685 b.c.) then took advantage of Assyrian
preoccupation in the south to extend their influence, if not outright conquests, to the
Caspian Sea. 22 They never regained their earlier influence south of Lake Urmia,
however, and the next ruler Rusa II (685-645 b.c.) turned his attention to the west in
Asia Minor. The position of the Cimmerians in the great power struggle between
Assyria and Urartu is not easy to determine, but it seems that they moved westward
against Phrygia and into Cappadocia, from whence probably the name Gomer came
into the Bible and Gamirk in Armenian. After the Cimmerians, however, came the
'

Scythians.
Herodotus (1, 103-04) says that the Scythians had driven the Cimmerians out of
Europe and then followed them, but more to the east they encountered the Medes,
whose nascent kingdom they destroyed, and then they ruled for twenty-eight years
(106). One problem in the Assyrian sources is the term Ummän-manda used,
apparently for any barbarians in the north and east in Assyrian eyes so it is difficult to
, ;

R. Labat, "KaStariti, Phraorte et

les debuts de Royal Correspondenee of the Assyrian Empire, 1
l'histoire Mede," JA, 249 (1961), 3. In the same (Ann Arbor, 1930), no. 12. The form of the name
issue of the JA E. Cavaignac writes "A propos du in Assyrian is Gi-mir-ri.
debut de l'histoire des Medes," 153-62. 19 Arutyunyan, op. 300
Cf. eil. [n. 1], foll.
18 20
Pinches in JRAS (1913), 609, and I. M. Luckenbill, Annais [n. 6], 29, 68.
Dyakonov, "Assiro-Vavilonskie Istocniki po istorii 21
Ibid., 88, 91.
Urartu," VD1, 2 (1951), 339, also L. Waterman, 22 Arutyunyan, op. eil. [n. 1], 322.
 Medes, Scythians and Eastern Rulers 71

teilwhether Medes, Cimmerians or Scythians are meant. The movements of various

peoples to the north and east of the Assyrians at this time are impossible to trace, but
the entire period can be characterized as one of change and displacement of ethnic
eroups, mostly nomads moving into settled lands together with the rise and fall of
alliances and allegiances.

Already under Sargon we hear of a Median chief called in Akkadian Uksatar who
sent tribute to the Assyrians. His name could be an apocopated form of *Huvaxstra
in Iranian, or Cyaxares in Herodotus, but he was probably not related to the dynasty
which later united the Medes, since the name must have been fairly common among
23 During the reign of Sennacherib Median chiefs, however, were undoubtedly
them.
extending both Median rule and Median Settlements on the plateau. The Mannai
were brought under Assyrian control by Sennacherib, but they were soon to pass
under Median suzerainty in the time of Asarhaddon (681-669 b.c.), successor to
We can dimly discern the process of consolidation of Median power on
Sennacherib.
the plateau, for soon old names would vanish to be replaced by Median names. In this
process undoubtedly much of ancient traditions and practices would be preserved but
integrated into a new Median society and culture.
The movement of peoples to the north and east of Assyria continued under
Asarhaddon, who was worried about them. The name Kastariti is mentioned in oracle
24 The Scythians
texts of Asarhaddon together with Cimmerian and Mannai troops.
alsoappear in the texts, called IskuzajUquza, or in the annals of Asarhaddon Aikuza,
and a Scythian chief Ispaka, ally of the Mannai, is mentioned later in the sources. 25 In
Herodotus (1, 103) Madyes, son of Protothygs, a Scythian king, is said to have invaded
Media, and it is interesting that we find in an Assyrian source the name Bartatua (or
P-) who sought the hand of the Assyrian king's daughter in marriage. 26 Although it is
unrecorded, he was probably successful, since the Scythians seem to have become
alliesof the Assyrians for a period of time. The further history of Scythians and
Cimmerians in Anatolia is outside the scope of this book, but in Iran we hear no more
of the latter while Scythians, called Saka in Iranian, were probably soon absorbed by
their kinfolk, the Medes. The presence of the Scythians on the northwestern part of
the Iranian plateau, however, has been traced in material remains
from archaeological
excavations, especially in the hoard from Sakkiz and in Hasanlu. 27 One feature of
material culture peculiar to the Scythians, and the Cimmerians, in this period is a
three-lobed arrowhead, which has been found in many excavations and graves from
south Russia to Media. This type of arrowhead has been studied by many scholars,
the most recent summary of the evidence appearing in 1977. 28 This, together with

23
Grantovskii, op.
cit. [n. 6a], 316. literature, see A. Godard, Le trisor de Ziwiyi
24
G. A. Knudtzon, Assyrische Cebele an den (Haarlem, 1950) esp. 125, and R. Ghirshman, The
Sonnengott, 2 (Leipzig, 1893) no. 1. Trans, in I. M. Arts of Ancient Iran (N.Y., 1964), 98-125; R. D.
Dyakonov, "Assiro-va vilonskie istoeniki po Istorii Barnett, "The Treasure of Ziwiye," Iraa, 18(1 956),
Urartu," VDI (1951), no. 2, 3, 4. 111-16. For Hasanlu see the bibliography in
25
Dyakonov op. cit. [n. 24], no. 35. For a Porada, op. cit. [eh. 3, n. 2], 264.

discussionofthe names Scyth-Saka-Ashkuz and the 28 Cleuziou, "Les pointes de fleches 'scythi-
S.
miswriting Ashkenaz see I. M. Dyakonov, Istoriya ques' au proche et moyen Orient," Le plateau iranien
MM" [n. 4], 243. et l'Asie centrale, CNRS 1977), 187-99,
(Paris,
6
Dyakonov, VDI (1951), [n. 24], no. 29. with an ample bibliography. See also B. B. Pio-
The treasure of Sakkiz has produced a large trovskii, Vanskoe Tsarstvo (Moscow, 1959), 240.
12 Chapter IV

horse burials in kurgans, seems to identify the presence of nomads among the
population, whereas the question of the originators of the notorious animal style' in
bronze and other metals is more controversial. As evidence accumulates it is clear that
the nomads had a great influence on the artistic tastes of the settled people of Iran, even
though the actual presence of the nomads in any one area may be uncertain. It seems
clear that Transcaucasia and Iran had much in common as far as iron weapons, horse
trappings, horse burials, and even pottery, are concerned in the first half of the first
millennium B.C. This is not unexpected, for obviously the rise of iron must have
replaced bronze prototypes all over the area but hardly before the ninth - eighth
centuries B.c. Whether nomads for the most part caused this homogeneity of culture
29
in Transcaucasia and in Iran is uncertain, but they obviously contributed to it. The
question whether the Scythians, in their invasion of Iran from the north followed the
same path as the Medes and Persians earlier, cannot be answered, but the Scythians, we
can surmise, according to archaeological evidence, did follow the western shore of the
Caspian Sea to the south. An earlier influx of Iranians by the same route has not been
found.
Herodotus (1, 106, also IV, 12) writes that the Scythians ruled over Asia for twenty-
eight years until Cyaxares and the Medeskilled (their chiefs) at a banquet and
recovered their independence. There no evidence elsewhere for this Statement, but
is

at thesame time there is no reason to doubt the power and rule of the Scythians, since
material traces of them are plentiful, while the Assyrians under Assurbanipal (668-
632 or 626 b.c.), son and successor of Asarhaddon, did not rule the country of the
Mannai or much eise on the northern part of the plateau. By the end of the reign of
Asarhaddon much of Assyrian authority may have been eroded, but at least many
chieftains concluded vassal treaties with him, promising to continue to support his son
and successor. 30 The treaties mattered little, for it was during Assurbanipal's reign
that Assyrian power drastically declined and the Medes became the real heirs of the
Assyrian position first on the Iranian plateau and then elsewhere. The powerful
northern enemies of the Assyrians, however, were to suffer first from the changes.

THE END OF URARTU

Enough inscriptions now have been recovered to reconstruct the succession of the last
kings of Urartu after Rusa II. Urartu was on the defensive and hardly able to maintain
a semblance of past glory under Sarduri III, son of Rusa, who was in turn followed by

another Sarduri IV then Erimena, whose relationship to the former kings is

unknown. Erimena was succeeded by his son Rusa III, after whom a final ruler either
called Rusa IV or Sarduri IV appears in texts. 31 In spite of many uncertainties about
the succession of rulers, it seems that the kingdom of Urartu feil to the Medes
probably in the time of Cyaxares about the turn of the seventh Century b.c. The

29
Well documented in M. H. Pogrebova, Iran i >' N. V. Aroutiounian, "La derniere periode de
Zakavkaz'e v rannem zheleznom veke (Moscow, l'histoired'Urartu," ^4/4H, 22 (1974), 428, wherea
1977), esp. 168-73. bibliographyis given including the differences in

D. J Wiseman, "The Vassal-Treaties of views between the author and I. M. Dyakonov.

Esarhaddon," Iraq, 20 (London, 1958), 13 (also Here we follow Aroutiounian.
separate publication).
 Medes, Scythians and Eastern Rulers 73

capital city Tuspa, (modern Van) was captured about 609 b.c. probably by the Medes,
32 Archaeology fortunately has not only recovered
according to Dyakonov. Urartian
inscriptions, but also has given us a good picture of Urartian architecture, town
planning and defenses. The prominence of Urartian massive stonework had an
influenceon later Achaemenid as well as on Armenian architecture. 33 It was not only
the Medes, however, who dealt a blow to Urartu in the south, but also the Scythians
and other invaders from the north, who destroyed many towns of northern Urartu,
34
including Teishebaini, present Erevan, about 590 B.c.
The real heirs of the Urartians, however, were neither the Scythians nor Medes but

the Armenians. Much has been written about the origin of the Armenians, but an
attractive attempt to identify the Armenians, who today call themselves Hayk ' as ,

descendants of people living in the territory of Hayasa, north of Assyria, has not been
35 The Indo-European Armenian language
generally accepted. does seem to be related
to the Thraco-Phrygian group of languages, which implies a movement of people
from west to east through eastern Anatolia, although the ethnic composition and
dates of movement are unknown. Dyakonov has suggested that the word Hay- was
used by the Urartians for westerners who had belonged to the Hittite empire
(khattini) and the country west of the Euphrates was Khate, which the Arameans to

the south called *Armina, which term then was later borrowed by the Persians. 36 He
concludes that the Armenians were the result of a mixture of the inhabitants of the
Urartian kingdom, which included Hurrians and Luvians as well as Urartians,
together with Indo-European speaking proto-Armenians have been awho may
mixture of people called Mushki and others who belonged to the Thraco-Phrygian
linguistic family, plus some Scythians and others as well. 37
We may conclude that the Armenians expanded to much the same geographical
Armenian language eventually was adopted by the
extent as the Urartians, and the
old Urartian population. When Darius in the Old Persian version of his Behistun
inscription mentions Armenia, the Elamite version has the same, whereas the
Akkadian has the older Urastu, an acknowledgment of continuity and conservatism
in Babylonia.
Much controversy has existed over the role of Urartu in the development of
Achaemenid culture, together with the debate on the route followed by Medes and/
or Persians onto the Iranian plateau. Obviously, if one or both of the great Iranian
tribes had come over the Caucasus, the Urartian influence on the later customs,

2
I. M. Dyakonov, "Poslednie 34 V.
gody Urartsogo V. Piotrovskii, Karmir Blur (Leningrad,
Gosudarstva," VDI, no. 2 (1951), 29-39. This is 1970), and Arutyunyan (Harut'eunean), op. cit. [n.
also the opinion of W. Kleiss, "Zur
Ausbreitung 1], 334.
Urartus nach Osten" Istanbuler Mitteilungen, 19/20 35
G. B. Djaukyan in Istoriya Armyanskogo
(1969-70), 135. Naroda (Erevan, 1951), 25, and his "The Hayasa
Cf.W. Kleiss, ed., Bastam (Berlin, 1979), and Language and its Relation to the Indoeuropean
his Topographische Karte
von Urartu (Berlin, 1976). Languages," AO, 29 (1961), 353-405, esp. 398.
The excavations of Karmir Blur (Red Hill) at 36 I.
M. Dyakonov, Predistoriya Armyanskogo
Erevan by B. B. Piotrovskii Naroda (Erevan, 1969), 231-36. His surmises go
and K. L. Ogenesiyan
V ^ Erevan l 95°-55) have produced much on
' farther than others and may be accepted until
u
the material culture of the Urartians. See also the shown to be in error.
results of excavations 37
in the picture album of K. Ibid., 243. On the whole, this work by
Hovhannisean, Erebunii Orsnankarnera, The Wall- Dyakonov is the most acceptable study of the
Pamtings of Erebooni (Erevan,
1973). origins of the Armenians.
74 Chapter IV

institutions and culture of the Iranians would have been overwhelming. W. Kleiss,
the expert on Urartian architecture and archaeology in Iran, has shown the Urartian
influences on Achaemenid stone structures such as the Zendan at Pasargadae and the
Ka 'bah of Zoroaster at Naqsh-e Rustam. 38 He described specific details of architecture
in a convincing attribution of Urartian influence, whereas previously R. Ghirshman
in a more impressionistic manner had claimed an Urartian origin for the cyclopean
architecture and platforms of Masjid-e Sulaiman in Khuzistan and at Pasargadae. 39
Given the architectural connections, and perhaps the borrowing of the title 'king of
kings' by the Achaemenids from Urartu via the Medes, does this justify what
Ghirshman called an Irano-Urartian 'koine' implying a fusion at least of the cultures
of the two peoples, not more? 40 The answer to this question lies with future
if

archaeological finds to determine the path of the Iranians onto the plateau and their
spread over it. Since the Medes were the first to form a centralized State in
northwestern Iran, however, borrowing from their northern neighbors the
Urartians would not be unexpected. of influence, however, are very
Specific points
difficult to establish, and one must be content at present with the probability of

borrowings, which by no means 'prove' that the Iranians came over the Caucasus to
the plateau.

THE FALL OF ASSYRIA

We have already mentioned the chronological problems which arise with the early
Median kings. The chronology of their rule proposed by Labat, combining
Herodotus and meagre Akkadian sources, on the whole has been accepted by most
scholars with the first ruler after an uncertain Deiokes being Phraortes (OP
Fravartis, Akk. Parumartis, Elamite Pirrumartis), who ruled c. 647-625 or 623 b.c.
41
during the Scythian domination This ruler probably is the same as the Kastariti of
the annals of Asarhaddon, and the difference in names can best be explained as the
former being his personal name and the latter his 'throne' name, meaning 'possessing a
kingdom,' Iranian *Xsa9rita. The name Kastariti, however, appears only in the omen
textsof Asarhaddon, and this has caused some scholars, such as Dyakonov, to postulate
an earlier rule for Phraortes from c. 675-653 B.C. followed by the Scythian
Interregnum of 653-625 42 It is, of course, possible that Phraortes did have a very
long rule from c. 675-625 B.C., including the Scythian domination of northwestern
Iran, but it may be another person according to Labat, and without new sources it is

38
W. Kleiss, "Zur Rekonstruktion des urartäi- 41
Labat, op. cit. [n. 17], 3. The lengths of rule of
sehen Tempels," Istanbuler Mitteilungen, 13/14 the Median kings are derived from Herodotus and
(Berlin 1963-4), 12-14. The false Windows and the absolute chronology from euneiform records
the crenated stone tops to the massive, Square interpolated with Herodotus. On the unreliability
temples are the chief points of resemblance. of Herodotus on the Median kings see R. R. Helm,
39
Ghirshman, op. cit. |n. 27], 296. "Herodotus' Medikos Logos and Median History,"
40
The title 'king of kings' had existed all over Iran, 19 (1981), 85, 90.
the ancient Near East, but in the seventh Century 42
1. M. Dyakonov, Istoriya MUH [n. 4], 266,
B.c. it seems to have been in vogue only in Urartu, 282.
according to written records; cf. Frye, "The
Charisma of Kingship in Ancient Iran," IA, 6
(1964), 111-15.
 Medes, Scythians and Eastern Rulers 75

not possible to reconstruct a satisfactory chronology of the early Median kings. We

can only surmise that the Median State came into formation during the time of
Phraortes in the middle of the seventh Century b.c. although Dyakonov would date
43
the declaration of independence of Phraortes from Assyrian rule to the year 673 b.c.
With the next ruler we are on firmer ground, for Phraortes may have been killed
by the Assyrians according to Cavaignac, but in any case he was succeeded by
44
Cyaxargs (OP *Huvaxstra, Akk. Umakistar). Herodotus (1, 106) said that he ruled
forty years, but this was most hkely after the Scythian domination, and not before it as
the historian thought. According to Herodotus (1, 103) Cyaxares was the first ruler to
divide an army according to weapons used, separating lance bearers from bowmen
and the like. This information cannot be correct as stated, and one should ask what the
historical reality behind it is. As Dyakonov persuasively argued, it is probably the
change from a force of tribal levies to a regulär army which led to the remark of
45 Assyrian sources, unfortunately, do not help in elucidating the rise
Herodotus. of
the Median State, for during the reign of Assurbanipal Assyria fought many times
against Egypt, Babylonia, Arab tribes, and Elam, not giving much attention to the
Iranian plateau. Elam was destroyed as an independent power under Assurbanipal,
46 One may conjecture that the
and so too was the kingdom of the Mannai.
destruction of both Elam and the kingdom of the Mannai by the Assyrians, together
with the fall of Urartu gave the Iranians a chance to assert their power, which was
soon feit by their neighbors after the death of Assurbanipal.
A strong ruler, Nabopolassar, became king of Babylon about 626 B.c., so Assyria
was in danger from the south as well as from the Medes to the east. Unfortunately, we
have no information, literary or archaeological, about events on the Iranian plateau in
this period and cuneiform records also teil us little about Mesopotamia, so we are

reduced to conjecture. 47 Just as we may assume that with the destruction of the power
of Elam, Persian leaders took their place in Fars, if not also elsewhere, so we may
conclude that the Medes Consolidated their State at the expense of the Mannai, and of
course of various Iranian tribes. It is quite possible that Cyaxargs subjected the Persians
in the south to Median rule in the period around 625 b.c. as Herodotus (I, 102)
suggests. We must stress again that allconjecture and must be fitted into a time scale
is

which does not clash with earlier and later data.48 Luckily for the years just before and
after the fall of Nineveh we do have important cuneiform sources in the British
Museum which give a summary of principal events relating to Assyria in the period

Ibid., 266. Such precise dating on the basis of ment of the army of the Achaemenids was ascribed
oracle texts, however, is not convincing. toMedus, presumably a Median king in the mind
E. Cavaignac, "Sur un passage de la tablette of the poet.
B.M.25 127," Revue d'Assyriologie, 51 (1957), 28- 46 Luckenbill, Records, 2 [n. 5], 328-29. The
"• The tablet is and
füll of lacunae, and relevant to the Mannai were made subject to the Assyrians
Medes it only has, "he turned
his face towards thus lost their independence.
Nineveh," followed by uncertain accounts of 47
Apparently Nabopolassar began hostilities
skirmishes. Nowhere is a proper name mentioned, against Assyria shortly after his accession and there
and Cavaignac assumes that was constant fighting; cf. S. Smith, Babylonian
'he' refers to the
Assyrian king, and the skirmishes refer Historical Texts (London 1924), 23.
to Phraor-
«s, following Herodotus. 48
D. Stronach, "Exca vations at Tepe Nash-i Jan
45
Dyakonov, lstoriya Midii [n. 4], 295. In 1967," Iran, 7 (1969), 6, reviews several opinions
Aeschylus, The Persians, of events during this period.
verse 765, the establish-
16 Charter IV

of its fall.
49 It is not possible here to give an account of the rise of Babylonian military
might and the decline of the Assyrian but the steady advance of the
forces,
Babylonians year by year against Assyria is well chronicled. In 61 5 B.c. the old capital
of Assyria, the city of Aisur, was besieged but not taken by the Babylonians, and in
October of the same year the Medes raided the province of Arraphu (modern
Kirkuk). 50 The following year the Medes after marching to Nineveh turned south
and captured Assur which they plundered. Then, in the translation of Wiseman,
"[The king of Ak]kad and Cy[axar]5s met one another by the city. They established
(an alliance) of mutual friendship and peace. [Cyaxarjes and his army returned to his
51
land." Although the text is poorly preserved for the events of the year 612, it is clear
that in the summer the capital Nineveh feil to the Babylonians and Medes and the
Assyrian king was killed, while his city was plundered, after which the Medes
departed. Another Assyrian king proclaimed his rule in the town of Harran and with
Egyptian aid maintained his independence until the summer of 610, when the
Babylonian and Median allies captured the city. Skirmishes continued between the
Egyptians and Babylonians until the Egyptians were defeated at a battle of
Carchemish in 605 and peace was established for a time; thus the long domination of
Assyria in the Near East came to an end.

REMAINS OF THE MEDES

Very little has survived which can be confidently attributed to the Medes, and
excavations of Median sites are few. Until the present site of Hamadan, ancient
Ecbatana, is excavated we must rely on the small fortress-site of NOsh-e Jan, and a
series of rock-cut tombs or other with possible Median layers or influences such
sites

as Godin Tepe and Bäbä Jan Tepe. Fortunately the 'Median' rock-cut tombs have been

discussed in detail and only a few remarks may be of interest here. 52 The live
principal tombs which have been dated to Median times, and are said to be tombs of
Median princes, are Kizkapan in Iraqi Kurdistan, Ferhäd ö SirTn at the village of $ahna
near Kangavar, Fahräqäh (or FakhrTqah some 10 km. northeast of Mahabad) near the
village of Andarqäsh, Dukkän-e Däüd, 3 km. south of Sar-e Pul 2ohab, and Sakawand
or Ishaqvand, 3 km. north of Deh-e Nö, which village is 18 km. southwest of
HarsTn. 53 Because of the poor stone carving on all of these, relative to the impressive
Achaemenid tombs at Persepolis and Naqsh-e Rustam, it was generally thought that
the above tombs were Median in date. Von Gall, however, convincingly argued that
all of them are rather attempts to copy royal Achaemenid tombs and are to be dated to

the late Achaemenid period, although they may well be the tombs of local Median

49 storming of Nineveh to Manda tribes led by

Cf. D. J. Wiseman, Chronicks of Chaldaean
Kings 626-556 b.c. (London, 1956). Arbakes rather than to Medes, is unacceptable.
50 52 H. von Gall, "Zu den 'Medischen' Felsgrä'bern
Ibid., 13 and 57. The Mannai fought for the
Assyrians. On Mannai prisoners of the
the in Nordwestiran und Iraqi Kurdistan," Archäolo-
Babylonians see p. 55. Dyakonov, Istoriya Midii [n. gischer Anzeiger, 81 (1966), 19 foll.
53 I give official and local names and geographi-
4], 304, thinks this defeat of Mannai forces gave
Cyaxares the opportunity of incorporating their of several of the sites since many who
cal locations
land in his domains. have written about them are either vague or
51
Wiseman, op. cit. [n. 49], 59. The attempt of erroneous in these matters.
König in op. cit. [eh. 1, n. 34], 42, to ascribe the
 Medes, Scythians and Eastern Rulers 77

54 With the tombs unable to serve as evidence for Median work, we turn to the
chiefs.
Zendän-e Sulaimän, the remarkable crater at Takht-e Sulaiman in Azerbaijan, which
was undoubtedly a holy site, for around the conical mountain, which was filled with
water at this early period, houses, or rooms for piligrims or priests had been built. The
high terrace on one side seems to confirm Herodotus (1, 131) when he said that the
Persians do not erect statues to the gods, temples or altars, and they offer worship to
Zeus and other deities on the tops of mountains. The pottery found here, however,
mostly dates from the eighth Century b.c., and the excavator believes the Zendän was
55
a Mannai site which was destroyed by the Medes. After a survey of a small site
northeast of Maku near a village called Pul-e Dast, Kleiss remarked that "der Bau in
Corbulaq[ist] bis heute das einzige Gebäude im Nordteil von Iranisch-Azerbaidjan,
56 In building there he was able
das von den Medern errichtet worden ist." a to find an
early prototype of the court-ayvan plan of later Iranian buildings. When we turn to

the artistic finds from Hasanlu and Ziwiye, it seems that again they are remains of the
Mannai, Median?) influences on the style. 57 In the art it is
with possible Scythian (or
clear that the two primary strains are influences from the ancient Near East, from
Assyria in particular, and the nomadic or 'Scythian' style. What we are unable to
discover is the relation of Median art to this "Scythian' style, and one may tentatively
conjecture that the Medes, in their early spreading over central and northwestern
han, hardly could be distinguished from Scythians by the local, settled population.
The Median tribes undoubtedly absorbed much from the settled cultures of the
Mannai, Urartians, Caspians, and other peoples, and in culture as well as political
supremacy, they were the heirs of these peoples as the Persians were of the Elamites in
the south. Unfortunately we know very little about the composition of the
population on the Iranian plateau at the time of the fall of Nineveh. Presumably the
population had been mixed to a great extent, for one reason by the policy of the
Assyrian kings to deport rebellious peoples and settle them in widely scattered parts of
the Assyrian domains. From and 18, 1 1) we have noted that
the Bible (Kings II, 17, 6
Sargon and presumably Sennacherib, both deported Israelites to the 'cities' of the
II,

Medes. Others must have feit the wrath of the Assyrians in a similar manner, and the
movement of peoples. The spread
brisk trade quite likely also brought about a small
of qanat irrigation technology must have opened new areas to cultivation on the
plateau, and one may assume an increase in the population. Dyakonov is probably
correct in denying the existence in Media in this period of great latifundia where
large numbers of slaves were needed, and although the Medes may have brought
captives home from the Assyrian wars, there is no evidence of any large-scale
displacement of peoples. 58 That various peoples maintained their identities after the
fall of Nineveh is suggested by the book of Jeremiah 51, 27-28, where the prophet

speaks of the kingdoms of Ararat (Urartu), Minni (Mannai) and Ashkenaz

54
von Gall, op. cit. [n. 52], 38. R. M. Boehmer, "Volkstum und Städte der
55
W. Kleiss, Zendan-i Sulaiman, die Bauwerke Mannäer," Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäotogi-
(Wiesbaden, 1971), 68. Urartian temples and sehen Instituts, Abteilung Baghdad, 3 (Berlin,
others were on heights.
also placed 1964), 11 foll.
56 58 The
"Zwei Plätze des 6. Jh.s
Kleiss, v. Chr. in Dyakonov, Istoriya Midii [n. 4], 312.
Azerbaidjan," AMI, 9 (1976), 116. Medes did not follow the Assyrians in this regard.
57
Porada, op. cit. [eh. 3, n. 2], 108-36. See also
78 Chapter IV
(Scythians) with the kings of the Medes, opposing Babylon. Presumably this passage
refers to the time after 597 b.c. when the Babylonians took Jerusalem. If any credence
is to be given this Statement, we may suppose that the Median State was really more of
a confederacy of various monarchy.
rulers than a centralized
From the excavations at Nush-e Jan Tepe, andfrom Assyrian representations of
Median towns on reliefs, it is clear that Settlements were highly fortified, a necessary
precaution during the long period of Assyrian raids on the plateau and tribal warfare.
Archaeology suggests that fortified areas were abandoned or allowed to decay after
the fall of Assyria. 59 For any picture of Median State or Society in this period,
however, we are obliged to interpolate from later sources, such as the inscriptions of
the Achaemenid kings, and read back into Median times certain inferences. For
example, the Greeks borrowed the word 'paradise,' or royal park, from the Medes and
not from the Persians, since the form of the last word is with a -z, *daiza instead of
Persian *daida (in Ehmite /par-te-taf). This implies that the Medes had created the
enclosed royal hunting park before the rise of the Achaemenids. Probably the group
of Iranian tribal warriors had given place to a professional army, or at least a royal
guard. Dyakonov would see in the Behistun inscription of Darius (II, 16), speaking of
the Median army kära Mäda haya vidäpatiy äha, "the Median people which was in its
domain(s)," a reference to the landed nobility on its lands, while the kära haya upä
mäm äha "the people which remained with me (Darius)" was the professional army
and court nobility. 60 Whether this presupposes a division of the Median nobility
under Cyaxargs, or his successor, into landed nobility and court nobility is
questionable. It is perhaps better to admit the lack of information about the Medes
and reserve discussion of later sources for later history.

EXPANSION OF THE EMPIRE

Herodotus (1, 134) said that the Medes ruled over their neighbors, who in turn ruled
over those farther away, which has been interpreted as meaning that the subject
peoples ruled themselves, sending tribute Medes, whereas under the
to the
Achaemenids the system of satraps was introduced.61 As Dyakonov
(usually Persians)
aptly observed, the references to 'kings' under the Median king in both Jeremiah (25,
25 and 51,11 and 28) and in a cuneiform text, implies a system of vassal rulers rather
than a centralized State. 62 Since the OP title xläyaßiya xHäyadiyänäm 'king of kings' is
probably Median in origin, though the Urartians and others used the title long before
the Medes, obviously the king of the Medes was the overlord of other rulers. 63 What
areas did the Medes rule? To the east we have no sources to answer this question but

59 62
See D. Stronach, "Excavations at Tepe Nush-i Dyakonov, op. eil. [n. 4], 336.
Jan," Iran, 16 (1978), 9-10. On Bäbä-Jän Tepe see " Cf. "Königtum im Alten Iran,"
R. Schmitt,
the same issue, 41^12. Saeculum, 28 (1977), 386 and for the etymology,
60
Dyakonov, Istoriya Midii [n. 4], 332-34. It is O. Szemerenyi, "Iranica V," AI, 5, Monumentum
alsodubious to assign the OP word spada 'army' to H. S. Nyberg, 2 (1975), 313-23. Szemerenyi is
the Medes and kära 'people, horde,' to the Persians, wrong, however, in asserting that the title 'king of
cf. Handbuch, 144, lahma for reference to kings' was used by the late Assyrian kings. It is
etymologies. really found in the titulary of the early Assyrian
61
W. W. How
and J. Wells, A
Commentary on kings, not those against whom the Medes fought.
Herodotus, 2 (Oxford, 1964), 115.
 Medes, Scythians and Eastern Rulers 79

otily surmises. The tribes of the Medes already have been mentioned, and the
Paretakeni were those whose center was present Isfähan, apparently extending into

the desert on the east of Tabbas (Curtius V, 13, 2). Whether the Orthokorybanti,

mentioned by Herodotus as one of the contingents in the army of the tenth satrapy of
the Achaemenids (III, 92), were the 'high hat' Scythians who maintained a separate
64 Did they have a king who
identity in Media, is unknown, but a reasonable surmise.
eave fealty to CyaxarSs or did they merely send tribute as more distant peoples? We
can only conjecture that the tribes of the Medes were directly under CyaxarSs
whereas others were more independent, such as the Persians.
The Persians, we are told by Herodotus, the Old Persian inscriptions, and a passage
from a prism of ASurbanipal, had kings going back to an eponymous ancestor
Achaemenes (OP Haxlmanis). 65 Whether there were two kings in Fars is unknown
but not improbable in light of the genealogy of the early Achaemenid kings
(OP 66 One may
following two lines after Teispes CispiS). further speculate that the
lineof Cyrus had its center in Pasargadae, his later capital, white his brother
Ariaramnes (OP Ariyärämna) had his center to the southwest. We do not know
when these local kings submitted to Median overlordship, before or after the fall of
Nineveh, but probably under the rule of Cyaxares. Other Iranian tribes to the east are
more problematical.
In Kerman lived a Persian tribe, the Germanioi or Kermanioi (Herodotus 1, 125),
which name some scholars have connected with the word 'German', while others
have proposed various etymologies for it. 67 Presumably when Fars submitted to the
Medes so did Kerman. In Seistan, ancient Zranka or Drangiana, one may guess a
Median control, but again there is no evidence, and the same is true for various tribes
which lived in the southeastern part of the Iranian plateau and which cannot be
identified, such as the Outioi, whom Herzfeld confidently identifies with OP
Yautiyä, NPjut orjut and Arabic Zutf 'gypsies.'
68 Whoever the inhabitants of the
desolate Stretches of the southeastern Iranian plateau were, any central control from
western Iran must have been weak, as it has been throughout history.
Much has been made of a passage in Herodotus (III, 1 17), speaking of the area of the
present lower Harl Rüd which has been identified as the Akes River of the
historian. 69 The Khwarazmians ruled this piain which was on the borders of the lands

64 66 V.
Dyakonov, op. cit. [n. 4], 338. His etymology, I. Abaev, "Iz Iranskoi Onomastiki,"
meaning 'fairy' or supernatural beings is less Istoriya Iranskogo Gosudarstva i Kullury, ed. by
likely than 'mountaineers,' proposed by Eilers, B. G.Gafurov (Moscow, 1971), 269, Supports the
"Demawend," [eh. l,n. 19], 348, since the name is reading Cispis, while W. Hinz, Neue Wege im
also applied to people in Central Asia. Allpersischen (Wiesbaden, 1973), 25, upholds the
65
In the fragment of prism from Babylon of the reading CaispiS. More weight aecrues to Abaev in
year 639 7 says that Cyrus, king of (the
b.c., line this controversy.
land) Parsumas, heard of the great victory of 67
Cf. C. Bartholomae, "Iranisches," ZU, 4
Assurbanipal over Elam and sent his eldest son (1926), 185, who thinks of a foreign word,
Arukku to Nineveh with tribute. This Cyrus whereas Eilers, "Demawend" [eh. 1, n. 19], 184,
should be the grandfather of Cyrus II, the founder gives a bibliography of discussions of the name
of the Achaemenid dynasty. Cf. which he considers
E. F. Weidner, Iranian.
"Die älteste Nachricht über das persische Königs- 68 Herzfeld, Zoroasler, 2 [eh. 3, n. 31], 733.
haus," Archiv 69 W. B. Henning, Zoroasler, Politician or Witch-
für Orientforschung, 7 (1931), 4 and
6. Dyakonov, op. eil.[n. 4], 349, explains the name Doctor? (Oxford, 1951), 42, where reference is

Arukku as Iranian *Ar(ya)uka. given to Markwart.

ov Chapter IV
of the Khwarazmians, the Hyrcanians, the Parthians, the Sarangians (in Seistan) and
the Thamanians (in Arachosia?). From this sentence W. B. Henning concluded, "We
can thus be fairly certain that there was a State in eastern Iran which centered around
Marv and Herat and coexisted with the Median Empire; which was led by the
Khwarazmians and abolished by Cyrus, who deprived them of their southern
provinces, whereupon they gradually retired to their northern possessions along the
River Oxus." 70 He further puts Vishtaspa, the patron of Zoroaster, as the last ruler of
this State, thus giving the prophet a fixed time and place. This implies no Median
overlordship in this part of the east, a position opposed by Dyakonov and others. 7 *
These are interesting surmises, but they remain no more, and only new found
inscriptions can resolve the question. The likelihood of some kind of Median
hegemony exists, but how far it extended or its nature is unknown. Just as with the

eastern Iranians, so in the Caspian area, the extent of Median rule is impossible to
determine. Since Median armies went far into Anatolia and, as we have mentioned,
probably put an end to Urartu, then most likely areas of easier access, such as
Khurasan, submitted earlier to Median rule. Only by interpolating between earlier
Assyrian and later Persian rule can we come to some appreciation of the Medes where
we have virtually no example, as Dyakonov points out, Achaemenid
sources. For
satrapies were both larger and more independent than Assyrian provinces, so he
proposes that the Median satrapies (for the form of the word 'satrap' is Median and not
72
Persian) were between the two in size and independence. Such impressionistic
views of the Medes, unfortunately, at present are all we have in reconstructing the
past of the Medes.

ART AND MATERIAL CULTURE

From the domain of art and archaeology we gain some impressions of the Medes and,
as mentioned, their dependence on the culture of the Urartians, Elamites, and others
of the ancient Near East is great. From representations on Assyrian reliefs some
scholars have concluded that early Persian soldiers wore feather headdresses, or that
Medes invariably wore tall, round feit hats and trousers. Again, unluckily, there are
no identifying inscriptions so the designations are speculative. If we could be sure that
certain figures were Medes, then something could be said about the costumes, but
since styles change, it is not easy to assign decorative features to the Medes and to no
one eise. There is little point in repeating such Statements as, Medes "Just as the
probably handed down to the Persians the elements of Scythian which they had art
absorbed or obtained independently through eastern connections, so they must also
have been the middlemen for the continuation in Achaemenid art of other stylistic
traditions which prevailed in Iran in Median times;" 73 or, "we know next to nothing
about Median architecture." 74 It is clear that without extensive excavations in
Hamadan, on the site of the Median capital of Ecbatana, there is little hope of progress
in our knowledge of the material culture of the Medes.

70
Ibid., 42-43. Dyakonov, htoriya Midii [n. 4), 403-12, with the
71
Isloriya Midii [n. 4], 357-58. Suggestion that the 'animal style' in bronzes was
Ibid., 361 Median by origin.
"Porada, 74
op. eil. [eh. 3, n. 2], 140. Cf. Ghirshman, op. eil. [n. 27], 87.
 Medes, Scythians and Eastern Rulers 81

RELIGION

The Zendän-e Sulaiman, probably a site of the Mannai, has been mentioned, and
presumably a fire altar has been found in a room with high walls in the fortified site of
Nüsh-e Jan, but this is all the material evidence we have for the religion of the Medes.

A fire cult was no monopoly of the Medes, so the presence of an altar in excavations
does little in explaining the uses and beliefs connected with it; even the Hittites had a
75 Since the discovery of a fire altar in an excavation gives few details about
fire cult.

the religion practiced at the site, we turn as usual to Herodotus, who says (1, 131) that
the Persians (and presumably also the Medes) have no images, temples or altars (sie) ;
they worship in the open air on mountain tops and kill their sacrifices in a place free
from pollution, but one of the Magi must be present and chant a hymn. Further (I,
140), the Magi expose the bodies of the dead to birds of prey, and they kill crawling
creatures, as snakes and scorpions. Much has been written about this Information of
Herodotus, and the question of the religion or religions of the various Iranian peoples
is always bound to a comparison of Classical sources with the Avesta and more recent

Zoroastrian practices. Herodotus, of course, lived long after the fall of the Median
kingdom, so, as usual, one must interpolate backwards. The three forms of disposal of
the dead, cremation, exposure or burial have been found in excavations in various
parts of the Iranian world, although cremation, unlike among Hindus and Vikings, is
76 Since exposure of the
rare in Central Asia and unattested on the plateau. dead body
has been a feature of the Zoroastrian religion for almost two millennia, there is no
reason to rejeet Herodotus' assertion that this is a practice especially of the Magi. The
desire not to pollute the earth with decaying matter seems to be the prineipal reason
why a priesthood would enjoin their followers to adopt exposure in place of former
burial in the earth. Since in a passage of Xanthos (FHG 1, 42 and Frg. Hist. III c. 2), the
prohibition against cremation is attributed to Zoroaster by the Persians, one may
aeeept this as an early Zoroastrian practice, however, frequently breached. No matter
when the Magi adopted the reforms of the prophet, they were priests from early
times, perhaps a tribe of theMedes as Herodotus says, or a priestly caste just among the
Medes and then among other Iranians. In any case, we can safely assume that the Magi
held a prominent place among the Medes as Interpreters of dreams and auguries, as
well as fulfilling their priestly funetions, for the word 'magic' comes from their
name. 77 The process by which the Magi became the Zoroastrian priests is much
disputed and the early periods of their activity remain dark. 78

THE LYDIAN WAR AND FALL OF THE MEDES

The marriage of a Median princess to Nebuchadnezzar, son of the Babylonian king,
before the fall of Nineveh was part of the Joint strategy of the two allies against the
75
V. V. Ivanov, "Kult Ognya u Khettov," (Moscow, 1963) 127-33, and the following article
Drevnii Mir, Festschrift for V. V. Struve, ed. by N. by G. P. Snesarov, 134-40.
Pigulevskaya (Moscow, 1962), 271-72. Fire is 77
For anetymology of magMj as 'powerful, etc.'
used in Hindu ntuals and elsewhere. see Pokorny, Indogermanisches Etymologisches
J.
76
For the discovery of funeral urns in ancient Wörterbuch, 1 (Bern, 1959), 695. This is not
Central Asia see Y. A. Rapoport, "Some Aspects of aeeepted by E. Benveniste, Les Mages dans fanden
the Evolution of Zoroastrian Funeral Rites," Trudy Iran (Paris, 1938), 20.
25 Mezhdunarodnogo Kongressa Vostokovedov, 3 78
Cf. Boyce, op. cit. 1 [eh. 3, n. 21], 10-11.
82 Chapter IV
common Assyrian foe. 79 Afterwards, however, one cannot speak of an alliance of the
two for tensions developed over the boundaries and spheres of influence. While the
Babylonians were conquering Syria and Palestine, driving out Egyptians, the Medes
extended their rule in eastern Anatolia, where they came into conflict with the Lydian
kingdom with its capital at Sardis. We do not know the circumstances leading to the
war between the Lydians and the Medes which Herodotus (I, 74) teils us lasted five
years until the famous battle of the eclipse of the sun on 28 May 585 b.c. after which
peace was made through intermediaries, the ruler of Cilicia, called Syennesis, and the
Babylonians. The Halys River or present Kizil Irmak formed the boundary between
the two states and Aryenis daughter of Alyattes of Lydia (ruled c. 617-561 B.c.) was
married to Astyages, son of Cyaxares, as a sign of alliance. 80 The Babylonians,
however, cannot have regarded the growing power of the Medes with anything but
dismay and led to the construction of a defensive wall north of Babylon, and
predictions on the fall of Babylon by Isaiah and Jeremiah.
Herodotus (1, 106) assigns forty years to the rule of Cyaxares while, Eusebius (Frg.
Hist. IIB, Nr. 250) gives thirty-eight, but such numbers, in these and other ancient
sources, cannot be substantiated and can only be reported as fitting the general
framework of chronology. He was followed by his son Astyages, about whom we
find much folklore and fable, relating primarily to the rise of Cyrus.
8
We have '

conflicting information about the family of Astyages in various sources. Herodotus (I,
107 foll.) says that Astyages had a daughter called Mandane about whom he had a
dream that she urinated and flooded all of Asia. Astyages became fearful and instead of
giving her in marriage to a Mede, gave her to Cambyses of Persis, from which union
Cyrus was born. But Astyages later had another dream, that from the womb of his
daughter a vine grew which overshadowed Asia. Then he ordered one of his nobles
Harpagos to kill the boy, but Harpagos instead gave him to a shepherd called
Mitradates and his wife Spako, which is the Median name for dog. 82 The woman
substituted her dead child for Cyrus and raised the baby as her own. Years later the
royal blood of Cyrus became manifest and Astyages found out about him, then
received him into his household, but he punished Harpagos by killing his son and
serving him to his father at a banquet. Then the king sent Cyrus to Persis to his real
father and mother who received him and, after hearing his story, let it be known
generally that he had been saved by a dog. To shorten the story, Harpagos, bent on
revenge, later persuaded Cyrus to revolt against Astyages, and during a battle he led
the Medes to desert and support Cyrus which gave the victory to the Persians.

79
See Wiseman, op. cit. [n. 49], 15. for -w-. The aecount of Ctesias as found in
80
The Lydian character of the names of the Diodorus Siculus (II, 32, 6) is fantasy.
king and daughter are asserted by L. Zgusta,
his 8-
The name Mitradates is given as Atradates by
Kleinasiatische
Personemiamen (Prague, 1964), 55, Ctesias in Nicholas of Damascus (Frg. Hist. II, teil

103 but no etymologies are given. The war A, 361), and in Strabo (729) the name of Cyrus
between the two may have been started by Median himself is given as Agradates, probably a mistake

claims to rule over the Scythians in Cappadocia. for the same name as that found in Ctesias. Cyrus
On the etymology of his name *fiti-vaiga
1

was a noble and not the son of a shepherd. The

"brandishing a lance," see Herzfeld, op. cit. [eh. 3, n word for 'dog' is correct and much has been
31], 1, 90, and E. A. Grantovskii, op. cit [n. 6a], wntten about it.

330. In Akkadian he is called Istumegu with -m-

 Medes, Scythians and Eastern Rulers 83

This is myths of the Indo-European peoples

the Cyrus saga, with parts of the
inteerated into it. It is myth by Ctesias and
not necessary to discuss the variants of the
the account of Justin's epitome of Pompeius Trogus, which follows Herodotus, or
other more apocopated parts of the story of the rise of Cyrus, since the saga has been
83
discussed in much detail elsewhere. Binder has convincingly indicated that the
various elements in the saga such as the abandonment of a royal child and its
nourishment by an animal (dog, wolf, eagle or cow) are very widespread motifs
relevant to the founder of a new dynasty, and probably bound to ancient rites of
84
nomadic young warrior fraternities {Männerbünde) on the steppes of Central Asia.
To go however, and draw cosmogonic and far-reaching conclusions on the
further,
religious significance of the myths is hazardous, even though one may accept the
premise that the stories are much more than just tales or literature but do have cultic

and ritualistic origins. The saga of Cyrus must have been attached to his birth and
ancestory soon after his death, for the life of Cyrus became an almost mystic symbol
for later rulers of Iran. The testimony of Plutarch (Life of Artaxerxes, 3) that a new
Persian king had to be initiated into his new position at Pasargadae by following a
ritual of wearing Cyrus' robe and eating the simple food which Cyrus ate, indicates
the great respect for tradition of the Iranians and the value of the saga as more than a
tale. Since a later writer, Aelian (hist. anim. 12, 21) says that Achaemenes, ancestor of
Cyrus, as a child was nourished by an eagle, we can see the extension of the variants of
the myth backwards in time, as well as forward to the Arsacid and Sasanian founder
legends. The Shähname, of course, has many variants of the story of the abandonment
of a child and its rearing by an animal. I have called the elements of the motif of the
founder of a new dynasty in Iran part of the charisma of Persian royalty which has
the following components: royal blood in descent from the previous dynasty,
upbringing with common folk undergoing hardships, recognition of the charismatic
'royal fortune,' called xvarsnah in Avestan or later farn or farr, in the youth, and his
overthrow of the ruling tyrant to usher in a new age. To use the saga for a
reconstruction of history, however, is an uncertain and difficult undertaking, even
though it obviously contains much of value. The sifting of fact from fiction in the
saga requires external sources, which unfortunately give us little more than a sequence
of a few events. 85 So even when source material is available, it is often so mixed with
fable and fantasy as to be suspect.
The
terse Akkadian account of the defeat of Astyages goes as follows, "[Sixth year
• King Ishtumegu] called up his troops and marched against Cyrus, king of Anshan,
.
.

in order to me[et him in battle]. The army of Ishtumegu revolted against him and in
fetters they de[livered him] to Cyrus. Cyrus (marched) against the country

Agamtanu; the royal residence (he seized); silver, gold, (other) valuables of the . . .

83 Si Binder, op.
Cf. A. Bauer, Die Kyros-Sage und Verwandtes eil. [n. 83], esp. 29, 45, 58. See also
(Vienna, 1882), 86 G. Hüsing, "Beiträge zur R. Frye, The Charisma of Kingship in Ancient
pp.;
Kyros-Sage" OLZ, 1903-06 (reprinted as a book- Iran," [n. 40], 40-46.
•et,
Berlin, 1 906), 59 pp. and finally with ample
1 ;
85 The Greek didactic treatise by Xenophon, the
bibliography, G. Binder, Die Aussetzung der Cyrcpaedia, is likewise difficult to use as a source of
Königskinder Kyros und Romulus, Beiträge zur history, although he, like Herodotus, says that
klassischen Philologie, of Cyrus.
10 (Meisenheim, 1964), esp many stories circulated about the life
17-28, 175-82.
84 Chapter IV
country Agamtanu he took booty and brought (them) to Anshan." 86 Another
as
Akkadian source simply says that Cyrus "made the Guti country and all the Manda-
hordes bow in Submission to his feet," while a text describing Nabonidus' desire to
repair the temple of Sin the Moon deity at Harran mentions how Cyrus, king of
Anshan, vassal of the king of the Manda-hordes, with a small army will overthrow
the far-flung Medes and take Astyaggs to his land as a prisoner. 87 From these sources
we may conclude that Cyrus defeated Astyaggs in battle, and the Median army
revolted against Astyaggs delivering him to Cyrus who plundered Ecbatana and took
Astyaggs as a prisoner to Persis. If this battle took place in the sixth year of the reign of
Nabonidus, as one text says, then we may date it 550-549 b.c. It is much better to
follow contemporary Akkadian sources, sparse though they may be, than the
embellished tales of Herodotus, Ctesias and their successors, who collected their stories
from various sources, including tellers of tales. Their general accounts, however, do
not contradict the cuneiform sources and this much we accept.
The theory that the royal house of Media was related to Zoroaster's family has been
proposed and elaborated by several scholars. 88 The reason for this assertion is found in
Ctesias, who gave the name of the first husband of the daughter of Astyaggs as
Spitamas, and later the name of the magus whom Darius killed, not Gaumata or
Bardiya, but Sphendadatgs, both of which names belong in the family of Zoroaster.
Herzfeld (p. 51) concludes that Zoroaster is to be identified as Spitakgs, son of
Spitamas and Amytis, daughter of Astyaggs. If the Median royal houses were in any
way connected with Zoroaster, however, we would have heard of this directly in the
names which modern scholars use to support their theories
sources and not in certain
and Ancient authors have suffered from modern interpreters
reject others as fantasy.
who praise and use them when it fits their fancies, and then condemn and reject those
same authors when their information conflicts with modern hypotheses. The name
Spitäma does appear in various sources, including probably a cuneiform tablet
(Herzfeld, 48), but this in no way allows us to infer the connection of Zoroaster with
all or any of the names, if they are historical. Furthermore, whereas no one should

ignore the long continuity of families as well as traditions in Iranian history, to base
far-reaching theories on the of names or etymologies alone is fraught with
basis
misconceptions. It is quite possible that Astyages had no son to succeed him, but it is
also possible that the ancient Iranian kingly saga demanded a blood link between
Cyrus and the daughter of the last king of the Medes. 89
Although the next empire of the Achaemenids came to be called one of the Medes
and the Persians, at the beginning of the rule of the Achaemenids, the Persians were

86
Trans by A. Leo Oppenheim, with the Pyankov, "Borba Kira II s Astiagom," VDl, no. 3
lacunae in the Akkadian text shown by brackets (1971), 16-37. Some of his conclusions, e.g., p. 23
and additions of the translator in parentheses, in that Astyages came from Susa to Pasargadae to
J. B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texls fight Cyrus, are hardly acceptable. He also makes
(Princeton, 1955), 305. httle reference to the cuneiform sources.
81 88 Herzfeld, op. eil. 1 [eh.
The archaic reference to Guti and
Ibid., 315. 3, n. 31], 48;
Manda-hordes (Ummänmanää) is characteristic of Dyakonov, Istoriya Midii [n. 4], 415-16.
Babylonian sources. On the Harran text see S. 89
The fact that the Median rebel against Darius,
Smith, Babylonian Historical Texts (London, 1924), in his Behistun inscription 13, or par. 24)
(II,

44. The of Classical sources on the

best survey claimed to be of the family of Cyaxares and not of
battle between Cyrus and AstyagSs is by I. V. Astyages is interesting in this regard.
 Medes, Scythians and Eastern Rulers 85

exempt from taxes while theMedes paid as other subjects did (Herodotus III, 89, 97).
Medes raised under Achaemenid rule, as we shall see, but the revolts
several revolts

may be attributed to the general oppression of the people by their rulers rather than to
an ethnic antagonism. Gradually the Medes and Persians, as well as other Iranians,
became mixed, which was in part a result of the world empire of the Achaemenids.
 CHAPTER V

ACHAEMENIDS

Literature: Our sources for the early Achaemenids are more abundant than for any period of the early
history of Iran until the Sasanian period. In the last four decades the results of the excavations at Persepolis
have enormously enriched our knowledge of the Achaemenid court. The monumental three volumes by
E.Schmidt, Persepolis (Chicago, 1 953, 1 957, 1970) are the basic handbook for the site, but the epigraphical
findsof Elamite tablets and Aramaic inscriptions have produced three books, G. Cameron, Persepolis
Treasury Tablets (Chicago, 1948), R. T. Hallock, Persepolis Fortification Tablets (Chicago, 1969), and R. A.
Bowman, Aramaic Ritual Textsfrom Persepolis (Chicago, 1970). The articles which these works have
engendered, plus new Elamite tablets, would require an enormous bibliography. To select those especially
noteworthy we may mention the articles, "Persepolis Treasury Tablets Old and New," and "New Tablets
from the Persepolis Treasury," by Cameron in JNES, 17 (1958), 161-76 and JNES, 24 (1965), 167-92,
and especially Hallock's The Evidence of the Persepolis Tablets," The Cambridge History of Iran, 2
(Cambridge University, Middle East Centre separate publication, 1971), 31 pp. Many articles have been
written elucidating various details of the tablets. For a bibliography of articles up to 1970 see W. Hinz,
'Die Quellen,' in G. Walser, ed., "Beiträge zur Achämenidengeschichte," in Historia, 1 8 (1 972), 5-1 4. Since
this publication, the following can be added for the Elamite tablets: I. Gershevitch, "Iranian Nouns and
Names in Elamite Garb," TPS (1969-70), 165-99,, his "Amber at Persepolis," in Studia Classica et

Orientalia Oblata, 2 (Rome, 1969), 167-251, "Island-Bay and the Lion," BSOAS, 33 (1970), 82-91, and
"The Alloglottography of Old Persian," TPS (1979), 114-90. The many publications of M. Mayrhofer,
especially in the realm of onomastica, fortunately are listed in his Ausgewählte Kleine Schriften (Vienna,
1978), and all Iranian names will be treated in the various fascicules of his forthcoming Iranisches
Personennamenbuch, but until then see his Onomastica Persepolitana (Vienna, 1973), 358 pp. For a
bibliography of Old Persian see Mayrhofer's, "Das Altpersische seit 1964," in W. B. Henning Memorial
Volume, ed. by M. Boyce and I. Gershevitch (London, 1970), 276-98, and succeeding notices in the list of
his own publications above. Further Hinz's Wege [eh. 4, n. 66], 174 pp. deals with the Elamite tablets as
does his article, "Achämenidische Hofverwaltung," ZA, 61 (1971), 260-311, and "Die elamischen
Buchungstä'fekhen der Darius-Zeit," Orientalia, 39 (1970), 421-40, and finally his Altiranisches Sprachgut
der Nebenüberlieferungen (Wiesbaden, 1975), 303 pp.
A series of articles by R. Schmitt mostly regarding Iranian terms and names in the Elamite tablets have
appeared; for a bibliography of his articles and others relating to philological questions, for the most part,
see the bibliography in M. A. Dandamaev, Persien unter den ersten Achämeniden (Wiesbaden, 1976), 257-
62.
For the Aramaic inscriptions on the green chert mortars, pestles and plates from Persepolis a large
literature exists, among which we may mention P. Bernard, "Les mortiers et pilons inscrits de Persepolis,"
Sl, 1 (1972), 165-76; B. A. Levine, "Aramaic Texts from 92 (1972), 70-79; J. Naveh
Persepolis," JAOS,
and S. Shaked, "Ritual Texts or Treasury Documents," Orientalia, 42 (1 973), 445-57; j. A. Delaunay, "A
propos des Aramaic Ritual Texts," AI, 2 (1974), 193-21 7, and K. Kamioka, "Philological Observation on
the Aramaic texts from Persepolis," Orient, 1 1 (Tokyo, 1975), 45-66. Most scholars now agree that the
texts on the objeets are not ritual texts but are records of the manufacture of the objeets and their
presentation to Achaemenid officials; further they were made in Arachosia (modern Qandahar area). The
purpose of the mortars and pestles was hardly just to press grapes or grind spices, but was probably for the
haoma ritual, part of the ancient Indo-Iranian religion, and apparently practiced by some Iranians in the
Persepolis area.
One of the most important new inscriptional sources for early Achaemenid history was the discovery
of the quadri-lingual (OP, Akkadian, Elamite and hieroglyphic Egyptian) inscription on the statue of
Darius I in Susa in 1973, and an entire issue of the Cahiers de la dükgation archeologique francaise en Iran, 4
(Paris, 1974) is devoted to the
statue, as well as articles in JA (1 972). Other discoveries of new inscriptions
were merely copies of inscriptions already known; cf. B. Gharib, "A Newly Found Old Persion
Inscription," IA, 8 (1968), 54-69, and W. Hinz, "Eine neue Xerxes-Inschrift aus Persepolis," in his book
Altiranische Funde und Forschungen (Berlin, 1969), 45-51.
88 Chapter V
Perhaps the most important epigraphical material for Achaemenid history, however, comes from
inscriptions inAramaic and in Greek found outside of Iran, but giving valuable Information about the
administration of the empire. It is, of course, impossible to list the numerous publications on Aramaic, but
a bibliography by J. Teixidor appears regularly in the Journal Syria called "Bulletin depigraphie
Semitique." The ongoing Neue Ephemeris für Semitische Epigraphik by R. Degen (Wiesbaden, 1972-) is a
handbook of Aramaic inscriptions to be consulted for all Aramaic inscriptions. Of special importance are
the Aramaic papyri from Egypt of the satrap Arsames under Artaxerxes I and Darms II published by
G. R. Driver, Aramaic Documenls of the Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford, 1957), and E. G. Kraeling, The
Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri (New Haven, 1953), which Supplement the old collection by A.
Cowley, Aramaic Papyri qfthe Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford, 1923) cf. B. Porten, Archiuesfrom Elephantine
;

(University of California Press, 1968) and J. Naveh and S. Shaked, "A Recently Published Aramaic
Papyrus (from Berlin)," JAOS, 91 (1971), 379-82, as well as P. Grelot, Öocuments aramtens d'Egypte
(Paris, 1972). The Aramaic sources give us Achaemenid titles and names as well as other information.

Excavations in Anatolia, notably at Xanthos in Lycia and at Sardis, have given us new Greek
epigraphical remains from the Achaemenid period. Especially interesting is the trilingual inscription of
Pixodaros, satrap of Lycia, in Greek, Lycian and Aramaic; see the CRAI (1974), 82-93, "Le st£le trilingue
recemment Ai couverte au Letoon de Xanthos," by H. Metzger, to be published in füll in vol. 6 ofFouilles
de Xanthos. For Sardis see L. Robert, Nouvelles inscriptions de Sardis (Paris, 1964). The fragmentary Greek
inscriptions from Persepolis unfortunately add little Achaemenid history; cf. G. P. Carratelli, "Greek
to
Inscriptions of the Middle East, Persepolis," EW, They are probably marks by masons.
16 (1966), 31-34.
Numismatics and inscribed seals enter the repertoire of sources on the Achaemenids. A survey of the
coinage may be found in D. Schlumberger, L'argent grec dans l'empire achimenide, in MDAFA, 14 (1953),
55-57. Since that time we have S. P. Noe, Two Hoards qfPersian Sigloi, NNM, 1 36 (1956). Further articles
on satrapal issues may be found in the excellent yearly bibliography Numismatic Literature published by
the ANS in New York. The far-flung circulation of coinage with Greek legends in the Achaemenid
Empire is now assured. Achaemenid seals and sealings are also a source for history, and the continuity of
earlier commercial practices into the Achaemenid period is revealed by the clay sealings. On them see my
"The Use of Clay Sealings in Sasanian Iran," AI, Varia 1976, 5 (Leiden, 1977), 117-24, for general
remarks on earlier sealings. The article by C. J. Gadd, "Achaemenid Seals," SPA, 1 383-88, is still valuable
,

as are the articles by G. M. A. Richter and H. Seyrig in Archaeologica Orientalia in Memoriam Ernst
Herzfeld, ed. by G. Miles (New York, 1952). The seals and sealings, especially those from Persepolis,
provide material for reconstructing the material culture of the Achaemenids as well as their artistic
achievements.
Archaeology, of course, provides the basis for the dating and attribution of most aspects of material
culture, and volumes of Schmidt on the excavations at Persepolis mentioned above, the
in addition to the
two volumes of Ann and Other Sites of Fars, ISMEO
Britt Tilia, Studies and Restorations at Persepolis
(Roma, 1 972 and 1 978), and the book by D. Stronach, Pasargadae (Oxford, 1 978), 312 pp., are significant.
Work at Susa, the winter capital of the Achaemenid kings, continues, and results are published in the
Cahiers of the French delegation in Iran and elsewhere. Fortunately, a classified and detailed yearly
bibliography of the archaeology of Iran appears in AML
Journals which contain articles on the Achaemenids or related Iranian subjects are lran,JNES, IA, SI,
VDI, Persica, EWand Orientalia, while the various general Oriental Journals published in different
countries, all must be surveyed for articles relating to the Achaemenids. In addition, Archaeology,
Archeologia Viva, Iraq, Syria, Sumer, Afghanistan, Anatolia, Mesopotamia, and Sovetskaya Arkheologiya
from time to time have articles relating to the Achaemenids. Especially noteworthy was the series Acta
Iranica (AI), published in Leiden, and the yearly reports on excavations in Iran, published in Tehran, plus
the proceedings of the International Congress of Iranian Art and Archaeology.
The Classical sources for the Achaemenids are well known: Herodotus, Xenophon, especially his
Anabasis, Ctesias, the Alexander historians, especially Arrian, Curtius, Diodorus Siculus, together with
Plutarch's life of Artaxerxes, Aeschylus, The Persians, Ptolemy for historical geography, and, of course,
later authors such as Strabo, Pliny, as well as fragments of minor Greek writers. The Old Testament (esp.

Esther, Ezra and Nehemiah) also provides some information about the Achaemenids, as do late fourth
Century Aramaic papyri and coins from Palestine; see P. W. Läpp, Discoveries in the Wädt ed-Däliyeh,
Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research (Cambridge, Mass., 1974), 17-30. At any time the
spades of archaeologists may uncover material which will greatly change our views of Achaemenid
history, although on the whole we may expect confirmation of what the literary sources we now have teil
us. (Additional bibliography will be found in the footnotes.)
 Achaemenids 89

CYRUS AND THE FOUNDATION OF THE EMPIRE

We have already discussed briefly the Cyrus legend and the Parsua, but a few
additional remarks about Fars before Cyrus may help elucidate the circumstances of
the founding of his empire. The question of whether after the Landaufnahme by the
Persian tribes in Fars, rule was divided into two collateral families of children of
Achaemenes has been proposed by many scholars on the basis of the split genealogy of
the Achaemenids after Teispes. It is more likely, however, given the nature of tribal
societies and the broken mountains and Valleys of Fars, that even after Teispes not just

two but many tribal chiefs or 'kings' existed in Fars, and it was probably only under
Cyrus the Great that they were all united under him as head of the Achaemenid clan
of the Pasargadae tribe. Whether the process of unification followed much the same
pattern as later under Ardashir, founder of the Sasanian dynasty, is, of course,
unknown but not improbable.
Although Xenophon (Cyropaedia, I, were divided into
2, 5) says the Persians
twelve tribes, which number appears Xenophon, one should
for other purposes in
rather follow Herodotus (1, 1 25), who says there were many tribes, but he only names

ten, including the Pasargadae, Maraphi, and Maspi. The first presumably lived
around the capital of Cyrus and we may presume that the site took its name from the
tribe. The second had several prominent representatives mentioned by Herodotus
1

(IV, 167; see also Aeschylus, The Persians, 778) attesting the reality of the tribe, while
the third, according to Herzfeld, is preserved in a tribal name of the Lurs at the present
time. 2 The name is also conceivably to be found in the province of Massabatike or
3
Messabate between Khuzistan and Fars. The other tribes mentioned by Herodotus
are more problematic, for of those he calls settled and agriculturists, the Panthialai,
Derousiai and Germani, only the last can be located in present Kerman. Herzfeld
suggests that the first have their name preserved in the modern town of Fahliyan, but
his etymology is unconvincing, even though the area must have been settled by one of
the Persian tribes. 4 The
Derousiai are not mentioned elsewhere, and it is not possible
to locate them. For want of anyone in the present Fasa-Darab-Jahrum area of today,
this tribe might be consigned to somewhere in that expanse, but this is mere surmise.

The rest of the tribes Herodotus calls nomadic Dahi, Mardi, Dropiki and Sagarti,
all of whom are found elsewhere on the plateau, or rather they are primarily

elsewhere rather than solely in Fars. This argues for the correctness of the historian's
assertion that they were nomadic, and also for the possible Persian-Central Asian
(Sogdian) linguistic connections. The mentioned by many Classical authors
first are
(see PW) as living primarily east of the Caspian Sea, and the Dropiki or Derbikes are

1
Many etymologies of the name, both ancient 2
E. Herzfeld, Zoroaster, 2 [eh. 3, n. 31], 729.
and modern, have been proposed, most of them 3
For references see Mannen, op. cit. 2 [supra, eh.
reviewed by Stronach, Pasargadae (Oxford, 1978), 1 , p. 1 ], 356.
280-82. Perhaps the most plausible is by Bailey: 4 Herzfeld, Zoroaster, 2 [eh. 3, n. 31], 731. The
'the Persian settlement.' (in D. Stronach, op.cit. 281, etymologies proposed by him in The Persian
footnote 17) W. Hinz, Darius und die Perser Empire, ed. by G. Walser (Wiesbaden, 1968), 298,
(Baden-Baden, 1976), 58, says the word was are interesting but unconvincing.
Median in origin *Pätragadä, meaning "robbers'
nest," not a likely name for a tribe.
90 Chapter V
located there as well.The Sagartians, who probably lived on the edges of the central
desert near Yazd, were said by Herodotus (VII, 85) to be Persian in speech. The name
is found in the Behistun inscription (II, 79), and a revolting Sagartian claimed to be

descended from the Median kings. The Mardi present problems since they are found
in so many places (see PW) in Armenia, Hyrcania and Media as well as in Fars. There
is no compelling reason to call them a clan instead of a tribe and equate the name with
5
the Maraphi as Herzfeld does. Another presumably tribal name rather than a
geographical designation, which Strabo (XV, 727) mentions, is Patishuvari(i) on the
tomb of Darius, showing a spear bearer called Gobryas, as being a Pateisxoreis.
Nothing eise is known about them except the speculation among modern scholars
that they were not a tribe but a clan, or that the name is the same as Pasargadae. 6 One
may count the various tribes as part of the Persian folk or people, a branch of the
Iranians, who settled in the south and who gradually assimilated with the pre-Iranian
settled population. As usual, the tribes lost their importance in the course of settlement
and the extended family, or clan, and the large unit of the 'people,' now identified
with the land they occupied, became important. This is not to deny the existence of
tribal areas unsuited for other than a pastoral life, but history was made primarily by
the settled folk, without whom the pastoralists hardly could have existed. It was in
such a Situation, the settling of the Persian tribes and their mixing with the original
population, that Cyrus was able to unite his people and lead them to victory over the
Medes. 7
We have already mentioned the Nabonidus chronicle which teils of the defeat and
capture of Astyages by Cyrus. Whatever the facts about the desertion of the Median
army to Cyrus, the latter must have been in a strong position to challenge his lord.
One question which arises is the extent and power of vassal rulers in the Median
Empire and in Fars before Cyrus. Cyrus in an Akkadian inscription says, "I am Cyrus,
king of the world, great king, legitimate king, king of Babylon, king of Sumer and
Akkad, king of the four rims (of the earth), son of Cambyses, great king, king of
Anshan, grandson of Cyrus, great king, king of Anshan, descendant of Teispes, great
king, king of Anshan, of a family (which) always (exercised) kingship." 8 If we
compare this with the Statement of Darius (Behistun I, 6-11) that from long ago his
family had been kings; eight had been kings before him, then obviously we can accept
two lines of kings in Fars. Probably the Achaemenids ruled the most productive parts
of the province — the two plains where Persepolis and Pasargadae were located. Did
other 'kings' rule in the smaller oases of present Darab, Fasa, Shiraz and others?
Presumably the chiefs of the various Persian tribes in their expansion over the
5
Herzfeld, op. cit. 1 [eh. 3, n. 31], 70. Hinz, op. Arlaxerxes I, 2), an Elamite name, or Kuru, an
eil. [n. 1], 104, claims that the Kurds are ancient Indian name meaning 'blind.' Cf. in detail
descendants of the Sagartians, which is purely W. Eilers, "Kyros, eine namenkundliche Studie,"
guesswork. BZN, 1 5 (1 964), 1 80-236. J. Harmatta, "The Rise
6
Cf. R. H. von Gall, "Persische und Medische of the Old Persian Empire," AA, 19 (1971), 7-8,
Stämme," Proceedings of the Ist Annual Symposium eritieized the various theories and convincingly
ofArchaeological Research in Iran (Tehran, 1972), 2. claimed all early Achaemenid royal names could
7
The name of Cyrus has reeeived many be explained as Iranian. His further assertion that
etymologies from 'son' as Luri kur proposed by they are eastern (not western) Iranian names,
V. I. Abaev, "K etymologii drevnepersidskikh however, makes little sense for that early period.
imen," Etimologiya, 1965 (Moscow, 1967), 289- 8
L. Oppenheim's translation on p. 316 of
91, to 'fire' or 'the sun' (Ctesias in Plutarch's Pritchard, op. eil. [eh. 4, n. 86].
 Achaemenids 91

province did maintain separate domains until Teispes divided the age old center of
Pars, Anshan, between his sons Cyrus and Ariaramnes. The Achaemenid kings
apparently were long-lived as well as capable since they brought all Persians under
their banner, just how or when is impossible to say. 9 Possibly the Median system of
rule favored a pyramidical structure of the allegiance of small rulers through a
provincial king to the central court in Ecbatana, a nascent satrapal and feudal System.
Harmatta, on the basis of presumed Median and bureaucratic offices in the Old
titles

Persian inscriptions, plus the passage in Behistun 64—5) where Darius restored what
(1,

Gaumata supposedly destroyed, concluded that the Median state was a more
10
centralized State than the Achaemenid empire. He further asserts that the
Achaemenid kings established military fiefs in royal domains and gave them as
payment for military Services to the generals of their armies, whereas the Median
kings had direct bureaucratic control over their royal lands. This is a plausible theory

if by no means stated in any source, but in any case one might expect the Medes to
have developed a more imperial government structure than the Persians at this time.

We will examine briefly the question of military fiefs below. Suffice it to say that the
Persian tribes rallied around Cyrus, whereas some of the Medes deserted their king.
Whether those who deserted to Cyrus were disgruntled aristocrats who opposed the
centralizing of power in the hands of Astyages is pure speculation.
The length of time of hostilities between Medes and Persians is difficult to

determine since Herodotus (I, 127-28) implies two battles in the last of which
Astyages was captured. The sequence of events may be constructed as follows: about
559-558 b.c. Cyrus became king. Dandamaev claims he at once rebelled against the
11
Medes, but this is unlikely. Rather his early years probably were spent in
consolidating his power in Fars. Two Akkadian sources contradict each other on the
chronology. One, the 'Sippar' cylinder, about the repair of the temple to Sin the moon
god in Harran by Nabonidus, said, "When the third year came to pass, he (Marduk,
god of Babylon) made rise against them (Ummän-manda or Medes), Cyrus king of
Anshan, his young servant, and he (Cyrus) scattered the numerous Ummän-manda
with his small army and captured Astyages, king of the Ummän-manda and brought
him in fetters into his (Cyrus') land." 12 The 'Nabonidus' chronicle, however, claimed
this took place in the sixth year of Nabonidus. Tadmor has convincingly
demonstrated that one should accept the date given by the Nabonidus chronicle and
not the 'dream' text of Sippar, since such 'dream' texts, as well as poetry, had different
objectives than a chronicle. 13 So we may date the overthrow and capture of Astyages

9
If Cyrus I is the ruler who sent his son as a ' 2
Translation in S. Smith, Babylonian Historical
hostage to the Assyrians c. 639 B.c. then Cambyses Texts, 44, rev. by L. in H. Tadmor,
Oppenheim
Imust have had a long life, given the datesof Cyrus "The of Nabunaid: Historical Ar-
Inscriptions
H. Furthermore, Xerxes (XPf, 15-27) says that rangement," Assyriobgical Studies, 16 (Chicago,
both his grandfather Hystaspes and his greatgrand- 1965), 351.
father Arsames were alive when his father Darius l3
Tadmor, op. eil. [n. 12], 352-54. The verse
became king! It is by no means impossible for aecount of the same time period, with many
several generations to span a large extent of time, lacunae, trans. by S. Smith, Babylonian Historical
but his Statement is nonetheless remarkable. Texts, 86-91 and in Pritchard, op. cit. [eh. 4, n. 86],
,

10
Harmatta, "The Rise of the Old Persian
J. 312-15, cannot be used for chronology.
Empire", AA, 19 (1971), 14-15.
M. Dandamaev, "Politische und wirtschaft-
liche Geschichte," Historia, 18 (1972), 16.
92 Chapter V
at 550/549 b.c., but we still do not know when hostilities began or how long they
lasted.Although frequently asserted, there is no evidence that Cyrus made an alliance
with Nabonidus, ruler of Babylonia, against Astyages. If an alliance were made by
Cyrus with anyone against Astyages, it would have been more likely with other
Iranian peoples or tribes than with the Babylonians, although the accounts of Classical
14
authors are not reliable in this matter. What is certain is that Cyrus plundered the
treasury of Ecbatana and took the spoils to Fars, perhaps to his new capital at
Pasargadae. The fate of Astyages according to Herodotus (I, 130) was to live with.
Cyrus until he died, or he was banished and accidentally killed later (Ctesias, para 5).
Neither the Cyrus saga, Xenophon's Cyropaedia, nor any source, says that Astyages
was executed by Cyrus, so we may suppose he was treated well. After this conquest
Cyrus had to insure fealty of his new Median subjects to himself and the Persians

(Justin 1, 7, 2). Whether at this time Cyrus undertook expeditions to the east beyond

the borders of former Median control is unknown but not improbable. What we do
know, however, is the outcome of the war with Lydia in the west.
According to the 'Nabonidus Chronicle' in the ninth year of his reign (547 b.c.), "in
Nisan (April-May) Cyrus, king of Persis, called up his army and crossed the Tigris
below the town Arbela. In the month Ayar (May-June) he marched against the
country Lu killed its king, took his possessions, put (there) a garrison of his own.
. . .

Afterwards, his garrison as well as the king remained there." Much controversy has
raged about the identity of the country name beginning with Lu-, many scholars
suggesting Lydia, in spite of the testimony of Classical authors that the king of Lydia
was not killed by Cyrus. 15 Hinz proposed to read Su- and reconstruct Suhi, a district
on the middle Euphrates, but this emendation is not generally accepted. 16 Another
Suggestion, that the word for 'kill' (col. II, 17-idük) can also mean 'beat' or 'crush'
militarily, would bring the Akkadian source in line with the other sources. Again, we
have only Herodotus (I, 75-91), among the Classical writers, who gives a detailed
account of the of Lydia to Cyrus. According to the historian, hostilities were
fall

opened by Croesus, the Lydian king, by crossing the Halys River which had been the
boundary with the Median State to the east. Cyrus marched to meet the Lydians, but
in a hard fought battle neither side was victorious. Croesus went into winter quarters
with the intention of renewing the war in the spring with the aid
at his capital Sardis
of the Egyptians and Ionians. Cyrus, however, did not wait but came to Sardis and
after a skirmish besieged Croesus in his capital and after fourteen days captured it. At
first Cyrus prepared a pyre for the defeated monarch but after lighting it he changed
his mind; the fire was extinguished and Croesus was taken as a prisoner into Iran.

14
See the discussion in I. V. Pyankov, "Borba Chronicle and the Fall of Lydia," AJAH, 2
Kira s Astiagom," VDI (1971), part 3, 16-36 and (1978), 97-116, with no definite conclusion.
83-93. ' 6 Hinz, op. cit. [n. 1 97. The exact location of
],
15
According to Dandamaev, supra, Persien, 95, Suhi is uncertain, but presumably it was in some
"Laut babylonischen Quellen sei Kroisos mit dem way either tributary to or under the rule of
Tode bestraft worden." His plural is unwarranted, Babylonia. Cyrus would have crossed the Tigris to
for the only Babylonian text which is relevant is the go west in any case, whether against Suhi or Lydia,
one under discussion. The Greek texts are Hero- so neither that sentence nor the date (usually
dotus, Ctesias and their successors. On the reading interpreted as 547 or 546 B.c.) helps us to decide
of the chronicle see J. Cargill, "The Nabonidus exactly where Cyrus went.
 Achaemeniäs 93

Greek vases showing Croesus on the pyre do not contradict the account of Herodotus,
17
as implied by some scholars.
Much has been written about the first contacts of the Persians with the Ionian
Greeks, but Cyrus clearly did not put much weight on their importance after the fall
of Sardis, for there is no reason to doubt Herodotus (1, 153) who says that Cyrus left
the conquest of the coastal Ionian cities to a general, while he himself, with Croesus,
went to Ecbatana, to prepare for the conquest of Babylonia, the Bactrians, Sakas, and
Egypt, which problems were more on his mind. The Ionian cities, as well as Caria,
Lycia and Phrygia, were conquered by two Median generals, first Mazares and, after
his death, Harpagos, according to Herodotus. The Greco-Persian wars, and relations
between the two, were long regarded as a conflict between democracy and autocracy,
but this simplistic view has long been abandoned. It is not the purpose of this work to
repeat what H. Bengtson has already described, but some of the events seen from the
Persian rather than the Greek side may change our traditional views of history based
on both sources and prejudices from one side alone. 18 First, changes in the
administration of the far west of the Achaemenid Empire were not made overnight,
but were developed over much time; most of them, as we shall see, were initiated by
Darius and his successors. Second, Anatolia was not Greek territory, and the Ionians
themselves were invaders and colonizers, not always a boon and blessing to the
natives as frequently has been proclaimed. Third, the vacillations and changes,
alliances and policies of the Ionian coastal cities, frequently the result of extensive
bribery, do not present an edifying picture of the Greeks. Just as all Greeks did not
follow Athens, so not all Achaemenid governors or satraps did what the court at
Persepolis ordered. This does not mean that Greeks were satisfied under Persian rule,
any more than were the Egyptians or others, but the relative loyalty of the Ionian
Greeks compared, for example, to the Egyptians, to Achaemenid rule bears inves-
tigation, which we will attempt to explain after a survey of the later fortunes of the
empire.
Cyrus probably turned his attention to the east after the conquest of Lydia, in the
years 546-539 b.c. Herodotus (I, 177-78) says that while Harpagos ravaged the
'lower' parts of Asia, Cyrus conquered 'upper' Asia, all of its peoples and not except-
ing any, after which Cyrus turned his attention to the Assyrians (meaning the
Babylonians). This usually has been interpreted to mean that Cyrus conquered the
Khlopin has argued that the words
eastern regions before his advance on Babylon, but
of Herodotus only refer to Asia Minor and not to the east. 19 On the basis of the

17
Xenophon, Cyropaedia, VII, 2, 3, has nothing 18
H. Bengtson, Griechische Geschichtes (Mu-
about the pyre nor does Ctesias, 4. All agree that nich, 1977), 130-31. The Interpretation of Greek
Croesus was well treated by Cyrus. The scenes on actions as part of a great power struggle between
the amphorae, however, show Croesus immolat- Carthaginians in the west and Persians in the east
ing himself, probably merely following a canon of with the Greeks defending liberty between the
art. Cf. J. D. Beazley, Altic Red-Figure Vase-Painters two is an example of imposing modern concepts
(Oxford, 1963), 238; on a poem regarding this on the past thereby distorting our understanding.
scene see S. Smith, "Illustrations to Bacchylides," ,9 I. N. Khlopin, "Baktriiskü pokhod Kira II,"

Joi/rna/o/"He;/e«iV:SfM</iei,18(1898) > 267,andJ.G. AF, 1 (1974), 208.

Pedley, Ancient Literary Sources on Sardis (Cam-
bridge, Mass., 1972), 41.
y« Chapter V
revolts against Darius mentioned in the Behistun inscription, he further claims that
only Parthia and Hyrcania had been under Median rule, since both areas supported
the Median rebel against Darius while Bactria, Arachosia, Sogdia, and other areas in
the east remained true to Darius, evidence of their prior Submission to Cyrus as part of
a Bactrian kingdom conquered by Cyrus. Again, the truth cannot be determined and
other sources, such as Xenophon, Berossus, or Justin do not help in this regard. 20 No
one disputes the conquests of Cyrus in the east and in Central Asia, because of the
town of Kureskhata (Latin: Cyreschata), medieval Kurkath, and the story of the
Arimaspi in Central Asia as supporters of Cyrus, but the question is when did he
conquer them? 21 Since the conquest of Babylon took place in October 539 B.c. it is
not easy to believe that Cyrus spent several years without any activity simply resting
in palaces on the Iranian plateau. Just how much territory he conquered in the east
before Babylon and how much just before his death unfortunately cannot be
determined.
The fall of Babylon was an important event in world history. Many inscriptions of
Nabonidus, last king of Babylonia, are known and a fairly detailed account of his stay
in the north Arabian oasis of Taima, until about 540 b.c., his building activities, and
reconstruction of the temple to the deity Sin in Harran, can now be reconstructed.
The Babylonians were unhappy with their ruler and in the famous cuneiform
'Nabonidus' chronicle we month Tashritu when Cyrus
hear the story: "In the
attacked the army of Akad in Opis on the of Akkad revolted,
Tigris, the inhabitants
but he (Nabonidus) massacred the confused inhabitants. The fourteenth day, Sippar
was seized, without battle. Nabonidus fled. The sixteenth day, Ugbaru governor of
Gutium (hodie west Kurdistan) and the army of Cyrus entered Babylon without
battle. Afterwards Nabonidus was arrested in Babylon when he returned (there)

In the month of Arahsammu, the third day (29 October 539 b.c.) Cyrus entered
Babylon green twigs were spread in front of him — the State of 'peace' was imposed on
;

the city." 22 Akkadian sources teil us how Nabonidus did not come to Babylon for the
new year's festival in honor of Marduk until the year before the fall of the city. The
great 'Median wall' between the two rivers at Sippar did not halt the invaders, and
many captive peoples in Babylon looked upon Cyrus as a deliverer. Certainly Isaiah
(eh. 35, 40-55) and Ezra (eh. 1) testify to the high regard held for the Persian
conqueror by some of his new subjeets. Cyrus regarded himself as a legitimate ruler of
Babylonia and performed ritual acts in a temple of Marduk to conciliate the citizenry,
and if we are to believe the cuneiform sources he did just that. These sources, however,

20
Contrary to Dandamaev, supra, Persien, 96. (1947), 163-66 (also Strabo, 517) and for the
The useof the word kotoo 'lower' or 'seaward' Arimaspi seeDiod, XVII, 81, also in Aman VI, 24,
Asia, isambiguous;inHerodotusit wouldseem to Curtius (VII, 3), etc., although their location is
refer to the coastal areas
of Asia Minor, while the uncertain. Accounts of the meeting between Cyrus
rest of Asia would be the east, and not just the and Zoroaster in eastern Iran, as several scholars
mountainous areas of Anatolia as opposed to the have proposed, is only fascinating fantasy.
coast. Earlier.thehorizonsoftheGreeksmay have 22 The
Pntchard, op. cit. [eh. 4, n. 86], 306.
been limited such that Asia meant only Anatolia, Cyrus cylinder 315-16) has much the same,
(ibid.,
but by the time of Herodotus (e.g., I, 4) Asia with many praises for Cyrus and his close
represented much more. relationship with Marduk the god of Babylon.
On the city (today Ura-tyube) cf. references The new inscriptions of Nabonidus from Taima
in E. Benveniste, "La ville de Cyreschata," JA relate to his stay there.
 Achaemenids 95

m ay be propaganda documents for Cyrus; the account in Herodotus (1, 189-191) teils

how Cyrus after a long siege changed the course of the river (Euphrates, sie) and
entered the city by a trick, a good story but unacceptable as history.

After the conquest of Babylon, "all the kings of the entire world from the Upper
(Mediterranean) to the lower (Persian Gulf) Sea, those are seated in throne who
rooms, (those who) live in [other types of building as well as] all the kings of the West
land living in tents, brought their heavy tributes and kissed my feet in Babylon."
23

Thus, Cyrus became the heir of the Babylonian kings in the allegiance of the peoples
of the 'Fertile Crescent' to the borders of Egypt. From Akkadian business documents it
is Cyrus introduced no great changes in the economy or the practices of his
clear that
new subjeet peoples, and no aecounts of rebellions or resistance to Cyrus have been
found, rather local officials, prices, etc. continued much as before Cyrus. 24 From
Akkadian sources Dandamaev has concluded that Cambyses, son of Cyrus, was made
king of Babylon shortly after the conquest, but then was removed and finally
reinstated about 530 b.c. shortly before the last campaign and death of Cyrus in the
25 Undoubtedly in the years after the fall of Babylon, Cyrus
east. was involved in the
consolidation of the 'Fertile Crescent,' as well as other parts of the empire before an
attack on Egypt. Because of the raids of nomads against the Settlements in the
northeast of his empire Cyrus had to undertake an expedition against the Massagetai,
who roamed east of the Caspian Sea. In a battle against them he lost his life in the
summer of 530 b.c. 26 The 'Cyrus Saga,' of course, relates the events leading to his
death, but doubtless many versions of his end existed. According to Herodotus (I,
205-15) Cyrus crossed the Araxes River to fight the queen of his opponents. Much
has been written about this river, some claiming it to be the river of the same name in
Transcaucasia, but Pyankov in a series of articles convincingly identified it as the
lower Oxus by the Aral Sea, and he has elueidated the various versions of the war. 27
First victorious, Cyrus was subsequently defeated and slain, but his body presumably

was secured by the Persians and brought to Pasargadae for burial. If we aeeept
Herodotus (1, 214) that Cyrus had reigned twenty-nine years, he was about sixty-nine
when he died, and Cambyses sueeeeded him, with no Opposition that has been
recorded, at the end of August 530 b.c. according to Akkadian documents.
Cyrus has an excellent reputation in history, apparently well deserved. 28 It is
generally agreed that Pasargadae was his capital, for this is the only site which has
inscriptions with his name. The inscriptions there have raised many problems about

Ibid., 316. several scholars have proposed ; see W. B. Henning,

24
Cf. Dandamaev, supra, Persien, 99. Zoroasler [eh. 3, n. 29], 23, n. 2. The name might be
Ibid., 102, and note 406 with sources. It is interpreted as 'great Getae'.
quite probable that 27
Ugbaru, Commander of the I. V. Pyankov, "K Voprosu o marshrute
army that entered Babylon, held the title 'king of pokhoda Kira II na Massagetov," VDI (1964), part
Babylon' under Cyrus until his death a short time 3, 115-30; "Khorasmii Gekateya Miletskogo,"
after the conquest. Cf. W. H. Shea, "An unrecog- VDI (1972), part 2, 2-21, and "Massagety
nized vassal king of Babylon in the early Gerodota," VDI (1975), part 2, 46-70. Less likely
Achaemenid period," Andrews University Seminary is an identification of the river as the Jaxartes as
Series, 9 (Berrien Sorings, 118.
Michigan, 1971), 113 does Hinz, op. cit. [n. 1],
foll. 28
Herodotus (III, 89) writes the Persians say
The date is from Akkadian documents; see "Darius Cambyses a despot but
arius was a huckster, Can
Dandamaev, supra, Persien, 103. The name Massa- /rus a father," while Xenophon's
Cyrus Xenopl Cyropaedia is a
getai is not related to 'fish eaters,' or 'great Sakas,' as continuous eulogy of Cyrus.
96 Chapter V
the origins of the Old Persian cuneiform writing System which has a large literature
and many partisans of the view that the Old Persian System of writing existed long
before Darius. 29 The linguistic, artistic, archaeological and historical arguments
advanced by those scholars who support the antiquity of the System of writing would
require volumes to elucidate, but the inscriptions of Cyrus at Pasargadae using the
first person Singular pronoun provide the primary textual basis for the position that

the Old Persian cuneiform writing existed before Darius. Others are just as vehement
in defending the thesis that Darius invented the System of writing, based primarily on
30
a famous 'letter' of Themistocles and paragraph 70 of the Behistun inscription. The
'letter' mentions gold and silver vessels in Greece inscribed "with the old Assyrian

letters, not those which Darius, father of Xerxes, recently wrote for the Persians." 31
Without going into further discussion, a compromise between the two camps may be
reached in proposing that Cyrus, or someone even earlier than he, may have ordered
work begun on a System of writing for Iranian comparable to Akkadian and Elamite,
but it came to fruition only under Darius who surely had more inscriptions written in
it than anyone eise, and he let this be known throughout the ancient world.

To return to Pasargadae, archaeologists have determined that Cyrus did build an

acropolis with massive stonework, and the basic ideas for the masonry probably came
from Lydia and Ionia since masons' marks here are duplicates of those found at
32 This would indicate a date for the building activity at Pasargadae after the
Sardis.
conquest of Lydia. Cyrus' tomb and his palaces show similar influences from the west,
although the end result is a unique blend, the beginning of Achaemenid art and
architecture so often characterized as syncretic. While the remains at Pasargadae are at
present not as impressive as those of Persepolis, with their original gardens and water
courses Pasargadae bespeaks the character of Cyrus as reported in Classical sources,
whereas Persepolis is ostentatious and more in character with Darius and his
successors.

CAMBYSES AND THE 'USURPATION' OF GAUMATA

Cambyses is known in the sources for his conquest of Egypt, already planned during
the lifetime of his father. 33 It already has been mentioned that, according to Akkadian

29
Morerecent discussion on the pre-Darius writing System was introduced by Darius is W.
origin of the System of writing are: I. M. Hinz; cf. especially his "Die Entstehung der
Dyakonov, "The Origin of the 'Old Persian' altpersischen Schrift," AMI (1968), 95-98; also J.

Writing System," in Boyce and Gershevitch, eds., Harmatta, "The Bisutun and the
Inscription
supra, Henning Volume, 98-124, who argues for a Introduction of the Old Persian Cuneiform
Median origin of the writing System. In this he is Script," AAH, 14 (1966), 255-83; C. Nylander,
followed by R. Ghirshman, "A propos de lecriture "Who Wrote the Inscriptions at Pasargadae,"
cuneiforme vieux-perse," JNES, 24 (1965) 244- Orienlalia Seucana, 16 (1967), 135-80, and others.

50,J. Kurylowicz, "Zur altpersischen Keilschrift,"

3I
C. Nylander, "AZEYPIA FPAMMATA,
in his Esquisses Linguistiques (Cracow, 1960), 274- Opuscula Atheniensia VIII," Ada Institut) Athen-
79 and with a detailed summary and bibliography iensis Regni Sueciae, 14 (Lund, 1968), 1 19-36. The
by P. Le Coq, "Le probleme de lecriture Greek text is «p'ols iiriye/pairTat tö 'Aoovpta
cuneiforme vieux-perse," AI, 3 (1974), 25-107, ra n-aAaid ypap.pM.ra, oi>x ä AapeTos 6 Trar-qp
and esp. R. Schmitt, "I. Forschungsbericht, Altper- Eip£ov flepoais evayxos eypatl>c.
sischeForschung in den Siebzigerjahren," 32
Kratylos, Stronach, Pasargadae [supra, n. 1], 20-21.
25 (1981), 1-66. "The name in OP, Kambujiya, has been
30
The main partisan of the position that the explained as borrowed from a people on the Indian
 Achaemenids 91

sources, it seems that Cambyses was made king of Babylonia by his father then

removed and finally reinstated. His mother Kassandane, according to Herodotus (II,
1), was the daughter of Pharnaspes,
an Achaemenid (III, 2), and he had a brother
Bardiya, whom the Greeks called Smerdis, plus several sisters, Atossa and Roxane, who
died in Egypt (according to Ctesias, 12). Cambyses is supposed to have married his
sisters, as well as Phaidyme daughter of Otanes, son of Pharnaspes (Herodotus III, 68).

Two remarks may be made, first that succession under the Achaemenids did not
follow the law of primogeniture but the ruler designated whomsoever of his sons he
wanted to succeed him, and second, this is the first account among the Persians of
next-of-kin or brother-sister marriage, which has aroused much controversy in
34 Next-of-kin marriage was by later Zoroastrian priests
fostered
Zoroastrian circles.

but, according to Herodotus (III, marry his sister was against

31) Cambyses' desire to
the law, but the royal judges told him another law permitted the king to do what he
wished, so he married his sisters. Since the Greeks regarded next-of-kin marriage as

disgracefuland against the law, and since Herodotus gives a most hostile Greco-
Egyptian, and perhaps a special Persian account of Cambyses, it is not unexpected that
this sin should be laid upon the Achaemenid ruler. 35 Incest did and does occur, but
among the Persians it is asserted that the practice was recommended as part of their
religion. We shall examine this later under the Sasanians, but must be careful in
ascribing a later religious injunction to the Achaemenid period. In any case, at that

time the practice is not attested elsewhere.

Early in 525 b.c. Cambyses invaded Egypt, several years after mounting the throne
and after establishing his authority over the empire. We
have Egyptian sources which
do not corroborate the long and critical account of Herodotus (III, 1—38), rather it
seems clear that Cambyses was accepted as a new pharaoh of the twenty-seventh
dynasty, and he respected local traditions and honored the Egyptian religion. Like his
father in Babylon, so Cambyses in Memphis kept the previous administration intact,
only bringing Achaemenid garrisons into the land. 36 Foreign mercenaries such as the
Jews of Elephantine Island in the Upper Nile continued to serve now new masters.

frontier, the Kambojas, in the same way as later trans. A. S. Way, 2 (London, 1965), 428-29, in a
Roman appellatives such as 'Germanicus,' by J. speech of the Spartan Hermione to Andromache,
Charpentier, "Der Name Kambyses," ZU, 2 an Oriental slave. The special Persian account
(1923), 140-52, and followed by V. Abaev in about the misdeeds of the king is traced to the
Elimologiya 1965 (Moscow, 1967), 291-92. See tribal Persian aristocracy, inimical to the central-
also K. Hoffmann, "Vedische Namen," Wörter und ized despotism of Cambyses, acc. to Dandamaev,
Sachen, 21 (1940), 146. This explanation, how- supra, Persien, 156.
ever, ignores the fact that there were at least two 36 The best accountof this period is by G. P.
rulers called Cambyses, and both are hardly Posener, La premiire domination perse en Egypte
derived from the same source, while the activities (Cairo, 1936), followed faithfully by F. K. Kienitz,
of Cambyses I in the east are both unattested and Die politische Geschichte Ägyptens vom 7. bis zum 4.
unlikely. Jh. vor der Zeitwende (Berlin, 1953). On the
34
The practice of appointing the first son born Elephantine garrison see B. Porten, Archivesfrom
after his father became
ruler did occur, but not as Elephantine, 421 pp. with bibliography. That
an iron-clad For next-of-kin marriages
rule. Cambyses dated his regnal years by the Egyptian
among the rulers, the Elamite matriarchate may method and from the beginning of his reign, not
have provided a model. his invasion of Egypt, has been shown by K. M. T.
35
See H. Diels/W. Kranz, Fragmente der Vor- Atkinson, The Legitimacy of Cambyses and
sokratiker, 2 (Berlin, 1951-52), 408, the Dissoi Danusas Kings of Egypt," JAOS, 76 (1956), 167-
Logoi or Dialexis. See also Euripides, text and 70.
98 Chapter V
Expeditions up the Nile into Ethiopia and westward to the oasis of Amon were not
successful according to Classical authors. The reasons for the later Egyptian
denigration of Cambyses probably can best be explained by the reduction in revenues
and land imposed on the temples of Egypt by Cambyses, and this action may have
been provoked by an uprising in Egypt following his return from Ethiopia. 37
Cambyses was also disparaged by the Greeks for his fratricide, and even in Plato's
Laws (III, 694) the decline of the empire under Cambyses was attributed to the lack of
discipline and pampering of princes when young. Further, according to Plato,
Cambyses killed his brother through envy that his brother was equal to himself, and
then through drunkenness and debauchery he lost his throne to the Medes, led by a
eunuch who despised the stupidity of Cambyses. Plato probably gives a Version
current in Greece at the time, but this does not conflict with the account of Darius in
his inscription on Behistun (I, 26-27). The account of Herodotus also does not
conflict with the story given by the Behistun inscription, and to paraphrase the two,
this is the combined account. Cambyses had a brother called Bardiya (Smerdis in

Greek), both of the same mother. After he became king Cambyses murdered his
brother but kept it a secret. When Cambyses was in Egypt a Magian called Gaumata
(Herodotus says he had the same name as Bardiya) revolted and proclaimed himself
Bardiya the true brother of Cambyses. The heart of the empire, Persis and Media, as
well as other lands, supported the rebellion against Cambyses, but the latter died from
a wound on the way back to Persis from Egypt. 38 According to Herodotus the new
king was very populär since he instituted reforms, remitted taxes for three years, and
in general was liked. He continues that only a few noble Persians suspected that the
new king was in truth an imposter and he teils several stories about this discovery and
the plot to overthrow him. The Behistun inscription is more laconic and simply
relates that Darius with a few men attacked Gaumata and killed him with his chief
followers. He then says that he restored property which had been confiscated and
reestablished the people in their positions and over their property as it had been before
the Usurpation. 39 Afterwards he goes into great detail in the Behistun inscription
about the various uprisings all over the eastern part of the empire which he had to
suppress. Curiously nothing is said about rebellions in Egypt, Palestine or Anatolia in
the inscription although they can hardly have remained completely loyal to Darius
from the outset.
In any case, such is the famous story of Darius' rise to power and the overthrow of
pseudo-Bardiya, for both Herodotus and the Behistun inscription proclaim the
Usurpation of the Magian. Just how far one can interpret the struggle which brought
Darius to power as a conflict of different interests or classes, or even ethnic differences

37 39
Posener, op.
[n. 36], 170, n. 6, and Kienitz,
cit. The translation in appendix 2 is mainly based
op. cit. [n. with references.
36], 59, on R. Kent, Old Persian (New Haven, 1953), 119-
38
Much has been written about this, but most 20. Paisiyähuväda has been identified as the present
scholars agree it means he died a natural death of Fasa in Fars by J. Hansman, "An
district
(from an accident acc. to most Classical sources), Achaemenian Stronghold," AI, 6 (Monumentum
and not suicide, or other. Dandamaev, supra, H. S. Nyberg 3) (1975), 304, while Herzfeld,
Persien, 146-51, devotes a long, detailed discussion Zoroaster [eh. 3, n. 31], 1,205, identifies Sikayau-
to this and concludes it meant Cambyses reeeived vatiwith Sikawand near Kermanshah, which is
his just dues' (accidental death) for his bad probably Sagvand in Luristan, an unlikely
behavior. identification.
 Achaemenids 99

rather than as a purely personal clash, is difficult to determine. Plato and others speak
of the episode of the pseudo-Bardiya as an attempt to reassert Median preponderance
over the Persians in the empire. It is curious in the history of Iran that when we have a
primary source such as the Behistun inscription, many scholars do not believe the
40 The truth is
account of Darius but consider him a rebel against the true Bardiya.
that again we do not know and can prove nothing one way or the other. It would be
impossible to even merely enumerate the pros and cons of both sides, but the partisans
of Darius' mendacity cite the following arguments against him: (1) The accounts of
Ctesias, Herodotus, Behistun and others have too many inconsistencies to be plausible
and the story is too contrived to be believed; no one like the 'false' Bardiya could live

for five or more years without being 'discovered.' The last argument is unconvincing,
however, since no one claims that the Magian proclaimed himself to be Bardiya as
soon as the latter was murdered. If he fooled people, it was only from the time of his
revolt to his death, which as we know from Akkadian documents was from March to

29 September 522 B.c. (2) Aeschylus (774-77) consideres Mardis/Mardos (Bardiya)

the rifth legitimate king of the Achaemenids.
(3) Herodotus (III, 72) claims Darius
approved of lying, and in the Behistun inscription Darius speaks so much of 'the lie'
that one is hard pressed to believe his integrity. Many more persuasive arguments
have been advanced, none of which, however, 'proves' the position. The proponents
of Darius' veracity assert that (1) The main sources should be believed unless proved
The second false-Bardiya in Persis after the death of Gaumata (Behistun
to be false. (2)
III, much trouble, and he hardly would have also
21-52), a certain Vahyazdäta, caused
proclaimed himself Bardiya if something had not been wrong about the fate of the
true Bardiya. (3) Comparisons with other false claimants in Iran's history such as the
Safavid Isma'li II, are made by proponents of Darius' veracity, and there are also other
arguments. 41 As remarked, not one of the arguments clinches the case one way or
some details command more agreement than others. For example, the
the other, but
role of the Median Magi as opposed to Persians, or the slaughter of the Magi
commemorated in a festival after the death of Gaumata, cannot be taken seriously or
productive of any policy, or as enlightenment of the historical record. 42 Religious
questions will be discussed below.
More interesting is the Suggestion of Dandamaev that Cambyses was disliked by
the Persian aristocracy for his tendency to centralize power in his hands at the expense
of the nobility, and that Gaumata/Bardiya sought the support of the people against
the nobility which led to his overthrow and the "support of the nobility was
for Darius."43 The revolts against Darius then were 'populär' revolts against the
40
It is not possible to list those for and against convinced many, otherwise he would not have
the veracity of Darius in his inscription. Danda- been successful against many odds, and it would be
maev, supra, Persien, 120; A. T. Olmstead, History difficult to prove that he lied.
of the Persian Empire (Chicago, 1948), 93, and 42 Dandamaev, supra, Persien, 143-45, has con-
others are contra. Hinz, op. cit. [n. vincingly downplayed these facets of the story,
1], 132-33; S.
Shahbazi, Darius the Great (Shiraz, 1971); 7-11, though the anniversary of the killing of Gaumata
Herzfeld, op. cit. [eh. 3, n. 31], 2, 205-09, and or Bardiya apparently was celebrated as somehow
others support the veracity of Darius. connected with the Magi, and Dandamaev's
41
E.g., the difficulty of uniting six noble dismissal (138-39) ofthisasa mere eoineidence of
Persians against a legitimate Achaemenid king, the killing of Gaumata/Bardiya with the festival of
Bardiya brother of Cambyses. All arguments, bagayaiii is unconvincing.
unfortunately, are subjeetive. Obviously Darius 43 Ibid., 157-67.
100 Chapter V
aristocracy headed by Darius, and Dandamaev translates an OP word vi&äpatiy as
simply 'house' in the Behistun inscription (II, 16 and III, 26), thus "the Median people,
which were and the "Persian people, which were in their houses,"
in (their) houses,"
revolted against Darius, while the professional army and the aristocracy supported
him. Note that this proposition is based primarily on the interpretation of one word,

which by no means universally accepted.44 On the other hand the reasoning of

is

Dandamaev is attractive; in effect it goes somewhat as follows: the centralized army

of Cambyses returned to Iran to suppress a Usurpation either by Bardiya or Gaumata,

who was populär among most of the subjects of the empire, especially since a
moratorium of three years on the payment of taxes had been declared (Herod., III,
45 Then Bardiya/Gaumata seized the property of the Persian nobility,
67). who
presumably were in the army of Cambyses, and destroyed the sanctuaries of these
nobles, whatever they were. So Darius and the other Persian nobles, who supported
him, killed and overthrew the usurper, and then restored the privileges and
sanctuaries of the nobility. This explanation of the conflict between the central
government (of Cambyses and the usurper) on the one side and Darius and the landed
nobility on the other, does make a consistent sense, but it is again only a conjecture,
but perhaps better than other surmises. This further implies that Darius was more the
head of an oligarchy rather than an all-powerful potentate, and the correctness of
Dandamaev's proposal can be measured only by the consequences or aftermath of the
accession to the throne to which we must now turn.
The rebels whom Darius had to suppress were mostly those who sought to
reestablish their local independence, and only one Vahyazdäta in Persis, by
proclaiming he was Bardiya son of Cyrus, made pretensions to the Achaemenid
throne. One was a local chieftain in Merv whom Darius, in order to increase his
importance, raised to the rank of 'king' in Margiana (DB IV, 24). Two, Phraortes and
Cissantakhma, claimed descent from the Median ruling house; further two, Nidintu-
Bel and Arakha, each claimed to be the son of Nabonidus, last king of Babylon, while
the Elamites were more rebellious than any other people mentioned in the
inscription, their third rebellion occurring in 520 b.c. Several remarks come to mind;
first, all the revolts take place in the heartland of the empire, on the plateau or the

Mesopotamian piain. None of the revolts in the western possessions are mentioned in
the Behistun inscription, although (II, 7) Egypt is recorded as a rebellious land. It may
be that the inscription was intended primarily for the Iranians, who seem to have been
the principal and most dangerous rebels, such that Darius' first year could be called

44
The Akkadian Version of the above passage, rebel, which implies a struggle for power rather
not fully known to Dandamaev when he wrote, than a people vs. aristocracy struggle.
45
says. "all the Persian troops who had previously If Bardiya revolted against his brother, some
come to me to the palace of Babylon from Anshan reason must have induced him to this action, and
revolted from me and went over to Vahyazdäta." furthermore the main army was with Cambyses.
Cf. E. von Voigtlander, The Bisulun Inscription of Herzfeld, Zoroaster [eh. 3, n. 31], 1, 208, gives
Darius the Great Babylonian Version (London, different motives for dirferent revolts, including
1978), 59. The text also could be translated "the the east Iranian revolts directed against the strict
Persian troops as many as had been collected in the centralization of the Achaemenids. As noted, the
house of Babylon from Anshan." This means that revolt of Vahyazdäta in Persis, claiming to be
the Persian troops who had come to join Darius at Bardiya, at least indicates great uncertainty in the
Babylon instead returned to Persis and joined the minds of the people about Bardiya.
 Achaemeniäs 101

one of civil war. Second, the rebels claimed legitimacy by family connections with
dead rulers; whether they actually did have legitimacy or were liars according to
Darius, they surely were all taking advantage of the end of the family of Cyrus and the
Usurpation of Darius (in their eyes). So, whether Bardiya was really himself or
Gaumata using his name, many people thought a legitimate ruler had been killed by
Darius, a usurper, and the Behistun inscription is Darius' greatest Propaganda device
The civil war then appears to have been more a struggle for local
against this position.
autonomy or personal competition with Darius for power rather than a series of
battles embodying social classes or interests, as Dandamaev perceives. It was a time of
confusion and one can well imagine that Persian troops on the way from Fars to
Babylon, when they heard that someone calling himself Bardiya was raising a force in
the homeland, would return to their homes to support one known for his remission of
taxes and his benevolence, rather than to support a relatively unknown Darius. 46
Again, there are so many of interpretation of motives that it becomes an
possibilities

exercise in futility to seek to divine the true intentions of the actors in the drama.
Two other passages in the inscription relevant to the motivation for revolt,
however, have been much discussed. After the overthrow of Bardiya/Gaumata,
Darius says he rebuilt destroyed sanctuaries and returned to the people the fields,
47
herds, slaves and houses which had been taken from them. Why would Bardiya/
Gaumata destroy sanctuaries and confiscate property, and whose property? Since
Darius restored everything as it had previously existed, it would seem that Bardiya/
Gaumata indeed had sought to change the Status quo, which was then restored by
Darius. Were the sanctuaries those dedicated to many minor or local deities, whom
Bardiya/Gaumata sought to replace by a more restricted devotion to one deity? If
Bardiya/Gaumata revolted from Cambyses, the revolt was also against the army
generals with Cambyses, who had received fief lands from Cambyses. 48 The easiest
explanation of the actions of Bardiya/Gaumata is that he gathered supporters and
confiscated the property of the supporters of Cambyses, most of whom would be
Then he destroyed their sanctuaries, but this action is unclear. Were
military officers.
many of the officers devotees of a cult to Mithra or to a Männerbund fraternity? Was
primarily religiously or politically motivated? We do not know, but we
this action
may believe Darius when he claims to have restored everything as it was previously;
but was the second passage of the inscription a return or something new, the elevation
of his accomplices to a special standing?
The privileges of the Persian nobility existed before Darius, but it is possible that
the seven great families of Iran, which we often meet in later sources, began with
46 gave
As a matter of methodology, one should von Voigtlander, op. eil. [n. 44], 55, has "I

aeeept any additional Information in one of the back to the army the herds, the flocks, the fields,
linguisticversions of the Behistun inscription, (and) the hired workers, (comprising) the 'bow'
since adds information which easily could have
it estates which that Gaumata, the Magian, had taken
been omitted from the other two languages since it from them." The qaSti 'bow' estates were fief lands
was considered insignificant. Thus, the fact that the given to military officers in lieu of Service.
Persian troops from Anshan were on the
(Fars)
48 Attested in Babylonia already in the first year
way to Babylon, only in the Akkadian Version, of Cambyses, 529 B.c. Cf. Dandamaev, "Die
would likely
only interest the Babylonians; Lehnsbeziehungen in Babylonien unter den ersten
therefore should be believed since it only adds
it Achameniden," Fesischrißfür Wilhelm Eilers,ed. by
and does not contradict. G. Wiessner (Wiesbaden, 1967), 36.
The Akkadian Version, in the translation of
102 Chapter V
him. 49 His six helpers are listed in the inscription, in Herodotus and by Ctesias. In
Behistun IV, 80-88 we have:

O.P. Vindafarna son of Väyaspära Akk. Vintaparna son of Visparu

Utäna son of Thukhra Vittana son of Sukhra
Gaubaruva son of Marduniya Gubaru son of Marduniya
Vidarna son of Bagäbigna Vidarna son of Bagabigna
Bagabukhsa son of Dätuvahya Bagabukshu son of ZätOa
Ardumanis son of Vahuaka Ardimanis son of Vakhku

The Elamite Version is either illegible or it copies the OP. Herodotus (III, 70) has
'IvTaxplpvqs, OrävrjS, Fwßpv-qs, 'Y86pvr)s, Meyaßv^os and ^Aoirad-ivrjS, while
,
Ctesias (14) has ^AraxpdpvTjs, Ov6<pas, Map86vios, ^Ihipvqs, No{p)ov8aßärr)s,
Bapiaar/s, and he adds two more later conspirators 'Apraovpas and BayaTTÖ.Ti}s. S0
We may take the Behistun inscription as the most reliable, but the Substitution of the
name Aspathines for OP Ardumanis is noteworthy, since Aspacina is depicted and
named as the bowbearer, but holding a battle-axe beside the tomb of Darius at Naqsh-
e Rustam. We may suppose that Aspacina was not one of the conspirators but later
became powerful, and when Intaphernes was executed and his family feil from
honor (Herod, III, 118-19), then Aspacina either took his place, or Herodotus
thought he did. In any case, we hear of these families many times, that they owned
land in various parts of the empire, that they held special privileges in court and the
like. They may have provided the basis for the 'seven great families' of Iran in
Parthian and Sasanian times with origins in Achaemenid times.
It is not possible to discuss details of the Behistun inscription such as the
chronology, for Darius gives month dates, and when he says he did so much in one
and the same year (IV, 42-43), this has brought forth much controversy. 5 The entire 1

veracity of Darius has been based on this assertion, but many are the possible
explanations, and Darius would hardly put on stone and parchment, and send
throughout the empire Statements which obviously could be proved false, such as the
adding up of dates. Whatever the dispute about the truth of his Statements in the
inscription, Darius won, and then he did so much it is difficult to even list his
accomplishments. 52 Here we shall briefly speak of his further conquests, his
reorganization of the empire centrally and the satrapal System, and finally religious
questions and his buildings at Persepolis.

49
The seven great Persian families became a SHAW, 3 Abh. (1977) 5-40, summarizes the
tradition well known to Outsiders. Cf Aeschylus, sources but does not add anything.
956-60; 51
in the Bible, Esther 1, 14, Ezra VII, 14, E.g., from A. Poebel, "The Reign of Smerdis
Josephus, Jewish Antiquities, XI, 3, and others.
1, and Others," AJSL, 56 (1939), 121-45, to A. S.
so
On the reading and etymologies of these Shahbazi, The 'one year' of Darius re-examined,"
names see R. Schmitt, "Medisches und persisches BSOAS.iS (1972), 609-14. Darius obviously was
Sprachgut bei Herodot," ZDMG, 117 (1967), in a hurry to carve his inscription, since the
120-22; Kent.op. eil. [n. 39], in the vocabulary, as Scythian campaign was added later in the fifth
well as Brandenstein und Mayrhofer, Handbuch, column of the inscription, and the Egyptian
and especially R. Schmitt, "Nachlese zur achai- reconquest is not even mentioned.
menidischen Anthroponomastik," BZN, 6 (1971), 52
Attempts to prove that the inseiption was
1 -1 6. He argues for the reading Ardimanis for the written in verse, or to analyze all OP inscriptions as
Artasyras of Ctesias. The study by F. Gschrutzler, following some scheme of Organization are inter-
"Die sieben Perser und das Königtum des Dareios," esting, but do not throw light on the history of the
 Achaemenids 103

FURTHER CONQUESTS
After the civil wars were over, Darius in 519 B.c. says in the fifth column (20-30) to
the Behistun inscription, which was clearly added later than the first four columns,
that after suppressing the third Elamite revolt, "I went with an army against the
Scythians (Saka). Then the Scythians who wear the pointed cap, these Scythians went
away from me. (When) I came to the draya ('sea' or 'river'), I crossed it with all my
army. Then I smote the Scythians mightily and another I took prisoner; this one was
led bound to me and I slew him. The chief of them, by name Sku(n)kha, him they
53
seized and led to me. Then I made another their leader, as was my desire." One new
theory proposes that this passage refers to the famous expedition of Darius against the
Scythians of south Russia which then took place in 519 (Herod. IV, 1) and not in 513
54
B.c. as usually supposed. Without going into an exegesis of the fascinating
information in Herodotus about that campaign and the description of the Scythians,
suffice it to say that the Persians were not successful in holding these Scythians as

subjects, but still a problem of identification of those Scythians remains. For Darius
teils us (II, 8) that Egypt and Scythia (Saka) were among the lands which revolted

against him after he had suppressed the first revolt in Babylon in 519 B.c. This implies
that the Sakas had been part of the Achaemenid Empire under Cambyses, and
probably under Cyrus, but which Sakas had Cyrus subdued - those in south Russia?
Or did Darius lead an expedition against the Scythians of south Russia, supposing
them to be the same people who had submitted to Cyrus in Central Asia ? Also Darius'
inscription at Persepolis (DPe) includes Hindus" (India) in the lands of the empire but
not Thrace (Skudra), which, however, does appear in the inscription on his tomb at
Naqsh-e Rustam, presumably engraved late in his reign. This suggests that the
campaign against Skunkha mentioned in the fifth column of Behistun was not the
expedition against the Scythians of south Russia, rather it was an earlier campaign

directed against the Scythians of Central Asia. 55

times. See C. Hauri, Das pentathematische Schema (Saka) Campaign," AI, 4, Monumentum H. S.
der Altpersischen Inschriften
(Wiesbaden, 1973), and Nyberg 1 (1975), 77-88. See also the OP
Cl. Herrenschmidt, "Designation de l'empire et on a clay brick from Gherla, Rumania,
inscription
concepts politiques de Darius 1 d'aprds ses inscrip- which might have some relevance to the presence
tions en vieux-perse," Sl, 6 (1976), 33-65. Her of Achaemenids in the Balkans, J. Harmatta, "A
assertion that the word bümi means 'empire' for Recently Discovered Old Persian Inscription,"
Darius is hardly acceptable. AAH, 2 (1954), 1-14.
53 5S
no Akkadian or Elamite
(V, 21-30). There is not possible here to discuss the various
It is

Version of column V, and the OP text is poorly Scythians (Saka) mentioned in the inscriptions, or
preserved, so the translation is based on a number seek to locate them precisely. The Naqsh-e Rustam
of hypothetical restorations. The section beginning inscription of Darius distinguishes between Scyth-
"another I took prisoner" is unclear, but the uns with pointed hats, Amyrgian Scythians
meaning seems to be that the Persians caught one (haumavarga) and Scythians across the sea (tayaiy
Scythian and executed him, whereas
chief paradraya). In spiteof many other theories, the first
Sku(n)kha, the primary ( ?) chief was captured but two Scythians are to be located in Central Asia, and
not killed. Also many scholars have taken the word the last probably in the Balkans or south Russia.
draya as meaning 'river' and have put the action in The Egyptian expressions on the Suez stele and the
Central Asia. Others claim the river was the Susa statue, 'Sakas of the marshes' and 'Sakas of the
Danube. plains,' seem to be an Egyptian manner of
5i
Cf. J. M. Baker, "The Date of Herodotus IV, do not aid us in locating them. Cf.
expression and
1 , Darius Scythian Expedition," Harvard Sludies in Kervran, "Une Statue de Darius decouverte ä
Classical Philology,
76 (1972), 99-132, and G. C. Suse," JA (1972), 258.
Cameron, "Darius the Great and his Scythian
104 Chapter V
Egypt was brought back into the empire probably in the winter of 519—518 B.c. by
Darius himself, seemingly after he had issued a decree permitting the Jews to finish
building the temple at Jerusalem (Ezra VI, 1). Probably at the end of 518 B.C., after he
had left Egypt, Darius gave Orders for the codification of Egyptian laws, which was

followed elsewhere such that Darius was called a great lawgiver. 56 To return to his
conquests, the Indian campaign meant a great extension of the empire.
The date of the Indian campaign can be determined by a comparison of the
Behistun inscription where Hindus is one of the countries which
not mentioned as

'came to' Darius, whereas in Persepolis (DPe) and in Naqsh-e Rustam Hindus is added
to the list of countries. Therefore, in the first part of his reign Hindus was at some time
added to the other eastern possession, Gandhara (where the Akkadian version of
Behistun 1, 16haspa-ar-ü-pa-ra-e-sa-an-na or Avestan upäirisalna above the eagle^ and
Arachosia. As Herzfeld noted, since the voyage of Skylax, the Carian admiral of
Darius who was sent down the Indus River and back to the Red Sea on a voyage of
exploration, probably took place after the conquest, because a 'royal garrison' is

mentioned in a fragment of Hekataios' account of the journey as preserved in Stephan

57
of Byzantium, 175, the date of the conquest would be between 518 and 515 b.c. The
limits of Hindus, however, are by no means clear and most scholars have considered it
only the Indus valley south of Multan to the sea. More likely, however, the name
came from the river, the Sindhu, and would include the people living in the entire
valley including the Punjab, and the border with Gandhara would be the lowlands of
the present NW
frontier province extending to the mountains.
58
The voyage of
Skylax opened sea Communications between India and Egypt and probably induced
Darius to build a canal in Egypt. The idea for this canal was an incomplete project
started by a pharaoh Necho (c. 610-595 b.c.), but Darius finished a canal from the
Nile to the Red Sea and erected a number of steles in commemoration of the opening
of the canal, probably in the year 498 B.C. 59 Statues of Darius were also erected in
various temples in Egypt and Darius took his place as a legitimate pharaoh of Egypt in
the eyes of the people.
The last expedition, recorded by the sources, is the famous invasion of Greece
which ended at Marathon in defeat presumably at the end of August 490 B.c.,

although the exact date is uncertain. It was the aftermath of the long Ionian revolt
on the coasts and islands of Asia Minor, which lasted c. 499 to 493 b.c. and was
suppressed only after much fighting by the Persians. Some scholars have regarded the
Ionian revolt and the battle of Marathon as insignificant in the eyes of the great king,
proposing this as a kind of balance to the obviously biased Greek sources, but the

56 5S
For the Egyptian sources see R. A. Parker, Many scholars consider that the entire Punjab
"Darius and his Egyptian Campaign," AJSL, 58 was included in Gandhara, e.g., Breloer, op. dl. [n.
373-77, esp. note 1. The Persian governor
(1'941), 57], 27, but it is more likely that Gandhara only
of Egypt Aryandes was executed by Darius acc. to extended to the modern boundaries of the Punjab,
Herod. (IV, 1 66), who gives several reasons for this but including Taxila. Cf. Tarn, op. dt. [eh. 1 , n. 23],
action. 135, and V. Agrawala, India as known to Pänini
57
Herzfeld, op. dt. 2 [eh. 3, n. 31], 662, and a (Lucknow, 1953). 50.
discussion in detail with the same remark in B. 59 M. Kervran, op. dt. [n. 55], 266; and W.
Breloer, Alexanders Bund mit Porös (Leipzig, 1 941 ), Hinz, "Darius und der Suezkanal," AMI, 8 (1 975),
5-17. Presumably by a 'royal garrison' Hekataios 1 15-21.

meant Achaemenid, although this is not certain.

 Achaemenids 105

pendulum should not swing to extremes. The Achaemenids found Greeks in Egypt
and in Cyprus, and cannot have regarded them as insignificant, since the Greeks
dominated the seas perhaps even more than did the Phoenicians, who were more
loyal subjects of the Persians. Furthermore, the cultural and technical achievements of
the Ionians were also known and appreciated by the Persians as testified by the many
60 The Ionian revolt, which it
Ionians in trusted positions under the Achaemenids.
must be remembered included Greeks in Cyprus and Carians on the Anatolian
mainland, as well as the Ionians, culminated in the capture and burning of Sardis in
498 B.c.; this must have persuaded the Achaemenids that the Greeks were much
and
more than mere thorn in their far western side. Much has been written about the
a
Persian support of the Greek tyrants in the Ionian cities, who were overthrown and
driven out by the people, as well as economic reasons for the revolt in Ionia - fears
that the Persians would manage trade by their control of the Bosphorus and the grain
61
trade of south Russia, as well as Egyptian trade. It was inevitable that the mainland

Greeks would also become involved thus leading to Marathon. But before the
expedition to Greece, Thrace and Macedonia had to be reconquered after the Ionian
revolt, an undertaking headed by Mardonius, son-in-law of Darius which cost many
62
lives and hardships (Herod. VI, 44). Thus the expedition to Greece headed by Datis,
a Mede, was not simply an expedition of revenge on mainland Greece for support of
the Ionian revolt, but was a continuation of Persian policy to secure a position as
master of the seas, while the Greek building of a fleet and reconquest of some of the
islands of the Aegean Sea after Marathon indicates that the conflict was perceived as
serious and continuous by both sides.
Two warnings about the Classical sources should be kept in mind. First, the
tendency to assign personal motives for all events is dominant in Herodotus and other
authors, and the stories told to explain why something happened, although
entertaining,and in many cases even important for our understanding, nonetheless
must be regarded with great circumspection. Names of generals, governors and
others abound as actors in a drama, but in a survey of the history of Iran even accounts
ofthose important Iranians, such as harem figures and governors of provinces, cannot
be elaborated or even discussed. Second, the tendency to use fixed figures and Standard
plots in describing events does not persuade one to have confidence in the information
given. For example, the number six hundred is the Standard for ships in the
Achaemenid fleet in Herodotus (IV, 87 on the Scythian campaign, VI, 9 by Lade and
VI, 95 for Marathon), while numbers like 700,000 soldiers on the Scythian campaign
(IV, 87) are absurd. That the Greeks were better armed and better protected with
armor than the majority of the Achaemenid army is generally accepted, and as time

60 62 been
See A. R. Burns, Persia and the Greeks The expedition to the north has
(London, 1962), 241, and n. 10. considered a first on Greece which failed
attack
61
See J. M. Cook, The Greeks in Ionia and the because of storms orTMt. Athos which destroyed
East (London, 1962), 98-120, 132-33; and C. much of the Achaemenid fleet, and because of
Nylander, Ionians in Pasargadae (Uppsala, 1970). fierce resistance in Macedonia. More likely was the
The 'royal road' from Susa to Sardis indicates the need to first secure the northern areas which had
•mportance of western Asia Minor and the islands broken away from Persian rule before dealing
>n the minds of the Achaemenids. See discussion
directly with mainland Greece.
and bibliography in H. Bengtson, op. cit. [n. 18],
156—61.
106 Chapter V
progressed the Greek mercenaries became the professional core fighting force of the
Achaemenid army, while Persians lost both their ability and their will to fight.63 But
in Darius' time they were still good soldiers, though poor sailors. Darius, even in his
old age, was determined to counter-attack Greece by land, and began preparations for
a long campaign, but Egypt rebelled in 486 and in the same year in November Darius
died, according to Akkadian documents. 64

REORGANIZATION OF THE EMPIRE

Darius seems to have been the first of the Achaemenid great kings to take a 'throne-
name' since his meant 'possessing good(-ness),' and his successors also selected throne-
names. 65 Whether his own name was Spentadäta, which Ctesias (frg. 10) claims was
the real name of Gaumata, is impossible to determine. 66 If we consider the etymology
of Xerxes (OP KhSayärsari) as 'ruling over heroes' and Artaxerxes (OP Artakhssasa)
'having just rule,' the religious nature of them is apparent, but it is interestirig that only
the names Darius and Artaxerxes were taken by the later kings of the dynasty.67 The
names were a proclamation of the right to rule, but by their own qualities, as well as
by divine Intervention, as found in the inscriptions, where we see that it was by the
will of Ahura Mazda that rule was bestowed on the kings. The king was the supreme
arbiter, above all men, and his exalted position was proclaimed by court ceremonies,
especially by proskynesis, which meant kissing the king's feet for servants, to a cheek
68 The title
kiss for the nobility. 'kings of kings,' as already noted, was probably used
by the Medes, although only its phonetic form suggests this, since no inscriptions of
the Medes have been found. 69 The crown prince was obviously next in court, but
some scholars have confidently postulated the existence of an Institution of double
kingship under the Achaemenids. 70 Why one should confuse the 'Institution' of

63 By far thegreatest number of Greeks serving feld, op. cit., 1 [eh. 3,n. 31],97,'whocommandsthe
the Achaemenids named in the sources were in right will,' and Kent, op. cit. [n. 39], 182, 'hero
military Service. Cf. J. Hofstetter, Die Griechen in among kings' (unlikely). The name 'Xerxes' was
Persien (Berlin, 1978), 216 pp. only used once. Cf. K. Hoffmann, "Altpers.
64
R. A. Parker and W. Dubberstein, Babylonian afuuäyä," Corolla Linguistica, Festschrift F. Sommer
Chronology (Providence, 1956), 17. (Wiesbaden, 1955), 85, n. 15.
65 68 Cf.
It is interesting that in Aramaic documents, J. Hofstetter, "Zu den griechischen
dated c. 480 B.c., the name isdrwi, later became Gesandschaften nach Persien," Historia, Einzelschr-
dryws" (also in the Bible), and for Darius II we have iften 18 (Wiesbaden, 1972), 106, with further
dryhwS or drywhwS, thus the time the later the bibliography. The kings were not divinised, as
longer the name, contrary to what one would some have thought. On proskynesis see F. Altheim,
expect. On throne-names see R. Schmitt, "Thron- Geschichte der Hunnen, 2 (Berlin, 1960), 125-52.
namen bei den Achaimeniden," BZN, 4 (1977), 69 Szemerenyi, op. cit. [eh.
4, n. 63], 321, claims
422-25, who convincingly suggests that Darius that theMedes did not use the title since they were
innovated the practice of throne-names as part of under the suzerainty of the Assyrians and could not
his overall policy to raise the place of kingship in use such a proud title. After 612 B.c., in any case,
the eyes of his subjeets. Herzfeld, op. cit., 1 [eh. 3, n. this Statement is nonsense, if not previously as well.
31], 1, 89-99, first proposed the idea of 'throne Although the title Sar-sarränii'king of kings' is well
names.' attested among the Old Assyrian kings, we do not
66
Herzfeld, op. cit., 1 [eh. 3, n. 31 ], 95, identifies find it attested for the neo-Babylonian kings. Cf.
Darius with the son of the Vishtaspa who was a M.-J. Seux, Epithhs royales akkadiennes et sumer-
patron of Zoroaster, the Isfandiyär of Firdosi, iennes (Paris, 1967), 318.
which 70
is unlikely. Ibid., 365, and from the artistic side see H. von
67
On other etymologies for Xerxes, see Herz- Call, "Die Kopfbedeckung des persischen Ornats,"
 Achaemeniäs 107

crown-prince with the idea of a dual kingship I do not understand, for neither a
crown-prince nor an 'advisor' to the king, or chief minister, or whatever he may be
called, can be designated a 'double king' as we find among later Turkish kingdoms of
Central Asia, or in ancient Sparta. If there was no institution of a 'double king' in
ancient Iran, then did the crown prince have a special title? In Akkadian we have the
term for 'crown prince* mär larri used of Asarhaddon and Assurbanipal, but whether
thiswas also used of other sons of the king as well as (or only) the crown prince is
unknown. 71 Many scholars have mistakenly assumed that the co-regency of king and
crown prince at the end of the king's reign is proof of the institution of 'double
kingship,' but this practice of associating one's successor in rule as a kind of apprentice
is found throughout the history of Iran, and elsewhere in the world, and should not be
72
confused with an institution of 'double kingship.' Likewise the office of 'second to
the king,' a major-domo or top minister of court, is normal throughout history, and
again does not mean co-king. Was there a 'second' or assistant to the king under the
Achaemenids? Again no title is attested, but in later Parthian and Sasanian times, we
do find a title bidakhsh which may go back to an Old Iranian *dvitiya-khfaya - 'ruling
73 It is
as second,' with an extensive literature about it. uncertain, however, whether
the notices about a 'second' after the king refer to a title in the governmental
Organization or in the court, or to an honorary appellation given to a favorite of the
ruler. In either case it does not refer to the crown-prince, who was surely the real

'second' after the ruler, and there is no title attested in the sources. Greek authors,
however, imply that a title ^tAiap^os, 'a thousand leader,' meant 'second* (after the
king), although this is probably by origin a military title, the equivalent of Iranian
*hazärapati-, attested in languages other than Old Persian. From researches of
Marquart and Junge it seems that the chiliarch, as Commander of the royal guard and
probably also of the 'immortals' (royal guard), did act as an usher of persons who
wished to speak with the ruler and consequently could be regarded as a kind of
minister of court or prime minister by the end of the Achaemenid dynasty. 74 Thus
the power of the chiliarch grew as time progressed with both executive orders and

AMI, 7 (1974), 157-59 and especially P. Cal- (Vienna, 1938), 114-15. Akkadian documents
meyer, "Synarchie," AMI, 9 (1977), 63-68, who confirm the association of the king's son as
writes, "Das persische Doppelkönigtum ist also von successor, but never as co-king with the same titles
Dareios I/Xerxes I bis zu Artaxerxes II/Dareios as his father. When Xerxes says (XPf) that Darius
belegt." And not afterwards? had other sons but made him 'greatest' madiita after
71
Seux, op. cit. [n. 69], 160. It was also used in himself, thisis hardly a title. In India the crown

late Akkadian documents for Cambyses and in the prince was called yuvaräja 'young king,' but again
time of Darius II, so it continued in use, but, of no 'double' kingship.
we 73
course, do not know whether it was used
still W. Hinz, Altiranische Funde und Forschungen
exclusiuely for the crown prince or for other (Berlin, 1969), 153, note 22, where further
princes as well. For the designation of Cambyses as bibliography may be found. The expression 'after
'king's son' as recognition that he was his father's seif also implying second authority, is a later
successor, see W. Dubberstein, "The Chronology development.
of Cyrus and Cambyses," AJSL, 55 (1938), 417- 74 For references see Marquart, Untersuchun-
J.
19 -
gen zur Geschichte von Eran (Göttingen, 1896), 57-
72
The co-regency of Cambyses with Cyrus, 63; E. Benveniste, Titres et noms propres in Iranien
before the latter lefton his eastern campaign which ancien (Paris, 1966), 67-70; and J. Junge, "Zur
led to his death, has been
taken wrongly by many Stellung des Chiliarchen der kgl. Leibgarde im
asproof of the existence of an institution of 'double Achä'menidenstaat," Klio, 33 (1940), 13-38.
kingship'; cf. F. W. König, Der Falsche Bardija
 108 Chapter V
control of finance under him, as well as control over the court and protection of the
person of the ruler. If we may assume, as Junge argues, that the chiliarch did become
'second' after the king, then we may conclude that any expressions denoting 'second'
were not official titles in the government but rather appellations, either bestowed by
the ruler or current among the people as a matter of designation of the great power of
an official, second only to the ruler.
75

We cannot clearly discern whether there was a bipartite or even a tripartite

division of authority in theAchaemenid Empire, as appeared later in the history of
Iran. The three parties wielding power were the court, the bureaucracy (perhaps
including priests) and the army. Inasmuch as the chiliarch combined military and
administrative functions, as did the satraps, we may assume such a mixture in other

high At the
offices. court of the great king, several positions of influence stand out
from the time of Darius. One was the 'bow carrier' uassabara and the other the 'spear
bearer' arstibara of Darius, both 'honorary' appellatives given to close friends of the
76
ruler, who might be considered as his bodyguards and confidants. At the court
royal princes, of course, had great influence simply as members of the royal family
(Aramaic BR BYT, O. Iran. *visapu\}ra) and other nobles (ämäta), both Iranian and
non-Iranian, gave advice to the king. We do not know whether a Council of advisors,
perhaps the six helpers of Darius in his time, existed as a kind of cabinet under later
Achaemenids, for there is again no evidence. Perhaps there was an informal, indefinite
group of advisors, the 'drgzry' or *handarzakara?. of Daniel III, 3, who may have been
part of a hierarchy of friends around the king. Greek sources have much Information
about confidants of the king but the Greek words may apply to Greek interpretations
rather than Persian realities, especially when the Persian words for the Greek terms do
not appear anywhere. The Greeks, for example, speak of institutions called 'the king's
friends' (piXot and 'the king's benefactor' £vtpyirt)s, these latter according to
Herodotus (VIII, 85) called in Persian opooäyyai. 11 There
may have been divisions
in the category of 'friends,' some greater (Diodorus XV, 10, 3), others lesser, as well as
different degrees of closeness to the king among the kinsmen of the ruler. The
eunuchs, harem ladies, princesses (duxsi), made of the court a large collection of people
using their influence on the ruler. 78 Also probably connected directly with the court
were the famous 'eyes and ears' of the king (Xenophon, Cyrop. VIII, 2, 10-12) which
have produced a large literature. 79 It seems we are dealing with a chief overseer, the
'eye,' and many spies of the king, the 'ears,' who reported to him about affairs in the

75
W.Hinz, "Achämenidische Hofverwaltung," ZDMC, 117 (1967), 131. The identification of
ZA, 61 (1971), 303 proposes a title *vi$a-palis (piXos in Iranian as Gathic rvaBa- by Herzfeld, op.
'Hofmarschall,' for the second in authority, as a eil., 1 |ch. 3, n. 31], 155-56, is unconvincing. More
continuation of Akkadian rabekalli 'palace chief.' hkely is dauilar, or another word.
His theory in Alliranische Funde und Forschungen 78 One
Cf. Benveniste, op. eil. [n. 74], 49-50.
[n. 73], 63-68, that this officer was always a Mede should not forget the education of young nobles
is unacceptable. It is possible that the chiliarch later and princes at the court (Xenophon, Cyrop. VIII, 6,
took over the duties of an earher majordomo, but 10 and Plato, Alcibiades, 121-22) since the strict
again there is no evidence. Persian rules of raising the young impressed the
Hinz, Wege, [ch 4, n 66], 57-59, interprets Greeks. Unfortunately, sources are lacking on
the first as 'clothes carrier' who carries the bow and details of the education.
arrow for Darius at DNd. 7»
On the ocp^aX/xös ßaaiXevs see Herodotus I,

For an etymology of this word possibly 114, Plutarch, Arlaxerxes 12, 1, Aeschylus, 979,
mcaning 'widely known,' see R. Schmitt, "Me- etc. Among the possible Iranian words proposed
disches und persisches Sprachgut bei Herodot," for the 'eye,' are the following: *spasaka, äxSa,
 Achaemenids 109

empire, especially in the provinces, independently of the governors and military

Commanders, in other words a secret Service of spies reporting directly to the court.
Every official, courtier, indeed theoretically everyone, was a bandaka or 'slave' of
the king, but the word was used probably more as a form of address than anything
80 There is another word anusiya 'follower,' which seems to have been mis-
eise.

understood by the Greeks who translated it as dtMvaro? 'immortal,' for the

royal guard, which was theoretically maintained at the same size at all times. 81
Information was brought to the king by the famous postal System, which was not
new but was reorganized by Darius, with the main artery of Communications the
'royal road' from Sardis to Susa (Herod. V, 52). Other roads also existed, especially a
continuation of the 'royal road' from Susa to Persepolis and Pasargadae, traces of
82 According to Herodotus these roads
which have been found by archaeologists.
were measured in parasangs (c. 6 km.), and he describes the stations and System of
83 The Achaemenids were also active in the
couriers on the royal road (VIII, 98).
construction of bridges over rivers, in the use of boats for commerce and
Communications, as well as fire signals for the latter. 84 Although all of this activity
was not solely for the benefit of the king, his Orders played a dominant role in the
creation of the system of transportation and communication.
The Elamite tablets from Persepolis have not only given an enormous increase in
Old Iranian onomastica but also new Information about the chancellory, the
Organization of work, and religious practices in the homeland of the Achaemenids.
The chiefof court or major domo at Persepolis under Darius was a certain Farnaka until
497 B.C., followed by Abisvanta to 484 b.c., then Dargäyus to 482, Rtatakhma to 466
followed by Rtasura. 85 The picture of a complex bureaucracy with many ofhcials is
clear from the tablets, but it is not possible to put them in a hierarchy or order. The

*kasaka, *didlka or *dltaka, *patyaxla-\ cf. A. pecially in regard to the mythological and
Pagliaro, "Riflessi di etimologie iraniche," Rendi- religious ramifications.
81
conti della classe di scienze morali, Accademia Cf. Pagliaro, op. eil. [n. 79], 151.
82
Nazionale dei Lincei, Serie 8, vol. 9 (Rome, 1954), Stronach, Pasargadae [supra, n. 1], 166-67,
133-53, with references; also H. Lommel, "Die and M. T. Mostafavi, "The Achaemenid Royal
Späher Varuna und Mitra," Oriens, 6 (1953), 323, Road," A Survey ofPersian Art, 14 (Oxford, 1967),
who proposed *spadaka. Further W. Hinz, Altira- 3008-10, who traces the road through modern
niscltes Sprachgut der Nebenüberlieferungen (Wies- Firuzabad, ignoring the Anshan-Pasargadae part of
baden, 1975), 105. Another title in the Elamite the road, which is far to the north and thus con-
tablets from Persepolis has been reconstrueted as tradicts the southern path proposed by Mostafavi.
*apiy-äxüa-pä Controller of the overseers'! by M. 83 On the etymology of parasang see H. H.
Mayrhofer, "Die Nebenüberlieferung des Altwest- Schaeder, Ungarische Jahrbücher, 15 (Berlin, 1935),
iranischen," Archiv für Orientforschung, 25 (1974- 563, and for the word ayyapos 'postal Courier' see
77), 182. The 'eye' may well have been a 'chief R. Schmitt in Glotta, 49 (1971), 97-100.
inspector' for the king. 84 Acc. to S. Mazzarino, "Le vie di communica-
The ears cora or gaulaka are found in an zione fra impero Achemenide e mondo Greco, La
Aramaic papyrus as gw!ky\ A. Cowley, Aramaic Persia e mondo Greco-Romano, Acc. Naz. dei
il

Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford, 1923), Lincei (Rome, 1966), 75-83; the Greeks learned
99-102, and may be spies. Cf. H. H. Schaeder, much from the Persians in matters of
Iranica, AGWG, 1 (1 934), 3-24. It is also possible communication.
that these terms are Greek misunderstandings of 85 See Hinz in ZA, 61 (1971), 308. There were
Offices which did not exist. many scribes and assistants busy in the chancellory
For of bandaka see Geo Widen-
a discussion with a complex procedure of dietating, engraving
8ren,"Lesymbolismedelaceinture,"M,8(1968), and registering clay tablets in Akkadian and
133-46. The remarks on marlka 'member of a Elamite, as well as scribes writing Aramaic on
Männerbund' should be read with caution, es- parchment.
HO Chapter V
divän (Olr. *dipi-päna) or chancellory of later times surely goes back to an
Achaemenid prototype, and in Persepolis many titles have been found for persons in
the bureaucracy, the treasurer *ganzabara (attested in Aramaic and Elamite), his
assistant the upaganzabara, then the jramätar and theframäna-kara both in charge of, or
directors of, work, the bäji-kara 'tribute collector,* the *hamära-kara 'tax collector,' the
*gjdapaü 'foreman' over workers, the raucapäna overseer of daily rations,' and many
other omcials. 86 It is difficult to separate from each other the functions of many of
these omcials and to determine who controlled what, for example, who could use the
king's seal, for therewere many copies of the seal used by various omcials. Another
question is how much the Organization of omcials at Persepolis was common to other
sites such as Susa, or Babylon, and how much was duplicated in the provincial

Organization. On the whole, it seems that the provincial courts tried to copy the
imperial court, but there were obviously differences in various parts of the empire,
but we have no direct Information about this and subjective impressions may give
false ideas if used as proven fact.

When we turn to the provincial Organization, in spite of copying from a central

model, the variety rather than uniformity of institutions is striking. Two questions
which may be elucidated are the role of local dynasts in the provincial Organization of
the empire and the subdivisions of the satrapy. A few local rulers like the Syennesis of
Cilicia, probably the personal name of the ruler in the time of Cyrus which then
became a hereditary appellation, the ruler of Paphlagonia (Xenophon, Cyrop. VIII, 6,
7-10) and others held special positions in the empire because of their aid to Cyrus, or
otherwise. In the revolt of Cyrus the younger against his brother Artaxerxes II,
however, the Syennesis lost his throne for support of the younger Cyrus and his place
was taken by a Persian. 87 Many local princes such as those of the Phoenician cities,
Tyre, Sidon, Byblos, etc., tyrants of the Ionian cities, as well as the kings of Caria,
Cyprus and other areas in the north and east where we have no information, were on
the whole hereditary or at least in some tributary or vassal relationship with the
Persians. What Darius did was to create twenty great satrapies over many of the local
rulers, according to Herodotus, but this was not an innovation, rather a reorganization

of the multifaceted parts of the empire which had existed under Cyrus and Cambyses.
The former had divided Lydia into two satrapies with capitals at Sardis and Daskylion,
and other changes had occurred until Darius' reform of the satrapies which we find in
most detail in Herodotus (III, 89-94). The word 'satrap' was frequently used in
Classical sources both for the governor and sub-governor as well. 88

86
See the books of Bowman, Cameron, Hai- See also the references in R. Schmitt's survey,
lock as well as the bibliographies of articles about "Forschungsbericht" [n. 29]. The fluctuation of
the Elamite and Aramaic sources in M.Mayrhofer, titles and Offices is revealed in the Persepolis
"Neuere Forschungen zum Altpersischen," in Elamite tablets; see R. Hailock, "The Evidence of
Douum Indogermanicum, Festgabe für Anton the Persepolis Tablets," CHI, 2.
Scherer (Heidelberg, 1971), 41-66. There were.of 87
Cf. W. Judeich, Kleinasiatische Studien (Mar-
course, other officials as well as various designa- bürg, 1892), 209, and the detailed article on
tions of them. One official the *padpabaga 'Satrap' by C. Lehmann-Haupt in PW.
F.
provided provisions for the road for other officials, 88
On the etymology of the word 'protector of
while various inspectors undoubtedly existed, but the kingdom,' see the detailed exposition of R.
one must not confuse Synonyms, or public as Schmitt, "Der Titel 'Satrap'," Studies in Greek,
opposedto official usage, asdoesj. Harmatta, "The Italic, and Indo-European Linguistics offered to L.
Rise oftheOld Persian Empire," AAH, 19(1971). Palmer, ed. by A. M. Davies and W. Meid
 .

Achaemenids 111

Much has been written about the lists of lands or people in the OP inscriptions, the
reliefs of tribute bearers at Persepolis, and the names of satrapies in Classical sources,
many authors seeking to reconcile the three. 89 It is clear that the inscriptions speak of

lands or peoples of the empire rather than satrapies (the word 'satrapy' is not
mentioned), whereas the tax-list of Herodotus is defective; but it is possible to secure a
measure of agreement of the various sources for the satrapies of the empire from the
time of Darius to the end of the empire. Persis (Pärsa) was the homeland, especially
supplying soldiers and bureaucrats, and it extended to the ocean on the south and

Kerman in the east. Although uncertainty exists about the eastern borders of
included
it would seem that thoughout most of the period it included most of
the satrapy,
modern Kerman, although Alexander found a satrap of Kerman which implies a
Separation of the eastern part of Persis before the fall of the Achaemenids. Pasargadae

(*pärsa-argada 'settlement of Persians') and Persepolis (OP Pärsa) were the two
and the younger.90
capitals, the older
Media (Mäda) was not free from taxation but nonetheless held a special position,
since the Medes and Persians were associated together in the minds of other peoples of
the empire (e.g., Esther 1, 19, Daniel VI, 8, 15). The satrapy of Media extended to the
upper Tigris in the west and in the east to the 'Caspian Gates,' located east of modern
Tehran, to Persis to the south and Armenia to the north, for it seems that Darius
instituted a satrapy of Armenia, separating it from older and 'greater' Media. The
Armenians are mentioned in the various lists of peoples in OP inscriptions, and they
are represented on reliefs at Persepolis, but the northern extent of the Armenian
satrapy cannot be determined, for the Georgians, Albanians and other peoples of the
Caucasus Mts. apparently were never integrated into the empire although some of the
Caucasian tribes were according to Herodotus (III, 94). The peoples of the south
Caspian Sea coast were at some time separated from Media and made into a satrapy,
probably after Xerxes, but at all times central authority was difficult to maintain in
this area. Another important satrapy was Elam or Khuzistan (OP Huza) with its
capital Susa, probably absorbed by Cyrus after his conquest of Babylon, which
maintained its old boundaries of lowlands and mountainous regions to the time of
Alexander.
The eastern Iranian provinces and India present problems of geographical

(Innsbruck, 1976), 373-90. The Persian rather Cameron, "The Persian Satrapies and Related
than Median form of the word is found in OP Matters," JNES, 32 (1973), 47-56. For the
khshassa-pävan which implies an Achaemenid Classical sources see the detailed article on 'Satrap'
origin rather than a Median origin of the word. In by Lehmann-Haupt in PW, and for a synthesis E.
the OP inscriptions we find dahyu- 'land' and not Herzfeld, The Persian Empire (Wiesbaden, 1968),
the word 'satrapy.' Darius' attempt to separate the 288-365, comparing lists of Hekataios, Herodotus,
military from the of the satrap was
civil functions the OP inscriptions, etc. G. Walser follows
unsuccessful later, while the number of satrapies Herzfeld in his "Missing Peoples in the Persepolis
increased as time went on. Diodorus (XVIII, 5-6 Procession," Proceedings of the Fiflh International
and 39) gives the satrapies at the end of the empire, Congress of Iranian Art and Archaeology, 1 (Tehran,
but this list must be used with caution. 1972), 372.
89
On the reliefs see G. Walser, Die Völkerschaf- 90 Of the many etymologies proposed for
len
auf den Reliefs von Persepolis (Berlin, 1966), and Pasargadae, that of H. W. Bailey mentioned here is
W. Hinz, "Die Völkerschaften der Persepolis- the most convincing; cf. Stronach, Pasargadae
Reliefs," Altiranische Funde und Forschungen [n. 73], [supra, n. 1 ],280-81
9 5-l 13. On the OP inscriptions see G. C.
112 Chapter V
identification. Parthia, to the east of Media, included Hyrcania (OP Varkana)
modern Gurgan ; comprised the modern provinces of Khurasan and Gurgan
thus it

with a capital at Zadrakarta near the southeastern shore of the Caspian (Arrian, III, 25)
and possibly a second capital in the east, although Herzfeld's assertion that *Tausa
(Tös) was that capital finds no echo in any Classical source. 91 The Suggestion of
Pyankov that Parthia was ruled by a hereditary dynast instead of an appointed ruler
on the basis of Ctesias, is not at all convincing. 92 Hyrcania was probably made into a
separate satrapy under Xerxes (Herod. VII, 62), possibly because of its importance as a
border province against nomads, but at the end of the empire it and Parthia were
reunited (Arrian III, 8, 4). The Gils and Cadusians may have been united with
Hyrcania at times, but we do not know.
The Khwarazmians are placed in the same satrapy as Parthia by Herodotus (III, 93),
presumably reflecting the time of Darius, whereas later they are separate, and by the
end of the empire they were independent. This may well reflect their movement
from the region of the Murghab River north to the Aral Sea, and for a time they seem
to have comprised a separate satrapy. The belief that the Oxus River once flowed into
the Caspian instead of the Aral Sea is not attested for historical times by archaeologists,
so the Kharazmians are not to be placed on the eastern shores of the Caspian. The
Sogdians most of the time were joined to the satrapy of Bactria, as was also Margiane
or Merv, in the time of Darius, although later Margiane was joined to Aria (Herat).
The satrapal capital was at Bactra, modern Balkh, with another center at Marakanda
(Samarqand). 93 The independence of local lords in Sogdiana is attested by the fighting
which Alexander did there; unfortunately we cannot say when Sogdiana was a
separate satrapy and when combined during the Achaemenid period. Aria (OP
Haraiva), although included in the large east Iranian satrapy of Parthia and
Khwarazm by Herodotus (III, 93), was thereafter made into a separate satrapy with its
94
capital Artacoana (with many variants) probably near the site of modern Herat.
Drangiane (OP Zranka) apparently was joined with Aria for tax purposes (Strabo X,
516), although Herodotus (III, 93) puts the Zarangians (also with S-) together with
inhabitants of the central deserts of Iran through Baluchistan to the ocean. At the end
of the empire Drangiane was together with Arachosia under one satrap acc. to Arrian
(III, 2, 1), while the name of the principal city is Greek Prophthasia in Strabo (514 and

91
Herzfeld, op. cit., 318. His corrections of wards in time by Ctesias is to be regarded with
Arrian and Ptolemy may be correct, but Tüs was great suspicion.
9i
not an important center. Although some sources The etymology ofSamarqand proposed by
imply that Hyrcania was detached from Parthia A. Pagliaro, "Cyrus et l'empire Perse," AI, 2
and attached to Media it is impossible to trace (1974), 6, zamar kanta 'dug in the earth' is
changes in the boundaries of satrapies which lasted unconvincing since the latter part really meant
On Jews deported to Hyrcania see J.
short times. 'town,' to be sure from the root 'to dig,' but the
Marquart, Fundamente israelitischer und judischer former part was a proper name or appellation
Geschichte (Göttingen, 1896), 30. rather than a common noun. See also 1. V.
92
1. V. Pyankov, "Istoriya Persii Ktesiya T Pyankov, Drevnyi Samarkand v izvestiyakh antich-
Sredneaziatskie Satrapi Akhemenidov," VDI, 2 nikh avtorov (Dushanbe, 1972), 59 pp.
(1965), 43. Ctesias gives no list of satrapies but 94 W. Tomaschek in PW etymologizes the
rather peoples ruled by the Achaemenids from the name as arta-käuano 'righteous kavi-iike' or 'royal,'
time of Artaxerxes II, and any projection back- which also does not inspire confidence.
 Achaemenids 113

95 Arachosia (OP Harahuvati) was an important satrapy

723) which teils us nothing.
which probably had an Achaemenid garrison town for guarding the southeastern

frontier of the empire, at least in the later period of the empire when India had fallen

away from Achaemenid rule. Stephan of Byzantium and other Classical sources knew
that the land was named after the river, but the capital before Alexander is not
known, although the fortress of Arshada is mentioned in the Behistun inscription.
Northeast of Arachosia the hilly region of Sattagydia (OP ©atagu-) and the lowlands
of Gandhara (OP Gandara) may have been joined to Paropamisos, the center and
eastern part of modern Afghanistan extending into Pakistan, which was a satrapy
96
under the early Achaemenids. It later broke or drifted away from Achaemenid rule,
and when Alexander came there was no Achaemenid satrap to oppose him. When the
satrapy of India dropped from Achaemenid rule is impossible to determine but
probably towards the end of their rule. Gedrosia (OP Maka), or present Baluchistan,
extending to the west, possibly extending over the water to Oman, was never firmly
under Achaemenid rule, and it is doubtful whether it ever was a separate satrapy,
97
although for Herodotus (III, 94) it is his seventeenth satrapy.
In the west of the empire the satrapies are much better known. The 'Fertile
Crescent' was under one governor and comprised Babylonia and
at first united
Assyria (which once had extended from northern Iraq to Egypt), and the Arabs of the
north Syrian desert were included (OP Arbaya). This lasted throughout the reigns of
Cyrus and Cambyses, and the neo-Babylonian kingdom was retained as a unit with
two parts officially - Babylonia, and the west or Ebirnari (or Aramaic: Abr Nahara)
over the river.' 98 The name 'Assyria' and its derivative 'Syria' have caused much
dimculty because of changing geographical designations throughout history, but
when Darius or Xerxes divided the 'Fertile Crescent' into two satrapies the old usage
of 'Assyria' for the western part, as well as the homeland of Assyria, was retained, as
we see from the OP lists of Darius and Xerxes; this western part the Greeks and others
were adjusted from time to time but the division between
called Syria. Boundaries
Mesopotamia and Syria remained to the end of the empire, and even on the relief of

95 97
Two etymologies have been proposed for Many attempts to interpret the lists of lands
Zranka, one 'sea-land' by W. Tomascheck sub and peoples in the OP inscriptions are misleading,
Drangiane in PW, followed by Herzfeld, and such as G. S. Akhvlediani, "Drevne persidskoe
another by G. Morgenstierne, comparing Baluchi Maciya-i Gruzinskoe mesx-," Trudy 25 Mezhdun-
drang 'precipice,' referring to the island mt. of arodnogo Kongresse! Vostokovedov, 2 (Moskow,
Kühe Khwäja in the Hamun lake, NTS, 5 (1932), 1963), 373, where the author identifies Maka as
43. 'Georgians' in the Caucasus!
96 98 Cf. O. Leuze, Die Satrapieneinteilung in
Herzteld, op. cit.. 342, identified Sattagydia
with the Punjab, 'land of seven rivers.' Since the Syrien und im Zweistromlande von 520-320 (Halle,
figures of the Gandharan, the Sattagydian and the 1935), 1 17-43; H. Bengtson, Kleine Schriften zur
Indian are almost the same on the reliefs at Alten Geschichte (München, 1974), 83-100. For a
Persepolis, showing persons from hot lands (see comparison with the names of satraps at the end of
Walser, op. cit. [n. 59], 53-55), one would infer the empire, see H. Berve, Das Alexanderreich
that all inhabited the plains
of the subcontinent, (München, 1926),pa«im. Marquart.op. «r. [n. 91],
and probably parts of both the Gandharans and 75, asserted that 'Abr Nahara was called Arbaya
Sattagydians did, but one must be careful in by the Achaemenids, but the OP lists were of
drawing conclusions from the reliefs alone. To peoples and not satrapies.
identify Sattagydia solely with the Punjab is

unwarranted. The hill country to the west is more

likely, since it is hot in summer.
114 Chapter V
thronebearers on the tomb of Artaxerxes II or III the OP text only speaks of the
Babylonian and Assyrian, the latter surely for what moderns would call Syrian. One
capital of the satrapy across the river' was probably near Aleppo as we may infer from
Xenophon, Anabasis (1, 4, 10), or at Tripolis on the sea, although there seem to have
been several seats of authority for the huge region, Damascus being one of them at
least for a time." Egypt's boundaries were always fixed by geography, although the
southern extent of Achaemenid rule up the Nile varied throughout the period of the
empire. Memphis was the capital, and the Achaemenids were integrated into
Egyptian culture as pharaohs of anew dynasty. Fortunately we have more documents
from Egypt (and Babylonia) than elsewhere in the empire, but we cannot transpose
the Egyptian Organization to other parts of the empire. Under the satrap was the head
of a notne with the Iranian title frataraka, the equivalent of Greek v-napxos, although,
as mentioned, the latter word was also used for the satrap. Under thefrataraka was the
chiefof a district, the hpthpC (*haftaxupätä) in Aramaic, which has been etymologized
as the head or protector of one of seven districts, and both of these titles were found in
100 In Egypt perhaps the
Persis after the fall of the Achaemenids. hptfypt ' was head of a

topos or toparchy 'county,' although sometimes it seems that thefrataraka was more

Babylon had revolted in the early years of Xerxes' reign and had
like a toparch. Just as
been brutally suppressed, also Egypt revolted already before Darius died, but Xerxes
put down the Egyptians and changed the tolerant policy of his father into one of
control with severity, as Herodotus (VII, 7) says, with Achaemenes, brother of
Xerxes, as satrap.
On the reliefs of tribute bearers at Persepolis and in the OP inscriptions appear the
Ethiopians (OP Küsha) and the Libyans (OP Putäya), but it is uncertain whether they
were part of the satrapy of Egypt, or more likelyjust tributaries as Herodotus (III, 13)
says. In any case, both were on the fringes of the empire and at times did not even send
tribute to the great king. The people of the north Syrian desert have been mentioned,
but there is no evidence that the Arabs of Arabia were under Achaemenid rule. The
Hebrews in Palestine, on the contrary, were usually loyal supporters of the
Achaemenids even in times of trouble when Egypt or Syria was in revolt, and the Old
Testament books of Esther, Ezra and Nehemiah, though not to be treated as history,
indicate a closeness of the two. The diaspora of Jews throughout the empire, from a
military garrison in Elephantine, an islandon the Upper Nile, to exiles in Hyrcania,
probably aided their standing with the Persian overlords. 101 Samaria was a hyparchy
under the satrapy, and the names of the sub-governors of Samaria from c. 460 to the

99 Cf.
K. Galling, Studien zur Geschichte Israels Egypt under Cambyses was Aryandes, under
im persischen Zeitalter (Tübingen, 1964), 192, Darius it was Pherendates, for Xerxes his brother
argues against Aleppo and Damascus as capitals, Achaemenes, then followed the Egyptian revolt
and forsites on the coast. In Phoencia, the cities of put down by Megabyzes. Under Artaxerxes I we
Tyre.Sidon, Byblos and Arados were four separate find Arsames as satrap after which a new revolt
principalities in a special relationshipto the empire. broke out in 404 B.c. which led to independence
100
W. B. Henning, "Ein persischer Titel im until 343 B.c. when Artaxerxes III retook Egypt
Altaramaischen," In Memoriam Paul Kahle (Berlin, and installed another Pherendates as satrap fol-
1968), 138—45, and M. N. Bogolyubov, "Titre lowed by Sabakes and Mazakes.
honorifique d'un chef militaire Achemenide en l0 ' Galling, op. cit. |n. 99], 165-84 on Ezra and
haute-Egypte," AI, 2 (1 974), 1 09-1 4. The satrap of the Achaemenid governors.
 Achaemenids 115
102 The
end of the empire can be reconstructed thanks to new Aramaic documents.
satraps of the land 'across the river' (Syria and Palestine) cannot be determined as in
the case of Egypt, but some names do appear in the sources such as Tattenai in Ezra (V,
3) under Darius and part of the reign of Xerxes, Megabyzes under Artaxerxes I,
Belesys I under Darius II, Abrocomas under Artaxerxes II, acc. to the Anabasis of

Xenophon 1, 3, 20 (see also Diodorus XIV, 20), although he may have been only the
sub-governor of Phoenicia, Belesys II under Artaxerxes III (Diodorus XVI, 42) and
103
Mazaios, first satrap of Cilicia then of all Syria, under Darius III. For Asia Minor
the list of satraps of Lydia and 'on the sea' (Daskylion) is difficult to reconstruct, for
here, more than anywhere, the joining and separating of territories, plus the
uncertainty in the use of the term 'satrap' for large provinces and for rulers of
subdivisions of provinces as well, greatly complicates the picture. After the revolt of
Cyrus the younger against Artaxerxes II, the province of Cilicia was taken away from
the ruler Syennesis, and given to a satrap, although provincial coins Struck later
indicate a certain continuation of independent tendencies under the Iranian satraps
Datames and Mazaios. 104 Noeldeke gave a tentative reconstruction of the hereditary
post of satrap of Daskylion beginning with Pharnakes followed by Artabazos then
Pharnabazos, but Mitrobates and Otanes should be added to the list, and the list
cannot be checked for authenticity. 105 It was different in the important satrapy of
Lydia, with its capital at Sardis, for Sardis was really the Achaemenid center for Asia
Minor, and we find a succession of satraps, frequently the same persons as the
commander-in-chiefs of Achaemenid armies in the west (Greek Kapavos). Beginning
with Harpagos under Cyrus, Oroites (Herod. III, 126) under Cambyses, we find an
Artaphernes under Darius, perhaps for a time Mardonius under Xerxes, and under
Artaxerxes I, Pissuthnes, followed by Tissaphernes, Cyrus the younger, then a certain
Droaphernes who left an inscription probably dating from 367-366 b.c. 106 Then we
find Tithraustes, Tiribazos, Struthas, Tiribazos again, Autophradates, and under
Darius III Spithridates, with dates and sequences, as usual, uncertain. In Asia Minor
there were many local dynasts in Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, Lycia and elsewhere,
either under satraps or in direct relations with the central government. The
boundaries of such areas, as well as those of the satrapies themselves, varied
throughout the history of the empire. From the names of the satraps mentioned
above, it is clear that Persians, and especially nobles related to the king, were the great
majority. Indeed, by the end of the empire, the domination of Persians had become

l02
ftiU,210:Mithradates,Rechum,SanballatI, legend tdnmw?); cf. G. F. Hill, Calalogue of the
his son Delaia, Sanballat Museum, Arabia,
II, Hananiah, and Sanbal- Greek Coins in the British
lat III, to use Galling's transcriptions. Mesopotamia and Persia (London, 1922), cxli; J.
There are uncertainties of time and extent of de Morgan's reading, op. cit. [n. 103], 50, is wrong.
rule;cf. Leuze, op. cit. [n.
98], 1 53-63. The identity
ofthe coins of Vfemic, supposedly
105
Article in PW 'Daskyleion by Rugge. The
Struck atSinope, names of the of Daskylion and Sardis,
satraps as
and the Abrocomas of Syria
is disputed; see
J. de well as the Commander of Achaemenid forces in
Morgan, Manuel de Numismatique Orientale, 1
the west, are offen confused in the sources.
" S 1923 ~26 )- 53 °n the name Tattenai see 06 Cf. L. Robert in CRAI (Paris, April 1975),
M
'
' -

Uart 0p " L n
io1
' '
f - 91 1- 52 - 308 The name *druva-farnah would mean collo-
-

For the coins of Mazaios (Aramaic legends quially 'solid luck,' but it might be an appellative
'* Y) and his predecessor Datames (Aramaic instead of a personal name.
116 Chapter V
well established everywhere. One may guess that noble families proliferated and
intermarried, with family members holding high
positions throughout the empire,
and genealogies of some of the noble families reveal the interconnections. 107 This
nobility held the real power in the empire, but the bureaucracy was also important,
especially in regard to financial matters.
The later Seleucid administrative division of satrapy, hyparchy and toparchy
probably was inherited from the Achaemenids, and the main function of the
subdivisions of the province was to collect taxes. 108 Taxes were mostly in kind, even
after the introduction of coinage in the empire by Darius about 490 B.c. as we learn
from the Elamite textsof Persepolis. 109 The Situation at Persepolis may have been
unique, since there we find a hierarchy of treasurers, sub-treasurers, those who
apportioned salaries, others who authorized travel rations, foremen (Elamite
kurdabattis, OP and many others. The impact of the introduction of a
*grdapati-)
money economy into the empire must have had far-reaching consequences for the
growth of trade as well as the stability of the empire, and the reduction of all goods to
a common money denominator by royal edict was an event in world history of great
significance. 1 10 Only the great king Struck gold coins, called stater by the Greeks, for
the Iranian word daric (c. 8.4 gm. in weight) was probably named after Darius, rather
than from a word for 'gold.' Silver was also Struck by satraps or by generals for use in
war, to recruit mercenaries or for rewards, or bribery. If a satrap Struck gold coins, as

in the satraps' rebellion in the was a sign of revolt. Herodotus

time of Artaxerxes II, it

(III, 90 foll.) teils us that taxes were reckoned in talents, a Greek unit of weight, but the

Iranian System is difficult to reconstruct exactly. A *dänaka was 1/8 of a silver shekel
or aiyXos (c. 5.6 gm.) a word the Greeks borrowed from a Semitic language as did
the Persians; twenty of them equaled a gold daric, and ten shekels in weight made one
weight of a karsha, an OP word. The relation of gold to silver was about 13j :1,
1 1

but it varied as did indeed the weights and measures in various parts of the empire. In
spite of the introduction of coinage by Darius, it did not develop and receive wide
acceptance any more than the Old Persian cuneiform writing, for the coins usually
were accepted only for their metal content and not for any nominal value given to
them. Later in the empire Greek coinage became populär, even more than the local
satrapal coins of Cilica, Phoenicia or Asia Minor, such that the Attic coinage became

107
Cf. F. W. König, "Altpersische Adelsge- Dandamaev,"Forced Labourin Achaemenid Iran,
schlechter," WZKM, 31 (1934), 309; 33 (1936), AF, 5 (1975), 74
55; 35 (1938), 35; also see F. Justi, Iranisches "° Cameron, supra, Treasury Tablets, 1—4. The
Namenbuch (Marburg, 1895), 398-99. word *ganza, usually translated as 'treasury,'
1
°8 Usually the OP *hamärakara collected the ob viously means 'storeroom' where wine, oil and
taxes and dehvered them to an OP *ganzabara other commodities were stored and not just
'accountant,' and the *dipi-bara 'scribe' recorded the precious metals or objects.
transactions. Other words denoting similar func- "' On therelationshipof*rfdfidfe<Jtoa j/ieiWsee
tionsoccur in various sources, nsgnzsr 'treasurer' in Cameron, op. eil., 37,132. On the value of a karsha
Aramaic documents. See the various books on see Brandenstein und Mayrhofer, Handbuch, 129,
Elamite and Aramaic sources noted in the bibh- but especially Driver, supra, Aramaic, 97. On all

ography at the beginning of the chapter. On the these wts. and denominations see W. Eilers,
whole the satrapal bureaucratic administration "Akkad. kaspum, Silber, Geld, und Sinnver-
copied the central one wandtes," Die Welt des Orients, 2 (1957), 326-67,
109
See Hinz in ZA, 61 (1971), 274; M. also E. Schwyzer in IF, 49 (1931), 8-28.
 '

Achaemenids 111

almost an international tender, while the eastern part of the empire had little to do
112
with coins until Alexander.
Taxes were many and varied, on markets, livestock roads, etc., and, of course, on
land. In Greek sources we find that the revenues of the great king consisted o((popoc
'tribute' and Scopa 'gifts,' or perhaps better 'taxes' and 'tribute,' which probably would
113 Whatever
correspond to OP *bäj- and *häraka, whereas a 'gift' would be *dä$na.
the terms used, State income could be classified as from regulär taxes plus tribute, and
from expected gifts, most of which were in kind rather than specie. As far as the
central government was concerned, State property and the king's private property
were intertwined, although details of accountancy are lacking. After the conquest of
Babylonia, and presumably Egypt, Asia Minor and elsewhere, State lands in the
conquered territories passed into possession of the Achaemenid king, who then gave
this land to relatives and friends. Under Darius this process was accelerated and not

only the royal family but the nobility held hereditary estates all over the empire.
Much of the land was administered by agents such as the banking firm of Murashu in
Babylonia, although other lands were given in fief (OP bäga) as a reward or payment
114 In Babylonia traditional feudal lands were called after the
for military service.
form of service 'bow' land, 'wagon land, or 'horse' land, and the relation of military
service to the land tax was complicated, but in any case, land came to be continually
divided among the heirs of an owner until by the end of the empire military colonists
no longer supplied any military service and the Achaemenids had to rely on
mercenaries to fight for them. 1 5 In land holding as well as high offices, the Persians
•

acquired more and more as time progressed, which cannot have endeared them to
their subjects, and revolts were more frequent towards the end of the empire. Land, of
course, was measured, registered and taxed extensively.
The lot of the ordinary person was very hard in antiquity, also in the Achaemenid
empire, and in Akkadian documents we hear of parents selling their children into
slavery to pay debts. 116 Much has been written about slavery in the empire and

" 2 See the interesting discussion in R. Curiel et Dandamaev, "The Domain-Lands of Achaemenes
D. Schlumberger, Tresors monltaires d'Afghanistan, in Babylonia," AF, 1 (1974), 123-27, also in 2
MDAFA, 1 4 (Paris, 1 953), 1 6-30. M. Dandamaev, (1 975), 71-78. On
bäga- see Driver, op. cit. [n. 1 1 1 ],
18 (1972), 45, distinguishes between (1)
Hisloria, 40, and Hinz, Alliranisches Sprachgui [n. 79], 53.
5
royal gold coins, (2) satrapal silver coins, (3) For the Akkadian names see Cardascia, op.
'

provincial silver coins with the same features as (1 ), cit. 1 4], 7, and Dandamaev, "Lehnsbeziehun-
[n. 1
and (4) local coinage of people conquered by the gen" [n. 48], 41 The land holders in OP probably
.

Achaemenids. were called *dahu-pati-, see Hinz, Alliranisches

1 n Cf. W. B. Henning, AI. 14 (1977), "Ära- Sprachgut [n. 79], 80, the later dehkans of Sasanian
bisch haräg," 355-57. On *häj- (attested in times. O. Klima, "Zur Problematik der Sklaverei
Elamite), perhaps originally meaning a 'pot,' see im alten Iran," AF, 5 (1977), 91, considers the
Hinz, [eh. 4, n. 66], 1 01 , 1 29. On *dahia see Driver, *dahu-pali- a title of one over a subdivision of a
op. cit.
where another word for
[supra, n. 1 1 1 ], 43, province, which is unconvincing.
tax' OP *bära is on p. 97. Gifts were
also discussed " 6 Dandamaev, "Kontrakt o sdache vnaem
usually additions to taxes for special occasions and skota, prinadlezhavshego Satrapu Arshamu," Prob-
land taxes were assessed on the lemy sotsiahto-ekonomicheskoi Istorii drevnego mira,
produetivity of the
land, availability of
water and other factors. Sbornik pamyati A. I. Tyumenev (Moscow,
114
The literature on banking in Mesopotamia 1963), 146, also in detail Dandamaev, "Politische
's large; see
G. Cardascia, Les archives des MuraSü und wirtschaftliche Geschichte," Historia, Ein-
zelschnften, 18 (Wiesbaden, 1972), 33-45.
(Paris, 1951); M. W.
Stolper, "The Genealogy of
the Muralu Family
?JCS, 28 (1976), 189-200; M
118 Chapter V
especially about the in the Elamite documents from
meaning of the frequent word
Persepolis kuttal (OP although originally meaning 'house servant,' in
*gfda-),
Achaemenid times it meant 'worker,' usually subject to corvee labor, but it seems the
word was also applied to slaves, free men, war prisoners and others, hence a general
designation. 117 Slave labor was used, on the latifundia in Babylonia and
especially
especially in Egypt, and of revolts there was always an increase in
after the suppression
the number of slaves who were deported to various parts of the empire, a
continuation of ancient Assyrian practices. Slavery on the Iranian plateau, however,
does not seem to have been as profitable as in the lowlands. Cuneiform documents, in
Akkadian or Elamite, teil us about the different wages paid to various workers or
craftsmen which sometimes varied according to season, demand or geographical
location. Groups of workers on large projects, such as building Persepolis, were
organized into tens, hundreds or more, under foremen, with scribes and accountants
to keep records, evidence of an organized economy.
Trade, of course, flourished under the empire and luxury objects were carried over
long distances, with import-export firms such as the house of Egibi in Babylonia
18
financing international trade. Temples, from ancient times, had been large holders
1

of land with slaves, and it seems the temples in Babylonia received a tenth of the
produce of all who paid taxes before the time of the Achaemenids. 119 Under the
Achaemenids, however, both in Babylonia, Egypt, and undoubtedly elsewhere,
although ample sources are lacking, the temples lost their privileged positions, and
they had to pay taxes and send their slaves on corvee labor or royal projects. Although
the Achaemenids were tolerant in their regard for all religions in the empire, this did
not prevent them from levying taxes and other obligations on temples, although
120
there were exceptions and certain temples received privileged treatments.
Even though vast sums of gold and silver poured into the royal treasuries, the
advantages of living in one large empire for merchants and craftsmen caused a
flourishing of trade and industry. Craft guilds also developed in the towns, much
more than in the pre-Achaemenid period, and the guilds became centers of security
and power for their members. Possibly the guilds followed the same Organization as
the associations of feudal tenants called hatrü in Akkadian, but not enough evidence is
at hand to determine guild relationships even though information does exist on their

Workshops, apprentices, patron and the like. 21 The huge empire did last more
deities
1

than two centuries so many people must have supported the government, and we
may guess that military force was not the main reason for the stability, but perhaps
one factor in holding the allegiance of the inhabitants of the empire was the legal

System.
It is generally recognized that the Achaemenids preserved the past legal heritage in

117
For various meanings and references see lonien während des 6.-4. Jh. v.u Z.," Fesischriß für
Dandamaev, op. eil. [n. 1 1 6], 39-43, and his Persien F. Altheim, ed. by R. Stiehl, 1 (Berlin, 1 969), 82-
[supra, n. 20], 189-94, for references. 89.
118 12 °
Dandamaev, Historia [n 116], 50-51. On For references see Dandamaev, Historia [n.

the house of Egibi, whose activities are not attested 1 1 6], 54.
2
after Darius I, see S. Weingort, Das Haus Egibi in ' '
D. B. Weisberg, Guild Slruclure and Political

neubabylonischeti Rechtsurkunden (Berlin, 1939). Allegiance in Early Achaemenid Babylonia (New

"' Dandamaev, "Der Tempelzehnte in Baby- Haven, 1967), 96-104.
 Achaemenids 119

the countries they conquered, especially in Babylonia, while the law ofthat land, just
as the Aramaic
language, spread elsewhere in the empire. The new 'laws of the king'
(OP data) introduced by Darius made a great impression on his contemporaries, in the
B
Bible (Daniel VI, 8, etc., Esther 1, 19), in Plato (Epistles VII, 332 , Laws, III, Alcibiades,
etc.). and of course the
numerous borrowings of legal terms in Armenian and Syriac
122
further attest the great influence of the Achaemenid laws in the Near East. Royal
judges served in courts to pass on the king's law, according to Herodotus (III, 31 ; V,
25). The severity of the king's law engendered many stories about punishments, but
one must be careful in accepting There was a dual System of laws in the
tales as history.

empire, the 'king's law' applicable every where, and local laws which were codified by
order of the king. Akkadian texts speak of the dlnu or the data of the king
synonymously, one a Semitic, the other an Iranian word, but originally the former
would be used primarily for local law, and the latter for imperial law, almost a
123
distinction between local, religious and secular, and imperial law. Unfortunately
nothing of an imperial law code has survived and only inferences can be drawn from
cases which appear in Akkadian or Aramaic sources. Nonetheless the laws of the
Achaemenid Empire made a profound influence on the ancient world, and the
Romans, famous for their laws, were building on the precedent of the Achaemenids
and Alexander. 124
To turn to the power behind enforcement, the army, one can discern a change
from the collection of warriors of the Persian people (OP kära) at the beginning of the
empire to a professional force (späda in Avestan), the core of which were the
merceneries, at the end of the empire. As with the satraps, Persians came to occupy
commanding positions in the army, and the officers over Jewish garrison troops in
Elephantine, Upper Egypt and elsewhere were Iranians. Local troops, of course, were
mobilized in time of war in various centers (Xenophon, Anabasis, 1,9,7; Oecon. 4, 6).
The army comprised cavalry (asabära 'horseman') and infantry (pasti- 'footsoldier'),
and a special part of the foot-soldiers were the archers (OP ©anuvaniya). 1 2S The army
was divided into units of ten thousand (OP *baivara-), a thousand, a hundred, ten and
five (*pasta-dadapati- in Elamite transcription). 26 In the Greek sources we hear from
1

time to time of a supreme military Commander above the satraps, who frequently

1 22
Plato (Epist. VII, 332B) considers Darius the many others. Cf. Hinz, Altiranisches Sprachgui [n.
lawgiver whose laws preserved the empire. 79], 86, 97, also R. Schmitt, in Die Sprache, 13
123
For a bibliography on law see Wolski, (1967), 208. For Armenian borrowings, see E.
J.
Introduction bibliographique a l'histoire du droit et ä Benveniste, "Mots d'emprunt iraniens en armen-
l'ethnologie juridiaue, ed. by J. Gilissen, A/5 ien," BSL, 53 (1957-58), 61-62.
125
(Brüssels, 1965), 15-17, 23-26. For Akkadian The spearmen were aritika or arStibära, and
usage see Dandamaev, "Bagasarü ganzabara," in other words appear for short sword and perhaps
Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft und Kulturkunde, 'battle axe carriers' (vassabära). Cf. G. Widengren,
Gedenkschrift für W. Brandenstein, ed. by M. "Über einige Probleme in der altpersischen Ge-
Mayrhofer (Innsbruck, 1968), 237. For royal cases schichte," Festschrift für Leo Brandt (Cologne,
in the sources
see M. Ehtecham, L'lran sous les 1968), 524-27.
Achhninides (Fribourg, 1946), 82-84. 126
On the words see E. Benveniste, "Interßr-
The Iranian words which entered other ences lexicales entre le gothique et l'iranien," BSL,
languages relating to law are many, especially in 58 (1963), 41-57. See also Aeschylus, 303-05. The
Armenian. In addition to data we have *dätabara OP word madiSta 'greatest' used as 'Commander'
judge, frapädaka 'tribunal,' *patifräsa and frasaka does not imply a military title,
«ate's attorney'
or 'accuser,' framatar 'judge,' and
 120 Chapter V
commanded their satrapal troops, and it is uncertain whether this was a Standing
only appointed in time of war. Herodotus (VII, 82—83) names six army
post, or
Commanders plus the head of the imperial bodyguard 'the immortals,' as the top
officers who led the forces assembled by Xerxes into Greece. Whether this meant that
the empire was divided into that number of permanent military districts or not, we
cannot determine although it is not impossible. On the other hand, in the army of
Artaxerxes II Cyrus the Younger, only four Commanders are mentioned
against
(Xenophon, Anabasis, 1, 7, 12), which may reflect only those areas subservient to the
king and not to Cyrus. The first thousand of the 'immortals' were noble Persians who
served as the imperial bodyguard, who according to Herodotus (VII, 41, also 83)
carried golden pomegranates on the points of their spears. Their leader was a
Xihiapxos whose position rose very much after Darius and they are portrayed in
stone at Persepolis. The archers and cavalry were important for Achaemenid tactics,
and in open fields they were very effective, but in hilly areas and narrow Valleys, the
Greeks, who wore better armor, usually had the upper hand.
The garrisons in unruly provinces such as Egypt or Ionia were composed of soldiers
from all over the empire, to judge from the Information from the Aramaic papyri
from Elephantine, and these troops were settled on land given them as military
27 1
fiefs. This practice of settling troops in places other than their homelands, gave to
the Achaemenids support against local revolts and was a factor in the long life of the
empire. As time went on, however, the military fiefs were divided and sold and the
system broke down. As noted, sometimes Commanders of armies outranked satraps
with their provincial troops, but towards the end of the empire the Separation of civil
and military authority was rare and the satraps were more powerful than in the time
of Darius or Xerxes and even hired their own mercenaries. The fleets were managed
by the Phoenicians (and Cypriots), Egyptians and coastal peoples of Asia Minor, such
as the Cilicians and Carians. Soldiers, however, fought on the ships as marines, but in
naval tactics the Achaemenids were not experienced. In time it became more
profitable to hire professional mercenaries, mostly Greeks, than to rely on local levies
whose enthusiasm to serve the Persians declined with economic problems on the land
which impoverished many, not the least cause of which was the greediness of Persian
officials and landowners. The armies of the Achaemenids at the end of the empire had

declined in both spirit and training compared to earlier forces, and devices such as the
scythed chariots at the battle of Gaugamela did nothing to restore confidence in
victory, and surely the leadership had faltered in its duty.

RELIGION
The question whether the Achaemenids were Zoroastrians or not has brought forth
much discussion and controversy, but this presupposes the existence of a modern
concept of a 'Zoroastrian religion' in those days, which is erroneous. 128 Both the

127
See the interesting remarks in Kraeling, op. Einzelschriften 18 (Wiesbaden, 1972), 59-82. Cf.
cit. [supra, Brooklyn], 32^t8. M. Boyce, Zoroastrians (London, 1979), 48-77, a
,28
Duchesne-Guillemin, "Die Religion der
J. summary of her forthcoming, History of Zoroas-
Achämeniden," AA, 19 (1971), 35, surveys the trianism, 2, and the article by G. Gnoli, "Politique
literature pro and con for this question, and again religieuse et conception de
royaute sous la les
in his "La Religion des Achemenides," in Hisloria, Achemenides," AI, 2 (1974), 118-90.
 Achaemenids 121

followers of Zoroaster and the Achaemenids concentrated their worship on the great
god Ahura Mazda and both did not deny the existence of other deities. Both abhorred
'the lie' and extolled 'the truth,' as we find in the Gathas and in the OP inscriptions.
This should be sumcient to indicate that both followed the same religious system,
although surely with some differences in beliefs if not so much in cult or practices.
Three general factors can be singled out as the background for discussion about the
religion of the Achaemenids, first the general Iranian beliefs and practices inherited
from Indo-Iranian ancestors, second the message of Zoroaster grafted onto, or mixed
with, the former, and finally ancient Near Eastern religions with temples, priests and
ancient practices. In time, under the empire the third factor obviously grew in
importance, the most striking example of which is the remark by Berossos (Frg. Hist.
III, C, 391) that Artaxerxes (presumably II because of his inscriptions) was the first

Persian king who erected statues of Aphrodite (or Anahita in Iran) in Babylon, Susa
and Ecbatana. This development under the Achaemenids parallels what we know of
the religious tradition in the Avesta, and further what one would expect from the
policy of tolerance towards religions in the empire by the rulers, although religious
policy was always subordinate to economic and political policy. The best example of
the dominance of political and economic considerations over others was the harsh
behavior of Xerxes in Babylonia and Egypt in contrast to his predecessors. The
destruction of temples by Gaumata and their restoration by Darius possibly refers to
certain cult centers of the Elamites and other non-Iranian peoples on the Iranian
plateau, although the details of these actions are unclear. 129 Whether the Magi were
originally followers of Zoroaster or not is unknown, but they came to be the
priesthood of the Iranians and at any rate later the preservers of the Zoroastrian
tradition.
Only Xerxes among the Achaemenid kings showed strong feelings about religion,
for not only his destruction of the temple and statue of Marduk in Babylon and his
Egypt betray this, but his znti-daevic inscription as well. 130 In this he says
actions in
(XPh, 35-41) "among these lands was (one?) where previously daivas were
worshipped. Afterwards by the will of Ahura Mazda I destroyed that daiva place, and I
proclaimed 'let the daivas not be worshipped.' Where previously the daivas had been
3J
worshipped, there I worshipped Ahura The identity of the
Mazda in proper ritual." 1

daivas has been much disputed, from the gods of Babylonia, presumably proscribed
after suppression of the revolt, to the Indo-Iranian deities not accepted by

A. T. Olmstead, History ofthe Persian Empire Elamites became disillusioned and turned against
(Chicago, 1948), 93, followed in more detail by the ruler, whereas the Perstans at first supported
Dandamaev, Persien [supra, n. 201. 234-37, claim Bardiya and then the pseudo-Bardiya Vahyazdäta.
that Gaumata destroyed the 130 and the
temples ofthe Persian For a description of his actions
nobility, even though there is no evidence 235-37, and
that the sources, See Olmstead, op. eil. [n. 1 29],
Persian nobility had temples or cult buildings Dandamav, Persien [supra, n. 20], 240, n. 1088.
whereas the Persian people did not. An indication l31
The last two words artäcä-brazmaniy have
that both in Persis
and in Elam the Elamites first had many interpretations; cf. J. Duchesne-Guille-
supported Darius and then turned against him in min in BSOAS, 25 (1962), 336-37, who suggests
the Behistun inscription are the revolts of Assina Whatever the interpre-
'facing artd or 'arfa-wards.'
and Martiya, both of whom were deserted means 'in proper ritual and attitude.' I had
by'the tation, it
Elamites, although later they supported Atamaita. proposed 'properly with the law (arla)' in my
en though Darius restored their temples, Heritage [supra, eh. 3, n. 26], 127.
some
 '

122 Chapter V
Zoroastrians. 132 Xerxes was acting in a more aggressively religious manner than his
predecessors which does not, however, prove that he was in any way more orthodox'
Zoroastrian than other rulers. No matter what the beliefs of the rulers, from the
Elamite documents at Persepolis, we see that thoughout the reigns of Darius and
Xerxes the deities worshipped in the area were Iranian, Elamite and even Babylonian,
as well as rivers and mountains, offerings to all of which were subsidized by the State.

We find a priest called Marduniya (Mardonius, a good Iranian name) who sacrifices
to the Elamite god Humban (PFT 348), while a magus with the un-Iranian sounding
name of Ukpis received rations for a ceremony dedicated to Mithra, a mountain and a
33 The ceremony called lan in the texts, according to some,
river. was reserved for the
god Ahura Mazda but this is refuted by the texts themselves where syncretism and
34
It is not possible to draw general conclusions from
1
multi-faceted worship is found.
the presence or absence of designations of persons in the tablets; for example, of the
nine persons called magus two have names which are difficult to identify as Iranian,
viz. PFT 1798 Limepirde and 1955 Ukpis, while 757 and 2036 Kurka, also seems
difficult to claim that he was Iranian. Among those designated as 'priest' (Elamite
Satin), too we find names obviously Iranian, such as Mardonius (PFT 348), sacrificing
to Humban, the chief Elamite deity. So what conclusions can one draw from the
Elamite texts about religions in Fars province? The king, and presumably much of
the court, worshipped Ahura Mazda at least in word if not in deed. But the rulers also
not only tolerated, but had rations given for ceremonies and libations to many deities,
including rivers and mountains, honored by the local inhabitants or foreign workers
at Persepolis. Two words appear in the texts for priests, one Iranian magus and the
other Elamite Satin, but their functions seem to have been very similar, and it is clear
there were many religious libations and ceremonies in the daily life of the people,
Elamites and Persians, with no great conflicts between them. One may suppose,

132 34
For the Babylonian thesis see Duchesne- '
The meaning of the lan ceremony is
Guillemin in Histotia, Einzelschriften, Heft 18,66, unknown, but it seems to have been a general
and for the Stammesgottheiten of the Iramans see religious ceremony with offerings in which all
Dandamaev, Persien [supra, n. 20], 239, who calls participated.although it may have been Elamite in

Xerxes a follower of Bardiya in this regard origin. Cf. H. Koch, Die religiösen Verhältnisse der
Incidentally the old Babylonian triad of gods - Dareioszeit (Wiesbaden, 1977), 181. Unfortunate-
Anu, Nabo and - mentioned by Gnoli (in
Istar ly, Koch is mistaken in various details, e.g. p. 178

Duchesne-Guillemin, op. cit 68, and in AA, 19

, that Mithra does not appear in the tablets (sie), and
[ 97 1 ], 29) as a parallel with Iran is highly dubious
1 1 58, n. 200, where she implies that Persian Magi
as any speciahst m Mesopotamian religions knows. only worshipped Ahura Mazdi, but in PFT 1957,
The best explanation of the daiva worshippers is Irdazana a Persian magus conduets a religious
either aberrant Indo-Iraman eults to the east of ceremony for the Elamite deityTurma and Mithra
Persis, or the Elamites in Khuzistan (and Persis), not for the lan ceremony, while another magus
but not Babyloma which revolted and would have (PFT 1955) received rations for Mithra and for a
been described in the mscription in the usual mountain and a river. Furthermore to say (p. 138)
fashion. that no lan ceremony was performed for Elamite
133
References are to Hallock, Persepolis Forlifi- deities is incorrect, e.g., see tablet no. 773. Thus
cation Tablets, [supra, Lit.], (PFT). See also my offerings are made to many spints, which is
article on "Religion time of the
in Fars at the characteristic of folk religions.
Achaememds" (in Persian) in Chahäromln kongreye
lahqlqat-e Irani, ed. by M. H. IskandarT (Shiraz,
1353/1975) 2, 218-21.
 Achaemenids 123

however, that gradually the Iranian deities, with the great Ahura Mazda above all,
replaced the others and Iranian rites and rituals became dominant.
Burial customs always have been an index of religion, although interpretations
based solely on archaeological finds must be supported by other evidence. All dead
bodies decay, and the disposal of them is incumbent on all societies. Cremation,
mummification, exposure or burial were the usual methods of disposal, all of which
removed decaying matter from the living, thus avoiding pollution. Gradually the
practice of exposure of the dead, which Herodotus (1, 140) says was practiced mainly
by the Magi, came to be the accepted way of disposal, although others (presumably
royalty and nobility) were covered with wax before being buried. Some scholars
suggest that the rite of exposure and the collection of the bones in an astodan or
ossuary was native to eastern Iran and Central Asia and then was gradually adopted in
western Iran, although even in Asia Minor of the Achaemenid period archaeological
135
evidence of this practice is found. In any case, even the embalming of bodies and
placing them in stone receptacles was considered adherence to a belief not to pollute
the earth with decaying matter, and the mode of disposal of the dead should not be
used to prove or disprove the Zoroastrian belief of the defunct. know where the We
Achaemenid kings were interred at Naqsh-e Rustam and at Persepolis in rock-cut
tombs, with rock-cut places for family members covered with stone Covers.
When we turn to the Aramaic inscriptions on the mortars and pestles and plates of
green chert found at Persepoliswe find a picture different from the Elamite tablets,
for the names seem to be all Iranian, and a certain fondness for the theophoric names
in "Mithra", at least much more relatively than in the Elamite tablets, indicates at least
that Mithra was not proscribed at Persepolis. The inscriptions, however, are merely
records of registration of the objects, possibly cut or fashioned in different rooms of
the 'treasury' at Persepolis. 136 What is clear, however, is that these objects in green
stonewere made for cultic purposes rather than for culinary aims since the numerous
mortars and pestles were hardly used just for crushing seeds or nuts. On the other
hand, they do not seem to have been used much, if at all, and the Aramaic inscriptions
written in ink were placed mostly on the heads of pestles, an unlikely place for an
137
inscription on an object to be used. In other words, the stone which came from
Arachosia in eastern Iran may have been made into mortars, pestles, plates and trays
by Arachosians as presents or tribute for the Achaemenid king who had them
registered and deposited in the 'treasury' of Persepolis, but never used them. So the
promise of any new material on the religious picture at Persepolis in the inscriptions
on these objects seems to have evaporated.
Fire probably was an important feature of religious ceremonies for the Iranians as
well as for the Elamites who had special priests for the fire ceremonies. 138 Since at

S. Shahbazi, The Irano-Lycian Monuments Ritual Texts from Persepolis' de R. A. Bowman,"

(Tehran, 1975), 125-27 and 154-56. Xanthus in AI, 2 (1974), 193-217.
(FHG I, 42; Frg. Hisl.) says that Persians claim l37 Bowman, op. cit. [supra, Aramaic], 1-5, 16,
they learned from Zoroaster 44-52.
the rule against
burning dead bodies or defiling 38 W. König,
fire, which may be '
On the Elamite 'fire' eult see F.
cor re ct Archiv für
-
Die elamischen Königsinschriften,
I 36
Cf. the book by Bowman [supra, Aramaic], Orientforschung, 16 (Graz, 1965), 58, and the
and the convincing interpretation
of the inscrip- 'fire watcher' of the Persepolis treasury tablet,
tions by
J. Delaunay, "A propos des 'Aramaic Cameron, PTT [supra], 7, no. Fort, 3126.
 ;

124 Chapter V
Persepolis, no temple or altars have been found, the whole we may conclude that on
the court did not pay much and that royal religious ceremonies
attention to religion,
were performed on smoothed platforms in the stone in the open on the heights above
the platform, as Herodotus (I, 131) said of the Persian sacrifices. The answer to the
question regarding the religion of the Achaemenids is that it was in the general Mazda
worshipping framework of which Zoroaster himself was a part, but towards the end
of the empire many influences, especially Babylonian, possibly because of the
Babylonian mothers and concubines of later kings, came into Achaemenid beliefs and
practices. But certain priests maintained what they thought were proper rites and

rituals, and there may have been a school of Avesta learning at Persepolis which both

resisted and compromised with other beliefs and practices. How much influence
priests who called themselves followers of Zoroaster had upon royal pupils is
unknown. 139 One may speculate that by the time of Alexander the Great the Magi
had become the 'Zoroastrian priests' for many if not most Iranians in the empire, and
had begun the amalgamation process which was to result in the fixed text of the
Avesta and the rites and rituals as we know them in Sasanian times.

THE CAPITALS
The first capital of the Achaemenids was Pasargadae where Cyrus lived in palaces

surrounded by parks and gardens with a citadel or platformed area about which we
know much, thanks to excavations. 140 Much has been written about the palaces, the
tomb of Cyrus and the enigmatic ruined building called the Zendan which has a copy
atNaqsh-e Rustam near Persepolis. These two structures have been designated as fire
temples, tombs, or archives where copies of the Avesta or royal paraphernalia,
perhaps for coronation ceremonies, were kept, but no conclusive evidence about their
function has been found. 141 The theory that they were both fire temples has been
almost abandoned, since no fire temple of a similar structure can be found for
comparison, and the stone doors and lack of Windows make any internal fire altar
most dubious. Since deep traces of much usage of the doors on both are evident, the
theory of a tomb does not appear likely, so we are left with a structure either where a
dead body was prepared for last rites or it was a kind of safe for objects. In either case it
was reserved for royalty, and since the Zendan is said to be older in date than its
counterpart the Ka'bah of Zoroaster at Naqsh-e Rustam because of the use of tooth
chisels on the latter, but not on the former, one may suggest that the structure at
Naqsh-e Rustam was erected by Darius after moving his 'capital' from Pasargadae to
Persepolis. 142

139
Plato in Alcibiades I, 122, says a future king C. Nylander, Ionians at Pasargadae (Uppsala,
was taught Magian lore by Zoroaster son of 1970); and A. Sami, Pasargadae (in English),
Öromaz. On the 'Avestan' school in Persis see K. (Shiraz, 1971).
Hoflfmann, "Das Awestainder Persis," Pro/ego/tif/ia
m On the various theories see E. Schmidt,
to the Sources on the History of Pre-Islamic Central Persepolis, 3 (Chicago, 1970), 34-49, and Stronach,
Asia, ed. by J. Harmatta (Budapest, 1979), 89-93; op. cit. [n. 1], 132-36.

my "Religion in Fars under the Achaemenids", l42

also On the chisel marks see C. Nylander, "The
in Mi langes pour J. Duchesne-Guilletnin, ed. by P. Toothed Chisel in Pasargadae," AJA, 70 (1966),
Lecoq (Louvain, 1984) 373-76, and Stronach, op. cit. [n. 1], 99-100.
1 40
See Stronach, Pasargadae, op. cit., n. 1 , passim
 Achaemeniäs 125

Following archaeological discoveries there is good reason to believe that on the

piainof Marvdasht, a number of palaces had been built with gardens and parks similar
to Pasargadae before Darius conceived Persepolis. 143 Having seen the architectural
splendors of Babylonia and especially Egypt, Darius apparently resolved to build a
magnificant complex of palaces on a large platform as a summer capital, but also as a
royal symbol of the power and glory of the Persians in their homeland. Darius started
building on the platform c. 520 b.c. and work continued on it until the end of the
144
dynasty, although the first three rulers did the most. The platform was called a
fortress (in the Elamite tablets birta, OP dlda), but it was more a ceremonial area than a
military center, for the king and his courtiers probably lived most of the time in the
palaces at the foot of the acropolis when they stayed in Persis. The ruins of Persepolis
have provided material for innumerable books and articles on the art, architecture,
royal ideology and much more. The whole area was surely occupied and on the
platform embassies were received and all who came were impressed, for such was the
intention of the builders, the Achaemenid kings. We cannot discuss the many theories
that Persepolis was constructed according to certain astronomical orientations, or that
it was solely a ritual city, for these sometimes fascinating observations have little

bearing on history. 14S Likewise the implications of OP words relating to buildings at

Persepolis (and Susa) such as talara 'summer palace,' hadii 'royal residence, or seat'
apadäna 'courtyard,' and others have produced voluminous writings which have
enriched our knowledge of Achaemenid times but again cannot be discussed here. 146
The false idea that the Greeks knew nothing about Persepolis before Alexander is
refuted by Ctesias who uses the name Persis for both the site and the province, and by
the notices of Strabo 727-28, Diodorus XVII, 68-71, and many others who, though
later writers, quote earlier sources.
Susa has been excavated by French archaeologists for almost a Century and much
has been learned about the winter capital of the Achaemenids, which
was rieh city
probably so designated first by Darius. 147 The uncovering of new palaces and the first
Achaemenid sculpture in the round, of Darius, has provided much new material for
reconstrueting our picture of this winter capital. At both Susa and Persepolis many
artisans and workmen from all over the empire constructed and decorated the
buildings; perhaps never since the ancient pharaohs of Egypt had so many workers
labored on the construetion and embellishment of royal struetures, and an inscription
gives details about the precious stones, cedar from Lebanon, and other materials used
in construetion and which people worked on the various projeets (Darius, Sf).
Babylon was another place of residence in the winter and Ecbatana in the summer,

43
A. B. Tilia, Studies and Restorations at and S. Shahbazi's observations on the number of
Persepolis and Other Sites of Fars, 2 (Rome, 1 978) Steps in the great staircase and other measurements.
73-91 •
146
On
these terms see W. Eilers, "Die Ausgra-
144
Cf. A. S. Shahbazi, "New Aspects of bungen ZA, N. F., 19 (53) (Berlin,
in Persepolis,"
Persepolitan Studies," Gymnasium, 85 (Heidelberg, 1959), 248-60; G. Ito, "On the Function of Darius'
1978), 487-500, and his "From Parsa to Taxt-e Palace (talara) at Persepolis," Memoirs qfthe Faculty
Jamsld," AMI, 10 (1977), 197-207. of Letters, Kyoto University, 13 (1971), 1-23.
145 147
W.Lentz und W.Schlosser, "Persepolis -ein Arrian III, 16, 7, and Curtius V, 2, 10-12,
Beitrag zur Funktionsbestimmung,"
121 ZDMG, and the many volumes of the Delegation archeolo-
(1971), 254-68, also talksbyA.U. Pope, J. George, gique Francaise en Iran, as well as the Cahiers.
126 Chapter V
but neither one had money lavished on them as did Persepolis and Susa, both of which
were particularly symbolic of Achaemenid power and majesty.

XERXES AND STAGNATION

The reign of Xerxes was a period of consolidation of the foundations built by his
father, but was also a change of direction in both the religious and ruling policies of
it

his predecessors, and the beginning of a Stagnation and decline in various features of

the Achaemenid Empire. In an inscription at Persepolis (XPf) Xerxes, whose throne

name seems to mean 'ruling over heroes,' says that Darius had other sons, but his father
made him greatest after the king, and in this and other inscriptions it is clear that
Xerxes was very much in the shadow of, and under the influence of, his father. 148
According to Herodotus (VII, 2) and Aeschylus (753), Xerxes was the son of Atossa,
the daughter of Cyrus, whom Darius married after Coming to power. It is idle to
speculate on harem intrigues which may have induced Darius to select Xerxes as his
successor, but it is significant that he made Xerxes his crown prince, and presumably
his representative in Babylon, although cuneiform documents do not reveal this.
They do teil us that Darius probably died in November, 486, b.c., and Xerxes
succeeded him, but a few months earlier Egypt had revolted from Achaemenid rule
and Xerxes had to re-establish control over that rebellious satrapy before he
embarked against Greece. 149 Xerxes was successful in Egypt and changed the policy
of his father, who had subsidized and built temples and had employed Egyptians in
high positions. Xerxes apparently stopped all of these, and Herodotus (VII, 7) says he
laid a heavier yoke on the Egyptians than his predecessors.
Babylonia followed Egypt in revolt, the reasons for which are unclear. Cuneiform
tablets in Akkadian indicate two rebels were recognized as rulers in Babylon in the
fourth year of Xerxes, one called Bel-shimanni and the other Shamash-eriba. 150
Xerxes was able to suppress these revolts, and he changed the traditional titles on
documents there: 'king of Babylon, king of lands,' to an additional 'king of Persis and
Media,' an indication that the Achaemenid ruler had changed his attitude towards
Babylonia, and although some modern scholars describe Xerxes' destruction of
Babylon in vivid detail the sources are silent about this. In any case, Xerxes is most
remembered for his invasion of Greece, which began in the spring of 480 b.c. The
battles of Thermopylae, Salamis, and Plataea are well known, and much has been
written about them based on Classical sources. There is nothing to add from the
Persian side, except to caution against the inflated numbers of the Achaemenid forces
given in Greek sources. The military discipline and better armament of the Greeks
were important factors in their victories. The later invasion of Asia Minor in the late
summer of 479 and the decisive defeat of Achaemenid forces at Mykale ended the first

148
We do not know the personal name of Kienitz, op. cit. [n. 36], 67. An analysis of the

Xerxes. For an assessment of his character see M. reaction of Greeks to Xerxes' invasion of Greece in
Mayrhofer, "Xerxes, König der Könige," Almanach their literary writings is given by W. Kierdorf,
der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Erlebnis und Darstellung der Perserkrieg, Hypomne-
119 (Vienna, 1969), 158-70. mata 16 (Göttingen, 1966), 130 pp.
149 lso
For dates of rule of the kings see Parker and Parker, op. cit. [n. 56], 17.
Dubberstein, op. cit. [n. 64], 17-19. On Egypt see
 Achaemenids 127

phase of Greek-Persian hostilities, and the Persians, now on the defensive, turned to
intrigue and bribery to repair their blunders in the field.
We hear no more of Xerxes either in the field, as on the expedition against Greece,
or in new endeavors. The book of Esther in the Bible and Aeschylus' Persians give an
unflattering portrayal of Xerxes, who
have retired to his harem after the
is said to

defeat of the Persians at the hands of the Greeks. The politics of Themistocles,
Pausanius and others, accused of being pro-Persian, is part of Greek history and need
not detain us here. The steadily growing Greek cultural influence in the western part
of the Achaemenid Empire, especially in Anatolia, can be seen in monuments, in
inscriptions and art objects, while Greek craftsmen were active at Persepolis, where
151
Xerxes did so much construction, and elsewhere. Xerxes was probably in
Persepolis when he was murdered in the summer of 465 B.C.

Ctesias (29-30) gives an account of the murder of Xerxes by a certain Artabanus

and a eunuch, Spamitres, who then told one son Artaxerxes (whose personal name
was Cyrus according to Josephus (Jewish Antiquities, XI, 6, 1) that Xerxes had been
killed by his brother Darius, the crown prince. Artaxerxes then had his brother killed
and assumed the throne, apparently after dispatching both Artabanus and
152 Probably an uprising broke out at the death of Xerxes, reported by
Spamitres.
various Classical sources as that of a son of Xerxes in Bactria, but which was quickly
153
suppressed. The earliest cuneiform tablets dating from the reign of Artaxerxes
(throne name meaning 'rule by rectitude') begin in June 464 and end in December
424, a long reign. Since Herodotus does not extend into the reign of Artaxerxes we
with only a few scattered fragments. Artaxerxes, unlike his father, left few
are left
remains in Persepolis, and apparently he spent more time in Susa and possibly
elsewhere on the plateau.
Egypt revolted again in 460 and a certain Inarus, who had been in control of Libya,
soon became ruler of most of the country of Egypt, and for the account of events we
rely on Ctesias (32-35), who unfortunately is hardly a reliable source. 154 The
Athenians aided Inarus, but Megabyzus, a noble Persian, with the aid of some

151
Cf. Nylander, op. cit. [n. 140]; J. Hofstetter, Treasury in Achaemenid times, I perhaps too
Die Griechen in Persien (Berlin, 1978). boldly had suggested that Darius had been
152
S. Shahbazi, "The Persepolis Treasury Re- involved in the murder of his father because of
Hefs Once More," AMI, 9 (1976), 151, claimed to Herodotus (IX, 108) explained by Olmstead, op.
have first proposed that the bas-relief of a seated eil. [n. 129], 289. Shahbazi rejeets all of this,

king and his crown prince seated behind him in the presumably as Greek calumny. It is dimcult to
treasury of Persepolis represented Xerxes and his know which source is telling the truth and rather
crown-prince Darius, rather than Darius and than dogmatically assert my own views as right,
Xerxes as had been hitherto assumed. In reality, itwould be better to reserve judgment since we
first, both myself and
H. von Gall independently do not know. Shahbazi's confident assertion that
came to this conclusion before Shahbazi, and Artaxerxes had no part in the murder of his
second, his further reconstruetions and identifica- brother is based on the assumption that Iranian
tions in the article above are
subjeet to doubt. For rulers would not stoop to fratrieide. For a later
example, Diodorus (XI, 69) says Artaxerxes slew dating of the transfer of the relics see P. Calmeyer,
his brother Darius,
although here Shahbazi rejeets AMI, 9 (1975), 78-79.
Diodorus while aeeepting him elsewhere. In my '
" References in Olmstead, op. eil. [n. 129], 290,
article, "Persepolis
Again," JNES, 4 (1974), 383- n. 3.
»6, submittedto the Journal in J 972, shortly after IS4 Jvl. Bigwood, "Ctesias' Account of the
J.
the discovery by
G. Tilia that the two reliefs had Revolt of Inarus," Phoenix, 30 (Toronto, 1976), 19.
been removed from
the Apadana and put in the
128 Chapter V
Egyptians who had not supported the revolt according to Thucydides (I, 104, 2),
reconquered Egypt. The new satrap of Egypt Arsames (O. P. Arsäma) helped to defeat
the Athenian fleet which had come to the assistance of the Egyptians, and by 454 b.c.
Egypt was again in Persian hands, but not completely or firmly, and it was only by
the peace of Kallias between Athens and the Persians thatGreek interference in Egypt
was ended. Nonetheless in Libya and the western delta some Egyptians still
maintained independent rule not under Persian Jurisdiction, as we learn from
Herodotus (II, 30 and III, 15) who visited Egypt at this time. Egypt was a center of
unrest throughout Achaemenid rule, and since it was located far from Persis,
opportunities for independent actions of the Egyptians were many, but information is
very sparse throughout the fifth Century B.c. Nonetheless, throughout the rule of
Artaxerxes I it seems that Egypt on the whole remained loyal to the Achaemenids and
not until 404 b.c. in the time of Artaxerxes II did Egypt successfully revolt and
maintain independence for some sixty years.
The peace of Kallias, named after the Athenian ambassador to the Persians, has been
mentioned, and was an important event in the reign of Artaxerxes I, which
this
established a modus vivendi between the Ionian cities under the Delian league, which
was really an Athenian empire, and those under Persian rule. This peace in 448 b.c.
gave a certain prosperity to both sides, with an agreed non-interference by each in the
155
affairs of the other. Also during the reign of Artaxerxes I may be placed the
rebuilding of the temple in Jerusalem by Nehemiah, but one must be careful in
accepting much of the information in the Bible as fact, especially when it refers to the
royal court and the roles of various people in it even though certain details, as in the
book of Esther, betray more than a casual acquaintance with affairs of court. There is
no point here in examining the stories of court intrigue reported by Ctesias, for even
though interesting they only reveal the decadence and greed of the royal family.
Records from Babylonia show the increasing control of land by the Persian nobility, a
Situation undoubtedly matched elsewhere in the empire. As long as tribute and gifts
came to the Achaemenid court, however, the satraps were allowed to rule practically
with free hands. Anatolia, on the other hand, was especially important for the
Achaemenids, since the Greeks were enemies and when Tissaphernes was made
Commander of all forces on the Aegean Sea coast, he was above the satraps in rank. In
408 b.c. he concluded a truce with Athens indicating his position over that of the
satraps, a Situation, however, applicable only to Ionia, or perhaps to other frontiers of
the empire where a supreme military command was necessary.
It should be borne in mind that our sources are Greek and they naturally place great

emphasis on matters of interest to the Greeks, and it is only by chance that a remark is
made that throws light upon internal affairs of the empire. We know about frequent
revolts in Anatolia, Cyprus and Egypt, but the corresponding picture of a quiet and
monolithic Iran is hardly true. A revolt of the Medes occurred at the beginning of the
reign of Darius II according to Xenophon (Heltenica 1, 2, 19), while the Cadusians on
the Caspian Sea revolted about 405 b.c. (II, 8, 13), and we may surmise that many

55
The terms of the treaty are discussed in detail Heichelheim, "Geschichte Kleinasiens" in HO, 2,
1

by Olmstead, op. cit. [n. 1 29], 311. The date of the Keilschriftforschung und alte Geschichte Vordera-
treaty, 448 or 449 B.c., is in dispute; cf. M siens (1966), 35-36.
 Achaemenids 129

other internal revolts took place about which we hear nothing. From Babylonian
cuneiform tablets we can infer the general and steady economic decline and the
erowing impoverishment of the people. With high interest rates of 40 or 50 percent
on loans, usury was rampant, and many were the victims of both the ruinous taxation
and the special levies for the suppression of revolts, or gifts to the royal court. The
Babylonian and Egyptian (mostly Aramaic) documents teil us of ordinary life,
whereas the Greek historical sources on the Persians are primarily about court
intrigues or details of battles, with little concern for the ordinary subjects of the
empire. Consequently it is very dimcult to construct a picture of ancient Iran on the
basis of two kinds of foreign sources. Furthermore we can never determine whether
conditions in Babylonia and Egypt also obtained in the heartland of the Achaemenid
empire, and it would be dangerous to infer that the conditions of land tenure, taxation
and the like, in Mesopotamia also applied to Persis, the Achaemenid homeland, thus
we are reduced to conjecture and surmise. We may be certain that taxes such as tolls
on roads, market taxes on animals, and many others were manifold and oppressive
everywhere.
The work of M. Dandamaev on Babylonian cuneiform documents of the
Achaemenid period indeed has given us a picture of economic and social conditions
in Mesopotamia, especially in regard to slavery and forced labor under the
Achaemenids. 156 The result of this research is that various kinds of slavery and forced
labor existed in different parts of the empire, and the Elamite word kurtai in the
cuneiform documents meant 'workers' in general but under different conditions,
many serving a term of forced labor on royal estates, others enslaved prisoners of war,
and even free workers earning wages. It is interesting that at Persepolis under Xerxes
the kurtaH received payment according to the work done irrespective of their legal
157
Status, and the rewards here were higher than elsewhere. Land ownership under
the later Achaemenids also underwent a change from the earlier periods. The
granting of 'feudal' lands to officers and soldiers, mentioned in the sources as 'bow
land,' 'horse land' and 'wagon land,' began soon after the Achaemenid occupation of

Babylonia, but the constant division of those lands among heirs impoverished the
descendants of the military fief holders. By the end of the fifth Century the military
obligations of these settlers had fallen in abeyance, and mercenaries had taken over
much of the military needs of the Achaemenid empire. 1 58 Obviously there are many
detailswhich cannot be discussed in a general book, but the picture we have of
impoverishment of land holders in Babylonia probably is true of most of the empire
in the last Century of its existence.
The involved System of tax collecting in Babylonia, where feudal obligations and
other taxes were managed by banking firms, such as Murashu and sons at Nippur, the
Egibi family in Babylon and others, is fascinating in revealing an economic life based
on credit and loans with modern features. When we remember that the introduction

1 56
See especially a series of his articles
in AF, 1 Sklaverei im alten Iran," AF, 5 (Berlin, 1977), 91-
(1974), "The Domainlands of Achaemenes in 96.
Babylonia," 123-27, and 157
"Forced Labour in Dandamaev, AF, 2 (1975), 78.
Achaemenid Iran," 2 (1975), 71-78, and his book 158
Dandamaev, „Lehnsbeziehungen" [n. 48],
Rabstvo v Vavilonii
VII-IV vv. do n.e. (Moscow, 37-42.
1974), Cf. also O. Klima, "Zur
Problematik der
130 Chapter V
of payments in money, indeed coinage itself, is an Achaemenid phenomenon, then
the significance of greatly expanded commercial and banking activities can be
appreciated. It is not too much to suggest that the spread of a money economy played
an important role in the of the Achaemenid empire and continuing
stability
allegiance to it. The of the fall of the empire as the result of
traditional explanation
abuses of their positions by those in power, the decadence and corruption at court and
among the aristocracy, combined with a fall in the Standards of living of the common
159
folk, can be further documented by Babylonian tablets. The ever growing
taxation and the greed of Achaemenid omcials.just to mention two factors, helped to
undermine the expansion of agriculture and irrigation, trade and commerce and
handicraft production, which had characterized the early pax Achaemenica, which had
provided prosperity for many subjects.

DECLINE OF THE ACHAEMENIDS

The half of the fourth Century b.c. is almost a complete blank in our history of
first

Iran, and of the entire empire. Inscriptions are rare and Classical sources also reflect
little of the internal affairs of the empire, while the Babylonian documents cease. This

latter Situation represents a change in recording from clay tablets to papyri, leather,

or ostraca with Aramaic writing instead of cuneiform, which came to be restricted to

temples and the activity of priests who copied and recopied ancient spells and charms
or religious texts. Scholarly articles dealing with Babylonia in the late Achaemenid
period are characteristically scant in the information they provide and without
sources one is reduced to conjecture. 160 Likewise Egyptian, Aramaic and Anatolian
(primarily Lydian and Lycian) inscriptions give us little new information which can

be used for historical purposes. One development of Achaemenid weakness, though

nowhere expressly stated in sources, was the increasingly independent actions of
satraps, especially those in Anatolia. One has the impression that they negotiated with
Greeks much as they pleased, with or without royal sanction, which was sought only
when needed. The varying fortunes of Athens and Sparta and the activities of the
satraps of Sardis following Tissaphernes - Tithraustes, Tiribazos, and Autophradates -
again are part of Greek or Anatolian history and shed little light on inner-Iranian
history.
Egypt became independent from the Persians about the time of the revolt of Cyrus
the younger, and it remained so until 343-342 B.C. when Artaxerxes III reconquered

it. Even though another 'King's peace,' the peace of Antalkidas (the Spartan envoy to
ArtaxerxesII) in 387 b.c. had left the Ionian cities of Anatolia and Cyprus to the

Achaemenids, the cultural and economic influence of Greece greatly increased

throughout Anatolia, and the political control of the Achaemenids was greatly
weakened compared to the previous Century. The shifting of policy from friendship
with Sparta to Athens under Konon meant neither a strengthening nor a weakening
of Persian power but rather a füll participation in the ever-shifting fortunes of Greek

159
Dandamaev, Rabslvo [n. 156], esp. 28-44. 1965), 330-55. Even the cuneiform sources of the
160
For example, M. Meuleau, "Mesopotamien house of Murashu cease after Artaxerxes II, and in
in der Perserzeit," in H. Bengtson, ed., Griechen und general we have very little from Babylonia in the
Perser, Fischer Weltgeschichte, 5 (Frankfurt/M, later Achaemenid period.
 Achaemenids 131

politics, as another 'King's peace' of 371 indicates. The real weakening of Achaemenid
161
power, however, came from the independent actions of the satraps in Anatolia.
About 368-367 b.c. the satrap of Cappadocia, Datames, openly proclaimed his
independence from central authority, but the Classical sources do not give a clear
picture of the causes and the course of the rebellion. The time-honored practice of the
court, setting one satrap against another, after initial success in the end failed, and
Ariobarzanes, satrap in Daskylion, joined Datames in revolt, and still another revolt
broke out when Aroandas (Orontes), satrap of Armenia, was ordered to go to Mysia.
Autophradates, satrap at Sardis, kept his loyalty to Artaxerxes II, but the success of the
rebels led him too to change sides, and he was joined by local dynasts such as Mausolos
of Caria. Diodorus (XV, 90) claims that the coalition included all of Anatolia, the
Spartans, Egyptians, Phoenicians, and others. Aroandas became the leader of the
rebels, but then he betrayed his colleagues to the king and the revolt collapsed. Even
Takhos was overthrown by the Egyptians and made his way
the Egyptian rebel ruler
to the Achaemenid court where he was forgiven (XV, 92). In the fighting between
satraps Greek mercenaries were the main forces, an indication of the decline of local
military power.
By 362 b.c. peace had been restored and both Datames and Ariobarzanes were
killed, although the son of Datames, Sysinas, received his
father's satrapy to rule while
Aroandas received much of the AegeanMausolos and others were forgiven.
coast.
The Achaemenid Empire had not collapsed thanks to the inability of the rebels to
work together. Artaxerxes II was murdered in 359 and succeeded by Ochus, one of
his sons, who succeeded in killing most of his near relatives and taking the throne
name Artaxerxes III.
The new king was a cruel but strong ruler, and he resolved to curb the power of the
satraps, one of which, Artabazos, an Achaemenid prince, had been satrap at Daskylion
in Phrygia. He and Aroandas in Mysia
refused to disband their Greek mercenaries at
the order of the king and revolted. The newly appointed satrap in Phrygia,
Tithraustes, together with Autophradates of Sardis and Mausolos were ordered by the
king to crush the rebels, but Athens supported the rebels who initially were successful
against the royal forces. Then Artaxerxes threatened Athens with war, and Athens
withdrew support of the rebels. Thebes took the place of Athens in support of
Artabazos, but after a few successful encounters this coalition disintegrated and
Artabazos fled to Philip of Macedonia about 353 b.c., while Aroandas remained a
rebel. Nonetheless, most of Anatolia returned to obedience to the Achaemenids,

enabling Artaxerxes to turn his attention to Egypt. It seems that he earlier had
successfully suppressed a revolt
by the Cadusians and possibly other Iranian peoples,
since they are found army (Diodorus XVII, 6, 1).
later in his
On the way to Egypt the royal army had to reconquer Phoenicia which had been
free from Achaemenid
rule, but the campaign in Egypt was more dimcult than
foreseen. The chronology is uncertain, but after much fighting the Persians had to

The Standard account of the Anatolian "Kleinasien zwischen Agonie des Perserreiches und
revolts by W. Judeich, Kleinasiatische Studien hellenistischem Frühling," Anzeiger der OAW,
(Marburg, 1892), 190-297, 112 (1975), 274-82, who discusses a trilingual
is still the most
etailed account, to
be corrected by Heichelheim, inscnption from Xanthos.
°P- dt- [n. 155], 35^t0. See also M. Mayrhofer,
132 Chapter V
retreatfrom Egypt about 350 b.c. which led to a new revolt in Phoenicia. By 345
Phoenicia was reconquered and placed under the satrap governing Cilicia Mazaios or
Mazdai, as he is called on his coins with Aramaic legends. 162 The reconquest of Egypt
was led by the king himself, and his army had many Greek mercenaries from cities
other than Athens and Sparta, and they fought against other Greek mercenaries on the
Egyptian side. The Achaemenid mercenaries won in 343 B.c., and the Egyptian
leaders fled to the south to Upper Egypt. Egypt had returned to Persian rule, but it

was not entirely subdued, while the quick capitulation of the land to Alexander the
Great indicates the attitude of the Egyptians towards Achaemenid rule.
In Greece, many had preached urging Greek unity against the Persians, the most
famous of whomwas the Athenian Isocrates (between 436-338 b.c.). In his
panegyrics 161-62) he urged the Greeks to unite in a pan-Hellenic union, but
(esp.

many preferred Persian friendship and gold to Cooperation with their neighbors, and
it was left to the Macedonians to enforce the unity. The Achaemenid Empire was ripe
for the plucking in many respects, political, economic, social and even religious, to
which questions we may briefly turn.
It must be emphasized again that the Iranian satrapies of the empire cannot be

compared with Babylonia and Egypt, for Achaemenid attempts to make a unified
System of weights and measures, roads and postal System, currency, taxation, etc. were
not successful everywhere, and each satrapy had an independence in these matters. A
unified coinage, for example, did not exist, as we see from the proliferation of satrapal
issues in the fourth Century, all in the western part of the empire. The east, it seems,
had no coinage, and we may suppose that the pastoral and agricultural societies
continued to exist much as ever, with little connection with events on the Aegean and
eastern Mediterranean coasts. Revolts were surely frequent even in the east, but there is
no evidence of risings to regain liberty by an Iranian ethnic group or nation, such as
themovements for independence of Egyptians, Phoenicians or Ionians in the west.
From the booty secured by Alexander, it seems clear that the Achaemenid courts
became ever growing treasury houses of precious metals and luxuries from all over
the empire. The gold coins or darics of the royal house were used to hire mercenaries,
or for bribery. Unfortunately, we have no sources to report the effects of the
hoarding of gold and precious objects by the rulers on the economy of the empire, but
it hardly can have been propitious. The loss of tax revenues from Anatolia, the Syrian

coast and Egypt, as well as India, must have hurt the royal treasury and caused a
heavier load on the provinces still loyal to the Achaemenids. 163 In Babylonia, the
only province where only sparse Information about prices of goods, slaves, etc. can be
found, one can venture a surmise that the existing gap between the Achaemenid
aristocracy and the subject population grew more and more in the fourth Century as

162
On the Phoenician resistance see J W. from the Hindukush region to the east had no
Betlyon, "A New
Chronology for the Pre- Achaemenid satraps, and no evidence exists that
Alexandrine Coinage of Sidon," ANSMN, 21 they had been part of the empire for years before
(1976), 28-35, with references. his Invasion. Cf. F. Altheim and R. Stiehl, Die
163
The date of the loss of the satrapies of the far Aramäische Sprache unter den Achaimeniden (Frank-
east (India, Sattagydia, Gedrosia) cannot be deter- furt/M, 1963), 127.
mined, but by the time of Alexander all of the areas
 Achaemenids 133

164
compared with the earlier years of the empire. Just how far the 'feudal' lands of the

great Achaemenid aristocracy grew in the various parts of the empire is impossible to
determine, but scattered notices in Classical sources give the impression that such land
holdings increased rather than decreased. With rebellions and losses in wars in the
fourth Century the economy of the empire was hardly prosperous. On the other hand,
the growing number of Iranian names in high positions all over the empire, and in
lower positions, too, imply a spread of control everywhere of Iranians over the local
165 Yet this bureaucratic domination does not seem
populations. to have greatly
influenced the life of the subject peoples, since
Alexander vestiges of Persian
after

culture and influence in non-Iranian areas in sharp relief. What seems

do not appear
certain is that already before the Coming of Alexander, Greek influence was much
stronger than Iranian in the western part of the empire, while Greek coins apparently
166
were accepted even in the easternmost provinces.
In religions, the oftmentioned change in the religion of the Achaemenids from the
time of Darius to Artaxerxes II, on the basis of the appearance of Mithra and Anahita

in the royal inscriptions, may be more apparent than real. On the other hand, to
suppose that there was no change in the religion of the Persians throughout the life of
the empire is also exaggerated, for the religious outlooks of the Greeks, Hebrews,
Babylonians and others changed, hence no development on the part of the
Achaemenids is most unlikely. The Zeitgeist of the fourth Century b.c., one would
imagine, favored syncretism, or at least mutual influences between religions, and we
may postulate a greater reciprocity of influences in the Near East at that time than
earlier. The influence which Zoroastrianism had on Judaism cannot be proved in

detail, but the parallels are so striking in the conception of angels, dualistic ideas and

eschatology that an independent development is most unlikely. 167 Likewise the

erection of statues to Anahita is surely an Iranian borrowing from the religions of the
ancient Near East. Questioning of the authority of ancient deities was in the air
everywhere in the fourth Century and probably the divinely sanctioned power and
authority of the great king were likewise in doubt, while the background for the
flourishing of mystery and savior cults of the Hellenistic age was already prepared by
the end of the Achaemenid period. Much has been written about a 'Zoroastrian'
calendar which many scholars believe was introduced into Iran by Artaxerxes I in
441 b.c. based on an Egyptian model, but this date rests on conjecture. Aramaic
documents from various parts of the empire indicate that the Babylonian calendar
was used throughout the existence of the empire and the use of different names for the
months does not prove the introduction of a new calendar. 168 The use of the calendar
to prove a change in the religion
of the Achaemenid under Artaxerxes I is not valid

l6
* Cf. the summary in l66 112], 6-30.
J. Oelsner, "Krisener- See Schlumberger, op. cit. [n.
scheinungen im Achaimenidenreich im 5. und 4. l67
Cf. Frye, "Qumran and Iran," in J.
R.
Jahrhundert v.u.Z.," in E. C. Welskopf, Hellenische Neusner, ed., Christianityjudaism and Other Greco-
2 (Berlin 1974 ). 1049-63.
- Roman Cults, part 3 (Leiden, 1975), 167-73, with
lis
See the names in W. Eilers, Iranische further references.
Beamtennamen in der keilschriftlichen Überlieferung 168
E. J. Bickerman, "The Zoroastrian Calen-
(Leipzig, 1940), and
for Asia Minor A. Goetze, dar," AO, 35 (1967), 204-05, with further
Kulturgeschichte des Alten
Orients: Kleinasien references.
(München, 1957), 210-12
134 Chapter V
and should be discarded. The development of cults and various practices, including
syncretistic beliefs under the later Achaemenids, on the other hand, is plausible even
though the evidence so far is lacking. Probably the Zoroastrianism which we know
from the Sasanian and later periods was the religion of the majority of Iranians even at
that time, though not necessarily the faith of the members of the Achaemenid royal
family, nor the populär religion of many villagers in different parts of Iran. The
supposition of abrupt or contradictory changes in Zoroastrianism of Achaemenid
times, based on an enigmatic word or reference here and there, is hardly warranted,
and it is easier to assume continuity, albeit with modifications and adoption of new
rituals and practices, than fundamental changes. Obviously the spread of practices,

such as the exposure of the dead to vultures, took much time before it became a
religious ordinance, the breaking of which was a grave sin. To brand a burial from
Achaemenid times as non-Zoroastrian involves an error of imposing 'orthodox'
practices of later Zoroastrianism on earlier periods, and should not be- assumed
automatically. The converse, however, evidence for the exposure of bodies, would
lead an archaeologist to declare that the deceased were Zoroastrians, since we have no
evidence that non-Zoroastrians practiced this in the Iranian world.
Tied somewhat to religion is the question whether allegiance to the house of the
Achaemenids weakened towards the end of the empire. We have seen the growth of
serious revolts against central authority, the spread of Greek culture and ideas, and the
excesses of both the court and the Persian aristocracy. All must have combined to
reduce the influence or even legitimacy of the great kings in the eyes of many of their
subjects, including Iranians, witness the many revolts of the Cadusians. Possibly of
great significance was the Usurpation of power by a eunuch Bagoas who had his
master Artaxerxes III Ochus poisoned, and then placed one of his sons Arses on the
throne in 338 b.c. But Arses tried to wrest control of affairs from Bagoas and lost his
life to the poison of the eunuch after less than two years of rule. So in 336 b.c. the last

Achaemenid prince in direct line had perished without leaving a son. Bagoas, unable
to become king himself, looked around for an Achaemenid whom he might easily
control, and he selected a grandson of Ostanes, brother of Artaxerxes II, known in
Greek sources as Codomannus or Darius III. Shortly afterwards Bagoas was killed by
Darius, but the härm to royal prestige already had been carried out by Bagoas; and
even though the last Darius at first showed himself to be capable, when Alexander
appeared on the scene, the fame and glory of the Achaemenids could not be restored.
Darius did reconquer Egypt, however, which had broken away again from
Achaemenid rule after the death of Artaxerxes III, but its Submission to Alexander by
the satrap Mazakes without resistance indicates the tenuous hold the Persians had over
Egypt.
Meanwhile of Macedonia had defeated the Greek city states at
in Greece, Philip
Chaeronea, the same year that Artaxerxes III was murdered, and he took over the
leadership of a united Greek Crusade against Persia. The intrigues of Philip, Athens,
Achaemenid satraps and the great king are part of Greek history. The murder of
Philip in 336 B.c. before the re-conquest of Egypt by Achaemenid forces brought a
lull in diplomatic activities,and undoubtedly Darius at first did not consider
Alexander a serious threat, since he did not actively support Athens in her search for
aid in an uprising against the Macedonians. Demosthenes tried to persuade the
 Achaemenids 135

Athenians that Alexander represented a greater threat to Greek liberties than Persia,
but he failed, especially after Alexander crushed the Greek revolt and destroyed the
cityof Thebes. The Macedonians crossed the Hellespont and invaded Asia and the end
of the empire was in sight.
Perhaps here one may speak briefly of the legacy of the Achaemenids in the lands
which they occupied for such a long period. From the Elamite documents and
Aramaic papyri from Egypt we gain some insights into a huge empire which did try
to uniteall the peoples in it with some common features, one of which was law. The

concept of a universal 'king's law' over the local 'laws' of subject peoples was a legacy
which the Romans followed and which, as far as we know, was an innovative feature
169 It is obvious, of course, that the Achaemenids borrowed
of Achaemenid rule.
heavily from the ancient Near East, especially Babylonia, in constructing their
institutions and bureaucracy for example, in the domain of law the parallels between
;

the Babylonian ardu 'slave' or 'meniai' and Old Persian bandaka, both juridical persons
who could own property and occupy high posts, is striking. The 'empire' and the
'great king' impressed the Greeks even though they were enemies. This did not
change the Greek esteem for themselves as opposed to the 'barbarians,' and the Persian
continuation of earlier despotism could not have found favor in Greek eyes. The Jews,
on the other hand, fared well under the Achaemenids, which speaks for some cultural
170
or religious affinity of the two peoples. The lack of sources is especially frustrating
for the dark period of the last Century of Achaemenid rule, and there is little hope
of new discoveries of source materials. In art, too, the clues to the meaning of
Achaemenid creations must be sought in Symbols, many undoubtedly age-old Near
Eastern Symbols which had lost their meaning by Achaemenid times. In any case, the
art was never personal; it was not so much a certain king who is portrayed on stone
but 'kingship.' The anthropocentrism of Western art is not found here. Likewise there
is an absence of religious art in Iran, where decoration is more important than

function. So form and symbolism are characteristics of Achaemenid art, and by the
time of the Sasanians, the heirs of the Achaemenids, the symbolism for the most part
had been reduced to forms, the forerunner of Islamic art.
It is perhaps in the memory of the great oecumene - the one world of the

Achaemenids - that the greatest legacy is found, for Alexander, who usurped the role
of 'world hero' from Cyrus and his successors, nonetheless was following in their
footsteps, and that conception was passed to posterity by Alexander, perhaps the real
heir of the Achaemenids.

,69
Josephus in his Contra Apion (II, 270-71) tion in Juda zur Achämenidenzeit (Berlin, 1973) and
says that Apollonius had Israel under Babylon and Persia
a high regard for the laws P. Backroyd,
P.
of the Persians. (Oxford, 1970).
See H. Kreissig, Die sozialökonomische Situa-
 CHAPTER VI

ALEXANDER THE GREAT AND THE SELEUCIDS

Literature: The literary sources are all Greek or Latin, since this period of the history of Iran would be

almost a total blank if we depended on other sources. Discussion of the lost histories of Alexander by
Ptolemy, Aristobulus and Clitarchus is important but that is the task of a Classicist, while the surviving
works of Arrian, Quintus Curtius, Plutarch, Diodorus and Justin-Trogus may be combed for occasional
details about Iranian afTairs. The coinage of Alexander is well summarized by A. R. Bellinger, Essays on the
Coinage of Alexander the Great (New York, 1963). Other than this literature, for Iran we have the 'folk
literature' of the Alexander Romance in the Shähnäme and in many Arabic, Armenian, Syriac and Persian

works from the Islamic period. These show the change in the view of Alexander by Iranians from a hated
conqueror to an Iranian hero who was a scion of the Achaemenid family by a secret marriage between
Philip of Macedonia and an Achaemenid princess. There is a vast literature on the Alexander romance,
but for its Oriental versions consult the old but still useful F. Spiegel, Die Alexandersage bei den Orientalen
(Leipzig, 1851), 72 pp., and J. A. Boyle, "The Alexander Legend
in Central Asia," Folklore, 85 (1974),

21 7-28, for further references. The change in Alexanderfrom a negative, enemy figure to an Iranian hero
is discussed by A. Abel in "La figure d'Alexandre en Iran," La Persia e il mondo Greco-Romano, Acad. dei

Lincei, Quaderno 76 (Rome, 1966), 119-36. Whether the Sasanians were those responsible for again
changing the figure of Alexander from a positive to a negative personality is difficult to determine, but
more likely it was a gradual change over centuries. The Romance is of significance here only to show the
Iranian attitudes towards Alexander, and has little or no historical value.
The geographica! literature in Greek and Latin, which gives more than mere geography, is especially
important for this period of history, not only Strabo, Pliny, and Ptolemy (for the last of which see I.
Ronca, Ptolemaeus Geographia, 6, 9-21, Ostiran und Zentralasien [Rome, 1971]), but also fragments of
geographers found first in C. Müller, Geographi Graeci Minores, 2 vols. (Paris, 1855), then in Frg. Hist.,
and A. Riese, Geographi Latini Minores (Heilbronn, 1878). The Lexicon of Hesychius in the edition of K.
Latte in 3 vols. (Copenhagen, 1953-79) is useful for names, as is the Ethnika of Stephan of Byzantium, ed.
by A. Meineke (Berlin, 1879). For the geography of the Iranian plateau or Central Asia there is nothing
comparable to the study on northern Iraq by L. Dillemann, Haute Mtsopotamie Orientale etpays adjacents
(Paris, 1962), or even H. Hübschmann, Die altarmenischen Ortsnamen (Strasbourg, 1904). The Tabula
Peutingeriana, a medieval map, ed. K. Miller, Itineraria Romana 1916) and the Ravenna
(Stuttgart,
cosmography, ed. J. Schnetz, Itineraria Romana (Leipzig, 1940), with his translation (Uppsala, 1951), both
give geographica! names from an of history, although identifications of place names are
earlier period
frequently most difficult. is found in his bibliography by H. H.
The work of J. Marquart (Markwart)
Schaeder in Markwart, Wehrot und Arang (Leiden, 1938), *53-61, while the older study by W.
Tomaschek, "Zur historischen Topographie von Persien," Sb WAW, 102 (1883) is still very useful for
geographica! identifications in Iran and Central Asia.
Greek inscriptions from the Iranian plateau are collected in the Suppletnentum Epigraphicum Graecum,
ed b yJJ- E. Hondius and A. G. Woodhead (Leiden, 1 923-) in the Revue des Etudes Grecques and Hellenica
-
;

both by L. Robert, adding to the old Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, by W. Dittenberger (Leipzig,
1903). The few Aramaic or heterographic inscriptions may be found in R. Degen und W. Müller, Neue
Ephemerisßr Semitische Epigraphik (Wiesbaden, 1972-) with extensive bibliographies.
Art and archaeology titles may be found in L. Vanden Berghe, ed., Bibliographie analytique de
larchhiogie de l'lran ancien (Leiden,
1979), 256-70. The two extensive archaeological excavations of
interest for this period
are Ay Khanum in northern Afghanistan and Seleucia on the Tigris. For the former
we have P. Bernard, Fouilles d'Ai Khanoum, MDAFA, 21, 2 vols. (Paris, 1973), and many articles on the
progress of the excavations in
yearly reports ofCR AI. Seleucia was excavated before World War II by L.
Waterman, and we have a series of reports in the University of Michigan Studies, Humanistic Series, vol.
32 by N. Debevoise on Parthian Pottery, vol.
36, on Stamped and Inscribed Objects by R. H. McDowell, vol.
37, on Coins by McDowell,
and vol. 45 Clay Figurines, by W. van Ingen (Ann Arbor, 1939). More
recemly we have Clark Hopkins, ed., Topography and Architecture of Seleucia on the Tigris (Ann Arbor,
973). The excavations of Dura Europos on the Euphrates are mostly concerned with the Parthian period
ä^u i^hapter VI

and do not help us much for earlier times. General works are L'Orient HelUnisi by D. Schlumberger
(Paris, 1970) for art, and E. Will, Hisloire politique du monde hellinistique, 2 vols. (Nancy, 1967) which
supersedes the older works of E. R. Bevan, The House qf Seleucus, 2 vols. (London, 1902) and A. Bouche-
Leclercq, Hisloire des Seleucides, 2 vols. (Paris, 1914). Will speaks of the technical problem of ruling the
vast domain of the Seleucids with relatively few Greeks and Macedonians, and a 'human' problem of the
co-existence of the newcomers with the established population, and what one might call two groups
wielding local authority sometimes in Cooperation, at other times in Opposition. The book by S. K. Eddy,
The King is Dead (Lincoln, Neb., 1 961 ) mvestigates evidence for local Opposition to Hellenic imperialism
and concludes it was almost wholly a religious resistance, though this oversimplification is dubious. The
classic work of E Bikerman, Institution* des Seleucides (Paris, 1938), is still the best on the subject, but
internal affairs in the east are hardly mentioned in it. The two syllabi, one for the Sorbonne by A.
Aymard, Lesgrandes monarchies hellenistiques en Asie apres la mort de Seleucos 7 er (Paris, 1 965), 21 2 pp., and
the other for Yale by C. Bradford Welles, The Hellenistic World, A Hislory (New Haven, 1961), 142 pp.,
are both interesting for students to read but are little more than summaries.
Since only archaeology provides any new material for this time period, the book of D. Schlumberger is
especially important for new vistas in material culture. The excavation of Ay Khanum has revealed the
strength of Greek institutions, language and culture, in the far-flung city foundations of Alexander and the
Seleucids, and Schlumberger rightly underlines the strong persistence of Hellenism in the distant Orient
long after the disappearance of Greek rule. The small seaport of Failaka, or ancient Ikaros, in the Persian
Gulf off the coastof Kuwait, also provides evidence of the extensive Greek influence on architecture in
Seleucid times. Cf. K. Jeppesen, "A Royal Message to Ikaros" in Kund, 9 (Aarhus, 1960), 153-98.
The site of Khalchayan, on the right bank of the Surkhan Darya near present Denau in the Uzbek SSR,
although extending into later periods, also gives some architectural Information, supplementing Ay
Khanum, on Seleucid rule in Central Asia. Cf. G. A. Pugachenkova, Khalchayan (Tashkent, 1966) and her
Skulptura Khalchayana (Moscow, 1971). The erratic writings of Franz Altheim, while containing many
vignettes of interest and value, must be used with extreme caution. See his bibliography, ed. by E. Merkel
(Frankfurt/M, 1958), and with additions in his Festschrift, Beiträge zur Alten Geschichte und deren
Nachleben, ed. by R. Stiehl, 1 (Berlin, 1969). Obviously, vanous articles on the results of excavations, on
coinage, or other special subjects provide additions to our knowledge of the Seleucids in Iran and Central
Asia, but little change need be made in the scheme of coinage made by E. T. Newell, The Coinage ofthe
Eastern Seleucid Mints (New York, 1938). An Inventory qf Greek Coin Hoards (New York, 1973) by M.
Thompson, O Morkholm and C. Kraay, is not as valuable for Seleucid history as for other Hellenistic
kingdoms, but one should note that the concentration of Greek Settlements on major trade routes is clear
from the hoard finds. On the eitles founded by the Seleucids, the work by V. Tscherikower, "Die
hellenistischen Städtegründungen von Alexander dem Großen bis auf die Römerzeit," Philologus,
Supplementband XIX, Heft 1 (Leipzig, 1927) is still the classic work, but add the extensive discussion on
cities in eastern Iran and Central Asia by G. A. Koshelenko, Grecheskii Polis na ellinisticheskom Vostoke

(Moscow, 1971), 113-60, with texts of inscriptions found in the east. In the sources, much confusion
exists about the identifications ofthe various Alexandrias, not all of which were founded by Alexander
the Great, for some later rulers used his name just as in the case of coinage. For Alexander's policy towards
the Persians, the articles by H. Berve, "Die Verschmelzungspolitik Alexanders des Großen," Klio, 31
(1938), 135-68, supplemented by E. Badian's "The Administration ofthe Empire," Greece and Rome, 12
(Oxford, 1965), 166-82, provide the best analysis.

ALEXANDER IN IRAN AND CENTRAL ASIA

The conquests of Alexander are the best known campaigns of ancient history and the
enormous literature about him and his deeds makes any account of his actions
redundant here. 1
We shall be concerned here only with the impact of Alexander on
1
An excellentand detailed survey of both (Darmstadt, 1972) [a survey of literature about
sources and secondary works on Alexander is Alexander]; see also H. Berve, Das Alexanderreich
provided by E. Badian in "Alexander the Great, auf prosopographischer Grundlage, 1 (Munich,
1948-67," The Classical World, 65 (1971), 37-83, 1926), 253-76, a most convenient reference work
plus his "Some Recent Interpretations of Alex- on the Greco-Macedonians and Iranians active in
ander," Entretiens sur l'antiquite classique, 22 (Gene- the time of Alexander,
va, 1976), 279-303;
J Seibert, Alexander d. Gr.
 1

Alexander the Great and the Seleucids 139

Iran and Central Asia, and at the onset we may ask two questions how did Alexander :

treat the Iranians who comprised the satraps and upper ruling group of the
Achaemenid Empire and how did the Iranians regard Alexander and his successors?
The last may be viewed through the sparse and scattered bits of evidence we find in
2
our sources, or in the eastern versions of the 'Alexander Romance.' Obviously no
analysis of the Classical sources, nor of Alexander 's campaigns, of his character or
dreams, can be made here and only the Iranian views need be considered for this
volume.
When we remember that Iranian, and especially Persian, nobles dominated the
government of the Achaemenid empire, we may ask what happened to them ? In Asia
Minor all of the Iranian satraps were replaced by Macedonians, or by native dynasts
such as the princess Ada in Caria, and the same policy was followed in Syria and
Egypt. When Alexander came to the east after the battle of Gaugamela, however, his
policy changed, and he re-appointed Mazaios, the important Satrap of Syria and
Mesopotamia under Darius III, over Babylonia. A number of questions arise,
however, which are not easy to answer: first whether Mazaios was really the
Achaemenid satrap of the 'Fertile Crescent,' or most of it, at the time of Alexander's
conquest, and a second question, why Alexander appointed him satrap of Babylonia.
Mazaios was the ruler of Syria and northern Mesopotamia at the time of
Alexander's invasion, whereas his earlier post as satrap of Cilicia under Artaxerxes III
had already established his authority to issue silver coins in his own name. We may
conjecture that Mazaios took ad van tage of the weakness of the empire under the last
Darius to consolidate and expand his own power and influence. In any case, Mazaios
as the satrap of the northern part of the 'Fertile Crescent' had to bear the brunt of
fighting against Alexander between the battles of Issus and Gaugamela, and at the
latter battle he commanded the right wing and almost defeated Alexander. 3 Mazaios

was certainly an important Persian noble, but it was probably his ability and bravery,
as well as the believable report in Curtius (IV, 16) that Mazaios after the battle fled to

Babylon with his troops and took charge of the city, which enhanced his position.
When Alexander came, Mazaios surrendered to him and was named satrap of
Babylonia (Arrian III, 16, 4; Curtius V, 1, 44). That he was allowed to issue similar
coinage to the series he had Struck while governor of Cilicia and later Syria has been
proposed, with the reason for this unusual procedure being an agreement between
Mazaios and Alexander involving the surrender of Babylon to the latter. 4 This
more likely reason for Mazaios' right to continue his striking of
Suggestion seems a
satrapal coins than Alexander's respect for a brave enemy or any other sentimental
reason. The numismatic evidence for these coins having been Struck in Babylonia
after Gaugamela, however, is most uncertain and until numismatists uncover hoards
Some Iranian sources are specific in their anti- trian tradition may be overly tendentious in this
Alexander Statements, that he burned the Avesta, regard.
Killed some of the
priests and learned men of Iran, 3
E. W. Marsden, The Campaign of Gaugamela
extinguished fires, and was a great destroyer. For (Liverpool, 1964) is a military analysis with little
*e references see M. Boyce, Zoroastrians [eh. 5, n. concern for politics or anything eise.
128], 78, (where the 'Frataraka' 4
temple at Persepo- Cf. A. R. Bellinger, Essays on the Coinage of
"s was built
after Alexander, not before his Alexander the Great, ANS, Numismatic Studies, 1
invasion). Whether 'mass slaughters' of priests took (N.Y., 1963), 61-64, where other literature is
P'ace, however, is highly dubious and the Zoroas- given.
140 Chapter VI

and more firm evidence the coinage should not be used to substantiate a presumed
policy of Alexander in granting such a right of striking coins to subordinates. In any
case, Mazaios was the first noble Persian to be appointed by Alexander to an
important post. His power was circumscribed, however, by the appointment of two
Macedonians, one in charge of the army and the other to collect taxes (Arrian III, 16,
4; Curtius V, 1, 43; Diodorus XVII, 64, 5). Nonetheless, with this move Alexander
had appointed a prominent omcial of the old government to a high post, and whether
the conqueror acted out of a sense of desire for conciliation or the need to have an
experienced local person, whose wife may have been a Babylonian to judge by the
names of his two sons, in charge of local government cannot be determined. We also
cannot decide the identity of the person who may have Struck coins in the time of
Alexander somewhere east of the Euphrates with Aramaic legends bearing his name
mzdk, identified by some as the Achaemenid satrap of Egypt who surrendered to
Alexander and then joined his court. 5 These coins, with the Attic owl on the reverse,
are so enigmatic, however, that they cannot be used in any historical identifications.
These coins may be indications, however, of Alexander's pragmatism in not
instituting quick and momentous changes in the coinage of the lands he conquered.
Since the rulers of the satrapies for generations had been Persians, Alexander perforce
had to turn to Persians with experience in rule rather than to Babylonians or others.
Furthermore, since Babylonia was regarded by the Achaemenids as a place of winter
residence while their homeland, the Iranian plateau, was more suited for summer,
Alexander may have considered the battle of Gaugamela the key to the whole east, of
which Babylonia was the most populated and richest part of the 'Iranian pari' of the
empire, and therefore his policy towards the conquered may have been revised.
This point of view brings us to the oft-disputed theory that Alexander preached the
idea of the 'unity of mankind,' in
his conquests, a kind ofleitmotiffor his Crusade.' In
spite of the writings of W. W. Tarn and others, there is more evidence for a proposed
Iranian-Macedonian partnership in rule than for any universal 'equality' or policy of
'conciliation' directed towards all conquered peoples. 6 It is hardly possible, of course,
to enter the mind of Alexander, but he probably realized that some sort of
Cooperation with the Iranians was needed to secure and maintain his rule in the east. A
survey of the satraps appointed by Alexander supports this contention. After
Babylon, Alexander confirmed the satrap of Susa, Aboulites, in his post, since he had
surrendered the treasures of the city to Alexander, but here too heleft several of his

own officers as Commander of the and others (Curtius V,

garrison, collector of taxes,
2, 16). The
ruler of the land of the Uxii (read: Huzi) was a relative of Darius called
Madates (Diod. XVII, 67, 4; Curtius V, 3, 4) who resisted Alexander in the
mountains and presumably was either killed or at least removed from his rule of the
province. The satrap of Persis, Ariobarzanes, also offered strong resistance to the
Macedonians, but after defeat he fled to the north and eventually with his father
Artabazos and his brothers surrendered to Alexander, who, however, did not reward
him with another position. In Persis, after the burning of Persepolis, Alexander

5
Ibid., 66, with further references. Alexander set the stage for the later ideas of world
6
W.W. Tarn, Alexander, \ (Cambridge, 1948), brotherhood or unity supposedly preached by
146 foll. Few scholars today would maintain that Zeno and the Stoics.
 Alexander the Great and the Seleucids 141

aopointed a Persian Phrasaortes as satrap apparently with the usual controls and
checks of Macedonian or Greek officers at his side to collect taxes and insure order.
Thus the pattern is repeated, of keeping the Iranian governor as a figurehead with the
real power in the hands of the conquerors. At Persepolis, the Persian in command of
the site, Tiridates, was also reinstated in his position with a Macedonian garrison
(Curtius V, 6, 11). According to Arrian (III, 19, 2), Oxathres, son of Aboulites, was

made satrap of Paraitakene, the land north of Persis, the chief city of which was Gabai
or Isfahan. In Media Alexander appointed a certain Oxydates as satrap under the same
conditions as other satraps, and in Parthia and Hyrcania (hodie Gurgan) he named
Amminapes, a Parthian who had accompanied Alexander on his expedition from an
exile in Macedonia. Shortly after the former satrap of Parthia and Hyrcania,
Phrataphernes, surrendered to Alexander, after the death of his king Darius III,
Alexander reinstated him in his old post and removed Amminapes. Another satrap,
Autophradates, was also confirmed in his rule of the Caspian Sea province of the
Tapuri (medieval Tabaristan). Satibarzanes, satrap of Aria (Herat) had assisted Bassos,
the satrap of Bactria and Sogdiana in the murder of Darius III, but had then
surrendered to Alexander who confirmed him in his satrapy. But this satrap revolted
and after much fighting was killed. This was the beginning of a resistance to
Alexander by the satraps of the east who did not submit but opposed the conqueror,
and since Darius was dead and Alexander had taken his place, the satraps who did not
submit probably were considered by many as rebels to their rightful ruler.
Alexander's policy of placing an Iranian as satrap over a conquered province with
Greco-Macedonian generals and troops beside him was continued, on the whole, also
in the farther east, although we find a Macedonian Menön made satrap of Arachosia
after the Iranian satrap Barzaentgs, one of the murderers of Darius III, had fled to
India. In the Hindukush region to the north, an Iranian called Proexes by Arrian (III,
28, 4) was made the satrap and in Bactria another, Artabazos, in place of Bessos, who
had proclaimed himself Artaxerxes IV, successor of Darius, and had become the
leader of the Opposition to Alexander in the east. In the border areas of Sogdiana in the
north and India to the east Alexander did not find satraps but rather principalities
which may have owed some allegiance to the Achaemenids, but which were really
independent. In these areas Alexander had to fight more than elsewhere, not because
of an Iranian 'national revival' as has been claimed but because of Virtual independence
from Achaemenid rule, the local rulers unwilling to submit to a new centralized
authority. Both on the Central Asian and the Indian borderlands of the Achaemenid
Empire little more than a nominal allegiance had been given the Achaemenids. This is
indicated by the earlier incorporation of Sogdiana, which was virtually independent,
into the satrapy of Bactria, and by the difficult fighting which Alexander had to do in
this part of the world.
The subsequent revolts of the Sogdians and Bactrians after they
had been subdued by Alexander put a severe strain on the Macedonian army (Arrian
IV, 1, 5; Curtius VII, 1, 14). It was in Bactria and Sogdiana that Alexander had to
establish strong garrisons
to maintain his rule, but strangely he did not make a
Macedonian governor, rather granting the combined satrapy to Artabazos in 330. At
the latter's request,
because of old age, Alexander in the winter of 328 did replace him
with a Macedonian Amyntas,
and large contingents of troops had to be left under
Amyntas to maintain Macedonian rule, while Alexander marched to India (Arrian
142 Chapter VI

IV, 22-3). highly probable that more recruits, or mercenaries as Curtius (VII, 10,
It is

11) calls them,had to be brought from the west to replace losses and to provide
needed garrison troops. Some of the replacements came unwillingly, if we are to
on hearing a rumor of the death
believe the report that the garrison of Bactra revolted
of Alexander in India and unsuccessfully sought to return to their European
homelands (Curtius IX, 7, 2). Thus, a new pattern emerges of relying on Iranian
officials to run the provinces of the Achaemenid Empire which were secure under

central authority, whereas the frontier areas in the east, he soon discovered, needed a
strong new administration of Macedonian officers and troops to insure continued
allegiance to Alexander. Only a strong presence of Greco-Macedonians could guard
those frontiers against nomadic enemies, as well as hold down the local population
who had held little or no loyalty to the old Achaemenid government, and
consequently showed the same attitude towards the heirs of the Achaemenids. For
only military force could create a new allegiance among the settled folk to the new
nomads of the steppes.
rulers against the
The growing 'Orientalization' of Alexander, well described by Arrian (VII, 6, 2),
was really a 'Persianization, or an Achaemenidization,' at least in regard to matters
such as clothes, customs and various practices, such as the oft-disputed proskynesis.

The latter, it is now recognized, had nothing to do with the divinization of Alexander
which was a Greco-Macedonian problem and not an Iranian one. 7 The prostration of
menials, or the raising of the hand to the mouth on the part of nobility before the
ruler was customary among the Achaemenids and elsewhere, and the Greco-
Macedonians did not change this practice among the Iranians no matter how much
disputed it may have been for the Westerners. Alexander's attempts at conciliation

with the ruling Persians undoubtedly met a favorable response among many who
retained their positions, but the majority of Iranians, we may suppose, regarded
Alexander as a usurper. The policy of intermarriage between Greco-Macedonian
officers and Iranian noblewomen culminating in a great banquet at Susa (Plutarch,
Alex., 70; Arrian VII, 4, 4) may have been part of the hope of Alexander that a
mixture between Greco-Macedonians and Iranians would produce a progeny able to
rule the vast empire. From the sources, it seems that Alexander went out of his way in
favoring the Iranians so as to bring them to partnership in rule. The selection of many
noble Iranians as his ovyyevels 'kinsmen' angered his Macedonian generals and
companions, who resented the advancement of the Iranian nobles to equality with
them (Arrian VII, 11,6), while several Iranian contingents in the army received a
eralpoi or 'companions' of the king (Arrian VII, 6, 4) at least in the
Status equal to the
eyes of some Macedonians. 8 Much has been written about the intentions of
Alexander, and the eventual mixture mentioned above seems to have been his
of two ruling peoples appears more
Intention, but during his lifetime a dual Status
likely, for obviously he needed the existing bureaucracy to run the empire, and the
seeds of a kind of 'double rule' of the Seleucids, best exemplified in the double us? of
1
On proskynesis see J. P. V. D. Baisdon, "The 8
On the resentment and mutiny of the
'Divinity' of Alexander," Hisloria, 1 (1950), 380- Macedonians against the advancement of Iranians
82, and Feodora von Sachsen-Meiningen, "Pros- in Alexander's Service, see E. Badian, "Alexander
kynesis in Iran," in Altheim, Hunnen, 2 [eh. 5, n. the Great and the Unity of Mankind," Historia, 7
68], 126-27, and 152-54. (1958), 428.
 Alexander the Great and the Seleucids 143

the Greek and Aramaic languages, were laid by Alexander. Iranian satraps were
reinstated as heads of the provincial bureaucracies while the military power was in the
hands of Alexander's officers. The conquered eventually had to be integrated into the
army formations with Macedonian weapons, while the practices and customs of the
conquered had to be respected by the foreign, Greco-Macedonian soldiery. Thus, we
hear of the adoption of Iranian dress and practices by the conquerors, but it was the
other way in military matters such as the adoption of Macedonian spears by units of
Iranian soldiers in Alexander's army, as well as young Iranians organized into a special
bodyguard on a Macedonian model (Arrian VII, 6, 1). Berve has discussed the mutual
adoption of practices by Macedonians and Iranians in some detail to which little need
9
be added.
To conclude that Alexander was deliberately seeking to counter the power and
influence of his Macedonian officers in favor of Iranians is hardly correct, for the
conqueror was equally capable of removing those whom he came to mistrust. It is
most likely that Alexander trusted only those who were fully beholden to him for
their positions. The incorporation of local troops into the Macedonian army, of
course, was a necessity, especially after the severe fighting in Central Asia and before
the campaign in India, since losses, and the need to settle troops in garrison towns,
called for more and more reinforcements. So the policies of Alexander were based on
expediency and a desire for stability to be achieved by placing in military and
administrative positions only those who were personally loyal to the conqueror, and
who quite naturally adopted many trappings of the Achaemenid rule Alexander had
displaced. Yet Alexander did not have to copy the past, for he must have considered
himself greater than the Achaemenid kings, since he had not only defeated Darius but
had conquered more territory than they had held.
At the end of Alexander's life many of the satraps he had confirmed in office had
been changed. 10 In Babylonia Mazaios had died and for a time Stamenes had followed
him to be succeeded about 324 b.c. by Arkhön, a Macedonian. At that time also the
Persian satrap of Susiane was executed because of failure to come to the aid of
Alexander on his march back from India, and was replaced by Argaios, then by
Koinos, a Macedonian. In Persis, Phrasaortes had been succeeded by Orxines who was
executed by Alexander on his return from India for his mismanagement of the
province and again a noble Macedonian, Peukestas, was appointed. In Media, Oxydates
had been made satrap by Alexander but was replaced c. 328 B.c. by Atropates, who
made such an impression by his length of rule that the northern part of his realm
took name, today Azerbaijan. 11 Parthia-Hyrcania remained in the hands of
his
Phrataphernes throughout the life of Alexander and only after the death of the former

H. Berve, "Die Verschmelzungspolitik Alex-

the Great, themain problems (Cambridge, 1966).
anders des Grossen,"
Klio, 31 (1938), 135-68. His 10
For the following, the reference work by
Statement on
p. 1 47 "Neu dagegen ist, daß an der Berve, Das Alexanderreich [n. 1 ] is used and no page
teile
lokal-einheimischer Elemente Männer aus references are given since they are easy to find.
em Paschen Adel herangezogen werden," is I. Yampolskii, "Ob Atropate-sovremen-
'
' Z.

not apparent,
since the distinction between 'Per- nike Aleksandra Makedonskogo," VDI, 2 (1974),
a Iranian nobil "y had more or less 176-77, suggests that Atropates had not been a
Ti\
co apsed *!f by
the end of the Achaemenid Empire. satrap of Media under Darius III but an indepen-
»ee al S o the
by
studies F. Hampl, W. W. Tarn and dent ruler, which may be correct.
scn achermeyr in
G. T. Griffith, ed., Alexander
144 Chapter VI

(c 321 b.c.) did a non-Iranian Philippos take his post, and apparently the Caspian areas
of the Amard and Tapur people were joined to Parthia-Hyrcania. About 328 b.c.
Stasanor was satrap of Aria or the Herat area plus Seistan, while Sibyrtios, former
governor of Kerman, was given the combined satrapy of Gedrosia and Arachosia
while Tlepolemus took over Kerman. The satrapy of the Parapomisos or Hindukush
had been under Greco-Macedonian control as had been India. Thus we find a drastic
change from the beginning of Alexander's conquests in the east, but we do not know
why. Was Alexander following the advice of his Macedonian officers? This is

unlikely since he continued until the end of his life to favor Iranians, including their
clothing and customs. Did the change mean that he could no longer find Iranians
whom he could trust in high positions, or did he realize that a division of authority in
the provinces between Greco-Macedonian military and Iranian secular leaders would
not work? The order, early in 324, to the satraps and Commanders to disband all their
mercenary forces indicates that Alexander was fearful of possible revolts against his
authority. In any case, the result of Alexander's actions was to pave the way for the
retention of power by the Macedonians after his death such that the Hellenistic age
brooked no competition from Iranian dynasts trying to exert their influences on the
main course of history. Likewise the release of many mercenaries only made the
Hellenistic age one of competing generals hiring mercenaries to fight their battles. For
the conquests of Alexander had shown the success of well-organized professional
armies against any populär, conscript armies. The masses of different local levies could
not stand before a small, tightly knit army, and Alexander had put the seal on that
development.
Some scholars have supposed that the satrapy of Persis continued to pay no taxes, as
under the early Achaemenids, but there is no evidence that this privilege was either in
force at the end of the Achaemenid empire, or existent under Alexander. The satrap
of Persis, Peukestas, was infamous among Macedonians for his adoption of Persian
customs and learning the Persian language (Arrian VI, 30, 3 and VII, 22, 3).

THE AFTERMATH OF ALEXANDER'S DEATH

The great conqueror died in early June 323 at the age of thirty-two at Babylon, and
the question of continuity was pertinent. The administration of the empire had
continued the Achaemenid model with satrap, military Commander, and tax
collector as the three important divisions of provincial authority, and at the time of
Alexander's death from the sources we infer that non-Iranians had replaced Iranians in
most of the provinces. Whether this represented a new policy change is
these offices in
uncertain, but most people were reconciled to this State of affairs, and Iranians had
been integrated into the army as well as into the bureaucracy. There was neither any
pretender to the Achaemenid throne nor any great center of resistance to the orct-

which Alexander had imposed. For the Classical scholar inner-Greek and Macedonian
conflicts are of prime importance, but for Iranians both were their rulers, and in the
context of Iranian history they are combined as the Greco-Macedonian conquerors.
Some scholars have suggested that Alexander's close friend Hephaestion was a prime
minister or vizier of the empire on the basisof Arrian's description of him as
X^iapxos im rrj lttttu» rrj eraipiKfj (VII, 14, 10), but the title 'Commander of the
 3

Alexander the Great and the Seleucids 145

Companion cavalry' as well as what we know of Hephaestion's activities do not show

12
him exercising wide administrative functions which one would expect in a vizier.
On the other hand, we do have the express Statement of Diodorus (XVIII, 48, 4) that
the title chiliarch (Old Iranian *hazärapati-) meant second in authority in the

Achaemenid Empire, but seems more likely that the military position of the
it

chiliarch or 'chiefof the royal guard' became second in importance after the king at

the end of the empire, rather than to suppose that an administrative position
equivalent to the vizier of Islamic times always existed under the Achaemenids. It has
been argued in great detail that Xerxes, when he said of his father in his Persepolis
inscription (XPf, line 31) pasä tanüm mäm madiftam akunaul 'after himself made me
the greatest,' was in fact referring to the position known from later times as the
13 crown prince, and
'second after the king.' Since Xerxes was the the inscription does

not imply an existing title, it would be stretching the Information provided by the
Statement of the inscription into an established position equivalent to the later vizier.
It is more likely that Diodorus is referring to
the great importance of the chiliarch
under the Achaemenids rather than to an established administrative position.
later

Such, it seems, was the case of Hephaestion, who was Alexander 's alter ego, but not his
14
vizier. The personal seal of Alexander, on his deathbed was given to Perdikkas
(Arrian XVII, 117,4; Curtius X, 5, 4) which, however, did not indicate that the close
relationship which Hephaestion had with Alexander was transferred to Perdikkas. It
also did not mean that the latter succeeded Alexander, as we well know from
following events. Under the eyes of Eumenes of Kardia, the secretary of King Philip
and then of Alexander, we may assume that the Achaemenid bureaucracy continued,
with, however, two new features, the introduction of the Greek language and the
military colonies and towns founded by Alexander.
The of 'Hellenization' many times has been compared with the
process
'Westernization' of the Orient in modern times. How much one should push this
analogy is open to question, but the position of the Greek language in the successor
states of Alexanders empire does bear a resemblance to English in the latter part of the

twentieth Century. Just as today knowledge of English has been adopted by a new
Greek served a similar function, and language,
'middle' class of Iranians, so at that time
any other criterion, was the key to distinctions. Greek had
rather than religion, race or
started already in Achaemenid times as a kind oilinguafranca in the western part of
the empire, and Alexander's conquests spread the use of the language to India and
Central Asia. To be sure, as a written language the use of Aramaic continued on the
Iranian plateau, but clearly Greek was more widespread as the imperial language of
Alexander and his successors.

,2
Cf. E. Badian, "The Administration of the 14 \fo\lowBetve, Das Alexanderreich [n. 1], 112,
Empire," Creece and Rome, 12 (Oxford, 1965), 176. 320, when he says that the 'chiliarch,' especially
1
E. Benveniste, op. cit. [eh. 5, n.74], 64-65. The Hephaestion under Alexander, "scheint durchaus
assertion of J. Junge, "Hazarapatis," Klio, 33 als ein Hofamt, nicht als Verwaltungsorgan
(1940), 29, that the chiliarch under the Achaemen- gedacht gewesen zu sein." This did not mean that
the influence or authority of the 'chiliarch' was
ids was the chief
of the treasury and of records is
not supported by Elamite documents from diminished, rather the opposite since it was not a
Persepolis.
limited or fixed office.
146 Chapter VI

The founding of garrisons and much discussed. 15 Certainly

cities (poleis) has been
military garrisons were established by Alexander in many parts of the Iranian plateau
but whether he also founded any Greek cities (polis) is debated, for the evidence seems
to be only in their names - all Alexandria. Many scholars have argued that any city in
the east with the name Alexandria must have been a full-fledged polis, but several
questions arise; did Alexander found each one or has his name subsequently been
added? Did Alexander establish a polis, or was it in each case a military garrison which
later became a polis'? When Tarn, following Tscherikower, asserts that Alexandria in

Aria, which he equates with Herat, without doubt was founded by Alexander
because Strabo and Pliny both say so, this is hardly decisive proof of its founding by
Alexander. 16 The historians of Alexander do not mention the founding of a city
there, but they do teil us that Alexander had to suppress a revolt of the people of the
area under Satibarzanes. Perhaps this revolt induced Alexander to establish a garrison
which later developed into a city. Why Tarn says that neither Seleucus nor "any
Successor ever used the Alexander-name" escapes me, since in Appian's Roman
History (Syriake, 57) the author specifically says that Seleucus founded two cities in

honor of Alexander. 17 According to Arrian (e.g., VI, 15, 2; 15, 4) Alexander did
build or order to be built certain cities; why he does not mention Herat and
Prophthasia in Seistan unknown, but when Plutarch (Moralia, De Alexandra
is

fortuna, 328F) says there five Greek cities which would not have existed save for
were
Alexander's conquests, this does not mean that Alexander founded them, as Tarn
supposes, for Seleucia on the Tigris, one of the cities mentioned, we know was not
established by the conqueror. 18 It is not here proposed that Alexander founded no
cities in the east, but rather that the Alexander historians must give us clues, rather
than later authors who give information from various sources each of which must be
checked, and the Alexander legend was already in vogue.
The city called Alexandria ad Caucasum is attested by all of the historians and may
be accepted as an authentic foundation of Alexander, who settled both natives and his
it (Arrian III, 28, 4; Curtius VII, 3, 23). Tarn further declares that an
soldiers in
Alexandria in Arachosia, mentioned by later authors (Isidore of Charax, Ptolemy,
etc.)must be present Ghazna, but this is questionable in view of recent excavations at
old Qandahar where an Achaemenid settlement and a Hellenistic town have been
partially excavated. 19 From the lack of early coins found at Begram by French
excavators, it would seem that this site, which was identified as Kapisa, was not the
same as Alexander's foundation, but it must have been nearby, since the Valley to the
north of Kabul, today called Koh Daman, 'the skirt of the mountain,' though not

15
V. Tscherikower, "Die hellenistischen Städte- implications about the city although possible are
gründungen von Alexander dem Großen bis auf by no means proven as Tarn implies.
,8
die Römerzeit," Philologus, Supplementband XIX, Tarn, Greeks 347, 482.
(eh. 1, n. 23], 14,
19
Heft 1 (Leipzig, 1927), esp. 96-106, and W. W. 470; D. Whitehouse, "Excavations at
Ibid.,

Tarn, "Alexander's Foundations," in Alexander the Kandahar, 1974," Afghan Studies, 1 (London,
Great, 2 (Cambridge, 1 948), 232-49, and the first 1 33-34
978), 9-11, ; also A. McNicoll in ibid., 41-
chapter of his Greeks (eh. 1, n. 23]. 44. InPtolemy VI, 18, 4, the town of Gazaka or
16
Tarn, Alexander, 2 [n. 6], 234 Tscherikower,
; Gauzaka (Ganzaka) is likely to be the site of later
op. cit. [n. 15], 102. Ghazna.
"Tarn, op. eil. [n. 6], 238. His further
 Alexander the Great and the Seleucids 147
20
extensive is large enough to hold several towns. Other cities were founded in the
t jj Ut
attempts to identify them have been erudite but not convincing. 21 Another

c ity is Alexandria in Bactria identified as modern Termez, while Alexandria on the

Tanais (Eskhate
= on the Jaxartes) but the certain identification
is attested in Arrian,

city as Khodjent (Leninabad) is not supported by excavations which have not

of this
22
revealed strata as early as Alexander. Nonetheless, the foundation of certain cities

and garrisons by Alexander can be taken as highly probable, and the aim of most of
them obviously was to insure control of Strategie routes and commerce, and to hold
together the empire.
The question arises whether each of the cities founded by Alexander in the east was
really a Greek polis with all that this implied, and therefore that the conqueror was
consciously striving to bring "Hellenism" to the east by establishing Greek cities
throughout his conquests. This point of view has been contested on the grounds that
Alexander did not seek to establish any exclusively Greek polis, but rather only towns
23
or military colonies where Greeks, Macedonians and natives would be settled. The
realization of the garrison nature of their Settlements may have come to Greek
colonists only when Alexander had founded such Settlements in the east and had
started on his way from India back to Babylon, and this may have been a prime reason
for the revolt of the Greek colonists in Bactria in 325 and in 323 B.c., recorded in
Diodorus (XVII, 99, 5-6; XVIII, 4, 8; 7, 1-5) and Curtius (IX, 7). From the sources, it
is difficult to determine whether there was one uprising before Alexander's death or a

series extending into the post- Alexander era; in any case, some Greek colonists

revolted and wanted to return home, but they were put down by Macedonian troops.
Whether Koshelenko (pp. 71-74) is correct in attributing their discontent to a failure
of Alexander to create Greek cities (poleis), where Greek Citizens would completely
dominate the government, thus causing them to revolt, cannot be determined, but it
could have been a factor in the revolt. It would seem then that Alexander himself did
not establish any polis in the east but later rulers did, and this will be discussed below.
There is no evidence that Alexander intended to found independent towns which
were not under the local satraps, and there is no reason to attribute this policy to him.
The revolt of the Greek colonists, however, does show that many Settlements in the
east at least were made by Alexander to safeguard the empire. The analogy with
military garrisons established by the Arabs in their conquests so many centuries later
is striking, and one
may assume parallel concerns about the safety of the empire and
the caliphate.
Another matter of concern to Iranians was the fiscal policy of Alexander, and it is
clear that at some time during his rule he deeided to issue silver coins on the Attic

See J. Hackin, Nouvelles recherches archiologi- " G. A. Koshelenko, "Vosstanie Grekov v

quesäBegram.MDAFA, 11 (Paris, 1954), 309, and Baktrii i Sogdiane," VDI, 1 (1972), 59-78. The
R^ Ghirshman, Begram,
MDAFA, 12 (Cairo, author analyzes the Greek theories of city founding
,9 6 ). 85. The site ofSaray
Khwaja, called by the of Aristotle and Isocrates, and comes to the
J
inhabitants Iskandariya, may possibly reflect a conclusion that Alexander had no intention of
settlement of the conqueror. Settlements. An
following these ideas in his
rn °P- "' ch !• n 23 525 appears in his book
22 Jf '
l -
1- - expansion of this article
See B. Gafurov, Tadzhiki Vostoke (Mos-
(Moscow, 1972), Grecheskii Polis na ellin isticheskom
note 13 The identification
,
• - of Alexandria on cow, 1979), 181-221.
the Oxus with Termez is still disputed.
148 Chapter VI

Standard for the empire, while at the same time to allow local coinage to continue. He
even Struck gold and issued double darics, and he foüowed his father in
darics

maintaining a value of 10 to 1 instead of the Achaemenid 13-J to 1 ratio of silver to

24 Alexander did not mint
gold. coins in Iran or Central Asia, because there had been
no mints there under the Achaemenids, and Babylon and perhaps Susa are the
easternmost mint places. It is dubious whether Alexander himself had coins Struck
with his own portrait with the legend 'Alexander king,' and even at Susa, which may
have been an Achaemenid mint town, the first such coins seem to be post-Alexander
2S
in date. The introduction of an imperial coinage to the east must have had great
influence in areas where formerly barter and bullion had prevailed, but we can only
infer this from coin hoards and the profusion of coinage in the east after Alexander.
There is no evidence that Alexander the Great had the time to initiate great changes
in the east, and we may assume that his successors were those who laid the foundations
of Hellenism in the East. Undoubtedly Alexander did initiate military Settlements
which later developed into cities, but his task was to hold the empire he had formed
and at the least he seems to have conciliated most of the Iranian aristocracy who
accepted him as their ruler. His Macedonian satraps, especially Peukestas of Persis, on
the whole were accepted and obeyed by the local population, and for the most part
Macedonian rule proceeded without significant revolts against it. 26 The sources teil
us of political events and about the quarreis between the Macedonian generals, but
not about the process of Hellenization in the east which must be reconstructed from
rare, scattered notices in the sources and from archaeology. The wars of the Diadochi,

as the successors of Alexander are called, had no great effect on the mass of the

population of the Iranian plateau, but a survey of the succession insofar as it did
influence Iran should be made.
The first assignment of satrapies was made by Perdikkas in 323 b.c. after the death
of Alexander, and he left all the satraps of the east intact but appointed Peithon son of
Krateuas, a noble Macedonian, satrap of Media while Atropates continued to rule in
Azerbaijan. One of the first tasks of the new satrap was to command an army sent to
suppress a revolt of Greeks settled in Bactria which he did according to Diodorus
(XVIII, 7, 5). Whether this revolt was a continuation of the previous one or not we
cannot determine, but according to the sources, the Greeks had wished to return home
against the wishes of Perdikkas and were suppressed. Apparently a Macedonian called
Philip became satrap of Bactria and Sogdiana at this time. Oxyartes, father-in-law of
Alexander had been made satrap of the Hindukush region by Alexander, succeeding
several short-lived satraps, and he continued in his post as did several vassal kings in
India.Eumenes was made satrap of Cappadocia and Paphlagonia in Asia Minor where
he had to fight against native dynasts. Plutarch (Life of Eumenes, 4) adds that Perdikkas
sent Eumenes against a certain Neoptolemos, satrap of Armenia whom he defeated,
but no more information exists about Armenia at that time.
24 26
Bellinger, op. eil. [n. 4], 30-31 mints 1 14-27;
, There is a curious report that Stasanor, satrap
G. K. Jenkins, Ancient Greek Coins (N.Y., 1972), of Herat and Seistan, attacked the customs of the
211-16; G. Kleiner, "Alexanders ReichsmUnzen," local inhabitants who then revolted against him
Abh. der deutschen Akad. der Wiss. zu Berlin, Jhg. (Porphyrios, De Abstinentia, IV, 21).
1947 (Berlin, 1949), 9-23.
5
G. Le Rider, Suse sous les Sileucides et les

Parthes, MMAI, 38 (Paris, 1965), 45.

 Alexander the Great and the Seleucids 149

Shortly after the assassination of Perdikkas in 321 B.c., at a Conference at

Triparadeisos in north Syria, Antipater assumed the role of regent or representative of
Philip Arrhidaeus, half-brother of Alexander, and Alexander's posthumous son, both
of whom had been recognized as Joint rulers of the empire even though few of the
eenerals paid any heed to one or the other. Few changes in eastern satrapies were made
by Antipater except that Philip was transferred from Bactria, and he replaced the
perhaps dead Phrataphernes in Parthia and Hyrcania, while Stasanor of Soli on
Cyprus, former satrap of Herat and Seistan, became Satrap of Bactria and Sogdiana,
while another Cypriote called Stasander became satrap of Herat and Seistan (Diod.
XVIII, 39, 6). The capable general in charge of Antipater's army was Antigonos, the
'one-eyed.' The entire Situation changed, however, with the death of Antipater in 319
when he bequeathed his office to Polyperchon, who was friendly to Eumenes and

who had been attacked by Antigonos in Asia Minor. This turn of events enabled
Peithon, satrap of Media, to attack Parthia and replace Philip with his brother
27
Eudamos (Diod. XIX, Peithon was defeated in turn by a coalition of eastern
13, 7).
satraps, and then Peithon went to Babylon which had been allotted to Seleucus at
Triparadeisos. Seleucus, however, did not join Peithon, who was now faced with the
coalition which followed Eumenes (and Polyperchon in Europe) and wintered in
Susiane in 317 b.c. Since the members of the coalition quarrelled about the leadership,
Eumenes advised that all of them should participate in military decisions, which
proved to be his undoing.
Meanwhile Antigonos was gathering forces in Mesopotamia to attack the
coalition, and he hoped to do this with the support of Peithon and Seleucus. He
advanced to Susa, and Seleucus on behalf of Antigonos besieged the citadel. From the
sourceswe learn that Iranians fought on both sides, one of Antigonos and the other of
Eumenes, which latter might be called the 'royalist' camp, since they ostensibly
upheld the unity of the empire under the son of Alexander, for his half-brother Philip
Arrhidaeus had been executed in 317 at the order of Olympias, mother of the dead
conqueror. At first Eumenes seemed to have the upper hand; at a battle on the Iranian
plateau near Gabai (Isfahan) against Antigonos he prevailed, but Antigonos held a
unified command while the coalition was disunited (Diod. XIX, 26-7), and in a
second battle Antigonos captured the baggage of Eumenes together with the wives
and children of many of his troops. The satraps thereupon wished to retire to their
satrapies and did so, while the Macedonian mercenaries seized Eumenes and turned
him over to Antigonos in return for their baggage and families (Diod. XIX, 42).
Whether the account of Diodorus is accurate or not cannot be determined, but in any
caseEumenes was executed and Antigonos now became lord of Asia. 28
In the account of the forces of Eumenes, Diodorus (XIX, 27) has an interesting

The text says he put to death Philotas, the troops and elephants from India. Oxyartes, satrap
general (<TTpaT7jyös) of Parthia a general Androba-
and replaced him of the Hindukush region, sent
with his brother, but
we have seen that Philip was zos with troops, and Peukestas of Persis was
t e satrap. Whatever the confusion in names, recognized as the leader of the coalition.
Peithon secured Parthia 28
to his support. The satraps On the title 'king of Asia,' probably assumed
who sent troops for the
coalition against Peithon by Antigonos after removing Peithon, satrap of
wereTlepolemosofKerman.SibyrtiosofAracho- Media, see H. W. Ritter, Diadem und Königs-
s'a, Stasander
of Herat and Seistan, with extra herrschaß, Vestigia (München, 1965), 102.
troops from
Bactria, while Eudamos brought
150 Chapter VI

remark, that five hundred soldiers from the Hindukush area joined the coalition of
Eumenes against Antigonos and an "equal number of Thracian colonists from the
upper colonies (satrapies)" ujoi Spanes ix tcov ovo) koltoikiöjv. The indication that
Thracians were also settled in the eastern 'upper' satrapies (medieval Khurasan), as
well as Greeks and Macedonians, is a welcome item, helping to explain the large
numbers of colonists who came from Europe and Asia Minor to the east. One
wonders whether special inducements of payments in money or kind, as well as land,
were not offered to settlers to come to the east to Supplement the veterans and forced
settlement of military cadres in garrisons. For the numbers of colonists sent to the east
must have severely depleted the populations of both the towns and countrysides in the
west. The Hellenistic expansion to the east at this time may be compared to the earlier
29
Greek Settlements in the Mediterranean and Black Sea areas.

Antigonos, after the death of Eumenes, began to consolidate his position in the east,
and his erstwhile ally Peithon was suspected of rebellion and executed, whereupon his

other ally Seleucus, fearing a similar fate, fled to Ptolemy in Egypt in 316 b.c. An
Iranian, Orontobates, was appointed satrap of Media by Antigonos in place of Peithon.
The satraps of the farther east were in too strong positions to be removed, so
Antigonos retained Stasanor in Bactria, but Stasander in Herat and Seistan was
replaced by Evitus, who died shortly thereafter and was followed by Evagoras.
Sibyrtios retained Arachosia, and according to Diodorus (XIX, 48, 4) Antigonos sent
to him many of the Macedonian veterans who had turned over Eumenes to
Antigonos, with Orders to send them on difhcult missions where they would be
he did not trust them. Peukestas, the populär satrap of Persis was removed
killed, since
and Asklepidoros put in his place, and another Peithon, former satrap of India, was
30
now made satrap of Babylonia, while in Susiane a certain Aspeisas was installed.
Thus, Antigonos secured control of the east, but he remained suspicious of the fickle
satraps who would were to their respective advantages. Then
only support him if it

Antigonos turned to the west, but a defeat of his son Demetrius by Ptolemy at Gaza,
Palestine, in 31 2 persuaded Seleucus to try his luck again in the east, and Ptolemy gave
him a small force of soldiers to assist him. Seleucus had been well liked by the
Babylonians when he previously had been their satrap, so many welcomed him back,
and honor of his entry into Babylon in the late summer of 312, although according
in
to Babylonian reckoning the first of the month Nisan or the 3rd of April 31 1 b.c., this
date was the beginning of the Seleucid era. 31 Dating in this era in Babylonian clay
tablets is attested, however, only from the year 304/3 B.C.
Seleucus devoted himself to consolidating his position in the east, but Nikanor, the

!,
The problem of the colonists will be i\ htruzione Chssica nuova serie 10, (1932),
discussed in more detail below. From the sources it 462-66.
clear that Iranians fought on both 3I
is sides. Cf. infra,
J Oelsner, "Kellschriftliche Beiträge zur
n '5.-
politischen Geschichte Babyloniens in den ersten
The coin with the name Aspeisos may well Jahrzehnten der griechischen Herrschaft (331-305
refer to this satrap, but it is unusual; cf. Bellinger, v.u.Z.)," AF, 1 (1974), 135. The Seleucid era was
op. eil. [n. 4], 88-89. On the struggle between commonlycalled the 'era of Alexander .'Cf. Chroti.
Antigonos and Seleucus, see G. Furlani, "La cronaca Maroniticum, CSCO, Script. Syr. ser. III, IV, pt. 1

babilonese sui diadochi," Rivista ii Filologia e 43.

 Alexander the Great and the Seleucids 151

forces in Iran prepared to attack Seleucus, while

eneral in charge of Antigonos'
Demetrius, son of Antigonos, invaded Babylonia and recovered some of the places
Seleucus had taken, but he could not assure control of the satrapy for Antigonos, since
west and to the affairs of mainland Greece. In 310 the widow
he had to return to the
son Alexander were murdered by Kassander,
of Alexander the Great, Roxane, and her
any possible succession to the empire of the conqueror was ended. Demetrius, son
and
of Antigonos, was only partially successful in Greece, but in 306 he destroyed the
navy of Ptolemy near Cyprus and captured the island, and after that both Antigonos
and his son assumed the title of 'king' and both wore diadems. In 304 B.c. Ptolemy,
Seleucus, Kassander and other Diadochi also took the title 'king,' and any pretence of a
united empire was now ended, and the heritage of Alexander was permanently
divided.
Meanwhile Seleucus had in effect replaced Antigonos as ruler of the east, especially
after defeating Nikanor in a battle in which other followers of Antigonos lost their

lives (Diod., XIX, 92, 5). Appian (Roman History, Syriake, 55) says Seleucus killed
Nikanor in battle, but he does not say when or where. Seleucus must have either
conciliated the satraps in the east or defeated them, but the only item of information
we have is that Seleucus made peace with the new Indian power headed by
Chandragupta (SavSpoKÖrros) and obtained from him five hundred elephants in
exchange for recognition of Mauryan supremacy at least over the Indus basin if not
more (Strabo XV, 724). Before this time, according to Will, Seleucus had defeated the
forces of Antigonos in a great battle, probably in 309/8 b.c., which resulted in a treaty
by which Antigonos renounced rule over Iran. 32 This, however, may be the battle
against Nikanor in Babylonia, but the existence of a treaty between Antigonos and
Seleucusis an assumption of Will based on the absence of records of further conflict

between the two. In any case, we are left to conjecture just how Seleucus won the east
and what were his relations with Antigonos.
The end of Antigonos came in the summer of 301 b.c. at the battle of Ipsos in north
Syria, when a coalition of forces under Kassander from Greece, Lysimachos and
Seleucus, with his newly acquired Indian elephants, crushed Antigonos, who died on
the field of battle, while Demetrius, his son, fled with other forces. 33 The three victors
divided the domains of Antigonos between them, and Seleucus received of the east all
and Syria. Southern Syria or Palestine had been occupied by Ptolemy, who had not
taken part in the battle of Ipsos, but Seleucus for the time acquiesced in the occupation,
although he did not renounce his claims to the south. Lysimachos took most of Asia
Minor. The intrigues and problems of the west do not concern us, but inasmuch as it
took the attention of Seleucus away from the east, in this manner Iran was influenced
by events in the west. What do we know about Iran and Central Asia at the beginning
of Seleucid rule?

Will, supra, Histoire politique, 58. This view 33

is O. Müller, Antigonos Monophthalmos und "das
contested by C. Wehrli, Antigone et Demetrios Jahr der Könige," Saarbrücker Beiträge zur Alter-
(Geneva, 1969), 130, who
denies that there was a tumskunde. 1 1 (Bonn, 1973), 140 pp., discusses
«tle or treaty,
but merely that Antigonos questions of legitimacy and kingship in the career
rehnquished rule in the east to
concentrate on the of Antigonos.
west.
 152 Chapter VI

THE CONSOLIDATION OF THE SELEUCID KINGDOM

If we accept a Statement of Diodorus (XX, 53, 4) that Seleucus took the title of 'king'
shortly after he had taken over the 'upper provinces,' the dateof this conquest would
be c. 307-306 b.c. or later. As mentioned, we hear nothing of Seleucus in the east save
his ceding of territory to the founder of the Maurya dynasty Chandragupta, but the
extent ofthat ceded land is uncertain. A chance remark of Justin (XV) that Seleucus
subdued the Bactrians may indicate some fighting before obtaining the allegiance of
that province. This is all that has survived, but we may suppose that most of the
inhabitants of the east, natives and Greco-Macedonians, supported Seleucus, since no
reports of revolts or loss of territory survive from the reigns of either Seleucus or his
son Antiochus I. The wife of Seleucus and mother of Antiochus I was an Iranian,
daughter of the Bactrian leader Spitamenes, who had fought Alexander, so we
suppose a certain sympathy for the Iranians in the first two Seleucid rulers which
engendered a loyalty to them for a long time. At the same time neither Seleucus nor
Antiochus relied primarily on the native population of their vast domains to support
their rule. Just as on Greco-
the other Diadochi, so the Seleucids also relied
Macedonian and they carried on the work of city
colonists as their basic support,
founding started by Alexander and actively pursued by Antigonos. 34 It seems
apparent that both Seleucus and Antiochus exerted themselves greatly not just to
plant garrisons but to make Hellenistic centers on the routes to the east so they might
be held by settlers loyal to their new monarchy.
Antioch on the Orontes was founded by Seleucus in 300 b.c., a year after the defeat
of Antigonos, and it became first the overall then the western capital. A few years
later the eastern capital Seleucia on the Tigris was founded and was settled primarily
it

with people from Babylon. 35 Apparently this made the Babylonians unhappy, but
the decline of their city was assured, when Antiochus I in the thirty-seventh year of
the Seleucid era (275 made Seleucia the 'royal city,' which then made of Babylon
B.c.)

only a place of pilgrimage. 36 The ancient city of Raga or Rhages was re-founded by
Seleucus, or much more likely it had a large influx of Hellenic settlers, and thereafter it
was called Europos, according to Strabo (XI, 524; also Ptolemy VI, 2, 17). The later
capital of the Parthians Hekatompylos (Komis/Qumis), according to Appian (Syr.,
57) was also founded by Seleucus, but no other evidence for this or other cities in
Parthia - Söteiria, Kalliope and Kharis - all supposedly founded by Seleucus exists,
although Stephan of Byzantium says the first was founded by Antiochus I. These
cities, nanied with Greek epithets are inipossible to localize precisely without the
native names. In Bactria and Central Asia the first two Seleucids undoubtedly

established colonies but we cannot deternnne where. Tscherikower's conclusion that

whereas Alexander and Antigonos primarily had mihtary reasons for their

4
Kor the Settlements of Antigonos see C founding is noted by Appian. Roman Hin., Syr.,
Wehrli. <>/> eil |n. 32|. 1 33, but in the east we find 57
few eitles founded by him unless their names were l " lor referenees to elay tablcts see 5> A. I'alhs.

changed by later rulers "Tlie History of Babylon 53S-93 B(..." in Swditi

On Seleueia, sourees, etc , see Tseherikower, Orienltilia loani Petersen, ed by F. Hvidberg
i'/» dl |n 15|, 90 The prodigious activity of eity (C'openhagen, 1953), 282
 Alexander the Great and the Seleucids 153

foundations, but the Seleucids were more interested in trade and commerce, is very
37
attractive and convincing. Antioch on the Orontes and Seleucia on the Tigris were
the two most important foundations of Seleucus, Controlling the 'Fertile Crescent,'
but other cities were completed along a lineof Communications to the east.
The process of settlement in the east must be inferred from Information on city

foundations in Syria and the west, since there is no information in the sources about
eastern cities. The excavation of a Hellenistic city on the banks of the Oxus River in
Afghanistan called today Ay Khanum, however, has provided most welcome
information to compare with cities in the west. Ay Khanum at first was tentatively
identified with the city of Eucratideia, named after the Greco-Bactrian ruler
Eucratides (Strabo XI, 576 ; Ptolemy VI, 11,8) which would date its founding in the
third Century, but it had an earlier foundation perhaps from the time of
it seems that
38 was a Hellenistic city on the upper Oxus River where
any case, there
Seleucus I. In
the Kokcha joins it, and the remarkable Greek inscriptions, the theatre, gymnasium,
agora and city plan which have been recovered by the archaeologists, all emphasize
the thoroughly Greek character of the settlement. One inscription, among others,
implies that a certain Clearchus, who wrote books as well as epigrams, one of which is
on the base of a stele from the site, travelled from Delphi in Greece to this outpost in
39 Hermes and Herakles are mentioned in another inscription, further
the east.
evidence of the profoundly Greek character of the city. Apparently later, perhaps c.
1 50 b.c. in the Greco-Bactrian period, a (royal) court was added in the city, unusual

for Hellenistic cities. The discovery of small fragments of philosophical papyri in

Greek also attest to the strong Greek intellectual presence in a city far from Greece,
but above all it indicates that the settlers were not just military colonists, but cross
sections of all of the population were represented in the Hellenistic colonization of the
east.
40

Seleucus followed Alexander in many respects, one of which was the policy of
sending expeditions to far away provinces to learn about the limits of his domains.
Patrokles was a Greek high official in the court of Seleucus who explored the coasts of
the Caspian Sea, perhaps seeking water routes to the east since he also sailed in Indian
waters (Strabo II, 69, 74; and Pliny VI, 58). A general of Seleucus, called Demodamas

ot Miletus, may have led an expedition across the Jaxartes River at the end of Seleucus'
reign (Pliny VI, 49) and Megasthenes, followed by Daimakhos (or Demimakhos)
maintained an embassy at the Mauryan court of India on behalf of Seleucus, and it
would seem that in spite of the ceding of territory to the Indians by Seleucus friendly

'
Tschenkower, op eil [n. 15]. 169. 1977 ä AT Khanoum," CRAl (avril-juin, 1978),
L. Robert apud V Bcrnard. I'oiiillcs d'Ai 458, adds that Clearchus of Soloi, who visited Ay
Minimum. MDAFA. 21, 1 (1973), 217-22. call» Khanum about 300 B.c and was a follower of
Kineas, probably from Thessaly,
the founder of the Anstotle had two elegaic Couplets of preeepts at
city.smce a Greek inscription
has been found there. Delphi erected in the temenos of Kineas in the city.
presunubly o\er the tomb of Kineas, m the agora •*"
Ibid. 459-60 On funerary jars the names
»t Ay Khanum.
and Robert suggests the town was Lssamos and lsidora (worshipper of Isis?) were
•'" Alexandria founded by the conqueror, al- found. and the dedication of the gymnasium was
though previously
(p 210) he lud attributed the niade by two brothers Triballos and Strato,
toiindmg to Seleucus
1 possible of Thracian origin.
1' Bcrnard, "Canipagnc de fouilles 1976-
154 Chapler VI

relations were maintained between the two empires.41 The amount of land ceded is
unknown, but since Megasthenes had served in the satrapal court of Sibyrtios in
Arachosia before being sent on the mission we may suppose that Arachosia probably
was not included in the territory ceded by Seleucus to Chandragupta, although this
province may have been conquered by Asoka, grandson of Chandragupta, since his
inscriptions are found there. 42 These inscriptions, in Aramaic and in Greek, are
fragments of copies of several of the edicts of Asoka, who was converted to
Buddhism, and they give us an interesting picture of the population ofthose areas,
once part of Alexander's empire and then under the Mauryas. 43 There were three
groups in Arachosia, if we follow the inscriptions, Greco-Macedonians, Iranians who
used Aramaic as their written language, and Indians. The Iranians may well be those
people called Kambojas associated with the Greeks in the thirteenth rock edict of
word Kamboja are much debated, but it
Asoka. Their location and the meaning of the
is at least agreed that they were Iranians living to the northwest of the sub-
continent. 44 In the eyes of Indians, the Greeks (Yonas or Yavanas from Ionia) and the
Iranians were associated, and this is a good characterization of the eastern Seleucid
domain, a dual control.
In addition to gathering information about his domains, Seleucus realized that it

would be impossible to govern the east from Antioch on the Orontes, so he followed
Antigonos in c. 294 or
appointing a co-ruler of the east, in this case his son Antiochus,
45
293 b.c. on the Tigris became the eastern capital, the seat of Antiochus.
Seleucia
According to Bengtson, the leading authority on the Organization of the Seleucid
State, there were three categories of subjects of this State, the local dynasts, the cities and

the ethnt, or 'peoples,' a division inherited from the Achaemenids. 46 The ethnos should
41
On Megasthenes the works ofj W McCrm- har, see F. R. Allchin and N. Hammond, 'l'he

die, Amieitl India as Described by Megasthenes and Archaeology of Afghanistan (London, 1978), 192-
Arrian (London, 1877), and Ancient India as 98, with bibhography.
44
Described in Classkal l.iterature (Westminster, V. S. Agrawala, India as Known to Pänini
1901) are still useful as reference works, but there (Lucknow, 1953), 48, identifics them asGalchasof
are many books on the relations such as O. Stein, the Pamirs, which is unhkely. E. A. Grantovskn,
Megasthenes und Kautilya (Vienna, 1 922) ; cf. Will, "Plemennoe obedinenie Parca-Parcava," in Istoriya
supra, Histoire politique, 237-38 for sources and i Kultura Drevnei Indii, ed. by W. Kuben and V.
discussion. Struve (Moscow, 1 963), 72-77, concludes that the
42
Although Appian (Rom Hist Syr 55) says , , Kambojas hved in Arachosia and in the Ghazna
Seleucus ruled to the Indus River, there is no area The Parsu of Panini he identifies as ancestors
indication how long he ruled m the east It is not of the Pashtuns or Afghans.
unlikely that Chandragupta's son Bindusära ex- 4S
Under Antigonos first Peithon (c. 323-316
panded the Mauryan empire as did Asoka in his B.(.)and then Nikanor (315-312) had served as
early years, so the Suggestion above has much to stratCgos (or general-governor?) of the Upper
commend it. On a possible ma'rnage between provinces The title is equivalent to satrap, of
Seleucus I and an Indian princess, see J. Seibert, course, with more einphasis on the nuhtary side.

Historische Beitrage zu den dynastischen Verbindun- but whether any real control was exercised by him
gen in hellenistischer Zeit (Wiesbaden, 1967), 3. over the satraps of the farthest east is dubious.
4-1 46
For a description of the vanous inscriptions. H Bengtson, Die Strategie in der hellenisti-

l'ul-e Darunta in an Indian Prakrit language sehen Zeit, 2 (München, 1944), 3, and his Grie-
(Aramaic aiphabet) and in the Aramaic language, einsehe Geschichte [ch 5, n. 1 8|, 438, supplanting E.

two Aramaic inscriptions from the Laghinan Bikerman, I.es Institutions des Seleucides (Paris,
valley, a bihngual Greek and Aramaic mscription 1938) and M. Rostovtzelf, 'l'he Social and liconomic
near Qandahar, an Indian Prakrit (Aramaic llistory ofthe Hellenislie World, 1 (Oxford, 1941).
aiphabet) and Aramaic language bihngual from 423-542
Qandahar, and a Greek mscription from Qanda-
 Alexander the Great and the Seleucids 155

.
Old Persian dahyu- 'land' mentioned frequently in the Old Persian inscriptions.
the
Achaemenid city, OP vardana, did not have anything like the importance of the
The
oolis of Hellenistic times, and it is hazardous to assert that cities on the Iranian plateau

before Alexander had the same Status as Mesopotamian cities, while the latter also

must not be confused with the megalopolis Babylon, or with other cities of a
millennium earlier. The last category, the dynasts, were at first local rulers who had
been absorbed into the empire without fundamentally losing their positions. Later, in
the Achaemenid Empire and under the Seleucids, friends of the ruler, generals of the
army and others received land with various privileges from the ruler, and some
became the equal of local dynasts in wealth and authority. Land acquired by temples,
through gift or purchase grew in size and independence under the Seleucids, but the
degree of control which local governors, or the central court, exercised over temples
undoubtedly varied considerably in different parts of the Seleucid domain. Likewise
the control over cities by the central government varied considerably, even though de
jure a polis might be regarded as independent and free. In practice the ruler had the
most to say about the government of a city, although clashes over authority with the

provincial government also occurred in many cities. It seems that the word ethne,
used in Egypt and elsewhere, is very rare in a Seleucid context where instead olröiroi,
which would somewhat correspond to the Old Persian word for 'land,' appears, but
the expression does not necessarily mean the equivalent of 'satrapy,' although it
sometimes does. 47
The territorial division of the Seleucid State at first followed the satrapal divisions
of the Achaemenids and Alexander, but in time the satrapies were divided and more
of them were created. In the east, however, Persis, Susiane and Media remained much
as they were, while further east a progressive loss of territory occurred, first

Arachosia, then Bactria and Parthia. Azerbaijan and Armenia, although at times
nominally subject to the Seleucids, were really independent in practice. In regard to
nomenclature, all scholars agree that the Greek sources are imprecise and
contradictory, and the titles 'satrap and 'strategos' have caused dispute, but Bengtson's
Suggestion that the latter title is used only in the western part of the empire as a
synonym for the former, and that after Antiochus III the term strategos is more often
used in place of 'satrap 48
is convincing. The
provincial sub-divisions also cause
trouble, for the terms hyparchy, toparchy, eparchy and meris or /i.€ptSapx ia appear in
the sources. Tarn suggested that the Seleucid satrapy was divided into eparchies, which
in turn were divided into hyparchies, while Altheim proposed a fourfold division:
satrapy, meris, hyparchyand toparchy, the last also called stathmoi, but Bengtson's
proposal that there was only a threefold division of satrapy, hyparchy and toparchy,
with a rare meris in between a satrapy and a hyparchy and headed by meridarch only in
the far east and in Palestine, here borrowed from the Ptolemies, fits the evidence
better than the other theories 49 It is clear that the subdivisions were not uniform
throughout the Seleucid domains, but we can say that the satraps in the east continued

Bengtson, Strategie [n. 46], 1, 10-11. Geschichte Mittelasiens im Altertum (Berlin, 1970),
*8
Ibid., 48-51. " 325 The / term chiliarchy also appears in an
49
Ibid., 30-38; W. W. Tarn, "Seleucid-Parthian mscription'from Sardis, but not in the east (Tarn,
Studies,"
ies," Proceedings
of the British Academy, 1616 op. cit. [eh. 1, n. 23], 28).
(London, 1930), 24-33; F. Altheim and R. Stiehl
156 Chapter VI
in the Achaemenid tradition of being miniature kings with courts copying the central
court. Certainly in Bactria and Parthia the satrap wielded military as well as political
power. In the west, on the other hand, the central army and constant warfare with the
Ptolemies, and with the Antigonids of Macedonia and others, gave the military
element a preponderant role in the running of affairs. Revolts in the eastern satrapies
seem to have followed a similar pattern as in the Achaemenid Empire, but under the
Seleucids they eventually succeeded in detaching large parts of the empire from the
50
central authority.
Achaemenid king and Alexander had their 'friends' at court, so did the
Just as the
and undoubtedly the change of rulers brought great changes in satrapal
Seleucids,
appointments and new individuals to the fore. Since the Seleucids were continually
engaged in struggles in the west the generals (stratlgoi) at court became very
important. In the east loyalty to the Seleucid government was based mainly on the
kötoucoi or military colonists who were also the founders of the cities. The relation
of these colonists to the satrapal Organization is unrecorded, but possibly they had the
same relation to the satrap as did the cities in Syria and Asia Minor to the Seleucid
king, quasi-independent, yet usually following his Orders. The various combinations
of central and provincial troops and Commanders in the west throughout the Seleucid
period do not concern us, rather only the domains of the governor-general of the east,
a kind of co-regency, which is not to be confused, however, with the institution of
double kingship such as two Spartan kings or two consuls in Rome. The east, after
Seleucus had appointed his son as co-regent, was the land east of the Euphrates and
included Mesopotamia, but it is not known where Antiochus spent much of his time

as co-regent, presumably on the plateau. Margiane, or the Merv oasis, was surrounded
by a wall of 1 500 stadia (over 300 km.), and a city named Antiocheia was founded by
Antiochus at some time (Strabo XI, 516; Pliny VI, 47). It may have been a rebuilding
of a city founded by Alexander but destroyed by nomads, according to Pliny, but this
was surely only one of the foundations of Seleucus or Antiochus in the east. As noted,
it would seem that the prime motivation in thefounding of cities in the east was to
secure the line of Communications and trade from the lowlands of Mesopotamia to
Bactria and farther east.
One study of this period emphasizes the Iranian reaction against Hellenism, which
is contrary to the majority of writings which emphasize the spread of Hellenic culture
in the east. 51 Eddy suggests that on the plateau Persis was the satrapy which opposed
Hellenism the most, while Media and Bactria less so. He neglects the simple but
striking fact that most of the of the Seleucids were in
Hellenistic city foundations
Media and on the route and out of the way areas were not exposed to
to Bactria,
Hellenistic culture to the same degree. The theory of a strong religious Opposition to
the Seleucids, based on the close connection between the Achaemenid royal house and
Zoroastrianism, with a twin motivation, restoration of Iranian rule and religious
supremacy, is attractive but not necessarily universally valid. For not only the

The process of breaking away in many cases is httle or no evidence, however, to support any

may have been gradual, first a removal of central theory for the unconditional breakaway of satraps.
officials in the province, followed by a reduction On the Achaemenid provincial divisions, see J.
of military levies and tribute to the central court, Junge, "Satrapie und natio," Klio, 34 (1942), 49.
then a vassal Status and finally independence. There 51
Eddy, supra, King is Dead, 75-100.
 Alexander the Great and the Seleucids 157

tolerance of the Hellenistic rulers towards local religions and cults, but the conscious
identification of Greek with Oriental deities, the oft-described Hellenistic syncretism,
cannot be ignored as a factor of conciliation. In the religious domain it appears that the
westerners were more the learners and adapters, and there is little evidence of clashes
to be found in the sources between Hellenic and Oriental religions. But again
conditions surely varied in different parts of the Seleucid realm, which we should
examine, beginning with Susiane.
Susa remained as important a city under the Seleucids as it had been under the
Achaemenids, and the first Seleucus renamed it Seleucia on the Eulaios (River) and it

became Greek polis with the features of a Hellenistic city with

a full-fledged
52 The large number of
magistrates, gymnasium, etc. copper coins, first introduced by
Seleucus I, found in French excavations over the years, assure us that Susa was an
important mint for the Seleucids, and even before them, while Greek inscriptions
from Parthian times indicate the strong persistence of Hellenism into the Christian
era. Susiane was undergoing a Semiticization as well as a Hellenization under the
Seleucids, and the native Elamites maintained their language and culture primarily in
the mountains to the east, in what came to be called Elymais. The plains of Susiane
were an extension of Mesopotamia, and the coins found at Susa from Characene or
Mesene, at the mouth of the Tigris-Euphrates, attest the close commercial relations
between the two areas. 53 Since the Seleucids were interested in trade and commerce
and founded cities on the Persian Gulf, such as Ikaros on the island of Failaka near
modern Kuwait, and Charax, founded by Alexander, we may assume that Susa
formed part of that complex of Hellenic Settlements which remained loyal to the
Seleucids long after the Parthians replaced them on the plateau, and Hellenic
influences remained strong afterwards. There is no need to repeat the ample survey of
the Greek inscriptions and names from Susa, which indicate a Hellenic domination of
the local government throughout Seleucid rule, at least until the year 164 b.c. date of
the death of Antiochus IV. Even afterwards, until the Elymaians captured the city
about a.D. 45, the Greek language and Greek laws and institutions flourished at
Susa. 54 From the Greek inscriptions and the coins we also see the Greek gods
worshipped in the city, with Artemis and Apollo predominant, perhaps in the ofFicial
cult of the Seleucid dynasty, although other deities appear on the coins infrequently
such as Athena, the Dioscuri, Hermes, and perhaps Zeus and Herakles (Le Rider, p.
289). Nanaia of Susa, to be identified with Iranian Anahita, is mentioned in several
inscriptions but the identification with Artemis seems to be a development of
Parthian times (Le Rider, p. 295). The process of absorption of the Hellenic elements

On the history of the city under the Seleucids 53 On the location of Charax see
J.
Hansman,
**Le Rider, op. cit. [n. 25], 274-93. Le Rider ably "Charax and the Karkheh," IA, 7 (1967), 36-58.
defends the naming of the city
as "Seleucia' by For a history of Characene cf. S. A. Nodelman, "A
Seleucus Iagainst Tarn
whofävors Antiochus 111 as Preliminary History of Characene," Berytus, 13
the ruler who made it a polis. The further (1959-60), 83-121. The name Elymais comes
Suggestion 281) that colonists from Ephesus
(p. from Elam.
were settled at Susa, because the local 54
goddess Le Rider op. cit, 287. The expansion of rice
anaia was later identified with Artemis of culture and vine culture in Susiane (the latter
tphesus, is attractive. One should note that dimcult on the hot plains) is attributed to the
Macedonian names occur there.
also Macedonians by Strabo (XV, 732).
 158 Chapter VI

in Susa here, more than elsewhere on the plateau, except perhaps

was long, and
Bactria, the influences of Hellenism survived.
On the plateau in the mountains of Elymais, we have no sources from the period of
Seleucid rule to indicate either the degree of Hellenization, undoubtedly much less
than in Susiane, or the extent of Seleucid control. Later Elymais became an
independent State, but under the early Seleucids we can only surmise that local cult-
shrines existed in the mountain Valleys, as they did later, but central Seleucid control
was almost non-existent.
Persis, the favored homeland satrapy of the Achaemenids, however, presents

problems for we do have equivocal information which is differently interpreted. As

far as one can determine, Persis, with Persepohs, was under Macedonian rule to at least
the early part of Seleucus' reign, mainly because of a few of his early coins found at
Persepolis and also his coins found at Pasargadae.
55
How long loyalty to the Seleucids
lasted is difficult to determine, for the senes of local coins Struck in Persis indicates an
early rejection of Seleucid rule, which is not unexpected since Persis was the one
province of the Achaemenid Empire which formerly did not pay taxes and where
local Opposition to the conquerors would develop since memories and imperial
Achaemenid were strong. An inscription in Aramaic letters of not later
traditions
than the third Century b.c. on the tomb of Dariusat Naqsh-e Rustam has caused much
controversy, because it is preserved in an extremely miserable condition, and many
fanciful readings of words based on the line drawings made by E. Herzfeld have
obscured rather than aided an understanding of the inscription. 56 If the inscription
does have (or rather had) the name slwk or 'Seleucus' in the second word of the fourth
line as Henning proposed, then the inscription should be dated probably in his reign
rather than at the end of the Achaemenid period. 57 The reason for such an unusual or
unique inscription in a form of Old Persian but in the Aramaic Script escapes us, but it
might be explained as an attempt of local lords to preserve some memory of the
Achaemenid kings. If Seleucus himself had ordered such an inscription, one would
have expected a Greek Version or an inscription only in Greek, as those from parts of
altars or bases of statues from a temple in the piain at Persepolis dating from the

Seleucid period. 58 If slwk is not the name of Seleucus 1, then the inscription might date

55
Cf. E. Schmidt, op. eil., 2 [eh. 5, n. 141], 1 10- destroying some vestiges of letters on the friable
1 4 G. C. Miles, Excavalion Coinsfrom the Persepolis
; surface of the stone, it is not possible to control his
Agion.NNM, 143(1959), 1,19; D. Stronach, op. sketches. Nonetheless, an examination of the
eil. [eh. 5, n. 1], 198. Diodorus (XIX, 48, 5) surface and photographs reveals the inadvisability
mentions a 'near revolt' of the Persians when of relymg implicitly on his drawings.
Antigonos replaced Peukestas as satrap of Persis, -" WB. Henning, "Mitteliranisch," in HO.
and Thespios their leader was executed by Traceson the stone are
Iranistik (Leiden, 1958), 24.
Antigonos. Later Diodorus (XIX, 92, 5) says that not now observable, so one must aeeept the
the troops loyal to Antigonos wem over to reading of Henning, the most remarkable epigra-
Seleucus, the last we hear of Persis in the sources.
phist in lranian studies. The reading sarüka
56
Published by E. Herzfeld, Allpersische In- 'prineeps for slwk by G. Ito, "Gathica," Orient, 12
sr/ir./ren (Berlin, 1939), 12, Tafel IV; the interpre- (Tokyo, 1976), 58, is intriguing, although the
tations by F. Altheim, Wellgeschichte Asiens im W ord would mean rather 'fortress' or 'tower'; cf.
griechischen Zeilaller, 1 (Halle, 1947), 37-39, Frye, "The 'Aramaic' inscription on the Tomb of
repeated in his Die aramäische Sprache unter den Darius," 1A, 17 (1982), 85-90.
Achaimeniden (Frankfurt/M, 1963), 10-12, and *» E. Herzfeld, An Archaeological History
of Iran
elsewhere, are dubious. Since Herzfeld made a (London, 1935), 44 He says the mscriptions were
paper squeeze of the inscription, in the process not from a Greek temple but a temple to the local
 Alexander the Great and the Seleucids \5$

from late Achaemenid times, which would make more historical sense than a Seleucid
date.
The coins of the frataraka 'governor' of Persis are also enigmatic at least in their
dating and significance. Generalizations from the presence or absence of coins at
excavation sites are always tentative, but they may indicate a certain historical
Situation, so an examination of coins found in excavations at Persepolis, Pasargadae,
Qasr-e Abu Nasr, and Susa can give us some information. No coins of Persis have
been found at Susa or at Pasargadae, which does indicate that the realm of circulation

of the coins was small. The two small hoards from Pasargadae have coins of Seleucus I
but no later Seleucids, while the coins from Persepolis have only one Seleucid
example but manyfrataraka coins. 59 This would further imply that Pasargadae rather
than Persepolis was the Seleucid center in Persis and that Persepolis may have been a
local center, the two existing in some
of modus vivendi until the local dynasts
sort
established a treaty or vassal relationship with the Seleucids. From the coins found in
excavations in Fars province, and from the bazaars of Shiraz, it seems that the only
Seleucid coins current in this province were those of Seleucus I, and one small hoard
from the piain near Persepolis indicates that the coins of the local dynasts in Persis
followed immediately after those of Seleucus I. 60 The local coins were inscribed with
Aramaic legends, unlike other coins in this period which were all in Greek, and the
Persis coins show a development over a long period of time in several phases. The
earliest coins have the legend in Aramaic prtrk ' zy %y "governor of the gods,' or on

'behalf of the gods.' The title 'frataraka' is enigmatic, but it is attested in Aramaic
papyri found in Egypt from the Achaemenid period, and the office in Egypt was just
under the satrap and included military as well as civil jurisdictions. The etymology of
the word is uncertain, but it may mean 'the first' (after the satrap) and thus be
appropriate for a similar office in Persis. 61 We do not know whether the first coins

gods, although reasons are not given. The short 60 E.T. Newell, The Coinage of the Eastern
inscriptions are simply the following: HAIOY; SeleucidMinis (N.Y., 1938), 159-60. As far as I
A BHNAE BAZIAEIAE; AIOE MEHE- know the only Seleucid coins found in the bazaars
TOY; APTEMIAOE; and AnoA[AO], all are Alexander type coins and rarely Seleucus I. The
on small of stone. There is no indication of
slabs two stränge gold coins supposedly from the Oxus
assimilation with local deities or syncretism in treasure, now in the British Museum, may be
these inscriptions. forgeries; at least no. 4 pl. XXVHI of Hill, op. eil.

59
Cf. G. K. Jenkins ajWStronach, op. cit. [eh. 5, [eh. 5, n. 104] does not inspire confidence in its
n. 1], 185-98; G. Miles, Excavation Coins from the authenticity. Coin no. 6, obv. has a head like those
Persepolis Region,NNM, 143 (1959), 1-23, with on the early coins of Persis while the rev. has the
further references on page one. At Qasr-e Abo quadriga of coins of Andragoras. No other
Nasr (Old Shiraz) one bronze coin of Seleucus I speeimens of these coins have been found, so they
was found and a copy of a hemidrachm of cannot be used as well-known coin issues.
6I For
Alexander the Great, as well as eleven coins of a discussion of the title and bibliography
Persis, cf. G. Miles apud R. N. Frye, Sasanian see P. Naster, "Note depigraphie monetaire de
Remainsfrom Qasr-i Abu Nasr (Cambridge, Mass., Perside," IA, 8 (1968), 74-80. It is important to
1973), 26. The existence of a mint in Persepolis or note that one and the same man is called segan (in
Pasargadae by no means clear, since those coins
is Aramaic 'governor") and frataraka in the Elephan-
attributed to a mint in Persis may in fact be issues tine documents; cf. B. Porten, Archives from
of Susa. Cf. A. Houghton, "Notes on the Early Elephantine (U. of California Press, 1968), 48, and
Seleucid Victory Coinage of 'Persepolis'," Schwei- Grelot, Documents aram. d'Egypte (Paris, 1972), 75.
zerische Numismatische Rundschau, 59 (Bern, 1 980),
4.
160 Charter VI

were Struck by independent princes or simply vassals of the Seleucids, perhaps similar
to the family of Atropates in Azerbaijan, but we follow the evidence of the coins
if
alone we could say that after Seleucus I, in Persis we find only local dynasts who issued
coins with Aramaic legends, and on the reverses of the coins was a structure with
either the horns which existed on the parapet of the palace of Achaemenid Persepolis
above the plains, or a crenellated stone, also found on the top of buildings at Persepolis
above which was the 'Ahura Mazda' symbol (or the king's 'glory"), and beside the
structure an Achaemenid (war) Standard. All of these Symbols indicated a
continuation of the royal and religious traditions of the great kings in their homeland.
The numismatic evidence seems clear, but unfortunately it does not tally with literary
sources.
Polybius is the main source, and he teils of Alexander a Seleucid governor of Persis
at the accession of Antiochus III in 223 b.c. (V, 40, 7). After the suppression of a revolt

by Molon, satrap of Media and brother of Alexander, the

latter committed suicide,

and later Antiochus III, on his way back from

205 b.c., stopped in Kerman,
India c.

but nothing is said of Persis (XI, 39, 13). Most scholars have considered this sufficient
evidence to propose the continuation of Seleucid rule in Persis at least until the end of
the reign of Antiochus III. Before the eastern expedition, in the battle of Raphia of
Antiochus III against Ptolemy V of Egypt (c. 217 b.c.) Persian bowmen served in the
Seleucid army (V, 79, 6). Two notices in Polyaenus, Strategika (7, 39 and 40), refer to
Persis but with no dates. In the first a certain Seleucid general Seiles under one of the
kings called Seleucus massacred 3000 rebellious Persians, and later a certain "Oßoptfls
led the Persians to a massacre of 3000 colonists (kcltoikoi), and this latter event has
been identified with a Vohubarz, second frataraka of the series of Persis coins. Another
event, mentioned by Pliny (VI, 152) is the victory of Numenius, the governor of
Mesene under Antiochus, over the Persians in a sea battle in the straits of Hormuz off
the coast of Kerman, but we do not know which Antiochus is meant, in this case
possibly IV. All of this has led some scholars to propose that Persis only became
independent after Antiochus III, with the two events mentioned by Polyaenus and
Pliny 's remark coming later. 62 How do we reconcile the numismatic data with the
Statements by Classical authors? There are two Solutions; either Seleucid control rose
and feil from the time of Seleucus I, which might fit with the different series of coins
of Persis, or there may have been a parallel rule, either in different geographical parts
of Persis, the Seleucids in the north and Persians in the south, or a concurrence of
Seleucid and Persian rule where a Seleucid satrap ruled together with a local dynast.
The title of the Persian dynast could imply a division of authority between a Seleucid
civil governor and a religious, Oriental local ruler who, nonetheless, had the right to
strike coins for the province. The absence of Seleucid coins in Persis, while in other
parts of Iran they are found, mitigates against accepting a füll Seleucid control with
the dating of the rule of the local dynasts only after Antiochus III. 63 It is possible that

62
H. H. Schmitt, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte B.c. This is hardly acceptable, for the coins must
Antiochos' des Großen und seiner Zeit, Historia, cover a longer period of time.
Einzelschriften, Heft 6 (Wiesbaden, 1964), 46-50, 63 On Seleucid copper coins found in Media see
and esp. Stiehl in Altheim, Hunnen, 1 [eh. 5, n. 68],
, M. A. Stein, Old Routes of Western Iran (London,
379, who puts the rule of the frataraka dynasty in 1940), 304-04, and Newell, op. cit. [n. 60], under
Persis less than 50 years, between c. 1 87 and 1 40 'Ecbatana.'
 Alexander the Great and the Seleucids 161

the Seleucid kings, at leastfrom Antiochus I through III, had an agreement with the
local dynasts of Persis, allowing them to strike their own coinage, and to give only
nominal allegiance to the Seleucids, who nonetheless did maintain a presence in the
person of a satrap appointed by the king. Since the province was very dimcult of
access because of mountains on all sides, and not lying on important trade routes, this
picture may be accurate. Unfortunately, we do not know the locations of Seleucid
city foundations in Persis, but Tarn has argued that the most important, Antiochia,
was on the coast near present Bushire. 64 The remark by Strabo (XV, 736) that the
Persians in his time had kings subject to other kings, formerly to those of the
Macedonians but now to the Parthian (kings), perhaps provides the answer, namely
that the dynasts of Persis who issued their own coins were really vassals of the
Seleucids.
The names of the early rulers of Persis were not Achaemenid names; those came
much later in the series which we will examine when the Persis dynasts were under
Parthian hegemony. The early coins show on the obverse a head facing to the right
with a distinctive headdress covering ears and hair, unlike any previous royal
headgear but similar to heads on some satrapal issues of the Achaemenid period,
which may be an indication of the Status in which the dynasts regarded themselves. 65
The legends on the coins are extremely dimcult to decipher and many letters cannot
be distinguished from each other, for on several specimens of the earliest coins from
the one scholar read bywrt, while another read bgkrt (the latter more likely as an
series,

Iranian name) with his successor bgdt 'god given.' 66 However the dispute over the
date of these coins may be resolved, it seems clear that the coins of the first series, using
the title frataraka, imply the Subordination of a dynast to a higher sovereign, and
whether this first happened after Seleucus I or Antiochus III is at present unknown.
The second series of these coins show a change in headgear and a degeneration of the
reverses, but more important is the change in title to MLK' 'king,' and old
Achaemenid names such as Darius (d\yw) and Artaxerxes (\tx$tr) appear on the
coins, while the final series takes on the characteristics of Parthian coins. It is clear that
after the reign of Seleucus I, Persis was not securely under Seleucid rule, but a füll

independence of the province seems possible only after Antiochus III. If the coins of
Persis were Struck only after that time we must suppose more than a Century of no
coinage in the province after Seleucus I, and a corollary would be that only the Greco-
Macedonian settlers used the coins of Seleucus I while the local population did not,
and only later did they accept their own local coinage, but this is unlikely. It is safe to

assume that in the province of Persis old imperial memories, rather than traditions,

64 Tarn, Alexander, 1 [n. 6], 257; Greeks [eh. 1, 66 reading was by Hill, op. cit. [eh. 5, n.
The first

n. 23], 418. This is a plausible Suggestion since, as and 196; the second by Allotte de la
104], clxv
we shall see later, Antiochus III probably launched Fuye, Mordtmann and others; cf. de Morgan,
his expedition against Arabia from this city - a NuniismatiqueJelaPerseanlique(Pms,1927), i55-
seaport. 79. On some coins we seem to find prs prtrk 'Persis
'

65 de Morgan, Manuel, 1 [eh. 5, n. 103], 50, fig. frataraka.'

29. See also P. Naster, "Fire-altar or Fire-tower on
the Coins of Persis," Orientalia Lovaniensis, 1

(1970), 125-29.
 162 Chapter VI

were preserved but romanticized and distorted, whereas elsewhere in Iran the past did
not weigh heavily, if at all, on the local population. 67
Kerman or Carmania was an eastward extension of Persis, although it was
separated from Persis by deserts and mountains and did not have the isolation which
Persis did. Communications with Media were easier than with Persis, and when we
hear that Antiochus III in the fall of 206 B.c. reached Kerman Coming from his eastern
campaign (Polybius XI, 39, 13), we are not told how he returned to Seleucia, nor do
we hear of a Seleucid satrap in Persis at this time, then one can only speculate on the
relation of Antiochus III to the local population. Pliny (VI, 115) says an Antiochus
built a town to the west of Pasargadae, which Antiochus we cannot say, but probably
II, while Antioch in Persis was built by Antiochus III about 205 B.C. and, as noted, has
been located near present Bushire. 68 If this location is correct, it teils us nothing about
Seleucid control in the interior of Persis, for the sea coasts were surely under Seleucid
rule for a long time. It must be remembered that Antiochus III lost his life while
attempting to plunder a temple in Elymais in the summer of 1 87 b.c. and by that time
Seleucid hegemony in Persis and Elymais must have been most tenuous if existing at
69
all.

To turn to the north of Iran we find more traces of the Seleucids, both in
monuments and in coinage, than in Persis. The two stone columns and stone bases
possibly of a temple at Khurhe (near Mahallät) date from Seleucid times, as does the
late relief of the reclining Herakles from Behistun. 70 In 193 b.c. Antiochus III
instituted a cult for his wife Laodice as recorded in a Greek inscription from
Nihavend, and another inscription on the relief of Herakles dates from 148 B.c. Other
remains of the Seleucid occupation of northern Iran are few, but so are the non-
Hellenistic remains such as the rock tombs of Kizkapan in Iraqi Kurdistan, which
show as much Hellenistic influence as the frataraka figures on the door jamb from
Persepolis. Farther to the north, in Azerbaijan and in the Caspian provinces both
Hellenistic cultural influences and political control were much less than in Media.
All indications point to Hamadan as the summer residence, and Seleucia as the
winter capital, of the Seleucid co-ruler, the governor-general of the 'upper satrapies,'
who was the crown prince Antiochus under Seleucus I beginning from the year 294
or 293 B.c. We do not know whether succeeding crown princes automatically
occupied this high post in virtue of their being successors to the throne, but we may
assume several of them did. 71 Antiochus III, we have seen, assigned Molon to this

The only certain archaeological remains town but had been driven out may be compared
from this period in Persis are the hardly visible with I Maccabees 5, where the town is called
figures on a door jamb ofa temple near Persepolis; Elymais! Whatever the reality behind these
cf. E. Schmidt, op. eil., 1 [eh. 5,n. 141],figs., 16-17; reports, they show the loss of Seleucid rule there
R. Ghirshman, Iran, Parlhians, and Sassanians 70
All bibliographic references to archaeological
(London, 1962), 26, fig. 34. sites and monuments may be found in L. Vanden
For the text see C. B. Welles, Royal Berghe, Bibliographie analytique de 1'archMogie de
Correspondence of the Hellenistic Period, (New l'lran arteten (Leiden, 1979), and references will be
Haven,1934)31/2.Tarn,Greefej[ch.l,n.23],418, made to thiswork. Seleucid copper coins have
for identification
of this town with Bushire; see been found near Harsin and elsewhere in Media;
alsoH. H. Schmitt, op. cit. [n. 62], 14. see Stein, op. cit. [n. 63], 304-07.
69
The report in II Maccabees, 9, 1-2, that 7I
Bengtson, Strategie, 2 [n. 46], 83-85, gives a
Antiochus IV had entered Persepolis and tried to survey with references.
rob the temples there and take possession of the
 Alexander the Great and the Seleucids 163

position, and later another rebel against the Seleucids, called Timarkhos, was also
probably the governor-general of the 'upper satrapies.' As time progressed, however,
the area of the 'upper satrapies' diminished, and we cannot determine the extent of
Seleucid rule in each of the provinces in the east.

Azerbaijan, or Atropatene, named was no more part of

after the satrap Atropates,
the Seleucid realm than Persis, and the same lack of information about a Seleucid
satrap, relationship to Media or vassal Status, makes any precise determination of rule
impossible, but the area was hardly under direct central control of the Seleucids
(Strabo XIII, 523). The summer capital of Azerbaijan was Gazaka or Ganzaka 'the
treasury' probably located near modern Miandöäb, while the winter capital of
Phraaspa or Fraata was near modern Maragheh. 72 When Antiochus III invaded the
area and then made peace, the local dynast who continued to rule was called
Artabazanes, a member of the same family as Atropates. The isolated Caspian Sea
coastal area, as frequently throughout its history, was independent of control from the
plateau.

THE FALL OF THE SELEUCIDS AND THEIR HERITAGE

From the coins minted in the eastern part of the Seleucid empire, one tentatively may
of Seleucid control on the Iranian plateau. If the observations about
trace the decline
the coins by Newell are accepted, Antiochus first Struck coins in the chief city of
Bactria after he had beenmade ruler of the eastern satrapies, and the coins should date
73
after 289 The change in weight Standard from Attic to 'Indian' in a second series
b.c.

of such coins does not mean that the coins were Struck in India but rather in an area of
eastern Standard weight in which India was included. The series of Seleucid coins
Struck in Bactria ends with Antiochus II and naturally blend into issues of the first

independent ruler, Diodotus, with the name of Antiochus and then his own
first

name, indicating the stages of transition to independence probably after the death of
Antiochus II in 247 b.c. (Newell, p. 249). To conclude questions of coinage, one
group of enigmatic coins does not fit into any series we know; the name in Greek on
the obverse of the coins showing a bust of someone in a helmet copied from that of
Seleucus I, without a in the genitive, Uaxpvrov, with weight based on an
title, is

Indian rather than Attic Standard. 74 In spite of the frequent identification of the name
on the coin with an Indian ruler Sopeithes, a contemporary of Alexander the Great,
this is hardly possible from a numismatic point of view. The mint should be in
Bactria, or possibly at Kapisa in the Hindukush, but the dynast or satrap on the coin
from the style of the coin should have lived about the time of Seleucus I or later. His
coins may be compared with those of Andragoras, satrap of Parthia who became
independent in the time of Seleucus II.

Uncertain mints in the east, unfortunately, cannot help us with a chronology of

Seleucid rule in various provinces such as Aria (Herat), Seistan or others, mainly

72
See V. Minorsky, "Roman and Byzantine R. B. Whitehead, "The Eastern Satrap Sophytes,"
Campaigns in Atropatene," BSOAS, 11 (1943), Numismatic Chronicle (1943), 60-72. See also C.
263. Kirkpatrick,"Some New Coins of Sophytes,"
73 Numismatic Circular (London, Oct. 1973), 373,
Newell, op. cit. [n. 60], 230.
74 All the literature on Sophytes is collected by where 19 coins are listed.
164 Chapter VI

because the mint sites cannot be located. From all the coins, however, it is clear that
Seleucid rule came to an end in eastern Iran more or less with the death of Antiochus
II, if not before, and only the expedition of Antiochus III to the east briefly restored
Seleucid rule. It is also evident that the mints in Hamadan and Bactra were the two
important, continuous mint sites in the east, an indication of Seleucid interest in
Controlling the trade route from the plains of Mesopotamia to Central Asia. 75 The
existence of coins with the names Sophytes, Andragoras, and in Aramaic wMw{r)
'Vaxsu' or 'Vaxsuvar,' without titles indicates a gradual process of the loosening of ties
with the Seleucid court. 76 The existence of this rare Aramaic legend on the coins
raises the question of the position of Aramaic in the Seleucid realm.

Greek was the omcial and dominant written language of the Seleucid empire, but
Aramaic continued in use especially in the outlying provinces or principalities such as
Armenia, Sogdiana, Khwarazm, or Persis, while Asoka, the Mauryan ruler (c. 273-
232 B.c.), as we have seen, considered Greek and Aramaic the two languages of the
inhabitants of the Qandahar region, although in Laghman, east of Kabul, only
Aramaic was deemed sufficient to record his Buddhist edicts. Did the Seleucids have a
dual chancellery, using both Greek and Aramaic as omcial' languages? There is no
evidence, other than bilingual inscriptions, for the use of Aramaic by the Seleucid
government except to communicate with the literate local population or with
independent or semi-independent satraps or dynasts. We may conjecture that Greeks
and Macedonians living in a polis or in a settlement in the east at first followed the
usual pattern of ruling colonizers; they did not learn the local language as much as the
local population had to learn Greek. Since most of the Greek colonies in the east were
setup near native towns or villages, and Seleucid cities seemingly were not so clearly
divided between colonists and natives as in Egypt, this made the process of
Hellenization, and the opposite as well, progress more quickly than in the Ptolemaic
kingdom. 77 Obviously this is not the place to discuss Seleucid institutions, for even
Information about military colonists (katoikoi), land grants (kleroi), or ethnic groups
in a town comes from the western part of the Seleucid realm, and it is
(politeumata)
hazardous to transfer a Situation in Anatolia to one in Merv, for example. 78 Certainly
in Bactria military colonies were numerous, composed of retired soldiers and their
families, as well as civilian colonists brought from the west and given land by the
government. The military colonial origin of the majority of city foundations in the
east is clear, but we have no information about how different groups of people lived
in them and how they reacted together. How many Greeks and how many Orientais
lived in one or another colony escapes us, as do the reasons why some became poleis

75
That Seleucus founded cities along trade now in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris,
routes is stated by Libanius, Oral. 11, 1 00. Cf. indicates a mint master rather than the name of a
G. M. Cohen, The Seleucid Colonies, Hisloria, city. Cf. Houghton op. eil. [n. 59].
Einzelschriften, 30 (Wiesbaden, 1978), 83-84. " Cohen, op. eil. [n. 75], 52-54, 72-83. He
Strategie considerations were also important in the characterizes Seleucid cities (p. 41) as "Greek in
founding of colonies. character but distinctly cosmopolitan in
76
On the coins with Aramaic legends see A. R. population."
78
Bellinger, "Coins from the Treasure of the Oxus," One must neither use ancient Greek political
ANSMN, 10 (1962), 67. The existence of two theory for the Hellenistic age, nor confuse the
Aramaic letters on a 'victory com' of Seleucus 1, western part of the Seleucid realm with the east.
 Alexander the Great and the Seleucids 165

while others did not. One may attribute loyalty to the Seleucids not only to the
feeling on the part of the Greco-Macedonian colonists that it was to their interest,
indeed their need to survive, to support the house of Seleucus, but also to the policies
of conciliation and even syncretism in religion, and in customs, which brought
support from the local population. Undoubtedly Greek legal practices, institutions of
city life and much more, had a lasting influence on the local peoples under Seleucid
rule, but to trace or disentangle the connections is hardly possible.
The Seleucids had successfully assumed the imperial mantle from Alexander and
the Achaemenids, and the Iranians rather than supporting merely accepted it
this,

while turning their attention to local afFairs. There was no imperial pretender around
whom all Iranians would rally to oust the conquerors. Furthermore, since the Greco-
Macedonians were tolerant and did not disrupt native religions but rather fostered
them in the past tradition, they did not encounter any populär movements to
overthrow the Seleucids but only local or tribal revolts which did not pretend to
imperial claims of power. The danger to Seleucid rule did not come from these threats
from natives, but rather from its own satraps or dynasts when they feit that the
Seleucid central government was weak, and it was the time for them to assert claims
of independence. The central authority was upheld essentially by a mercenary
professional army, which when well paid was more than a match for local
contingents. Inasmuch as the rule of the Seleucids was highly personal the court and
the 'friends' of the king were very important. Just how much of the court in Antioch
was mirrored in the court of the governor-general of the east is difficult to determine,
but one may assume that under Seleucus I, when his son Antiochus was ruler of the
east (c. 294-281 b.c.) the court of the east was a copy of that in the west, but
afterwards we have no Information even to hazard a guess. One may only conjecture
that after or even during the reign of Antiochus I the east lost any parity it may have
had, for the energies of the later Seleucid kings were directed to affairs related to the
Ptolemies and to Asia Minor, while the east fended for itself. Under the governor-
general of the 'upper satrapies,' how was Iran ruled?
We cannot determine whether the political theory whereby the Seleucid realm
was divided into vassal kings (ßaoiAels), vassal dynasts (Suvöcrrai), cities and peoples
79
(edvirf) had any reality in Iran, but all Under the kings we
categories existed there.
could place frontier lords, who were really independent and only paying lip Service to
Seleucid overlordship, or even that being fictional, such as Chandragupta under
Seleucus I, the kings of Khwarazm in Central Asia and possibly the rulers of Armenia.
Under the second category one might put the frataraka of Persis and later Andragoras
and even Diodotus of Bactria, but simply conjecture, the need to find someone
this is

to fit into the second group. Cities in the east are a problem since we only have
archaeological evidence for them, but it would not be amiss to suggest that they had
less autonomy than those of Asia Minor, or Seleucia on Although some of
the Tigris.
these cities during the later Seleucid period were almost independent and in the Status

79
On the theory see E. Meyer, Blüte und descnbmg different elementsof power and author-
Niedergang des Hellenismus (Berlin, 1925), 43, and ity, and may have had little or no application to

Rostovtzeff, op. eil., 3 [n. 46], 1440, n. 277. This reality. In the east we simply do not know.
theory may only have been a general way of
166 Chapter VI

of allies of the king, it is doubtful if any of the cities on the Iranian plateau were
80 There is no reason
independent of the satraps in the areas where they were located.
to believe that Ay Khanum on the Oxus, for example, had the same relation to the
local satrap as some of the allied cities of Asia Minor had to later Seleucid rulers. This
does not mean that the cities in the east had no internal autonomy; they probably
collected theirown taxes to remit to a central government, and they had their own
Greek forms of government. Just how the king's or satrap's representatives meshed or
clashed with local authorities is unknown.
The relationship of land tenure and land ownership to cities and other institutions
of the central government also must be surmised. In addition to old Achaemenid
'royal' domains which were given to Greek colonists, retired soldiers, or left in the

hand of an original Iranian landlord, some lands were granted by the king directly to
a city or a colony. Temple property in the early years seems to have been little
touched by the king, although later in the Seleucid period sequestering of temple
property by the government or king was not uncommon. There is also no evidence
of attempted 'Hellenization' by force in Iran, as under later Seleucid kings in Palestine/^
and if sources from Babylonia provide a model for non-existent sources in Iran, theri
we may infer a Seleucid tolerance, if not patronage, of temples and religions in the
81 existence of rieh and powerful temple complexes in Iran, as existed
east. The
in Babylonia, is unattested, although shrines and sanetuaries existed, and the
architectural remains of what may have been temples in Khurhe and Kangavar show
Greek styles and influences. Were such struetures built by and meant only for the
Greco-Macedonians, or did Iranians partieipate in the worship of Herakles, Dionysius
and other Greek deities? What seems to have happened was the adoption of certain
Hellenic traits, stories, or even practices in the religion of the Greeks, by Iranians into
the Zoroastrian religion without, however, direct 'conversion' or even the adoption
of foreign names. Thus Rustam, probably originally a Saka hero later adopted by all
Iranians, took on some of the traits of Herakles without becoming the Greek hero in
name or religious content. It is, of course, misleading to speak of one 'Greek' religion
or one 'Iranian' religion, since there undoubtedly were many local eults and variant
forms of religious rituals and practices among both peoples. Since both peoples were
heirs of a common Indo-European religious, as well as linguistic, background such
identifications as Helios or Apollo with Mithra and Herakles with Verethragna at

Commagene in Asia Minor must have existed elsewhere. Just how much
Zoroastrianism clashed with the Greek religion, but especially with the Hellenistic
we cannot say. Whether Iranians distinguished between Greeks and
ruler eults,
Macedonians, or Hellenized Asiatics is also unknown, but unlikely. In fact, our lack of
Information from Iran in this period is especially frustrating, because we must rely on
Babylonia or Bactria to give possible parallels.
In Babylonia Seleucia was a Greek polis while Uruk was a native city, and

80 s
Certam cities. such as Seleucia on the Tigris, See Rostovtzeff, op. eil 3 [n 46], 1 427. There
'
,

o\erstruck imperial coins indicating some kind of is no evidence that the Seleucids killed native
independence, and if the cities did this we may priests and destroyed temples, and if it happened
lnrer that satraps in the east did the same, in the case the motivation was pohtical rather than religious,
or Sophytes, Andragoras and others Cf. Bikerman as far as we know.
op (it |n. 46].226
 Alexander the Great and the Seleucids 167

excavations have been made at both. 82

It is clear that at both cities Seleucid coins were

current; Greek inscriptions and bullae are found; Greek officials were present
on seals

in both, and other features of Hellenism were present in both. But Uruk had a temple
to the God Anu, identified with Zeus, and all of the cuneiform documentation shows
a traditional native life in füll vigor, while Seleucia was founded as a Greek city
without local elements. Ay Khanum was apparently like Seleucia, but in time all of
the towns became mixed in character if not in institutions. Some natives were proud
to become 'Hellenized,' others were not. Some aristocratic Iranians became
'Hellenized,' as did their descendants who became 'Westernized' in recent times. In the
end native culture and values absorbed the 'Hellenization,' but it took a long time and
the tenacity of Greek culture was remarkable, especially the Greek language and
institutions, for the Greek cities continued to exist late into Parthian times still
holding on to civic organizations, gymnasia, theatres and such features of Hellenistic
civilization which did not interfere with the religious and domestic life of the mass of
the population. For native customs and traditions prevailed in time over the laws and
institutions grafted onto the ancient lands by the Seleucid kings. The peasantry, the
vast majority of the population, continued to exist, little changed by the Hellenism of
the cities. We do not know of conflicts between the countryside and the cities, not to
mention the role of nomads, but one may assume that under the Seleucids there was
less of this conflict between different groups of the population than in other periods of

Iran's history, although such conflicts may well have contributed to the fall of the

Seleucids.
Little has been found about monetary policies of the Seleucids, but again, by
comparison with other areas such as Babylonia and Syria, one may project into Iran a
picture of a great expansion of trade and commerce on the Iranian plateau with the
Seleucid policy of founding cities and continuing coinage started by Alexander on the
Attic Standard. Most trade in the east was in luxury goods, such as spices, gems, and
textiles, for the east was largely self-sufticient in foodstufFs, unlike Greece, but no
doubt the extension of the use of coinage into areas which previously had known only
barter and the expansion of contacts with foreign lands greatly influenced Iran and
Central Asia as it did the rest of the Hellenistic world. The introduction of the
Seleucid calendar to all parts of the empire, rules and regulations on banking, and
many practices of which we have virtually no information, all indicate that the early
Seleucid period was one of Organization and development, expansion of trade, and in
general of great prosperity. 83 But it did not last, mainly because of the continual
warfare between the Seleucids and the Ptolemies and between the Seleucids and

82 todomorethan
For the vjrious reports on Uruk (modern eil ,2 |n. 46], eh. 8. It isimpossible
Warka) Hrouda, Vordera-
sce the references in B. touch the many activities in the Seleucid period
sien I, Handbuch der Archäologie (Munich, 1971), which brought Greece and India in contact, not to
292-93 On Seleucia sec W
van Ingen, Figurines mention countries in between. Travelling artists,
froin Seleucia on the Tigris (Ann Arbor, Michigan, musicians and players as well as merchants moved
1939) with an extensive bibhography. On the eults great distances in the Seleucid period. Cf. The
it Uruk sce 1V1 Rutten, Contrats de l'epoque l:\cavations at Dura-Europos, Ninth Season, pre-
Seleucide (Paris, 1935), 28, 37 and 52, for an hminary report, ed. by M. I. Rostovtzeff, 1 (New
assimilated eult of the king. Haven, 1944), 264.
83
See the excellent summary in Rostovtzeff op
 168 Chapter VI

various Hellenistic states of Greece and Asia Minor. It began already in the time of
Antiochus I.
Antiochus I, after the death of his father, probably never returned to Iran, for he
had to fight many battles especially in Asia Minor, revolts in Syria and wars with the
Ptolemies, although in the decade before his death (271-261 B.c.), he may have gone

to the east after Babylon where he was in 268 B.c., during the crisis when Antiochus
had his eldest son Seleucus killed, and a younger son Antiochus II became crown
prince. The latter, after the death of his father, had to fight much and often against the
Egyptians and others, while it seems that affairs in the east were neglected even more
by Antiochus II than by his predecessors. The satrapies of the east were left to fend for
themselves, and one may conjecture that sentiments for independence from central
Seleucid authority were not slow to appear and by 246 b.c., the death of Antiochus II,
de facto independence was moving to complete Separation. Under Seleucus II, who
had to fight for his throne in the west against his half brother supported by the
redoubtable Ptolemy III, the eastern part of the Seleucid realm began to disintegrate.
It is significant that in the mint of Bactra the coins of Antiochus II are followed bf

coins with his name but with the head of Diodotus, presumably satrap of Bactria, and
finally the same type coins with the legend BAZIAEQE AlOAOTOY. 84 This
implies that the break with the Seleucids took place after the death of Antiochus II in
the reign of Seleucus who was governor-general of the eastern provinces at this
II. Just
time, or whether the orfice had lapsed, we do not know. About the same time we may
suppose, a certain Andragoras, usually identified as satrap of Parthia, issued coins
without a title, indicating a continuing nominal allegiance to the Seleucids. Since a
Greek inscription with the same name, not a satrap but a lesser officer, has been found
in Hyrcania (Gurgan), but from an earlier period before 266 B.c., it is possible that we
have the same person, who later became satrap of Hyrcania or of Parthia. It is also
possible that the coins with the name Sophytes, without title mentioned above, also
are from this period, with Sophytes as a lesser satrap somewhere in the east. This
would mean that the eastern satrapies as a group reacted against Seleucid domination
and central weakness about the same time, the beginning of the rule of Seleucus II.
While this is only a hypothesis, it Covers our known data better than any other
surmise and may stand until further evidence invalidates it.
Seleucus II was in no position to move eastward to recover lost Seleucid lands until
he was dnven from Asia Minor by a great defeat at Ankara, probably c. 239 B.c., but
then he had to reorganize his forces in Syria and Mesopotamia. So his campaign to the
east must have been sometime, as a between 230 and 227 b.c. 85 The inability to
guess,
assign coins of Seleucus mint in eastern Iran (Newell vacillates between
II to a definite
Hekatompylos and Herat), combined with the paucity of sources (Strabo XI, 514, and
Justin XLI, 4, 8-10; 5, 1) prevents us from reconstructing events in the east. Strabo
says the Parthians fled before Seleucus into the desert and Justin claims the Parthians

84
On the Bactrmn coins see Newell, op eil. (n 85 On the dating and a good discusion of this
60], 247-49; on the coins of Andragoras see R. period, see Will, supra,Histoirepolilique, 1,278-81,
Ghirshman, "Jhe tetradrachme d"Andragoras," in with an ample bibliography.
Near Eastern Numismalics, Studies in Honor of
George C. Miles, ed. by D. K Kouymjian (Beirut,
1974), 1-8
 Alexander the Great and the Seleucids 169

defeated him. In any case, Seleucus II was not able to restore rule over the east, and no

more Seleucid coins were minted in the east, although Antiochus III did strike coins at
Hamadan, the last vestige of a continuing Seleucid presence in Iran.
After a short rule, Seleucus III was succeeded by his brother Antiochus III, and the
fortunes of the Seleucids seemed to revive as do our sources. Antiochus at the death of
Seleucus III was in the east, although Polybius (V, 40, 5) does not say he was governor-
general of the upper provinces as many scholars have assumed. The historian
continues that after becoming king he entrusted the rule of the upper parts to Molon,
satrap of Media and his brother Alexander in Persis. This implies that only Media
(minus Azerbaijan) and Persis (probably minus most of the southern part of the
province including Istakhr-Persepolis) remained under Seleucid control at the
accession of Antiochus III. We
are not concerned with actions at the Seleucid court or
in the west which may have influenced Molon to revolt, the news of which came to
Antiochus in the summer of 222 b.c., but only with events in Iran. Molon issued coins
at Hamadan and then at Seleucia on the Tigris probably in the fall of 222, after Molon
had defeated two generals sent against him by Antiochus, who was busy in Syria
fighting Ptolemy IV. The exact time when Molon took the title of king and Struck
coins cannot be determined, but the number of coins which have survived suggests
that Molon took the title shortly after his revolt, which only lasted two years. Did he
consider himself almost a co-king, as governor-general of the upper satrapies,' or was
his pretension even greater from a mere satrap to be Seleucid king? We must examine
the title of governor-general of the upper satrapies' to determine what it was, since
some scholars claim that there were two governors-general, one in the east and one in
86
the west from the beginning of Seleucid times.
There is no evidence for such a post, which we may call a viceroy of the east, in
Achaemenid or Alexander's time, and the first intimation of such an office is under
Antigonos, but it is uncertain whether a purely military central command is intended
or a viceroy. Antiochus was certainly that exalted in the latter part of his father's
reign, and this is the first attested office of viceroy, and the 'capital of the east,' Seleucia
on the Tigris, became the seat of Antiochus (Appian, Syr. 62). After this time there is
no evidence for such a viceroy until the time of Antiochus III when the evidence is
unclear, but from a passage in Livy (XXXV, 13, 5) that the eldest son of Antiochus III
about 193 b.c. was sent by his father ad custodiam ultitnarum partium regni, many
scholars have asserted that the son was made viceroy of the east, but this is again only
inference. Finally, one of two inscriptions from Nihavend speaks of a certain
Menedemos as (o) iiri tcöv avco oarpaireicöv at the end of the reign of Antiochus III
87
or more likely under Seleucus IV, his successor. The same title is found later, so one
may ask whether this particular title, as opposed to the viceroy (compare Antiochus
in the reign of Seleucus I), was not a creation of the administrative reforms of
Antiochus III. As Bengtson has suggested, control of each province in the east was put

86
Bengtson, Griechische Geschichte [n, 46], 439. 87
L. Robert in Hellenica, 8 (Paris, 1949), 23,
and
According to Bengtson, Strategie [n. 46], 86, and 9 (1950), 73. Another inscription on a rock relief
Will, op. cit., 2, 1 0-1 1 Antiochus held the post of
, of a reclining Herakles reads virep T7js KXtofievov
governor-general of the east until he delegated the tov ini rütv ävü> oarpaTreiüiv awrripias, which
a
post to Molon on becoming king, but there is no gives pause to any inflated conception of such
direct evidence, only inference. title at the late date of 148 B.c.
170 Chapter VI

under a general (arparty/os) who governor

took over the functions of a civil
88 A from
(satrap). further inference of the former
this is the systematic division
satrapies into smaller units, although this process may have been begun earlier, and
became progressive through time. In the east, however, the last great expedition of
the Seleucids, under Antiochus III, although it for a time restored some allegiance to
the Seleucids, did not reverse the process of disintegration.
After the end of Molon's revolt in 220 and the Submission of a local Median dynast
called Artabazanes by Polybius (V, 55, 2), Antiochus III had to return to Syria and the
west to settle affairs, but about 212 b.c. he began his famous expedition to the east.

First he went against Armenia, which included present-day northern Iranian

Azerbaijan, and he was successful in restoring the allegiance of Xerxes the local prince
of western Armenia (center in Sophene) (Polybius VIII, 23)as well as others, but later
Antiochus sent two generals, Artaxias (Artases in Armenian) and Zariadris (Zareh in
Armenian) to and western Armenia, both of whom became independent
rule eastern
after the battle of Magnesia in 189 b.c. Securing tribute from this expedition,
Antiochus now prepared to emulate Alexander in the east. By 209 he w£s
campaigning in Parthia, after first Stripping a temple in Hamadan of its precious
metals to help pay for his expedition (Polyb. X, 27, 1 3) How much one can add to the .

short account of Polybius seems that peace was made in which the
is uncertain, but it

Parthians recognized in some way the suzerainty of Antiochus III, and the road
eastward was free. Antiochus continued against King Euthydemus of Bactria, who
opposed him with a large force on the Arius River, which is probably the present
first

Hari Rüd, an indication of the westward expansion of the Bactrian kingdom. After
defeating the Bactrian cavalrymarched to Bactra and besieged
Antiochus
Euthydemus was made, the conditions of
in his capital, but after a long siege peace
which, however, are unknown. 89 Then Antiochus crossed the Hindukush
mountains, made peace with a local Indian potentate and having obtained tribute and
elephants, returned to the west by Arachosia, Drangiane (Seistan) and Kerman where
he spent the winter, and Polybius gives no more Information about his expedition to
the east. From the lack of Information several scholars have inferred that the three
provinces mentioned above were ruled by satraps loyal to the Seleucids, and
Antiochus returned via Persis which was either loyal or forced to reacknowledge
Seleucid supremacy. 90 There is no evidence at all that Arachosia and Drangiane were

88
Bengtson, Strategie [n. 46], 2, 1 44-98, and his Media, one can unterstand how as late as 1 48 B.c.
Griechische Geschichte [n. 46], 439. Note that the the inscription from Behistun could still speak of
concept 'upper countries' (or satrapies, or lands) is 'the upper satrapies,' and mean only a small area to
Iranian in origin, possibly used under the
first the west of Hamadan.
Achaememds Khurasan and farther east, while 89
as Polybius XI, 39, says Euthydemus persuaded
under the Seleucids the concept meant the Iranian Antiochus that both would suffer if nomads took
plateau From the Iranian viewpoint it is difficult advantage of their quarrel to invade the land, so
to conceive of 'the upper lands' as including the peace was made and a daughter of Antiochus was
plains of Mesopotamia, although the Seleucids may given to Demetnus the son of Euthydemus. Will,
have later thought this. I suspect, however, that the Bengtson and Schmitt have little to add or to
expression simply meant the chief governor in interpret from Polybius, while Justin is of little
charge of the satrapies on the plateau, which by the help.
time of Antiochus III meant simply Media and the 90
Schmitt, Antiochus III, 82; Will, supra,
northern lowlands of Persis. As the new satrapies Histoire politique, 1, 53.of course, quite
It is,
became subdivisions of the former satrapy of possible that thefrataraka ruler of Persis was treated
 Alexander the Great and the Seleucids 1 71

ruled by Seleucid satraps, but north western Kerman, as an extension of Media, might
well have had a Seleucid governor. It does not follow that Antiochus returned to the
west through the heart of Persis, for the easiest route would have been, as it is now, to
Yazd, Isfahan and to Hamadan, not directly to the west over desert and mountains to
Persepolis. Although there is no evidence for Antiochus' taking the route from
Kerman to Hamadan,an alternative to the usual assertion that all of Persis was a
it is

satrapy of the Seleucid Empire at this time and that the coins of thefrataraka are all later
than this time. As mentioned above, I suggest that Persis must be divided between the
northern lowlands (Yazd- Abadeh of today) and the highlands of Persepolis and the
south, which could explain the supposed rule of frataraka and Seleucid satrap in one
province. The fact that at the end of the 'Anabasis' of Antiochus III he is found in a
town Antiochia in Persis, probably on the Persian Gulf, according to an inscription
dated 205 b.c. addressed to magnates of the city of Magnesia on the Meander River in
Asia Minor, only supports the contention that Antiochus was in this site in
preparation for an expedition against Arabia. 91 In any case, the position of Persis
cannot have been radically different from other outlying provinces of the Seleucids
where Antiochus wisely realized he could no longer rule directly with the resources
he had. He might win battles, but continuous rule would be difficult if at all possible.
The great expedition to the east undoubtedly did re-establish Seleucid prestige and
even tribute and allegiance, as Polybius says, but times had changed since the first

Seleucus. After the defeat of Antiochus III by the Romans at Magnesia in the
beginning of 1 89 B.c., it is difficult to believe that any of the agreements to pay tribute
to Antiochus remained in force in the east save in Media which was always the
III

center of Seleucid power and authority for the east. For the Iranians, as for
Euthydemus and others, the expedition of Antiochus to the east probably was
regarded as an attempt to obtain booty and to forge alliances which might be of use to
the Seleucids in the future, but the last was a vain hope. Antiochus III plundered a
temple at the beginning of his expedition, and to pay reparations to the Romans he
lost his life in attempting to plunder a temple at Elymais on July 3 or 4 of the year 187
92
B.c. Under IV we hear nothing of the east, and with his
his successor Seleucus
assassination in younger son of Antiochus III assumed the throne
September 175 B.c. a

after having spent more than a decade as a hostage at Rome.

93 One problem in the

sources with Antiochus IV is either a confusion of events with those of his father, or an
actual intention on the part of Antiochus IV to follow the footsteps of his father. Just
as Antiochus his son in 166 or 165 invaded Armenia and forced Artaxias, who
III,

earlier had declared his independence from the Seleucids, to submit and pay tribute.
Afterwards he went to the Persian Gulf and was active there restoring cities and
campaigning. He then entered Elymais to plunder a temple, as had his father, but

in the same way as Euthydemus and other kings of place at this time seems to have started from
the east, and Antiochus did traverse the Persepolis- Antiochia in Persis.
92
Persian Gulf route on his way from Kerman, but On
the death of Antiochus 111 and the
this again does not assure us that a Seleucid satrap parallelswith that of Antiochus IV, with sources,
ruled the Persepolis region, which I consider most see Will, supra, Hisloire politique, 2, 200-02.
unlikely. 9i Comparable
to the study on Antiochus III by
91
For the inscription see Welles, op. cit. [n. 68], Schmittis the book by O. Morkholm on Antiochus

24, 32-34, and for a commentary Will, op. cit., 2, IV o/Syria (Copenhagen, 1966), esp. 166-80, for
55. The expedition against Gerrha which took his eastern campaign.
172 Chapter VI

perhaps this time in vengeance for his father, but according to the sources he was
repulsed and left for Media but died of end of 1 64 B.C.
illness on the way at the
The elaborate hypothesis of Tarn that Antiochus IV intended to empire restore the
of Alexander the Great with a two-pronged attack on the Parthians by himself from
the west and by his supposed cousin Eucratides from Bactria is amply criticized by
Morkholm, to which I have nothing to add, except to underline the complete lack of
evidence for any grand strategy, not to mention Seleucid family relationships. 94 The
notice of Phny (VI, 152) about a governor of Mesene called Numenius under King
Antiochus who won a sea battle off the straits of Hormuz and then a land battle, has
been placed in the time of Antiochus III or IV, but whichever, it is only an isolated
incident in the many battles fought by the Seleucids. We next hear of the east with a
revolt of a certain Timarkhos, who was governor of the 'upper provinces,' at this time
littlemore than western Media, against Demetrius the Seleucid ruler from 162-150
B.C. The coins of Timarkhos are all from Hamadan according to Le Rider, and in the

prologue to Pompeius Trogus (Hb. 34) he is called 'king of Media.' 95 Even though he
sought alliances with King Artaxias of Armenia and others, he was defeated and kilfed
by Demetrius in 160 after extending his rule in Mesopotamia. The much reduced
'upper provinces' continued under Seleucid rule throughout the reign of Demetrius to
1 50 B.c. and then under Alexander Balas who had been brought to power by Rome

and her allies. The coins of Alexander Balas Struck at Hamadan did not last more than
two or three years (150-148 or 7 B.c.), when his coins are followed by those of

Mithradates I. So the governor-general of the 'upper provinces' Kleomenes, who in

the Herakles Behistun inscription is called 'saviour,' probably defeated a Parthian
force in one battle but lost the province shortly thereafter. At the beginning of July
141 b.c. the Parthians are in Babylonia, according to cuneiform documents. For a
short period Demetrius II regains not only the plains, but invades Media where he is

defeated and captured by Mithradates I at the end of 140. All Seleucid possessions in
the east were lost, but in 130 B.c. Antiochus VII, brother of Demetrius, launched an
expedition which not only recovered the lowlands with Seleucia and Susa, but he
may have some sort of control in Media. Demetrius was released by
also estabhshed
the Parthians to up trouble for his brother Antiochus, but the latter was utterly
stir

defeated and killed by the Parthians in 129, and this is the complete end of Seleucid
rule in the east which, however, lasted more than a Century and a half.

THE HERITAGE OF HELLENISM

The hentage of Hellenism in Iran and Central Asia is difficult to judge, but some
general remarks can be made. Just as under the Arabs centunes later, the conquerors
reliedon control of the cities on the main trade routes to the east to maintain their
control, andwhere there were no cities, they both founded military garrisons. There
were not enough Greco-Macedonians, or Arabs later, to occupy all cities, but only the
Strategie Settlements, beginning with Ecbatana— Epiphaneia— Hamadan and surround-
mg Media in the west, and continuing to the east with Rhaga-Europos-Rayy, were

"4 c
Tam, op eil, |ch 1, n. 23), 187-91, and '5
Le Rider, op eil. [n. 25), 332, and O. Seel.ed.,
Morkholm, op eil |n. 93), 172-80. Pompeius Trogus, Fragmenla (Leipzig, 1956), 162.
 Alexander the Great and the Seleucids 173

held as the key to control of the route to the original 'upper satrapies.' Margiane-
Antiocheia-Merv was always an important center connecting Khurasan with
Central Asia and Bactria. Bactria became the center of Hellenism for eastern Iran and
Central Asia as Media was for western Iran, and in Bactria the Seleucids built the
number of Settlements in the east. Along this west-east axis other centers were
largest
established as Heratand Hekatompylos, but other important Settlements were made
away from this axis in Qandahar, at Alexandria at the foot of the Hindukush north of
Kabul, and in Sogdiana, but the Media-Bactria line was of paramount importance,
as the Seleucids did not maintain their rule in Qandahar and probably only
sporadically in the Hindukush area and Sogdiana and other parts of Central Asia.
Nonetheless, in the cities and Settlements the Greek language, institutions and culture
reigned supreme. From the excavations of Ay Khanum on the Oxus River, we can see
a piece of Greece transplanted to Bactria, with no mixture of local influences, and the
only fusion which took place under the early Seleucids was that of Macedonians and
Greeks, or other colonists from Asia Minor or the west, such as Thracians, all of
whom adopted Greek culture. This at first was the ruling class and the natives did not
participate after the death of Alexander except as they too became Hellenic in culture,
but even this process took time.
The world of the Seleucids was one of mercenary armies and loyalty to
Hellenistic
the person of the ruler, who relied on his colonists for support as the latter looked to
the king for protection. The rule of the Seleucids depended on the loyalty of this
ruling class, and where it was strong, as in Media and Bactria, allegiance to the house
of Seleucus developed almost into a religious feeling of colonists towards the ruler as
their saviour in time of attack. So we find cities giving titles to the Seleucid rulers,
which has been often described as the Hellenistic ruler cult, and which legitimized the
absolute power of the ruler, although this dynastic cult in the cities should be
distinguished from the apotheosis of the dead king by his successor who dedicated
temples and Services to the deified ruler. 96 Natives in cities and Settlements surely
participated in the ruler cult, but hardly the masses in villages or on the land, or
nomads. Likewise, under the Seleucids Greek culture remained almost the monopoly
of the colonists and their descendants, and art and architecture were produced by city
artisans for the ruling class. At the same time the cities were the centers of culture and
were bound to the and both provided examples or modeis for others to follow.
rulers,
The of the
'Hellenization of the east can be seen best under the Parthians, the heirs
Seleucids, both culturally as well as politically. It was really after the fall of the
Seleucids that the effects of Hellenism penetrated every where, but, of course, then in
an ever more diluted or syncretic form.
Since in political Organization the Seleucids, on the whole, followed the
Achaemenids in the east, there was Greek contribution in this domain,
little original
as far as we can see, except for elements of polis Organization, which was new to the

Orient. 97 Unfortunately we have absolutely no Information about the numbers of

96 Every 91
book on Hellenism discusses it; cf. The Greek polis has receivedmuch attention;
Bikerman,op.rif.[n.46],236;F.Taeger,Oi<iram<i, for the Seleucids see esp. Koshelenko, op cit.

1 (Munich, 1957), 309; Bengtson, Griechische [n. 23], 292 pp., where further references may
Geschichte [n. 46], 437. be found.
174 Chapter VI

western colonists in the cities of Iran and the east, and we cannot even guess the

numbers of natives who took Greek names, learned the Greek language and became
associated with the conquerors. The Statistical analysis of Greek and non-Greek
personal names in inscriptions from Mesopotamia, the only area in the east where any
information is available, can be misleading, for a father who had a Greek name by no
means always named his son also in the Greek manner. Unlike the acceptance of
Islam, many centuries later, which did involve the transfer from one religious
Community to another, and names can teil us about conversions, the acceptance of a
Greek name implied no conversion of any kind, and the evidence only shows that
Hellenism was generally accepted by the urban population side by side with native
cultures, and only then did mixtures occur which eventually produced a kind of
syncretism before Hellenic elements became absorbed. Obviously there was a strong
element of prestige and privilege involved in the acceptance of Hellenism by a native,
not the least of which was the chance to participate in the ruling circles of a city or
even at the court of the Seleucid king. All the time we must remember that our
evidence comes from Mesopotamia, with only a rare inscription from the Iranian
plateau. (
In religion one must be even more careful in drawing parallels from the western
part of the Seleucid Empire for Iran and the east, since we have no information about
the Zoroastrian religion under the Seleucids. The Greeks brought with them not only
visible institutions such as the gymnasium and theater in their cities, but also in this
period undoubtedly social and religious clubs, societies, and other organizations. In
the beginning we can imagine that there was little if any contact between the Greek
priests and their Iranian counterparts, but in time the Greek propensity for
identifying local deities and local stories with their own, probably influenced Iran as it
did other areas and religions in the Near East. Eddy has suggested that the break-up of
the Achaemenid Empire in Iran meant the rise of local cults and practices in
Zoroastrianism, with varying degrees of religious Opposition to the conquerors. 98
Both the religious and cultural unity, such as it was under the Achaemenids, was
broken under the Seleucids and the Parthians, not to be restored, and then
incompletely, until the Sasanians. It seems as though the Seleucid control of the route
from Media to Bactria divided the Iranian area between north and south, such that
outlying centers developed their own traditions, their own variants of the Aramaic
Script for their native languages, and some differences in Zoroastrianism even though
we cannot recover them. Under the Seleucids, the Sogdians, Khwarazmians and
Bactrians in the east developed independently, as did the Armenians, Georgians and
Albanians in the Caucasus, as well as the isolated Caspian peoples. Presumably, in
Persis the traditions of the Achaemenids, in religion as well as in society, were best
maintained. Eddy (p. 330) maintains that local resistance to the rule of foreigners was
based on the desire to throw them out, to end social and economic exploitation and to

98
Eddy, supra, King is Dead, 81 328. His use of
, other pnestly writings but apocalypses and sibyls
the Bahman Yasht and the Oracle of Hystaspes as are notoriously difficult to pin down to actual
sources for a widespread religiously organized events, other than long-standing resentments or
Opposition to the Seleucids, in Persis, is unconvinc- the like. Cults and temples prohferated in Iran
ing. This is not to deny the reality of an anti- under the Seleucids, and one must not use later
Alexander-Seleucid-Parthian bias in these and texts as accurate indices for the Seleucid period.
 Alexander the Great and the Seleucids 175

regain power to protect native law and religion. The last, however, was hardly a
compelling motive in Iran except for the natural desire to be dominant, but any
strong impetus to recreate a central State to replace the Seleucids was absent. Perhaps
just as Alexanderhad brought an end to the heyday of the independent Greek polis, his
death also really brought an end to the idea of a unified, centralized government in the
east, the union of religion and State, although the reality of this belief under the

Achaemenids is also open to question. In any case, we find no more a unified

Zoroastrian Opposition to Seleucid rule than a unified striving to re-establish an
Iranian Empire." This was not to come for many centuries in a new world of
organized State religions.

The of Greek savants such as Berossos in Mesopotamia cannot be

activities
discussed here, but in Iran we have no comparable names. It is not our purpose to
examine Iranian influences on the Greeks, but they too were impressive. Just the
influx of new foodstuffs such as the peach 'the Persian apple,' citron 'Medic apple' and
alfalfa 'Medic grass,' to name a few, indicates the interchange between peoples in this
100
period. The great expansion of trade with the east under the Seleucids must have
impressed the natives and influenced them. But this, as in the case of the Fine Arts, is

most probably a post-Seleucid development, since the Century and more of Seleucid
rule on the Iranian plateau is a time of Separation, Greek art and Achaemenid art in
western Iran and Greek art with local, folk art in Bactria and elsewhere in the east.
The effects of Hellenism which led to a Greco-Iranian syncretic art are strong after the
Seleucids had left the east, but they left behind cities and local dynasts, some of whom
perhaps were even more pro-Hellenic in their sentiments than were the Seleucids. In
the arts, this Greco-Iranian synthesis about the beginning of the first Christian
millennium developed into Parthian art in the west and Greco-Buddhist or
Gandharan art in the east, but that is a later story.

99 The unhkely. The Opposition of Alexander to the

idea that under the Achaemenids church
and State were highly organized and centralized is, exposure of corpses in Bactria (Strabo XI, 517)
of course, absurd, and the Sasanian belief that the cannot point to a general Opposition to Zoroas-
penod from Alexander to Ardashir was a period of trianism but merely to a custom repugnant to the
the rejection ofthat ideal is also false. Zoroastrian- Greeks, but even this story is suspect.
ism had a long period of steady development to l0 °
See Forbes, op. eil., 2 [eh. 3, n. 8], 87; 4, 46-
the Sasanian period and Greek religious ideas and 55, and elsewhere. Some Iranian philosophers or
rituals, on the whole, were not very different from scientists existed, but we have no Information
the Iranian, so the idea of an organized Iranian about them.
religious Opposition to the Greeks is highly
 CHAPTER VII

GRECO-BACTRIANS, SAKAS AND PARTHIANS

Literature: Over thirty ago writings on the Greco-Bactrians were based only on numismatics, as well
years
as a few art objects, mostly but it was the remarkable series of coins which first attracted the
silver vessels,
attention of scholars. The history of research in previous publications was summarized by K. V. Trever in
her Pamyatniki Greko-Baktriiskogo Iskusstua (Moscow-Leningrad, 1940). On a much wider scale, and
approaching the Greco-Bactrians from the side of India, were the two voliimes of A. Foucher, La Vielle
Route de finde de Bactres ä Taxila, MDAFA, 1 (Paris, 1 940-47), 2 vols. This pioneer work is a survey of the
geography and history of ancient Afghanistan and northwest India until the Islamic expansion into India
under the Ghazna vids at the beginning of the second millennium of our era. Here he described in detail his
Position on the origin of 'Gandharan art,' which he called Greco-Indian art, as the residue of Hellenistic
influence on Buddhist northwest India which produced the flowering of Buddhist art known as
'Gandharan' in the first Century of our era. This assertion was opposed by other scholars who believed that
Gandharan art had no local predecessors but was 'planted in a vacuum and influenced by provincial Roman
art, according to the summary of M. Wheeler, "Gandhara Art: a note on the present position," in the 8th
Congres international d'archlologie dassique of Paris 1963, published as La rayonnement des civilisations
grecque et romaine sur les cultures ptriphiriques (Paris, 1965), 560. The links between the Greco-Bactrians
and Gandharan art even after the excavations at Ay Khanum still present problems, and controversy over
the western or Roman influences on Gandharan art has npt been stilled. Most likely there continued an
echo of Greco-Bactrian art which contributed to a new art in the Service of Buddhism sponsored by the
Kushan rulers, who had contacts with the Roman Empire, which influence contributed much to the
formation of Gandharan art. This will be elucidated in the chapter on the Kushans.
Parallel to the controversies of the art historians went research in numismatics, for the chronology and
history of the Greco-Bactrians was based almost entirely on coins, dated by style and the Symbols and
monograms on them. Many new coin types have been found in recent years and the order of rulers has
been rectified several times. Since World War II the work of numismatists and art historians has been
supplemented by archaeological excavations in present Soviet Central Asia, Afghanistan and the
subcontinent of India which have given new vistas especially on the material culture of the area where the
Greco-Bactrians ruled. The most important of these excavations has been the Hellenistic city of Ay
Khanum, identified as Alexandria on the Oxus by the excavator Paul Bernard in R. Andrim et P.
Bernard, Tresor de monnaies Indiennes et Indo-Grecques d'Ai' Khanoum," RN, 5 serie 15 (1973), 238-
89, and 16 (1974), 7-41, or as Eucratideia. I. T. Kruglikova, however, in "Novye antichnye pamyatniki
Yuzhnoi Baktrii," in I. R. Pichikyan, ed., Antichnost i antichnye traditsii v kulture i iskusstve narodov

Sovetskogo Vostoka(Moscow, 1978), 270, identifies Dilberdzhin Tepe northwest of Balkh as Eucratideia. A
new site on the Oxus, Takht-e Sangin, promises new Greek remains; cf. B. A. Litvinskiy and I. R.
Pichikiyan, The Temple of the Oxus," JRAS (1981), 133-67. The results of excavations at Ay Khanum
since 1964 have been published almost yearly in CR AI, and sometimes twice a year as in 1975, pp. 167-
96 and 287-322, as well 3sJA and elsewhere. The results of the excavations 1965-68 are found in P.

Bernard, Fouilles d'Ai Khanoum, MDAFA, 21 C. Y. Petiot-Biehler et P. Bernard, Tresor

(Paris, 1 973) ; cf.

de monnaies grecques et greco-bactriennes trouve ä Ai' Khanoum," RN

6 serie, 17 (1975), 23-70. Other
sites have had Greco-Bactrian strata such as Dalverzin Tepe on the Surkhan Darya in southern

Uzbekistan, where the finds of wall paintings and sculptures, however, are from a later period and the
Greco-Bactrian remains are limited to a few stone column bases and pottery. Cf. G. Pugachenkova, Les
Trisors de Daluerzine Tipi (Leningrad, 1978), and in Russian, her Dalverzintepe, kushanskii gorod na yuge
Uzbekistana (Tashkent, 1978), 240 pp. A survey of recent Soviet archaeological work in Central Asia is
given by B. A. Litvinskii, "Problemy Istorii i Istorii Kultury Drevnei Srednei Azii 1967-77," VDI, 4
(1 977), 73-92. A verkable diarrhcea of articles and books on the art and archaeology of the Kushan
period,

as well as materials on earlier periods, has appeared in the Soviet Union, but it is impossible to even
find

many of the publications. In Taxila, Pakistan, the town called Sirkap apparently was a foundation
of the Greeks from Bactria. See J. Marshall, Taxila, 1 (Cambridge, 1951), 112. A survey of the many
publications over a time period ofjust over two years on the Indo-Greeks and the Kushans is given by G.
178 Chapter VII

Fussman, "Chronique des etudes kouchanes (1 975-77)," JA (1 978), 41 9-36. The section of 'Asie Centrale'
in the Abstracto Iranica, Supplements to SI, gives summaries of the publications in this area; see also the
section on Achaemenids and Greeks in The Archaeology of Afghanistan, ed. by F. R. Allchin and N.
Hammond (London, 1978), 187-233. The bibliographies in that publication as well as in Numismatic
Literature of the ANS are very useful.
The works on the Greeks are W. W. Tarn, The Greeks in Bactria and India, 2nd ed.
three basic general
(Cambridge, 1951). A. K. Narain, The Indo-Greeks (Oxford, 1957), with Hellenistic and Indian
viewpoints resp. of the authors coloring their surveys, and F. Altheim and R. Stiehl, Geschichte
Mittelasiens im Altertum (Berlin, 1970), with many stimulating idiosyncracies; cf. the long review by R.
Schmitt in WZKM, 67 (1975), 31-91. All of the general works must be read with caution, for the
surmises in them cannot be considered as facts, while the varied approaches of the authors must be
remembered. Tarn was a Classicist who reads perhaps too much into reconstructed variant readings in
Greek and Latin texts, while Narain relied overly on numismatics, and Altheim followed Tarn but wove
personal notions into his narrative. For a political history of the Greco-Bactrians, numismatics is certainly
more important than elsewhere, and many publications on coins must be consulted. A good survey is
found in A. N. Lahiri, Corpus of lndo-Greek Coins (Calcutta, 1965), to be supplemented with the
compilation of M. Mitchiner, lndo-Greek and Indo-Scythian Coinage (London, 1976), which, however,
contains some questionable specimens as well as conclusions. Catalogues of coins are also important,
especially those with large collections such as the British Museum by Percy Gardner (London, 1886), the
Lahore Museum by P. B. Whitehead (Oxford, 1914), the Indian Museum in Calcutta by Smith (Oxford,
1906) and others, but hoards are of most importance, since their provenance is known. For the Greco-/
Bactrian period the Oxus treasure hoard is the largest and earliest, and a bibliography of it is given in M.
Thompson, O. Morkholm and C. M. Kraay, An Inventory of Greek Coin Hoards, ANS (N.Y., 1 973), 263^
64. The Ay Khanum hoard has been mentioned above, and to the hoards listed by Thompson, et al., the
following should be noted: Mir Zakah northeast of Gardiz; cf. R. Curiel et D. Schlumberger, Trhors
monhaires d' Afghanistan, MDAFA, 14 (1953), 65-91, Qandahar by D. MacDowall in Afghan Studies, 1
(London, 1978), 51 Butkara in Swat, Pakistan by R. Göbl, in A Catalogue of Coins from Butkara, 1 (Rome,
,

1976), as well as minor finds in many Soviet and Indian excavations.

The period of nomadic invasions, primarily of the Sakas (c. 130 B.C.-A.D. 50) has produced perhaps a
smaller literature on coinage and archaeology than the Greeks. For numismatics, see the compilation by
Mitchener noted above as well as the catalogues of collections already mentioned, plus A. K. Sri vastava,
Catalogue ofSaka-Pahlava Coins of North India (Lucknow State Museum, 1 972). See also G. K. Jenkins and
A. K. Narain, The Coin-types ofthe Saka-Pahlava Kings of India (Numis. Soc. of India, Varanasi, 1957) and
many articles in the Journal ofthe Numismatic Society of India. The doctoral thesis of K. Walton Dobbins
on the coinage and epigraphy ofthe Sakas and Pahlavas at the Australian National University at Canberra
in 1972 will be published in Islamabad, Pakistan, and it will bring up to date work on this period. On the
migration ofthe Sakas to Seistan, all material has been assembled by P. Daffina, L'hnmigrazione dei Sakä
nella Drangiana (Rome, 1 967), while an analysis of nomadic movements from their burials is found in
A. M. Mandelshtam, Kochevniki na puti v Indiyu (Moscow, 1966), although his main excavated site of
Tulkhar in the Bishkent Valley of Tajikistan dates from the Kushan period. The wealth and far-flung
connections of the nomad chiefs may
be seen in the 20,000 gold pieces from graves of early Kushan
leaders. See V. 1. Sarianidi, "The Treasures of Golden Hill," AJA, 84 (1 980), 1 25-31 There have been no
.

large exclusively Saka sites excavated, although strata from the nomadic period have been found in
excavations in Soviet Central Asia and on the subcontinent.

THE GREEKS IN CENTRAL ASIA AND AFGHANISTAN

The revolt of Diodotus, governor of Bactria under the Seleucid Antiochus II, cannot
be dated, although much has been written about the circumstances ofthe break away
ofthe eastern part ofthe Seleucid Empire. We
have seen that the coinage of Antiochus
II at Bactra changes to his portrait with the legend 'King Diodotus' and finally to the
issues of Diodotus with his own
and legend, which implies that the process
portrait
leading to independence was not a sudden break. The fraternal war between Seleucus
II and Antiochus Hierax, after the death of Antiochus II in 246 B.C., probably provided

the occasion for a definite and complete break, since the era ofthe breakaway ofthe
 Greco-Bactricms, Sakas and Parthians 1 79

Parthians, who were contemporaries of Diodotus, began from 247 B.c. less than a year
before the death of Antiochus II. Wolski has written many articles on the rise of the

Parthians which he has insisted took place in 238 B.c., for him a year after the revolt of
Diodotus. His arguments from the text of Justin (XLI, 4) that the revolts of both
1

Parthians and Bactrians took place during the struggle between Seleucus II and
Antiochus Hierax have convinced all Classicists, but the absence of coins of Seleucus II
in the east, and the date of the beginning of the Parthian era remain to be explained. A
prolonged period of Separation from Seleucid rule with a gradual break-away seems
the best answer to this problem in spite of the arguments of Wolski.
When we remember that both Alexander and Seleucus took Bactrian or Central
Asian wives, the possibility of an early and continuing feeling of accommodation
between the natives and the conquerors is not an unlikely surmise. Whether the
policy of the Greco-Bactrians was one of sharing of rule and the assimilation of
conquerors and natives, as opposed to a Seleucid policy of pure colonialism with
Greek supremacy in every domain, as suggested by Tarn and others, is impossible to
substantiate. Nonetheless Greek influence was not only stronger but more lasting in
Bactria than elsewhere in the east, but the Greco-Bactrian kingdom must be
considered one of the great Hellenistic kingdoms, together with the Seleucids and
Ptolemies. 2
Diodotus, according to Justin, died a short time after becoming king and was
succeeded by his son of the same name, who made peace with the Parthian king to the
west. According to Narain {supra, The Indo-Greeks, 16) the portraits of the eider and
the younger Diodotus appear on different coins and both of them issued "coins with
the name of Antiochus," followed by "money with their own name, type, and portrait
complete." Why should Diodotus II, however, strike coins with the name of
Antiochus on them after his father had declared his independence and had proclaimed
himself king? It is hardly conceivable, as Narain proposes, that both father and son
played with the coinage, sometimes putting the name of Diodotus on a portrait coin
of Antiochus II and sometimes having a portrait of either Diodotus on coins, with the
name of Antiochus. More likely, as suggested above, was a changed relationship with
the Seleucids, which is difficult to reconstruct solely on coin types. It has been
suggested that father and son participated in Joint rule in the period when Bactria was
still subject to Antiochus and both issued coins in the name of the Seleucid ruler,
II,

and later both changed to their own portraits and common name. Other instances of

'
J. Wolski, "Les Iraniens et le royaume greco- material remains, not to mention the use of
bactrien," Klio, 38 (1960), "Der Zusammen-
1 17, Aramaic than Greek as the aiphabet of
later rather
bruchderSeleukidenherrschaft im Iranim 3.Jh. v. writing. Cf. articles by Staviskii (esp. p. 211),
Chr.," in Der Hellenismus in Mittelasien, ed. by F. Lelekov (esp. p. 228) and Vorobeva (234-35) in
Altheim (Darmstadt, 1969), 188-254, and with a Pichikyan, supra, Antichnost. To deny the Bactrian
detailed analysis of the text of Justin (Trogus) in Greeks the epithet of a 'Hellenistic monarchy' on
"Untersuchungen zur frühen parthischen Ge- the grounds that they acted differently from
schichte," Klio, 58 (1976), 439-57. Justin has eodem Ptolemies and Seleucids, as Narain, supra, Indo-
tempore (of the fraternal war) etiam Diodotus, milk Greeks, 11, argues, ignores the evidence of Ay
urbium Bactrianarum praefectus, defecit regemque se Khanum and a certain parallel with the Bosphoran
appellari iussit. kingdom of south Russia. The Greco-Bactrians
2
Bactria was surely the of Greek
center were absorbed in India, but they were the heirs of
colonization in the east, for Sogdiana and Khwar- Alexander as were other Hellenistic kingdoms.
azm show far less Hellenistic influence in their
180 Chapter VII

Joint rule and Joint coinage exist but here we have no proof. Unfortunately, all
argumentation about the rise of the Greco-Bactrians and the Parthians as well is
subjective. For example, J. Wolski in many articles has argued that it is unthinkable
that Antiochus II would have allowed a break-away of the east from Seleucid control,
and it must have been in the time of the fraternal war of Seleucus II that both Bactria
and Parthia declared their independence. 3 His dating of the events as 239 b.c. for the
revolt and assumption of kingship by Diodotus, with the Parthians a year or more
later, may by correct as the final break, but de facto the independence of Bactria must

have been a reality more than a decade earlier. Wolski's further Suggestion that the
Greco-Bactrian revolt was one of Greeks and Iranians against Macedonians finds no
support in the sources and is difficult to follow, at least from the position of the native
Iranian population who hardly distinguished between the two foreign groups. Other
scholars have argued that only one Diodotus existed, but the Statement of Justin as

well as the coins with old and young portraits suggest that two rulers with the same
name are needed to fill the gap in time between the middle of the Century and the
time of Euthydemus and Antiochus III, rather than one king represented in youth and
old age. On the other hand, Justin's dating of the break-away of the east under
SeleucusII, in the first Punic war when Lucius Manlius Vulso and Marcus Attihus

Regulus were consuls of Rome, cannot be considered reliable as Narain (p. 14)
pointed out, since the consuls were in office in 256
b.c., while Seleucus only began to

rule in 246. All attempts to change the names of the consuls or to explain the
discrepancy in other ways only shows that approximate dates were recorded, and the
sources are not concerned with precisely dated events.
The Greco-Bactrians probably ruled Sogdiana, and probably also the oasis of Merv
according to Strabo (XI, 517), but the existence of some coins of Diodotus
(presumably the father) with the appellative soter 'savior' hardly can be interpreted as
a reference to his conquests, although the defeat of a nomadic invasion from the north
cannot be excluded. Justin's Statement that the first Parthian ruler feared Diodotus I

but made peace with his son implies an aggressive policy of the first Greco-Bactrian
king, but beyond this surmise one cannot go. The theory of Tarn (op. cit. supra, [eh. 1

n. 23], 74) that Diodotus was married to a Seleucid princess has no basis in the
II

sources. Sometime, perhaps about 230 b.c., a certain Euthydemus from Magnesia
(which Magnesia is unknown) apparently overthrew Diodotus II, for Polybius (XI,
34) says he destroyed the descendants of those who had revolted (against the
Seleucids). Narain is probably correct in rejeeting Tarn's hypothesis that the Seleucid
princess, widow of Diodotus I but not the mother of Diodotus II, married one of her
daughters to Euthydemus and incited him to overthrow Diodotus II on behalf of the
Seleucids. In any case, no evidence exists for this elaborate reconstruetion, and the
next bit of Information comes from Polybius (X, 49) about the invasion of the
Seleucid king Antiochus III. The latter defeated Euthydemus on the Hari Rad, which
at least indicates that the Greco-Bactrian kingdom extended to Herat. Afterwards

Wolski, "Untersuchungen," [n. 1 ], 444, where revolts under the rule of Antiochus II. To change
further bibhography is given. Wolski bases his Strabo's (XI, 515) Euthydemus to Diodotus and
chronology ona Statement of Strabo (XI, 515) that then use Strabo as a source for the date of the
the revolt of Diodotus took place before that of the Greco-Bactrian revolt, as Wolski and others do, is
Parthians, against Arnan's Parlhika, who puts both not convincing.
 Greco-Bactrians, Sakas and Parthians 181

Antiochus pursued Euthydemus to his capital, called Zariaspa, and besieged him there
for two years. The explanation of the name of the city as 'having golden horses,'
which was taken from an appellation of Bactra relating to the goddess Anahita,
proposed by Altheim, may be correct, but surely the main city of Bactria is meant,
and we do not have two different towns. 4 According to Polybius, Euthydemus made
peace with Antiochus and retained his title of king, invoking the fear that nomads

would destroy them if they did not make peace. The two rulers concluded an alliance
and Antiochus promised one of his daughters in marriage to Demetrius, son of
Euthydemus. Having obtained some elephants, he crossed the Hindukush mountains
and made or renewed an alliance with Sophagasenus, an Indian ruler, after which he
returned to the west in 206-205 b.c. Afterwards no Seleucid ruler even came near to
the Bactrian Greeks, for they were separated by the Parthians.
The find spots of coins may aid in establishing geographical limits of rule, but
primarily hoard fmds of copper coins, which do not travel, are reliable in this matter.
In Soviet Central Asia coins, or copies of coins, of later Greco-Bactrians, such as
Heliocles, have been found, but coins of Diodotus and Euthydemus are conspicuous
by their absence. This can mean either that such coins had a small circulation or they
were not in current use north of the Oxus River. Copper coins with the name
Diodotus on them have been found in Afghanistan but they are not plentiful, so in
any event we may conjecture that the coins had a small circulation. Whether
Sogdiana, including the Ferghana valley, was under the rule of Diodotus cannot be
determined, but at some time Greco-Bactrian rule in some way included this
northern province. 5 Beyond Sogdiana there is little evidence for Greek rule and the
finds of imitations of coins of Heliocles in eastern Ferghana teil us little about earlier
Greco-Bactrian rule there. 6 The mere finds of coins, of course, must not be considered
evidence of rule, solely from the find spots or the presence of certain types; for
example, the uncovering of a coin of Diodotus and four of Eucratides from an
7
excavation in the Caucasus region cannot attest to Greco-Bactrian rule there.
Consequently the use of numismatics in reconstructing history must be regarded with
great circumspection. Since coins cannot aid us in reconstructing the northern
borders of the Greco-Bactrian under the early kings, we must turn to India and
State

the conquests of Demetrius, son of Euthydemus.

Strabo (XI, 516) quotes Apollodorus of Artemita, who says the Greeks of Bactria
became so powerful because of the fertility of their land that they conquered Ariane
4 Tajikistan were copper, but probably later copies
Altheim and Stiehl, Geschichte Mittelasiens [eh.
403. The Statement of Pliny (VI, 48) that
6, n. 49], of Eucratides' coppers.
the name of the river was Zariasta (sie for Zariaspa) 6
M. Masson, "Drevnebaktriiskie mon-
Cf. V.
may be true, while Ptolemy's (VI, 11,6) designa- ety, chekanennye po tipu tetradrakhm Geliokla,"
tion of a people called Zariaspi living there teils us EV, 11 (1957), 63-75. Imitations of coins of
little other than that they were Iranians. Heliocles probably were Struck by the nomads
5
For places in Afghanistan where coins of who ended Greco-Bactrian rule, and Masson
Diodotus are preserved see Lahiri, supra. Corpus suggests this find indicates an opening of the 'silk
under 'Diodotus.' Coins of Heliocles and Eucra- route' to China not by the Greeks but by nomads.
S. A. Dadasheva, "Greko-Baktriiskie monety,
7
tideshave been found north of the Oxus in several
Fora bibliography of the sites with such coins
sites. naidennye na territorii Kavkazskoi Albanii, in

see B. Ya. Staviskii, Kushanskaya Baktriya (Mos- Baktriskie Drevnosti, ed. by V. M. Masson (Lenin-
cow, 1977), 239^*1. The coins of Eucratides from grad, 1976), 106-09.
the Tulkhar kurgan in the Bishkent valley of
182 Chapter VII

and India, and some tribes were subdued by Menander while others by Demetrius
son of Euthydemus. Until the reign of Demetrius most scholars agree on the general
outlines of the rule of the Greek kings of Bactria, but with Demetrius, and more with
his successors, numismatists dispute the sequence of events. Tarn sought to extend the
conquests of Euthydemus into Chinese Turkestan (pp. 84—87) and those of his son
deep into India (pp. 142-45), but all the evidence adduced for these far-flung
conquests, such as coins and seals found in the two areas, possible Greek words in the
documents from Sinkiang, and the import of nickel from China, are all
in Prakrit
quite weak evidence for Greek rule so far east. It is true that Apollodorus of Artemita
in Strabo (XI, 516) says that they extended their rule as far as the Seres and Phruni, but
the identity of the latter has been disputed. In any case this Statement implies that their
rule extended only to Chinese Turkestan, which could have really meant the
Ferghana Valley or the Alai valley, or even the Pamirs. 8 Whichever direction the
Greco-Bactrians expanded, their hold over outlying territories to the north and east
of their center in Bactria must have been tenuous. Since only the coins of later Greco-
Bactrian kings are found in territories north of the Oxus, an expansion later than
Euthydemus might be suggested. India, however, presents other problems, fqf
Narain, while conceding that Demetrius conquered Arachosia and possibly part öf
Seistan-Drangiane, does not include the mountainous part of present Afghanistan.
This has been convincingly refuted by another numismatist, A. Simonetta, who
showed that the arguments of Narain for the occupation of the Paropamisos only later
by a Demetrius II are unacceptable. 9 We may assume that Demetrius I did occupy the
Paropamisos and Arachosia, the latter primarily because of a notice in the Parthian
Mansions of Isidore of Charax (paragraph 19) that such a city existed there, probably
named after Demetrius I. But Narain (p. 43) is probably right in rejecting extensive
conquests of Demetrius I in India against Tarn and Altheim. Demetrius probably did
not rule later than c. 185 b.c., but the many successors present problems.
The of counterfeiters or forgers, both ancient and modern, have greatly
activities
complicated the studies of numismatists, who depend on coin styles, monograms and
variations in titles to reconstruct the history of the later Greco-Bactrians, but even

8 9
Cf. Tarn, op. eil [eh. 1, n. 23], 84, who refutes Cf. A. M. Simonetta, "A new essay on the
the identification
of the Phruni or Phuni as Huns, Indo-Greeks, the Sakas and 'the Pahlavas," EW, 9
while Narain, 170-71, identifies the Seres, to be (1958), 157. Narain, supra, Indo-Greeks, 30-31,
read Sures, as Chinese Su-le or Kashgar and the bases hisclaimon the abseneeof coins of Demetrius
Phruni as people inhabiting the valley of Tash- 1 from the Kabul region and in India, but coins of
kurghan. These identifications were refuted by J.
Demetrius 1 are rare in general and we simply have
Harmatta in "Sino-Indica," AAH,
12 (1964), 10- no coin finds from excavations near Kabul, and the
11, but his further assumption that the Greco- hoard from Mir Zakah near Gardizistoo far to the
Bactrians ruled in Sinkiang is only a guess. His east. Demetrius I may not have reigned long and

reconstrueted readings of inscriptions are not we must be careful in assuming that wherever he
convincing. Altheim's discussion (op. eil. [n. 1 ], eh. went he at once introduced a new coinage. The
20) of the two peoples is an exercise in philological curious elephant scalp headdress on his coins does
ingenuity but unconvincing historically. J. Har- imply southern conquests and, since the com-
matta, "Sino-Indica," AAH, 12 (1964), 12-13, memorative coins of Agathocles dedicated to
believes the Greco-Bactrians under Demetrius did Demetrius call him Aniketos, this implies a series of
control Sinkiang and the 'silk route' to the east, but victories somewhere.
his reasons here too are unconvincing.
 Greco-Bactrians, Sakas and Parthians 183

without forgeries there are problems. 10 The successors of Demetrius I may have been
related to him, or there may have been a second Demetrius if one judged by coins.
The numismatic evidence is not unequivocal, but in general those coins Struck on the
Attic Standard of weight only using Greek legends come from Bactria, while the coins
on the Indian (or lighter) Standard with bilingual legends in Greek and Kharoshthi
1
were Struck south of the Hindukush. Coins of both types exist for a Demetrius with
'

different styles, whether we have a Demetrius I and another II. The

and the question is

matter is complicated by the Statement ofJustin (XLI, 6) that Eucratides, a successor of

Demetrius I "was besieged by Demetrius, king of the Indians with an overwhelming
force, but Eucratides escaped after a five-month siege and subsequently conquered

India." The question naturally is which Demetrius, if there be two? Did Eucratides
revolt against Demetrius I and his two Commanders Menander and Apollodotus, as
Tarn thinks, or against Demetrius II as Narain concluded? There is not agreement on

the sequence of rulers following Demetrius I, and one must rely on comparisons of
monograms, facial features and other items on the coins to make conjeetures. One
reasonable guess is was a young man when
the following: since Demetrius I

Antiochus III invaded Bactria in 206 b.c., and Eucratides was the one who overthrew
the family of the Euthydemids about the time that Mithradates I of Parthia came to
power about 170 b.c., aecording to Justin (XLI, 6), and if it were Demetrius I whom
Eucratides overthrew, the coins would necessarily portray a man at least in his fifties,
and the coins of the first Demetrius do show a man of such an age. Eucratides,
however, if we are to believe the evidence of the widespread finds of his coins, plus the
Statement of Justin (XLI, 6) that Mithradates I of Parthia conquered Media about the

time of Eucratides' death, lived until about 148 b.c., when the Median conquest took
12 whether we have
place, and thus he had a reign of over twenty years. In any case,

two rulers with the name Demetrius or only one, in the period c. 170-150 B.c. we
may domains oecurred. It seems that at
postulate that a split in the Greco-Bactrian
least two families now
dominated the scene, that of Eucratides in the north and the
successors of Euthydemus and Demetrius to the south of the Hindukush. One of the
latter family may have been Antimachus Theos, who possibly ruled north of the

Hindukush when Demetrius I or II was busy to the south. He was the first king to call

10
For a discussion of such forgeries see Lahiri, Caucasem, another at Pushkalavati (the present
62-68. See also G. K. Jenkins, "A
supra. Corpus, piainof Peshawar) and another at Taxila, while
Group ofBactrian Forgeries," RN
6 serie, 7 (1965), other mints were rare or temporary, which
51-57. proposal makes sense.
11
A D H Bi var in a series of articles devoted to
' 2
The date of the Parthian conquest of Media
the monograms on the coins, on the other hand, should be after 148 B.c. aecording to the dated

has shown that coins solely with Greek legends and Greek insenption on the bas-relief of Herakles at
based on Attic weight could have been Struck Behistun, mentioning a satrap of the upper
south of the Hindukush to pay troops, or for provinces' called Cleomenes. Everyone had as-
prestige value. Cf. his "Indo-Bactrian Problems," sumed that this satrap could only have been a
NC V, seventh series (1965), esp. 104-05, and his Seleucid officer, but it is conceivable that he may
The Sequence of Menander's drachmae," JRAS have continued to hold this title under Parthian
(1970), 128-29. His conclusion that the mono- rule until Mithradates appointed Bacasis in his
grams either represented mints or mint masters, place, acc. to Justin (XLI, 6). Another possibility, of
in
more or less in the same spatial locale, is confirmed course, is a short recrudescence of Seleucid rule
by his studies of the monograms. South of the Media, after an initial conquest by Mithradates I,

Hindukush one main mint was at Alexandria ad but more data is needed to deeide.
184 Chapter VII

himself Theos 'god,' and the first to issue commemorative coins with a bust of
Diodotus UtoTTjpos on the obverse and the legend BAEIAEYONTOZ 0EOY
ANTIMAXOY on the reverse.or with a bust of Euthydemus with the same legends.
Numismatists have conjectured that Antimachus was a younger brother of
Demetrius I or II, but at least a member of the same family. There also may have been
a Euthydemus II as well as a Demetrius II because of varied coin types, but the
proliferation of names on coins now makes the reconstruction of a sequence of rulers
of one or the other family very difRcult.
Eucratides, whose origin is unknown, may have been a governor of one of the
northern or western provinces of the Greco-Bactrian State, such as Sogdiana or Herat
before his revolt. After attaining power he Struck a commemorative coin probably
showing his parents, a certain Heliocles and Laodice alone wearing a diadem,
indicating that she may have been a princess of the Diodotus or Euthydemid line.
Eucratides was successful in expanding his power to the south of the Hindukush, but
he lost two provinces in the west, Touriva and Aspiönes, to the Parthians, according
to Strabo (XI, 517). Tarn 88) aeeepted a proposed
(op. dt. supra, [eh. 1, n. 23],

correction of Strabo's text to read Tapuria and Traxiane, about present day Borujjrd
and Meshhed respectively. Tarn's correction is hardly acceptable, however, but there
isno way to identify these two 'satrapies' except to note that the size of the satrapy had
declined, perhaps even more than Tarn thought, and the two most likely would be in
3
the Merv-Herat areas rather than farther west close to the Parthian homeland. Tarn
claimed that Eucratides was a cousin of the Seleucid Antiochus IV, creating a
fascinating story of the attempt of Antiochus IV to revive the empire of Alexander
the Great, and he began his dream by sending his general Eucratides, governor of the
'upper provinces,' who overthrew
Demetrius (op.cit. supra, [eh. 1, n. 23], 195). All of
this reconstruction Starts from a Greek inscription from Babylon naming Antiochus
IV the 'savior of Asia,' and Tarn then weaves a tale of Eucratides marching from
Babylon eastward through Seistan to Bactria, on the way defeating sub-kings of
Demetrius, Agathocles in Seistan and Antimachus in Herat. Unfortunately Tarn's
vivid imagination is not based on sources either literary or numismatic. Likewise the
'so-called' dates on coins of Plato and Heliocles have been identified as monograms,

and Altheim's surmises (supra, Mittelasien, 57-63), based on these dates, cannot be
aeeepted. We do have the name of the city Eucratideia in Bactria from Ptolemy and
Strabo, evidence of rule here, and further Strabo (XIV, 686) says that Eucratides ruled
a thousand towns in India, a Standard number but nonetheless indicative of his
conquests there. Justin (XLI, 6) says the Bactrians became fatigued fighting the
Sogdians, the people of Seistan, Herat and India, which may in this case mean the
conquests of Eucratides against such rulers as Antimachus, Pantaleon and Agathocles,
one or all of whom may have ruled before or concurrently with Eucratides. Since
coins of Euthydemus, Antimachus and Eucratides have been found in greater

1
Tarn corrected the text of Strabo even more to have read 'the Tapuria of Aspiönes (and
in his "Seleucid Parthian Studies," Proceedings ofthe Traxiane).' This is ingenious, especially the identi-
British Academy, 16 (London, 1931), 22-24, and ficationof Aspiönes asa personal name, but the rest
identifies the two words as reference to one is unconvincing. Likewise Altheim's (op. eil. [n. 1],
satrapy, eastern Tapuria or Astauene. He considers 577) identification of the first name as Turan is

the original text of Apollodorus, copied by Strabo, unacceptable.

 Greco-Bactrians, Sakas and Parthians 185

quantity than other Bactrian rulers north of the Oxus River, one may tentatively
assign Antimachus as a ruler in that area. 14 Later the Sogdians imitated coins of
Euthydemus while other 'barbarian* coins copied issues of Eucratides or Heliocles. 15
The first losses of territory of the Greco-Bactrians north of the Hindukush were
probably to the Parthians, as we have seen, but either under Eucratides or his successor
Heliocles, Sogdiana and other northern areas were probably lost to nomadic invaders
sometime about 140 b.c. According to some numismatists the northern provinces of
the Bactrian kingdom became independent earlier, beginning after the death of
Euthydemus, since the barbarous copies of his coins with debased Greek legends are
supposed to have been minted shortly after the death of Euthydemus. 16 Since coins of
both Euthydemus and Heliocles have been found in Central Asia as well as copies of
both (see note 15) it would seem that the copies were made later, even after the fall of
the Greco-Bactrian kingdom, rather than during the reigns of the two kings. There is
no evidence for an independent State in Sogdiana other than a possible kingdom under
a sub-king or vassal of the main Greek ruler of Bactria, for the coins which are copies
of the two rulers mentioned above are generally assigned to the Century after the fall
of the Greco-Bactrians. 17 In any case, we have no basis on which to determine the
time of the falling away of the northern areas of the Bactrian kingdom, but the date of
the famous Statement of Strabo (XI, 511) listing the nomads who took Bactria from
the Greeks, which we shall discuss below, is generally considered to apply to the time
span 135-130 b.c., so northern areas must have been lost earlier.
After the Bactrian Greeks moved south of the Hindukush they soon extended their
sway over the northwestern plains of the sub-continent. It is now assumed that the
great variety of coins were Struck at a few mints, at Alexandria, near present day
Charikar, at Pushkalavati, probably present Charsada, and at Taxila, with later mint
18
sites at Gardiz and elsewhere. As mentioned, Demetrius I began the conquest of
Indian territories, but the extent of his conquests is still much disputed. The
proliferation of bilingual coins with Greek legends on one side and a Prakrit legend in
the Kharoshthi script on the other indicates a kind of duality of the rule of the Greeks
to the south of the Hindukush, and Narain may be followed in designating the rulers
after Heliocles, the last Bactrian ruler, as Indo-Greeks. Before turning to the most
famous of the Indo-Greek rulers, it should be noted that between Demetrius I and
Menander we must account for a number of kings, or possibly sub-kings, who for the
most part seemed to have ruled on both sides of the Hindukush. Of the Euthydemids,

14
Cf. B. Kastalskii, "Neizdannaya Greko-Bak- monety, chekanennye po tipu tetradrakhm Ge-
triiskaya tetradrakhma-medal Antimakha I, bitaya liokla," EV, 11 (1956), 63-75. The latter were

v ehest Evtidema I," VDI, 3^ (1940), 347. A found in Ferghana. See also M. Mitchiner, The
silver and a copper coin of Eucratides have been Early Coinage of Central Asia (London, 1973), 26-
found in excavations in Khwarazm but no other 35.
coins with Greek legends; cf. B. 1. Vainberg,
' 6
Mitchener, op. c it. [n. 1 5], 26, with references

Monety Drevnego Khorezma (Moscow, 1976), 176. to articles of E. Drouin.

,5
Cf. A. N. Zograf, Monety "Geraya" (Tash-
l7
See Staviskii, op. dt. [n. 5], 159-60 and
kent, 1937), 24, and Thompson, et al., supra, 239-42.
l8
Cf. G. K. Jenkins, Ancient Greek
Coins
Inventory, 265. On copies of Eucratides coins see A.
N. Mandelshtam, "K predkushanskomu chekanu (London, 1972), 261, and for Gardiz see Bivar,
Baktrii," EV, 17 (1966), 85-90, and on copies of "Sequence" [n. 11], 129.
Heliocles see V. M. Masson, "Drevne baktriiskie
 186 Chapter VII

from the coins one might distinguish, as mentioned, a second Euthydemus as well as a
second Demetrius but they are disputed. Antimachus and Pantaleon also have been
mentioned, followed by Agathocles. Agathocles' coins are especially noteworthy in
having Prakrit legends in the Brahmi aiphabet, as did Pantaleon. But more striking
are the commemorative' coins of Agathocles, a better term for these coins than Tarn's
'pedigree' coins. Agathocles Struck coins in honor of Euthydemus, of Demetrius and
19
Pantaleon, as well as Alexander, Antiochus and Diodotus. Then we have an
Apollodotus who has caused controversy because of the variety of the monograms on
his coins implying a very long reign. In such cases numismatists postulate a second
ruler with the same name, and such is the case with Apollodotus. 20 Overstrikes on
coins usually are good evidence for one ruler immediately succeeding the one whose
coins are overstruck with the name of the former, but it is also possible that the
interval in time is much greater than a few years. The various surmises on family
relationships are difficult to resolve if based only on coins, as they are; for example,
the queen Agathocleia, portrayed on coins with Strato, has been considered the
daughter of Demetrius I by Tarn (p. II by Naraki
225), or a daughter of Demetrius
(pp. 75, 181), or as a daughter of Agathocles by Simonetta (infra, n. 9, p. 160). Many
agree that she was the wife of Menander and mother of Strato, although Simonetta
argues that she was the wife of Apollodotus I and mother of Strato. Bivar, however,
places Strato much later and suggests that Agathocleia was his consort rather than his
mother, and his arguments are a bit more convincing than previous surmises. 21
Menander, no matter who was his queen or his son, was that Greek king who made
such an impression on the Indians by his conquests in the sub-continent that he was
remembered in Indian sources, especially the Buddhist work in Pali the Milindapafiha,
the questions of King Milinda, presumably Menander. It has been shown that the
earliest name for the Greeks was a Prakrit form Yona borrowed from Old Persian
Yauna and then Sankriticized to Yavana, with a later Prakrit form Yonaka, all usages
prior to the Greco-Bactrian invasions of India. 22 So thenames of the invaders of the
sub-continent in various Sanskrit works are neither earlier nor later than the Prakrit
forms. The examples of the imperfect tense referring to a recent action in the Sanskrit
commentary of Patafljali on the grammar of Pänini indicate that the Yavanas at some
time were besieging Säketa and Madhyamikä both deep in India. In Buddhist
tradition Menander became a Buddhist hero and the prototype of a wise king.
Whether an original Greek book called the 'Questions of Menander' of a Greek
comedian was conflated with legends about the Greco-Bactrian king in the Buddhist
work, as Tarn proposes, presents problems, but this is not germane to our task, which
is restricted to the Iranian cultural area. References to Greeks and to Menander in

19
H. P. Francfort, "Deux nouveaux tetra- 2I
Bivar, "Indo-Bactnan Problems" [n. 11], 94,
drachmes commemoratifs d'Agathocle," RN, 17 102. Altheim follows Tarn. On the sequence of
(1975), 19-22, and P. L. Gupta, Three Com- rulers see also K. W. Dobbins, "The Sequence of
memorative Tetradrachms of Agathocles," JNSI, Bactrian Coins," Numismalic Digest, 2 (London,
38 (1977), 92. 1978), 1-13.
20 22
Simonetta, op. eil. [n. 9], 159. Likewise the C. Töttösy,The Name of the Greeks in
murder of Eucratides by his son, aecording to Ancient India," AAH, 3 (1956), 301-18.
Justin (XLI, 6), has been attributed to a certain
Plato, or to Eucratides II, or to an unknown son of
Demetrius, all guesses.
 Greco-Bactrians, Sakas and Parthians f #7

Indian sources have been discussed by Narain and others, and his view on the limited
conquests of the Greek kings in the Ganges basin, rather restricted to raids, and no rule
of the Indus delta is convincing. The realms of the Greeks were certainly in the
northwest of the sub-continent, and we assume the existence of a number of
kingdoms, the changing boundaries of which cannot be determined. The
contemporary flourishing of several kingdoms seems a more likely hypothesis than
that of a large, unified kingdom with sub-kings as has been proposed by some
numismatists.
Menander is also the only Greek king mentioned in an inscription in India, and this
is a Kharoshthi Prakrit inscription on found in Bijaur, north of
a steatite casket

Peshawar, a Buddhist dedication in the reign of the maharäja Menander. 23

Unfortunately this teils us nothing other than the name of a later donor of the casket,
and the reason for the name Menander remains obscure. The dating of Menander has
raised much controversy, but the consensus now is that he ruled c. 155-140 B.c. in
24 1 55 B.c. is not only the date
very general dates. Bivar (infra, n. 24, p. 126) claims that
of the accession of Menander but also the beginning of a new era of dating in ancient
India, which may be a good guess. Also, as he suggests 133), "there is a hint in one
(p.

of the scarce literary sources (Plutarch, Moralia, 821 D) that the kingdom was divided
after his death, and the same deduction can be made from his coins." The geographical
location of the realms of his successors Zoilus, Lysias, Antialcidas and Theophilus, as
well as others, cannot be determined any more than their dates, and one can say little

other than the probable continuation of the Euthydemid rulers and either an
extinction of the Eucratidid house or at least a drastic shrinking of any realms they
ruled in the Hindukush mountains. As Bivar suggests (infra, n. 24, p. 173), only
through a study of the legends, including their places on the coins, can the chronology
of the kings be attempted, together with a review of the mongrams which give
evidence of the place of striking, even if they are considered the signs ofmint masters
rather than the mints themselves. Further hoard finds such as the remarkable one
from the Qunduz area in Afghanistan can revise the surmises built over the years on
those coins previously available for study. 25 The new finds in that treasure, probably
buried a short time after the fall of the northern Greek kingdom(s), indicate that a
number of late rulers who hitherto had only Struck bilingual coins also had Struck
coins only in Greek and in the Attic weight, such as Lysias, Theophilus, Archebius,
Philoxenus, Amyntas and the very last king Hermaeus, while new examples of
Antialcidas were also found (infra, n. 25, p. 61). Further, the important hoard of
Qunduz seems to prove that the Greek coins of the Attic Standard were intended to
circulate north of the Hindukush, whereas the bilingual coins on the Indian Standard
were current to the south, although some late 'Greek only' legends may be simply
prestige issues. A further conclusion from this hoard is that a Greek kingdom seems to

cit. [n. 9] 162, believes Menander

23
N. G. Majumdar, "The Bajaur Casket of the Simonetta, op.
Reign ofMenmder," Epigraphica Indica, 24(1937), ruled circa 130 B.c. and not early as the others
1-8, and comments by S. Konow in El, 27 (1940), aflfirm.
52-58, as well as in the New Indian Antiquary,)an. 25 R. Curiel et G. Fussman, Le trhor monitaire de

1940, also his article in JRAS (1939), 265. Qunduz, MDAFA, 20 (1965), with bibliography
24
Bivar, "Sequence" [n. 11], 126, 132; cf. of other studies. The listof rulers who Struck coins
Altheim, op. eil. [n. 1 591 and Narain, supra, Indo-
], , with only Greek legends, only bilingual, or both
Greeks, 181, who extends his dates to 130 B.c. types (pp. 81-82) is especially instruetive.
188 Chapter VII

have continued to exist in the northern foothills of the Hindukush even after the
demise of the Greek domains in India or on the Bactrian plains, after the nomadic
invasions. The hoard is a major source for a discussion of the end of Greek rule in
Central Asia and Afghanistan.
We already have noted the copies of coins of Euthydemus, Eucratides and Heliocles
in Central Asia, probably dating from after the nomadic invasions of that area or
from the fall of the Greco-Bactrians. It is at once clear from coins and artistic remains
that Greak influence was very small in Khwarazm, more in the Zarafshan
in general

valley, but less and most in the lands south of the

in the adjoining Ferghana Valley,
Hissar mountain ränge, in northern Bactria south to the Oxus, and in southern
Bactria from the Oxus to the Hindukush. This conclusion is also based on the use of
the Greek aiphabet in Bactria, whereas to the north Aramaic continued in use until
native Khwarazmian and Sogdian began to be written in the post-Greek periods. It

can also be seen in the later art in the different areas that Greek influences were
strongest in Bactria, and less visible to the north, which is understandable, since they
were far removed from the central Greek influences in Bactria.
In the mountains of Afghanistan the Greeks seemingly continued to live after the
nomads occupied the plains, but the city of Ay Khanum was not destroyed; by
nomads, as far as archaeology can teil seem to have left
us; rather the inhabitants
the sometime towards the end of the second Century b.c. 26 The easiest
site

interpretation of the end of Greek rule north of the Hindukush is that the rulers left
for the mountains in the face of nomadic invasions, and the local settled people
remained in the various towns paying allegiance to new nomadic masters, but
allowing the Greek theater at Ay Khanum, for example, to be used as a depository for
the bones of the dead according to local custom. Altheim has proposed that the Greco-
Bactrian kingdom north of the Hindukush did not fall to nomads, but rather to
Mithradates I of Parthia about 139 b.c., but then the Greeks regained their
independence after the death of Mithradates in 138/7 b.c. to finally succumb to the
nomads. 27 Tarn (pp. 222-23) previously had suggested that Mithradates I had
occupied most of Bactria after defeating Eucratides, and, following a late Christian
Latin author Paulus Orosius, suggests that Mithradates' conquests extended into India,
but which part of 'India* is not mentioned in Orosius. It is conceivable that
Mithradates, after taking the area of Herat from the Greco-Bactrians did campaign to
the south in Seistan and to the east in Arachosia, for there is no coin evidence of
continued Greco-Bactrian rule in Seistan, whereas in Arachosia the absence of early
Parthian coins, either from excavations or in the bazaar of Qandahar is noteworthy. 28
Since copper coins of later Indo-Bactrian rulers are relatively plentiful in this area, one

-6 28
Cf. P. Bernard in his report of the 1 976-77 On the question of Mithradates' conquests to
excavations in CRAl, (Paris, avril-juin 1978) 450, the east see E. Herzfeld, 'Sakastän,' AMI, 4 (1932),
and in the unpublished proceedings of the Kushan 40-41, and Daffina, supra, Immigrazione, 41-43,
congress in Kabul in Nov. 1978, and
in J C. who concludes that Mithradates I did not go
Gardin et P. Gentelle, "Irrigation et
peuplement farther than Arachosia. The use by Altheim of
dans la plaine d'Ai Khanoum," BEFEO, 63 (1 976), Diodorus (XXXIII, 20) who mentions an Arsacid
97. lang (Mithradates?) who became lord of Porus'
Altheim, Stiehl, op. eil. [eh. 6, n. 49], 597-98, realm without fighting, is rightly rejeeted by
not aeeepted by Narain and others. Daffina and by Tarn, op. eil. [eh. 1, n. 23], 524.
 Greco-Bactrians, Sakas and Parthians 189

may presume by Mithradates rather than any lasting conquest. 29 In any case,
a raid
the Parthians as well as the Greeks were to feel the force of the nomadic invasions
which changed the face of the east even though the legacy of their predecessors was to
continue in many ways.
We know nothing of the administration of the Greco-Bactrian domains and may
assume that Seleucid modeis were followed with provinces and subdivisions of
provinces. An innovation seems to have been the 'meridarch' mentioned in several
Indian Prakrit inscriptions, although the title was used in Phoenicia and Palestine
under the Seleucids seemingly as a financial post. 30 There may have been a System of
sub-kings as some numismatists have proposed, but the overlaps of kings' names on
coins could be attributed to territorial divisions or separate domains, or even to Joint
rules. We simply
do not know, but since sub-kings are not found elsewhere in the
Hellenistic world there is no compelling reason to assume them here. Commemora-
tive coins and overstrikes, it should be noted, are not usually taken to be evidence for
sub-kings. In India, local divisions probably were followed, but again we have no
sources for local administration.
It is not possible here to discuss the many fascinating details of the legacy of the
Greeks in Central Asia, especially in the realm of material culture, for their
contributions to art and archaeology are continually revealed in excavations. Scholars
agree that under the Greco-Bactrians urbanization greatly developed in Central Asia
with the copying of well-organized Square or rectangular grid plans for towns and in
spite of hyperbole, when both Trogus (in Justin) and Apollodorus (in Strabo) call

Bactria the 'land of a thousand cities,' we may presume there was a flowering of urban
Settlements. High walls and towers surrounded the towns and trade and commerce
developed perhaps more, relatively, than agriculture, although increased irrigation
also extended the cultivated land, not only in Bactria proper but probably elsewhere
31
too. In a series of articles and books Pugachenkova has studied the Hellenic
influences on Bactrianarchitecture, especially the popularity of the Corinthian stone
column, or modifications of it in Central Asia. 32 Other than Khanum, only a Ay
small site called on the banks of the Panj River is dated to
Saksan-Okhur in Tajikistan
the late Greco-Bactrian period, primarily because of the quadratic plan and the central
place of a court, as at Ay Khanum, a distinctive feature of Bactria but unlike Greek
33
cities in the west. So already local influences assert themselves in the time of Greek
rule, to develop further in later penods.

29
D. W MacDowall and M. Ibrahim, "Pre- bibhography in notes see G. A. Pugachenkova i L.
Islamic Coins in the Kandahar Museum," Afghan I. Rempel, Isloriya Iskusstvo Uzbekistana
(Moscow,
Studies, 1 (1978), 67-68. 1965), 35-101, her Khalchayan (Tashkent, 1966),
30 Baktrii-traditsii
For references to the inscriptions see Narain, and "Zodchestvo antichnoi l

supta, Indo-Greeks, 95, and for the west 217-24, and

svyazi," in Pichikyan, supra, note 2,
Morkholm, op. cit. [eh. 6, n. 93], 108-09. other articles in this work. Ionic columns have
31
Cf. Gardin/Gentelle, op. cit. [n. 26], 97. They been found in Taxila, but apparently they were
stress, however, that the population of Ay very rare compared to Corinthian capitols.
Khanum was small even though the city walls 33 On Saksan Okhur see B. A. Litvinskii i Kh.

were imposing, and conclude that the city was a Mukhitdinov, "Antichnoe gorodishche Saksanok-
center for a large and well-populated surrounding hur," SA, 2 (1969), 160-78, and Litvinskii,
area based on agriculture. "Drevnii sredneaziatskii gorod," Drevnii Vostok,
32 Goroda 1 Torgovlya (Erevan, 1973), 121-24.
For a survey of both art and architecture with
190 Chapter VII

From the coins as well as statues and other art objects some idea of the various cults,
Greek as well as ancient Near Eastern or local Central Asian, which existed in Bactria
may be inferred. For example, the discovery of a silver medallion with Cybele on a
chariot at Ay Khanum suggests some attention to ancient Near Eastern cults, while a
bronze Statuette of Herakles attests the popularity of this Greek hero, even far to the
34 Local Bactrian cults of a mother goddess and other
east of the Hellenistic world.

deities are attested by clay figurines, and one may suppose in this period already
considerable syncretism, or rather an identification of Greek with Iranian deities, such
as Apollo with Mithra, although more evidence is available for the Kushan era than
from the earlier periods. 35 Some scholars place great weight on the evidence of
burials from archaeological sites, not only for interpretations of religious beliefs and
practices, but also as an aid in the understanding of the society and culture of an area.
Whether ancient Greek practices clashed with local observances is diffkult to
determine. At Ay Khanum an excavated necropolis revealed two types of burial; in a
mausoleum both mud brick sarcophagi as well as funerary jars with bones in them
were found, and later, presumably after the departure of the Greeks from the city,
many bones were found all over the stage part of the Greek theater. 36 The exposure of
bodies to birds and animals is a well-known Zoroastrian custom, if not an even rnore
ancient eastern Iranian practice, so the discovery of such a way of disposal of the dead
at Ay Khanum should not be surprising. What we cannot determine is how the
different modes of disposal of corpses co-existed, and if there was any interchange or
adaptation in practices by one segment of the population with another.
We may conclude that the almost two centuries of Greek rule in Bactria and
Central Asia saw a concentration of Hellenistic Settlements and the founding of cities
in Bactria proper, with a conservativism in the preservation of Greek customs, the
Greek language, and a Separation between the Greek rulers (by Greek also
Macedonian, Thracian and Anatolian is implied) and the local population. There is no
evidence of serious conflicts between the Greeks and the local population; on the
contrary, a gradual fusion of the two seems to have progressed. With the
independence of the Greeks in Bactria we may presume that colonists from the west
ceased completely. Even if Eucratides were found to be a Seleucid general sent by
Antiochus IV to reassert Seleucid rule in Bactria, which is unlikely, he surely did not
bring a contingent of Greek colonists with him. Most likely after the death of
Antiochus III any Bactrian connections with the Seleucids were only on the basis of
agreement or treaty between two sovereign states. It is possible that an exchange of
mercenaries existed at times between the two states, but any consequences of such
hiring for both powers were negligible. An impressionistic but colorful assessment of
the legacy of Alexander in the east has been provided by Wheeler, while populär
books in Russian on the general subject abound. 37 The main difference in our
knowledge of the heritage of the Greeks today as compared with half a Century ago is
the end of what was called the 'Bactrian mirage,' with a realization from finds at Ay

34 For 37
illustrations and references see Allchin/ M. Wheeler, Flames over Persepolis (London,
Hammond, op. cit. [eh. 6, n. 43], 227. 1968), 63-122, and in Russian, V. M. Masson,
35
G. Pugachenkova, "O kultakh Baktrii v svete Slrana tysyachi gorodov (Moscow, 1 966), 33-73, B
arkheologie," VDI, 3 (1974), 125-35. Ya. Staviskii, Mezhdu Pamirom i Kaspiem (Mos-
36
Bernard in CRA1 (avril-juin 1978), 440-41. cow, 1966), 78-95, and many others.
 Greco-Bactrians, Sakas and Parthians 191

Khanum and from Soviet excavations in Central Asia that the later Buddhist art
calledGandharan did have roots in Bactria, even though it was a revival based on
impulses from the Roman Empire. New coin hoards and finds of Greek coins in
excavations will enable numismatists to better establish geographical and chronologi-
cal frameworks for the many rulers of this part of the world in the two centuries
before our era.

NOMADIC INVASIONS
This period of historyis generally called that of the Saka and Indo-Parthian dynasties

previous to the of the Kushan Empire. For the first time, Chinese sources may be
rise

utilized with caution for a reconstruction of history in this part of the world. A
powerful Chinese emperor Wu
ti of the Han dynasty sent an emissary to the west

called Chang Ch'ien who returned to China in 126 b.c. His report was included in the
history Shih-chi, chapter 123, which account essentially is repeated with many
embellishments in the Han shu, or annals of the former Han dynasty. 38 The Chinese
accounts have been translated so many times it almost seems superfluous to repeat
them, especially as there are no great problems in the translations as there are in the
interpretations. The Shi-chi simply says that the Yüeh-chih were defeated by the
Hsiung-nu and went far away. They passed Ta-yüan and in the west they attacked and
subjugated Ta-hsia. They made their capital north of the Kuei-shui (Oxus River) and
39
made it their royal court. Much has been written about the Chinese ethnic and
geograhical designations, especially about the name Yüeh-chih which has been
identified as a Chinese transcriptionof larioi, of Tokhar(ian), of Scythian or as the
great 'Ghara' people or 'mountaineers.' 40 Whatever the etymology, they should be
identified as one of the nomadic tribes which invaded Bactria, according to
Apollodorus (Strabo) and Trogus (Justin). The former names the Asii, Pasiani,
Tochari and Sakarauli, while the latter says the Saraucae(sic) et Asiani seized Bactria
and the Sogdians.41 The name Sacaraucae has been explained as 'Saka Commanders' by
Bailey, and they may be identified as a tribe of the 'royal Scythians' or Sai-Wang 'Saka
king(s)' of Chinese sources.
42 Since many tribes in the steppes in later times had clans

4I
38
See E. G. Pulleyblank, "The Wu-sun and Pompeius Trogus, Fragmenta, ed. by O. Seel
Sakas and the Yüeh-chih migration." BSOAS, 33 (Leipzig, 1956), 178, book 41. The enigmatic
(1 970) 1 54-60. caption at the end of the summary of his 'addition
39 to Scythian affairs,' reges Tocharorum Asiani interi-
Ibid., 154, and Narain, supra, Indo-Greeks,
129. tusque Saraucarum, book 42 on p. 180, has been
40
H W
Bailey proposes an Iraman form of the emended in various ways. The last name is

Chinese Yüeh-chih as *yah-iik and associates the obviously a For another view,
slip for Sa(ca)raucae.

name *Tokhara with the Chinese designation as and an etymology of Sacaraucae, see R. Schmitt in
the Ta or 'great Ghara' people. Cf. his "Sn Visa Sura WZKM, 67 (1 975), 87.
42 H. "North Iranian Problems,"
and the Ta-uang," AM, 11 (1964-65), 6, with W. Bailey,
further references. Bailey returned to his Ghara BSOAS, 29 (1979), 27-28. For a criticism of
theory in his lectures delivered at Columbia Haloun's identification of the word Yüeh-chih as
Umversity, N.Y. in the fall of 1979 Pulleyblank, 'Scythian,' see E. G. Pulleyblank, "Chinese and
op. eil. [n. 38], and in his "The Consonantal System Indo-Europeans," JRAS (1966), 17. The Asii
of Old Chinese," AM, 9 (1962), 90, however, generally have been identified with the As-Alans,
proposes the identification Tokhanan = Ta-yüan, the descendants of whom are the Ossetes of the
which is usually identified as Ferghana north Caucasus who speak a neo-'Saka' language.
192 Chapter VII

or sub-tribes which had prerogatives of rule, it is not unlikely that much earlier the
nomads had a royal clan to which others owed allegiance. The name Pasiani has
also
been called a misreading of Parsi 'Persians' or simply a repeat of Asii with an Iranian -n
ending and the Greek feminine article replaced by a p-, but there is little one can do
with the text. 43 Since it is not relevant to our history whether the Yüeh-chih
originally spoke a dialect of the centum Indo-European language called Tokharian, the
problems of identification of words and etymologies are not of concern to us.
It is significant that according to the Classical sources several groups of nomads

invaded Bactria, while all of the Chinese sources speak only of the Yüeh-chih,
although the early Hart shu adds the information that in the previous course of their
movement in the north the Yüeh-chih had defeated the Sai-wang who then went
south.
44 The easiest way to reconcile the two is to assume that the Chinese mentioned
two large but different peoples, the Yüeh-chih and the Saka, whereas the Classical
sources spoke of tribal tribe, and the
names, the Asii or Asiani, being a Saka
Tokharians either to be identified with the Yüeh-chih, or at least part of them. Ta-hsia
has been identified as the land of the Tokharians, as Greeks, as Daha to the east of the
Caspian and otherwise, but whatever the phonetic identification or meaning, Ta-hsia
should be either the Bactrian kingdom or a part of it. Over the years Sinologists have
wrestled with Chinese transcriptions of foreign words and many enigmas still

remain, and given the Chinese propensity to designate peoples or tribes as Ta 'large' or
Hsiao 'small,' as well as the genius of the language for puns, many mysteries, such as
identifications of western tribes, will remain to plague the reconstruction of the past.
From both the Classical and Chinese sources we may say that sometime in the second
Century and estimated dates have ranged from 175 to 150 b.c., the Yüeh-chih
b.c.,

moved from from the Hsiung-nu across

the western borders of China under pressure
Sinkiang, into the territory of the Sakas in the Ili-Ferghana area. Some of the Sakas
then went south about the middle of the second Century b.c. and the questiön arises
whether these Saka had anything to do with the fall of Bactria. Narain (p. 134)
suggests that the Sacaraucae and Asianii, two Saka tribes, as a result of being displaced
in their northern homeland by the Yüeh-chih, were those nomads who caused
trouble for the Parthians after the death of Mithradates I. These western Saka he
distinguishes from eastern Saka who moved south through the Kashgar-Tashkurgan-
Gilgit-Swat route to the plains of the sub-continent of India. This would account for
the existence of the ancient Khotanese-Saka Speakers, documents of whom have been
found in western Sinkiang, and the modern Wakhi language of Wakhan in
Afghanistan, another modern branch of descendants of Saka Speakers parallel to the
Ossetes in the west. It also accounts for the large number of coins of Saka rulers found
in those northwestern regions of the sub-continent. Thus, according to this theory,
the Sakas moved south on both sides of Bactria but did not overthrow the Bactrian

43
For a survey of suggestions on emendation see of wang 'king' as representing the last part of the
Narain, supra, Indo-Greeks, 1 32. Daffina, supra, word Sacaraucae, and reviews other theories. The
Immigrazione, 54—56, equates the Pasiani with the existence of a tribe or sub-tribe of 'Royal Scythians'
Apasiakai, which does not help us with further is not in doubt, only the Chinese usage, and it is

deductions. difTicult to decide if the passage means that the

44
Narain, supra, Indo-Greeks, 130-31. Daffina, 'king of the Saka' moved south or the Sacaraucae
supra, Immigrazione, 46, disputes the identification moved south
 Greco-Bactrians, Sakas and Parthians 193

kingdom, which was left to a later migration of the Yüeh-chih. From the Chinese
sources one would assume that the decline and fall of the Bactrian kingdom was not a
swift but rather a gradual process perhaps in several stages.
Beyond the mention of the migrations in the Chinese and Classical sources we have
no other literary sources and archaeology cannot fill the gap. Excavations o£kurgans
or burial mounds of nomads from this period have given one indication which is the
close similarity in the styles of objects left by those nomads who invaded Bactria and
the art of the Sarmatians of South Russia, of whom the Alans-As were one tribe. 45
Thus archaeology does coincide with the sparse linguistic data to confirm the view of
the nomadic invasions of Bactria as part of the great movement of tribes over Eurasia
in this period. The theory that the Yüeh-chih were the Speakers of the 'centunf Indo-
European tongue called Tokharian by contemporary linguists is possible but
relatively unimportant they adopted the local Iranian language of
historically, since
Bactria as their literary language andwere in any case Iranicized. One theory had the
Sacaraucae and Asiani first conquer Bactria to be followed after a decade by the Yüeh-
chih or Tokharians. The Sacaraucae moved south, but the Asiani remained in Bactria
and became feudatories of the Tokharians, and it was the Asiani who later supplied
the chiefs of the Kushans. 46 This view is also based on eh. 123 of the Shih-chi, which
suggests that even though the Yüeh-chih conquered Ta-hsia (Bactria) the former
maintained their court north of the Oxusand left the latter more or less independent.
All that may be said is that from archaeological excavations and from the absence of
literary sources there is no evidence of violent destruetion of Bactrian cities on the
part of the nomads, and one may presume some sort of co-existence between the
nomadic and settled population over a period of time, but any details are lacking.47
The Saka obviously went south to Drangiane or Zranka and gave their name to
this province, Sakastan or Seistan today, but when this happened is disputed. If they

followed a usual nomadic pattern rather than one of an invading army, the Sakas,
whatever tribes partieipated in the move to the south, probably infiltrated the
countryside from Merv to Herat and Seistan in the time of Mithradates I. It was under
Saka became belligerent and defeated him. So in the
his successor Phraates II that the

middle of the second Century B.c. the Saka were moving south into Seistan but
probably not much beyond. Since two Parthian kings, Phraates II (died c. 128 b.c.)
and Artabanus II (died c. 123 b.c.) lost their lives in warfare against the nomads, we
may assume that in their time Saka power was at its height and they had oecupied

45 46 L. Bachhofer, "On Greeks and Sakas in India,"

See esp. A. M. Mandelshtam, Pamyatniki
Kochevnikov Kushanskogo Vremeni v Severnoi JAOS, 61 (1941), 247.
*7
Baktrii (Leningrad, 1975), 148; also the series Immigrazione, 65-67, pro-
Daffina, supra,
Uspeki Sredneasiatskoi Arkheologii, vypusk 1-3 posed that the Sacaraucae and the Pasiani crossed
(Leningrad, 1972-75). The continuity of eulture the Oxus more or less together, the former moving
from this period to the later Kushan era is also south to Seistan while the latter oecupied Bactria.
O. Maenchen-Helfen in "The Yüeh-chih
striking. As mentioned, he identifies the Pasiani with the
Problem Re-examined,"_//10S, 65 (1945), 79-80, Apasiakai, mentioned by Strabo (XI, 513) instead
discusses the western movement of the Asii-Asiani- of considering the form with P- a mistake. Both
Aorsi-Arsi, and he asserts these were lords of the guesses are possible, but, as usual for the east, we
Tokharians, while the Digor dialect Speakers of must say non-liquet.
Ossetic are descendants of the Tokhari, an interest-
ing but unsubstantiated surmise.
194 Chapter VII

some of Bactria as well The relationship between these Saka and the
as eastern Iran.
Yüeh-chih to the north is unknown, but no evidence exists for any relations in the
second Century B.C. What happened to the Saka in eastern Iran after the defeat of the
Parthians? 48 Presumably the beginning of a Saka kingdom in Seistan may be dated
from this period.
One scholar has maintained
that there was only one Saka movement in this period
of the Yüeh-chih invasion of the Bactrian kingdom (c. 1 30 B.c.) and this was an
eastern invasion of Kashmir and the northwest part of the Indian sub-continent,
following the Chinese annals of the former Han dynasty, from Sinkiang.49 This
movement of one group of however, need not obviate the need to explain
Sakas,
Seistan, which was hardly settled by Sakas Coming from India. The fact that the
Parthian Stations of Isidore of Charax (17 and 18) mentions both 'Zarangiane' and to
the east of it Sakastane, implies the settlement of Sakas to the east of the Hamun lake
by the first Century b.c., since Isidore flourished in the following Century. 50 If a Saka
State were created in eastern Iran, it did not maintain its independence long, for
Mithradates II (c. 123-87 b.c.), as Justin (XLII, 2) informs us, added many areas to the
Parthian kingdom and several times fought successfully with the Scythians, and
avenged the previous Parthian defeats. There is no evidence that Mithradates II either
restored the limits of conquest of his predecessor Mithradates I or that he exceeded
such boundaries in the east. All that may be said is the implication of Isidore's text that
Parthian rule included Seistan and Arachosia, although clearly at times one or both
areas were either fully independent or in some sort of dependent relationship with the
Parthian kingdom. Before turning to the Parthian expansion in the east, however, the
Sakas in India and the last of the Greco-Bactrians deserve attention.
The Saka migration to India from Sinkiang, part of the general movement of
peoples in Central Asia in the second Century b.c., has been mentioned, but a
chronology and geographical details are lacking. The annals of the former Han
dynasty (chs. 61 and 96) say that the Sai (Saka)wang went south and subdued Chi-pin;
the Saka tribes were scattered and constituted several kingdoms in various
countries. 51 Much has been written about the identity of Chi-pin, although all agree
it is a land to the south of the Hindukush-Himalaya mountain ränge, some
identifying it with Gandhara, others with Kafiristan and still others with Kashmir.
Pulleyblank restores the ancient pronunciation as kiei-pyin < *kä(t)s-pen = *Kaspir

48
J- Junge, Saka Studien (Leipzig, 1939), 102- him, this accounts for the existence of the Khotan-
03, following G Haloun, "Zur Üe-tsi-Frage," Saka language and close connections with India.
ZDMG, 91 (1937), 256, emends Asiam in the text 50
On Isidore's dates see Daffina, supra, lmtni-
to *cusani and interprets Interims as the destruction grazione, 72, 75, 82.
of Saka power by the Kushans. Tarn, op.
in India 5I
Translation in Narain, supra, Indo-Greeks,
cit. [eh. 1, n. 23], word by the
306, explains this or in Bachhofer.op. eil,[n. 46], 242, inj. de Groot,
defeat of the Saka near Merv by a Parthian of the Chinesische Urkunden zur Geschichte Asiens II, Die
Suren family who 'drove them across the Oxus Westlande Chinas (Berlin, 1926) 86-91, and
where they penshed,' all of which is unconvincing. Altheim, op. cit. [eh. 6, n. 19], 608. Variations in
Cf. Daffina, supra, Immigrazione, 77-80, who translations are not vital to the general information
aeeepts the view of Junge. thatsome Saka moved south to India, and there is

Junge, op. cit. [n. 48], 105-06. According to no reason to doubt this information.
 Greco-Bactrians, Sakas and Parthians 195

for Kashmir, which it probably was at a later period, but perhaps also in the second
52
Century b.c. as well. In any case, some Sakas, but maybe only a few, crossed the
mountains to the sub-continent of India. This account has been disputed by Tarn (p.
321), Daffina (supra. L'Immigrazione, 47) and Altheim (p. 609), who claim it is a later
addition to the original text, when the Sakas from Seistan had established kingdoms in
India, and the southward migration was a mere invention, since for them all of the
Sakas in India came from the west. The first Saka ruler in northwest India was Maues,
called Moa in the Kharoshthi aiphabet on his coins, or possibly the same as the name
Moga in a Kharoshthi inscription on a copper plate from Taxila. 53 There is no other
information except the coins, and numismatists agree that the centre of Maues' rule
was Taxila and territories to the north. One feature of the Taxila copper plate
inscription raises questions, for it has the date 78, in an unknown era, while other
inscriptions also with dates have produced a great literature about the existence of
various eras in the sub-continent which were used for dating inscriptions. In India, as
in the Seistan of Iran, we learn about the Sakas from later evidence of their presence,
for example, in Sanskrit texts such as the epics the Rämäyana (IV, 43, 12) and the
Mahäbhärata (II, 32, 17), but the history of the Sakas in India with their probable
descendants in the Western Kshatrapas and others is beyond the scope of the present
book. 54
Numismatists now agree that Maues must have ruled in northwest India around 80
b.c.although the relative chronology of this ruler who had a long and varied series of
coins is better understood than an absolute dating. rule of early Saka chiefs in The
northwest India is closely bound withGreek kings, according to
that of late

numismatists, because of the copying of coin types and especially similar titles and the
same monograms on the coins. It is impossible to discuss in the space here the various
theories of dates and order of rulers in this part of the world, based on the same title on
coins of different rulers, on overstrikes of one ruler on the coins of another and on the
appearance or disappearance of monograms from various stages of the coinage of a
ruler, since new finds of coins continually bring revisions to theories on the order of
rule or the territories ruled by one king or another. One way of showing the
changing fortunes of rule is to present a table of rulers and mints, usually identified by
monograms on coins as well as their find spots, much of which is accepted by most
numismatists such as Jenkins, Narain, MacDowall, Mitchiner, Mukherjee, Simonetta

52 Meuakos from South Russia; cf. L.

Pulleyblank, "Consonantal System" [n. 40], in inscriptions
218. This identification is disputed by L. Petech, Zgusta, Die Personennamen griechischer Städte der
Northern India according to the Shui-ching chu nördlichen Schwarzmeerküste (Prague, 1955), 118.
(Rome, 1 950), but others support Pulleyblank. For The etymology is uncertain.

various views see Narain, supra, Indo-Greeks, 136. 54 Likewise fascinating topics such as the home
53For the coins see Jenkins/Narain, supra, Coin of the Sakas, the legendary continent otSaka-dvlpa
Types, 1 and for the Taxila plate inscription S.
, in Indian sources, the tnaga priests of the sun cult,
Konow, Kharoshthi Inscriptions, Corpus Inscrip- especially in the famous temple at Multan, the
tionum Indicarum (Calcutta, 1929), 28-29. Com- maga-brähmanas, and other questions belong to
pare the name Maues with a Saka chief MauakSs at Indian history.
the battle of Gaugamela in Arrian (III, 8, 3) and
196 Chapter VII

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Greco-Bactrians, Sakas and Parthians 197

55
and Dobbins. General works by Narain, Tarn and Van Lohuizen-de Leeuw are not
56 The chart below
so useful as the detailed articles in establishing a chart of the rulers.
is obviously most
tentative, since absolute chronologies in the east elude us;

furthermore no two numismatists would agree on all dates and geographical extent of
rules as proposed here, while Parthian or Saka vassal relationships are very difficult to
discern simply from coins. At least from Indian sources we can distinguish between
Sakas and Pahlavas, or Parthians, and we may assume that these two peoples, closely
related to each other, divided the rule in the eastern part of the Iranian world. The
relationship between Maues and Azes is unknown as is any connection between the
Vonones group and Azes, but it is important to remember that the Sakas came into
India probably as a tribal invasion or expansion, whereas the Parthians more likely

came as a conquering army. Since the Parthian kingdom itself was feudal with semi-
independent dynasts under the titulary rule of one king, it is not possible to determine
the inter-relations and allegiances of the names we find on coins. We omit the names
and titles of later Saka rulers in Western India, such as the Kshatrapas; their
proliferation indicates a fragmentation of rule in the east. Likewise, titles have been
omitted, for the pretensions of minor rulers to grandiose titles confuses attempts to
arrange relationships according to titles, even though the changing titles do seem to
indicate relationships between probable contemporaries.

THE PARTHIANS IN THE EAST

Literary sources are very sparse, and they are not unequivocal, but we have already
mentioned probable conquests of Mithradates II in the east. Then come the Saka
invasions. Several coins of Gotarzes I (c. 90-80 B.c.) have the names of mints written
in füll in Greek: Areia, Traxiane (present Sarakhs?) and Margiane, indicating
Parthian rule over those areas. 57 Next we hear in Lucian (Makrobioi, 15) that
Sinatruces, king of Parthia, was placed on the throne by the Sacaraucae when he was
eighty years old and he then ruled for seven years. This Statement implies an
importance and power for the Sakas in the eastern part of the Parthian realm in this
period. Thereafter we hear no more evidence of direct Parthian rule in the east, so we
must turn to the coins, and we find first those of Vonones and his Saka successors. 58
55
The sources for this reconstruction are same authors, plus others by A. N. Lahiri and D.
Jenkins/Narain, supra, Coin-types; Jenkins, "Indo- Bivar, may be found in the bibliographies of the
Scythic Mints," JNS1, 17 (1955), 1-26; D. above.
MacDowall, "The Dynasty of the Later Indo- 56 Van Lohuizen-de Leeuw, The "Scythian"
J. E.
Parthians," NC (1965), 137-48, and his article in Period (Leiden, 1949) and a long review of it by
JNSI, 29 (1968), 24-48; M. B. Mitchiner, Indo- A. L. Basham in BSOAS, 15 (1953), 80-97.
57
Greek and Indo-Scythian Coinage, 3 (London, D. Sellwood, /l/i Introduction tothe Coinageoj
1976), a detailed compilation of coins; B. N. the Parthians (London, 1971), 80, and W. Wroth,
Mukherjee, A
An Agrippan Source - Study in Indo- Catalogue of the Coins of Parthia, in The Greek
Parthian History (Culcutta, 1969); Simonetta, op. Coins of the British Museum (London, 1903), 140,
cit. 154-83, and his "La monetazione Indo-
[n. 9], n. 1.
Partica ed il suo significato per la cronologia dei 58 The name Vonones (probably Parthian:
Kushana," Rivista Italiana di Numismatica, 73 lerne« 'star name?'; cf. F. W. K. Müller, "Ein
(Milan, 1971), 33-47; K. W. Dobbins, Coinage Doppelblatt aus einem manichäischen Hymnen-
and Epigraphy ofthe Sakas and Pahlavas (Canberra, buch," Abh.PAW [1912], 35) was held by several
Ph.D. thesis, 1 972) to be published in Islamabad in Parthian kings, but his successors have Saka names
future. Until then see his book Saka-Pahlava Spalahora and Spalirises, from späda 'army' with
Coinage (Varanasi, 1973) 193 pp. Articles by these the characteristic East Iranian d > 1.
 Chapter VII
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Greco-Bactrians, Sakas and Parthians 191

and Dobbins. 55 General works by Narain, Tarn and Van Lohuizen-de Leeuw are not
56 The chart
so useful as the detailed articles in establishing a chart of the rulers. below
is obviously most tentative, since absolute chronologies in the east elude us;
furthermore no two numismatists would agree on all dates and geographical extent of
rules as proposed here, while Parthian or Saka vassal relationships are very difficult to
discern simply from coins. At leastwe can distinguish between
from Indian sources
Sakas and Pahlavas, or Parthians, and we may assume that these two peoples, closely
related to each other, divided the rule in the eastern part of the Iranian world. The
relationship between Maues and Azes is unknown as is any connection between the
Vonones group and Azes, but it is important to remember that the Sakas came into
India probably as a tribal invasion or expansion, whereas the Parthians more likely
came as a conquering army. Since the Parthian kingdom itself was feudal with semi-
independent dynasts under the titulary rule of one king, it is not possible to determine

the inter-relationsand allegiances of the names we find on coins. We omit the names
and titles of later Saka rulers in Western India, such as the Kshatrapas; their
proliferation indicates a fragmentation of rule in the east. Likewise, titles have been
omitted, for the pretensions of minor rulers to grandiose titles confuses attempts to
arrange relationships according to titles, even though the changing titles do seem to
indicate relationships between probable contemporaries.

THE PARTHIANS IN THE EAST

Literary sources are very sparse, and they are not unequivocal, but we have already
mentioned probable conquests of Mithradates II in the east. Then come the Saka
invasions. Several coins of Gotarzes I (c. 90-80 b.c.) have the names of mints written
in füll in Greek: Areia, Traxiane (present Sarakhs?) and Margiane, indicating
57
Parthian rule over those areas. Next we hear in Lucian (Makrobioi, 15) that
of Parthia, was placed on the throne by the Sacaraucae when he was
Sinatruces, king
eighty years old and he then ruled for seven years. This Statement implies an
importance and power for the Sakas in the eastern part of the Parthian realm in this
period. Thereafter we hear no more evidence of direct Parthian rule in the east, so we
58
must turn to the coins, and we find first those of Vonones and his Saka successors.
55
The sources for this reconstruction are same authors, plus others by A. N. Lahiri and D.
Jenkins/Narain, supra, Coin-types; Jenkins, "Indo- Bivar, may be found in the bibliographies of the
Scythic Mints," JNSI, 17 (1955), 1-26; D. above.
MacDowall, "The Dynasty of the Later Indo- 56
J. E.
Van Lohuizen-de Leeuw, The " Scythian"
Parthians," NC (1965), 137^*8, and his article in Period (Leiden, 1949) and a long review of it by
JNSI. 29 (1968), 24-48; M. B Mitchiner, Indo- A. L. Basham in BSOAS, 15 (1953), 80-97.
57
Greek and Indo-Scythian Coinage, 3 (London, D. Sellwood, An Introduction to the Coinage of
1976), a detailed compilation of coins; B. N. the Parthians(London, 1971), 80, and W. Wroth,
Mukherjee, An Agrippan Source- A Study in Indo- Catalogue of the Coins of Parthia, in The Greek
Parthian History (Culcutta, 1969); Simonetta, op. Coins qfthe British Museum (London, 1903), 140,
cit. [n. 9], 154-83, and his "La monetazione Indo- n. 1.
58 The name Vonones (probably Parthian:
Partica ed il suo significato per la cronologia dei

Kushana," Rivista Italiana di Numismatica, 73 wnwn 'star name?'; cf. F. W. K. Müller, "Ein
(Milan, 1971), 33-47; K. W. Dobbins, Coinage Doppelblatt aus einem manichaischen Hymnen-
and Epigraphy ofthe Sakas and Pahlavas (Canberra, buch," Abh.PAW [1912], 35) was held by several
Ph.D. thesis, 1 972) to be published in Islamabad in Parthian kings, but his successors have Saka names
future. Until then see his book Saka-Pahlava Spalahora and Spalirises, from späda 'army' with
Coinage (Varanasi, 1973) 193 pp. Articles by these the characteristic East Iranian d > 1-
198 Chapter VII

How can we interpret the legends on the coins? Presumably if we find the title 'king
of kings' on an eastern coin this would indicate complete independence from the
Parthian great king, but the use of other titles, such as BACIAEYZ
METAC, does
not thereby imply a vassal relationship. Coins with two names, one in Greek on the
obverse and Kharoshthi on the reverse apparently do show a subordinate relationship
such as coins of Indravarma and Aspavarma who are called strategos the Greek word
for 'general' in the Kharoshthi Script, but with 'great king of kings Azes' in Greek on
the obverse. On the other hand, we have 'great king of kings Orthagnes' in Greek on
his coins, but on the reverse the same in Prakrit and Kharoshthi Script with the name
Gondophares, which has elicited many theories on the relationship of the two.
Chance remarks in Classical or Indian sources can be enigmatic as well. We have
mentioned the Parthian Stations of Isidore in which all the land to and including
Arachosia is said to be under imperial Parthian rule, but the reality of such rule in the
time of Isidore, who probably lived in the first Century of our era, is dubious.
Likewise the accounts of a king called Phraotes, who presumably ruled in Taxila,
mentioned in the life of Apollonius of Tyana by Philostratus (II, 42), have been used
variously to reconstruct a history of northwest India even though the moralistic and
59
legendary nature of the work is apparent. Another source is the Periplus of the
Erythraean Sea (Para. 38), which notes that the town of Minnagar, near the mouth of
the Indus River, was subject to Parthian princes who were constantly driving each
other out of it. From this remark we may infer merely that in the lower Indus valley
area Iranian chiefs fought with each other, but beyond this we cannot go, for Saka
lords might well be confused with Parthians in this period by a foreigner. Indian
sources, such as the Jain legend on the origin of an era ascribed to Vikramäditya on his
defeat of the Sakas, are even more unreliable or unusable than the Classical sources,
in spite of attempts to use them as historical. 60 Chronologies with precise years of
reign of various rulers should be rejected when presented as fact; they should be
regarded only as guesses, some obviously quite fanciful, for only a relative chronology
on very general lines can be accepted at this time. The question of eras, however, will
be discussed under the Kushans.
Vonones, it seems, was the first independent ruler to issue coins, possibly in Seistan
but more likely in Arachosia; associated with him was either his real brother or one
who had an honorary title of just brother of the great king' as written in Kharoshthi
on the reverse of coins of Vonones. This latter person had a Saka name Spalahora, and
he was succeeded by his son Spalagadama, who like his father kept the name Vonones
in Greek on the obverses of some of his coins; but on other coins, presumably later,
we find in Greek the name Spalyrios with the title 'just brother of the king.' 61 What

"Herzfeld, "Sakastän" [n. 28], 113, identified South Asian Documenls on the Old Saka Era
thisPhraotes as an epithet apratihata 'triumphant,' (Varanasi, 1973), 89-93, with good reasons.
of Gondophares, which was rejected by Van " Cf. Jenkins/Narain, supra, Coin-types, 3-4.
Lohuizen-de Leeuw, op. cit. [n. 56], 360, although The names have been given Saka etymologies by
Tarn, op. cit. [eh. 1, n. 23], 341, accepted it. 1t is H. W. Bailey, "Ambages indoiranicae," Annali,
better not to use Phraotes as an historical ruler Napoli Sez. Ling. I, 2 (1959),
Istituto Orientale di
when no coins of his have been found. 130-32. Vonones has been identified as a member
" As Altheim, op. r/r. [eh. 6, n. 1 9], 61 7 cf. also,
; of the Parthian Suren family by Tarn, op. cit., [eh.
but more cautiously, Tarn, op. cit. [eh. 1, n. 23], 1, n. 23], 344, and others, and this may be so, but
335, and rejected by B. N. Mukherjee, Central and hardly his Saka successors.
 Greco-Bactrians, Sakas and Parthians 199

do these titles mean? Attempts to explain the name of Vonones on the coins as an
appellative for Mithradates are based on a false etymology for Vonones 'the
II

victorious' and are to be rejected. 62 The importance of the nephew of the king as his
successor, however,
is a widespread though not obligatory practice in Central Asia

and is known from

the Parthians to the Qarakhanid Turks of the eleventh Century,
to mention only two peoples where the practice of succession is attested. 63
Unfortunately, only brief notices exist of the Parthian 'brother of the king,' and no
conclusions can be drawn about the nature of the institution or practice, and we have
no sources other than the coins from the east. 64 Whether the institution of 'brother of
the king' was similar to, or the equivalent of, a later title found in Iran, 'second' in rule
after the king, is unknown, but obviously the problem of succession must have been
important, especially in a nomadic society where life could be precarious and any

institution of a vice-king or even sub-king would insure continuity. 6S Thus, because

of this alone it is extremely difficult to reconstruct a history of the rulers in the east
solely from coins.
seems that after the rulers Vonones and his true or honorary brother Spalahora,
It

followed by Spalagadama and then Spalyrios, who may have been the brother of
Spalagadama, we have a certain Spalirises, who also calls himself 'brother of the
(great) king,' but which king? Since he also Struck coins with the legend in Greek
'great king Spalirises' on the obverse and in Kharoshthi on the reverse the same in the
name of Azes, either a family connection or a political connection of the two may be
presumed. Then, since Azes strikes some coins with Azilises, a continuation of rule if
at least in the same system of succession may be assumed, which
not in the same family
seems to be difFerent from that of the Bactrian- or Indo-Greeks or of the later
Kushans. The existence of a second Azes seems assured by the coins. On the other
hand, when one ruler overstrikes another's coins, it usually is a sign of defeat or
conquest of the lands of the overstruck ruler, although it may mean Usurpation or a
similar act when we find a Spalirises overstrike on a coin of Spalagadama and
Spalyrios, and then of Azilises on coins of Spalirises and also on coins of Azes I. 66
With a new ruler, probably first in Arachosia, called Gondophares, we find some
hints of his rule in sources other than coins, but great controversy has raged over his
67
identification with the king Gaspar (with many variants) in Christian tradition.

62 65 Cf. Frye,
Dobbins, Coinage and Epigraphy [n. 55], 53- "Remarks on Kingship in Ancient
54, while Herzfeld, op. cit. [n. 28], 96, identifies Iran," AAH, 25 (1977), 78-82, with further
Vonones with the Parthian great king of the same references.
name, and calls himamember of the Suren family. 66 On overstrikes conveniently see Dobbins,
Joint coins of Azes and Vonones, contrary to Coinage and Epigraphy [n. 55], 169-71, as well as
Herzfeld, apparently do not exist. other numismatic literature of Simonetta.
63 This 67 Van Lohuizen-
is not the place to discuss theories of Discussed with references in
matrilineal as opposed to patrilineal descent and de Leeuw, op. cit. [n. 56], 353-55, also by Konow,
whether they played a role in the practice under op. cit. [n. 53], xliii. The name is attested elsewhere,
discussion, as Herzfeld, op. cit. [n. 28], 94-95, as early as the Behistun inscription. It is possible

believes, noroftanistry aspracticedby the Irishin that a certain Orthagnes was the predecessor of
their kingship. The subject of tanistry has many Gondophares, or he may have been later. Some
ramifications. scholars have proposed that Orthagnes is an epithet
64
On the Parthians, see Altheim, op. cit. [eh. 6, of Gondophares since the name appears only in
n. 19],621, and N. Debevoise, A Political History Greek while Gondophares appears in Kharoshthi.
o/Parthia (Chicago, 1938), 40.
200 Chapter VII

This has been used to date Gondophares, but it can only be used roughly, for the
tradition of St. Thomas itself must be later, but how much later? Following the
principle that in such a legend as that of St. Thomas and his journey to India the
reference to the name of Gondophares not simply gratuitous, then no matter what
is

the date of the legend, it seeks to pin the journey to a historical reality, and this fits well
with the assumed dates of Gondophares solely on the basis of coins. From the
distribution of find spots of coins of Gondophares, it seems that he ruled from Seistan
to the Punjab, a large empire.He introduced a symbol or coat of arms on his coins ö
which is found also on the coins of his successor Abdagases, who on some of his coins
in Kharoshthi has 'son of the brother of Gadaphara,' thus presumably the nephew of
Gondophares. The enigmatic coins of Sasa or Sasas do not have this symbol, although

the Kharoshthi legend on some of his coins mentions his father's name Aspabhata, and
on others we find Gudaphara, presumably the same name as Gondophares, but with
no relationship implied. 68 The symbol appears again much later as the coat of arms of
Shapur I the Sasanian where it is represented on his horse-covering on the relief of
Ardashir at Firuzabad, and it is impossible to discover whether the symbol is a family
sign (of the Suren family) to which the Sasanians might have been attached, or there is
some other connection between Gondophares and the Sasanians. In any case, it does
not appear in the east again. 69
Other coins are not easily arranged in a sequence. For example, we have coins of
Indravarma, who calls himself son of Vijayamitra, followed by his son Aspavarma,
who bears the Greek title strattgos, but the Greek legend has 'great king of kings Azes,'
probably an Azes 70
II. Since their coins are found in northwest India, mostly from the
Taxila mint, they were probably governors of, and after, Azes II.

Since coins of Gondophares were copied after his rule, the existence of a second
Gondophares may be postulated. Even more enigmatic are those who Struck
imitations of the coins of Hermaeus, one of the last Greek kings of the Paropamisos,
for it would seem that these chiefs or kings, perhaps Sakas, continued to strike
imitations of Hermaeus down to the expansion of the Kushans in the first Century of
our era. It is clearly impossible now merely on the basis of coins to determine which
Saka or Indo-Parthian ruler seized which area from the other, or from a Greek ruler,
and howlong it was held, although numismatists have endeavored to do this on the
basisof monograms and find spots. With the discovery of more hoards and more
excavations, however, the Statistical probabilities would rise for identifications.
Some coin issues are especially illusive, including two series of a certain Arsaces, or
perhapstwo rulers with the usual name for Parthian kings on their coins. Another is
Pakores, both series of which ruler cannot be simply western Parthian issues,

Jenkins/Narain, supra, Coin-types, 18-20. or possibly that Gondophares, or a successor,

Many scholars have assumed that the name, written countermarked various coins which were current.
as Sasasa,must be Sasan, but Scythian names Sasa Cf. E. J. Rapson in the Cambridge History of India, 1
or Sasas from South Russia exist; cf. Zgusta, op. eil. (Cambridge, 1 922), 578.
[n.53], 142. Dobbins.op.cif. [n. 55], 124,identifies 70
Jenkins/Narain, supra, Coin-types, 23. The
Aspabhata Aspavarma, which is unproven.
as relation of this Azes II with Gondophares is
The Gondophares symbol is found counter- unknown, but maybe there is some connection
Struck on some coins of the Parthian king Orodes I through the satraps Indravarma and Aspavarma,
(c. 90-77 b.c.) and Artabanus III (c. A.D. 12-38), although they may simply be satraps, first under
which indicates either a family usage (as the Suren) Azes II and then under Gondophares.
 Greco-Baclrians, Sakas and Parthians 201

however, since they have Kharoshthi legends on the reverses. Since Pakores
overstruck a coin ofan early Kushan ruler Soter Megas, he should be placed late in the
first Century A.D. 71 Likewise the coins of Sanabares, with Parthian letters on some of
his coins, presentmany problems, but since his coins have been found far to the north
in Merv and Herat, we may regard him as a Parthian sub-king or independent ruler,
and he should not be considered as belonging to the group of Gondophares. 72 This by
no means exhausts the names of rulers or coins.
To summarize the period from the fall of the Greek kingdoms north of the
Hindukush, one must at the outset say that conjectures abound, and one can only hope
to present a picture which is generally correct, although the details will change with
new discoveries, mainly inscriptions or coins. The Greeks, although they relinquished
their ruleof domains to the north of the Hindukush to nomadic invaders, did so
probably not in a swift but rather a prolonged process. Greek kings continued to rule
in the mountains and in north west India after 130 B.c., when Sakas came there from
Seistan and Arachosia, although some may have come from the north, from Sinkiang.
The accession date of Maues, apparently the first Saka king who issued coins in the
northwest of the sub-continent, is unknown but 90-80 b.c. is a likely surmise.
Somewhat later, about 80—70 Vonones ruled as an independent
b.c. to use decades,
Parthian king in Seistan and Arachosia. Since coins of Maues are not found in the last
two areas, we may regard the two rulers as contemporaries, though possibly only
overlapping a few years in their reigns. How to crowd the many Greek kings into
northwest India, Gandhara and the Paropamisos before this time is a difficult
problem. From the number and find spots of their coins, Apollodotus, Archebius and
Hermaeus were the most important of the last Greek rulers. The last named had his
coins copied extensively, and one may postulate rulers of a local kingdom or
kingdoms in the mountains who continued the traditions of this final Greek king in
their area, sometimes probably acknowledging the overlordship of a greater Saka or
Parthian king who, though he issued his own coins, may have allowed the local
population to continue with traditional coinage. There may have been Saka chiefs
who issued the pseudo-Hermaeus coins, as Dobbins suggests, but simply the local
population might be better candidates. 73 There also may have been a revival of Greek
power in some limited areas of eastern Afghanistan and northwest India with names
on coins such as Telephus, Hippostratus, Strato, and of course Apollodotus II. Further
Greek rule in the Punjab also has been assumed. The Sakas, having ended Greek rule,
in turn were dominated by Parthian rulers beginning with Gondophares in the first
part of our era. Since the Parthians were mixed with Sakas, they probably provided a
ruling class, if not a ruling bureaucracy too, for the area extending from Seistan up to
the Punjab. From the north, the Kushans, who had Consolidated their power under a
series of capable became the rivals of the Parthians and eventually swept
rulers,
form a large empire. The legacy of the Greeks was carried by
various rulers aside to
the Kushans perhaps more than by the Sakas, who had already influenced the Kushans

71
A. Simonetta, "An Essay on the so-called have the Gondophares symbol but one similar
*Indo-Greek' Coinage," EW,8 (1957), 53, plate 3. though not to be confused with it. The various
72
Cf. K. W. Dobbins, "Sanabares and the reconstructions of numismatists are intriguing but
Gondophares Dynasty," NC, series 1 1 (1971), 140. frequently go far beyond the evidence.
The Sanabares coin, contrary to Dobbins, does not 73 128 passim.
Dobbins, op. cit. [n. 55], et
202 Chapter VII

with their Iranian 'steppe culture.' The Parthians, to the west, at this time were weak
and could neither oppose the Kushans nor help their brethren in Arachosia and in
India, and we may suspect that the eastern part of imperial Parthian dorriains, such as
Seistan and Merv, were independent under Sanabares and his successors. We do not
know what happened in Arachosia after the first Century A.D., but Kushan authority
seems to have extended over this province, if one judges by the number of Kushan
74 The debasement of silver coinage after the reign of Azilises may
coins found there.
reflect an economic decline in this part of the world. The economic importance of
Seistan, Arachosia or the Kabul area in comparison with Gandhara and the Punjab
should not be overestimated, but after Azilises, debased coinage was the rule until the
imperial Kushans installed a gold Standard. Seistan probably remained independent
down to the Sasanian conquest, if we consider the coins of Arda Mitra to be
prototypes of early Sasanian coinage. This will be discussed in the chapter on the
Sasanians under the early eastern expansion of the Sasanians. In any case, the Kushans
became the heirs of the Greeks and Sakas in the east, as the Sasanians did of the
Parthians in the west.
One must not forget that this period of the history of eastern Iran, Afghanistan and
northwest India, as in Iran proper, was one of independent 'sub-kings' and satraps, a
'feudal' society with much warfare and lack of central control. This is in contrast to

the rise of Rome and the formation of the Roman Empire, but as frequently in

history, this lack of centralized rule should not be interpreted as a period of cultural
decay and unproductivity, for the material remains of the Sakas are impressive,
especially the tombs of the Saka princes, such as the six kurgans of Tilla Tepe in
northern Afghanistan where over 20,000 pieces of gold objects, such as buttons,
pendants, plaques and weapons have been found. Although these tombs may belong
to early Kushan princes rather than Sakas, it is impossible to differentiate the two. 75 In
the tombs gold coins of the emperor Tiberius (a.D. 14-37) and a silver coin of
Mithradates II of Parthia have been found, but so far no Greco-Bactrian or Kushan
coins. The artistic finds, however, reveal widespread connections with Chinese,
Indian, Greek, Saka (or 'Steppe') art, and the local art productions of Bactria, all
evidence of a wealthy and ostentatious society. The art of these nomads, however, in
spite of its striking but eclectic nature, was not the art of a mighty, centralized empire
as that of the Achaemenids. Not only was the architectural grandeur of the

Achaemenids missing, but the variety rather than the uniformity of smaller arts
emphasizes the contrast with the imperial art of their predecessors. Of course, after the
Achaemenids the entire east had been conquered by Hellenism, which was similar to
modern 'Westernization,' but as today so then it was more or less limited to the upper
classes. Some have equated the nomadic invasions with a revenge or a barbaric

conquest of Hellenism by old Iranian culture, but if accepted, this could only be true

74
D. W. MacDowall and M
Ibrahim, "Pre- 75
Cf. V. I Sannidi, The Treasures of Golden
Ulamic Coins in the Kandahar Museum," Afghan Hill," ASA, 84 (1980). 125-31
Greek inscriptions
.

Studks, 1 (1978), 71-73. Overstrikes of coins of on a ringand gold bowl, lvory combs from India,
Gondophares on those of pseudo-Hermaeus, and Chinese mirrors, and Sibenan or 'steppe' gold
by Kujula Kadphises on coins of Gondophares plaques, all remind one of later finds from Begram,
mdicate a close temporal span as well as geographi-
ca! contiguity of all of them
 Greco-Bactrians, Sakas and Parthians 203

in western Iran, or more particularly in Persis where Achaemenid traditions or

memories were preserved. In the east the nomadic rulers adopted and adapted

Hellenistic culture in its manifold aspects, and just as much later after the Arab
conquests, so too after the nomadic conquests, including the Parthians, a new
oecumenical culture was created in the east, primarily a Greco-Iranian syncretic
culture with the three elements of Greece, nomadic Iran, and the ancient Near Eastern
legacy of the Achaemenids fused. It was the merit of D. Schlumberger to have
76
emphasized this syncretic art in his writings. Before him the attention of art
historians was riveted to the prolific production of Gandharan art, for other than
coins it was the Buddhist art of northwest India which gave evidence of Hellenism in
the east.
The problem, as seen in the past, was how to join the marvelous Greek coins of

Bactria, which vanished after 1 30 B.c., in the minds of the investigators, to the profuse
manifestations of western Classical influence in that Buddhist art of the Kushans and
77
after, mostly dating after the second Century of our era. There was a hiatus of several
centuries, and Alfred Foucher tried to bridge this gap in excavations in Balkh, while
others tried elsewhere, yet the gap remained, such that Foucher despaired and began
to speak of the 'Bactrian mirage' of Hellenism in the east. This led others to postulate a
new Roman impulse on the Kushans and the designation of Gandharan art as a
Roman provincial art, and the nomads were forgotten, since they obviously had little
to contribute. The art of Gandhara will be discussed under the Kushans, but here
suffice it to note that excavations at Ay Khanum have revealed a flourishing Greek
culture and art in Bactria, whileSurkh Kotal has given us a Greco-Iranian syncretic
art, Kushan syncretism without Buddhism and Indian influences of later
the early
periods. So a link has been found in the culture of the nomads, primarily the Sakas,
and its fusion with the settled culture which the nomads found in Bactria and
elsewhere.
One tends to view history in terms of power which then is equated with
civilization. The Achaemenid Empire, Alexander, then the Seleucids, the Roman
Empire, the Sasanians, and the comparatively recently discovered Kushans in the east

and other periods are considered barbaric, periods of

are the foci of historical surveys,
decline or inactivity. This view, of course, has much to do with the absence of sources
or imposing monuments left to posterity, but it neglects the changes among the
populace in favor of stability and the ability of centralized governments to control
and organize masses of people to build a pyramid, a Persepolis or a Roman forum. Just
to mention art, it is questionable whether Roman copying of Greek art in the service
of the empire was more true to the genius or spirit of Greek art than the populär (or
non-imperial) adaptations of it in the east. The syncretic Greco-Iranian art of the Sakas
and other nomads, although frequently depicted as stereotyped, can be characterized
as more dynamic than the slavish copying of Greek prototypes by imperial Romans.

There is no evidence, but one may suggest that the tribal Councils of nomads had more
in common with the agora of a Greek polis in Bactria than with the ancient Near

76
In several articles, but see especially his
77
A populär but interesting survey of ideas
L'Oriem Hellenist, (Paris, 1969), introduction and about Gandharan art is given by Wheeler, op. eil.
40 -58. [n. 37], 149-71.
204 Chapter VII

Eastern theories of monarchy, or even with Roman imperial institutions (not

republican). Since our sources are so meagre there isno documentation for this other
than the evidence of material culture, but it is certainly worth considering the possible
role of east Iranian or Central Asian influences on the history of the entire Near East,
and not just western Iran. The role was important not only in the syncretic Greco-
Iranian art of the west, but also in ideas from this part of the world which came to the
west through the intermediary of the Parthians, to whom we now turn.
 CHAPTER VIII

THE PARTHIANS ON THE PLATEAU

Lilerature: The relatively recent but now classical work by N. Debevoise, A History ofParthia
Political
(Chicago, 1938) has not been superseded, for newer general books such as M. A. R. Colledge, The
Parthians (London, 1967) or his Parthian Art (Ithaca, N.Y., 1977), with a large bibliography, or G. A.
Koshelenko, Kultura Parfii (Moscow, 1966), add little to the work of Debevoise, except in the realm of art
and culture. Monographs and articles on special subjects, especially Roman-Parthian relations, however,
have added to our knowledge of the foreign aflairs of the Parthians, while the results of archaeological
excavations, as usual, provide new sources to augment our picture of Iran under the Parthians. It must be
noted, however, that most of the excavations are not in Iran but outside the geographica! boundaries of
the present country. The sites and materials are as follows:
1. Nisa, near Ashkabad in Turkmenistan, was excavated by the Southern-Turkmen Combined

Archaeological Expedition from 1948 to 1961, and many Parthian ostraca as well as material remains
were uncovered. For a bibliography on the finds at Nisa see I. M. Diakonoffand V. A. Livshits, Parthian
Economic Documents from Nisa, Gl, Plates I — III, and Texts I (London, 1976-80), and M. E. Masson,
Perechen opublikouannykh rabot i materialov po tematike YuTAKE (Ashkabad, 1970), a bibliography of
over 500 items.
2.Kuh-e Khwaja in Seistan. For a bibliography on the surveys of M. A. Stein and E. Herzfeld see L.
Vanden Berghe, Bibliographie analytique de VarchSologie de I'Iran ancien (Leiden, 1979), 28-29. The
fragmentary wall paintings found here are important for Parthian art, but they have been lost.

3. Kangavar in Media. The work of Kambakhsh-Fard and his articles relating to it may be found in
Vanden Berghe, op. cit., 142. The temple of Anahita is the signiftcant Parthian survival here, but later
Sasanian changes or additions to the site have confused the picture.
4. Bard-e Nishandeh and Masjid-e Sulaiman in Khuzistan. The work of R. Ghirshman culminated in two
volumes on Terrasses Sacries, in MDAFI, 45 (Paris, 1976). The two sites are remains of the kingdom of
Elymais rather than Parthian, and the inscriptions are in a Semitic language rather than Parthian. Cf.
Vanden Berghe, op. cit. 85-88.
5. Shahr-e Qumis near Damghan. The Parthian capital of Hekatompylos has been surveyed with sondages

by D. Stronach and J. Hansman. For a bibliography see Vanden Berghe, op. cit. 25-26.
There are other minor sites in Iran, usually large sites with a Parthian Stratum, and excavated or
surveyed major towns influenced by the Parthians, or under their rule, are located outside of the
boundaries of the present country, mostly in Iraq. Among them are Hatra, Nippur, Assur, Uruk, and in
Syria, Dura Europos and Palmyra, on which see Vanden Berghe, op. cit. 259-60.
For Soviet works on the Parthians see T. N. Zadneprovskaya, "Bibliographie de travaux sovietiques sur
les Parthes," SI, 4 (1975), 243-60. The works of Koshelenko are especially noteworthy, since he is the

foremost Soviet specialist on the Parthians See also the bibliography on archaeology in succeeding issues
of AMI.
As with the Greco-Bactrians and Sakas, numismatics is of paramount importance in establishing the
order of the Parthian kings, but it is more complicated than in the east because the quasi-title 'Arsaces' is
used on most coins and not the personal name of the rulers. Other than Vanden Berghe, op. cit., 262-68, see
A. M. Simonetta and D. G. Seilwood, "Again on the Parthian Coinage from Mithradates II to Orodes II,"
Quaderni ticinesi di numismatica e antichita classiche (Lugano, 1978), 95-119, and bibliography.
The articles on the beginnings of Parthian history, frequently repetitions, by J. Wolski, are too many to
list, but see one of the latest, with bibliography of others, "L'origine de la relation d'Arrien sur la paire des

freres Arsacides, Arsaces et Tiridate," in Studies in the Sources on the History of Pre-Islamic Central Asia, ed.
by Harmatta (Budapest, 1979), 67-74. The booklet by B. P. Lozinski, The Original Homeland of the
J.
Parthians (Mouton, The Hague, 1959), is unfortunately unusable.
Parthian inscriptions have not been assembled in a corpus, but a bibliography for them may be found in
P. Gignoux, Glossaire des Inscriptions Pehlevies et Parthes (London, 1972), 43-44, to which may be added
Das Parthische Felsrelief, Sarpol-i Zohab, Iranische Denkmäler, Lieferung 7 (Berlin, 1976), 16.
206 Chapter VIII

The prime 41 and 42 of Justin's epitome of Pompeius

literary sources for the Parthians are chapters
Trogus, Apollodorus of Artemita (most as and Arrian's Parlhika, both in Frg. Hisl. 156
found in Strabo)
and 779 respectively, as well as the Parlhian Stations of Isidore. The many Classical sources on Roman-
Parthian military and diplomatic relations are listed by Debevoise, to which work the reader is referred.

EXPANSION OF THE KINGDOM

Information on the origins of the Parthians comes from Justin (XLI, 1) who says they
were originally exiles from Scythia, and Strabo (XI, 515) who says Arsaces was a
Scythian man with the Aparni, a part of the Dahi, nomads who lived along the Ochus
(lower Oxus) River, who invaded Parthia and conquered it. He continues that some
say he was a Scythian while others claimed he was a Bactrian who fled from Diodotus
and raised a revolt in Parthia. Arrian (and his successor the Byzantine writer
Syncellus) teil a two brothers, Arsaces and Tiridates, who were insulted
story about
by of
the (Seleucid) satrap Parthia. So they plotted with five companions and
overthrew him thus freeing the Parthians. 1 The parallel of Arrian's account with the
story of the plot of Darius against Gaumata is evident, but whether the whole story
really has a mythological basis relating to the Discorides, or heavenly twins, as Wolski
suggests, is uncertain. 2 The details of the
of the early kings are clouded, but first
lives

we should ask if the story of the (A)parni invasion is believable and if there is any
reason for their migration southwards into the Seleucid domains in the third Century
B.C.

reality of the (A)parni is indicated not only by the mention of them in Strabo,
The
in Ptolemy and in Justin (in the form Sparni) but also by the Middle Persian text
called the Bundahishn, which says that one of the offspring of Sam 'gave the
governorship of Aparshahr to Aparnak. Aparshahr is thus named because it is the land
of Aparnak,' 3 Furthermore, Henning sought to trace east Iranian 'Parni' words in
Armenian borrowings from Parthian, a west Iranian tongue, as well as elsewhere. 4
Thus we may accept the migration, more likely than an invasion, of the Parni south
from the area of Khwarazm into Parthia in the first part of the third Century B.C. The
explanation of the name as 'mountain dwellers' and then their identification as
inhabitants of the 'upper lands' (satrapies), later Aparshahr, is hardly correct though

ingenious. 5 Reasons for the migrations of nomads could be many, drought, a search
for better pasture lands, or political pressure. It is by F. Koske,
possible, as suggested
either that northern Parthia, from the Caspian Sea through present Turkmenistan to

1
Arrianos 156, 858-59. The vari- 4 93-94.
Frg. Hisl., Henning, "Mitteliranisch" [eh. 6, n. 57],
5
ations in the name of the satrap have been discussed By Eilers, "Demawend" [eh. 1, n. 19], 347,
frequently by Wolksi. 373, n. 244. Abarshahr, later the Nishapur area,
2
Wolski, supra, l'origine, 71-73. He is convinc- can be well derived from 'the upper lands,' but the
ing in his rejeetion of Arrian as a reliable source for Aparni are another problem, and they surely are
the origin of the Arsacids. not attested as 'mountaineers.' The identification of
3
Ch. XXXV,
43^14, in the edition of B. T. the Aparni with the later Avars, proposed by W.
Anklesaria, Zand Akäslh (Bombay, 1956), 299, Haussig, Theophylakts Exkurs über die skythi-
where the translation is wrong, the correct word sehen Völker," Byzantion, 23 (1953), 329, is not
being Aparnak, our Aparni. acceptable either historically or linguistically.
 The Parthians Ott the Plateau 207

Merv, was never held by the Seleucids, or that under Antiochus I short-lived forts to
control the area were abandoned, and the whole territory was soon independent. 6 It is
difficult to determine how much territory the Seleucid satrapy of Parthia did include,

but in any case, it is reasonable to suppose that the northern desert areas and
Khwarazm were not controlled by the Seleucids but did maintain an independent
existence.
From Soviet archaeological excavations we know that not only the area of
Khwarazm, south of the Aral Sea, but also the land to the east on the Jaxartes River
contained towns and Settlements as well as nomads in the period after Alexander's
expedition. The names of various tribes which survive in Classical sources have been a
great source of confusion and dispute among scholars, especially etymologies of names
such as Massagetai, Derbikes, Apasiakai, Sacaraucae and others. 7 It is not possible, in
the present State ofour knowledge, to assign to a Khwarazmian State of this period the
Apasiakai, as Tolstov does in various publications. 8 Also the identification of the
S.

state of K'ang-chü in Chinese sources, in this period located in the Talas and lower
Jaxartes region, with either the Sacaraucae, or other peoples, is hardly possible with

our lack of written sources. It is also not possible to assert that the expansion of the
K'ang-chü drove the Parni south, and since information about the K'ang-chü is so
little and shadowy, a proper history of this part of the world cannot be

reconstructed. 9 Obviously the Jaxartes basin and other areas of western Turkestan
were not just barren Stretches of desert with a few nomads roaming over them, and
Settlements of Iranian Speakers existed there, but we know little about them, and they
seem to have had little influence on the movement of the Parni to the south into the
province of Parthia (Khurasan).
Here we encounter the enigmatic Andragoras, who Justin (XLI, 4) says was the
governor of Parthia, and he was overthrown and killed by Arsaces. The literature on
the subject has been collected by Wolski, who correctly points out that the name is
Greek, and there is no evidence that it is a translation of an Iranian name. He further
suggests that his unique gold coin is a commemorative issue either at the time he
declared his independence from the Seleucids, or simply a later emission by the

6 8 (Moscow,
F. Ya. Koske, "Plemena severnoi Parfii v borbe S. P. Tolstov, Drevnii Khorezm
s makedonskim zavoyevaniem," VDI, part 1 1948), 244, and in English with amplifications,
(1962), 113-25. He dwells mostly on Alexander's "Scythians of the Aral Sea area and Khorezm,"
campaigns in Central Asia, and archaeological XXV International Congress ofOrientalists, Trudy, 3
evidence, but the assertion that the entire area was (Moscow, 1963), 157-63. Whether the Apasiakai
not under Seleucid rule may be too sweeping a are to be identified with the Pasiani as Tolstov,
generalization. 1 62, followed by Daffina, supra, Immigrazione, 57,
7
A summary of some of the etymologies may assert, is also uncertain.

V
be found in Daffina, supra, Immigrazione, 54-60. 9 The identification of the K'ang-chü with

Bailey, among others, in many articles, has Kaxäyai Ekv&cu on a map (but not in the text)
connected saka + rauca with Chinese Sai-wang of Ptolemy, or with Kangha in the Avesta or later
'Royal Scythians,' the Mas-Sak (Massagetai) with Kang-diz is hypothetical. See Markwart, Wehrot
aecount in "North-Iranian
'great Saka'; cf. his latest und Arang [eh. 3, n. 41 ], 1 88, and B. A. Litvinskü,
Problems," BSO/1S, 42(1979), 207. Etymologies "Das K'ang-chü-Sarmatische Farn," CA], 16
are always elusive and only concern us when they (1972), 250-52, with further references and
cause a revision of history or relate to other bibliography.
matters.
208 Chapter VIII

10
Parthians to show with the Seleucids and Alexander the Great.
their connection
The authenticity of the coins being subject to doubt, their minting as com-
memorative pieces at the time of Andragoras seems more reasonable than the
postulation of a later Propaganda reason. More than the problem of Andragoras,
however, the chronology of the early Parthians has produced a controversial
hterature. Wolski has marshalled many arguments to show that the Parthian revolt
occurred in 238 B.C. in the reign of Seleucus II, but neither he nor anyone eise has
satisfactorily explained the 'later' adoption of an Arsacid era beginning in 247 B.C.

rather than in 238.

'
' Yet Wolski presents the following chronology:
first invasion of

the Parni into Iran 280 B.C.; the Parni under Arsaces conquer Astauene (hodie
c.

Quchan) c. 250; crowning of Arsaces in the capital of Astauene, Asaak (or Arshak),
according to Isidore of Charax (11) in 247 b.c.; revolt of Andragoras, satrap of
Parthia, 245 B.C.; Diodotus proclaims his independence in Bactria, 239 B.C.; death of
Andragoras and the taking of power in Parthia of Arsaces 238 B.c. conquest of ;

2
Hyrcania by Arsaces in 235 B.c.
1
The date was found
by Wolski to be the time
first

when Merv and Herat were devastated by nomads at the end of the reign of Seleucus
I, who sent a general Demodamas to punish them. The nomads were the Parni, a

division of the Dahi who at this time were moving from the north towards the
Caspian Sea. 13 The second date is a plausible guess, for the process of expansion of the
Parni must have taken time. The first Arsaces deserved to have his name honored, 14 as
laterCaesar and Augustus in the Roman Empire, for he probably transformed the
marauding bands into a kingdom. Controversy exists, however, about the succession
of early Parthian kings.
Fortunately, new, contemporary sources, the Parthian ostraca of Nisa, have been
added to the Classical sources. On one ostracon we find in the year 157, Y/fe MLK*
BRY BR[Y ZY pryp]tk BRY '#Y BR[Y ZY] Vife or '91 B.c. King Arsaces, grandson

10
J. Wolski, "Andragoras etait-il Iramen ou Hyrcania, but the rest of them extend to the land^
Grec?" SI, 4 (1975), 166-69. The name is attested parallel to He continues that they
Aria (Herat).
in Greek papyri from Ptolemaic Egypt, and one overran Hyrcania, Nisaia and the plains of the
can think of no reason why an lraman would seek Parthians, implying raids. Although Nisaia is the
to translate his name into Greek. Wolski convinc- land on the northern edge of the Kopet Dagh
ingly identifies the Andragoras ofthisperiod with ränge, lt may have been considered part of the
the name of a high official in a Greek inscription richer Valley of Astauene to the south, where
from Gurgan under Antiochus I, and he convinc- Arsaces was probably crowned, in a town named
ingly rejects the histoncity of the Andragoras after him, as Wolski proposes. Strabo (XI, 511),
mentioned by Justin (XII, 4) as satrap of Parthia however, says that the Aparni made war, then
under Alexander. The coins of Andragoras present peace and war again with the settled people, a more
similar problems to those of Sophytes and both hkely course of events than any planned conquest.
may be contemporary satraps of c. 250 B.C. This account is repeated with additions in his
11
Cf.Wolski, "L'Historicite d'Arsace I er ,"
J. "Arsace I er fondateur de letat Parthe" [n. 1 1 ], 1 59-
,

Historia, 8
(1959), 235, and his "Arsace Ier 99.
fondateur de letat Parthe," AI, 3 (1974), 197. 14
The older form of the name 'Arsaces,' Arsu
'• Wolski, "Der
Zusammenbruch der Seleuki- for Artaxerxes II has been found in Akkadian; cf.
dcnherrschaft in Iran im 3. Jh. v. Chr.," in Altheim, A. Sachs, "Achaemenid Royal Names in Babylo-
op. cit [eh. 7, n 1], 253-54. man Astronomical Texts," AJAH, 4 (1979), 133-
13
Ibid., 205-07. Strabo (XI, 511) says that the 35.
Aparni, part of the Dahi, are situated dosest to
 The Parthians on the Plateau 209

of Phriapatius, son of the nephew of Arsaces.' 15 The editors of the ostraca (Note 15,
16
pp. 20—21) reconstructed the early genealogy of the Arsacids as follows:

Arsaces Tiridates

Artabanus

Phriapatius

Mithradates - Arsaces (Gotarzes)

but Koshelenko proposed a new theory of descent:

Arsaces 1 (Tiridates not king)

1 1

1 l

Arsaces 11 x (not king)

1

Arsaces III (Phriapatius)

1 1 1

Arsaces IV Arsaces V Arsaces VII X

(Phraates I) (Mithradates I) (Artabanus I)
1

1 1
Arsaces IX
Arsaces VI Arsaces VIII
(Phraates II) (Mithradates II)

The name Phriapatius may appear in another ostracon, but the inscription is damaged
and incomplete and seems to say only that an Arsaces in the year 180 (of the Arsacid
era = 68-67 b.c.) was a descendant of Phriapatius. 17 The latter was obviously an
important king in the dynasty, and there is every reason to identify him with the
third king of the Parthians, but why was he more important apparently, in the ostraca
inscriptions, than his predecessors? The proposal of Koshelenko answers this question,
and his Suggestion in regard to the Tiridates problem does attempt to reconcile Justin
(Trogus) with Arrian (and Syncellus), and such is a good guess. Otherwise we must
as
believe either Arrian or Justin, since they conflict. The name Artabanus for the second

15
I. M. Dyakonov and V. A. Livshits, Doku- (Moscow, 1976), 34. This follows Justin (XLI, 5)
menty iz Nisy Iv. do n. e. (Moscow, 1960), 113 and who says that Arsaces II was also called Arsaces and
plate. The brackets are smudges on the ostracon was followed by Priapatius. A bibliography on this
and within them are reconstructions. This is a ostracon is given on pp. 36—37.
stränge ostracon with only these two lines, whereas 17
I. M. Dyakonov and V. A. Livshits, "Novye
other ostraca are accounts of quantities of wine nakhodki dokumentov v Staroi Nise," Prednea-
from vineyards in various estates. The expression ziatskü Sbomik, 2 (Moscow, 1966), 143, n. 28, and
BRY 'liY BRY, the Parthian form of these plates 10 and 10a. The historical interpretation of
Aramaic masks being unknown, is attested only these documents may not be as much as the editors
here. suggested, especially in regard to the genealogy of
16 446,
See the remarks of G. A. Koshelenko, the Arsacids. Altheim, op. cit. [eh. 6, n. 19],
"Genealogiya Pervykh Arshakidov," in B. G. gives Arsaces I two sons, one Arsaces II and the
Gafurov, ed., Istoriya i kuhura narodov Srednei Azit other the father of Phriapatius.
210 Chapter VIII

or third ruler of the Arsacid dynasty is not attested, and if one follows Justin, the son of
Arsaces I could be assigned that name. With Phriapatius, however, we are on firmer
ground, and one may assign his rule to the aftermath of the invasion of Antiochus III

from whom Arsaces (II according to Justin, III according to Arrian) fled. After the
retreat of Antiochus III, have turned their attention to the east
the Parthians seem to
against the Greco-Bactrians. Justin (XLI, 5), however, ascribes the conquest of the
Mardi, on the southeastem shores of the Caspian Sea, to the short reign of Phraates,
eider brother of Mithradates I, and this would be an expected expansion of Parthian
authority at this time. We have already seen how several provinces were wrested
from the Greco-Bactrians, but under Mithradates I Parthian expansion to the east is
unclear.
InMedia the Situation is also unclear, even more so after the discovery of a Greek
inscription on a relief of Herakles near Behistun, speaking of Cleomenes a satrap of the
18
upper provinces' in 149-48 b.c. The easiest explanation of this is to assume that the
Seleucid satrap of Media, Timarkhos, lost some territory in the area of present Tehran
(Rhages) and farther east to Mithradates, while the Seleucid reconquest did not
recover this land but maintained rule in Ecbatana. 19 According to Justin (XLI, 6)
Mithradates had to fight many times in Media, and it is conceivable that the Seleucids
held only the city and the lowlands, to the west of Ecbatana, at the time the relief of

Herakles was carved. 20 Since the Babylonian documents dated in the name of
earliest

Arsaces begin in 141 B.c. after the defeat of the Seleucids in Mesopotamia, we may
assume an interval of time of several years for the Parthians to move from Media to
Mesopotamia and to the capture of Seleucia. The defeat of Demetrius II the Seleucid
ruler was not accomplished in one battle or the conquest of Mesopotamia in one
campaign, and the advance of Mithradates apparently was not swift. 2 It generally has '

been supposed that the Parthian king was called away to Hyrcania, as Justin (XLI, 6)
teils us, after which Demetrius II was captured by a general of Mithradates and sent in

captivity to Mithradates about a year later in 140-139 B.c., but the Parthian king only
lived another year himself after having secured the Submission of Elymais. 22 For
further information we must turn to the numismatists, some of whom assert that only
under Mithradates I did the Parthian rulers begin to strike coins, and all earlier

attributions are false.

The problem with early Parthian numismatics is that, unlike the coins of Bactria
and northwest India, only the name or title Arsaces appears on the coins and identities
must be established by style, the busts, or figures and titles. Le Rider argued that since
the Dahi, of whom the Parni were a branch, served in the army of Antiochus III,
according to Polybius (V, 79) and Livy (37, 40), therefore the Arsacid rulers were
vassals of the Seleucids and did not have the right to strike coins until Mithradates I

Cf. 2
chapter on the Seleucids, and esp '
For references cf. Debevoise, op. eil. [eh. 7, n.
Morkholm op. eil. [eh. 6, n. 93], 178-80 64], 22-23. The coinage of Seleucia indicates that
The renaming of Rhagai-Europos to Arsakia Mithradates Struck coins there the first time only
may have oecurred under Phraates I; cf. M.-L. for a year; cf. Le Rider, op. eil. [eh. 6, n. 25], 361-
Chaumont, "fctudes d'histoire Parthe II," Syria, 50 62.
(1973), 204. " On these events see Will, supra, [eh. 6, n. 32],
At time on the plateau Bacasis or Vagasis
this 2, 343-44, with references; also Debevoise, op. eil.
could have served as satrap of Media under [eh. 7, n. 64], 24-25.
Mithradates I, according to Justin.
 The Parthians on the Plateau 211

who liberated the Parthians from this Status. 23 Other numismatists support a coinage
going back to the first king, although they admit that the number of coins greatly
increases under Mithradates I. 24 It is difficult to support the thesis that until
Mithradates I the Parthians were only vassals of the Seleucids and had no right to mint
coins, while the Dahi mercenaries of Antiochus III give no indication of Parthian
Submission to the Seleucids. As we
have seen in the previous chapter, both the
Parthian king and Euthydemus of Bactria made
treaties with Antiochus III, not as
submissive vassals, but as allies. With the withdrawal of Antiochus III from the east
and his defeat by the Romans at Magnesia in 1 89 B.c., it is difficult to believe that the
Parthians continued to act as subjects of the Seleucids. The symbolism on early
Parthian coins of the seated royal archer on the reverse has been explained as the
giving of the bow, as the symbol of authority, to the king from the gods, a practice
attested for the Sakas, and this would not suggest any position as vassals of the
25
Seleucids. The questions which early Parthian rulers Struck coins and where the
mint sites were located have not been answered, but inasmuch as mints do not require
heavy equipment, but are even mobile, the location of a mint at Nisa, Asaak or Dara
in the north Parthian homeland is not impossible. 26
The conquests of Mithradates I brought the Parthians from a small kingdom in the
east to a positionof power in the arena of the Near East, but after the Parthian king's
death in 138 b.c. a campaign of recovery of eastern domains by Antiochus VII began.
Mithradates I had Struck in Seleucia on the Tigris coins with the term philhellene,
probably as a sign of conciliation with the Greek population, and possibly as a sign of a
special relationship ofthat great city with the Parthian conqueror. 27 Parthian rule in
Seleucia continued after the death of Mithradates under Phraates II until Antiochus
VII appeared, after consolidating his position in Syria and the west. This was not
until 131 B.C., however, as can be determined by cuneiform documents from

23
Le Rider, op. cit. [eh. 6, n. 25], 315-22, with of this, is convincing. For an etymology of the
references to previous scholars, such as J. de name Sinatruces see Henning, "Mitteliranisch" [eh.
Morgan and E. T. Newell (with certain reserves). 6, n. 57], 41, n. 1.
26
The attribution to the mint at Ecbatana of issues of On these
towns see Chaumont, op. cit. [n. 1 9],
Mithradates I, with the title 'great king,' may be 197-222. hardly possible to trace a succession
It is

attributed to the conquest ofthat mint site c. 150- of Parthian capitals from Asaak, Dara, and Nisa
147 b.c. through Hekatompylos, Arsakia-Rhages to Ecba-
24
Cf. Wroth's catalogue of the British Museum tana as the progress of Parthian arms to the west
and A. Simonetta, "La monetazione Partica dal 247 since the 'capital' in the period before Mithradates
al 122 a.C," Rivista Italiana di Numismatica, 16 II changed considerably, and we are unsure which
(1968), 20-25; M. T. Abgarians and D. G. city was a capital and which just an important
Seilwood, "A Hoard of Early Parthian Drachms," center.
NC, 11 (1971), 115-18, and G. A. Koshelenko, 27
Cf. R. H. McDowell, Coins from Seleucia Ott
"Neketorye voprosy rannei istorii Parfii," VDI, no. the Tigris (Ann. Arbor, 1 935), 218, and Sellwood,

1 (1968), 53, and his "Monetnoe delo Parfii pri op. eil. [eh. 7, n. 57], 38. The copper coinage issued
Mitridate I," Numismatika i Epigrafika, 10 (Mos- by Seleucia under Parthian rule indicates a greater
cow, 1972), 81, hold to an earlier coinage for the autonomy for the city than it had under Seleucid
Parthians. control; see also McDowell, Slamped and Inscribed
25 D. S. "K voprosu ob obosnovanii
Raevskii, Objectsfrom Seleucia (Ann Arbor, 1935), 6, and Le
tsarskoi vlastiv Parfii." in B. G. Gafurov, ed., Rider, op. cit. [eh. 6, n. 25], 373. On the coinage of
Srednyaya Aziya v drevnosli i srednevekove (Mos- Seleucia under Mithradates see Koshelenko, op. cit.
cow, 1977), 81-87. His analysis of the archer-chief [n. 24], 100.
among the Scythians, and the Parthian counterpart
212 Chapter VIII

Mesopotamia. 28 The exact time of the march of Antiochus VII into Mesopotamia is
difficult to establish, but if his entry into Seleucia was in 130 after winning three
battles against Parthian forces, presumably in northern Mesopotamia, we may suggest
that the reconquest of Mesopotamia took a number of months in 130 B.c. As the
sources say, many local princes joined Antiochus who took the title 'great' king in
honor of his victories. 29 The continued campaign against the Parthians on the Iranian
plateau has presented some discord in the interpretation of meager sources. It is not
possible to determine when precisely Demetrius II, who had remained in Parthian
captivity so many years, was released by Phraates, while other details are also disputed.
Coins from Susa indicate that in the year 130-129 that city reverted from Parthian to
Seleucid allegiance and apparently many areas on the Iranian plateau also threw away
their fealty to Phraates for Antiochus VII. 30 One extensive study of the Parthian
campaign of Antiochus argues that he went as far as the homeland of the Parthians and
3
it was there that he wintered and then lost his life in the early spring of 1 29 b.c. This '

is unlikely, since Ecbatana is neither mentioned in any source, nor were any coins of

Demetrius or Antiochus VII Struck there, which seems odd if the latter actually
wintered in the homeland of the Parthians. Refusing the offer of the Parthians to
negotiate peace, Antiochus, probably in Media, was surprised with a small body of his
troops and either was killed or committed suicide. 32 Seleucid control disintegrated
and the Parthians re-established their rule. Phraates appointed a certain Himerus, a
Greek to judge by his name, governor of Babylonia and left for the east where the
Central Asian nomads, we have seen in the last chapter, threatened Parthian rule. 33
According to Justin (XLII, 1), Phraates had hired Saka mercenaries for his war against
Antiochus, but the swift demise of the latter obviated any need for the Sakas who
were not paid, and rose against Phraates. The latter moved against them with Greeks
and others from Seleucid forces now incorporated in his own army, but these on the
first occasion abandoned Phraates who was killed by the Sakas in 128 B.C. The nomads

were powerful, for the uncle and successor of Phraates, Artabanus lost his life fighting
them in 123 B.C. 34 There is no information about the State of affairs in the east after
Artabanus, but one may presume that for a while Parthian prestige was at a low ebb.
In the west, however, we are better informed not only because of literary notices,

28
See references in Debevoise, op. cit. [eh. 7, n. he does not use Parthia or Parthuaia, but always a
64], 29, n. 3. plural ii< TIäp9(uv for 'from Parthia' and eis
Ibid., 32. I7äp&ovs 'into Parthia.' Athenaeus, Deipnosophis-
30
Le Rider, op. eil. [eh. 6, n. 25], 377-78. No tue (XII, 540) uses the more likely term 'Media'
coins of Antiochus from the mint of Ecbatana, instead of Parthia.
however, have been found. 32
Fischer, op. cit. [n. 31], 46, favors the suicide
31
T. Fischer, Untersuchungen zum Partherkrieg report. Whether Ecbatana became a Parthian
Antioehos' VII., (Ph.D. thesis, Tübingen, 1 970), 39. capital in the time of Phraates is also uncertain.
His insistence that in Josephus the term Parthyene 33 Debevoise,
op. cit. [eh. 7, n. 64], 35, follows
means the homeland of the Parthians while Parthia Diodorus (XXXIV, 21) and Posidonius in calling
or Parthuaia meant the whole empire, and Himerus an Hyrcanian, which is possible, but his
Antiochus went into the former, is questionable. name is Greek, attested in Papyrus from Egypt and
Actually Josephus, Am. Ind. XIII, 253, uses the he then would have been a Greek settled in
former, on this one occasion, in an offhand remark Hyrcania or a native who took a Greek name.
that Demetrius was released at the time that 3i There is no reason to rejeet
the Statement of
Antiochus invaded Parthyene, whereas elsewhere Justin (XLII, 2) that he died fighting the Thogarii
 The Parthians on the Plateau 213

but also cuneiform records and a more ample coinage aid in the reconstruction of
history. AfterAntiochus VII lost his life Seleucia and much of Mesopotamia reverted
to Parthian rule. But the weakness of the Seleucids had not only induced Bactria,
Parthia and much of the Iranian plateau to secede from Seleucid rule, but also parts of
Mesopotamia became independent or semi-independent. In the south the kingdoms
of Characene and of Elymais make an appearance on the scene at this time and there is
no reason to suppose that in the east there was more centralized control over Seistan,
Kerman and elsewhere than in Mesopotamia.
The Parthian State did not disintegrate, however, and the reign of Mithradates II
(123-c. 87 b.c.) marks a high point in Parthian central power. He reconquered
Babylonia, which had at first maintained a quasi-independent position under
Himerus, who seems to have oppressed the local population greatly according to
Justin (XLII, 1) and Diodorus (XXIV, 18). The former opinion, according to coins
supposedly Struck by Himerus, that he became an independent king of Babylonia, is
no longer accepted. 35 The sequence of events is uncertain, but it would seem that
Hyspaosines, the ruler of Characene at the mouth of the Persian Gulf, although he
fought Himerus and others, did not occupy either Seleucia or Susa, both of which,
according to the coinage, remained in Parthian hands. 36 Just how much Mithradates
had to reconquer is difhcult to determine, but probably not as much as hitherto
assumed. He did, of course, defeat and secure the Submission of Characene, and
overstrikes of Mithradates on the coins of Hyspaosines exist. He took the title 'king of
kings,' the first Arsacid to do so, and he is pictured on his later coins wearing a
distinctive crown or tiara. Whether this indicates a new order of government of the
Parthians with vassal states and semi-independent cities such as Seleucia and Susa is
unknown, but at some time, perhaps under Mithradates, the Parthian State became a
loose empire rather than a tribal kingdom, which question will be examined later.
The long rule of Mithradates II, in any case, was a time of consolidation of Parthian
institutions as well as expansion. For the first time we hear of Armenia, where after
the fall of Antiochus III, according to Strabo (XI, 528) two of his generals carved out
kingdoms for themselves, 'Greater' Armenia under Artaxias (ArtaSes in Armenian),
37
and another centered on Sophene and the upper Euphrates area under Zariadres.
Antiochus IV invaded 'Greater' Armenia and secured the Submission of Artaxias

(corrected to Thocarii) as Tarn, Seleucid-Parlhian Hvidberg (Copenhagen, 1953), 289-90. He well

Studies (London, 1930), 13-14 does. This Arta- may have destroyed the city of Babylon, but
banus is sometimes called Artabanus II, and if the Hyspaosines is mentioned as ruler there in 127-
[n.
second ruler of the dynasty Arsaces II had the name 1 26 B.c. in a cuneiform tablet ; cf. Fischer, op. eil.

Artabanus, he was obviously the first. We do not 31], 19, for references.
know, however, and without evidence it is better 3*
Le Rider, op. eil. [eh. 6, n. 25], 382-83, and
to call the uncle of Phraates by the numeral one. Fischer, op. eil. 58-59, for other references.
[n. 31 ],

The passage in the prolegomenon to book 41 of See also H. Klengel, "Babylon zur Zeit der Perser,
Tragus (ed. by O. Seel in Leipzig, 1955) has the Griechen und der Parther," Forschungen und
following: successores (of Arsaces I) deinde eius Berichte, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, 6 (1962),
Artabanus et Tigranes cognomine Deus, a quo subaeta 40-53.
estMedia et Mesopotamia, which is quite unreliable. On this period of Armenian history see Ya.
3 "'

35
For his position as king see S. A. Pallis, "The A. Manadyan, Tigran Vtoroi i Rim (Erevan, 1943),
History of Babylon 538-93 b.c.," in Studia 18-21, with references to Polybius and other
Orientalia, hanni Pedersen septuagenario, ed. by F. sources.
214 Chapter VIII

which only until the death of Antiochus. 38 According to Diodorus (XXXI,

lasted
27), Artaxias became an ally ofTimarkhos, the rebel Seleucid governor of Media, but
we do not know of the rewards or land ofFered to Artaxias for his support, although if
we follow Strabo the areas under the rule of Artaxias includedmuch of present
Iranian Azerbaijan around Lake Urmia. Artaxias was followed by his son Artavazdes,
and it was against him that Mithradates II of Parthia led an army and secured his
Submission. The date of this expedition is unknown, but presumably it was near the
beginning of the reign of Mithradates, for the future Tigranes the Great was taken as a
hostage by the Parthians. According to Appian's Roman History (Syriern Wars, 48)
Tigranes was the son of Tigranes, and the question arises whether the father ever ruled
as Tigranes I and just what his relation was with Artavazdes. The latter may have been
his uncle, and Tigranes I may have been put in power by Mithradates II while holding
39
his son as a hostage, but these are mere surmises. What seems certain is that under
Mithradates II the first contacts between Rome and Parthia took place about 92 B.c.,
but which apparently led to no treaty between Sulla, the governor of Cilicia at that
time, and Orobazes, ambassador of Mithradates. 40 This will be further discussed
below.
The last years of rule of Mithradates II are uncertain, and numismatists have argued
this the 'dark age' of Parthian history. 41 Since their many
about his successors, calling
and varied arguments cannot be discussed here, only a summary of views will be
attempted, with some preliminary observations on the coins, based primarily on the
research of Seilwood and Simonetta. In the coinage of Mithradates II we find a change
in the reverse sides from an archer
on the omphalos, which was probably
sitting
inspired by the Seleucid use of the omphalos, to an archer sitting on a throne, which
was followed by all subsequent Parthian drachms. From euneiform tables we infer
that between 110 and 109 b.c. the title of Mithradates II was changed from 'Arsaces,
king' to 'Arsaces, king of kings,' and by 91 b.c. his name disappears from Babylonian
documents. In 87 b.c. the Seleucid ruler Demetrius III Eucaerus was sent as a prisoner
to the Parthian king, who may have been Mithradates II. 42 In 91-90 b.c. Gotarzes is

38
Boundarystonesofthis king have been found vol. 6 NC (1966), 15-40; K.W. Dobbins, The
in Armenia written in Aramaic similar to Successors of Mithradates of Parthia," series 7,
II

Achaemenid chancellory practice. In them he is vol. 15 NC (1975), 19-45; D. Sellwood, "The

called Artaxerxes son of Zariadres of the Orontid Drachms of the Parthian 'Dark Age'," JRAS
(Ervanid) family;cf. A. Perikhanian, "Les Inscrip- (1976), 1-25; N. Waggoner, "The Coinage of
tions arameennes du roi Artaches," REA, 8 (1971), Phraates III of Parthia," in D. K. Kouymijian, ed.,
1 69-74. Apparently he ordered a measuring of Near Eastern Numismatics, etc. in Honor of George
land in 1 79 b.c. C. Miles (Beirut, 1 974), 1 5-26 and Simonetta and
;

39
Marquart, EränSahr [eh. 3, n. 37], 173, Sellwood, supra, "Again Coinage", 119, with
suggested that Mithradates I of Parthia fought bibliography.
against Artavazdes, but this period *2
of history is Sellwood, op. eil. [n. 41], 6; Simonetta and
lacking in sources. Manadyan, op. eil. [n. 37], 26, Sellwood, supra, "Again Coinage", 104, and
suggests that Tigranes I preceded Tigranes II, his Debevoise. op. eil. [eh. 7, n. 64], 50. The sources are
son, as king. not certain that the ruler to whom Demetrius was
4
On good analysis see J.
the sources, and for a sent was Mithradates, in of Simonetta's
spite
Dobias, "Les premiers rapports des Romains avec assertion. Later tetradrachms, which were Struck
les Parthes et l'occupation de la Syrie," AO, 3 only at Seleucia, do give personal names and dates
(1931), 218-21. of Parthian rulers and are thus invaluable for
A. M. Simonetta, "Some Remarks on the identification of rulers.
Arsacid Coinage of the Period 90-57 B.c.," series 7,
 TTie Parthians on the Plateau 215

mentioned in cuneiform tablets as king, but he did not rule more than a year, for
succeeding dated tablets until 87-86 mention an 'Arsaces who drove out
b.c.

Gotarzes,' who is may be identified as Orodes I. Then a

not further identified but
tablet dated 80-79 b.c. has an 'Arsaces who drove out Orodes,' who is probably the
Arsaces called ''Philopator on his coins. Opinions based on coins alone may be widely
divergent. For example, countermarks of a certain Otannes on coins of Sinatruces and
Phraates III have been assigned to a satrap of the Parthians in Persis, functioning
as an intermediary between the Persis rulers Autophradates II and Darius II, by

Koshelenko, while Simonetta makes Otannes a last Iranian independent ruler

preceding Gondophares, the Indo-Parthian ruler. 43
A badly damaged relief with a Greek inscription at Behistun has been restored in
the second line as reading 'Gotarzes, satrap of satraps, the great king Mithradates,' in
the nominative instead of expected genitive case. 44 The first line mentions another
name, perhaps the one who ordered the relief carved in the time of Mithradates and of
Gotarzes, with the unique title not found elsewhere. It has been proposed that the
Gotarzes of this inscription is the one mentioned in cuneiform tablets from
Babylonia, which may be true, but we have no information regarding his
relationship with Mithradates or with Orodes I, presumably his Opponent. In this

period of confusion Tigranes II power and domains against

of Armenia expanded his
the Parthians and exacted revenge for the losses suffered by Armenia.
Tigranes II had been held as a hostage but then was placed on the throne of 'Greater'
Armenia by Mithradates. Either after the death of Mithradates or during his last
years, Tigranes not only took back seventy Valleys which the Armenians had been
forced to cede to Mithradates, but he also secured the Submission of the rulers, or
of Atropatene (Azerbaijan) and Gordyene (Upper Tigris), as well as parts of
satraps,
Mesopotamia, and western lands with which we are not concerned, according to
Strabo (XI, 532). Tigranes apparently raided almost as far as Ecbatana and took the
title which the Parthian kings in that time did not hold according to
'king of kings,'
of affairs must have lasted until about 68 b.c. when Lucullus, the
their coins. This State
Roman general, took Nisibis, although, since Tigranes was much occupied in the
west, he (Tigranes) may have lost territory to the Parthians earlier. The Situation must
have been confused and bad for the Parthians, such that Sinatruces or Sanatruk,
presumably an Arsacid prince, was brought to the throne by the Sacaraucae about 77
b.c., but it is not known whether the nomads were asked by Sinatruces to aid him or

whether they took advantage of the chaos to push their own interests. Since he was
reportedly eighty years old, he must have been closely related to one of the former
Parthian kings, otherwise a younger man would have been more appropriate. He

43 G. A. Koshelenko, 45 The main source are the Makrobioi (Ps.

"Drakhma Sinatruka s

nadchekankoi Otany," Numismalika i Epigrafika, 9 Lucian) 15; for a discussion of this passage see
(1971), 33-37, and Simonetta/Sellwood, supra, Daffina, supra, Immigrazione, 75-76. After Sina-
"Again Coinage", 107. Koshelenko bases his truces the significance of Parthian numismatics
surmise on the cap or bashlyk worn by Otannes and changes from an exclusive source to one in support
his name, which he claims is found only in Fars in of literary notices.
ancient sources. This is most dubious.
44 E. Herzfeld, Am Tor von Asien (Berlin, 1 920),

35-39.
216 Chapter VIII

ruled about seven years, and his coins are found in Susa, as well as elsewhere, an
indication that he recovered most of Iran, including Babylonia, for the Parthians.
With the accession of Phraates III, son of Sinatruces, sometime between 70 and 68,

for the actual date of death of his father is uncertain, the history of Parthia becomes
connected with Roman history, and the sources increase considerably. Also from the
time of Phraates, we may suggest that institutions are fixed and the next two and one
half centuries down to the fall of the Parthians are filled primarily with internal
struggles for supreme power, and with the external wars with the Romans. The
eastern frontiers seem to have been more or less stable, especially with the rise of the
Kushans and their creation of a centralized State; thus Roman-Parthian relations are
of paramount importance. It seems appropriate that before discussing this com-
paratively well-known phase of Parthian history we should examine the structure
and institutions of the Parthians as far as we can reconstruct them.

THE ORGANIZATION OF RULE

The position of the Parthian king in the eyes of his subjects probably changed as the
empire grew out of a small State with a background of nomadic traditions of rule. The
ideology of kingship would be composed of three traditions, or rather an amalgam of
the nomadic (development of Indo-Iranian concepts), Greek, and ancient Near
Eastern (primarily Achaemenid) traditions. 46 It is, of course, difficult to disentangle
the three, but elements of all appear in Parthian royal ideology, as much as it can be
determined from coins (legends as well as crowns), from a few details in literary
sources, and from our knowledge of both earlier and later practices and beliefs in Iran,
or those of neighboring peoples. The nomadic, or what might also be called Indo-
Iranian, beliefs probably included the concept of the royal^r« or 'glory' which was so
prominent among Iranian peoples everywhere. The belief in the investiture of the
chief of a tribe with a bow by a deity, as pictured on the earliest coins, has been
mentioned, and one may elucidate here briefly the idea of the royal 'glory' or
'fortune.' Much has been written about the farn, its etymology and meaning, but here

we are only interested in any significance it had for the Parthian rulers. 47 At the outset
one should note the existence of names with farn in them on the ostraca from Nisa
such as Prnliw, Prnbg and Mtrprn, literally 'the glory of Mithra.' 48 The farn is an
ancient concept, and in the Avesta we hear of the farn or 'glory of the Aryan lands'
(Yast, 19, 57 and 64 foll.), whereas later we learn of the^är« of the 'king of kings' or
the farr-e izadl or 'divinefarn as found in the Shähnäme, and this farn is the guide of the
king in his rule. 49 When Taeger says that the Parthian kings had a dynastic eult

It is interesting to see the same tripartite "Av. xvaranah," Bulletin of the Society for Near
division applied to architecture, based on rehgious Eastern Studies in Japan, 17 (1974), 75-86, English
by G. A. Koshelenko, Kultura
beliefs,
Parfii summary p. 183, where the word is connected
(Moscow, 1966), 33. with 'eating.' On thechansma of the king see F.
The fundamental work on the word and its Taeger, Charisma, 1 (Stuttgart, 1957), 304-431.
etymology is by H. W. Bailey, Zoroastrian Problems 48 For references see Litvinskii,
op. cit. [n. 9], 2,
in the Ninth-Century Books, 2nd
ed. (Oxford, 50.
1971), 1-78 and xvii-xl; 49 For a study
J. Greppin, "XvarSnah," of the concept in the Shähnäme see
JIES, 1 (1973), 232-41, with references to articles Manuchehr Khudäyär MahabbT, Farr-e yazdän dar
byJ.Duchesne-Guilleminandothers.Cf. E. Imoto, ta'rlkh-e adyän (Teheran, 1972), 1-42. For a
 The Parthians on the Plateau 211

without a noumenal or divine character, this is true if he is refuting the divinization of

the ruler, but it is not so if one considers the^är« as a divine concept. 50
The dynastic
cult, or the cult of ancestors, may be characterized as the same as the Hellenistic cult of
dead heroes, combined with an ancient and widespread cult of ancestors, to make a
royal cult, the implementation of which was coterminous with the state's boundaries.
The Seleucid and Greco-Bactrian kings' use of the epithet #eo? on coins apparently
was bound to the title or office of king, or to the institution of kingship, and was not a
personal divinization, and this was the same for the Arsacids. 5 ' The Hellenistic ruler
cult was adopted by the Parthians, but probably not at the beginning of their rule,
when Central Asian or tribal notions of kingship were predominant. So we may
conjecture that Arsaces I convinced his friends that the royal jarn had descended on
him and his family, which was destined to rule an even larger area than at the
commencement of his rule. Obviously power and success in conquest were elements
in the rise of the Parthians. In time, Achaemenid concepts of kingship joined the
ancient practices and beliefs together with the heritage of Hellenistic kingship of the
Seleucids. This may be seen in the adoption of the title 'king of kings' by Mithradates
II and by his use of a distinctive crown or tiara instead of the usual diadem of the

Hellenistic rulers. Koshelenko has described the development of Parthian ruling

ideology on the basis of their coins, first with the simple name Arsaces without a title,
which he claims shows that Arsaces like Diodotus did not revolt against the Seleucids
but simply took over the right of coinage because of the absence of Seleucid
authority. 52 Also the existence of an ever burning fire in the town of Asaak where
Arsaces I was first proclaimed king, as attested by Isidore of Charax 1 1, suggests that
the act of proclaiming a king had a religious significance. One could also suggest that
the formation of a royal ideology began with Arsaces I, who must have had a strong
personality to have given his name as a title to all succeeding Parthian kings. This fact
importance of a royal family or royal clan of the Arsacids in the
in ltself attests to the
political ideology of the Parthians. The protocol of crowning of the king was
undoubtedly also developed over time, usually with the head of the Suren family in
the capacity of the one who put the crown on the king's head. 53

discussion of the concept of Jarn in Iran and H. Dörrie, Der Königskult des Antiochos von
neighboring concepts see F. Dvornik, Early Chris- Kommagene, Abh. GWC, 60 (1964), 236 pp.
52 Koshelenko, "Tsarskaya vlast i ee
lian and Byzantine Political Philosophy, 1 (Cam- G. A.
bridge, Mass., 1 966), 85. For Hellenistic influences obosnovanie v ranneiParfii," in B. G. Gafurov, ed.,

and of headgear, see Ritter,

a discussion op. eil. (eh. lsloriya Iranskogo Cosudarslva i Kullury (Moscow,
6. n. 28], 27-30, 125. 1971), 213.
50
Taeger, op. eil., 1 [n. 47], 432. The concept of " On the crowning of vanous kings, with
Jarn was more than mere chansmatic exaltation
a sources, see Ritter, op. cit. [eh. 6, n. 28], 168. Trajan
of the king (p. 402) but was similar to Greek tu^t; crowned his own Arsacid candidate for the
and Sofa. Neither the Indo-European ramifica- Parthian throne in Ctesiphon, but this only indi-
tions of the concept nor the religious implications cates thesymbolic importance of the ceremony.
of kingship can be discussed here, for which see G. For the crowns see H. von Gall, "Beobachtungen
Widengren, "The Sacral Kingship of Iran," Nutnen, zum arsakidischen Diadem und zur parthischen
Supplement 4 (Leiden, 1959), 424-55. Bildkunst," Istanbuler Mitteilungen, 19/20 (1969-
51
Taeger, op. cit., 329, 333, 432. Herakles, a 70), 299-318, and for the curious crown of
divinized hero, was made the ancestor of the Phraates III see J. Sugiyama, "Some Problems of

Seleucids. As Taeger aptly says, the Hellenistic Parthian Kings' Crowns," Orient, 9 (Tokyo, 1973),
ruler cult had many opponents but hardly any 31-41.
martyrs (p. 307). On the Hellenistic ruler cult see
218 Chapter VIII

Much has been written about the Institution of 'double kingship' in Iran, but it
seems that the association of the son (crown prince) or successor of the king with the
ruler to insure continuity has been mistaken for the Institution of two kings, as in

ancient Sparta and elsewhere. 54 In any case, there is no evidence for an institution of
two kings among the Parthians, even if etymologically the title of bidakhsh, which we
meet below, meant 'second king,' which itself is uncertain. 55 The formulae and
protocols of rule were highly developed under the Parthians, but so were they under
the Roman emperors. How much of the hyperbole of kingship, such as the comment
of Ammianus (XXIII, 6, 6) that the Parthians worshiped Arsaces as a god, can be
believed as real and how much of it is political Propaganda is difficult to determine.
With Mithradates II, however, we can see the evidence of such political propaganda
on his coins and with his title. It is unlikely that his reign marks a change in political
ideology different from the past; rather a significant progress in the continuing
evolution or development of an ongoing Parthian royal protocol and belief is

indicated. The Usurpation of the title by the Armenian Tigranes II is

'king of kings'
only an indication of the realities of power and the importance of the developing
Parthian ideology in regard to kingship elsewhere in the Near East.
The aristocracy and its assumption of titles paralleled the ideology of kingship but
changes took place to a greater extent in this domain. Presumably the Parni, when
they moved into Parthia, were still in a form of society characteristic of steppe tribes
similar to the Indo-Iranian period. The division of that society into the classic
tripartite warriors, priests and the rest of the people, we may assume, had developed
towards a more differentiated class System of nobles of various grades, with common
folk also divided according to professions and beliefs. Likewise we may assume a
continuation of the heritage of the tribe, clan and family Organization of pastoral
societies. The mixture of old and new in the case of the Parthians produced a knightly

or feudal class, each member of which was called äzät, which, as Perikhanian has
shown, should not be confused with the word meaning 'free,' although the two later
did fall together. 56 The family of the king had a special position, especially the crown
prince or heir apparent, the vispuhr, but as mentioned, the royal family of the Arsacids
all participated in the heritage or patrimony of the ruler, and this special position, as

argued by Perikhanian, was called väspuhrakänih (pp. 19-21). The proliferation and
differentiation of titles in the Parthian court cannot be dated any more than changes
in functions or the use of honorifics as well as titles. For example, the Parthian title

*pa(äyrlw, attested in Syriac, Sogdian and at Hatra, may well have been coined by the
Parthian kings to designate either a regent or the successor to the throne, but it may
have been, on the other hand, an honorific designation rather than a fixed title

54 56 A. Perikhanian,
Cf. Frye, "Remarks" [eh. 7, n. 65], 78-82, for "Notes sur le lexique iranien
further references. et armenien," REA, 4 (1 968), 5-30. The secondary
55
Szemerenyi "Iranica V," [eh. 4, n. 63], 391. meaning of väspuhrakän as princes who were not
The etymology, meaning 'second ruler,' is no sons of the king has only confused the matter. Note
assurance of the existence of such an office; rather also that a feminineform *vi$duxta 'princess' is

one would expect this originally to be

an presumed for Parthian by Perikhanian.
appellation given to a confidant or a close friend of
the king regardless of office.
 The Parthians on the Plateau 219
57
in a hierarchy or Organization. As the Parthians expanded, they encountered all
kinds of principalities, city states, or other forms of rule which had evolved under
which had come into existence when Seleucid rule weakened or
the Seleucids, or
collapsed. If we may
take Armenia as a kind of 'microcosm' of the Parthian
'macrocosm,' then the remark that Armenia was a collection of royal domains,
may be applied with
military viceroyalties, separate principalities and temple lands
even more cogency to the Arsacid kingdom. 58 Furthermore, titles which appear in
the Parthian east may not have had any currency in the western part of the territories
ruled by the Arsacids. For example, the term kanärang or käradranga, which we shall
discuss in the chapter on the Kushans, is not found in the west. We may suppose that
the Parni aristocracy intermarried with both the local, settled Parthian aristocracy, as
well as with any Greek or Macedonian aristocracy. By the end of the second Century
b.c. they were also undoubtedly
mixed with local Iranian upper classes, not to
mention any Saka or other intruders. As Wolski has convincingly shown, after the
consolidation of the Parthian State on the basis of tribal support of the king, in its
expansion the ruler, following Hellenistic tradition, had to engage mercenaries to
further his ambitions. 59 Until the
first Century B.c. the mixed Parthian aristocracy

and the mercenaries fought together for common booty and for the ruler, but later
internecine struggles between various pretenders to the throne supported by difFerent
groups of the aristocracy were endemic. As the boundaries of the Parthian State
became fixed, especially in the west by the Roman Empire, revenues and booty based
on an expansionist policy greatly declined, and the influence of the ruler feil as that of
the aristocracy rose. For more than two centuries Parthia was on the defensive, for on
the whole the Romans were aggressors in the wars between them. One may describe a
change in Parthia in the first Century b.c. as a transition from the old world of the
Hellenistic monarchies to a new 'feudal' age, which is the picture of the Parthian State
given by Classical sources. The Parthian aristocracy became wealthy and powerful as
the influence of the king sank. At the same time the traditions, protocol and nominal
allegiance to royalty were preserved and even fostered. 60 Society became more fixed
in various classes and hierarchies.
The upper nobility, many of whom were relatives of the king, were given
provinces to govern, as were brothers or immediate members of the king's family. 61
The relationship between these governors and a court nobility is unknown, and it is
unwise to project backwards information from the Sasanian period except to the

57
For references see D. Harnack apud Altheim, in Armenia parallels Parthia, but one should not
op. cit. [eh. 6, n. 49], 516-19. Gershevitch proposed assume that the Situation in Armenia was a carbon
the form *patägrlu>, which is preferable to copy of Parthia.
Harnacks' *paigtab. His further Suggestion that the 59 Wolski, "Le röle et l'importance des
J.
Parthian word is a calque on Greek SiaSoxos may mercenaires dans letat Parthe," IA, 5 (1965), 107.
be true, but the latter was hardly a real title in 60 Cf. "L'aristocratie parthe et les
J. Wolski,
Hellenistic times. Other than the vispuhr, usually commencements du feodalisme en Iran," IA, 7
written BR BYT', we find 'princess' visduxta
as (1967), 133-44, with further references.
(BR BYTH) and the general designations "hiynd E.g., Vologeses gave the governorship of
61

'prince,' iftvtwy 'lord,' as well as other words for the Media to one brother Pacorus and Armenia to
rulers. another brother Tiridates, acc. to Tacitus, Annais
58
R. H. Hewsen, "Introduction to Armenian (XV, 2). The Greek pcyujTÖ.v€S corresponds to
Historical Geography," REA, 13 (1979), 96. Much the wuzurgän.
220 Chapter VIII

period just before the end of Parthian rule. We may suppose, however, the existence
and power of the class of great nobility, the Sasanian wuzurgän, attached to court and
having a high position in society because of relationship to the king and presumably
owning extensive lands. The governors of large provinces, the hStrdrn or shahryärän,
were the equivalent of small kings, while the majority of the nobility were small
landowners, the äzätän, or liberi of Latin sources, who brought foot soldiers with them
from their lands when called to support the king in war.
Much has been made of a Senate or Council of Parthian nobles and priests who
supposedly elected the king from the Arsacid family in the last two centuries of
Parthian rule. Wolski has shown that this is a mistaken assumption on the part of
Greek and Latin authors. Rather, the nomination of the ruler at times in the last two
centuries of Parthian rule followed a long existing institution and should not be
attributed to a new institution, a Senate which arose as a result of the weakness of the
62
rulers and competing claims of various princes to the throne. The privileges and the
ranks of the aristocracy were strictly arranged, but no noütia dignitatum has survived,
except in Armenian, for the later Arsacid court ofthat land. 63 It is quite possible that
lists of military as well as civil positions existed for various provinces or lands in the
Parthian kingdom with coats of arms for each dignity, as in the case of the late Roman
Empire. 64 We
cannot reconstruct the order of ranks in the Parthian court from the
found in inscriptions, usually in the frontier areas such as Dura Europos or Hatra,
titles

but several of the positions mentioned in the inscriptions may throw some light on
the Parthian nobility. We find a general word Itwtwy 'lord' possibly used as a general
term of address for a member of the nobility. Those who were at court as friends and
even bodyguards of the king probably had special designations such as rtfiwdr, the
nohadares of Ammianus (14, 3), the 'first' or 'top friends' of the ruler. 65 These seem to
have comprised a small top class of nobility, rather than the word being either a civil
or military title. Civil and military titles, usually held by the nobility, will be
mentioned below.
In Armenia later the peasants seem to have been distinguished from the town plebes,
and one may presume similar conditions in Parthian territories, but it is questionable
whether the lower classes were subdivided into any kind of semi-legal ranks similar to
the nobility. 66 In cities, especially those which continued their Hellenistic Status of a

62 Benveniste, [eh. 5, n. 74), 20, emphasizes the

J. Wolski, "Remarques cntiques sur les

institutions des 46 (Wroclaw,

Arsacides," Eos, correspondence between Parthian hwtwy and
1954), 60, and K. H. Ziegler, Die Beziehungen Greek Kvpios. The group of 'friends' of the
zwischen Rom und dem Partherreich (Wiesbaden, Hellenistic kings undoubtedly was paralleled in
1964), 16. Parthian times. On the early predecessors of the
63
M.-L. Chaumont, "L'ordre de preseances ä la 'friends' see G. Widengren, Der Feudalismus, im
cour des Arsacides d'Armenie," JA, 254 (1966), alten Iran (Köln/Opladen, 1969), 38-43.
471-97. Undoubtedly one could interpolate from 66 Perikhanian, op. cit. [n. 56], 13, where the
this hst to a similarone in Iran under the Parthians, Sinakank' 'peasants' are distinguished from the
called a gähnämak or 'book of ranks,' but details are famikk' 'plebes', but Widengren, Der Feudalismus,
lacking. 123, and his "Die Begriffe 'populorum ordo' und
64 n
Cf. O. Seeck, ed., Notitia Dignitatum (Frank- 'ram', Festschrift Walter Baetke (Weimar, 1966),
furt/M, 1962, reprint of 1876 original), XXII for 384-87, claims that the ram were peasants on royal
coats of arms, and 77-80 for the dux Mesopotamiae. domains and thus in a separate class, but his further
65
Discussed with references by Harnack apud assertion (p. 387) that they possessed horses and
Altheim, op. cit. [eh. 6, n. 49], 537-40. Note that followed the entourages of nobles is most question-
 The Parthians on the Plateau 221

polis, differentiation according to professions did exist, but it does not seem to have
been a social class division as among the nobility. When we turn to slaves and servants,
the sources are silent, but some inferences can be made from words found in
inscriptions, or in Armenian and later Middle Persian texts. The Armenian word
ansahrik, which seems to be Parthian in form, originally meant a foreigner, probably
taken in warfare, and it may have preserved this meaning throughout the Parthian
period, for in the Sasanian period it probably feil together with the common word for
61
any slave, bandag. The legal position of slaves varied in different areas, for the
Parthians did not Institute a uniform System wherever they ruled but allowed local

differences to exist. The word pariütär (MP paristär), meaning a maid-servant, in the
Parthian period referred to a hierodule, dedicated to Service in a temple, but the
extent of such 'slavery* is unknown either geographically or numerically.68 The vt$ak
or 'house slave' was universal but unfortunately nothing is known about them. The
vineyard ostraca from Nisa and parchments from Avroman teil us nothing about the
69
Status of slaves or serfs in the dastkirt, the estates or patrimonies of the nobility.
Slavery was widespread, especially in Babylonia, and while we hear of manumissions
which made slaves free (äzät), the number of slaves was always large.
The Organization of the provinces was perhaps even more complicated than under
the Seleucids and Achaemenids. The size of the satrapy had declined, but not so far as
in the Sasanian period, when a satrapy was only a town with surrounding villages and
70
lands. The Parthians on the whole left the local lords and local administration
intact when they conquered lands. In their homeland, however, the Parthian kings
and nobility owned much land, as we see from the ostraca of Nisa, and royal estates
must have been large here. Whether Parthia had a special position, free from taxes as
Fars was at the beginning under the Achaemenids, is unknown but unlikely.
Likewise, along the road from Khurasan through Rhages and Hamadan, i.e. Media,
down to Seleucia, where Seleucid control had been centered, we may presume that

able. His elaboration of the concept ram, as the meanings of dastkirt. For a summary of meanings
corps of mounted peasants, is unconvincing in and references to previous articles, see Perikhan-
"Recherches sur le feodalisme iranien," OS, 5 yan, op. cit. [n. 68], 458-60, where the religious
(1956), 99. factor of dastkirt as a 'trust' or as a 'creation,' is

67
Cf. A. G. Perikhanyan, "K voprosu o discussed. The Semitic mask for the Parthian word
rabovladenii i zemlevladenii v Irane parfyanskogo is BN' (comp. Aramaic BNH) which implies the
vremeni," VDI, no. 1 (1952), 13-27. On Armenia property of inheritance. See also G. Kh. Sarkisian,
see S. T. Eremyan, "O rabstve i rabovladenii v "O dvukh znacheniyakh termina dastakert v
drevnei Armenii," VDI, no. 1 (1950), 12-26. The rannykh Armyanskikh istochnikakh," in Ellenisti-

use of the word bandak and bandaklfi 'slavery' in cheskii Blizhnii Vostok, Vizantiya i Iran, Festschrift

Parthian could also mean something like 'submis- for N. Pigulevskaya (Moscow, 1962), 97-101,
sion' to a king or a lord. Usage changed over the with much the same double meaning for the term
centuries. in Armenia as in Iran.
68
See A. Perikhanyan, Sasanidskii Sudebnik
70
It is clear that the hltrp or PtfT ' of
the Nisa

(Erevan, 1973), 534-35, with further references. ostraca, like the dyzpty or 'commandant of a
There were many kinds of dedications of 'slaves' to fortress' were not of great officials or nobles,
titles

temples, and this kind of slavery, of course, was not See I. V. A. Livshits, Parthian
M. Dyakonov and
ordinary slavery. Cf. P. Koschaker, Über einige Economic Documents from Nisa, I (London, 1980),
griechische Rechtsurkunden aus den östlichen Rand passim. The fact that Classical sources continue to
gebieten des Hellenismus, Abh. der Sächsischen AW, use the word 'satrap' for governors and also for
42 (Leipzig, 1931), 76. almost any orTicial, seems to indicate a generahza-
69 Much has been written about the different tion of the term.
222 Charter VIII

the Parthian king took over the role of the Seleucid ruler and appropriated the
Seleucid crown own, so Media was probably ruled like Parthia. We are
lands for his
told that the Parthian Empire consists of eighteen kingdoms, according to Pliny (VI,
112), eleven of which are 'upper' and seven of which are 'lower,' here meaning those
on the plateau and seven in the plains of the 'Fertile Crescent.' On the plateau, other
than Parthia and Media, there were probably several kingdoms subject to the
Parthians in Armenia, Hyrcania, Azerbaijan (Media Atropatene), and possibly one in
the mountains of Tabaristan. In the south we know of the kingdoms of Persis and
Elymais, but Kerman may have been another independent area, with Seistan at some
times under Parthian rule and in other periods independent or subject to rulers in
India. Although eleven 'kingdoms' on the plateau cannot be identified, it is possible
that Pliny is reporting accurate information. In the lowlands we know of the
kingdom of Characene in the land called Mesene (Aramaic: Maisän) at the mouth of
the Persian Gulf. North of Mesene was the central part of the land between the two
rivers, ancient Babylonia, but called Beth Aramäye literally 'house of the Aramaeans'

in Aramaic or Syriac and Asüristän in Parthian. This rieh province, like Parthia and
Media, was governed directly by the Parthian kings who maintained their winter
residence on the plains, while in the summer they moved to the plateau. The great
city of Seleucia had maintained a special Status until Vologeses I built a competing city
Vologesia to outrival Seleucia, which will be mentioned below. The area to the
northeast of Seleucia, including the Diyala River basin and present Sulaimania, was
called Beth Garmai in Syriac, Garmikän in Middle Persian, and the capital was
Karkha de Beth Slök (in Syriac) modern Kirkuk. 7 This kingdom existed down to'

the coming of the Sasanians, when it was joined either to the central province of
Asüristän or to the kingdom of Adiabene to the north.
Adiabene, or Hadhyab in Syriac and in Parthian, called Nodshirakan by the
Sasanians, from which Armenian Norshirakan is derived, was the land between the
Greater and Lesser Zab Rivers with Arbela as its capital. 72 Little is known about
Adiabene in Parthian times except the conversion of a queen of the country and her
son Izates to Judaism, and later Izates was rewarded by Artabanus III for supporting
his claim to the Arsacid throne by the grant of some land to the northwest, including
Nisibis, to Adiabene. 73 In this extension of the domain of Adiabene, to the west and

7
' The Middle Persian form was reconstrueted city made by the Natunians,' and later abbreviated
by Marquart, op. eil. [eh. 3, n. 37], 21, and is to Shahrqird a site on the route from Baghdad to
probably the glmykn, as well as the form glmykc'n Mosul. This seems correct although the location of
in thePaikuhinscnptionofNarseh.andonasealof the town near Kirkuk, thus strictly not in
the British Museum cf. W. B. Henning, "Notes on
; Adiabene,is curious The later deformation of the

the lnscnption of SäpOr," in the Professor Jackson name in MP, using the name Ardashlr, founder of
Memorial Volume (Bombay, 1954), 50. In addition the Sasanian dynasty, into Nöd ArdashTr(akän) is a
to the sources given by Marquart see of etymology' becoming Hen-
J. F. Fiey, case 'folk official.
Assyrie Chretienne, 3 (Beirut, 1968), 11-145. ning, "Mitteliranisch," [eh. 6, n. 57], 45.
Kirkuk probably was founded by Seleucus, the 7i
On this see J. Neusner, "The Conversion of
town of Seleucia of Pliny (VI, 117), while the Adiabene to Judaism," Journal ofBiblical Literature,
pcople, called Garamaioi, are noted by Ptolcmy (I, 83 (1964), 60-63, and his "Shorter Note," in
12,5 and VI, 1.2). Numetl, 13 (1966), 144-50. On the historical
" In an inscription from Hatra, the
name is geography of this area in the Parthian and Sasanian
written ntwn'iry which
J T. Mihk in "A propos period see L. Dillemann, Haute Mhopotamie
',

d'un ateher monetaire d'Adiabene," RN, 3 (1961), Orientale et pays adjacenls (Paris, 1962), esp. 105-29.
51-82, has identified as Natunia, plus iaro-kerta as
 The Parthians on the Plateau 223

northwest, that land, called Beth Nuhadra in Syriac, with its center in the piain of

ancient Nineveh, capital of Assyria, was absorbed. Neither under the Parthians nor
under the Sasanians does this area of Beth Nuhadra, on the frontier of the Roman
Empire, seem to have had a local dynasty rather it was a military province governed
;

by a Nohodar presumably a confidant of the king given a military command. In the

flat land to the west of it was the desert and the province called Beth Ar(a)bäye in

Syriac (in Middle Persian Arbayastän and in Armenian, Arvastan) the chief town of
which changed; at one time it was Nisibis. But at the end of the Parthian period, the
kingdom and city of Hatra embraced the term Ar(a)bäye. Hatra only expanded in the
last Century of Parthian rule and feil to the Sasanians in the last year of Ardashir's

reign.
Since the frontier fluctuated between the Romans and Parthians, the history of the
rise and of minor principalities or the complicated changes in their boundaries
fall

cannot be followed. Other areas which in the Seleucid period were either provinces
or separate principalities, and which may have preserved some independence into the
Parthian period, were Sophene (Armenian Cop'k'), Zabdicene (Syriac: Beth Zabdai;
Armenian: Zaudek'), Gorduene (Syriac: Beth Qardu; Armenian: Korduk') and
74 Since they
others located in the mountain Valleys to the north of Mesopotamia.
were not integrated into the Parthian Empire but were usually under Armenian rule,
or independent, they need not be further considered since they have little relation to
the history of Iran except in the wars with Rome. Obviously there were many
changes not only in the administration of various provinces and principalities. The
re vision of boundaries is difficult to follow, also on account of the changing fortunes
of war in the land between the two rivers.

As noted, the satraps were no longer the governors of huge lands such as Babylonia
in the Achaemenid period, and we may assume that the subdivisions of the former
large territories were not governed by officials called satraps, but the governors of
large provinces, in continuation of the Seleucid tradition, were called strategos in
Greek. In Parthian the equivalent term was probably hhrdry or shahrdär, with a
general meaning of 'holder of the realm' or 'sovereign.' Under the governors were
satraps, as we see from the Nisa ostraca. There were many officials under the satrap,

especially accountants to care for the revenues, '/imrfer, the hamarkär. The chief
collector of taxes was an important official called hrkpty, or \kpty and hrgwpt in
Parthian, an office formerly mistakenly interpreted as argbad or 'fortress

Commander.'75 For the Parthian period we have no Information about the position of
the chief tax collector in the hierarchy, but presumably it was not high and only
under the Sasanians does the office gain in importance.

74
Names of do
Seleucid provinces, however, " Much has been written about the argbed; ct.

not teil us whether them or

local princes ruled in my remarks apud C. B. Welles, The Parchments and
Seleucid governors. The area about Nisibis was Papyri, The Excavations at Dura-Europos (New
called Mygdonia, after the river, by the Greeks Haven, 1969), 111-12, to be corrected and
but does not seem to have been an independent superseded by the above; also Szemerenyi, op. cit.

and the same is true of Apolloniatis on

principality, [eh. 4, n. 63], 366-75.
the Diyala River, nearby Sittacene, and others.
Information on native names and changes in
administration is extremely sparse.
224 Chapter VIII

When we turn to the army, our sources are also deficient, and the temptation to
turn to earlier Achaemenid or later Sasanian times to reconstruct the Parthian army
should be Achaemenid Organization broke down with the ever
resisted, for the

greater use of mercenaries, also a feature of the Seleucid kingdom. We may assume,
however, that some sort of decimal Organization of the army continued under the
Parthians, and that there was an army Commander, spdpty or spähbad, especially in
time of war, and that the cavalry, the VfeVy, was especially important, as we know
from Classical sources. In the frontier areas, such as Nisa, we find the military titles of
mrzwpn 'margrave' and dyzpty 'fortress Commander,' the former probably the officer
in charge of the frontier troops, while the latter was the officer in charge of a fort, as
76
the name says. From Classical sources we learn that the cavalry tactics of attacking
and then feigning retreat, with the famous arrow shot, the 'Parthian shot,' turning in
the saddle while fleeing, made a great impression on the Romans. When Justin (XLI,
2) says that fifty thousand cavalry opposed Marc Antony, of which only four
hundred of them were free men (liberi), he means that the nobles only numbered so
many. Although it may have seemed to Outsiders that the common soldiers were like
slaves, they were more like followers or even serfs of the nobility. The feudal nature

of Parthian society must have evolved throughout the course of history, but there is
no evidence of the peculiarly Western European form of vassalage, and all that went
with it. The Parthian form of 'feudalism' seems simpler, with the followers, or the
peasants in villages belonging to a lord, supplying troops when needed. Sources for
further speculation are lacking.
A loan document from Dura-Europos may throw some light on Parthian political
and military provincial Organization. It gives the titles and honorifics of two officials,
one military and one civil, but it must be remembered that Dura was located on the
frontier, even though the document itself is not directly from the frontier area. A
certain Phraates, a eunuch, and one of the people' (at the
and hargbad or 'tax collector,'
who was governor
court of, or in the entourage of) Manesus, son of another Phraates,
of Mesopotamia, Parapotamia as well as Arabarkhos, or 'ruler of the Arabs,' made a
loan to another person. One of the witnesses was Metolbaessa, Commander of the local
garrison. The governor held not only the civil office, but had another title which is

damaged in the parchment, which was restored as one who receives taxes, but this is
77
uncertain. In any case, both the Commander of the garrison and the governor carry
honorifics, the former belonging to the (order of the) 'first and chiefly-honored
friends and bodyguards' (presumably of the king), while the governor belonged to

76 11
For the titles and bibhography, see the M. I. Rostovtzeff and C. B. Welles, "A
glossary of P Gignoux, Glossaire des lnscriptions Parchment Contract of Loan from Dura-Europus
Pehlevies et Parthes (London, 1972). The title on the Euphrates," Yale Classical Studies, 2 (New
ptykwspn'paygöspän'or'padhöspan'is uncertain, for Haven, 1931), 51. The restored title TTapaXr)Trrr]s
in Sasanian times it seems to have meant a 'gatherer for one's seif,' has not been
found
'governor-general' of a number of provinces, or elsewhere. If the word is might be a
not Greek, it

the officer in charge of the armiesof one of the four parallel to slrategos, like PHT', but I have no
quarters or frontiers of the empire In Parthian Suggestion which would fill the gap in the
times it may have meant the same as 'governor,' or parchment. Cf. H. Bengtson, Die Strategie in der
more likely the same as marzban, 'warden of the Hellenist. Zeit II 2 (1964), 279-280: irapa.7Ta.TTOv
marches,' but we cannot determine thejurisdiction (Enns-lin and Mlaker).
of the official.
 5

The Parthians on the Plateau 225

the (order of the) batesa and the äzätän or nobility. 78 Just what batesa means is
uncertain, but I would like to suggest that it does not mean the title byfhS (bidakhsh)
with many forms, but is rather related to the Middle Persian word p'thfdy
(padehshäy) 'having rights by authority,' a civil honorary order of nobility. 79 The
bidakhsh is more military in character than civil. Much has been written about this

title found in many sources, and no matter what the etymology, the historical
importance of this title in Parthian times was not that of a 'second king,' or second in
line of succession, but rather the representative of the king, and since we find the title
mostly used on the western and northern frontiers of the Parthian domains, we may
conjecture that this official was originally the king's representative at the courts of the
sub-kings or 'vassal' rulers. From later usage in Armenia and Georgia the term may
have already developed in Parthian times to a meaning of 'warden of the marches,' or
so mething similar to the mrzwpn (marzban), although the functions of both offices
were undoubtedly more than simply military commands. 80 It is virtually impossible
to distinguish orhcial designations from populär usage or Synonyms in nomenclature,
as we have seen with the Parthian words for 'prince,' 'lord,' and others. A word such as

prmtr (framatär) Commander,' which was civil, however, rather than military, gives
no clue to his functions, but we may conjecture it was the equivalent of modern
Persian-Arabic ra"ls, or 'director' of any civilian Institution. As noted, the values or
meanings of titles changed over centuries, and what may have existed in early
Parthian times frequently was either a memory or altered in significance by the time
of the Sasanians. Certain constants can be recognized, however, and one may postulate
the continuous existence of a village chief under the Parthians as the basic office of
authority. 81 Above the village chief was a district or provincial chief of the rwdyst^g
(NP rOstä) who was called a 'satrap' (hhrp or PUT*), while above the satrap was the
ruler of the {ihr, the shahrdär, the local potentate, corresponding to the Achaemenid
satrap and the Sasanian öständär or head of a large province. 82 When we come to the
Sasanian period more sources aid us, but for the Parthians these three divisions in the
hierarchy of civil Jurisdiction were the most widespread, although, as usual,
exceptions probably did occur under the Parthians as at other times.

78
Cf. Welles, op. eil. [n. 75], 115-16. My side' (see n.76) may have been a synonym for
remarks in "Some early Iranian titles," Oriens, 1 marzban, but in Parthian times we have no sources,
(1962), 352-54, are still valid regarding parallels and a reading backwards from the Sasanian period
and honorifics as well as offices in spite of attacks may be misleading.
81 found only
by F. Altheim/R. Stiehl, Die Araber in der alten The Parthian word for 'village' is

Welt, 1 (1964-69), 635-38, or Szemerenyi, op. rif. in the Aramaic logogram QRYT' in the Nisa
[eh. 4, n. 63], 371. They mistakenly assumed ostraca, which has been interpretedas *<fyz(+p/y)
parallels to mean identities or Synonyms, whereas 'lord of the citadel' (dizbed), but it may have
lit.

one, Metolbaessa, holds a military office, while the been rather *wysply or *visbed 'village chief,' even
other, Manesus, is a civil official. though every village may have had a wall around
79 ,
Parthian form would be *prfy<i/ /i-
The which it like a citadel.
82 may have
the Arabs settled around Dura might have In some areas the chief of a district
pronounced *badesa. The Greek form implies a held the title pthS' (padehshä), & Mar Qardaq who
foreign word, and the uninflected plural would was the padehsha of the district of Athur (Assyria)
indicate an (honorary) title rather than an office, in Sasanian times; cf. P. Bedjan, Acta Martyrum et

although it might mean 'district officer,' on which Sanctorum, 2 (Leipzig, 1890), 445, line 2. Or this
see infra n. 82. word could be only a general designation of one in
80 Likewise the ptykwspn or 'guardian of the authority.
226 Chapter VIII

The local potentates were on the whole Parthian princes, especially after
Mithradates IIwhen members of the Arsacid family were installed as local rulers in
many areas. 83 The great families and rulers of the Parthians were traditionally seven,
the two most prominent of which were the Suren, who maintained estates in Seistan
and elsewhere in Iran, and the Karen family primarily in western Media with a center
in Nihavend.
84 The other great families are not mentioned in any source of the

Parthian period but notices from Sasanian times may be referred to the early dynasty.
One family probably held the office of army Commander of the Parthian forces for
several generations, such that became known by the title 'sp'dpty (Aspabad), and
it

their chief seat apparently Khurasan and Gurgan. The later Sasanian famiÜes
was in
may have existed in Parthian times, or they may have new names; we do not know.
One family, the Mihrän, reputedly had its center at Rayy, but another name
Spandiyäd is also connected with Rayy, while still another Varäz seems to be a new
noble family Coming to the fore in Sasanian times. We may postulate the existence of
several, perhaps seven according to tradition, high noble families of the Parthians, but
we have no information about them. 85 Undoubtedly there were protocols and a
hierarchy of rank among families at the court of the Parthian Arsacids, as we find in
Armenia, but again the details elude us, although, as noted, Tacitus (Annais, VI, 42)
says that the right of crowning the Arsacid king was a prerogative of a member of the
Suren family, and there were surely other similar protocols. 86 The king as the chief of
the nobles had the right of assignment of Offices or fiefs, provided that traditions were
maintained. To return to the question of a Senate of Parthian nobles who had the right
to banish or elect kings (Justin XLII, 4) (or as Strabo [XI, 515] says there were two
assemblies, one composed of relatives of the king [the nobility] and the other of Magi
and wise men), undoubtedly the great families had much influence in such meetings,
but if one or two assemblies existed, they were related to the tribal traditions of the
Parthians rather than to well-established governmental institutions. 87 The feudal
relations between sovereign and nobles can only be inferred from later practices, but
we may suppose the existence of small courts copying the royal court, coats of arms,
and such accoutrements of what we know from Western 'feudalism,' under the
Parthians.
Cities seem to have flourished more in the Parthian era of history
as compared with
expanding east-west trade
the Seleucid or Sasanian periods, probably because of the
rather than any liberal policy of the Parthian government. Seleucia has been
excavated and the continuing Hellenistic institutions and traditions indicate that

83
See esp. Tacitus, Annais (XII, 14 and XV, 2), clan.' In Manichaean MP we find zndbyd 'head of a
where various Arsacid princes are mentioned as zanm or tribe,' which may have replaced an earlier
installed in local kingdoms. title of *näfapal. On the Latin term megislanes see
84
See J. Marquart, "Beiträge zur Geschichte the discussion in T. Mommsen Römische Ge-
von Iran," ZDMG, 49 (1893), 635-36, for schichte, 5 (Berlin, 1885), 343, n. 2.
references, also Herzfeld, "Sakastän" [eh. 7, n. 28], 86 On Armenia see Chaumont, op. eil. [n. 63],
64-66, where his derivation of the Karen family 471-97. This gäh namak, or notitia dignitatum, is
from a governor installed by Mithradates I is from a later period but is derived from Parthian
highly conjectural. practices.
85 87
It is unclear whether the chief of a great Cf. G. Widengren, op. eil., [n. 65], 108-115,
family would have been called a *näfapat in with further references.
Parthian whence Armenian nahapet, 'chief of a
 The Parthians on the Plateau 221

Parthian rule brought change from Seleucid times. The example of the great
little

metropolis in the lowlands may have been unique, however, since the sources on
other towns are few and teil us little. The Parthians seem to have neglected the
lowlands, or at least southern Babylonia, during the pre-Christian period, since
archaeological surveys show a neglect of agricultural land there. 88 Compared to the
Sasanian period, when land under cultivation and irrigation greatly increased while
urban life did not, for the Parthians, at least in Mesopotamia, the reverse seems to have
obtained. After the death of Mithradates II internecine struggles between Arsacid
contenders for the throne were not conducive to the flourishing of cities. Pliny (VI,
122) says that in his time the city of Seleucia on the Tigris was free (libera) and

retained its undoubtedly other cities too, revolted

'Macedonian' manners. Seleucia, as

against Parthian control from time to time, but the sharply delineated preferences of
the Hellenic aristocracy' as opposed to the native 'masses' have been perhaps too much
89
emphasized by modern scholars. Seleucia supported Gotarzes against his brother
Vardanes, resisting the siege of the latter for seven years after A.D. 36, according to
Tacitus (XI, Although one can distinguish between three groups — the Parthians,
9).

Greeks and natives — to consider the inner conflicts of the three as the key to urban
revolts may be too simplistic a surmise. Numismatic evidence suggests that the city
after a.D. 24 ceased to issue its own local bronze coinage. The old Seleucid
Organization was maintained there and, on the whole, in other 'polis' cities, if one is to
judge by the Greek letter of Artabanus III to the city of Susa; for a city Council and
various magistrates governed the city undoubtedly continuing the old organizations,
although the influence of Parthian royal ofhcials on the city must have been great. 90
Ctesiphon, a suburb of Seleucia, across the Tigris River on the east bank, was the
residence of the Parthian kings, according to Strabo (XVI, 743), although Pliny (VI,
1 22) claims the city was founded to draw the population away from Seleucia, an echo

of the founding of Seleucia itself vis-a-vis Babylon. Another city, Vologesocerta, was
founded by King Vologeses nearby, according to Pliny, although which king this was
is uncertain. Likewise the location of this city and its identification with the

Vologesias of Ptolemy, Ammianus, and others, is in dispute. 91 The Parthian kings,

88 90 F. Cumont, "Une du Artaban

R. M. Adams and H. J. Nissen, The Uruk lettre roi III,"

Countryside: the Natural Setting of Urban Societies CRAI (1932), 238-60, and Welles, Royal Corre-
(Chicago, 1972), 57, and H. Nissen "Südbabylo- spottdence, [eh. 6, n. 68], no. 75. For a discussion of

nien in parthischer und sassanidischer Zeit," the roles of the archons, the epistates and satrap, see
Baghdader Mitteilungen, 6 (1973), 82. G. A. Koshelenko, "Gorodskoi stroi polisov
89 Cf. C. C. Hopkins, ed., Topography and zapadnoi Parfii," VDI, 4 (1960), 79-80. Ecbatana
Architeaure of Seleucia on the Tigris (Ann Arbor, continued as a summer capital of the Parthians,
1972), 160, where the dichotomy of natives according to Strabo (XI, 522).
supporting rebels and Greek commercial oligarchy "A. Maricq, "Vologesias, l'emporium de Ctesi-
favoring the Parthians, or the Romans ifpowerful, phon," Syria, 36 (1959), 271, maintained the
is maintained. Cf. McDowell, Coins op cit., [n. 27], identity of the two, situated on the 'Royal Canal'
226-27. It is possible that after the revolt masses of between the Tigris and Euphrates, while N.-L.
non-Greeks settled in the city, as suggested by G. A. Chaumont, "Etudes dTiistoire Parthe III. Les villes

Koshelenko, "Arkhitektura zhilishcha Greches- fondees par les Vologese," Syria, 51 (1974), 81,
kikh gorodov Parfii," in Antichnyi Gorod (Mos- places Vologesia near later Kufa and Vologeso-
cow, 1963), 181. Tacitus (Annais, VI, 42) men- certa on the canal.

tions the Senate of Seleucia and the conflict

between the aristocracy and the common folk of
the city.
228 Chapter VIII

however, were not founders of numerous cities as were the Sasanians, and the cities
which flourished on the trade routes such as the capital of Characene, Hatra and
Palmyra did so because of Roman demand for eastern spices and luxuries rather than
from Parthian support of them. They also flourished because of their relative
independence from the two great powers.
Whereas the history of the trading cities or 'caravan' cities has been treated as a
continuation of Hellenism by modern authors, the political ideology of the Parthians,
on the other hand, developed independently of the cities. Since the Parni came from
the steppes of Central Asia, we may assume that they had only oral traditions and no
written history. Likewise the inhabitants of the province of Parthia which they
conquered, unlike the Persians of Fars province, probably had few significant
traditions or memories of the Achaemenids. There is no evidence that the early
Parthians paid much attention to any political ideology, other than those of the
ancient Iranian or even Indo-Aryan or Indo-European tribes. With their conquest of
settled Iranians and of descendants of the Greeks and Macedonians of the Seleucid
Empire, two traditions were added to their own. The Greek or Seleucid tradition was
accepted by the Parthian rulers, as we can see from the title 'philhellene on the coins of
most of the rulers from the beginning to the end of the Arsacids. From the coins, at
least, there is no evidence of an anti-Hellenic sentiment, and there was little reason for

this among the Parthians. The Achaemenid tradition is more difficult

old Iranian or
to grasp, since evidence for the promotion of dynastic links with the past, great
dynasty is scanty. The Parthians, of course, fought against the Seleucids, but the
treatment of Demetrius II by Mithradates I indicates that the Parthians were not
simply partisans of Iran versus the enemy, Greece. As at Commagene, the Parthians
may well have created a mixed Persian-Greek fictitious genealogy, as Wolski
suggests, but this is only surmise. 92 Arrian (Parthika, frg. 1 in Syncellus) says that the

Arsacid family was descended from the Achaemenid Artaxerxes, probably the second
of the line, whose name before becoming ruler was Arsaces. From the title 'king of

kings' on coins of Mithradates II and from indications in Tacitus (Annais, VI, 31) and
others, the belief that they were the heirs of past Persian glory and empire was
probably promulgated by the Arsacids after the first Century B.c. 93
Perhaps too much has been made of the reappearance of the title 'king of kings' and
the appearance of Aramaic letters on the coins of Vologeses I to support the hypothesis
that the Parthians adopted an anti-Greek attitude by the first Century of our era, with a
corresponding exaltation of Achaemenid traditions. 94 The use of Aramaic at Nisa
instead of Greek is no real evidence for anti-Greek feeling, for from Avroman in
Kurdistan documents in both Greek and Aramaic were found and obviously in some
areas Greek was more used than Aramaic, or vice versa in other places. The Aramaic

92
J. Wolski, "L'ideologie monarchique chez les Nachleben, ed. by R. Stiehl, 1 (Berlin, 1969), 321.
Parthes," in Studi vari di Storia greca, ellenistica e See also F. Altheim, Literatur und Gesellschaft im
romana (Milan, 1977), 233, and his "Les Achemen- ausgehenden Altertum, 1 (Halle, 1948), 83.
94 Especially by Wolski in "Les Parthes et leur
ides et les Arsacides," Syria, 43 (1966), 74-77.
93
Cf.J. Neusner, "Parthian Political Ideology," attitude envers le monde Greco-Romain," Dia-
IA, 3 (1963), 56-58, and Wolski, "Les Achemen- 2 (Besancon, 1976), 284-
logues d'histoire ancienne,
ides" [n. 92], 87, and his "Arsakiden und Sasani- 85. Contrary to Wolski, Greek legends do not
den," in Beitrage zur alten Geschichte und deren disappear from Parthian coins although they
 The Parthians on the Plateau 229

legends on Parthian coins have been misunderstood. They are not legends, for those
are in Greek, albeit debased, to theend of the dynasty. The Aramaic letters are rather
mint, or mint masters' marks, and names appear on coins in Aramaic only in the last
Century of Parthian rule, which should be attributed to the decline of knowledge of
Greek rather than a conscious anti-Greek policy on the part of the Arsacid rulers. The
question of the use of Aramaic, however, has many ramifications.
Under the Seleucids Greek was the oflficial language and Script of the State. Parallel
to it went Aramaic, which continued to be used as the principal means of written
communication in areas away from the main road from Mesopotamia to Bactria.
Thus in Parthia, Persis, Azerbaijan, Central Asia and the Caspian districts, Aramaic
continued to be used with little or no inroads by Greek. As time continued the usages
of Persis varied more and more from those of Sogdiana and elsewhere. Local scribes
began not only to use more Iranian words in their texts but also to introduce local
grammatical features. All the time the texts were read aloud in the local language by
the scribe, whose duty was to write messages for government officials, the local ruler
or for anyone who paid him to write for them. The ostraca from Nisa, dating into the
first Century A.D., can be read as Aramaic with Iranian words and even endings, or

they may be read as Parthian, written in ideograms or logograms, but read aloud in
Parthian alone. For the inhabitants of Nisa were Parthians who spoke Parthian and
obviously did not speak Aramaic, not even a broken form of it. In Persis the Aramaic
legends on coins were read aloud as Persian, in Georgia and Armenia, similar
inscriptions were read aloud in the local language. The fully developed Parthian
system of writing, however, which may be characterized as an Iranian text with
Aramaic ideograms in it, as contrasted with the earlier Parthian writing in Aramaic
with Iranian words and some endings, is only attested from the third Century A.D., the
end of Parthian rule. The second Century is blank, for we have no Iranian inscriptions
from this period. We do have Semitic inscriptions from this period, however, in
Hatra, Palmyra, and even from Characene and Elymais, but none from Iran. One may
conjecture either a gradual change from the first to the third Century A.D., or possibly
a conscious effort toreform the writing at some date during this period. The separate
development of local Scripts in Mesopotamia, in Georgia, Khwarazm and Sogdiana is
part of the overall decline of the use of Greek and the relative isolation of the
peripheral areas of the Iranian plateau. More evidence for these local developments
can be found in the Sasanian period when both religions and Scripts proliferate, giving
more material for a reconstruction of the history of both Scripts and languages. In any
case, there is no evidence for either an anti-Greek language/script or an anti-Aramaic
language/script movement; rather time took its course in both cases.
The view of religion under the Parthians is filled with contradictions, for again we

become debased, while his further remark that the norm. The change in the chancellery of Nisa in the
first Arsacids borrowed the model.even the idea of middle of the first Century B.c. is revealed in the
coinage from Persis is unconvincing. The Aramaic smaller, more legible style of writing on the
letters KN, which appear on the reverses of several ostraca, as well as the mention of scribes, according
rare Susa 'type' coins of Seleucus I, and the coins to I. M. Dyakonov and V. A. Livshits, Dokumenty
with legend WliSW/R are enigmatic but they do iz Nisy (Moscow, 1960), 17, but their significance
not change the general picture of Seleucid and escapes us.
Parthian coinage in which Greek legends are the
230 Chapter VIII

have no written sources from this period of Iranian history and archaeological
evidence is equivocal. From this may distinguish between
evidence, theoretically, one
Greek and influences, local beliefs and cults, and Zoroastrianism on the Iranian
cults
plateau under the Parthians. In the east, Buddhism and various Hindu cults are
attested at various times and in various places, while in Mesopotamia Judaism and
various local religions, some of them descendants of ancient Babylonian religions,
existed. The farther east and Mesopotamia will be discussed in later chapters, while
here the emphasis will be on the religious Situation in the heart of the Parthian
domains.
Continuing Greek influences, and possibly cults which were Greek in origin, are
attested by inscriptions and art remains. Herakles undoubtedly was a populär hero-
deity in Iran in Seleucid and Parthian times with some sort of a cult and followers.
The Greek inscriptions in a cave at Karaftu, about 20 km. west of Takab on the
Azerbaijan-Kurdistan border, with the apotropaic message, "here lives Herakles;
may no from the Seleucid period, plus another on the rock relief of
evil enter,"
Herakles Kallinikos Behistun from 149-148 b.c., plus several statues of the hero-
at

god, all attest his popularity in Iran. 95 Throughout the Seleucid and Parthian periods
a process of amalgamation or syncretism continued, whereby local deities were
identified with Greek deities. Thus in Iran, Herakles probably was early identified
with Verethragna, later Bahram, Vahagn in Armenia, and also in Commagene on the
royal statues and inscriptions of Antiochus, the local ruler. 96 On coins and in the arts,
evidence of the assimilation of Greek and Iranian deities indicates a widespread
acceptance of this syncretism, which is not unexpected since both peoples came from
the same Indo-European linguistic family. Likewise the fire cult of Iran was matched
by a Greek counterpart, and the word ESTIAZ on a rhyton from Nisa could refer
97
to a combined fire cult. In Iran, of course, the fire cult was characteristic of the
Zoroastrian religion then as later, and when Isidore of Charax (par. 1 1) speaks of an
ever-burning fire in the city of Asaak where the first Arsacid king was crowned, we
have the prototype of later Sasanian practice, where in the royal fire temple a fire was
started at the beginning of the reign of a new king. Ancestor worship, or rites in
honor of the fravasis or spirits of one's ancestors, was a feature of the religion of the
Parthians, as later in Iran.
Populär beliefs differed from more formal religions, and worship of the elements,
as well as the stars and the sun, apparently was widespread. 98 Likewise the

95
H von Call, "Die Kulträ'ume in den Felsen ofthe Parthians (Bombay, 1925), 21-22. On some
von Karaftu bei Takab," AMI, 1 1 (1978), 94; and coins of Mithradates 1 a Standing Herakles appears
for Behistun, L. Robert in Gnomon (1963), 76. on the reverse.
Many 97
terra-cotta figurines from Seleucia indicate G. A. Koshelenko, "Grecheskaya nadpis' na
the popularity of Herakles there; cf. Frye, supra, Parfyanskom ritone," VDI, 2 (1967), 167-70. His
Heritage, 170-76, with references. Identification of the Greek deity Hestia with Vesta
96
F. K.Dörner u. T. Goell, Arsameia am in Rome and Agni in India is questionable since the
Nymphos, Istanbuler Forschungen, 23 (Berlin, Greek Hestia although patroness of the hearth does
1 963), 223 and for Vahagn see G. D. Bardumyan,
; not seem to have had a special fire cult dedicated to
"Gosudarstvennye religioznye kulty Armyan," her.
Vestnik Moskovskogo Universitela, 2 (1 976), 87-88. 98
See C. Colpe, "Die Bezeichnung 'iranisch' für
His etymologies must be viewed with skepticism. die Religion der Partherzeit," ZDMG, Supple-
See also J. M. Unvala, Observation on the Religion mentband (1969), 1013-14. The popularity of
 The Parthians on the Plateau 231

identification of certain deities with planets or stars existed, but the significance of
astrology in populär belief is uncertain, for just what an 'identification' of the sun with
Mithra or Venus with Anahita meant is unclear. Anahita in Sogdiana was
distinguished from another female deity Nane or Nanaia as also in Armenia, but the
relation of these two deities to each other and to the old belief in a mother goddess are
both unknown." In any case, syncretism and the identification of deities with each
other, with a common cult or set of rituals, was widespread. Whether one cult was
more populär or more followed in one place than another, or whether one cult was
more patronized by the ruler or aristocracy than another, cannot be determined but is
likely. If we try to assemble the notices about the religion of the Parthians, many
populär practices are found, such as the remark ofJosephus (Jewish Antiquities, XVIII,
344) that the Parthians carried small idols with them on voyages, or that trees were
worshipped in Mesopotamia in Parthian times. 100 Populär beliefs certainly may be
found, but what of an 'omcial' religion - of Zoroastrianism? Apparently no official
State religion existed, as later under the Sasanians, but the Parthians have sufFered in
later sources as being poor Zoroastrians or even non-Zoroastrians.
Undoubtedly there were Magi who condemned the presence of statues in cult
places while others did not objecf, or some adhered
one set of rituals and others to
to
another. 101 Likewise some indulged in time speculation (Zervanism) while others
did not, but again there is no evidence for formal sects or religions under the
Parthians. The extension of Iranian cults, especially one of fire with Magi, into
Anatolia is mentioned by Strabo (XV, 733) and others, but one may conjecture that
this was the legacy of Achaemenid domination. At the end of the Parthian period,

however, Zoroastrianism was developing into an organized religion in competition

with other religions such as Judaism, Christianity and possibly the one we know as
Mandaism. According to Middle Persian text, the Denkart, a Parthian king
a late
Valakhsh (Vologeses) ordered a gathering of all oral texts of the Avesta, and any
teachings derived from it, presumably in order to codify the sacred texts of the
102 At
Zoroastrians, but which king of this name is intended cannot be determined.
least, this is an indication that the Parthians were not indifferent to the Zoroastrian

shamans in this period 1017), however, is

' 00 See E. Sachau, trans.. Die Chronik von Arbeta,
(p.
nowhere attested, even though not impossible. Abh. PAW (Berlin, 1915), 52. The reliability of
Buddhism in the eastern part of Parthian domains this Syriac source has been questioned, but it is

will be discussed in the next chapter. hardly a modern fabrication.

Lommel, "Anahita- ,01 Cumont, Les mages
''"On Anahita see H. See J. Bidez and F.

Sarasvati," in Asiatica, Festschrift Friedrich Weller hellenises, 1 (Paris, 1938), 74. Every female figure
(Leipzig, 1954),405-12, with references. On on rock reliefs, silver bowls, or on seals is usually
Sogdiana see N. V. Dyakonova and O. I. Smirnova, identified as Anahita, but this too simplistic since
is

"K voprosu o kulte Nany (Anakhity) v Sogde," not every representation is a goddess, and Anahita
VDI, 1 (1 967), 74-81 Isidore of Charax (6) speaks
. was not the sole female deity as even a reading of L.
of a temple of Artemis at Concobar (Kangavar), Gray, Tlie Foundations of the Iranian Religions
which has been identified with the massive ruins in (Bombay, 1 929), indicates.
that town. Anahita also has been identified with
l02
Cf. the text of D. M. Madan, 1 (Bombay,

Cybele in Asia Minor, and probably elsewhere 191 1), 412, 5-10and trans. by Zaehner.op. cit. [eh.
with other deities. Cf. also M.-L. Chaumont, "Le 3, n. 40], 8.

eulte de la deese Anähitä (Anahit) dans la religion

e
des monarques d'lran et d'Armeme au HI siecle de
notre in." JA, 253 (1965), 167-71
232 Charter VIII

religion, and continued to support its development. The names from the Nisa ostraca,
such as Sroshdat, Tirdat, Vahuman, and many others are clearly Zoroastrian, but
whether the large number of names with Mithra in them, such as Mihrfam and
Mihrdat, point to the existence of a separate cult devoted to Mithra, the prototype of
Roman Mithraism, cannot be determined. 103 Whether such Zoroastrian texts as the
Vendidad were composed in Parthian times cannot be determined although not
unlikely. In any case, Zoroastrian practices, such as next-of-kin marriages, exposure of
the dead, are attested for Parthian times, indicating a continuity from the past and a
link to the Sasanians.
At the same time, however, the later tradition that the Arsacids were lax in their
religious zeal seems correct, for in this manner the Parthians continued Achaemenid
tradition. With the rise of Christianity and other organized religions, however, the
Parthians had to combat conversions from Zoroastrianism which probably caused a
tightening of the Organization and priesthood of Zoroastrianism. Jews, on the whole,
were on good terms with the Parthians, especially after the Roman occupation of
104
Palestine. The episode of the twojewish brothers Anileus and Asineus, as reported
by Josephus (Jewish Antiquities, XVIII, 9), who created a private army and domain in
Babylonia in the time of Artabanus III, indicates the importance of the Jewish
settlement there as well as the weakness of the central government.
We have mentioned the disposal of the dead by exposure, but this practice had not
become general among the Parthians as in the Sasanian period. In Merv and elsewhere
in Central Asia burials in large jars have been found by archaeologists but astodans or
105 The principle of non-pollution of the
ossuaries for the bones have also been found.
soil is maintained in both cases, and different forms and styles of coffins have been

found in graves of the Parthian period in Mesopotamia as well as on the plateau. Thus
evidence for the Zoroastrian faith of the defunct should not be limited solely to bodies
exposed to vultures. Obviously in the pre-Sasanian period there was no prescribed
manner for the disposal of the dead, and only the general admonition not to pollute
the elements prevailed. The ancient Indo-European practice of cremation which we
find among the Greeks and other Indo-European peoples evidently had vanished
from the Iranian plateau by this time, since there is no evidence for ashes of the dead in
Parthian burials, although it is conceivable that some people followed the Greek
practice for one reason or another. In any case, the Zoroastrian abhorrence of
polluting the fire already held sway in Parthian times. We now know that much of

103
I. M. Dyakonov and V. A. Livshits, Teslamenlum, Supplement 4 (Leiden, 1957), 197-
Dokumenty Nisy (Moscow, 1960), 24. The
i> 240.
curious appearance of the name Sasan apparently as l05
G. Koshelenko and O. Orazov, "O pogrebal-
a deity, in the Parthian ostraca from Nisa, in nom kulte v Margiane v Parfyanskoe vremya,"
Compounds such as Säsänbökht, Säsändät, indicates VDl, 4 (1965), 42-56. In the footnotes further
a wider pantheon, or even a cult of divinized references to ossuaries and other burials may be
ancestors, than we know from later times. See found. See also Y. A. Rapoport, "Some Aspects of
V. A. Livshits, "Parfyanskii teonim Said«," P/$me/!- the Evolution of Zoroastrian Funeral Rites," and
nye pamyatniki i problemy istorii kultury narodov G. P. Snesarov, "The Mazdeist Tradition in the
vostoka, ed. by P. A. Gryaznevich (Moscow, Burial Customs of
the Peoples of Central Asia,"
1977), 93-97. in Trudy XXV
Mezhdunarodnogo Kongressa Vos-
0i
1
See G. Widengren, "Quelques rapports entre tokovedov, 3 (Moscow, 1963), 127-40.
juifs et iraniens ä lepoque des Parthes," Vetus
 The Parthians on the Plateau 233

the culture and practices of the Sasanians was Parthian in origin and the former have
received credit for innovation, when
they really were building on the past of their
enemies whom they successfully sought to denigrate.

WARS WITH ROME

The Classical sources on Parthia naturally deal mostly with the wars between the
Romans and Parthians, although some information about internal affairs or dynastic
quarreis is recorded. The accounts are, of course, partisan and must be used with care,
but at least the general course of the struggles between the two powers and the
outcomes of such contests are usually reliable. On the whole, the Romans had the
upper hand, especially in the time of the empire when Parthian central authority had
been weakened and local rulers had asserted more authority than in the first two
centuries of Parthian rule. Phraates III saw the fall of Tigranes II the 'Great' of

Armenia and Mithradates of Pontus to superior Roman arms and the generalship of
Lucullus, but it was not until Pompey replaced Lucullus that the Romans were able to
impose a peace on the area. The Classical sources on the diplomacy and intrigues
between Tigranes the younger, son of Tigranes the Great of Armenia, and Phraates
have been well summarized by Debevoise, making repetition here unnecessary. 106
Tigranes and Phraates composed their differences after their ambassadors met
Pompey in Syria in 64 b.c., and it seems the boundary between the Armenian and
Parthian states was drawn between the northern border of Adiabene and Nisibis,
while Syria was annexed by Rome. Phraates was murdered in 57 b.c. by his sons
Mithradates and Orodes (wrwd), and the former apparently seized power only to be
ousted by his brother, who after much fighting succeeded in capturing and executing
Mithradates in 54 B.c. The following year the new Roman governor of Syria, Crassus,
with overweening arrogance, attacked the Parthian domains and lost his life as well as
his legions at the battle of Carrhae in May 53 b.c. With one stroke the position of the
two antagonists changed, for the well-nigh invincible Romans were stunned by the
great losses, and the Parthians became the champions of anti-Roman groups
every where in the Near East, especially the Jews and some peoples of Anatolia. We
are not concerned here with the change in Roman thinking about the east, but about
Parthian reaction to the victory. The Parthians, contrary to what one might except,
we hear only about raids into Syria with no
did not take advantage of the victory, for
thought of immediate conquest. Time was secured for the Romans who proceeded to
consolidate their position in the east. It is from this period that the letters of Cicero,
appointed governor of Cilicia in 51 b.c., give insights into the changed attitude of the
Romans towards the Parthians. The Romans now realized they had a formidable foe,

able and willing to challenge Roman domination of the east, although their cavalry
any intentions to permanently occupy settled areas. The need or desire to
tactics belied

make a treaty between the two hostile powers, however, does not seem to have
occurred to either side until the Roman civil war brought Pompey to seek an alliance
with Orodes, the Parthian king (Cassius Dio, XLI, 55), but nothing happened since
Julius Caesar triumphed over his rival. Caesar made extensive preparations for a war
,0b 70-5, and in more
Op. eil. [eh. 7, n. 64],
detail, Dobiää, op. eil. (n. 40], 228^*2.
234 Chapter VIII

of revenge against the Parthians, but his murder ended such plans. 107 The conflict
between the Republicans and Marc Antony and Octavian changed the picture, for
Cassius, governor of Syria, took the side of the Republicans and sought support from
Orodes (Cassius Dio, XL VIII, 24) and according to several sources Parthians fought
108 Antony took
against Octavian at the battle of Philippi in 42 B.c. up the task of
mobilizing for an expedition against Parthia, but while he was in Egypt the Parthians
invaded Syria under Pacorus, son of Orodes, together with Labienus, the envoy of
Cassius who had remained at the Parthian court. After initial successes they divided
forces, Labienus moving into Asia Minor and Pacorus south into Palestine. Many
local rulers broke with Rome and joined the Parthians and in Jerusalem Antigonus,
nephew of Hyrcanus the high priest, was made king by the Parthians while Hyrcanus
109
was carried a prisoner to Parthia. Roman power reached its lowest ebb in the east,
but soon the tide turned.
Antony's general P. Ventidius Bassus in 39 b.c. defeated and killed Labienus, who
had taken the title itnperator, and the following year Pacorus too met his death at the
hands of the same general. 1 10 Antony came to Syria to restore Roman authority and
in 37 B.C. Jerusalem feil; Antiogonus was killed and Herod was put in his place.
Elsewhere pro-Parthian rulers were punished, and the Romans regained their former
position. of course, unknown whether Orodes had any dream or plan of re-
It is,

Achaemenid Empire, but this was the only opportunity given to the
establishing the
Parthians in their history to extend their sway beyond the Euphrates to the
Mediterranean Sea. Undoubtedly many of the inhabitants of Syria and Asia Minor
welcomed the Parthians, but large numbers, perhaps the majority, wished to remain
under Roman protection. In any case, the Parthians failed, and Orodes renounced his
throne to his son Phraates IV, who then killed his father and brothers. Some Parthian
nobles fled to the Romans, including a prominent general called Monaeses (mnyS)
whom Antony hoped to use as a friendly claimant to the Parthian throne, but
Phraates persuaded the deserter to return, and Antony seeing his chances diminished
proposed a peace with Phraates, seeking the return of the Standards lost by Crassus at
Carrhae as well as war prisoners. Phraates refused, and Antony made preparations to
attack Parthia through Armenia. 1 1 ' The war between Antony and Phraates involved
Armenia and Median Atropatene, and in this direction the Romans advanced as far as
the capital called Phraaspa identified as modern Maragheh. 1 1 2 The king of Armenia,

107
For an extensive survey of the sources on ius" (Sb. Akad. d. Wiss., München, 1974, Heft 1)
Caesar's preparations see Debevoise, op. cit. [eh. 7, and "Marcus Antonius, Triumvir v. Herrscher d.
n 64], 106-07. On the relations of this period see Orients" (München, 1977), 184 foll. For all of the
Ziegler, op. cit. [n. 62], 32-34. wars see A. Günther, Beitrage zur Geschichte der
108
Debevoise, op. cit. [eh. 7, n. 64], 108, for Kriege zwischen Römern und Parthern (Berlin,
sources. 1 922), 1 36 pp. Coins attributed to Pacorus suggest
109
Ibid., 13. The events of this period are a coregency with his father.

by A. G. Bokshchanin, Parfiya i
discussed in detail ' '
' On the attempts at peace see Ziegler, op. cit.

Rim, 2 (Moscow, 1 966), 90-99. The overthrow of [n. 62], 36-44.

the Hasmonaean house by the Idumaeans in 2
'
V. Minorsky, "Roman and Byzantine Cam-
jerusalem cannot be discussed here. paigns in Atropatene," BSOAS, 11 (1944), 258-
1,0
On the Roman actions see H. Buchheim, 61, with references to sources. Perhaps this is a
"Die Orientpolitik des Triumvirn M. Antonius," Middle Iranian form *Jräh-äspa, but the location is

Abh. Heidelberger Akad. der Wiss., 3 (1960), 75-77 conjeeture.

L; H. Bengston. "Zum Partherfeldzug des Anton-
 The Parthians on the Plateau 235

Artavazd, abandoned Antony and the ruler of Azerbaijan, also called Artavazd, who
had been quarrelling with Phraates IV, became reconciled with the Parthians against
the common foe. The result was a disastrous retreat of the Romans with great losses,
but after the departure of Antony, Phraates and Artavazd, king of Azerbaijan, again
quarreled, after which Artavazd then sought the support of the Romans. Plans were
made for a new invasion of Parthian domains by Antony but instead he only entered
Armenia and deposed the king in 34 b.c. and brought him and his family to
Alexandria as captives.

Antony entered the eastern game of marriage alliances to strengthen his position,
offering his young son Alexander to the daughter of the king of Azerbaijan, after
having first considered a marriage into the Armenian royal house. In general he
distributed territories to dynasts who would support him, such as Cappadocia to
Archelaus and Sophene to Polemo, according to Cassius Dio (XLIX, 32). The
intermarriages between the minor courts under Roman control paralleled those
under Parthian influence, and the picture resembles that of Europe in the nineteenth
Century,when the royal houses were filled with intermarriages. In 33 B.c. Antony
and Artavazd of Azerbaijan defeated the Parthians, allied with Artaxias, the new ruler
of Armenia and a son of the deposed king. But after Antony had to withdraw all

Roman troops for his war with Octavian, his ally in turn was defeated and fled to the
Romans (Cassius Dio, LI, 16). Roman power and influence again sank in areas to the
east of the Euphrates River, but so volatile was the power structure in the east that
Phraates was not able to take advantage of the Roman civil war between Antony and
Octavian. Instead he was faced with a revolt led by a certain Tiridates who Struck
tetradrachms Seleucia calling himself both 'friend of the Romans' and
at
113
'philhellene.' Even though he may have hoped for Roman aid to maintain his
position, the victor at Actium did not support Tiridates, and he had to flee before the
forces of Phraates, and took refuge in Syria in 26 b.c. (Cassius Dio, LI, 18). Octavian,
now called Augustus, prepared for war, but then peace was made, and the Roman
Standards lost by Crassus and Antony were returned in 20 b.c. by Phraates, and the
Romans by erecting a triumphal arch in Rome. 114
celebrated this event
Roman policy had vacillated between the creation of Roman provinces in the east
to the installation or recognition of client kingdoms, but Parthia favored the latter
course. Antony's policy of supporting pro-Roman dynasts was followed by Augustus,
and he preferred intrigue and rewards and punishments with client dynasts rather
than military action to extend Roman frontiers. In Armenia, for example, a pro-
Roman party was probably encouraged to ask Augustus for a new king, and the
future emperor Tiberius escorted Tigranes, the younger brother of Artaxias, to
Armenia with Roman troops to install him on the throne. Fortunately for the
Romans, Artaxias was murdered and Tigranes II was accepted by the Armenians and
Romans thus averting a civil war. In an inscription at Ankara Augustus says that he
made Armenia major into a province but 'he preferred to hand it over to Tigranes to

1,3
Seilwood, op. eil. [eh. 7, n. 57], 167-68. See 64], 141, n. 58; he Stresses the importance of this
also H. Dessau, Prosoprographia Imperii Romani Romans. On the treaty between the
act for the
(Berlin, 1897-98), 175. T Romans and Parthians see Ziegler, op. cit. [n. 62],
114 45-51.
References in Debevoise, op. cit. [eh. 7, n
236 Chapter VIII

5
rule.' About the same time the son of Artavazd of Azerbaijan, called Ariobarzanes,
1 '

succeeded to the throne in that kingdom at the whim of Augustus according to his
inscription (para. 27), but in reality Roman influence had little to do with this
of Cappadocia was a Roman client, and after the settlement of
succession. Archelaus
the Armenian succession he, probably because of his Cooperation with the Romans,
received Armenia Minor, the land around Melitene (Malatya) from Augustus.
Archelaus' wife was probably a princess of the Median royal family, an indication of
the dynastic connections in this time. Armenia, although in the eyes of Augustus a
client State, in reality was to prove a headache for the Romans, since pro-Parthian
sentiments were strong, and the Parthians remained as influential as the Romans in
influencing Armenian affairs.

Augustus had sent a slave girl called who managed to

Musa to the Parthian king,
influence Phraates so much from concubine to queen, and she
that he raised her
secured the right of succession for her young son, born while she was a concubine, and
the sending of other sons of Phraates to Rome for education, although the Romans
considered them as hostages. 116 The Augustan peace gave a great impetus to
merchants, and commerce flourished across the Euphrates, the boundary between the
two states. The small trading states, such as Palmyra and Hatra, perhaps profited more
than the two central great powers, but prosperity was manifest everywhere. The
death of Tigranes II of Armenia some years before 6 b.c. almost interrupted the peace,
for the Armenians raised the son of this Tigranes with the same name, and his sister-
wife Erato to the throne without the approval, tacit or direct, of the Romans.
Augustus, however, accepted the fact, but about 6 B.C. he apparently tried to impose
another king on Armenia called Artavazd, possibly a brother of Tigranes III (Tacitus,
Annais, II, 4). This move failed, since the pretender died, and Tigranes then did send
gifts to Augustus to conciliate him (Cassius Dio, LV, 9), and the Romans accepted

him. After Tigranes III died fighting 'barbarians' about A.D. 2 (Cassius Dio, LV, 10a),
his sister Erato could not hold the throne. If we follow the Res Gestae (para. 27), after
the death of Tigranes III Augustus gave Armenia to Ariobarzanes, king of Media

Atropatene (Azerbaijan), and after his death to his son Artavazd. He continues that
when Artavazd was murdered after about two years of rule in a.D. 6 he sent Tigranes
IV, a grandson of Herod the Great ofJudaea by his son Alexander, to Armenia. Thus
we see that the intervention of Augustus into the internal affairs of the small
kingdoms of this area respected dynastic ties among them, as it generally ignored the
wishes of the people. Augustus seemed to have followed a policy of strengthening the
related dynasties, even though he may have thought he was dividing them. At the
same time, unsuccessful rulers who fled to Roman protection were well received by
Augustus, and in his Res Gestae (para. 32) he mentions Artaxares of Adiabene, as well
as Artavazd of Media and others, who took refuge as suppliants of the Roman

emperor. A similar policy was followed by the Parthians, although we do not have
the sources in this regard.

115
T. Mommsen, Res Gestae Divi Augusli "6 Ziegler, op. cit. [n. 62], 52, and Debevoise, op.
(Berlin, 1883), par. 27. Tindates II should really be cit [eh. 7, n. 64], 144, for sources.
III, but Tindates the 'Great' is usually called I, so we
use II here.
 The Parthians on the Plateau 237

Phraates IV and was succeeded by his widow

died, possibly poisoned, in 2 B.C.
Musa who married her son and issued a Joint coinage, the only such
Phraataces,
example in Parthian history. The Parthians did not support Phraataces, however, and
1 ,7
in A.D. 4 he fled to Syria where he vanishes from the scene. He was followed by
Orodes III who Struck tetradrachms alone and had a very short reign and was
assassinated. The Parthian nobles sent envoys to Rome to obtain another son of
Phraates IV, who had been sent there, to be their ruler, and Vonones the eldest was
sent home in A.D. 8. His Roman ways did not appeal to the Parthians, and a claimant
to the throne, Artabanus from Hyrcania, led a revolt against Vonones, who at first
was successful and Struck coins with the legend conqueror of Artabanus,' but
Artabanus prevailed and drove Vonones out of the land. Vonones fled to Armenia
where Tigranes IV had been deposed, and the throne was vacant. For little more than
a year Vonones occupied the throne of Armenia, until Artabanus threatened an
invasion and Vonones left for Roman exile in A.D. 16 (Tacitus, Annais, II, 1-4). The
Romans, however, were not ready to abandon Armenia to Orodes son of Artabanus,
so the new emperor Tiberius sent his adopted son Germanicus in A.D. 18 with an
army to install Zeno, son of Polemo king of Pontus, as king of Armenia, with the new
name Artaxias, and from 1 8 to 24 peace prevailed in Armenia, as well as between
Rome and Parthia which gave Artabanus the opportunity to consolidate his rule. 118
Our sources give little Information about internal affairs in Parthia, but the coinage
of Artabanus may reflect a turning point in Parthian history, for the epithet
'philhellene' which had appeared on the issues of previous kings was omitted on some
issues, presumably late tetradrachms. This could signify an emphasis on an Iranian
reaction to the Romanized Vonones whom Artabanus defeated, but it would be
wrong to conclude solely from the coins that Artabanus followed an anti-Hellenic
movement, since later coins return to the epithet which persisted down to the end of
the dynasty. Artabanus, however, was from a collateral branch of the Arsacid family
and thus represents a change from a pro-Roman to an independent Iranian policy for
the Parthians. Josephus (Antiquities, XVIII, 48) says Artabanus was king of Media,
while Tacitus (Annais, II, 3) says he grew up among the Dahi, to the east of the
Caspian Sea where his family had marriage connections. Kahrstedt goes to great
lengths to prove that Artabanus was not king of Atropatene but of Hyrcania. 119
Certainly Artabanus, according to our sources, took refuge and secured support in the
east when pressed by Vonones and later rebels, but he also could have held kingship in

117 15-18 and perhaps fled to

Acc. to the Res Gestae (par. 32), he took years in the period A.D.
refuge with the Romans. See also Josephus, Jewish Parthia where he reappears at the head of a
Antiquities, XVIII, 42, where he attributes the Parthian army to avenge the murder of his
uprising of Parthians to revulsion over the brother. SeeP. Asdouian, Die politischen Beziehun-
mother-son marriage. That Musa allowed herseif gen zwischen Armenien und Rom (Venice, 1911),
to be deified is suggested by a ring from Anatolia 81. This is and conjectural.
uncertain, however,
19
where she is identified as Thea Urania, perhaps to '
U. Kahrstedt, Artabanos 111 und seine Erben
be identified with Anahita in Iran. Cf. R. Zahn, (Bern, 1950), 12-16. In his arguments for Hyr-
"Ein kleines historisches Monument," Anatolian cania as the homeland of Artabanus he is
Studies presented to Wm.
Ramsay, ed. by W. H. convincing but not so in including Carmania or
Buckler (Manchester, 1923), 454-55. greater Kerman as the other area of support for
118
The history of Armenia is confused in this Artabanus as a dual kingdom.
period. Orodes may have ruled Armenia for a few
238 Chapter VIII

Atropatene for dynasty seems to have either died out or

a short period, since the local
was replaced. In any case, Artabanus after defeating Vonones put his eldest son on the
throne of Atropatene, which bound it closer to Parthia. The period from the accession
of Artabanus to the end of Parthian rule is one of conflict followed by conciliation
and then new hostilities with Rome. As many modern scholars, as well as ancient
authors, have remarked, the Romans now considered the Parthians worthy
opponents, and treaties between the two parties in 20 B.C., in A.D. 1 between Caius
Caesar, grandson of Augustus, and Phraataces, in a.D. 18 or 19 between Artabanus
and Germanicus, nephew of Tiberius, and in A.D. 37 between Artabanus and L.
Vitellius, Roman govemor of Syria, all testify to the political equality of the two
opponents. 120 Most of the reign of Artabanus was spent in restoring prestige and
authority to the central government, and on the whole he was successful.
In Armenia, however, at the death of Zeno-Artaxias in 34, Artabanus installed his
son Arsaces as king, and Tiberius sent a counter-claimant Tiridates, of the family of

Phraates. Tiridates shortly died, and the Romans turned to Mithradates, brother of
Pharasmanes, king of Iberia (Georgia), persuading him to seize the Armenian throne
after themurder of Arsaces. Mithradates was successful and defeated the Parthian
force led by another son of Artabanus, Orodes, who was killed. Mithradates then
ruled Armenia amidst constant intrigues and warfare until 47. Artabanus at this time
lost his influence, and a revolt of nobles caused Artabanus to flee to the east, as he had
done in the time of Vonones (Tacitus, Annais, VI, 36). Again the Romans sent a
pretender to the Parthian throne, Tiridates grandson of Phraates IV, across the
Euphrates where he was crowned king. But Artabanus was able to return and
Roman territory, and the peace of A.D. 37 was the result. This did not
Tiridates fled to
end internal problems for Artabanus, and the rest of his reign was troubled by the
unrest of the nobility such that on one occasion Artabanus had to take refuge with
Izates II of Adiabene, a client king. At the death of Artabanus, central power and
authority had been shattered, and constant bickering for the throne followed him.
The weakness of central authority which even an energetic ruler like Artabanus could
not overcome became the hallmark of later Parthian history. The flights of Artabanus
to Hyrcania and his restorations cannot have contributed to the stability of the State,
and territory, or at least Jurisdiction over some
was lost in the east as well as the
areas,

west. The district of Herat may have been Gondophares in the reign of
lost to

Artabanus, for his coins predominate among the Parthian coins overstruck by
121 suffered, Parthian
Gondophares. At the same time that Parthian central authority
princes were installed as client rulers in various areas and thereby Parthian influence
was spread through intermarriage more than conquest. But the client princes had
equal claim to the Parthian throne, and civil wars became endemic.

120 On the treaties cf. Ziegler, op.cit.[n. 62], 48- gases, who revolted against Artabanus and sup-
64. Most of the provisions of the agreements ported Tiridates, with the Indo-Parthian ruler of
stressed the return to a Status quo after hostilities, the same name is most unlikely. Also his Statement
and the Euphrates border of the Romans remained that under Vologeses I Persis was lost by the
constant, whereas Armenia continued to be an area Parthians makes little sense; Persis continued as a
of discord. client State to the end of the dynasty, even though
121 in some periods Parthian influence was stronger
Kahrstedt, op. dt. [n. 119], 34-35. All of
Kahrstedt's surmises, given as history, need not be than in others. The striking of coins is no sure sign
accepted; for example, the identification of Abda- of absolute independence.
 The Parthians on the Plateau 239

At the death of Artabanus, presumably Vardanes succeeded him, although

his son
his descent is uncertain as is that of I. Coins fail us, primarily
his rival Vologeses
because the city of Seleucia, with dated tetradrachms, had revolted in the last years of
Artabanus, and we do not know when Vardanes or Gotarzes ruled there. 122 Civil
war, interspersed with truces, lasted until 47, when Vardanes was murdered, and
Gotarzes became sole ruler. Some of the Parthian nobles, headed by a member of the
Karen family, opposed Gotarzes and turned to Rome, asking that Mithradates (called
Meherdates, the current pronunciation, by Tacitus), son of Vonones and grandson of
Phraates, be sent to be king. He was defeated and captured by Gotarzes, however, and
the outside threat ended. On the death of Gotarzes in 51 by disease or accident, he was
succeeded by Vonones, who had been ruler of Atropatene, according to Tacitus
(Annais, XII, 14, 7), but who ruled a very short time and was followed by his son,
Vologeses 1. His brother Pacorus became king of Atropatene, and he determined to
put another brother Tiridates on the throne of Armenia, which had become vacant by
the murder of Mithradates was successful, but Rome was aroused,
in 52. Vologeses
and the new emperor Nero, who succeeded Claudius in 54, sent an experienced
general Co. Corbulo to retrieve Roman prestige; for the ebb and flow of Roman—
Parthian relations, especially in regard to Armenia, mostly concerned a matter of
honor for the respective parties rather than actual gain or loss of territory, since
neither side was able to incorporate Armenia as an integral part of their own domains.
The struggle on the frontiers of the Roman and Parthian empires was to continue
through Byzantine and Sasanian times to the coming of Islam, a period of more than
half a millennium, and the two arms of the 'Fertile Crescent,' Syria and Iraq, although
united in language and culture, were to develop different traditions, one looking to
the west and the other to the east. In Classical sources we find references to the desire
of the Iranians, first Parthians then Sasanians, to reach the Mediterranean and restore
the empire of the Achaemenids, even though any memory of the Achaemenids was
becoming hazy for the Iranians.
The war between Vologeses and Corbulo was complicated for the Parthians by
revolts in the east, according to Tacitus (Annais, XIII, 7 and 37) by a son of Vardanes
and the Hyrcanians. This latter revolt was serious, and ambassadors from the
Hyrcanians came to Corbulo, and the revolt seems to have resulted in a kind of
independence for that eastern region from direct Parthian control (XV, 2). In 58
Corbulo, however, drove Tiridates from Armenia, although hostilities did not end,
for Tiridates continued to struggle, supported by his brothers Vologeses of Parthia
and Pacorus of Atropatene. The Romans, however, installed Tigranes, great-grandson
of Archelaus of Commagene, as their king of Armenia, and Tigranes in 61 launched
his own invasion of Adiabene which provoked a countermove by the Parthians.
After much fighting, a peace was arranged in 63, and the conflict came to an end with
the understanding that Tiridates would be recognized as king of Armenia, but that he
would receive a crown from Nero in Rome, an indication of a nominal Roman
122 XX, 3, 4, implies that Gotarzes, as Josephus says, then the struggle
Josephus, Antiquities,
Vardanes immediately succeeded Artabanus, his between Vardanes and Gotarzes could have been
father, while Tacitus, Annais, XI, 8, suggests that an attempt of the Arsacid ruler of Atropatene to
Gotarzes succeeded Artabanus on the throne. If take over the central power.
Vologeses, from Atropatene, was a brother of
240 Chapter VIII

hegemony over Armenia, but in reality it meant little. The trip of Tiridates to Rome
and the celebrations which took place there in 66 were recorded by Dio Cassius
(LXII) and Tacitus (XVI, 23), and they heralded a peace between the Romans and
123 Rome had failed to impose its will,
Parthians which lasted for half a Century.
perhaps not understanding fully the importance of local loyalties to the intermarried
royal houses of the principalities in this part of the Near East. Perhaps Roman supply
lines and difficult logistics made Roman attempts either to make Armenia a province
of their empire or a client State with a Roman-appointed ruler unfeasible, but, in any
case, Corbulo was the agent of the change in Roman policy. The marriage ties of

Parthian and Armenian Roman cause in Armenia

nobility certainly did not help the
or in other frontier Roman answer to Parthian inter-family
states. The later

connections in the east, the conferring of Roman titles of general, Senator or consul on
local dynasts, also failed to win support, and the Arsacid family connections in the
courts of Armenia, Adiabene and others were to prove more important.
From notices in Tacitus and Cassius Dio about Hyrcanian embassies to the Romans,
modern authors have deduced the existence of a Roman client State in the east. 124
More likely is simply the Opposition of local inhabitants to demands of the Parthian
king and his refusal to recognize the rights of Hyrcania similar to Atropatene or
Armenia. Without Information, it is surely excessive to call Hyrcania a Roman client
State because the Hyrcanians sought Roman help. Based on geographical data from
Ptolemy and elsewhere, Schur (op. cit., 64-79) constructs a history of two powerful
states in eastern Iran, Aria and Hyrcania, which expanded and contracted according

to Parthian involvement with Rome. All is conjecture and must be so regarded. The
Parthians themselves sought Roman aid against an invasion of the Alans from north
of the Caucasus in 75 but it was refused by Vespasian which soured the Roman-
Parthian friendship. 1 25 It is not possible to discuss Roman designs for the conquest of
the Albanians, and the desire to open a land route to India over the Caspian through
Hyrcania, if the Romans really had such extensive plans, but the Parthians in this
period were hardly as isolated and reduced to a small area of rule as some scholars have
proposed. 126 Vologeses rather increased his authority and prestige compared to his
predecessors; he founded a city Vologesia as a rival to Seleucia and was interested in
promoting trade. 127 He has been characterized as an anti-Hellenic king who
promoted an Iranian cultural reaction solely on the basis of Aramaic letters appearing
upon a few of the coins he Struck, which is hardly strong evidence for a reversal of
policy, since his coins continue with the legend 'philhellene.' Likewise the possible

123 l25
For details of this period see W. Schur, Die Ziegler, op. eil. [n. 62], 80.
Orientpolitik des Kaisers Nero, Klio Beiheft, 15 '"Schur, op. 123], 80-85. Romans did
cit. [n.
(Wiesbaden, 1923), 29-32. Schur does not sub- reach the shoresof the Caspian as a Latin
scribe to the theory that Tigranes was put aside by inscription of the XII legio Fulminata from the
the Romans because he could not command time of Domitian (81-96) indicates. See K.Trever,
support among the Armenians, but this seems to Ocherki po istorii i kulture Kavkazskoi Albanii
have been the case, for the Roman or Augustan (Moscow, 1959), 342-46. The significance of this
policy of imposing a Roman vassal in Armenia was inscription, however, should not be inflated, for
a failure. Cf. Ziegler, op. cit. [n. 62], 75-77; conquests of Domitian so far east are unknown in
Kahrstedt, op. cit. [n. 119], 83, and others. literary sources.
124 127
Schur, op. cit. [n. 123], 37-38; cf. Josephus, A. Mariq, "Vologesias, Temporium de Ctesi-
Wars, VII, 245. phon," Syria, 36 (1959), 271. See n. 91.
 The Parthians on the Plateau 241

attribution to this king of the collectingof the fragments of the Avesta in the later
Middle Persian book the Denkart also does not mean such a change. The Romans
evidently had a great respect for Vologeses, since they expanded the System of roads
and fortifications in Syria under the Flavian emperors who succeeded Nero. 128
The end of the reign of Vologeses, however, is unclear, for the coins seem to
incidate a conflict with a Pacorus, whose relationship to Vologeses is unknown, but
the latter's coins end about 78 or 79, while coins of Pacorus begin about the same
time. 129 An unresolved numismatic problem is the existence of coins with the name
Vologeses but with a completely different bust and crown than the usual issues
of Vologeses. Some numismatists have postulated another Vologeses, a rebel against
Vologeses I, while others have attributed the coins to a later king with the name
130
Vologeses. A later Byzantine source, Zonaras (XI, 18 or 578 C), mentions a
Parthian king Artabanus as ruling Parthia at the time of the eruption of Mt. Vesuvius
in 79, but he is mentioned nowhere eise, although coins have been attributed to him.
One incident mentioned by the sources is that of the pseudo-Nero, a Roman who
claimed to be the murdered emperor, but who had to take refuge with the Parthians.
This did not serve to improve relations between the two powers, and continued
fortification of Roman border territory, the limes, did not augur well for future
peaceful relations between the two. The balance between the powers was to be upset
by Trajan who became Roman emperor in 98.
In Parthia Pacorus had a long reign not free from trouble, however, of which we
have no Information, but the long series of coins indicate a long rule, perhaps to 105,
although the end date of his rule is unknown. Internal affairs in the Parthian domains
are veiled in this period, but at the time of Trajan's accession in 98, hints in Classical
sources indicate internal instability and perhaps even civil war there. A certain
Chosroes (hwsrw), perhaps a brother-in-law of Pacorus, issued coins and at the same
time so did Vologeses II, whose relationship with Pacorus is unknown.
131 may We
only say that the reigns of Chosroes (also called Osroes on coins) and Vologeses were
contemporaneous. The pedigrees and the reigns of later Parthian kings are uncertain,
and the entire second Century is a 'dark period' of Parthian history since there are no
inscriptions, the coins are highly stylized, and the Romans only showed an interest
when they invaded Parthian domains. This is why we cannot teil whether there were
two rulers called Vologeses in this period, based solely on coins.
In the time of Trajan, we hear of a Parthian general Sinatruces, son of Mithradates
and father of a Vologeses who received a portion of Armenia to rule from the
Romans, according to Cassius Dio (LXVIII, 30), but whether this Sanatruces is to be

1 28 Ziegler, op. cit. [n. 62], 80, for references. and frequently the personal name of the king. The
129 220-26, drachms, which are much more numerous, are
Sellwood, op. cit. [eh. 7, n. 57],
proposes two kings of the same name, Vologeses I highly stylized and with several exceptions give no
(51-78) and Vologeses II (77-80), on the basis of personal names. Furthermore, local kings in
different coin types, but this is hardly enough to Atropatene and elsewhere on the Iranian plateau
prove a second ruler at that time. may have Struck coins in Parthian style, so
130
Ibid., 226-28; Debevoise, op. cit. [eh. 7, n. numismatics must be used with care. For a new
64], 214, n. 3. method of identification on the coins see D. G.
131 In relying on numismatics it should be Seilwood "A Die-Engraver Sequence for Later

emphasized that only Parthian tetradrachms, Parthian Drachms," NC, 1 series, 7 (1967), 13-28.
which were minted at Seleucia alone, give a date
 :

242 Chapter VIII

identified with a ruler of the same name in Edessa, c. 91-109 and whether this
Vologeses later became Vologeses II (or III) of Parthia is mere conjecture. Names of

Arsacid princes do occur in the Classical sources, but it is not possible to make a
genealogical table of the Arsacids in this period.
The war of Trajan against the Parthians has been studied by many scholars, notably
by J. Guey followed by Lepper whose reconstructions generally have been
accepted. 132We are not here concerned with the causes of Rome's aggression,
whether economic to control trade routes to the east, or a personal desire of Trajan for
fame and glory, or, as suggested only by Lepper, as an attempt to stabilize the frontier

by advances into enemy country from the limes which Trajan had continued to build,
following the Flavian emperors. Certainly Rome was the aggressor, even though
Armenian affairs became a pretext. For Chosroes encouraged one son of Pacorus,
Parthamasiris, to replace his brother or half-brother called Axidares in Armenia
which happened, but had the support of Rome, Trajan arrived in the
since the latter
east in 1 14 to begin a war against the Armenians in which he was successful such that
Armenia was proclaimed a Roman province. Trajan organized better the limes
system, and in 116 he invaded Adiabene and put its king Mebarsapes to night. The
land of Adiabene was annexed as well as the entire basin of the Tigris-Euphrates as
Maricq has brilliantly shown. 33 The Romans, however, were far too extended, even
1

if there was no unified Parthia opposing them, and revolts broke out in 116, and
Trajan was obliged to retreat from Ctesiphon which he had captured in 1 1 7. He failed
in his attempt to capture Hatra, the caravan city in the desert of Mesopotamia, and
shortly afterward he died of illness. We are not here concerned with Roman history,
but the farthest advance of the Romans, to the Persian Gulf, under Trajan must have
made a strong impression on the Parthians. Some scholars, such as Maricq, have
argued that Trajan intended to advance the boundaries of the Roman Empire to the
Zagros mountains in the east, a natural barrier. This view, however, conflicts with the
activity of Trajan in building roads and forts along the limes of the Syrian desert and
upper Mesopotamia, and Lepper's view that Trajan in reality followed a policy of
penetration beyond the limes to secure the real borders of the empire, behind the limes,
seems more accurate. Trade with the east was surely important, but any plan to
incorporate all the land to the Persian Gulf must have seemed unrealistic to many
Romans, as it did to Hadrian, successor of Trajan. Perhaps the most important result of
the peace of Hadrian was the abandonment of the Trajanic policy of annexation of
client states in the east as provinces of the Roman Empire, and a return to the policy of
client kingdoms. This gave an opportunity for small trading city-states such as Hatra,
Mesene and Palmyra to flourish.

132 l3i
J. Guey, "Essai sur la guerre parthique de A. Maricq, "La province d'Assyrie' cree par
Trajan," BibliotMque J'htros, 2 (Bucharest, 1937), Trajan," Syria, 36 (1959), 257. Whether most
160 pp., and F. A. Lepper, Trajan's Parthian War Romans thought they could hold the three new
(Oxford, 1948), 224 pp., with further references. provinces of Armenia, Mesopotamia and Assyria
Lepper systematically analyzes especially the chro- (Babylonia) with the client State Mesene, at the
nology of Trajan's campaigns. E.J. Keall, "Osroes head of the Persian Gulf, is conjectural. Trajan
Rebel King or Royal Delegate?" Cornucopiae, 3 must have considered his conquests as permanent,
(Toronto, 1975), 17-32, argues that Chosroes while his trip to the Persian Gulf had something of
never acted in concert with Trajan but always in the bravado of Alexander the Great.
defense of his suzerain Vologeses.
 The Parthians on the Plateau 243

As noted, the second Century is a dark Century in Parthian history, and the reigns of
Hadrian, Antoninus Pius and Vologeses II reveal no activity on the Parthian frontier.
The mention of Bactrian and Hyrcanian envoys in the time of Antoninus indicates
the continued independence of Hyrcania from the Parthian central authority while
134 Vologeses
the Bactrians are surely the Kushans. III (or IV; c. 147-191) may have
taken advantage of the accession of Marcus Aurelius to break the long peace and the
fixed frontiers of the Euphrates between the two states, but the apparent reason for the
war was his attempt to dislodge a Roman client ruler in Armenia who had been
135
installedby Antoninus about 140. The Parthians were successful in putting a new
king on the throne of Armenia, called Pacorus, and in annihilating a Roman army led
by the governor of Cappadocia, Severianus. The Romans, however, retaliated, and a
strong army soon took the Armenian capital of Artaxata in 163 and replaced Pacorus
with a prince, Sohaemus, of the royal family of Edessa and a Roman Senator as well.
To the south another army in 164-165 advanced as far as Seleucia which was
destroyed by the Roman general Avidius Cassius, while Ctesiphon, the capital, was
taken and plundered. Sickness, however, caused a retreat of the Romans, and peace
was reestablished in about 166. Under the peace treaty, which is not mentioned by
our sources, the old boundaries were rectified a little in favor of the Romans, by
making the town of Nisibis and the Khabur River with the Singara mountains (Jibal
Sinjar) the boundaries of Roman territory. Armenia's Sohaemus was recognized as
king. Peace remained between the two states even when the opportunity to support
Avidius Cassius in his revolt against Marcus Aurelius in 175 was presented to
Vologeses. The quick fall of Cassius and the Intervention of the Roman emperor in
the east to regulate affairs with local rulers, and with ambassadors from Vologeses,
strengthened the peace which lasted through the reign of Commodus (180-192).
In Parthia Vologeses III seems to have had a rival called Chosroes who is known
only by his coins, and he cannot have reigned long even over only a part of Parthia
towards the end of the rule of Vologeses. 136 The latter was succeeded by another
Vologeses whose relationship to his namesake is unknown. The next to last Vologeses
supported Pescennius Niger as claimant to the Roman throne in 193, but the victor
was Septimius Severus. The Parthians and their allies, however, in the period of
Roman civil war, had taken some territory and towns and refused to return them to
Roman rule. 137 Thus Severus crossed the Euphrates in 196 and had some success, but
in 196 he was recalled to Gaul by a revolt. Nonetheless, the Romans maintained their
eastern boundary of the Khabur and Singara mountains. The absence of Severus
emboldened the Parthians to attack, and much territory in Mesopotamia came into
their hands. Severus, having settled affairs in the west, returned and invaded the
Parthian domains, capturing and sacking Ctesiphon in 198, and Vologeses fled from
the city. Again it was not the Parthians but rather the devastated countryside which

134 l36
Envoys came in the time of Hadrian, Sellwood, Coinage of Parthia [eh. 7, n. 57],
aecording to the Scriplores Hisloriae Augustae, 281. No mention ofthis Chosroes is found in any
Hadrian, 21, 14, and in the time of Antoninus literary source.
137 and
(Aurelius Victor, De Caesaribus, Epitome 15, 4). By allies, the rulers of Adiabene
135
For sources see M.-L. Chaumont, Recherches Osrhoene (to the west of Nisibis) are meant. Cf.
sur l'hisloire d'Armtnie (Paris, 1 969), 1 5-1 6. Arme- Cassius Dio (LXX V, 1 ).
nian history in this period is also dark.
244 Chapter VIII

caused a Roman retreat, this time up the Tigris River. A long siege of Hatra in 199
failed,and Severus had to return to Syria and apparently peace was made, based on the
Status quo before the war, although sources again do not teil us about a peace treaty.
Vologeses died about 207 and was succeeded by his son of the same name, but
sometime later Artabanus, another son, contested the throne; the civil war was
incited by Caracalla according to Cassius Dio (LXXVIII, 2a). Caracalla looked for
fame in conquest of the east, and in 214 he found a pretext in two exiles who had
taken refuge with the Parthians, but Vologeses, pressed by internal problems,
surrendered the fugitives to Caracalla. The latter, however, was determined to find an
excuse for invasion, so when Artabanus gained the upper hand in Parthia in 216 the
Roman emperor asked for the hand of the daughter of Artabanus in marriage which
was refused by the Parthian king. Caracalla then invaded Adiabene, and Artabanus
fled to the east but soon returned to the attack. Caracalla was assassinated, however, in

217, and he was succeeded by Macrinus who sought peace. Artabanus rejected the
overture for peace by the Romans and advanced toward Nisibis where an indecisive
battle was fought, after which peace was made by the payment of an indemnity by the
Romans to the Parthians. The end of the Parthian Empire, however, was in sight, and
only the final dates of the two Parthian rulers, Vologeses and Artabanus, are in doubt
because of coins which indicate that the former continued to rule until 228 while
Artabanus continued to 227. 138 The Parthians were to fall to a new dynasty from
Persis, the Sasanians.

HELLENISM AND THE IRANIAN REVIVAL

The Parthians have long suffered denigration from their successors, the Sasanians, as
well as from their enemies, the Romans, and modern scholars usually have followed
the ancient sources to give bad publicity for the Parthians as destroyers of the Hellenic
heritage of the Seleucids. This reputation is undeserved, for the Parthians were neither
enemies and destroyers of Hellenism nor traitors to the Iranian heritage of the
Achaemenids and non-Zoroastrians, as has been asserted. For almost half a
millennium the Parthians dominated the history of the Iranian plateau, and they
finally were recognized as worthy opponents and equals in warfare and diplomacy by
the Romans. 139 A review of the cultural achievements of the Parthians is in order.
To begin with Hellenism, it must be re-emphasized that the epithet 'philhellene
remained on most of the coins Struck by the Parthian rulers to the end of the dynasty,
and there is no evidence of either a prolonged or effective policy of attack on Hellenic
culture of any of the Arsacid kings. The tradition of independence of those cities
called polis was also continued from Seleucid times through most of the Parthian rule.
The two most striking examples, of which we have source material, are Seleucia and
Susa, both of which issued their own coinage and maintained their own institutions
from Seleucid to Parthian rule. The Greek influence in both, quite naturally, became

U8 See B Simonetta, "Vologese V, Artabano V son of Artabanus called Artavazd(es) (on the coins
e Artavasde." NwiniSHia»'™, 19-20 (Perugia, 1953- read V/fciiic for \twzd) who, according to
54), 1-4. Seilwood, op. cit. [eh. 7, n. 57], dates the Simonetta, ruled after 227 for a short time.
39
coins of Vologeses to 228 but Artabanus only to
'
See the convincing arguments of Ziegler, op
224, while he correctly denies the existence of the eil. [n. 62], 140, et passim.
 The Parthians on the Plateau 245

weaker, as the Hellenic population became absorbed by local people, but Hellenic
features nonetheless persisted in these two cities. In December of the year 21 A.D.
King Artabanus III wrote a letter to the city of Susa relating to the election of a certain
Hestiaios, and, as has been remarked, the letter which is preserved on an inscription is
to a Greek po/w, of which the Constitution is Greek, and the administration of the city
140
is Greek. Even though an Arsacid era beginning 247 b.c. was introduced by the
Parthians, the Seleucid calendar remained more populär and, just as the native name
Susa was used for the city, so also the Seleucid designation Seleucia on the Eulaius
River remained in use until the end of the Parthian rule, all evidence of the tolerance
for and even support of Hellenism by the Parthian rulers. Shortly after Artabanus, c.
45, the kings of Elymais took the city, and they issued coins in their form of the
Aramaic aiphabet and a dialect of the Aramaic language. The rulers of Elymais
remained in control of Susa until the end of the Parthian dynasty. An inscription of
the last Artabanus, in the Parthian language and aiphabet and dated to 215, found in
the excavations, attests a return of the city to Arsacid allegiance. 141 Seleucia on the
Tigris did revolt against the Parthians, but was destroyed by the Romans. In both
it

cities royal and local coinage existed, and it seems as though the Parthians were just as

much, if not more, champions of Greek culture as the Romans. In any case, as far as we
can see, Hellenism was not proscribed under the Parthians.
One subject which has not been touched is commerce and trade, but we have no
Information from Parthia proper about such matters; rather the small states of the
'Fertile Crescent' and even the Kushans in the east supply us with some information

even though sparse. The Parthians were not great traders or merchants, but they did
not by any means follow an anti-commercial policy but rather the contrary. One
factor in the decline of Parthia in its last two centuries can be seen in the debasement of
the coinage beginning with Artabanus III. Compared to earlier coins not only do the
style and quality of the coins suffer, but in the tetradrachms the amount of silver
142
declines. Whether this is the result of the loss of silver mines or, more likely
economic crises affecting especially the mint of Seleucia, we do not know. The
population and cultivated land of the Susa piain in Parthian times was about three
times that of the Achaemenid period according to an archaeological survey. 143 In the
Parthian period land under irrigation and cultivation was increased over earlier times
but not so much as the maximum use under the Sasanians. Again our sources fail us.
The Roman wars undoubtedly adversely affected trade and commerce in the Parthian
realm, but central weakness was more important than other factors contributing to
the fall of the Parthians.
The art of the Parthians has been discussed many times, and it is now generally
agreed thatjust as the Parthians did not impose themselves on local rulers and cultures,

140
Le Rider, op. cit. [eh. 6, n. 25], 35-36 and the tetradrachms, see W. Wroth, Catalogue of the
421-22. Coins of Parthia, in The Greek Coins in the British
'" R. Ghirshman, "Une bas-relief d'Artaban V Museum, (London, 1903), lxv, and Seilwood, op.
avec inscription en pehlevi arsaeide," Monuments cit. [ch 7, n. 57], 5.
Piot, 44 (1950), 97-107, corrected by W. B. u3
R. J. Wenke, "Imperial Investments and
Henning in "The Monuments and Inscriptions of Agricultural Development in Parthian and Sasan-
Tang-i Sarvak," /IM, 2 (1952), 151-78. lan Khuzestan," Mesopotamia, 10-11 (Florence,
42
'
On the debasement of the coinage, especially 1 975-76), 43.
246 Chapter VIII

so in the arts they allowed local schools to flourish. The Arsacid kings were not only
'philhellene' in policy towards Hellenized conquered peoples, but also in the arts, but
this early dependence changed in the last two centuries of Parthian rule and we find a
'Parthian' style developing. In painting and sculpture the concept of 'frontality'
dominated Parthian art after the era. Without discussing many
beginning of our
questions about the origins of this style and other features of Parthian art, it should be
noted that Parthian art and architecture, such as is preserved, both are 'populär' in the
144
sense that both Achaemenid and Sasanian art are not. Rather in them the
overwhelming stamp of the rulers is obvious. The Parthian age was not an 'imperial
age' as both Achaemenid and Sasanian, but Parthian remains reflect rather the many
currents of culture among the populace. The more that archaeologists uncover from
Parthian sites, the more significant appears the importance of the Parthian period as a

prelude to Sasanian art, culture and institutions. The Opposition of Hellenistic to the
'Oriental' art of the Parthians has been overly stressed, in my opinion, as has been the
dichotomy between 'East and West' represented by Parthians and Romans. This is not
to deny the fundamental differences between 'theoretical' Hellenistic and Roman art
as opposed to 'theoretical' Parthian art, between representation of nature or realism as

opposed to expressionism and stylized art, so ably sketched by Avi-Yonah. 145 The
Situation, however, was complex, and the influences of so many peoples such as
Armenians, Nabataeans, Mesopotamians and others make the cultural and artistic
panorama of the Near East at this time more complicated than the 'Hellenistic-
Oriental' division. Perhaps one should look at the last Century and a half of Parthian
rule and from the meager sources show the change from an earlier 'Hellenistic'
dominated age to one of Parthian autonomy in the realm of culture and institutions.
In art the Hellenistic heritage had changed in the first Century of our era from a
syncretic Hellenistic-Iranian koint to the Greco-Buddhist or Gandharan art in the east
under the Kushans, and in western Iran to a Parthian art with total 'frontality,'
portrayal of the 'Parthian gallop' with horsemen in paintings or sculptures, the
Parthian costumes and the use of ayvans in architecture and domed vaults, all
hallmarks of later Parthian culture. In writing, Greek had lost its predominance, and
Aramaic had been replaced by Parthian, a change symbolic of the change from early
to late Parthian times. 146
144
On 'frontality' see G. A. Koshelenko, "O 2 (1963), 69-71. In building techniques a differ-
frontalnosti v Parfyanskom lskusstve," in Istori- ence between Greeks and Parthians could be
arkheolog. sbornik v ehest A. V. Artsikovskogo lllustrated in the use ofpillars; for the former they
(Moscow, 1962), 135-36, who Stresses the reli- were fundamental and walls were added to them;
gious-ideological changes which indueed artists to for the Parthians walls came first and pillars were
stress frontality. Schlumberger, L'Oriem Heüinisi decorations.
146
[eh. 7, n. 76], 198, Stresses the ongin from archaic On Aramaic to Parthian see the discussion in
Greek art, while M. A. R. Colledge, Parthian P W.Coxon, The Nisa Ostraca: Ur- Ideographie
Art (Ithaca, N.Y., 1977), 143^*4 summarizes Texts?" AAH, 21 (1973), 185-204, and the
'frontality' in this period. On the ancient Oriental examples of late Parthian writing on inscriptions,
origin of 'frontality' see M. Avi-Yonah, Oriental p. 56. 'rtbnw MLKyn MLK BRY '
ivlgiy MLKyn
Art in Roman Palestine (Rome, 1961), 76-79. MLK'BNYt hnsk ZK ZY
hwsk Swi hitrp "Arta-
145
Avi-Yonah, ibid., 10-12. It is not possible to banus King of Kings, son of Vologeses, King of
discuss such fascinating topics as round eitles of the Kings built this 'stele' which is of h"'sk, satrap of
Parthians and the architectural innovations which Susa," and p. 69 'rsk wlgSy MLKyn M[LK']
are found in the Parthian period. Cf. G. A. 'Arsaces Vologeses King of Kings,' in R. Ghirsh-
Koshelenko, "Parfyanskaya fortifikatsiya," SA no. man, Iran, Parthians and Sassanians (N.Y., 1962).
 The Parthians on the Plateau 241

We have no Parthian literary remains from the Parthian period, but the existence
of a large poetic or minstrel oral literature has been cogently proposed. 147 The
Iranian national epic as preserved in theShähnäme of Firdosi is primarily of eastern
Iranian origin and incorporates Parthian heroes such as King Gotarzes in the tales
which have survived. Yet the epic is not concerned with the wars between the
Parthians and the Romans, but with older struggles of the rulers of the east and the
struggle between Iran and Turan, the latter an uncertain people and place in the east,
but more mythical than real, later identified with the land of the Turks. The traces of
Parthian culture and society in later literature such as the Middle Persian text the
Draxt Asürlg 'Assyrian (Babylonian) tree,' and the Yädegär l Zarerän 'Memorial of
l

Zarir,'and the New Persian poem, Vis ü Rämitn, are what one would expect, a heroic,
chivalric society which could be called 'feudal' in a general sense. This is also the
societyand culture depicted in Firdosi's epic, and the heritage is clearly from Parthian
times. This society and culture has little influence from Hellenism other than possible
borrowings of stories or motifs, of Herakles to Rustam for example, while the Iranian
character of the epic is paramount. Thus by the end of the Parthian period the Iranian
its own right in domains of
revival had absorbed Hellenistic elements but existed in
artand culture, not to mention government, religion and society. The history of the
Parthians, however, cannot be divorced from that of their powerful eastern
neighbors, the Kushans, with their great king Kanishka, or from the history of the
small states in western Iran and Babylonia where archaeology has revealed much of
Parthian influences, and to these we must now turn.

147
M. Boyce, The Parthian gösan and Iranian "Zariadres and Zarer," BSOAS, 17 (1955), esp.

Minstrel Tradition," JRAS (1957), 10-45, and her 476-77.

 CHAPTER IX

THE KUSHANS

Literature: Literary sourceson the Kushans are almost non-existent, other than brief notices of 'Bactrians'
in Classical sources,where the word 'Kushan' does not appear, and in Armenian and Chinese sources, in
both of which the identifications of Kushans are highly conjectural.* Indian sources merely mention them
in the sub-continent, and we are left with numismatics and a few inscriptions to aid us to reconstruct the
history of the most important ancient dynasty in the eastern Iranians world down to the Coming of Islam.
The material remains of the Kushans, however, are numerous, especially with the famous and prolific
'Gandharan' Buddhist art which influenced eastern as well as Central Asia. The secondary literature on the
Kushans, however, is overwhelming. There have been several international symposia concentrating on
the date of Kanishka, but general Conferences on the Kushans have proliferated, the largest having been
one in Dushanbe in 1968 which resulted in two volumes, ed. by B. Gafurov Tsentralnaya Aziya v
Kushanskuyu Epokhu (Moscow, 1974-75), which summed up knowledge about the Kushans until that
time. A Conference in Kabul in November 1978 and another in Delhi in January 1980 (limited to the
1

Kushans in Mathura and India), indicate the general expanded interest in the eastern counterpart of the
Roman Empire. Fussman's article in JA has been noted in the chapter on the Sakas, and his assessment of
the high value of the general work by B. Ya. Staviskü, Kushanskaya Baktriya (Moscow, 1977) has been
confirmed by others. Most late excavations in Afghanistan, Tajikistan and Pakistan uncover objects from
the Kushan period, and they reveal the wealth and prosperity of the Kushan Empire, much more than
what was found under their predecessors or successörs. For French excavations in Afghanistan, see the
various numbers of the MDAFA and for the Soviet excavations in northern Afghanistan (southern
Bactria) see I. T. Kruglikova, Drevnyaya Baktriya, 2 vols. (Moscow, 1976 and 1979). 2 On the site of
Bamiyan see Z. Tarzi, L'architecture et le decor ruprestre desgrottes de Batniyan, 2 vols. (Paris, 1977). We may
say that the Kushan sites of importance are: Begram Dilberdzhin and Surkh Kotal in Afghanistan, and
Dalverzin Tepe, north of the Oxus, and on the Indian sub-continent the twin sites of Charsada, and
Shaikhan-Dheri, while Taxila and Mathura should not be omitted, although finds from other periods
predominated in the last two. 3 The Journals Afghan Studies, published in London, Afghanistan in Kabul
and Aryäna (in Pashto and Persian) in Kabul keep the Student abreast of work in pre-Islamic culture and
civilization, while the Journals EW, Afghanistan Journal (Graz) and Journal of Central Asia (Islamabad)

*The great inscription at Surkh Kotal, dating 1 (Moscow, 1974) and 2 (Moscow,
Dilberdzhin,
from the time ofHuvishka, has not been discussed 1977) from the 1970-72 and 1973 excavations
in this chapter, since it is reserved for an appendix. respectively.
3
1
On the Kanishka congresses, see papers in the Bibliography on Begram isfound in the
JRAS for 1912-14 and A. L. Basham, ed., Papers volumes of MDAFA; on Surkh Kotal see D.
on the Date ofKaniska (Leiden, 1968), 478 pp. On Schlumberger, "Le temple de Surkh Kotal," I-IV,
one Kushan Conference in Kabul in 1970 see F. JA (1952, 1954, 1955,and 1 964), as well asreports
Ayubi, Kushan Culture and History (Kabul, 1971), in CRAI, and "The Excavations at Surkh Kotal,"
180 pp. For Soviet contributions to the field see Proceedings of the British Academy, 47 (London,
B. Ya. Staviskü, et al, ed., Sovetskaya Arkheologiya 1961), 77-95. The site of Dilberdzhin Tepe has
Srednei Azii i Kushanskaya Problema, 2 vols. been mentioned in note 2; for Dalverzin see G.
(Moscow, 1968), an annotated bibliography. For Pugachenkova, Les tresors de Dalverzine Ttpi
more bibliographies see I. Stwodah and A. Z. (Leningrad, 1978). On Charsada the excavation
Modarrissi, Kushans, annotated bibliography, 2 report (with the same title as the name of the site)
vols. (Kabul, 1978), and B. N. Puri, Kusanä has been published by M. Wheeler (Oxford,
Bibliography (Calcutta, 1977). For a bibliography 1 962), and "Shaikhan Dheri Excavations," by A. H.

of Soviet works from the Dushanbe congress to Dani, Ancient Pakistan, 2 (Peshawar, 1966), 17—
1977, see B. A. Litvinskii, "Problemy Istorii i 214. Taxila has been mentioned in chapter seven.
Istorii Kultury Drevnei Srednei Azii v Svete For Mathura see K. L. Janert, ed., Mathura
noveishikh rabot Sovetskikh Uchenykh," VDI, 4 Inscriptions by H. Luders (Göttingen, 1961), for
(1978), 73-92. further references.
2
On earlier work here see I. T. Kruglikova,
250 Chapter IX
have articles on ancient Afghanistan from time to time. F. R. Allchin and N. Hammond, eds., The
Archaeology of Afghanistan [ch. 6, n. 43], have a large bibliography on the Kushan period. For Tajikistan
and Uzbekistan (northern Bactria), and to a lesser extent Turkmenistan and Kirghizia, the Journals of the
respective academies of science and universities should be consulted, as well as general works, such as the
yearly survey of archaeology in the USSR, published by the Institute of Archaeology in Moscow, entitled
Arkheologicheskie Otkrytiya, ed. by B. A. Rybakov. Individual works are mentioned below in footnotes on
special problems.

ORIG1NS
It is now generally aeeepted that the Kushans were one of the tribes kno wn to the
Chinese sources Yüeh-chih who moved from their original homeland on the
as

western borders of Kansu province of China under pressure of their northern

neighbors to the west about 175 b.c. There is no reason to doubt this information
from the Shih-chi, and the annals of the former and later Han dynasty, although there
are points of difference between them. 4 The Yüeh-chih invaded West Turkestan and
apparently were among the tribes which brought an end to the Greco-Bactrian rule
in that areaand northern Afghanistan about 1 28 b.c. as mentioned above. Nomadic
invasions of the western lands from Central Asia always carried many peoples along
the way, such that frequently a billiard-ball effect was produced with one group
impinging on another to send them moving ahead. The Sakas probably were the first

nomads to invade the Greco-Bactrian domains but, aecording to Strabo (XI, 51 1), the
Asii, Pasiani, Tokhari and Sakarauli took Bactria from the Greeks. Undoubtedly

different groups took part in the movement, including Tokhari, who gave their name
to the mountainous area of eastern Bactria, later called Tokharistan. 5 Whether some
of the nomads spoke 'Tokharian,' the centum Indo-European language, is uncertain
but probable, but the local Iranian tongues were adopted by the invaders, although
debased Greek continued to be used on coins. The end of the Greco-Bactrians had
brought a loss in Classical sources about events in Central Asia, and Chinese sources,
unfortunately, are of little aid in reconstrueting the past in this area. For the rise of the
Kushans, however, a notice in the Hou (Later) Han Shu is important. It says that:
"Formerly, when the Yüeh-chih had been routed by the Hsiung-nu, they moved to
Ta-hsia and divided the country into five hsi hou (yabghu): Hsin-mi, Shuang-mi,
Kuei-shuang, Hsi (or Pa)-tun, and Tu-mi. More than a hundred years passed, the
yabghu of Kuei-shuang, (called) Ch'iu-chiu-ch'üeh, attacked and destroyed (the
The kingdom was called Kuei-shuang. The
other) four yabghu, set himself up as king.
king invaded An-hsi, took the country of Kao-fu. He also destroyed P u-ta and Chi-
pin, and completely subjugated them. Ch 'iu-chiu-ch 'üeh died at the age of more than

4
On recent translations of the Chinese sources, dispute over the language and identity of the
see E. Zürcher,"The Ylleh-chih and Kaniska in the Yüeh-chih, whether they were Iranian or Tokhar-
Chinese Sources," in Basham, op. ci'f. [n. 1], 358-71. ian Speakers, similar to the Wu-sun, Ta-yüan,
See also the translations by K. Enoki, in Narain, K ang-chü and others, acc. to Pulleyblank, "Chi-
The Indo-Greeks [supra, ch. 7, n. 2], 129-31. Cf. nese and Indo-Europeans," [ch. 7, n. 42], esp. 27-
Pulleyblank, "The Wu-sun and Sakas" [ch. 7, n. 36. The Yüeh-chih with the
latter identifies the
38], 1 54-60. VctTtot of Ptolemy and Ta-yüan with Tokharians.
5
The controversies over
the identifications and H. W. Bailey in many articles Supports the Iranian
locations of western place-names in Chinese identity of the Yüeh-chih.
sources cannot concern us here, as well as the
 The Kushans 251

eighty. Yen-kao-chen succeeded him as king. He in turn destroyed T 'un-chu (India)

and placed a general to supervise and govern there. Since that time the Yüeh-chih
have become most rieh and prosperous. (People of ) many countries speak of the king
of Kuei-shuang, but in China they are called Ta Yüeh-chih, aecording to their old
name."6 The interpretation of this passage generally has been that about the end of the
millennium a yabghu or chief of one of the five tribes or divisions of territory of the
new domain of the Yüeh-chih, called Ch 'iu-chiu-ch 'üeh, who has been identified as
Kujula Kadphises, conquered the others and established the Kuei-shuang (Kushan)
kingdom. Much controversy has existed over the meaning and location of the people
ruled by the yabghus, a Central Asian title, whether they were only tribes or also
7
settled folk. If we aeeept the Statement of the text that over a hundred years after the
conquest of Ta-hsia, usually identified as Bactria, the events described happened, then
it is most likely by that time the people were settled and mixed, and the notice of the

Ch Ve« (Earlier) Han Shu that the five yabghus belonged to the Ta Yüeh-chih, as their
subjeets, probably means that the Ta Yüeh-chih included both the tribes with their
8
leaders, and the settled areas over which they ruled. Many attempts have been made
to identify the Chinese characters with place names in Central Asia or Afghanistan,
but it would seem we have in the text a mixture of place and tribal names, with great
difficulties in identification. More likely for identifications than tribes or regions
would be an identification of the capital towns of the five yabghus, but even they
present great difficulties, since texts in other languages, except Ptolemy's Geography,
give us no clues to city names in this region, and Ptolemy unfortunately does not
provide parallels to the Chinese place names.
From meager reports of Chinese sources we must turn to the backbone of
the
Kushan studies, as it was in the case of the Sakas, numismatics. Here, the sequence of
Kushan coins has been established on the basis of styles and quality of the coins more
than on legends. After the fall of the Greco-Bactrian kingdom, 'barbarous' copies of
the coinage of Eucratides and especially of Heliocles were Struck in Bactria, but
whether north or south of the Oxus River is unknown. 9 Sometime in the first
Century b.c., or possibly at the turn of the millennium, probably it was one of
the Yüeh-chih chieftains who Struck tetradrachms and obols with a corrupt Greek

6
Zürcher, op. cit. [n. 4], 367; Narain, op. cit. Substitutes the yabghu (meaning either the leader or
[supra, ch. 7, n. 2], 131. Differences in translation his clan, or the land he ruled) of Kao-fu for Tu-mi.
are minor but interpretations of proper names and The former has been identified as Kabul and the
their significance vary widely. latter as Termez (ancient Tarmita). The ancient
7
Cf. the article by
P. Daffinä, "The Return of transcriptions of the Chinese characters following
the Dead ," EW 22
972) 87-91 attacking B. N.
(1 , Karlgren, are given by Zürcher, op. cit. [n. 4], 388-

Mukherjee, "The Ta-hsia and the Problem Con- 90.

9
cerning the Advent of Nomadic Peoples in Greek Cf. A. M. Mandelshtam, "K predkushans-
Bactria" in EW, 29 (1969), 395^00, both with komu chekan Baten," EV, 17 (1965), 85-91. The
further references. The word yabghu is considered special monogram on the copies of Heliocles coins
Tokharian, comparing A dialect yapoy, B dialect may have been a mark or tamgha of a nomadic
ype 'country' by Pulleyblank, op. cit. [ch. 7, n. 42], chieftain, since not found on any Greco-
it is

28, and as Iranian by H. W. Bailey, in "Languages Bactrian coin. hardly possible to identify or
It is

of the Saka," HO, comparing

Iranistik (1968), 136, locate in place or time the enigmatic coins with
Parthian ymg and the root yam- 'to lead.'
'leader' debased Greek legends and names such as Hyr-
Others erroneously consider the word as Turkic in kodes ; cf. Tarn, Greeks [ch. 1 , n. 23], 301 ,
n. 1 ,
and
origin. 305, n. 2, for further references.
8
The former Han Shu in the list of tribes
Z5Z Chapler IX

as TYPANNOYNTOZ HPAOY ZANAB{OY)

legend to be reconstructed
KOPPANOY (with P for the sound 10 The of Heraus or Heraeus than -s-). title is less

a king, of course, but exactly what it The name was much

meant is uncertain.
disputed because of the variations in corrupt legends, and the name is not found
elsewhere unless it is simply a Variation of Greek Heras. The third word, too, is

enigmatic, but since the title was given in the first word, we may suggest that Sanab,
as in the name Sanabares, is a family name followed by the tribal name of 'Kushan.' In
any case, the person seems to have been a Kushan chieftain, and he has been identified
as the whom a head and statue in clay have been found at the site of
person of
Khalchayan on the Surkhan Darya in Tajikistan. ' Just where and how long Heraus 1

ruled is unknown, but the next Kushan ruler of whom we have coins was Kujula
Kadphises. His coins are varied in their origins, for he copied coins of Hermaeus, or
pseudo-Hermaeus, Gondophares and others, indicating that he followed local usage in
his conquests. This ruler is identified as the one called Ch'iu-chiu-ch'üeh (Archaic
Chinese reconstruction k^ug-dz^iög-k^yak), : who united the yabghus of the Yüeh-
chih, invaded An-hsi (Parthia) and took Kabul from them. 12 This would refer to the
Indo-Parthians, about the time of Gondophares. Most scholars agree that Kujula made
raids into the lowlands of India and perhaps established rule for some years in various
localities, but apparently he abandoned some of his conquests. Since he is said to have
presumably he had a long reign. Since few of his coins
lived to an age of eighty years,
are found north of the Oxus River, and many of his coin-types have Kharoshthi
legends as well as Greek, we may suppose that he ruled primarily in southern Bactria,
in the Hindukush region and in Gandhara, on the northwest plains of the sub-
continent. Kujula probably lived at the same time as Gondophares but how far their
reigns and territories overlapped are unknown. The existence of copper coins of
Kujula copied from Roman coins of Augustus or Tiberiüs, however, suggests a date
3
for Kujula's reign in the first Century of our era. 1 Kujula, however, does not seem to
have been more than a conqueror seeking booty, perhaps establishing his rule and
then withdrawing, or possibly again returning, and copying the coins of his
predecessors in every area which he overran. Inscriptions in Kharoshthi are
unfortunately of little help in historical identifications; for example, one from Takht-
i Bahi on a stone in the Lahore Museum mentions a prince (Prakrit erjhutia) called
Kapa, who has been identified with Kujula Kadphises, but this is most uncertain, as is
the date. 14

10
Cf. E. A. Davidovich, Klady drevnykh i perhaps meaning 'younger' or and Kad-
'shorter,'
srednevekovykh monet Tadzhikistana (Moscow, phises as *gaSa pisa 'he who is adorned with the
1979), 17-35, with references. See also R. B. throwing club,' see W. Ellers, "Die Namen der
Whitehead, "Notes on the Indo-Greeks," NC, fifth Kuschan-Könige," Afljali, Wijesekera Felicitation
series, 20 (1940), 120-22. Apparently no copper Volume (Colombo.Sri Lanka, 1970), 119, 126-27.
coins of this ruler have been found. H. W. Bailey in "Irano-Indica III," BSOAS, 13
11
See G. Pugachenkova, Skulptura Khalchayana (1950), 396-97, interprets Kadphises as Old Ir.
(Moscow, 1971), 57 and plates 61-64, also her "K *käta-paisa- 'of honored form.'
ikonografii Geraya," VDI, 1 (1965), 127-36. 13 W. MacDowall, "Numismatic Evidence
D.
Heraus copied the corrupt tetradrachms of Eucra- for the Date of Kaniska," in Basham, op. cit. [n. 1],
tides, as others copied the coinage of Hehocles. 1 44—45.
1
For the reconstructed Chinese, see Zürcher, 14
S. Konow, Kharoshthi Inscriptions, Corpus
op. eil. [n. 4], 389. On the name Kujula, Ko£o\o, Inscriptionum Indicarum (Calcutta, 1929), 62.
 6
5 ' ;

The Kushans 253

Inscriptions may have dates but the problem of the eras in which they are dated has
plagued scholars for many years, and while relative chronologies can be established
for the Kushan rulers, absolute dating eludes us, principally because dates found in the
Indian sub-continent cannot be attached to chronologies in the west except by
inferences and 'common sense' deductions. The tendency to seek the beginning of an
era in an important historical event, or in the crowning of a king, is logical but quite
uncertain, since the beginning of the Seleucid era had no such important beginning, at
least in the eyes of modern scholars. Perhaps the most generally accepted beginning
date of an era one called the 'Saka' era, which is supposed to have started in the year
is

78 of our era. When one closely examines how the date 78 was determined, however,
one's confidence in the sources for the date, the Buddhist texts, may be somewhat
shaken, since the sources are late and are based on a theory of the turning of the wheel
of Dharma according to a tradition of a prediction by the Buddha forty years before
his death, that five hundred years later the Buddhist law would come to an end. By
interpolating dates and Buddhist information Eggermont decided that the
Theravadin Buddhists of Ceylon used an era beginning in 483 B.c. whereas the
Sarvastavadin school of northern India used one beginning in 383 b.c., and the date of

a Council convened by Kanishka, which began a new era after 500 years, took place in
5
A.D. 78. Unfortunately, none of the inscriptions informs us which era was used in it
for dating, so even if the year 78 were correct, it would not solve most chronological
problems of length of rule, because other eras exist in India from this time which
cannot be ignored. The Vikrama Samvat, or era of Vikrama, may have been
established by a ruler called Vikramäditya who is supposed to have defeated some
Sakas in East Rajputana about 57 or 58 b.c., although some scholars believe this to be a
16
late tradition and that originally this era was started by Azes, a Saka ruler.

Paleography can aid in dating inscriptions, but the creation of new eras to justify an
interpretation of obscure words in an inscription has caused great problems in trying
to fix the chronology, and the truth is that we cannot prove the date of
commencement of any era. An era older than the Vikrama-Azes era is implied by
dated Kharoshthi inscriptions which cannot be dated by the Vikrama era, and this
older era has been called the Yavana era by Dobbins (note 16), the Indo-Bactrian era
by Bivar, or the 'Old Saka' era by others, and the date of its beginning has been set at
170 or 155 b.c. as well as other dates plus or minus. 17 A third System of time
reckoning has been attributed to Kanishka, since all the inscriptions, dated from the

1
H. L. Eggermont, "The Origin of the Saka
P. bered that references to the Vikrama and Saka eras
Era," in Akten des 24. Internationalen Orientalisten- are much later.
17
Kongresses, ed. by H. Franke (Wiesbaden, 1959), A. D. H. Bivar in G. Hambly, Central Asia
540-43, and his "Kaniska, die Saka-Aera und die (London, 1969); 46, and W. E. van Wyk, "On
KharosthT-Inschriften," ZDMG, 113 (1964), 559- dates in the Kanishka Era," Acta Orientalia, 5
65. But see other evidence from al-Biruni in n. 17. (Leiden, 1926), 168-70; Mukherjee, op. dt. [n. 16],
1
Cf. B. N. Mukherjee, Central and South Asian 32, and 44^15, for further references. BlrunT in his
Documents on the Old Saka Era (Varanasi, 1 973) book on by E. Sachau, 1 886, vol. 2, p. 6)
India (ed.
27-31 and K. W. Dobbins, "Eras of Gandhara,"
, says the year400 of the Yazdagird era equals 1088
JOSA, 7 (1970), 257, and n. 24 for further of the Vikrama era and 953 of the Saka era, whence
references. Mukherjee's argumentation for a new we arrive at 5-7 B.c. and A.D. 78 resp. for the two
era, the Yavana era, beginning c. 170 B.c. (p. 32) is eras.

ingenious but unconvincing. It must be remem-

254 Chapter IX

year 2 through 98, are in the Kushan period, mentioning rulers from Kanishka
through Vasudeva. 18 Other eras may have existed in Central Asia, Afghanistan and
northwest India in the pre-Islamic period, but for the history of the Kushans the three
erasmentioned above are of importance. Dating according to the regnal year of a
king, a widespread practice in this part of the world, also existed, but in the east we
have relative and not absolute chronologies, so many problems still exist. It appears
that several eras were in use for time reckoning in the east in one and the same region,
and Parthian eras were used in the western part of the Iranian area,
just as the Seleucid
and possibly Kanishka, who was an innovator in many realms, was also the founder of
a Kushan era. To return to the date 78 of our era, the beginning of the so-called 'Saka'
era,many scholars have identified this date as the same year as the beginning of the era
of Kanishka, while others dispute it. The first mention of the Saka era as such,

however, is in an inscription southeast of Bombay (Badami) which is dated in the year

500 'from the inauguration of the Saka king.' When it began is not stated. The dates of
Kanishka have been the subject of many writings, including two international
symposia and the general consensus now is that the beginning of his reign must be not
earlier than 78 b.c. and not later than A.D. 150, although the latter date is much
disputed. Attempts to place the beginning of Kanishka's rule in A.D. 225 or 278 have
not received widespread support. 19 It has thus proved impossible to fix the beginning
year of Kanishka's reign, but the turn of the first Century of our era seems to be the
period in which Kanishka lived, even though his dates of rule cannot be determined.
The inscriptions presumably dated in the era of Kanishka are from the year 2 through
23 in Kanishka's name, year 24 in the name of Väsishka, and years 28 through 60 in the
name of Huvishka, and 64 through 98 in the name of Vasudeva, thus spanning a
Century. There are problems, including one inscription from the year 41 in the name
of Kanishka, but that one may be dated in a different era. The eras mentioned above
are those current in this general time period. 20

18
For a hst of the inscriptions see J. Rosenfield, Kharoshthi inscriptions, a 'Yavana' era of 155 B.c.,
The Dynastie Art of the Kushans (Berkeley, Calif, a Pahlava (or Indo-Parthian) era of 88 B.c. and a
1 967), 264-73. This work is a good reference book Kushan (Kanishka) era of A.D. 103, but this
on the Kushans. See also the three appendices to proliferation of eras creates new problems while
Mukherjee, op. cit. [n. 16], for additional inscrip- hardly solving old ones.
tions. See also B. Kumar, The Early Kusänas 20
(Delhi, The proposal of G. Fussman, "Documents
1973), App. 1. epigraphiques Kouchans," BEFEO, 61 (1974), 41,
For the date 225 see R. Göbl, "Zwei neue to date a series of inscriptions with numbers from
Termini für ein zentrales Datum der Alten 270 to 399 as dates in the Arsacid era is an
Geschichte Mittelasiens, das Jahr 1 des Kusänkönigs ingenious attempt to explain their apparent time
Kaniska," Anzeiger der phil.-hist. Klasse der Öster. period as Kushan, but he admits that inscriptions
Akad. der Wiss. (Wien, 1964), 137-51, and for found as far east as Mathura would rather imply a
278, E. V. Zeymal, "Nachalnaya data Kanishki-278 Greco-Bactrian era from the time of Diodotus. We
g.n.e." in Gafurov, supra, Tsentralnaya, 1,292-301, may, of course, have an Indian era. He gives
with references, and the following article by V. G. arguments for the date A.D. 78 for Kanishka. The
Lukonin in the same volume, 302-06. A conven- best analysis of chronological problems is by
ient survey of the various theories of dating may Zeimal, op. cit. [n. 19], English summary, 136-61,
be found in Kumar, op. cit. [n. 18], 58-77, and App. with systematic analyses of available data. His
2, and in E. Zeimal, Kushanskaya Khronologiya conclusion, that Kanishka began his rule in A.D.
(Moscow, 1968). A. K. Narain in his article on 278, however, causes many dimculties and is
"The Date of Kanishka" in Basham, op. cit. [n. 1], unacceptable.
237-39, proposes three different eras used in the
 The Kushans 255

While the Kushan kingdom was being Consolidated in the Bactrian region, to the

north in the area of present Tashkent and the Jaxartes River another kingdom, called
K'ang-chü (K'ang kio) in Chinese sources, was flourishing, but it is not possible to
determine what kind of a State it was, a confederation of nomads or a more centralized
state of sedentary people.
21
The people who organized this shadowy State may have
been Sakas, Sarmatians, or even Wu-sun or Tokharian Speakers, for hypotheses about
the nature of the people aremany and varied. Unfortunately, the Chinese sources give
no information about the K'ang-chü other than the existence of a State to the north of
the domains of the Yüeh-chih in western Turkestan, while archaeological excavations
only attest the wealth and far-flung connections of the people who lived there,

presumably throughout the period of Kushan hegemony to the south. 22

To return to the Kushans, Kujula Kadphises was followed by a ruler who is only
called Soter Megas 'great savior' on his coins but has the title 'king of kings' in Greek,
higher than Kujula, and whose coins are abundant and found in excavations from
northern Bactria to Mathura. Since his issues are varied as well as widely found, this

ruler must have been important, and MacDowall has demonstrated from coin types
and metrology that this ruler must follow Kujula Kadphises and precede Vima
Kadphises while being contemporary, or shortly before, Pakores of the dynasty of
23
Gondophares, since Pakores overstruck coins of Soter Megas. Just who Soter Megas
was has been debated, generally with three positions, first that he was Kujula, and his
coinage represents a later phase of rule, second, he was Vima in the early years of his
reign, or third, he was an independent Kushan sovereign somehow a link between the
two Kadphises. 24 The position of the coins of Soter Megas between those of Kujula
and Vima is now generally accepted by numismatists, although some would not go as
far as MacDowall in calling the unknown ruler the Augustus of the Kushans, who
earlier in his reign followed local coinage types and metrology but later issued a
general coinage everywhere based on the Attic Standard and using only Greek
legends, and paving the way for Vima's reform of the currency. Some scholars have
sought a way out of the dilemma by supposing the existence of co-kings, or 'senior'
and 'junior' kings, as in the later Roman Empire, but again this is mere surmise

21
On K'ang chü see Litvinskii, "Das K'ang-chü- "Soter the Great - The Last of the Indo-Greek

Sarmatische Farnah" [eh. 8, n. 9], 249-53. At times Kings," JNSl, 35 (1 973), 86-89, that the 'nameless
K'ang-chü included Sogdiana, but an identification king was the last of the Greek kings with the
of the two is improbable. Likewise identifications personal name Soter,' is unconvincing. On a Janus-
with Kaxäyai in Ptolemy (VI, 14, 11) or Kang- faced coin of Soter Megas and Vima see NC
diz or Kangha of the Avesta help us little. (1892), 71, plate 15, no. 4. On the overstnkes of
22
The profuse use of gold, including a corpse in Pakores onS.M, see A.Simonetta in EW, 8 (1957),
Soter
golden clothes 'chain or armor' and regalia found 49, plate 3, no. 1. Theories proposing that
at Issyk Kurgan near Alma Ata, probably date Megas was a Kushan vassal are unlikely, since his

from the third Century b.c. not the fifth, and may coins are so widespread, not to mention his
represent the K'ang-chü eulture or its predecessor. pretentious title.
24
Cf. K. A. Akishev, Kurgan Issyk (Moscow, 1978), MacDowall, op. eil. [n. 23], 252, also his
61-78. The Pazaryk burials are also from this article on the same subjeet in JNSl, 30 (1968),
28-
period. 48. Overstrikes of coins of Vima by Soter Megas
23 D. MacDowall, "Implications for Kushan complicatethepicture.acc. to A.Simonetta, EW,9
Chronology of the Numismatic Context of the (1958), 171, who prolongs the rule of Vima too
Nameless King" in Gafurov, supra, Tsentralnaya, 1 much.
246-64. The Suggestion of A. N. Oikonomides,
 .

256 Chapter IX

without any evidence. 25 Mukherjee, who has written extensively on the Kushans,
points out that on a Prakrit legend on one of the coins of Soter Megas we find
maharajasa rajatirajasa tratarasa vamasa, the last word of which should be the name
Vima, while the first three words would correspond to the Greek legend 'king of
kings, savior.' 26 Whether Soter Megas should be identified as the young Vima on the
basis of this uncertain Prakrit word is dubious, and judgment may be reserved on the
identity or identities of the ruler(s) who issued coins with the legend 'Soter Megas,
king of kings.' On the basis of find spots of those coins, however, one may conclude
that Bactria, the Hindukush area and Gandhara were ruled by the early Kushan kings,
while Arachosia and parts of India were ruled by Indo-Parthian or Saka kings,
although Gandhara at times may have been divided between Kushans and others.
With Vima Kadphises the great Kushans begin.

THE GREAT KUSHANS

Vima introduced a gold dinar to the coinage System of the Kushans which had been
previously only copper, and he also introduced a new copper tetradrachm, both
implying a change in Kushan history. 27 Both the Chinese sources and Indian
inscriptions are ambiguous in that no name in them can be certainly identified as
Vima Kadphises, and his identification as the son and successor of Kujula Kadphises is

not without doubts, but whatever his relation to Kujula and to the person who issued
the Soter Megas coins, he seems to have ruled in the last part of the first Century A.D.
His relation to rulers such as Zeionises or Jihonika (Prakrit: Jihuniasa) and others who
Struck coins may have been that of overlord to vassals, but again we are in the realm of
conjecture. To repeat, we do not know whether the Kushans had a System of 'senior'
and 'junior' kings like the 'Augustus' and 'Caesar' of the later Roman Empire, as

suggested by some scholars to justify seeming conflicts in chronologies (relative, not

absolute) of inscriptions and coin types, but satraps and perhaps vassal rulers surely
existed. We may say little more than Vima's extensive possessions in India and
Central Asia were passed on to Kanishka, the greatest and in a sense most enigmatic of
the Kushan kings.
Kanishka is generally credited with introducing a new family of Kushan rulers
whose names all end in -ishka, for he is followed by Vasishka and Huvishka. This
suffixof the Superlative caused controversy, for some scholars proposed a Tokharian
origin for it, while others supported an Iranian origin, although all agreed the general
28
meaning of Kanishka was something like 'the youngest.' Whether Kanishka began
as a sub-king of Vima in Bactria or Tokharistan with the füll name Mäho-Kanishka

(Candra-Kaniska in Khotanese), as Henning (op. cit., 87) suggests, is possible but

25 27
Göbl, op. eil. [n. 19], 151, n. 2. The existence The name Vima has been explained as

ofksatrapas and mahä ksatrapas lit. 'satrap' and 'great 'fearsome' by Eilers, op. cit. [n. 12], 120. On his

satrap' in India, as well as the Indo-Parthian title monetary reform see MacDowall, "Weight Stan-
'brother of the king,' may point to the possibility of dards of Kushäna Coinages," JNSI, 22 (1960), 67-
a double System of rule under the Kushans, but this 71
28
is undocumented. For the Tokharian origin supported by L.
26
B. N. Mukherjee, The Kushäna Genealogy Hertsenberg and V. V. Ivanov, see L. G. Gertsen-
(Calcutta, 1967), 54. berg, "Kushanskii i Sakskii," in Gafurov, supra,
 The Kushans 251

unproven. 29 In any Kanishka was remembered in Buddhist sources although in

case,
no recognizable some scholars have attempted to
historical context; nonetheless
derive a chronology from a late mention of Kanishka as the ruler who convened the
third Buddhist Council, which reportedly took place five hundred years after the death
of the Buddha. 30 Obviously the greatest Kushan king made an impression on
Buddhists, for we find traditions in Buddhist texts written in Khotanese-Saka, in
Sogdian, and Chinese about his building of stupas (mounds with reliquary) and
vihäras (cloisters), while Biruni mentions a King Kanik who built a vihära in
Purushävar (Peshawar), an of the fame of his constructions. 31
indication
Unfortunately, historical information cannot be found in the Buddhist legends and
from the extant coins one may postulate a number of rulers with the name Kanishka,
one of whom is mentioned in the poetical history of Kashmir of the twelfth Century,
Kalhana's Räjatarangini (Part 1, 168). As usual, coins provide the primary source for
our knowledge of Kanishka. He continued the gold coinage of Vima, but he changed
the obverses and the reverses on the coins. Vima had been portrayed on obverses
seated, or as a bust, or riding a chariot or an elephant, while on all of his reverses the
Indian deity §iva was pictured. Kanishka, however, inaugurated on his obverses a
new type, a standing figure of the ruler in Central Asian costume with boots and with
one hand extended over a small fire altar. This consistency on the obverse was
matched by a proliferation of deities on reverses of his coinage, the majority of which
are Iranian rather than Greek or Indian. This change in the stance of the ruler with the
deities on the reverses, each with its name in Greek characters, supports the theory
that Kanishka consciously promoted a pro-Iranian policy in his empire, or perhaps it
meant an end to the past and a proclamation of a new policy of tolerance in religions,
as well as a change from Greek legends on the early coins of Kanishka to Iranian

legends on his later coins. It seems as though Kanishka, while copying Roman modeis
in his coinage, and probably in art and other manifestations of culture, nonetheless
wished to proclaim a new, imperial age in the east, possibly in imitation of the
Achaemenids as suggested by Fussman, but surely with strong elements of the ancient
Indo-Aryan culture as preserved by local Iranians or Iranicized nomads of the steppes,

Tsentralnaya, 344—49 (French resume and

1 , candra 'raoon' which may also involve a confusion
reference to Ivanov), while the Iranian origin was between Iranian mao 'moon' of the Kushan coins
upheld by H. W. Bailey, "Kanaiska,"JiMS (1942), and a word based on mau- meaning 'deliverer.' So
16-47, also in Basham, op. eil. [n. 1], 37, by W. B. the assumption that Kanishka was called Mäho
Henning, "Surkh-kotal und Kaniska," ZDMC, must be regarded as nothing more than conjeeture.
115 (1965), 82-4, by Livshits and others. V. 30
See F. Wilhelm, "Kanika and Kaniska
-
Abaev, in "Contribution ä l'histoire des mots," Asvaghosa and Mätrcefa" in Basham, op. eil. [n. 1],
Milanges linguistiques offerts a E. Benveniste, ed. by 337-40.
M. Moinfar (Louvain, 1975), 7, showed the 31
For literary and archaeological references to
widespread Indo-European usage of the suffix. See the buildings in Peshawar, see K. W. Dobbins, The
also Eilers, op. cit. [n. 12], 112. Stupa and Vihära of Kanishka l (Calcutta, 1971),
29 44-54. The fame and vast extent of Kanishka's
On the epithet 'candra' see Bailey, "Kanaiska," esp.
op. eil., 16, and in his article "Saka Candarno and empire was known to the Chinese Buddhist
Surkh Kotal Kara-Lrangga-," in Milanges linguisti- pilgrim of the seventh Century Hstlan Tsang; cf. T.
ques offerts a E. Beneviste [n. 28], 33, where he Watters, trans 1., On Yuan Chwang's Travels, 1

suggests that the Khotan-Saka word candarno (London, 1923), 270.

'troop leader' was replaced by Indian Buddhist
258 Chapter IX

which the ancestors of the Kushans were. 32 This probably would appeal to eastern
Iranians and Indians more than memories of the west Iranian empire of the
Achaemenids, although old traditions and stories surely were preserved about them
in the east. Hellenistic influences observable in the artistic productions were
comparable to those in the Parthian State, but styles and techniques were borrowed
from elsewhere in both cases, and in both cases the basic inspiration was Iranian.
Under Kanishka, who ruled at least twenty-three years after establishing an era, to
judge by dated inscriptions with his name in them, the Kushan Empire probably
attained its apogee, although under Huvishka, who ruled from year 28 of the
Kanishka era to at least 60, the empire was also far extended. To the north of Bactria,
homeland of the Kushans, finds of coins may indicate the extent of the Kushan
domination, since no written sources exist and archaeological finds are difficult to
connect with the Kushans. A detailed study of early local Khwarazmian copper
coinage, and overstrikes on Kushan coins found in excavations within the area of
ancient Khwarazm, point to the conclusion that the Kushans neither ruled the area
directly nor held it in a vassal relationship rather, it would seem that the Kushan
;

coins found in Khwarazmian sites were brought by trade. 33 The Zarafshan basin
with its principal city Samarqand also seems to have not been under Kushan rule,
although this is uncertain since not enough excavations have been carried out in the
ancient city sites occupied by buildings today. Whereas Greco-Bactrian coins have
been found in sufficient numbers to postulate their rule in ancient Sogdiana, Kushan
34
coin finds are fewer, although from sites on the Oxus River more have been found.
Only one coin of the 'great Kushans' has been found in Samarqand, and the extensive
excavations of Panjikant east of Samarqand have yielded only several poor specimens
of Kushan coins, which leads one to speculate that direct Kushan rule was absent, or
possibly coins were little used and barter was more widely practiced than to the
35
south. Place names such as medieval Kushaniya, northwest of Samarqand, and
others, may point to an occupation by the Kushans, but they teil us nothing about the
area in the time of the 'great Kushan' rulers. 36 Sogdiana, as noted, may have been part
32 35 Cf.
In G. Fussman, "Documents epigraphiques M. E. Masson, "Po povodu dalekogo
Kouchans,"ߣF£0,61 (1974),esp. 50foll.,and his proshlogo Samarkands," in G. A. Pugachenkova,
"Le renouveau Iranien dans l'empire Kouchan," in Iz istorii iskusswa velikogo goroda (Tashkent, 1972),
Le plaleau iranien et l'asie centrale, colloques interna- 25, and O. I. Smirnova, Katalog monet s gorodishcha
tionaux du Centre natl. de la recherche scientifique, no. Pendzhikent (Moscow, 1963), 59-60.
36
567 (Paris, 1976), 313-22. His emphasis on the M. Masson, "K Voprosu o severnykh
E.
anti-Greek character of the changes made by the granitsakh 'Velikikh Kushan," in
gosudarstva
Kushans, in my opinion, is exaggerated, since the Gafurov, supra, Tsentralnaya 2, 42—49 with an
few, lf any, Greeks in the empire in the first and English summary. Also the inscription ofShapur at
second centuries of our era hardly can have had any the Ka 'bah of Zoroaster implies that the Kushans
influence either pohtically or even socially, or did not rule Sogdiana in the middle of the 3rd
directly cultural in the Kushan Empire. Century.The Oxus River, however, probably was
33
B. I. Vainberg, Monety Drevnego Khorezma ruledby the Kushans, at least as far as Khwarazm.
(Moscow, 1977), 85-89. This study supersedes Cf. V. N. Pilipko, Topografiya nakhodok Ku-
which supported the theory that the
older studies shanskikh monet na poberezhe Srednei Amudari,"
Kushans directly ruled Khwarazm, e.g., by Toi- in Istoriya i Arkheologiya Srednei Azii, ed. byO. V.
stov, op. cit. [eh. 8, n. 8], 180-84. For further Obelchenko (Ashkabad, 1978), 89-97.
bibliography see Vainberg, 193.
34
Cf. V. A. Shishkin, Varakhsha (Moscow,
1963), 229, with other references.
 The Kushans 259

of the State called K'ang-chü by Chinese sources, the center of which was to the north,
but the information is simply not explicit and one can only conjecture.
Chinese Turkestan, with more literary fragments than Sogdiana, is also an
unknown area in regard to Kushan rule, although Kushan cultural influences,
especiallythrough Buddhism, were undoubtedly strong. Commerce was lively
between east and west and from India to China through Sinkiang, at least from the
time of the Greco-Bactrian although actual direct Greco-Bactrian rule in
State,
37
Chinese Turkestan is unlikely. no evidence for political
Likewise, for the Kushans
rule there can be found, although religion joins trade and cultural contacts as
testimony of closer contacts between the Kushan Empire and Chinese Turkestan.
Bactrian loanwords in the Tokharian' language (A and B dialects), and the
occurrence of the name of Kanishka in a local Tokharian B text suggest a possible rule
of the Kushans in the oases northeast of Kashghar. 38 The use of the Kharoshthi script,
the expansion of Buddhism to the east, probably in the Kushan period, and other
similar indications have induced J. Brough to conclude that the cumulative efFect was
not the result of 'influences' but of the political domination of the Kushans over most
of Sinkiang including areas of either Kucha in the north or Khotan in
far to the east
the south, including a State called Shan-shan near the western borders of China
proper. 39 If true, it is not possible to do more than guess at a time period or the
geographical extent of Kushan rule in Chinese Turkestan, not to mention the nature
of such a rule, if it existed, but a satrap or more likely a vassal relationship of local
rulers to the 'great Kushans' would be more consistent with what we know of
political Organization in that age rather than central control. Evidence for Kushan
rule there, however, is only based on inference.
Many Kushan Empire was primarily an Indian one,
scholars have argued that the
of it was in the sub-continent. No doubt, the majority of the
since the wealthiest part
population was in the lowlands of Gandhara, the Punjab and the Ganges basin, and
Indian merchants, Buddhist monks and others from the sub-continent were found all
over the Kushan Empire, but the rulers were not Indians, and the bases of rule were
primarily Iranian, although as time progressed Indian elements grew in importance.
The very name of the Kushan' ruler Vasudeva, indicates the adherence of
last 'great

this ruler to, or at least a sympathy for, a cult of Vishnu or Vasudeva. The 'great'
Kushans ruled at Mathura but the extent of the empire to the east and south is
unknown, although from the absence of coin finds one may suspect that Kushan rule

37
J. Harmatta in "Sino-Indica," AAH, 12 more than the official use of an Indian Prakitas an
(1 964), 11-15 thinks Greek rule in Sinkiang likely, administrative language there.
but only evidence of trade or culture not of 39 Brough, "Comments on Third-Century
J.
political domination may be inferred. Shan-shan and the Historyof Buddhism," BSOAS,
38 W. Winter, "Baktrische Lehnwörter im 28 (1965), 597. Brough suggests that Kushan rule
Tocharischen," Donum lndogermanicum, Feslchrifl probably was quite short, possibly at the endof the
für A. Scherer (Heidelberg, 1971), 220-21. The Later Han dynasty in the second or at the
same title borne by the king of Kucha in Sinkiang beginning of the third Century, but any Kushan
as the 'great Kushan' kings, is a prime reason for the rule there is disputed by B. N. Mukherjee in
argument that the Kushans ruled Chinese Turkes- "KharoshthT Documents of Shan-shan and the
tan, but this by no means proves such rule, any Kushäna Empire," AAH, 24 (1976), 93.
260 Chapter IX

did not extend into modern Bengal or into the Deccan. 40 It seems that after the 'great'
Kushans, Kushan rule collapsed in areas to the east and south of Mathura if not in that

important city and Näga rulers succeeded them in the Mathura area, whereas
itself,
41
elsewhere as the Yaudheyas, became the heirs of the Kushans.
tribes, such This does
not mean that the Kushans vanished from central India, while some later rulers had
high pretensions as heirs of the Kushans, but any rule exercised by later rulers in India
claiming to be Kushans was small. The mention of a devaputra, king of kings, of the
Kushans in the Allahabad Pillar inscription of the Gupta ruler Samudragupta in the
late fourth Century only suggests that a small ruler in central India used a pretentious

title, and one may speculate that the term 'Kushan' became almost generic in India

after the third Century, much as Classical sources mention 'Bactrians' but never
42 how long Kushan princes ruled in the western Punjab, Gandhara or
'Kushans.' Just
elsewhere in the west is unclear, but in the far western regions of their domain the
Sasanians became the heirs of the Kushans in the late third and fourth centuries.
To return to Kanishka, what more can be said about him in addition to his
prominent but unhistorical place in Buddhist tradition, his initiation of an era, and his
change of language from Greek to Bactrian in Greek letters, which indicate his other
changes in the Kushan Empire, which may earn him the appellation the 'Darius' of his
time? Attempts to write a history of the early life of Kanishka, with his original home
in Khotan, Chinese Turkestan, and his subsequent conquest of India, based on fanciful
Tibetan and Chinese Buddhist works are unacceptable, and we have no evidence at all
43
of his early life or Status. From inscriptionsmentioning him we can say he ruled at
least twenty-three years after establishing a new era of time reckoning, while
suggestions that he was a viceroy of Vima Kadphises before succeeding
Vima cannot
be proved. The center of empire was in Bactria, and we may assume that his
his
domains extended north to the Hissar mountain ränge and up the Oxus River, to the
west possibly to the area of Herat and, in India, as far east as Varanasi (Benares) where
an inscription in the name of Kanishka has been found at Sarnath, and another in the
south in Sanchi, perhaps including eastern Malwa, though no evidence exists for rule
in the Deccan. 44 Even though the homeland of Kanishka was in Bactria, the Indian
part of the empire provided the wealth and power for the development of an
impressive civilization, the artistic results of which are known as Gandharan art,
discussed below.

40 4:5
Cf. B. N. Mukherjee, The Kushäfias and the Puri, op. eil. 35-37, with references.
[n. 40],
Deccan (Calcutta, 1968), esp. 100 and 109, and For a Suggestion that Kanishka may have marched
B. N. Puri, India under the Kushättas (Bombay, into Chinese Turkestan against the Han general
1965), 69-76. Coin finds suggest that only the Pan Ch'ao in A.D. 90, see K. Enoki, "Hsieh, Fu-
'great Kushans' ruled some parts of the Ganges Wang or Wang of the Yüeh-shih. A Contribution
Valleyand later Kushan rulers did not. to the Chronology of the Kushans," in Memoirs of
41
N. Mukherjee, The Disintegration of the
B. the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko, 26
Kushäva Empire (Varanasi, 1976), 78, 86-88, and (Tokyo, 1968), 12. This too is based on inference.
44
Puri, op. eil. [n. 40], 76. Cf. Dobbins, op. cit. [n. 31 ], 7 and Mukherjee,
42
For a discussion of the Allahabad inscription The Kushanas and the Deccan, 78, 108. Dobbins,
with references see S. Chattopadhyaya, Early 24-32, also describes the 'reliquary of Kanishka' in
History of North India (Calcutta, 1958), 147-64, detail, mentioned below. On Kanishka's territories
esp. 160. For the use of the word 'Bactrian' for in southern and western India, see the discussion by
'Kushan' see, interalia.ScriptoresHistoriae Augustae, Puri, op. cit. [n. 40], 52-54.
Aurelian, 33, 5; Hadrian 21, 14; Valerian, etc.
 The Kushans 261

Kanishka ruled of a Century, and two inscriptions, one in Surkh

at least a quarter
Kotal, the other on a reliquary from a stupa in Peshawar, mention him, and since both
are probably from a later date they indicate at the least the esteem in which the name
Kanishka was held after his time. If we follow dates and names on inscriptions, it
seems that Kanishka was followed by Vasishka, who probably ruled from 24-28 in
the relative chronology of the 'great Kushans,' but who left no coins in his name,
which may indicate a subordinate Status as ruler of only Indian parts of the empire
without the right to issue coins. 45 We cannot determine whether the empire was torn
by civil war after the death of Kanishka or whether Vasishka and Huvishka were sub-
kings, or vassals of Kanishka, but in any case Huvishka (meaning 'the best' or 'the
oldest') appears on inscriptions from 28 to 60, and his coinage is plentiful in gold and

copper found over the entire empire. His rule of more than thirty years (possibly
before 28 and after 60) indicates a stable and flourishing empire. There exists a most
enigmatic Kharoshthi inscription from Ära, north of Taxila, dated in the year 41 of
Kanishka son of Vajheshka, who not only holds the usual exalted titles of a great ruler,
but also a stränge word reconstructed as 'Kaisar,' possibly a copy of Roman 'Caesar'.46
Many explanations of the Information in this inscription have been proposed,
including the existence of a later era of reckoning for the Kushans, as well as a short-
lived ruler called Kanishka who usurped power from Huvishka, but from this one
inscription no deductions about the succession can be made.
The last of the 'great Kushans' was Vasudeva, who from his name, associated with
the Hindu god Vishnu, shows an increase in the Indianization of the dynasty. His
inscriptions are dated from 67 to 98 of the 'great Kushan' era, although again he may
have ruled earlier and later than these dates. The name Vasudeva occurs among later
Kushan rulers, and it is sometimes difficult to know to which ruler certain coins with
this name refers, and disagreement exists among scholars on the assignment of some of
the coins to one or another Vasudeva. Archaeologists agree, however, that the end of
the reign of Vasudeva I marked a period of decline in the sites of Bactria, homeland of
the dynasty, for traces of ruin in the strata dating to the end of Vasudeva's reign may
be found in a number of Kushan of northern Bactria. 47 Both from the
sites

archaeological evidence and the seeming end of the era of time reckoning founded by
Kanishka, with no inscriptions dated after the year 99 of that era, we may conclude
that the Century of the 'great Kushans' came to an end. Many scholars have dated this
decline with the rise of the Sasanians, which is a good surmise but which leaves us with
a latitude of many years in which to try to date the 'great Kushans.' All we can say is
that the second Century of our era, when the Parthians were not faring well with
the Romans, was the Century of 'great Kushan' flourishing, with exact dates still

uncertain.

45 Vasishka, meaning 'most energetic' (accord- op. eil. [n. 18], 59-60, discusses various interpreta-
ing toBailey in Basham[n. 1], 38, and Eilers, op.cit. tions of the inscription, not one of them more
1 17), is mentioned in a Brahmi inscription
[n. 12], convincing than another.
47 See G. Pugachenkova, "K stratigrafii novykh
from Mathura dated 24 as mahäräja räjaliräjä
deväputra, not a subordinate title. monetnykh nakhodok iz Severnoi Baktrii," VDI,
46 Konow, op. eil. [n.
14], 162-65. Rosenfield, 3 (1967), 88.
AbZ Chattet IX

DISINTEGRATION OF THE EMPIRE

Shapur, son of Ardashir, in his inscription on the Ka *bah of Zoroaster, says he held in
hisempire 'the land of the Kushans (line 4 : K
ovar)\^(ov i&]vr), Parthian kwSnxkr, MP
missing), until in front of (iws €\J,TTpoo&ev) Pashkibur, and up to Kash, Soghd and
the mountains of Chach,' which seems to indicate that about the year 265, the
Sasanians had in fact secured control of, if not annexed, the Kushan domains up to
Pashkibur, Kash, Soghd and the mountains of Chach or Shash. 48 The problems of
identifying these places are many, but everyone would agree that Bactria, the
homeland of the Kushans, the Hindukush mountains, and probably Kabul and some
of the lowlands at Jalalabad and farther, were under some sort of Sasanian control at
this time.
49 From what little we know of Indian history, presumably the Kushans

continued to rule in parts of the Punjab or Northwest province after the end of rule of
the 'great Kushans,' but coin finds on which müch of the history of this period are
based are notoriously unreliable, especially after an era of great, imperial expansion
when copying of imperial coinage in many areas would be expected. Whether we
must postulate a Kanishka III, a Vasishka II, and a Vasudeva II and III among later
Kushan rulers is conjectural, but the retreat of the Kushans from regions east of
Mathura seems to have begun already in the reign of Huvishka. 50 Just as the
archaeological evidence from northern Bactria implies a great decline in Kushan
fortunes under Vasudeva I, so the decline of trade between the Roman and Kushan
51
Empires may also be attributed to the end of the reign of Vasudeva. The continued
rule of a Kushan king, Vasudeva II, in India after the Sasanian conquest of the western
part of the empire has been postulated by several scholars, but it is impossible to do
more than surmise the existence of rulers who followed Kushan traditions in coinage
and in art, such as statues. The problem of various coins with the name Vasudeva but
in different styles points to a copying of Vasudeva coins by others after him, similar to
the coins of Hermaeus, last of the Indo-Greeks. Some scholars have proposed two
branches of rulers copying Vasudeva coins, one following those coins with a triratna
'three jewels' symbol on them, which eventually were copied by the Sasanian
governors of the western Kushan domains in the fourth Century, while the second
group of Vasudeva coins with Brahmi akfaras 'syllables' on them developed into coins
of the Murundas and Guptas in India. Göbl has developed an elaborate scheme of late
Kushan rulers comparable to the late Roman Empire with a senior Augustus and a
junior Augustus, as well as a division of the empire into two parts according to the
52
two types of coins, but it is all conjecture.

48 50 40-42,
The of the inscription in
basic publication See Mukherjee, Disintegration [n. 41],

three versions, Greek, Parthian and defective and Puri, op. eil. [n. 40], 75-76. On Vasishka II see

Middle Persian is M. Sprengung, Third Century R. Göbl, "Väsiska Anzeiger der phil.-hist. Klasse
II,"

Iran, Sapor and Kartir (Chicago, 1953) with the der österreichischen Akad. der Wiss. (Vienna, 1966),
Greek text ed. and transl. by A. Maricq, "Res 291 -300. His division ofthe Kushan Empire into a
Gestae Divi Saporis," Syria, 35 (1958), 295-360, northwest and a southeast kingdom.on thebasisof
with further bibliographies. coin types is convincing, but we can do little more
49
On the identification of Pashkibur with than speculate about this.
51
Peshawar or otherwise, see E. Honigmann and A. Mukherjee, op. cit. [n. 41], 51-52.
52
Maricq, Recherches sur les Res Gestae Divi Saporis Ibid., 72-73, 85; Rosenneid, op. cit. [n. 18],

(Brüssels, 1953), 101-05, and H. Humbach, 109-12. The existence of copper coins with the
"Puspapura = Peläwar," MSS, 23 (1968), 45-48. name Vasu may point to another Vasudeva in the
 The Kushans 263

At one can suggest an eastern and a western part of Kushan domains, one on
least

the plains of India and the other centered in Bactria and the Hindukush mountains. In
the west, Sasanian relations with successors of the 'great Kushans' are unknown, while
in the east the rise of local dynasties of Nägas, Yaudheyas and others in the piain of the
Ganges probably brought an end to Kushan rule even earlier than the Sasanians in the
west. In between is a blank, and rare coins with difficult legends only ofFer tantalizing
fragments for speculation. 53 Sasanian rule in the Kushan heartland is the subject for a
of the 'great Kushans' marked the end of a Century of cultural
later chapter, for the fall

splendor which outlasted the Kushans and had great effects on the Guptas of India, and
on minor dynasties in Central Asia. The Kushans in the east were in a sense early
counterparts of the Sasanians in the west. The cultural legacy of the Kushans was
important not only as a conduit between east and west, but because of its own
importance as a source area for the Far East, especially in the expansion of Buddhism
and its art.

CULTURAL RELATIONS, EAST AND WEST

One may see the great influence of the Kushans in political and economic
Organization, in art and in religion in this period of Central Asian history. The first is
mainly garnered from words in texts, although archaeology may aid in
reconstructing political history as well as the flourishing material civilization of the
Kushans. In Khwarazm, for example, archaeologists have determined that the period
of greatest expansion of the important System of irrigation was the time of the
Kushans, irrespective whether Khwarazm was under Kushan hegemony or not. 54
Elsewhere the indications are the same, that agriculture and building flourished. From
many inscriptions in India Surkh Kotal we learn that the construction,
and at
endowment or were not only
restoration of wells, water tanks, or irrigation canals
pious acts, but essential to the well-being of the population and an important task of
the government. The old Greek or Hellenistic city was unlike the Kushan town, for
the latter was characterized by strong fortifications and a central citadel, usually with
villages outside the walls. 55 Local canons of architecture seem to have reasserted
themselves under the Kushans, for the archaeological remains of the Kushan period
56
reveal more Iranian features than Hellenic in the architecture of the Kushans.

55
Peshawar by Mukherjee, but we
area, as suggested V. A. Zavyalov, "K kharakteristike vnutren-
Göbl has many articles on
are really in the dark. R. nei struktury Kushanskogo goroda," and S. R.
the late Kushan coins such as "Zwei neue Termini" Pidaev, "K probleme goroda i derevni v Kushans-
[n. 19], 139-51, and hisarticlein Basham op. cit. [n. kom obshchestve," in V. M. Masson, ed., Drevnie

1]. Goroda (Leningrad, 1977), 46-49.

53 56
1t is an almost impossible task to correlate See G. A. Pugachenkova, "Zodchestvo an-
coins, and art objects, our three
inscriptions tichnoi Baktrii-traditsii i svyazi," in Pichikyan, [eh.
sources, and while theories abound, convincing 7, n. 2], 217-22, and other articles in the same
proofs of correlation of dates and individual book. Also see the remarks of Pugachenkova on
objects, whether inscriptions or coins, are lacking. architecture in I. T. Kruglikova, ed., Drevnyaya
Archaeology may in the future aid us, but we need Baktriya (Moscow, 1976), 125-62, with a French
some provable correlations with the west to r£sume\ 188-89. See also the bibliography in
resolve many problems. Fussman, "Chronique," [eh. 7, Literature], 428-
54 Dreunim Dellam Oksa
S. P. Tolstov, Po i 29.
Yaksarta (Moscow, 1962), 94-95.
264 Chapter IX
Preliminary investigations suggest that the population increased, as well as the
expansion of agriculture, whichis not unexpected with a flourishing empire such as

that of the 'great Kushans. 57 In short, what little evidence exists points to an internal
prosperity of the Kushan Empire in its heyday, which is confirmed by the remarkable
art finds, especially at the site of Begram, ancient Kapisa, near modern Charikar in the

heart of the empire.

At Begram French archaeologists unearthed Indian ivories, Chinese lacquer
objects,Roman glass, Greek bronze statuettes and plaster medallions and other objects,
the provenance of which is uncertain, a tribute to the far-flung commercial ties as well
as to the cosmopolitan tastes of the Kushans. 58 The
Roman connections of the
Kushans have been discussed many times, especially in the realms of art and culture,
and we may suppose that the creation of a large and stable empire, at least for a
Century, gave a strong impetus to east-west trade and even direct diplomatic contacts,
for embassies from the Bactrians (i.e., the Kushans) did come to the Roman Empire in
the reigns of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, but there is no further information about
them. One of the achievements of the 'great Kushans' was to establish a stable gold
coinage, on the basis of which the copper coinage under Huvishka became
increasingly fiduciary in character, as MacDowall has shown. S9 Whether the break-
up of Kushan hegemony in India or other factors caused a decline in east-west trade
can only be surmised, but again the period of commercial flourishing coincides with
'greatKushan' rule. Although gold coinage was continued by the Guptas in India and
by Sasanian governors of Bactria, in the west the coinage became debased and was
everywhere replaced by silver and, in general, coinage lost its fiduciary nature and
was weighed for value. This, however, is a later story.
We have very little information about Kushan political Organization, but one may
assume that military ofhcials were prominent in the spread and consolidation of
Kushan power. One officer known in later texts as the kanarang is first found in the
inscription of Surkh Kotal in the form kara-lrango (with typical east-Iranian /- for d-)
which has been etymologized as 'lord of the marches,' or as 'holder or manager of the
army,' but whatever the origin of the word, it was probably a high, if not the highest,
military office in Bactria, and the title continued in use into Islamic times. 60 We have
57
E. V. Rtveladze, "O chislennosti naseleniya Kushäna Coinages," JNSI, 22 (1960), esp. 68-74,
Kushanskikh naselennykh punktov Severnoi Bak- in his article in Basham, op. cit. [n.l], esp. 138-40,
trii," in O. V. Obelchenko, ed., Istoriya i Arkheolo- 148, and in his "The Mint Organization of the
giya Srednei Azii (Ashkabad, 1978) 107-14. Copper Coinages of the Kushan Dynasty," Proceed-
58
See J. Hackin, Nouvelles recherches archiologi- ings of the Royal Numismatic Society (London,
ques ä Begram, MDAFA, 11 (Paris, 1954), 151-56 1 969-70), xc. For Roman-Kushan relations see the
for the lacquer, 89-1 50 for Greco-Roman objects, populär account of M. Wheeler, Rome Beyond the
and 17-89 on the ivory. Although the Stratum Imperial Frontiers (London, 1955), 115-76, and
where were found was dated to the
these objects B. N. Mukherjee, The Economic Factors in Kushäna
second Century of our era, earlier dates for the History (Calcutta, 1970).
objects have been proposed. J. L. Davidson, in
60 For the first etymology, equivalent to NP
"Begram Ivories and Indian Stones," Marg, 24 kanarang 'holder of the frontier,' see W. B.
(Bombay, 1971),31-45,putstheivoriesinthefirst Henning, "Surkh-Kotal and Kaniska," ZDMG,
Century B.c. and proposes the Kushans as collectors 115 (1965), 77-79, followed by Gershevitch,
of 'antiquities.' For a good short survey of the while the second etymology is upheld by H. W.
Begram find see B. Rowland, Ancient Art from Bailey, "Saka candarno and Surkh Kotal kara-
Afghanistan (New York, 1966), 24-28. Irangga-," in Milanges linguistiques offerts ä E.
59
D. MacDowall, "Weight Standards of Benveniste [n. 28], 33-34.
 The Kushans 265

found no more titles in the Bactrian language, for we have no sources, and to turn to
later India or Sogdiana to interpolate titles found in texts there back to Kushan
Bactria is fraught with risks. In India, however, one may distinguish between native
titles, such as dandanayaka and mahädanfanayaka 'police chief or inspector?' and

Iranian titles as kfatrapa (and mahä-) 'satrap', which existed, however, before the
Kushans. Also the word shäh (or shao in Bactrian form) is found, possibly the western
equivalent of the kfatrapa in the sub-continent. In this realm one may say that
continuity with the Saka-Indo-Parthian System of rule seems to have been the
characteristic of Kushan rule in India. 61 In Central Asia much has been written about
the title yabghu, found in various sources from the Yüeh-chih to the Turks, and
although the Altaic origin of the word was strongly defended, it seems now agreed
that it isfrom the root yam- 'to lead,' and probably it came to prominence in
Iranian,
title of nomads, but it is uncertain whether the
the steppes of Central Asia remaining a
Kushans were the originators or propagators of the title, although the coins of Kujula
Kadphises have the title, and it appears in Chinese sources for the chiefs of the five

tribes of the Yüeh-chih. 62 The problems the Kushans had in order to weld their
tribal confederation into an empire must have been very great, but the end result was
probably a preservation of nomadic norms of rule in Central Asia and an adaptation
to local conditions in Bactria, the Hindukush region, and certainly in India. How
much of imperial Kushan ideology was preserved after the fall of the 'great Kushans' is
dimcult to determine, but one may suggest that the amalgam which held the empire
together was provided mainly by the personality of the ruler, for personal allegiance
was always the norm for rule and expansion of rule among the peoples of Central
Asia, and the Kushans came from Central Asia. It is a mistake, however, to assume that
nomads merely copied the settled peoples in building a State; the empires of the
Hsiung-nu and much later the Mongols indicate the complexity of nomadic
organizations with 'charismatic' ruler clans and a refractory nobility, which had to be
welded to settled structures of government. One feature of the nobility, as gleaned
from archaeology, was an artificial deformation of the skull, either an indication of
rank or class, or only a style among the nobility. 63 We do not know whether Central
Asiatic nomadic traditions of double rule, or double kingship, were followed by the
Kushans. It is possible, as suggested by numismatists, to explain the great variety of
coinage, but there is no evidence that the 'great Kushans' followed this practice. When
we turn to Fine Arts, traces of an 'imperial' style of the Kushans are suggested by stone
61 proposes a form
On titles see Puri, op. eil. [n. 40], 79-87; 1943), 82, n. 5. Bailey now
H. W. Bailey, "A KharostrT Inscription of Seija- *yävuka word.
'leader' for the
varma King of Odi," JRAS (1980), 24-29. The "The practice of deformation of skulls, as
Kharoshthi form of the Greek word meridarch 'sub- observed on coins and in sculptures, seems to have
governor' oecurs as merCakhena in the early been restricted to the nomadic nobility, for the
Kushan period in the inscription deeiphered by practice can be found not only among the Kushans,
Bailey. In that inscription, line 9, the guiuraka but among Sarmatians, on their skulls in graves in
nobles may be royal princes, the vispuhr of the south Russia, and in the north Caucasus. Cf. T. A.
west. Trofimova, "Izobrazheniya Eftalitskikh pravitelei
62 See note 7; Turkic theory see
for the na monetakh; obichai iskusstvenoi deformatsii
Altheim,HHMM«j[ch.5,n.68],310.OntheIranian cherepa," in A. V. Vinogradov, ed., Istoriya
origin see H. W. Bailey, "To the Zamasp-Namak Arkheologiya Etnograßya Srednei Azii, Sbornik v
i

I," BSOS, 6 (1930), 64, and his Zoroastrian ehest S. P. Tolstov (Moscow, 1968), 179-89.
Problems in the Ninth Century Books (Oxford,
266 Chapter IX

statues of rulers from Surkh Kotal and Mathura, but no overwhelming dominance of
the arts by the court, as with the Achaemenids or Sasanians in the west appears. In any
case, any imperial art which may have existed was put in the shade by the Buddhist art
of Gandhara, although the development of art over the vast area ruled by the 'great
Kushans* is uncertain.
It is impossible here to go into the many problems of Gandharan art, not the least of
which is the chronology of objects. A brief survey of the art Situation tentatively may
ofFer aid to an understanding of the developments in the domain of Fine Arts.
Generally speaking, four geographical areas should be considered in a discussion of
arts under the Kushans, the plains of northern India with a center at Mathura, the
Gandhara area of modern Peshawar, Bactria, and finally the steppes of Central Asia.
Cultural and artistic trends in these areas may have greatly influenced one another,
but they were separate regions, and this is sometimes forgotten by students of the
cultures of this vast area. In addition there are primarily two outside influences which
must be considered as operative on all four geographical areas, but, of course, with
different degrees of intensity. The first is the Near Eastern Achaemenid tradition of
art and culture, followed by Parthian adaptations or additions to it, and the second is
the Hellenistic-Roman impact, probably in two separated time sequences, the Greeks
in Bactria, and then the Roman Empire of the first two centuries of our era.
Obviously the Kushans partook of all these influences in the regions under their
and they were the patrons of artists who carved statues of several rulers at
control,
Surkh Kotal and Mathura. Since we are here concerned with Bactria and the
Hindukush region, the homeland if not the heart of the Kushan domains, we should
concentrate on these regions. Under the Kushans a revival of Iranian elements, both
Achaemenid and Central Asian, in architectural decoration, in monumental
architecture, as the Surkh Kotal and palaces at Khalchayan and
grand staircase at
elsewhere, replaces the decaying Greek traditions of Bactria as seen at Ay Khanum.
Sculptures are no longer in the round as Greeks made them, but with frontality
stressed as well as other canons. Costumes are distinctively Central Asian on statues of
Kushan rulers or nobles. So at first we find an amalgam of Greek and Iranian (steppe
and Achaemenid) traditions in the art of the early Kushans. In India, both Roman or
Roman provincial (Egypt and Syria) influences are met as well as the local Gandharan
(local and Saka-Parthian) and Indian styles and techniques from farther east. Contact

with Roman culture brought a resurgence of ancient Greco-Roman modeis, such as

Greek myths, but it seems as though masters of painting, sculpture and other arts in
the Kushan domains copied the modeis without knowing their meaning, e.g., myths
depicted in art. The end result, probably beginning at the end of the second or in the
third Century, was the change from a Greco-Iranian to a Buddhist art, the famous art
of Gandhara, parallel to the change from a Classical to a Christian art tradition in
Europe. 64 For Buddhism dominates the art and the culture of northwest India,
64
For a discussion of art problems see Rosen- Kunst der Welt (Baden-Baden, 1970), 79-123,and
field, op. eil. [n. 18], esp. 138-253; Schlumberger, on Gandharan art itself, J. Marshall, The Buddhist
op. eil. [eh. 7, n. 76], 195-83, 210-14; and the Art of Gandhara (Cambridge, 1960), 1-112. See
articles in Pichikyan, op. cit. [eh. 7, n. 2], esp. those also K. W. Dobbins, "Gandharan Art from the
by B. Marshak, 258-66, and N. Meshkeris, 243-
I. Stratified Excavations," EW, 23 (1973), 279-94,
47. For relations
of Gandharan art with that of and for Parthian influences, B. Goldman, "Parthi-
Chinese Turkestan see B. Rowland, Zentralasien, ans at Gandhara," EW, 28 (1978), 189-202.
 The Kushans 267
Afghanistan and into Central Asia at the end of the period of the 'great Kushans' and
afterwards. Buddhist art even more than Christian art is repetitious, iconic and
ritualistic, unmistakable wherever it is found, but other religions existed in the

Kushan Empire, and this brings us to the question of religions in the Kushan Empire.
Just as the Roman Empire saw the end of the Classical world and the beginning of a
new Christian one, so the Kushan Empire passed from a similar proliferation of cults
and sects, of Greek, Iranian and Indian deities, to the new Buddhist world of the east.
Unlike Europe, however, Afghanistan and India later saw a resurgence of Hinduism,
especially the cult of §iva which resurgence had its roots in the Kushan period.
Syncretism was in füll swing before the Kushans, and we find the cult of Vishnu,
otherwise called Vasudeva, identified with Herakles in Mathura perhaps as early as
the fourth or third Century b.c. 65 With a plethora of local cults in the pre-Buddhist
period, the Kushan rulers, like the Roman emperors, sought to instill in all of their
subjects a loyalty to the dynasty while not only permitting, but probably also
patronizing, many cults. A dynastic cult of the Kushan rulers, probably similar to the
emperor cult in Rome, was instituted, and the devakula at Mathura, where a portrait
statue of the sitting Vima Kadphises and a standing statue of Kanishka, both in Central
Asian costume, were found, was probably had the
a royal sanctuary.
66 Since the rulers

epithet devaputra, 'son of god,' a temple or devakula to the dynasty would be

understandable. Although §iva is prominent on the coins of both Vima Kadphises
and Vasudeva I, while under Kanishka and Huvishka a plethora of Iranian, Greek and
Indian deities are represented on their coins, we may only suggest that Vima and
Vasudeva had personal preferences, since to go beyond this would be unwarranted.
Much has been written about the various deities depicted on coins or statues which
have been found, but obviously Iranian deities and cults flourished more in Bactria
and Indian cults in the Indian cultural area although syncretism and mixtures seem to
have occurred everywhere. 67 A sun cult dedicated to Mithra may have flourished
under the Kushans, but we have no clear evidence of it, neither in material remains,
such as temples, nor in literary sources, such as the much later sun cult of Multan.
Given the tenor of the times one may propose that many cults existed under the
Kushans as under the Roman emperors of the first two centuries. Burial customs may
throw some light but in northern Bactria Soviet archaeologists have
on religions,
found disposal of the dead in the Kushan period in ossuaries containing bones,
presumably after having been exposed, füll burials in coffins, in Chambers or
mausolea, usually of brick, burials in large clay jars, occasional cremation and burials
in terra-cotta sarcophagi, all of which points to a variety of customs if not necessarily
68
to different peoples or religions in that region.
The variety of cults and beliefs is bewildering, and although traces of such cults are

65
Megasthenes' embassy to India is discussed in 136-56; for Central Asia G. Pugachenkova, "O
B. C. J. Timmer, Megasthenes en de Indische Kultakh Baktrii v svete arkheologii," VDI, 1
Maalschappij (Amsterdam, 1930) 106-07, and the (1974), 125-35. For Afghanistan, B. Rowland,
Besnagar inscription of Heliodorus, in Lüders, "Buddha and the Sun God," Zalmoxis, 1 (Paris,
Mathura Inscriptions, [n. 3], 133-34. 1938), 69-84 and H. Humbach, "Vayu, Siva and
66 For the statues, see Rosenfield, o/j. eil. [n. 18], der Spiritus Vivens im ostiranischen Synkretis-
and 2, and with agoodsurvey of the Kushan
figs. 1 mus," Monumentum Nyberg, AI, 4 (1975), 397-
pantheon as found on coins. 408.
67
On the Indian side see Puri, op. cit. [n. 40],
68 Pugachenkova, op. cit. [n. 67], 132-34.
268 Chapter IX
found long after the Kushans, that which prevailed was Buddhism and a revived
Hinduism in Bactria, the Hindukush area and northwest India, while local forms of
Zoroastrianism or Mazdaism flourished in Sogdiana and western Afghanistan. One
may suspect that the site of Surkh Kotal or Baghlan in the Hindukush region, which
was dedicated to an imperial Kushan cult, as so frequently in this part of the world,
retained hallowed or sacred character, but transferred to new religions as time
its

progressed and the memory of the Kushans faded. We know more about Buddhism
than any other religion, for it was in the Kushan period that this religion expanded in
Central Asia and China, but side by side with Buddhism, to a lesser degree, went
forms of Hinduism.
In a series of articles B. A. Litvinskii has outlined the history of Buddhism in
Central Asia. 69 It is now generally accepted that Buddhism had reached the
Hindukush area in the time of the Mauryan ruler Asoka, since his inscriptions have
been found near there, but the progress of the religion to the north, in Central Asia,
belongs to a later period. Since Buddhist remains have been found in the oasis of

Merv, which according to numismatic data remained under Parthian control and was
not ruled by the Kushans, we may assume a Buddhist missionary activity independent
of the patronage of Kushan rulers. 70 It is highly probable that the success of Kushan
expansion in Chinese Turkestan provided an impetus for Buddhist missionary
activities there and towards China. Although Buddhism had adherents in Sogdiana
and in Khwarazm, it never gained popularity in these two regions in which local
forms of Mazdaism seem to have been predominant. We cannot follow the fortunes
of Buddhism in Central Asia, except to say that Bactria became and remained the
stronghold of 'Iranian' Buddhism until Islam supplanted it. Monuments of Buddhism
do show differences from Indian Buddhism and the remains
in the 'east Iranian' area
have been studied by archaeologists and art historians, whose opinions, however, do
not always coincide. 71 It would seem that the Buddha image was first developed in
central India, possibly at Mathura, whence it was brought to the northwest where it
was changed and became 'Hellenized' under the Kushans and became the Gandhara
style. This style was then in turn adopted by Mathura and also by Bactria, but in India

it became more 'Indianized' as time progressed, whereas in Bactria the Gandhara art

style became more 'Iranicized.' Likewise Buddhism became 'Iranicized' in Bactria

such that both the art and the religion in Central Asia became the inspiration for
Chinese and other Far Eastern forms of Buddhism. Different schools of Mahayana
Buddhism flourished in Central Asia, probably the most important being that of the
Sarvastavadins. It is not possible here to discuss Buddhist doctrines, nor such items as

69 71
Litvinskii, "Makhadeva i Duttkhagamani, o See esp. A. S. Melikian-Chirvani, "The
nachalebuddizmavParfii,"KD/,3(1967),88-90; Buddhist Heritage in the Art of Iran" in W.
"Sredneaziatskie narody i rasprostranenie Bud- Watson, ed., Mahayanist Art, Colloquies on Art
dizma," in htoriya, Arkheologiya i Etnografii Srednei and Architecture in Asia, 2 (London, 1 972) and his
Azii, Tolstov, op. eil. [n. 63], 128-35, and in "Recherches sur l'architecture de l'Iran Bouddhi-
English, Ow(/i'ne History of Buddhism in Central Asia que I, symbolisme du
Essai sur les origines et le
(Dushanbe, 1968), 1-109. stüpa iranien," Le Monde 3 (Paris,
Ironien et l'Islam,
70
See V. N. Pilipko, "Parfyanskie bronzovye 1975), 1-61. See also W. Ball, "Two Aspects of
monety so znakom -n pod lukam," VDI, 4 (1980), Iranian Buddhism," Bulletin of the Asia Institute, 2
105-24, and G. Koshelenko, "The Beginning of (Shiraz, 1976), 103-43, on caves in Iran.
Buddhism in Margiana," AA, 14 (1966), 175-83.
 The Kushans 269

the popularity of the figure of a lying Buddha in Central Asian Buddhist art, nor the
role of Maitreya in Central Asian Buddhism, but when we find terms or concepts in
Central Asian, or even Chinese, Buddhism not found in Indian Buddhism, or only
attested there later, we may suspect Iranian influences. Since the tide of invasion went
from Central Asia to the warm plains of India rather than the reverse, borrowings
from Iranian or Central Asian Buddhism into Indian Buddhism are not to be
discounted. The figure of Maitreya which apparently appears in India at the turn of
the millennium when the Buddhist Pali canon was written, may have been
borrowed from the deity Mithra who was populär in Iran and Central Asia, but
nothing can be proved. 72 Likewise a 'cult of the book,' pustaka-, a word of Iranian
origin, may have come to India from the Central Asian Iranian world. In short, there
are many indications for an 'Iranian' school of Buddhism which not only borrowed
from India but also returned ideas and practices from Central Asia, especially in the
time of the Kushans and later.

In summary, the 'great Kushans' played a role on the stage of history in the east as
the Achaemenids had done in the west, and the heritage of the Kushans in gold and
copper coinage, in the 'Iranicization' of State and society, in the promotion of those
features of Buddhism and art which had their origins in the Kushan empire, and also
the creation of a system of writing other than Aramaic, based on the Greek aiphabet,
for an Iranian language, all attest to the important place of the Kushan Empire as a
model for future rulers and dynasties. Only continued archaeology will reveal the
material wealth and power of the Kushan Empire, the last great Iranian empire in the
east before the Coming of the Turks and then of Islam.

72
Maitreya does not behave like other Bodhi- Buddha, allof which sounds Iranian and non-
satvas who follow the original Buddha story, but Indian. On the other hand, theform of the name
Maitreya will be born into the Brahmin caste at a in -fr- rather than -thr- or -hr- betrays an Indian

future golden age, and a world emperor or rather than an Iranian origin.
Cakravartin is necessary as a patron for the future
 CHAPTER X

MINOR DYNASTIES ON THE PLATEAU

Literatme: Classical sources are brief notices, mostly in historians of theRoman Empire, and Strabo,
supplemented by local inscriptions. The six volumes of F. Altheim and R. Stiehl, Die Araber in der alten
Well (Berlin, 1964-69) contain a wealth of scattered information about the pre-Islamic period of this part
of the world, but much is unreliable and hard to find in scattered remarks. Their Christentum am Roten
Meer (Berlin, 1971-73) also has only scattered remarks on Aramaic and Mandaic inscriptions of interest
here. The short survey "Geschichte Mesopotamiens," G. Widengren in HO, 2, Keilschrift-Forschung und
alte Geschichte Vorderasiens, 4. von Kyros bis Mohammed (Leiden,
Abschnitt, Orientalische Geschichte
1966), 1-31, is of Mesopotamia, but vol. 3 of the Cambridge History o/Iran
a useful guidc to the history
provides a better survey of this period with bibliographies, while the MMAI vols. 38, G. Le Rider, op. cit.
[eh. 6, n. 25] and 45 by R. Ghirshman, Terrasses saertes de Bard-k Nhhandeh et Masjid-i Solaiman (Paris,

1976) contain much general information about Susa and environs in this period. H. J. Nissen,
"Südbabylonien in Parthischer und Sasanidischer Zeit," Baghdader Mitteilungen, 6 (Berlin, 1973), 79-86, is
based on archaeological surveys, as is D. Oates, Studies in the Ancient History
qf Northern lraq (London,
1968), 67-92. Literary sources as noted are few, some remarks in Strabo and Pliny, a notice here and there
in Stephan of Byzantium or other later books on geography, and a few inscriptions of Elymais, while
archaeology and coinage complete the meagre list. Syriac sources, the Babylonian Talmud and later
Arabic books have virtually nothing on the pre-Sasanian period. Specialized bibliographies will be found
in the notes to each section.

PERSIS

The dynasty of thefrataraka in Persis by the first Century of our era had either changed
or at least a new title MLK 'shäh' appears on the coins, and the first ruler with this
*

title seems to have been a certain Darius (d'ryw on the coins). 1 His dates of rule as well
as the significance of change in title are uncertain; the coinage might imply the
adoption of a vassal Status under Parthian suzerainty perhaps as early as the time of
Mithradates II of Parthia, or more likely later, for Strabo (XV, 728) teils us that in his
time the Persians had a king of their own, and he was a vassal of the Parthian ruler.
Presumably sometime in the change took place, although
first Century b.c. this

attempts to tie the coins of Persis to the coins of one or another Parthian king in form
and style, from Mithradates I to Orodes III or Phraates IV, are too conjectural or
subjeetive to assume the role of reliable evidence. 2 The coins of Darius rather appear

2
1
For the most recent work on the rulers of As suggested by Kahrstedt, op. cit. [eh. 8, n.
Persis see P. Naster, "Note depigraphie monetaire 119], 38-39. It is significant that no Seleucid mint
de Perside: fratakara.frataraka ou JratadaraT IA, 8 is attested in Persis, and the earliest coins of Persis
(1970), 74-80, and his "Fire Altar or Fire Tower do not copy Seleucid coins. Achaemenid satrapal
on the Coins of Persis," Orientalia Lovaniensis, 1 issues provide a prototype for the earliest Persis
(Louvain, 1970), 125-29, plus G. Ito, "Gathica coins as suggested by de Morgan, op. cit. [eh. 5, n.
XIV-XV,"Orie«(, 12 (Tokyo, 1976), 47-66. Hill's 103], 133.
Catalogue [eh. 5, n. 1 04] is still the best description
of the coins.
272 Chapter X
to be a normal development from earlier coins of Persis and the real change to a
Parthian style of coinage comes in the reign of wtfrdt or Autophradates, presumably
the second ruler of Persis to bear this name, when
change from early 'Persis type'
a
coins to a 'Parthian style' can be seen. 3 One
of significance is the change in
feature
direction of the bust on the coins from facing right to facing left, after Autophradates
II, as well as a new crown similar to Parthian crowns, and these may indicate a change

in rule from independence to a vassalship under the Parthian kings, but again this is
only surmise. 4 This change may be dated to the time of Artabanus III, as Kahrstedt
suggests, but we may say that the coins would only corroborate Strabo, that during
the last two centuries of Parthian rule, Persis proclaimed its vassal relationship by
striking coins on The coins of wtfrdt are followed by those of
the Parthian model.
Darius king, son of wtfrdt king, and then Wahuxshahr (whwkr) son of Darius, and an
Ardashir (Vffi&r) son of Darius, followed by a nmwptl son of Ardashir. Other coins
seem to carry the names pkw r, son of Wahuxshahr?, kp't or np't son oinmwpt, several
different types with the name Manuchihr {rnnttry?) and one of the last of the series
'King Ardashir son of Manuchihr King.' 5 From the names one may draw several
conclusions: first, that old Achaemenid names continued in use in Persis, and if
Manuchihr is the correct reading, this is both a populär name in the epic literature of
Iran, and also it appears as the name of a local king in Persis who was conquered by
Ardashir, founder of the Sasanian dynasty. 6 One feature of the middle group of coins
is the different forms of altars on reverses, a continuation of the enigmatic structure or

large altar of the earliest coins of the dynasty. This prominence, as well as the
Interpretation of the wordfrataraka zsfradadära Tire protector,' gave rise to the belief
that pre-Sasanian Persis was ruled by priest-kings. Certainly religion must have been
important in Persis, and shrines, possibly built on Achaemenid sites, probably
flourished, but a 'priest-dynasty' is unattested. Another feature of the later coins of
Persis is the change in aiphabet from the usual Aramaic to a form which can be called
the prototype of the later Sasanian epigraphical aiphabet with rounded -m- and
distinctive forms of other letters such as -/-, with r and w already falling together.
Ardashir's coins are a continuation ofthose of Persis. Beyond these few remarks there
is little to say about Persis before the Sasanians, except to credit the unanimous reports
of later authors that the province was divided into a number of principalities, the

most important of which was probably the one that issued coins at Istakhr near
Persepolis, where vague memories of the imperial glory of the Achaemenids lingered
in folk tales and in the physical presence of the ruins of Persepolis nearby, and this is

3
Hill, op. eil.n 104],plate XXXI nos. 14
[eh. 5, the series ed. by E. Babelon, Traue Monnaies
and 15. The by J. de Morgan, op. cit.
publication Crecques et Romaines (Paris, 1927), 342—419, does
[eh. 5, n. 103], 270-88, is less reliable. not inspire confidence in some of his readings. The
4
A copper coin, probably of Darius II, the only existence of kings called 'Mtri' (Mihr) and prwlS
copper ofthe Persis series extant in collections, was (Piruz) is questionable. On the other hand, the
found at the excavations of Tepe Malyan in Fars; bibliography in the book of de Morgan is very
see J. M. Balcer, "Parthian and Sasanian Coins and useful. The coinage, it should be noted, was local,
Burials (1976)," Iran, 16 (1978), 86-88. for no coins of Persis were found among the
5
Hill, op. eil. [eh. 5, n. 104], 216—44 and plates thousands excavated at Susa over decades, and the
XXXIII-XXXVII. The legends, in an uncertain coins are rare.
6 In Tabari's history, ed.
Aramaic aiphabet, are difficult to deeipher and J. by M. J. de Goeje, 1

de Morgan, Numismatique de la Perse Antique, in (Leiden, 1879-), 815.

 Minor Dynasties on the Plateau 273

where the Sasanian dynasty had its roots. According to Tabari (I, 814—5) the ruler of
Istakhrwas called Gochihr of the family of Bäzrangi, and he was overthrown by
Papak, but this is the later story of the Sasanians.

ELYMATS
This region included the highlands of present Khuzistan-Luristan, where the oil fields
of Masjid-e-Sulaiman and others are located, and whereas the coins of Persis early
show a use of Aramaic masks in the Middle Persian or Pahlavi System of writing, the
coins of Elymais are written in a distinctive aiphabet and the language seems to be an
Aramaic dialect. Fortunately, we have several inscriptions in the language of Elymais
as well as archaeological remains to assist of this region. At
in reconstructing a history
once the question of the Elamites what happened to them in the course of
arises;

history? The Elamites, of which Elymais is a Greek form of the name of the land,
were non-Semitic, and their name probably was a Mesopotamian designation,
possibly originally meaning 'mountaineers.' By Iranians they were called Khuzi
whence modern Khuzistan, but in the period we are discussing they had become
greatly Semiticized, especially on the plains. About 140 b.c. the Parthians took Susa
from a local ruler called Kamnaskires, the first of his line who threw ofFParthian rule
for a short period, but then apparently the Parthians regained their controland a ruler
calledOkkonapses appears for a few years, if his coin legends are correctly read, while
7
he, in turn, was followed by Tigraios who ruled c. 137—132 b.c. One should
distinguish between Susa and surrounding regions on the plains and the mountain
area to the east and; while it was relatively easy for the Parthians to reassert their
control on the plains, the mountains always remained difficult to rule and more often
Parthian hegemony was not recognized there. The kings of Elymais, the mountain
regions, are known from their coinage and from stray notices of them in Classical
sources, down to the time of the Sasanians, and sometimes they ruled Susa, but more
often the Parthians directly ruled the city, as we infer from inscriptions. We hear of
kings of Elymais, without any names in Plutarch's life of Pompey (36), and in Tacitus
(Annais, VI, 44), only indications of their independence from Parthian rule.
Sometimes it seems the rulers of Susa, and/or the mountains of Elymais, fought
incursions from Characene to the west, but from the coins one may infer a Parthian
control of Susa and environs for most of the period until about a.D. 45 when Elymais
extended its rule over Susa. 8 The use of Greek continued as shown by an inscription
which is a letter of King Artabanus relating to the election of a certain Hestiaios to a
municipal post in December A.D. 21, dated in the Seleucid era, an indication of the
continuation of Greek traditions in Susa. 9 Probably in the first Century of our era the
use of the distinctive Aramaic aiphabet of Elymais superseded Greek, for later coins

7
G. Le Rider, "Deux nouveaux tetradrachmes 8 Le Rider, 408-27, where
op. dt. [eh. 6, n. 25],

frappes ä Suse," RN, 6 series, 20 (1978), 33-37. For the change in coinage from copper to debased
the best history of Elymais see Le Rider, Suse [eh. 6, silver, and the end of Parthian rule in Susa are
n. 25], 353-435. Coins with Greek legends discussed.
9 35-36, and 421-22, with further
'Kamnaskires' and 'Orodes' exist and with the Ibid.,

name wrwd (Orodes) in the Aramaic aiphabet of references.

Elymais.
274 Chapter X
with the names of later rulers called Kamnaskires and Orodes (wrwd) continue down
to the Sasanian conquest. It is extremely difficult to sort the rare and usually poorly
preserved copper coins of Elymais into a sequence of rulers. Whether the theory of
Kahrstedt that under Artabanus III Parthian princes, usually his sons, were installed in
Persis, Elymais and elsewhere as part of a scheme for Parthian domination of all the
small principalities is valid or not, it is not supported by the coins, at least in the case of
Elymais. 10 The second east, is a blank, and we only
Century, as everywhere in the
learn of a king Nirofar, King of Ahwaz (Khuzistan) whom Ardashir fought,
according to Tabari (I, 818), but this name is found nowhere eise.
Elymais is richer than Persis in inscriptions and rock reliefs, as well as a complex of
places and temples at the present sites of Bard-e Nishandeh and Masjid-e Sulaiman,
and both sites have provided rieh material for the art and eulture of Elymais. 1 The
1

art might be characterized as 'provincial Parthian,' and its dosest connections seem to
be with the art of Hatra. Not only features of costume, hair style, head gear, and the
like, correspond to the Parthian age, but frontality and symbolism are characteristic

of the art of Elymais as elsewhere in the general Parthian cultural realm. From the
statuesof Herakles found in the excavations of a strueture at Masjid-e Sulaiman, and
elsewhere in Elymais, Ghirshman concluded he had found a temple dedicated to
Herakles, who would have been identified with Verethragna, a war deity in the
Iranian pantheon, but just as likely is an identification with Rustam in the Iranian
national epic, who has many traits similar to Herakles. 12 Undoubtedly Herakles was
revered by Greek colonists in Iran in Seleucid times, with a certain amount of
syncretism and mixture with local beliefs and traditions; for statues of Herakles have
been found elsewhere in Iran from this period. But to go beyond to propose a special

and widespread Dionysian eult with various overtones in Parthian Iran is not
warranted by the evidence of art and archaeology. Since Susa was strongly
Hellenized, and the written language of Elymais was Aramaic, 'western' influences
should be stronger here than on the plateau, and, as mentioned, the material remains,
especially sculpture, show afhnities with Hatra and Mesopotamia more than with the
finds on the Iranian plateau, although have nothing
it must be emphasized that we
from the plateau to match finds in Elymais such as at Bard-e Nishandeh, Masjid-e
Sulaiman, Tang-e Sarvak, Tang-e Butan, Khung-e Nauruzi, and other sites of rock
13
reliefs.The abundance of rock reliefs, some with inscriptions, including the names
Kamnaskires and Orodes, indicates both the wealth and the pretensions to eulture by

10
Kahrstedt, op. dt. [eh. 8, n. 119], 46-47. His Butan," JA (1965), 1-9, disputes the readingsof the
fancy, like that of Tarn, [eh. l,n. 23], is fascinating inscriptions by Bivar and Shaked, logically
but not to be aeeepted as history. proposing place-names for difficult words which
1
'
R. Ghirshman, Terrasses saertes, 1 [supra, should be in the position of place-names, but
Literature], 13-51 and 103-32. unfortunately none can be identified. For other
12
Ibid., 1, 100; and 2, plates 70, 71, 86 and 130, Sites see L. Vanden Berghe, "Le relief parthe de
plus drawings 23-24. Hung-i Naurüzi," IA, 3 (1963), 155-68, and the
13
For Tang-e Sarvak see W. Henning, "The following article by W. Hinz, "Zwei neuentdeckte
Monuments and Inscriptions of Tang-i Sarvak," parthische Felsreliefs," IA, 3 (1963), 169-72, and
/!M,2(1952),151-78;forTang-eButan:A.D.H finally E. de Waele, "La sculpture rupestre
Bivar and S. Shaked, "The inscriptions atShimbar," d'Elymaide, 1. deux fragments inedits depoque
BSOAS, 37 (1964), 265-90. (The Valley in which parthe," Revue d'Assyrwlogie, 69 (1975), 61-79,
thegorgeof Butan is located is called Shimbar.) M. for Khung-e Azhdar near Malamir, with
Sznycer, in "Les inscriptions arameennes de Tang-i bibliography.
 Minor uynasiits vn mc i um«« _ _

the rulers of Elymais. 14 If we were to judge by such remains alone, one would
conclude that the center of culture, if not of power, in Iran of the second Century of
our era, was located in Elymais rather than in Persis or indeed elsewhere on the
Iranian plateau. Archaeological surveys in Khuzistan have revealed that the
occupation on the land was considerably denser and more extensive in the late
Parthian period than was the case in any of the immediately preceding periods, and
15
also for the late Sasanian period. But an expanding agricultural population on the
plains was not enough to bring about the economic and cultural flowering of Elymais
in the mountains, and one should look elsewhere for additional reasons for the
prosperity of the mountain people. One may hazard a guess that the proximity of
Elymais to the trading cities of the lowlands of Mesopotamia gave that principality
advantages over counterparts on the plateau, which in this period were more
'agriculturally' or perhaps 'feudally' oriented than Elymais. For there is littleevidence
for flourishing cities on the plateau at this time, and, since town life expands with
trade, the success of Elymais and other kingdoms to the west in promoting trade and
commerce may have given them a different character than the 'more feudal'
principalities on the plateau more directly under the Parthian system of rule. The State
of Characene or Mesene at the head of the Persian Gulf was one of the states which
owed its existence, as well as its prosperity, to trade.

CHARACENE AND THE GULF

Strictly speaking, Characene or Mesene (Aramic: Maisän) and the Gulf states are not
part of the history of Iran, but, since this area was at times subject to the Parthians and
most of the time securely held by the Sasanians, it is proper to at least briefly mention
the southern lowlands of Mesopotamia and the commerce in the Gulf. Commerce in
the Gulf was very old, but the rise of independent 'caravan' or trading centers in this
period, such as the State of the Nabataeans in present-day Jordan, Palmyra in the
Syrian desert, Hatra in northern Mesopotamia and Characene at the mouth of the
Gulf, indicate a great expansion of trade between the west and east, which furnished
luxury goods and spices for the Roman Empire. Undoubtedly the prosperity of the
Roman Empire, the discovery of the monsoon winds in the Indian Ocean at the
beginning of the Empire, and other factors, all contributed to the expansion of what
might be called entrepreneurial commercial activity in the Near East. The trade
between the Roman Empire and India has been much investigated and is not our
concern, but the Parthians, and especially their 'dient states' in Mesopotamia, were
drawn into the network of international commerce. 16 In spite of wars between the

14
The possibility that Kamnaskires is an Sasanian Khuzestan, 150 B.c. to A.D. 640,"
Elamite word meaning 'treasurer' hence a of
sort Mesopotamia, 10-11 (Florence, 1975-76), 98-99,
parallel with the fralaraka of Persis, has been 115, 124, 133.
suggested by Henning, op. eil. [n. 13], 165. He also l6
A classic workon the caravan cities isbyM.I.
raises the possibility that the population of the Rostovtzeff, Caravan Cities: Petra, Jerash, Palmyra,
highlands may have spoken a neo-Elamite dialect, Dura (Oxford, 1932). On Roman trade with the
while thoseon the plains spoke an Aramaic dialect. east, see the classic E. H. Warmington, The
s
1
See R. J. Wenke, "Imperial Investments and Commerce Between the Roman Empire and India
Agricultural Developments in Parthian and (Cambridge, 1928).
 8

276 Chapter X
Romans and Parthians, merchants continued to ply their wares, a pattern which
appeared many times in the long history of the Near East.
Characene was a kingdom founded by a governor of Antiochus IV the Seleucid
king, called Spaosines son of Sagdodonacus by Pliny (VI, 139), who gives a short
history of the town of Charax, founded originally by Alexander the Great. Although
some scholars considered Spaosines, or in the füll form Hyspaosines, an Iranian, more
likely it is an Arabic or at least a non-Iranian derivation of his name as well as that of
7 1
his father. Coins of Hyspaosines overstuck by Mithradates II of Parthia indicate that
the independence of Characene was short-lived and Parthian overlordship replaced
Seleucid allegiances. The Greek name Charax meant a camp, presumably with stakes
or a palisade around it, while Maisän or Mesene seems to have been the local name for
the same area as Characene. The geographical site of the town called Spasinou Charax,
as well as a good survey of problems of rivers and canalization, has been determined
by Hansman at a site called Naisan, on the Shatt al-Arab waterway to the north of
present Khurramshahr, where the Karkhah River in ancient times joined the Tigris-
Euphrates. 18 Just how great the influence of Palmyra, and its merchants, was in the
second Century in Characene and in trade to India is unknown, but the wide spread of
Palmyrene inscriptions, the Palmyrene style of tombs and sculptures, from Merv
in Central Asia to Hungary, to the island of Kharg in the Gulf, all show evidence
of the great trade connections of the Palmyrenes. 19 The international associations
of merchants in the east bringing luxury goods such as pearls from the Gulf,
frankincense from Arabia, spices from India and silk from China, elude us, but they
surely existed and were more sophisticated than hitherto imagined. Dates and palm
trees from southern Mesopotamia were also exported, but they were neither as much
in demand nor as profitable as trade in luxury goods.
The political history of Characene has been sketched by Nodelman, superseding
earlier writings, but some of his suppositions of changes in dynasty and fluctuating
allegiances to Parthia, plus the episode of Trajan's trip to the head of the Gulf to visit

his ally, the king of Characene, are mostly based on coin types or enigmatic passages in
and must be regarded 20 Late
Classical sources, as hypothetical. in the first Century
silver coinage gives way
and shortly thereafter Greek inscriptions are
to bronze,
replaced by Aramaic, of Characene. Undoubtedly there
in the distinctive aiphabet
were changes in the ruling family of Characene over the years, but we can only
observe the change in style of coinage, where every where in the second Century of
our era the Parthian style predominates. The aiphabet on the coins seems to have

17
See E. Merkel, "Erste Festsetzungen im Ahmadjazlra-ye Khärg (Tehran, 1339/1961), 61-
fruchtbaren Halbmond," in Altheim/Stiehl, op. cit. 62,1 1 2-38. See also D. Schlumberger, "Palmyre et

[supra. Die Araber], 1, 279, 342. la Mesene," Syria, 38 (1961), 256-60, for
1

J. Hansman, "Charax and the Karkheh," IA, 7 of connections.

inscriptional evidence
He 20
(1967), 35-45. also plausibly determines the A. Nodelman, "A Preliminary History of
S.
site of the second city of the kingdom Forat or Characene," Berytus, 13 (1959-60), 82-121,
Perat de Maishan (in Syriac), renamed Bahman superseding M. J. Saint-Martin, Recherches sur
Ardashir by the first Sasanian king, 46-53. l'hisloire et la giographie de la Mhkne (Paris, 1838)
19 and M. Reinaud, Mimoire sur le commencement et la
J. B. Chabot, Choix d' inscriptions de Palmyre
(Paris, 1922), 142-43; R. Ghirshman, The Island of fin du royaume de la Mhine (Paris, 1861). On the
Kharg (Tehran, 1960), 8-9, as well asasummaryof coins see G. Le Rider, "Monnaies de Characene,"
past writings and archaeological surveys in Jaläl-Al Syria, 36 (1 959), 229-53, with further references.
 Minor Dynasties on the Plateau 277

more with Palmyrene or Syriac, or even Nabataean, rather than with the
affinities

scriptof Elymais seen in slight variations on the various rock inscriptions of Tang-e
21
Sarvak and Tang-e Butan (or Shimbar). The list of kings of Characene given by
Nodelman and Le Rider may be accepted as approximately correct in order and dates,
although one ruler may be earlier or later than proposed. Dates are based on coins
dated in the Seleucid era.

Hyspaosines 140-122 B.c.

c.

Apodakos 109-105 b.c.

c.

Tiraios I c. 91-89 b.c.

Tiraios II c. 79-49 B.c.
Artabazos c. 48 B.C. (perhaps the same as Orabzes)
Attambelos I c. 47-28 B.c.
Theonesios I c. 21-19 b.c.
Attambelos II c. 18 b.c.-a.d. 8
Abinerglos 10—12 (Abinergaos on some coins)
I c. a.D.
Attambelos III c. a.D. 37-43
Theonesios II c. A.D. 45-46
Theonesios III c. a.D. 51 (coin type different from II)
Attambelos IV c. a.D. 53-63
Attambelos V c. a.D. 73 (coin type different from IV)
gaP
Attambelos VI c. a.D. 102-104
Theonesikos IV c. A.D. 110-111
Phobas c. A.D. 117
Meredates c. A.D. 131
Artabazos II c. a.D. 150 (or Orabzes)
Abinerglos II c. a.D. 165
Attambelos VII c. a.D. 180
Magha c. 195 A.D.
Abinerglos III c. a.D. 210

Before turning to the north, it is useful to summarize the general historical

information provided by the coinages of the southern principalities of Persis, Elymais
and Characene. First, one should note that a regulär independent coinage apparently
existed only in these three southern principalities and not in northern Mesopotamia
or in Iran where Standard Parthian coinage held sway. This would indicate more
independence for the south, or at least more local control over their trade and
economy. Second, Persis coins were only minted in silver, seemingly a continuation
of satrapal Achaemenid issues, although the silver became debased in time. As noted,
not one Persis coin has been found among the thousands of coins found in the
excavations of Susa, and they are extremely rare outside of Persis. One might
conclude that the coinage of Persis was an indigenous coinage, based on the satrapal

2 '
P. W. Coxon, "Script Analysis and Mandaean related, but they cannot prove the existence of the
Otigins," Journal of Semitic Studies, 15 (1970) 16- Mandaeans or of their script in southern
30, esp. 29. All of the Scripts, of course, are closely Mesopotamia at this time.
278 Chapter X
issues of the Achaemenids rather than Seleucid coinage, and it enjoyed local 'prestige'

circulation rather than being used in tradeand commerce. The coinage of Elymais, on
the other hand, began as a copy of Seleucid coinage in silver, presumably with a fairly
wide circulation, and by the first Century A.D. it changed to local, copper issues for
local use. The coinage of Characene was also in silver, and only by the second Century
A.D. did copper predominate.
Second, the languages and alphabets used on the coinages of the three principalities
reveal a development parallel to the increasing use of copper instead of silver. In
Persis,no Greek was ever used on the coins; at the beginning we find 'Reichs-' (or
imperial) Aramaic, which changes to Parthian, or a local Middle Iranian form of
writing with Semitic ideograms possibly by the first Century of our era, and finally
we find at the end of the Persis dynasty a transition to a Middle Persian cursive form
of writing, the immediate predecessor of the Sasanian aiphabet used on coins. In
Elymais the Greek legends degenerate until replaced by a local aiphabet of Elymais in
block letters, without an 'imperial' Aramaic stage. Thus Elymais went directly from a
Greek to a local language and aiphabet, probably in the first Century A.D., without the
stage of Achaemenid satrapal or 'imperial' Aramaic stage of the coins of the frataraka
of Persis. In Susa, however, Greek continued to be used much longer than in the hüls
of Elymais. In Characene Greek legends lasted longer than in Elymais, testimony of
the more 'international' character of the trade ofthat principality. The local language
and aiphabet seem to have come into use only in the second Century of our era, with
no 'imperial' Aramaic intermediate phase.
The styles of all of the coinages became influenced by Parthian issues, probably
beginning in the first Century of our era, but this does not necessarily mean greater
central Parthian political control. Rather, economic factors, including the wishes of
merchants engaged in international commerce with India and elsewhere in the east,
may have been the most important factor in an attempt at some kind of
standardization. Ardashir, founder of the Sasanian dynasty, probably understood the
financial power of the states on the Gulf, as well as their easy willingness to shift
obedience from Parthian to Sasanian allegiance, and this determined his first extensive
conquests outside of Persis. The north, especially in Mesopotamia, it seems, had
grievances against the Parthians, and the inhabitants of these areas also submitted to
the Sasanians, but trade and commerce does not appear to have played as important a
role in Adiabene and similar states as in the south. The central part of Mesopotamia,
with the winter capital of Ctesiphon, was part of the central or imperial Parthian
domains. To the north, however, the existence of a number of client kingdoms is
attested in our sources.

ADIABENE AND NORTHERN MESOPOTAMIA

The two areas to the east of the Tigris River which had local dynasties were
Garamaea, the inhabitants of which were called Garamaioi by Ptolemy (VI, 1, 2),
perhaps descendants of the ancient Guti. The Syriac Christian writers knew the area as
Beth Garmai with its capital Karkha de Beth Slok or modern Kirkuk. The Seleucid
of Chalonitis (around modern Hulwan), Apolloniatis on the Diyala
political divisions
River and Sittacene more to the south but at times including Appoloniatis, all had
 Minor Dynasties on the Plateau 219
been placed under direct Parthian rule, in spite of their changing boundaries. By the
last Century of Parthian rule B. Garmai had its own king, but how long the area had

been ruled by a local dynasty is impossible to determine. 22 Presumably this area was
parallel to Adiabene (Syriac: Hadhyab) ancient Assyria, whose royal house was
converted to Judaism at the beginning of our era. 23 At the time of Trajan's invasion of
the east a certain Mebarsapes is named as king of Adiabene by Cassius Dio (68, 22),
who retreated before the Romans, but under Hadrian he may have returned and
recovered his territory. In any case, Adiabene had its own dynasty, even though we
do not know what happened there during the Roman invasion of Avidius Cassius in
165, although later in the invasion of Septimius Severus in 1 95 the people of Adiabene
fought against the Romans (Cassius Dio 75, 1), and the Roman emperor took the title
Adiabenicus, implying a victory. According to the Chronicle ofArbela, the king of
Adiabene Narseh had not supported the Parthian king in suppressing a rebellion and
consequently was punished by being drowned in the greater Zab river, while his land
was plundered by the Parthians. 24 Apparently Adiabene was ravaged by the forces of
Caracalla about 216, but the fate of the land and its rulers is unknown. The next
information, if it is reliable, comes from the Syriac chronicle (p. 60) which says that
Sharat, king of Adiabene together with the king of Kirkuk joined Ardashir and
defeated the Parthians bringing their rule to an end. By the time of Shapur (SKZ,
Greek line 60), however, we hear of an Ardashir as king of Adiabene, which implies a
replacement of the local dynast by a Sasanian prince, not unexpected for Sasanian rule.
We have suggested that the boundaries of Adiabene varied over time, but its
greatest expansion seems to have occurred under Izates when, after supporting
Artabanus III, the latter rewarded the ruler of Adiabene by adding the territory of
Nisibis, formerly part of the mountainous area of Gordyene to the north, and this
remained part of Adiabene until Trajan's invasion. 25 After the retreat of the Romans,
relations between the Parthians and the ruler of Adiabene were strained.as mentioned
above, and possibly at this time this frontier area of Nisibis between the Romans and

22
At the beginning of Sasanian rule the ruler of the styleis similar to that of Tigranes the Great of

the Kirkuk area was called Domitianus according Armenia. The identification of the word 'tlw on a
to Msih Zkha, author of Die Chronik von Arbela, statue of a king of Adiabene found at Hatra with
transl. by E. Sachau [eh. 8, n. 100], 60. For an Iranian azai 'noble, free,' by J. Teixidor in "The
assessment of the reliability of this Syriac chronicle, Kingdom of Adiabene and Hatra," Berytus, 17
with references, see J. M. Fiey, /Issyrie Chretienne 1 (Copenhagen, 1967-68), 3, is unlikely, since an
(Beirut, 1965), 41—42. There isnoapparent reason Arabic root meaning 'noble in origin' is
for doubting this incidental remark about Kirkuk questionable. More likely it is merely a proper
in the chronicle, since it is not germane to the name with no clear etymology.
general narrative. 24
Sachau, Die Chronik, [eh. 8, n. 100], 58. If we
23
The Parthian name for Adiabene was follow Josephus and the Chronicle, Izates was
nturn 'hy ' on coins and on an inscription from followed on the throne by his brother Monobazus
Hatra, or ntwirkn, reflecting Sasanian and governor called Raqbakt ruled
later a Parthian
nomenclature, on SKZ. The Sasanians then the land, followed by Narseh and finally Sharat.
changed the name to Nöt-ArdashTräkän, after the Lengths of rule are impossible to determine, but
name of the first king, but older Natunia is the picture of a local dynasty sometimes
puzzling. It is more likely Semitic in origin independent, and at times more subordinate to
(perhaps from ntn 'give' > 'dedicated'?) than Parthian overlordship, emerges.
by J. T. Milik, "A propos d'un 25
Iranian as supposed For a summary see Kahrstedt, op. eil. [eh. 8, n.

ateliermonetaire d'Adiabene: Natounia," in RN, 4 119], 58-60.

(1962), 51-58. The legend on the coin is Greek and
280 Chapter X
Parthians acquired the name Beth Nuhadra. The Parthian title nohodar (Armenian
naxarar) was a high rank in the Parthian Organization, perhaps originally a military or
court title 'holder of first rank,' and then generalized to mean a member of the top
nobility. In any case, this important frontier area was a military district against the
Romans, first under the Parthians and then the Sasanians, thus most likely under
direct central, military rule.
Hatra and the desert between the Tigris and Euphrates became a province of the
Parthian domains called Arbaya or land of the Arabs. Thanks to archaeological
excavations and the recovery of inscriptions, we know more about the fortified
caravan city in the desert than about more fertile lands to the east. Probably founded
in the first Century B.c. by Arab nomads, the city became rieh as a fortified trade
Station in late Parthian times. It is uncertain whether the first king was called
Sanatruq, but later rulers bore this name, and the site became known as Hatra of
Sanatruq. 26 Trajan and Septimius Severus both failed to capture the city, but with the
fall of the Parthians and the rise of the Sasanians, Hatra changed its policy and became
allied with Rome. It was finally conquered by Ardashir in 239 at the end of his reign
and was then abandoned. The second Century of our era was the period of greatest
prosperity for Hatra as it was for other caravan cities such as Palmyra and towns in
Characene, and the eulture of all of these cities was similar with strong Parthian
influences regardless of political allegiances. The seeming multiplicity of eults at
excavated sites such as Hatra and Warka in Mesopotamia, as well as Palmyra in Syria,
has produced almost as large a literature as the statues and art objeets, testimony of the
27
cosmopolitan nature of the caravan sites. At Hatra, in addition to the goddess Allat
and other deities, a triad of deities mm our lord,' mrtn our lady' and brmryn 'son of our
lords,' was especially worshipped,
and these three have been identified as the
equivalents of Shamash or Helios, Atargatis or Ishtar and Sin, the moon god. 28
Whether these identifications are valid or not, one may characterize all of the eults at
Hatra as Arab or Mesopotamian, and no traces of Iranian influence in religion can be
found. Over three hundred inscriptions have been found at Hatra and many
fascinating philological puzzles in titles, onomastica and uncertain words have
stimulated the efforts of many scholars. From the inscriptions, Fuad Safar has been
able to reconstruet a tentative chronology of the reigns of the rulers of Hatra as
follows: 29

26
On the ongins of Hatra see Altheim/Stiehl, Identity of the Triad of Hatra," Sutner, 31 (1975),
op. dt., 1 [supra, 275-77, with
Die Araber], 1, 75-80. On the inscriptions from Hatra see
further references. On the rare coins of Hatra with successi ve articles by F. Safar in Sutner and the same
Aramaic legends, see J. Walker, "The Coins of by A. Caquot in Syria.
Hatra," NC, sixth series, 18 (1958), 167-72. 29
F. Safar, "A Chronological List of the Rulers
27
For deities and
H. Ingholt, Parthian
eults see and Kings of Hatra," (in Arabic), Sutner, 28 (1972),
Sculpturesfrotn Hatra (New Haven, 1954), 10-46, 3-17, and in revised form in English, "The Lords
with references, and for art in particular see D. and Kings of Hatra," Sumer, 29 (1973), 87-98. See
Homes-Fredencq, Hatra et sei sculptures parthes also A. Maricq, "Hatra de Sanatrouq," Syria, 32
(Istanbul, 1963); and Ann Perkins, T/ie Art ofDura (1955), 273-78, and Altheim/Stiehl, op. eil., 4
Europos (Oxford, 1973). [supra. Die Araber], 1, 263-70.
28 "New
See Wathiq al-Salihi, Light on the
 Minor Dynast ies on the Plateau 281

Nasharyahab c. A.D. 85-105

Worod the lord (mariya)c. 105-115

Nasru the lord c. 115-135

Nasharyahab the lord c. 136-145
Manu the lord c. 146-154
Walgash the lord c. 1 55-1 58, and with the title of 'king of the Arabs' from c. 1 58-1 65
Sanatruq the lord c. 166-7, and with the title 'king' c. 167-190
Abd Samia, king c. 190-200
Sanatruq II, king c. 200-239

Inscriptions in Greek and other languages from Dura Europos, a fortified Roman
frontier town, Supplement the information we have from Hatra, and one may suggest
of Hatra at earlier times held the title of Arab arkhes, or 'chief of the
that the ruler
Arabs' under Parthian suzerainty, but later the rulers of Hatra assumed the title of
'king'and became independent. 30 Titles and ranks proliferated among the petty rulers
on the frontier, whose favor was sought by both Parthians and Romans, and we may
suppose that ranks or honorifics as well aswere arranged according to a sort of
titles

list or Notitia dignitatum, where rank and honorific would be listed

office, social
according to an order defining the position of a person. An example of different 'titles'
would be the loan contract in Greek from Dura of the year 121 in which a certain
Manesus son of Phraates held the office of governor (strattgos) of Mesopotamia and
Parapotamia as well as 'chief of the Arabs,' and he belonged to the order of high
nobility called batesa. As we have seen in a previous chapter, a witness, Metolbaessa,
held the office of garrison Commander, but he belonged to the order of 'first and
greatly-honoured (appellative) order of friends and bodyguards (of the king)'. 31 On
the Roman side of the frontier, grants of titles and honorifics also occurred but perhaps
not so lavishly as on the Parthian side. In any case, the client kingdoms of the
Mesopotamian frontier on the Parthian side were more often independent than in a
'vassal' relationship to Parthia, except one may suppose that Parthian coinage was

legal tender in all of them. The 'forward' policy of Trajan, followed by the Antonine
emperors, swung the balance of power to the Romans in the last Century of Parthian
rule, and undoubtedly many people in the land between the two rivers at times
supported the Romans, or used them as a foil to Parthian overlordship. While the
small kingdoms flourished, the Parthians on the whole did not, and the final
internecine struggles between the last Artabanus and his rival Vologeses weakened
the Parthians, so they were unable to suppress the uprising of the ruler of Persis,
Ardashir.

30
For the titles, see C.B.WeWes, The Parchments V" [eh. 4, n. 63], 371, with
sense; cf. his "Iranica
and Papyri, The Excavations of Dura-Europos (New reference to Altheim. The batesa is probably the
Haven, 1959), 110-15, and articlesbyj. Teixidor, same asSyr'nc pefahSä and the pdhfof Hatra (cf. A.
"Notes Hatreennes," Syria, 43 (1966), 91-93. Caquot, "Nouvelles Inscriptions Aramaeennes de
Hatra (VI)," Syria, 41 [1 964], 256, no. 127),andall
31
Welles.op.rif., 116. The protoeol and parallel
between office, rank and appellative or honorific are possibly variant forms of bitaxi, Latin vitaxa,
was misunderstood by Ältheim and also by etc.
Szemerenyi, whose etymologies, however, make
282 Chapter X
To summarize the position of the small states of Mesopotamia, only the most
important of which we have mentioned here, the prime importance of trade for all of
them impresses one. While central Parthian political hegenomy was greatly
weakened by the second Century, a kind of cultural unity among the peoples
nominally under Parthian rule existed. Even beyond the political frontiers of the
Parthian Empire, in Palmyra, in Roman outposts such as Dura, among the
Nabataeans, and others, Parthian modes of dress and art styles were populär. 32 Later
Arabic histories charactenze the pre-Sasanian period of the history of the Near East as

the time of 'tribal kings,' with an implied derogatory sense. But we have seen how
agriculture as well as commerce flourishedMesopotamia more than in previous or
in
later periods. While one may raise the question
great empires attract historians,
whether the common folk had more prosperity living under rulers of small units or
in great empires. Certainly the evidence we have, small though it is, seems to favor the
common prosperity of all more in the time of the 'tribal kings' than later, especially in
Mesopotamia, but what of the plateau of western Iran ?

THE IRANIAN PLATEAU

At the end of Parthian rule Azerbaijan seems to have been an integral part of central
Parthian domains, while members of the Arsacid family ruled in Armenia, the
southern frontiers of which probably extended to the shores of Lake Urmia.
According to Cassius Dio (79, 1) the Romans under Caracalla invaded Media in 216
but nothing is known about the success of Roman arms. In this war of the Romans

against the Parthians the Armenian king, Tiridates II son of Chosroes, first supported
the Romans but after the death of the emperor changed sides. Previously, in the
Roman-Parthian war of 197-200 king Chosroes had supported the Romans, but may
have lost his life in prison when Caracalla invited him for a visit and then imprisoned
him according to Dio (1 2, 1), although the fate of Chosroes is unknown. Even though
Arsacids ruled Armenia, it was an independent kingdom, as was Georgia or Iberia. In
Armenia the Greek language had replaced older Aramaic, represented only by a few
inscriptions on 'milestones' of King Artashes (c. 189-160 b.c.), but use of Aramaic
seems to have died out, and it was fully replaced by Greek. 33 If we can assume that the
court and society of Armenia was a copy of Parthia, where we do not have the
detailed Information of Armenian sources such as Agathangelos, then we may
conclude that the protocols of feudal lords were fixed and respected by the entire
'feudal' society. 34 Just how Armenian feudal lords ranked at the central court of the
Arsacids of Parthia or vice versa cannot be determined, but it would seem that books
of protocol also were concerned with such problems.

32
For Parthian influenceson the Nabataeans see 169, and for a new inscription, similar to the
Nelson G\ueck,Deities and Dolphins (N.Y., 1965), others, G. A. Tiratsyan, "Estche odna
see
esp. 248-50. Southern Mesopotamia flourished in Arameiskaya nadpis Artashesa I, Tsarya Armenii,"
this period compared to later Sasanian times, VDl, no. 4 (1980), 99-104. The language can be
according to E. J. Keall, "Parthian Nippur and characterized as poor or debased Aramaic.
34
Vologases' Southern Strategy," JAOS, 95 (1975), On the gahnamak or 'order of ranks' in
631-32. Armenia see M.-L. Chaumont, "L'ordre" [eh. 8, n.
33
For the inscriptions, see the bibliography in 63], 471-97. Some of the titles were really
A. Perikhanian, "Les inscriptions" [eh. 8, n. 38], honorifics or appellatives.
 Minor Dynasties on the Plateau 283

The kingdom of Iberia or Georgia, to the north of Armenia, was even more in the
Roman sphere of influence than Armenia, but the Georgians seem to have developed
their own, form of the Aramaic aiphabet used in an ideographic fashion as
native
Parthian and Middle Persian. This aiphabet has been found on several inscriptions,
probably from the time of King Parsman, who visited Rome in the days of Antoninus
Pius (138-161), located in the ancient capital of Armazi. 35 In the Parthian period,
unfortunately, known of Georgia except through its relations with the Roman
little is

Empire which beyond our concern here. The archaeological finds, in any case,
is

reveal much stronger Hellenistic and Roman influences than Parthian. Questions of
the origins of the Caucasian Albanian and the Armenian and Georgian alphabets
belong to a later period, while the history of Caucasian Albania is bound to that of
Georgia, and only in the Sasanian period do we find more Information about the
kingdoms of the Caucasus.
Although we have only a few indications of 'coats of arms' or family insignia from
the Parthian period, if we interpolate back from the Sasanians, the local noble families
did have some of the similar paraphernalia, such as 'coats of arms' as much later in
mediaeval Europe. On the coins of the Parthian kings we find special signs as well as
on those of Elymais, Characene, Persis, not to mention the Kushans in the east, or on
Sarmatian tombstones and art objects from South Russia. Although many of these
signs have been described as tribal 'brand marks' or tamghas, it seems clear that in the
non-nomadic of the Parthians, and the small kingdoms around the central
societies
domains, such signs were more likely family crests. 36 From such signs, from art forms
and clothes, and from rare notices in Classical sources one may conclude that on the
Iranian plateau a feudal form of society prevailed with large landowners and many
personal followers, whereas on the Mesopotamian lowlands the more urban culture
of caravan cities flourished. Not that the two were completely separated, but the two
characteristic forms of society were each suited to the two areas.
To the east we are in the dark. What was the political Status of the Caspian
provinces, of Hyrcania, modern Gurgan, and farther east, the lowland of Seistan?
From the middle of the first Century we begin to hear of ambassadors from Hyrcania
to the Romans (Tacitus XIV, 25), but at no time is a king of Hyrcania mentioned, nor
are any coins from this area identifiable. Kahrstedt's view that in the second Century
Hyrcania was at times either an independent kingdom or on other occasions under
Kushan rather than Parthian rule is unsupported by any evidence, since no Kushan
coins have been found in excavations in Gurgan, and there is no evidence that Nisa,

35 36 See H. Jänichen, Bildzeichen der königlichen

On the Armazi inscriptions see Frye, "Pahle vi
Heterography in Ancient Georgia?" in G. C. Hoheit bei den iranischen Völkern (Bonn, 1956), esp.
memoriam
Miles, ed., Archaeologica Orientalin in 13-27; and E. I. Solomonik, Sarmatskie Znakt
Ernst Herzfeld (N.Y., and M. H.
1952), 91; Severnogo Prichernomorya (Kiev, 1959), esp. 16-21.
Bogolyubov, "Po povodu bry i brty v Arameiskoi While one should not confuse these signs with
versii Armazskoi bilingvy," in A. H. Kononov, those ofstone masons, the relationship between the
Issledovaniya po Filologii Siran Azii i Afriki two could be explained as a common origin of
(Leningrad, 1966), 21-24, with further references. family identification. Cf. W. Andrae, Hatra,
The chief publication of the excavations at Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichung der deutschen
Mtshketa is by A. M. Apakidze, Mtskheta (Tiflis. Orient-Gesellschaft, 9 (Leipzig, 1908), 29.
1958). Parthian and Roman coins were found, no
local coins.
 ^napier .a

the old capital of the Parthians to the northeast, was ever in Kushan hands, and areas to
the west were even more unlikely to have been part of the Kushan Empire even at its
37
greatest extent. The independence of feudal lords in all parts of the Parthian Empire
was proverbial, and at times in certain areas this independence was greater, while at
other times less, but the establishment of an independent State would have been
followed by the issuance of coins and other signs of complete Separation from the
Parthian Empire, which does not seem to have been the case in Hyrcania.
Seistan, the land of the Sakas, at the end of the Parthian period is also enigmatic, and

as an example of the equivocal bits of information we have everywhere in the second

Century, Seistan is a good example of the paucity and ambiguity of even the few
tidbits we have. The first fragmentary notice is in the Arabic history of Tabari (1, 682)
that the center of the family of Suren was in Seistan, which was the basis for a highly
conjectural essay on the 'house of Suren of Sakastan' by Herzfeld which, however, teils
38 Then we have copper Indo-Parthian type coins from this area
us little about Seistan.
with the name Arda Mitra, but on some of them Hormizd in Sasanian Middle
Persian characters, but these coins are so enigmatic that they cannot be used to
postulate a local ruler of Seistan who became a vassal of the early Sasanians, as has been
suggested. 39 There is no reason to doubt the provenance of the Suren feudal family
from the east, but the whole question of the relation of the Suren to the Indo-Parthian
dynasty of Gondophares, or to the Sakas, who gave their name to the province, is
obscure. Even more curious is the legendary connection of the Sasanians to the east
which we may briefly examine here.
Indo-Parthian coins with the Kharoshthi legend Sasasa, or in Greek Sasou (gen.),
the name of a ruler whose name has been identified as 'Sasan,' have been mentioned.
There is really little reason to connect the two, especially since the Scythian name
Sasas is found on inscriptions from South Russia. 40 More intriguing, however, is the
legend of Sasan the ancestor of Ardashir, said to have lived in exile in India after
Alexander the Great, found in the Pahlavi Kär nämak of Ardashir, in Firdosi's book of
kings and in other books of the Islamic period. The fictitious pedigree of the Sasanians,
to connect their family with the Achaemenids or the mythical Kayanid dynasty, was
undoubtedly a late creation, but with the discovery of Parthian documents from Nisa
and elsewhere we gain a new insight into the name 'Sasan.'
Livshits has collected all instances of the name 'Sasan' in Parthian, with
combinations such as Sasandat 'given by Sasan,' Sasanbokht 'saved by Sasan,' and

"Kahrstedt, op. cit [eh. 8, n. 119], 37, 83. No Drouin, "Monnaies sassanides," RN, 3 ser, 13
doubt the Hyrcanians, and others under Parthian (1895), 52, plate 2, followed by E. J. Rapson,
rule, revolted many times from central control, "Ancient Coins Collected in Seistan," JRAS
but one must not forget the feudal character of (1904), 678-79, and V. A. Smith, Catalogue oj the
Parthian rule, and envoys Coming to Rome Coins in the Iniian Museum Calcutta, 1 (Oxford,

indicate this independence of action, but not 1906), 221. V. Lukonin, in "Zavoevaniya
necessarily the creation of independent states as Sasanidov na Vostoke," VDI, 2 (1969), 25, reads
Kahrstedt believes. the legend on a coin in the Hermitage as 'rthütry
38
E. Herzfeld, "Sakastan" [eh. 7, n. 28], 70-85, sk n MLK' "Ardashir, king of the Sakas," which
with many interesting observations to be used would make this local ruler one ofthose named in
with utmost care. Shapur's KaWi inscription.
39 40
See D. MacDowall, "The Dynasty of the Later Zgusta, op. cit. [eh. 7, n. 53], 1 42, no. 203. The
Indo-Parthians," NC (1965), 145, who calls him name on the coins, ofcourse, might be interpreted
the predecessor of Ardashir. First noted by E. as Sasan but it is far from certain.
 Minor Dynasties on the Plateau 285

comes to the conclusion that Sasan was a minor deity in the homeland of the
Parthians. 41 Thismight help to explain why the dynasty is called Sasanian rather than
Papakian, and why the figure of Sasan is important in the founding story of the
dynasty. One might guess that Sasan was an important prince of an Indo-Parthian
dynasty who came to Persis and became attached to a local dynast called Papak, and
together a basis was forged for a successful revolt against central Parthian rule, and
then an ancestry was proclaimed which secured the support of many noble families
and local rulers who accepted the right of Ardashir to rule asjustified by good family
credentials. In the story or legend of the rise of Ardashir, reference to Sasan as an
outsider, coming from the east, may contain a kernel of truth, for one would have
expected the local rulers of Persis to have preserved some kind of a connection with
the Achaemenid family. That they did not, regarding themselves as the issue of
satraps, seems credible, and the outside connection was needed to launch the rise to
power of the Sasanians. The story of this rise begins the chapter on the Sasanians.

41 (Moscow, 1977), 93-97. The examples given by

V. A. Livshits, "Parfyanskii teonim Sasan," in
Pismennye Pamyatniki i Problemy Islorii Kultury little doubt that Sasan was a populär
Livshits leave
Narodov Vosloka, Akad, Nauk Int. Vostokovedenie deity of some sort in Parthia.
284 Chapter X
the old capital of the Parthians to the northeast, was ever in Kushan hands, and areas to
the west were even more unlikely to have been part of the Kushan Empire even at its
37
greatest extent. The independence of feudal lords in all parts of the Parthian Empire
was proverbial, and at times in certain areas this independence was greater, while at
other times less, but the establishment of an independent State would have been
followed by the issuance of coins and other signs of complete Separation from the
Parthian Empire, which does not seem to have been the case in Hyrcania.
Seistan, the land of the Sakas, at the end of the Parthian period is also enigmatic, and
as an example of the equivocal bits of information we have everywhere in the second
Century, Seistan is a good example of the paucity and ambiguity of even the few
tidbits we have. The first fragmentary notice is in the Arabic history of Tabari (1, 682)
that the center of the family of Suren was in Seistan, which was the basis for a highly
conjectural essay on the 'house of Suren of Sakastan' by Herzfeld which, however, teils
us little about Seistan. 38 Then
we have copper Indo-Parthian type coins from this area
with the name Arda Mitra, but on some of them Hormizd in Sasanian Middle
Persian characters, but these coins are so enigmatic that they cannot be used to
postulate a local ruler of Seistan who became a vassal of the early Sasanians, as has been
suggested. 39 There is no reason to doubt the provenance of the Suren feudal family
from the east, but the whole question of the relation of the Suren to the Indo-Parthian
dynasty of Gondophares, or to the Sakas, who gave their name to the province, is
obscure. Even more curious is the legendary connection of the Sasanians to the east
which we may briefly examine here.
Indo-Parthian coins with the Kharoshthi legend Sasasa, or in Greek Sasou (gen.),
the name of a ruler whose name has been identified as 'Sasan,' have been mentioned.
There is really little reason to connect the two, especially since the Scythian name
Sasas is found on inscriptions from South Russia. 40 More intriguing, however, is the
legend of Sasan the ancestor of Ardashir, said to have lived in exile in India after
Alexander the Great, found in the Pahlavi Kär nämak of Ardashir, in Firdosi's book of
kings and in other books of the Islamic period. The fictitious pedigree of the Sasanians,
to connect their family with the Achaemenids or the mythical Kayanid dynasty, was
undoubtedly a late creation, but with the discovery of Parthian documents from Nisa
and elsewhere we gain a new insight into the name 'Sasan.'
Livshits has collected all instances of the name 'Sasan' in Parthian, with
combinations such as Sasandat 'given by Sasan,' Sasanbokht 'saved by Sasan,' and

37
Kahrstedt, op. eil [eh. 8, n. 119], 37, 83. No Drouin, "Monnaies sassanides," RN, 3 ser, 13
doubt the Hyrcanians, and others under Parthian (1895), 52, plate 2, followed by E. J. Rapson,
rule, revolted many times from central control, "Ancient Coins Collected in Seistan," JRAS
but one must not forget the feudal character of (1904), 678-79, and V. A. Smith, Catalogue ofthe
Parthian rule, and envoys Coming to Rome Coins in the Indian Museum Calcutta, 1 (Oxford,

indicate this independence of action, but not 1906), 221. V. Lukonin, in "Zavoevaniya
necessarily the creation of independent states as Sasanidov na Vostoke," VDl, 2 (1969), 25, reads
Kahrstedt believes. the legend on a coin in the Hermitage as 'rthUry
38
E. Herzfeld, "Sakastan" [eh. 7, n. 28], 70-85, sk « MUC "Ardashir, king of the Sakas," which
with many interesting observations to be used would make this local ruler one ofthose named in
with utmost care. Shapur's Ka*bah inscription.
39 40 Zgusta, op. eil. [eh. 7, n.
See D. MacDowall,"The Dynasty ofthe Later 53], 142, no. 203. The
Indo-Parthians," NC (1965), 145, who calls him name on the coins, of course, might be interpreted
the predecessor of Ardashir. First noted by E. as Sasan but it is far from certain.
 Minor Dynasties Ott the Plateau 285
comes to the conclusion that Sasan was a minor deity in the homeland of the
Parthians. 41 Thismight help to explain why the dynasty is called Sasanian rather than
Papakian, and why the figure of Sasan is important in the founding story of the
dynasty. One might guess that Sasan was an important prince of an Indo-Parthian
dynasty who came to Persis and became attached to a local dynast called Papak, and
together a basis was forged for a successful revolt against central Parthian rule, and
then an ancestry was proclaimed which secured the support of many noble families
and local rulers who accepted the right of Ardashir to rule asjustified by good family
credentials. In the story or legend of the rise of Ardashir, reference to Sasan as an
outsider, Coming from the east, may contain a kernel of truth, for one would have
expected the local rulers of Persis to have preserved some kind of a connection with
the Achaemenid family. That they did not, regarding themselves as the issue of
satraps, seems credible, and the outside connection was needed to launch the rise to
power of the Sasanians. The story of this rise begins the chapter on the Sasanians.

41
V. A. Livshits, "Parfyanskii teonim Sasan," in (Moscow, 1977), 93-97. The examples given by
Pismennye Pamyatniki i Problemy Istorii Kultury little doubt that Sasan was a populär
Livshits leave
Narodov Vostoka, Alcad, Nauk Int. Vostokovedenie deity of some sort in Parthia.
 CHAPTER XI

THE SASANIANS

Literature: The basic textbook on the Sasanians is the comprehensive book of A. Christensen, L'Iran sous
les Sassanides, 2nd ed. (Copenhagen, 1944). All subsequent work, including the present chapter, is based
on and our survey of sources proceeds from Christensen.
it

The
Classical sources, of prime importance for earlier periods, assume a far less significant role for the
Sasanians, giving place to Arabic and even New Persian literature which, even though written long after
the fall of .the Sasanian Empire, provide by far the most Information about it. New groups of sources
appear, Armenian and Syriac works, the Babylonian Talmud and works in Middle Persian or Pahlavi, the
language of the Sasanians, but which are less valuable for the history of Sasanian Iran than one might
expect. Chinese and Indian books offer virtually nothing for the reconstruction of the history of Sasanian
Iran. Inscriptions in Middle Persian (with Parthian and Greek versions ofthose of Ardashir and Shapur I),

as well as later cursive inscriptions on seals, coins and ostraca, are very important as contemporary sources,

while art and archaeology also contribute to our understanding of Sasanian Iran.
We should remember that Greek and Latin writings are enemy sources, not inclined to enhance but
rather to detract from the picture of the Sasanians which they give. Furthermore, for the most part they
are secondary sources themselves, pretending to be good literature and only in rare cases are they eye
witness accounts. As literary productions, many draw heavily on past writings to interpret their own
times, such as Ammianus Marcellinus on Herodotus and others, as shown by K. Rosen, Studien zur
Darstellungskunst und Glaubwürdigkeit des Ammianus Marcellinus (Bonn, 1970), esp. 18-19. Also some
and for their contemporaries rather than
writers, such as Libanius or Orosius, write for didactic purposes
attempting to present objectively events for posterity. Nonetheless, the Classical tradition of historical
writing, with a sense of the importance of chronology, is matched, or possibly exceeded, only by the later
histories in Arabic. Geographica! and other compilations of the Byzantine period, though composed in a
Christian milieu with its religious world view, do provide some items of Information on the Sasanians.
Writers contemporary with the rise of the Sasanians, on the whole, give little Information beyond mere
acknowledgment of the rise of the new dynasty in the east. The early historians in chronological Order are
Cassius Dio, Herodian, fragments in Dexippus (Frg. Hist., II A, no. 100), the Scriptores Historiae Augustae,

(esp.under Gordian, Valerian by Trebellius Pollio, and later emperors by Flavius Vopiscus), all concerned
with Roman wars and relations with the Sasanians. Later sources such as Lactantius' Ecclesiastical History,
the chronicle of Eusebius, bishop of Caesarea, ed. by R. Helm (Berlin, 1956), and the chronicle of the
Caesars by S. Aurelius Victor, the fragments of Petrus Patricius (FHG IV, 184-86) add a few details here
and there to the early history of the Sasanians. At the end of the sixth Century Agathias, ed. by R. Keydell
1

(Berlin, 1967), is especially important, since he probably had access to Sasanian archives in Ctesiphon, as

well as the opportunity to hear local stories.

Some later authors are more about Roman-Sasanian relations, such as Ammianus
detailed, especially
Marcellinus who took II. Eunapius ( FHG IV, 7) adds little and Eutropius
part in the wars against Shapur
the same. Such writers as the rhetorician Libanius, and some Christian authors as Theodore of Mopsuestia,
contain references to the Persians, but it is impossible to cite all authors who mention the Sasanians, except
Procopius, who is valuable for his eye witness account of later wars of the ßyzantines against Kavad and
Chosroes.
For later periods of Sasanian history, the works of Byzantine historians are especially valuable beginning
with Sozomenus, then Zosimus followed by Priscus, Evagrius, Malalas, Syncellus, Theophanes, and
especially Menander Protector and Theophylactus Simocatta, the Chronicon Paschale, and even later

1
Editions are found in the Teubner series of Lactantius is found in the Corpus Scriptorum
Classical texts (Leipzig and Stuttgart) or in the ecclesiasticorum latinorum, ed. by S. Brandt (Vienna,

Loeb Classical Series (London and Cambridge, 1897). Almost all ofthese sources, and others, are
Mass.) or fragments in FHG or Frg. Hist. Later notedby A. Christensen in L'Iran sous les Sassanides
editions are noted in the text. The text of (Copenhagen, 1944), 74-77.
288 Chapter XI

historians such as Nicephorus, Cedrenus, and Zonaras. Other than histories, the Ethnika of Stephan of
Byzantium, ed. by A. Meineke (Berlin, 1849), the Suidae Lexicon, by H. Adler and even the Lexicon of
Hesychius of Alexandria, ed. by K. Latte (Copenhagen, 1953-66), give random Information about the
Persians, although in all much refers to a more ancient period. Geographies too retain old names, and the
anonymous Cosmographia and the work of Paulus Orosius in A Riese, Geograph) Latini Minores
(Heilbronn, 1878), the Anonymous Geography o/Ravenna.ed. by M. PmderandG. Parthey (Berlin, 1860),
the Tabula Peulingeriana, ed. by K. Miller (Stuttgart, 1916), with studies by J. Schnetz on those
geographica! works, and his translation of the Ravenna book (Uppsala, 1951), all should be mentioned
among the Greek and Latin sources relating to the east
Armenian sources are all Christian and give Information about the Sasanians in a religious and an
Armenian context, sometimes polemical and apologetic. The earliest, the history of Agathangelos,
preserved in a Greek as well as an Armenian version, is typical of the Christian nature of the Armenian
2
histories, all of which proclaim the glories of religion more than recording facts. Faustus of Byzantium
gives an aecount of the period from 320-385 but is in many places confused and unreliable. His work is
continued by Lazar of P arp until the year 485, while the later period to 591 is covered by the history of
Sebeos, and after a gap he continues down to the Arab conquest. A history of the years 439-451 by Elise
Vardapet is highly unreliable but gives a feeling of Armenian national sentiments. The book 'Against the
Sects' by Eznik of Kolb is valuable for information about Zoroastrianism, while the general history of
Armenia by Moses of Chorene has much information about the Sasanians, but it too is a controversial
source. Later works in Armenian add little to Sasanian history, but the Armenian geography of a pseudo-
Moses of Chorene is important for the historical geography of the empire. 3 Other Armenian books are
frequently füll of fancy and are not important for the history of the Sasanians.
Syriac sources, though similar, are more important for our topic than the Armenian books. Chronicles
are especially rieh in details, especially the controversial Chronicle of Arbela dealing with Adiabene until
c. 550, while the Chronicle of Edessa Covers the same period for the city of Edessa Qtodie Urfa). 4 Two
other chronicles, one of Joshua the Stylite (or pseudo-Joshua) Covers the years 494-506, while another
anonymous by M. Guidi, teils of events after 590 to the Arab invasion, and both are valuable
one, edited
sources. Other, later, world chronicles, such as that of Michael the Syrian written in the twelfth Century
and Bar Hebraeus (Abu M-Faräj) written in the following Century, as well as the eleventh Century
chronology of Elias of Nisibis, although containing random details, are all less important for us. More
valuable are the acts of the martyrs where many items are found which relate not only to religion but also
to legal matters, territorial divisions and similar matters. Among the writers on religious subjeets,
Theodore bar Khonai is especially important, while the ecclesiastical-legal volumes, although
concentrating on internal matters, do occasionally mention items of value to an understanding of local
affairs in this period. 5

Two Christian chronicles preserved in Arabic should be mentioned as having interesting material on
Sasanian affairs, the thirteenth Century anonymous Nestorian Chronicle of Seert, ed. by A. Scher PO vols.

4,5,7,13 (Paris, 1 908-1 9) and the chronicle of Eutychius or Sa 'id b. BatrTq, patriarch of Alexandria, who
died in 940, ed. by L. Cheikho (Beirut, 1906-09).
The only Jewish source which gives details of life under Sasanian rule is the Babylonian Talmud, in

- The editions and translations of the Armenian Christensen will be mentioned. On the martyr-
sources are given by Christensen, op. eil. [n. 1 77-
], ologies, see G. Wiessner, Zur Mdrtyreruberlieferung
79. To be added are two English translations by R. aus der Christenverfolgung Schapurs II in Abh.
Thomson of Agathangelos (Albany, 1976) and GWG, 67 (Göttingen, 1967).
Moses of Chorene (Cambridge, Mass., 1979), and 5
The most useful of the ecclesiastical-legal
F. C. Dowsett, The History of the Caucasian compilations is the Synhadusox book ofsynods of
Albanians by Movses Dasxuranci (London, 1961). the Nestorian church, ed. and trans. by J.-B.
Summary translations of relevant texts were made Chabot [eh. 1 n. 12], and trans. by O. Braun, Das
,

by K. Patkanian, "Essai d'une histoire de la dynastie Buch der Synhddos (Stuttgart-Vienna, 1900). The
des Sassanides," JA (1866), 101-244. law books such as those ofJesu Bokht, Simeon and
Ed. and trans by Marquart, Eranshahr [eh. 3, n. Mär Abhä, ed. by E. Sachau, Syrische Rechtsbücher,
"]• 3 (Berlin, 1914), should be noted; even though
4
For the texts and translations of the Syriac they provide little historical information, they do
texts see Christensen, op. eil. [n. 1], 80-83. Only give information on legal matters.
those Syriac texts not mentioned by or known to
 The Sasanians 289

many editions, and translated into Enghsh, ed. by

(London, 1935—48). This source has
I. Epstein, 35 vols.

been utilized by J. Neusner in his five-volume History qfthejews 1969-70). 1t must in Babylonia (Leiden,

be remembered that the Talmud is internal, community-centered and legalistic with only chance
references to general Sasaman practices or customs.
Middle Persian works, which have passed through priestly strainers reflecting priestly interests, are
more in the rather than history, but the Kämämak of Ardashir, which could be
domain of folklore or epic
romance, does give much Information about the first ruler of the dynasty, but it must be used
classified as a

with great care. 1t does provide much the same Information as the Shähnäme of Firdosi and other later
6
texts. A historical geography of the provincial capitals of Iran gi ves historical items of Information as

well as legendary stories, and it has been translated with a valuable commentary by Markwart. 7 Other
small texts such as Khusrö i kavätän ud redak 'Chosroes son of Kavad and his Page,' various books otandarz
or counsel to rulers, the genr-e called 'Mirrors for Pnnces,' as well as religious works, all may be consulted
for words, customs or the like, but they teil us little about historical events. 8
Arabic and New Persian works, though much later in date than the preceding sources and essentially
translation literature, do preserve accounts of Sasanian rulers, customs and practices not preserved
elsewhere, but their importance lies in their utilization of official Sasanian records, especially the notorious
Xwadäy or Khüdäl nämak, the predecessor of the epic of Firdosi. So much has been written about this
prototype of all lslamic information about the Sasanian dynasty that it is superfluous to add more to the

literature except toemphasize that many other sources, including oral reports, must have existed to
Supplement or parallel the presumed written 'official' history of the Sasanaian court. 9 Text criticism has
not progressed to Standards comparable to those we find in Classical studies, and many problems of the
transmission of texts remain with Arabic and New Persian sources for the Sasanians. Although Muslim
authors are less polemical or apologetic than the Christian writers, they do adapt the information they
have to lslamic conceptions of the past, and they do rationahze to understand and Interpret the stories or
Information which they pass on to readers of their own time. In the attempt to be orderly and understood,
they do change passages in older texts which they did not understand, as Tabari's confusion of the first
capture of Antioch by Shapur I with the capture of Valerian, confusion of the deeds of the two Shapurs
and others. As Christensen (p. 62) remarked, traces of two Middle Persian books, the Ayen or ewinnämak
or 'book of rules' and the Gähnämak 'book of ranks,' left traces in several later Arabic works such as the
Kitäb al-fäj of Jähiz and in the works of Mas'odl. Also valuable as a source for the institutions of the
Sasanians is the letter of Tansar to the king of Tabaristän,' preserved in New Persian but translated from
an Arabic translation from a Middle Persian original. 10 The chief historical work in Arabic is the great
history of TabarT, with a Persian translationby Bal'amT which adds to or departs from the original in
some passages." Earlier histories are concerned with pre-Islamic Iran, but those of Ya'qObl, Ibn
less

Qutaiba, and DlnawarT do have matenals not found in TabarT. Other writers, later than TabarT, have
Information not found in earlier works especially noteworthy are Mas ' üdT in his Muruj al-dhahab and his
;

Kitäb al-tanbih and Hamza Isfahänfs Ta'rlkh sinl muluk, ed. by Iränl TabrTzT (Berlin, 1921) and ed. byj.
Sha'är (Tehran, 1968). An anonymous literary text called Nihäyal al-arabß akhbär al-furs wa'l-'arab,
although a fanciful literary work, contains details different from TabarT and must be recognized as a
12
different source on the Sasanians. BTrüriT is an excellent source for chronology and holidays, all in

6
For editions anu translations of relevant MP Sadiq, ed., Firdausi Millennium (Tehran, 1944),
texts, see Ch. istensen, op. eil. [n. 1], 50-59. 72-75, and for a bibliography consult I. Afshär,
7
Markv.art, Catalogue [ch. 3, n. 45]. Kitäbshinäsl Firdosi (Tehran, 1347/1969).
8
For a hst of all MP writings see J. C. Tavadia, ,0
For text and translation see Näme-ye Tansar
Die mittelpersische Sprache und Literatur der Zara- ed. M. Minovi.and M. Boyce, The Letter of Tansar
illustrier (Leipzig, 1956), 141 pp. and M. Boyce, (Rome, 1968). The NP
text was preserved in the
"Middle Persian Literature," in HO, 4 Iranistik Ta'rlkh-e Tabaristän by Ibn Isfandiyär.
(Leiden, 1968), 31-66, and her "The Manichaean '
' The Standard edition of the Arabic is ed. by
Literature in Middle Iranian" in the same volume, M. J. de Goeje (Leiden, 1901) and in Persian for the
67-76. The andarz literature is ancient in origin Sasanian period see M. J.
Mashkur, Tarjuma-ye
and not to be dated only to the end of the Sasanian Ta Vife/i-e Täbarl (Tehran 1337/1959).
Empire. ' 2
This Arabic work was described by E. G.
9
Other than the remarks in Christensen, op. cit. Browne in JRAS (1900), 195-259. Cf. Bregel, op.
[n. 1], 59-62, consult A. Pagliaro, "Les sources en cit. [ch. 1, n. 18], 716-17.
langue pahlavi du 'Livre des Rois' de Firdausi," in I.
 35 5

290 Chapter XI
13
systematic tables. Other writers such as Ibn al-AthTr and Abu'1-Fidä add virtually nothing to our
knowledge ofthe Sasamans. Literary works, however, give much Information but frequently they are
idealized, romantic or at least didactic in nature.

The epic history of Iran, Firdosi's Shähnäme, belongsin this category more than as a chronicle of events,
asdoes thc Churär akhbar muluk al-furs ofThn'ilibl. 14 The vanous 'testament' hteratures, or advice given
to Sasanian princes by their fathers, such as the testimony of Ardashir, give interesting details of Sasanian
society or court life not found in stones in the books ofandarz, such as the Siyäsat name of Nizäm al-mulk,
the Qäbüs näme and others which have collections of stones about Sasanian kings or sages. Such stones 1

must be used with great caution as sources for Sasanian times, however, since their purpose is didactic and
wntten for their own times.
Fmally a host of geography books give us Information about pre-Islamic administrative divisions and
practices as well as local information. The most important of these are the general Arabic geographies of
Ibn Khurdädbih I$rakhrT(in Persian as well as Arabic) Ibn Hauqal, Ya'qObl, Ibn al-Faqlh al-HamadänT, al-
Muqaddasl, Ibn Rustah, the Hudüd al-'älam, with the Persian geography of Fars province of Ibn al Balkhi
16
especially important for that area. Such works as the Mafätih al-'ulüm of al-KhwärazmTand the Kiläb al-
wuzarä * wa 1-kuttäb of al-JahshiyärT also contain information in passing about Sasanian administration
and taxation. 17 Finally, the category of local histones, such as the Ta\lkh-e Qom, Ta'rlkh-e Slstän,
Ta Yffe/i-e T"baristän frequently contain items of local interest, especially about the end of Sasanian and the
beginning of Arab rule in the vanous areas. 18
To turn from literature to other sources, here too the number and quantity of inscriptions, papy n or
ostraca, coins, seals and art and architectural remains far exceeds earlier periods. It is not possible to give a
detailed bibliography of such remains but one may refer to special bibliographies of each category. The
Middle Persian and Parthian inscriptions are listed in P. Gignoux, Glossaire des Inscriptions Pehlevies et
Parthes (London, 1972), 9-19, to which should be added H. Humbach and P. O. Skjaerv0, The Sassanian
hiscription ofPaikuli, 2 parts (Wiesbaden, 1 978), and minor inscriptions as reported in the Journals AMI or
SI. For seals and sealings which give information on titles and geographical divisions as well as
onomastica, the various catalogues are indispensable: Hermitage - A. Bonsov and V. G. Lukonin,
Sasanidskie Gemmy (Leningrad, 1 963) British Museum - A. D. H. Bivar, Calalogue ofthe Western Asiatic
;

Seals in the British The Sassanian Dynasty (London, 1 969) Paris - Ph. Gignoux,
Museum, Stamp Seals, II : ;

Catalogue des sceux camtes et bulles Musfo du Louvre (Paris, 1 978), as

sasanides de la Biblioth^ue nationale et du
well as relevant volumes of the CII and articles in SI. Coins are covered by R. Göbl, Sasanidische
Numismatik (Braunschweig, 1968), with a bibliography and H. Simon, " Die Säsänidischen Münzen des
Fundes von Babylon," AI 12, Varia 1976, (Leiden, 1977), 149-337, with an extensive bibliography.
The bibliography ofthe archaeology of Sasanian Iran is covered by L. Vanden Berghe in his Archeologie
de l'Iran ancien (Leiden, 1 959) and his Bibliographie analytiaue de VarMologie de l'lran ancien (Leiden, 1 979).
Especially important for the Sasanian period are the excavations and surveys made at Ctesiphon in Iraq, at
Bishapur, Qasr-e Abo Nasr and Firuzabad in Fars, and Takht-e Sulaiman in Azerbaijan.
The of Sasanian Iran has produced a very large bibliography, but especially significant are the
art
following: A. U. Pope, ed., Survey of Persian Art (Oxford, 1938), vols. 1 and 4; K. Erdmann, Die Kunst

1
His most important work for our subject is Schwarz, op. cit. [eh. 1 , n. 1 4], in 9 parts. For eastern
his Athär al-bäqiyya ed. by E. Sachau (Leipzig, Iran and Central Asia see V. Minorsky, hiudüd al-

1876), trans. into Enghsh (London, 1879), but 'älam (London, 1937) and R. Frye, "Islamic Sources
other books also contain information such as his for the pre-Islamic History of Central Asia," in
book on India and others, for which see D. J. Harmatta, ed., Prolegomena [eh. 5, n. 139], 221-30.
l7
Boilot, "L'oeuvre d'al-Beruni: essai bibhographi- Khwaräzmfs book was edited by G. van
que," Melanges de l'institut Dominicain d'etudes Vloten (Leiden, 1895), and a part relevant to
oriemales du Caire, 2 (Cairo, 1955). 161-256. ancient Iran trans. byj. M. Unvala in JKRCO, 11
14
Ed. and trans. by H. Zotenberg, Histoire des (1928), 76-110; cf. C. E. Bosworth and G.
rois des Perses (Paris, 1900). Clauson, "Al-XwärazmT on the People of Central
Asia," JRAS (1965), 1-12. The book of al-
1
Strictly speaking the 'testaments' are a differ-
ent genre than the andarz literature, but they may JahshiyärT was edited by Mustafa al-Saqfä and M.
be taken together. For a discussion and bibhogra- al-Häfiz ShalabT (Cairo, 1938); Cf. J. Latz, Das
phy of the genre called 'mirror for princes,' see Buch der Wezire und Staatssekretare von al-Gahiiyari
F. R. C. Bagley, trans., Ghazäh's Book of Counsel (Bonn, 1958).
for Kings (London, 1964), ix— xxxviii.
' 8
On local histories of Iran consult Bregel, op.
16
A
source book for all of the geographers cit., 2 [eh. 1, n. 18], 1008-1107.

regarding western Iran with bibliography is

 The Sasanians 291

Irans zur Zeit der Sasaniden (Berlin, 1943, new ed. Mainz, 1969); R. Ghirshman, Iran, Parthians and
Sassanians (London, 1962); E. Porada, Ancienl Iran (London, 1965); V. Lukonin, Persia U,Jrom the
Seleucids to the Sassanids (London, 1971); K. Schippmann, Die iranischen Feuerheiligtümer (Berlin, 1971);
and for special subjects D. Thompson, Stuccofrom Chal-Tarkhan-Eshqabad near Rayy (London, 1 976) I. A. ;

Orbeh and K. V. Trever, Sasanidskii Metall (Moscow-Leningrad, 1 935) and C H Sawyer, ed., Sasanian ;

Silver (The University of Michigan Museum of Art, Ann Arbor, 1967). Bibliographies in these books
and in SI (Abstracta Iramca) give references to other articles and books on various artistic subjects.
The Sasanian period thus has a plethora of sources and hterature compared to earlier periods of history,
and footnotes will further elucidate details. The third volume of the Cambridge History oflran is a basic
handbook, not altogether replacing Christensen, which also has selected bibliographies for each chapter.

ARDASHIR AND THE BEG1NNINGS

From the Ka 'bah inscription of Shapur I, we learn that Ardashir was the son of Papak,
and a certain Denak was the mother of Papak, but Sasan is simply called 'the lord,' and
is not given any relation to Papak. This is an ofFicial record, but many scholars instead
have followed TabarT who states that Sasan was the father of Papak and continues the
genealogy back to ancient mythical kings oflran, which in ltself makes his Statement
suspect. The Bundahishn, a ninth Century Middle Persian religious book says that the
mother of Ardashir son of Papak was the daughter of Sasan, who was the son of
Vehafrid and continues the genealogy for a few generations. 19 This would make
Sasan the father-in-law of Papak, which is more likely than him being his father The
epic story as found in Firdosi, in the Kämätnak, and in a derogatory Greek version by
Agathias and elsewhere, has Sasan marry Papak's daughter, who then bore Ardashir,
which is also possible, but we cannot determine the truth of one or the other version.
Obviously Sasan was important, since he gave his name to the dynasty, and we have
seen how the name is found in Parthian times presumably as a minor deity. Perhaps
Sasan gave legitimacy to the new dynasty by his presumed connections to the
Parthian and possibly the Achaememd royal families, but in any case Ardashir was
legally the son of Papak a local king in Persis who proclaimed his independence from
the Parthians, probably at the time of the invasion of Mesopotamia by Septimius
Severus.
An inscription on a stone pillar in Bishapur gives a date as follows: '(In the) month
of Fravardin (of the) year 58, (of the) fire of Ardashir year 40, (of the) fire of Shapur,
which is the king of fires, year 24.' 20 This suggests that fifty-eight years before the
19
Ch. 35, TD 2 ms. p. 232. B. T. Anklesaria, TabarT claimed. Long ago Mordtmann in "Perse-
Zand Akäslh (Bombay, 1956), 297, translates this politamsche Münzen," Zeitschriftfür Numismatik, 4
passage as 'Ardashir-i Papakan, whose mother was (1876), 186, believed that a certain Tiridates,
Papak's daughter.' Anklesaria thus follows the epic which name he read on a coin, was the father of
tradition and Zoroastrian adoption customs, im- Papak, and he thought Armenian sources support-
plying that Sasan was the real father of Ardashir, ed his Identification, which they do not.
20
but his father-in-law had the right by adoption to Text and translation in R. Ghirshman,
er
call Ardashir his own son through his daughter. "Inscription du monument de Chäpour I ," Revue
The only problem with this theory is the existence des Ans Asiatiques, 10 (Paris, 1937), 123-29, and
of an older 'brother' of Ardashir called Shapur, by O. Hansen, "Epigraphische Studien," ZDMG,
known from coins as well as written sources, and 92 (1938), 441-42. V. Lukonin in "Monnaie
the Zoroastrian adoption practice should apply d'Ardachir 1 et l'art omciel sassanide," in 1A, 8
only to the eldest son of the daughter. Other (1968), 106, n. 2, translates this as "The month of
Arabic and Persian sources also call Ardashir the Fravardin, the year 58 (of the) fire; Ardashir, year
son of Sasan, but the confusion in the sources only 40 (of the) fire of Shapur; of the 'royal fires,' year
indicates that Sasan was not the father of Papak, as 24." I cannot follow this interpretation.
292 Chapter XI
inscription was carved an era was created for the beginning of the Sasanian dynasty,
perhaps the year Papak declared bis independence from the Parthians, which would
be approximately 205-206 for the first date, 224-225 for the second, and 240-
241 for the last, and the date of the carving of the inscription would be 263-
264, which would not conflict with archaeological data, and each date would
represent the lighting of a royal fire in a temple beginning the reign of a new
ruler.

The earliest archaeological remains of Ardashir, the real founder of the dynasty, are
at Firuzabad, which was called Ardashir Khwarreh 'the glory (or fortune) of
Ardashir,' the naming or re-naming cities in such a fashion being a practice which was
followed by his successors. TabarT and other sources say that Ardashir was sent to
Darabgird where he became governor ofthat district, but it was at Firuzabad, called
Gur, meaning a ditch or excavation and not a grave, according to Hamza al-I$fahänT,
that Ardashir built his capital. 21 He had to subdue the and forge an
local lords
allegiance to himself, but he succeeded so well he was able to challenge Artabanus, the
Parthian king of kings. Papak was not succeeded by Ardashir, however, but by his
(eldest?) son Shapur, mentioned in inscriptions as well as on coins. According to

TabarT Ardashir did not wish to recognize Shapur as king, and the latter assembled an
army to punish Ardashir, but in Persepolis a piece of the structures feil on him killing
him, after which Ardashir assumed the position of successor to Papak. There is no way
to confirm this story, but in the inscription of SKZ and Paikuli the legitimate
succession of the dynasty is from Papak to Shapur to Ardashir. Many scholars have
written about the date of accession of Ardashir to the throne considering this to have
taken place after his defeat of his Parthian overlord or even after Ardashir's capture of
Ctesiphon. The date of accession more likely would have been the lighting of his
'royal' fire after the death of Shapur, but a later date for a 'coronation,' different from
the date of accession causes difficulty in determining the first regnal year of early
Sasanian kings. 22 The year 224 seems now to be the most likely date for the accession
of Ardashir, when a fire, possibly in a temple in the town of Istakhr, was lighted to
begin his reign.
The course of events in the early years of Ardashir is unclear in many details, but
the defeat and death of Artabanus was surely the turning point in the rise to power of
the Sasanians, yet even afterwards Ardashir had to fight a number of battles, since the
Parthian realm was not unified under either Artabanus or Vologeses, both of whom

21
Hamza, ed. (Berlin, 1921), 33. Ibn al-Faqih, positions see W. B. Henning and S. H. Taqizadeh,
Kitäb al-buldän, ed. by M. J. de Goeje (Leiden, TheDatesof Mani'sLife,"/lM,6 (1957), 106-21.
1885), 198, says Ardashir built Gür (Jür) on the Much has been made ofJoint regency or co-kings
model of Darabgird, and even today the plans of in ancient Iran, but there is no evidence for this
two round cities can be observed. Today the institution other than the association of the crown
fortress Qalä-ye Dukhtär, high above the gorge prince in rule at the end of the reign of the previous
with the road and river, emphasizes the defensive ruler. Cf. M.-L. Chaumont, "Coregence et avene-
mentality of Ardashir in protecting his small ment de Shähpuhr I er ," in Mimorial Jean de
realm. Menasce, ed. by Ph. Gignoux (Louvain, 1974),
22
not possible to list even part of the
It is 133-46, and Frye, "Remarks" [eh. 7, n. 65], 78-
voluminous writings on the chronology of the 82.
early Sasanians. For a summary of different
 The Sasanians 293
23
undoubtedly opposed Ardashir. From coins we cannot determine when Ardashir
conquered a certain or other, for Parthian coins continued to be Struck until at
district

least 227 or 228, indicating not a continued rule of the Parthian kings but uncertainty
among mint officials as to what to do with coinage. The site of the decisive battle

where Artabanus was killed is unknown, but probably it was north of Isfahan,
although some scholars place it in the south. 24 Both Cassius Dio (LXXX, 4) and
Herodian (VI, 2, 2) say that Ardashir intended to reconquer the lands which once had
belonged to the ancient Persians, and there is no reason to doubt this report, for even if
a detailed memory of the Achaemenids was not alive under the Sasanians, legends and
stories of a great Iranian empire of the past surely were current. Continuing battles

with son(s) or relatives of Artabanus ended in victory for Ardashir, whose conquest
of the lowlands between the Tigris and Euphrates brought him in conflict with the
Romans. 25 For the Roman-Sasanian wars we have many sources.
Herodian (VI, 2, 4-7) gives the most detailed account of Ardashir's invasion of the
Roman province of Mesopotamia. He failed to take Hatra about 230 although other
places were conquered. In response the Roman emperor Severus Alexander left Rome
for Antioch and the east probably in 231 or 232. All diplomatic efforts at peace
having failed, preparations for war progressed with road building, repairing of
defenses and apparently an agreement with Hatra to accept Roman troops within th'
walls as allies. 26 Although the biography of the emperor in the Scriptores Historia
Augustae (LV) says that Severus Alexander decisively defeated Ardashir an>'
conducted a splendid triumph at Rome, Herodian (VI, 5-6) is probably mor
accurate when he describes the defeat surTered by one Roman column, while anoth«
army led by the emperor retreated because of disease and the climate, althoug
Ardashir surTered too and did not renew his invasion for several years.
Early Sasanian campaigns against the Arsacid king of Armenia are confused, an
we do not know the course of events, but one may believe Armenian sources whic
claim that the Armenians were so successful in defending themselves that th
Sasanians had to resort to assassination, but it is unclear whether this happened in th«.

reign of Ardashir or of Shapur I, as also is the identity of the Armenian king, Chosroes
II or Tiridates. The sources confuse the names of Tiridates II and III, the latter being
son of Chosroes, but it would seem most likely that it was Chosroes who was

23 Cassius -
Ardavan was besieged and killed was Dujail,
Dio (LXXX, 3) and Agathangelos
(Greek text, not Armenian, par. 8) say Ardashir presumably near Ahwaz. TabarT and other sources
fought three battles against the Parthians. The give the piain of Hormizdagän as the site of the
Chronicle of Arbela, trans. by
Sachau [eh. 8, n.
E. battle, otherwise unknown. The killing of Arta-

100], 50, says that the king of Adiabene and the banus by Ardashir is depicted on a rock relief near
king of Kirkuk (Garamaea) joined the Persians and Firuzabad.
Medes to overthrow the Parthians. 25
On the sons of Artabanus, we have Dio (loc.
24
G. Widengren in a talk in Tehran proposed eil.), the Chronicle of Arbela [eh. 8, n. 100] and
Gulpaiagan as the place of battle in reconstrueting a other sources, especially Armenian, which teil of
corrupt name in the Nihäyat al-arab, while the the struggles of Chosroes, king of Armenia, and
anonymous Persian history, Mujmil al-lawärlkh other Arsacids, against Ardashir.
wa\ qisas, ed. M. Bahar (Tehran, 1940) 61, says 26
See the summary of this campaign in D.
Artabanus (Ardavan) was defeated outside of Magie, Roman Rule in Asia Minor, 2 (Princeton,
Nihavend which was his residence. Tha'ähbl, 1950),694-96, 1560-61; also for this periodseeG.
Ghurar akhbar [n. 14], 480, says the town where Gage, La Montie des Sassanides (Paris, 1964).
294 Chapler XI

murdered probably in the reign of Shapur. 27 Although busy in Armenia and

.

elsewhere in the east over a period of years, about which we have no information,
Ardashir at the undertook another campaign about 237 in the west at
end of his life

the time of troubles in the Roman Empire following the death of Alexander Severus.
The most notable result of this campaign, after the conquest of Nisibis and Carrhae,
was the capture of Hatra in the year 239-240 about which many legends grew, some
attributing the fall of the city to the love of the daughter of the local king for Shapur,
such that she betrayed the city to him. 28 What is significant, however, was the
abandonment of Hatra, and later Dura Europos, Palmyra and other 'caravan cities,'
which meant a decline and then fall of the trade over the desert by oasis entrepreneurs,
who in the past had flourished in spite of Parthian-Roman wars. The Sasanians from
the outset tried to centralize trade in their hands, but they were neither good traders
nor entrepreneurs as were the inhabitants of the oases in the Syrian desert, and all
indications point to an economic decline in this period. The wars between Romans
and Sasanians were more destructive, severe and restrictive of commerce than wars in
previous eras, and the 'Fertile Crescent' sufFered greatly as a result.

From and the uncertainty in the sources, it would seem that Ardashir
coins,
associated Shapur with himself in rule and then retired shortly before his death which
29
may have occurred in 241 or even a short time later. From persons listed in the
inscription SKZ as submitted to or belonging to the court of Ardashir, we may gain
an idea of the extent of his domains. The first king mentioned is Satarop, king of
Abrenakh (in Greek), which is probably Aparshahr or present Khurasan, as a gloss in
the Bundahishn says, and which was recognized by Sprengung, the first editor and
translator of SKZ. 30 How far the domain of this ruler extended is unknown, but it is
possible that he had been a vassal of the Kushans who later transfer red his allegiance to

27
On the confusion in Armeman history in this für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, 5 (Bonn,
schrifi
period Chaumont, Äer/ierfft« [eh. 8, n. 135], 56,
cf. 1970), 120. See also A. Maricq, "Les dernieres
and C. Toumanoff, "The Third Century Arme- annees de Hatra," Syria, 34 (1957), 291. The dateof
man Arsacids," REA, 6 (1969), 250-52, who 12 April 240 for the fall of Hatra has been
Claims it was Tindates who was killed, and P. suggested by several scholars following the Co-
Asdourian, Die politischen Beziehungen zwischen logne codex.
29
Armenien und Rom (Venice, 1911), 126, who Much has been written on the chronology,
upholds Chosroes. S T. Eremyan, in "K aaba l but we cannot date the death of Ardashir or the
Zardusht hoshardzani ardzanagrut'yan vkayDt- accession or coronation (?) of Shapur with
yunner," Patma-banasirakan handes (Historico- certainty. Other than the references in note 22, see
philological Journal) 2 (33) (Erevan, 1966), 69, Maricq, "Res Gestae Divi Saporis" [eh. 9, n. 48],
gives the following list of rulers: Chosroes, killed 344-48. Chronology remains one of the greatest
237, Tiridates (245-252), Artavazdes (252-262), problems of ancient Iranian history, and exaet
Hormizd-Ardashir son of Shapur 1 (262-272), dates are virtually impossible to determine, so the
Narseh (272-293). This reconstruction may be the indulgence of the reader is requested for not
best we have. The Sasanian rock relief near Salmas discussing in detail dates of Sasanian history.
30
has been desenbed as a memento of a Sasanian M. Sprengung, "Shahpuhr I, the Great. On
triumph over the Armenians of
in the last years the Kaabah of Zoroaster (KZ)," AJSL, 57 (Chi-
Ardashir's reign. Cf. W. Hinz, Altiranische Funde cago, 1940), 399. The Parthian Oyiife) and MP
und Forschungen (Berlin, 1969), 135-39. 'plynk) forms presume a pronunciation Abarenag
(
"8
For references see J.Teixidor, The Kingdom 'the upper (lands)' derived from 'the upper
of Adiabene and Hatra," Berytus, 17 (1967-68), 9- satrapies' of the Achaemenids and Seleucids. Word
1 1 .
We now know that Ardashir took Hatra in the play with the (A)parni is possible but surely
last year of his reign; cf A Henrichs and L. secondary.
Koenen, "Ein griechischer Mam-Codex," Zeit-
 The Sasanians 295

Ardashir, although this is speculative. Then follow three rulers each with the name
Ardashir, the kings of Merv, Kerman and the Sakas (Seistan), but the identities of
these rulers are unknown, although the name 'Ardashir' would imply relationship to
the family of the Sasanians, and TabarT (I,817) says after conquering Kerman
Ardashir made one of his sons with the same name governor of the province. 31 This
policy of placing members of the house of Sasan over various provinces indicates a
centralization of authority in the new State. It would seem that the conquests of
Ardashir in the east reached the normal and future boundaries of the Sasanian State
with Merv the outpost in the northeast, Herat to the east, and Seistan forming the
geographical limits to the south. Whether the rulers of the Kushans and Turan
submitted to Ardashir, as TabarT says, cannot be proved, but his wars with the
Romans should have militated against further exploits in the east, while the Caspian
provinces probably remained independent until Shapur's time.
As the veritable founder of the new State, Ardashir became the legendary
originator of many later institutions, and the fount of much wisdom literature. The
of Ardashir, found in Arabic and Persian books, are on the
stories extolling the virtues

whole apocryphal, but they follow the earlier pattern of Xenophon extolling the
virtues of the founder of a dynasty; little, however, can be extracted from them as
history. 32 Other than the stories he leftis said to have built a
behind, Ardashir also
number of cities named most noted of which were Ardashir
after himself, the
Khwarreh, already noted, Weh Ardashir, one of the cities or suburbs of the capital
Ctesiphon, and possibly also the city in Kerman with the same name, Räm or
Rämishn Ardashir in Fars, site unknown but near the coast, Rew Ardashir or RTshahr
in Khuzistan, Hormizd Ardashir or Ahwaz, Bahman Ardashir or Prat de Maisän
33 As noted the walled cities of Darabgird
(Furat), and other towns less identifiable.
and Gur were circular and may have provided a prototype for later Baghdad.
In Shapur's inscription SKZ no titles are found in the list of notables of Papak's
entourage, an indication of the local and limited nature of his rule, while under
Ardashir we find in addition to local rulers and relatives, persons with titles,

beginning with a bidakhsh, whom we met under the Parthians as a kind of second in
command after the ruler. Another high officer, the hazärbad, probably was a military
Commander as his title implies. the heads of the great Parthian feudal
Then follow
families, the Varaz, Suren, Karen, and the lord of Andegan, probably some territory

31 33 Budh Nudh Ardashir, also called Hazza,

The fact that Ardashir, king of Kerman, is or
mentioned in SKZ in both the court of Ardashir near Mosul, may be a confusion with the name of
and in that of Shapur, would tend to substantiate the province of Adiabene, Natunia, MP nwlxhrkn
the Information of TabarT. and Parthian nlwhkn in SKZ, as well as of the ruler
32
See such literary books as the Arabic Kiläb al- also called Ardashir in Shapur's time. Pasa Ardashir

'iqd al-firld of Ibn 'Abd RabblhT, with Analytical or Khatt on the coast opposite the island of Bahrain
Indices by M. Shafl' (Calcutta, 1935), and the and Astarabad or Aspabad or Mahishtabad, also in
attributed to
Persian Jawämi* al-itikäyät o( Muhammad al-'Aufl, Mesene, are other foundations
with an Introduction and Indices by M. Nizämu 'd- Ardashir. The of Hormizd Ardashir, how-
city
ever, may have received its name from Shapur
I
dTn (London, 1929). There are many stories in the
andarz books 'mirrors for princes.' On the according to his inscription SKZ, line 5 of the
'testament'of Ardashir, preserved in Arabic, see M. Greek text. The names of cities changed too,
Grignaschi, "Quelques specimens de la litterature making identifications difFicult.
Sassanide conserves dans les bibliotheques d'lstan-
bul," JA (1966), 1-142.
296 Chapter XI

on the Fars side of the Gulf, and other notables including an Abursam, who holds an
34
honorific Ardashir-farr 'glory of Ardashir.' A notable called Geliman from
Demavend followed by another feudal lord of the Spahbad family with other
is

officials such as the chief of the scribes, chief of protocol? (MP Vwyfe), chief of books
or archives? (MP m 'dknpt), chief of the arsenal, a judge, chief of stables, master of the
hunt, chief of provisions, and master of wine. The bureaucracy and the court was
obviously in the process of formation under Ardashir and it would be expanded
under Shapur.

SHAPUR'S WARS

Since the discovery of Shapur's Middle Persian inscription on the Ka'bah of

Zoroaster at Naqsh-e Rustam in 1936, with subsequent finds of the Parthian and
Greek versions plus an inscription of the priest Kerdir or Kartir, much has appeared
about the early years of Shapur's reign. 3S In the first years of his reign Shapur was busy
in his own domains, and it is possible that he subdued the inhabitants of Gilan and
even the Khwarazmians before turning to the west, as the Chronicle of Arbela
36 The Romans, however,
states. were the instigators of hostilities under the emperor
Gordian III, who at first was successful in 243 retaking a number of places, including

Nisibis, which had been lost earlier to the Sasanians. After this, the praetorian prefect,
Timesitheus, who was the real leader of the army died and was replaced by Philip the
Arab. The following year the Roman and Sasanian armies met in a great 'frontal'
battle at the site of Massice, later Anbar, north of Ctesiphon, and Shapur claims to
have won a great victory where Gordian lost his life, either in battle or through
treachery by his own men. Philip was proclaimed emperor, and he shortly made
peace with Shapur, paying htm a large indemnity, after which the site was renamed
Peroz-Shapur 'victorious (is) Shapur.' This was only the first campaign, and Roman
sources do not dwell on this Roman defeat, nor on the second campaign mentioned
34
Most scholars assume this is an honorific Gage, "Les Perses ä Antioche," Bulletin de la Faculte"

giving the current pronunciation of khwarreh, but des teures de Strasbourg, 31 (1953), 301-24; G.
Lukonin "Zavoevaniya Sasanidov" [eh. 10, n.
in Pugliese Carratelli, "Res Gestae Divi Saporis," La
39], 24, n. 24, suggest that all of the honorifics are Parola del Passato, 5 (Naples, 1947), 209-39, and 6
really titles of satraps of cities, with the word (1947), 356-62; and M. I.Rostovtzeff, "Res Gestae
'satrap' omitted. This is unlikely for many reasons; Divi Saporis and Dura," Berytus, 8 (1943), 17-60,
first in the inscriptions titles are not omitted, and with an addendum by A. R. Bellinger, "The
would be written GDH for the city
second, -pry Numismatic Evidence from Dura," 61-71. For
name, while we have no city called -snwmy as further bibliography see G. Walser and T. Pekary,
proposed by Lukonin. Other problems in this Die Krise des römischen Reiches (Berlin, 1962), and
sweeping assumption militate against it. Gage, La Montee des Sasanides [n. 26], 387-96.
35 36 Sachau, op.
The first by M. Sprengung,
publication was cit. [eh. 8, n. 100], 64. Whether a
"A New Pahlavi Inscription,"
AJSL, 53 (1937), campaign against the Kushans took place in the
'26-44, with subsequent articles in the same early years of Shapur's reign or not has been
Journal and his final publication Third Century debated, but aecording to his inscription at least a
Iran,Sapor and Kartir (Chicago, 1953). Also see the large part of the Kushan domains had acknowl-
publications of Maricq, op. cit. [eh. 9, n. 48], 295- edged his overlordship. We do not have any
360, with references to his previous works and Information about Shapur's campaigns in the east.
others by W. B. Henning, Frye and others. Esp. to Cf. M.-L. Chaumont, "Conquetes Sassanides et
be noted are articles by A. T. Olmstead, "The Mid- Propagande Mazdeenne," Historia, 22 (1 973), 664-
Third Century of the Christian Era," Classical 70, for conquests in the west and the Caucasus.
Philology, 37 (1942), 241-62, and 338^102; J.
 The Sasanians 291
by Shapur, which has caused much dispute on its dating, but the Version of the
inscription is followed here.
Shapur claimed that the Roman emperor again lied and did härm to Armenia,
which gave Empire, which he did
a casus belli for the Persians to attack the Roman
destroying a Roman army of 60,000 at a place called Barbalissos deep in Roman
territory on the Euphrates. Then Shapur invaded Syria and ravaged the country
capturing many cities and towns including Dura Europos and Antioch. As noted, the
date of this campaign has caused great controversy with partisans of 253 as well as
those of 256, including some who suggest there were two captures of these sites. No
literary source mentions the defeat of the Romans hands of Shapur, but we may
at the
at least say that Dura and probably also Antioch were both captured by Shapur in
37
256, while an earlier occupation of both in 253 by Shapur Numismatic is uncertain.
evidence, unfortunately, does not resolve the problem, even though in 253 the mint
at Antioch seems to have ceased activity for a short time, and the mint apparently was

transferred to Emesa. Whether this meant a capture of Antioch by Shapur cannot be

determined, but the entire period of Valerian's reign was filled with fighting in the
east. Unfortunately we do not know when Valerian came to Antioch, or even when

he was captured by Shapur in the latter's third campaign. Several numismatists have
reconstructed events in a different manner, concluding from the coins that Valerian
came to the east in 256 and restored Antioch, which had been taken by Shapur in 254
or 255, while his capture by Shapur, who says in his inscription that he was besieging
Edessa and Harran (Carrhae) when Valerian advanced against him with an army of
70,000 and in the battle he took Valerian prisoner with many of his chief officers, is to
be dated end of 257 or 258. 38 Again, we have no definite information about the
at the

date of the third campaign and the capture of Valerian by Shapur but proposed dates
have varied from 257 to 261, although 258 or 259 is more likely. In any case, when
Shapur says he captured Valerian with his own hands, as well as the praetorian prefect,
Senators and others, he in effect admits that he took them by deceit which several
authors (as Zosimus, I, 36) suggest. After this victory Shapur says he devastated
Cappadocia as well as Syria. He took Antioch again and thirty-five other places,
including Edessa, Caesarea and Konya, far into Anatolia. 39 Shapur was not able to
hold his conquests, however, for the last of the 'caravan' cities, rieh and powerful

Palmyra, a client State of the Romans, took up arms against Shapur and not only made
his retreat difficult, but the Palmyrene ruler Odainath even recaptured Nisibis and
Harran (Scriptores Hist. Aug., sub Valerian 4, Gallienus, 10; Agathias IV, 24, etc.). So

37
I first proposed this in a review of W. Ensslin, Sb.PAW, 39 (1916), 6-7. Shapur in his inscription
Zu den Kriegen des Sassaniden Sehapur I in BO, 8 only mentions two captures of Antioch, this one
(1951), 103-06,for Antioch, based on the tenure of and of Valerian.
after the capture
Demetrianus, who sueeeeded to the patnarchate of
38
H. Mattingly, "The Palmyrene Princes," NC
Antioch in 253 and was led into captivity by (1936), 91, 105; and K.J.Elks.TheEastern Mints
Shapur to Khuzistan in the fourth year of his office. of Valerian and Gallienus," NC (1975), 96-7.
This position of 256 was strengthened by Honig- According to Elks coins of Valerian continued to
mann/Maricq in op. eil. Ich. 9, n.49], 131-42, who be minted until news of his death reached the
survey the sources and the different theories with Roman Empire. The dates are uncertain.
39
the conclusion that Antioch was probably taken On the identifications of the cities captured
once in 256 and not in 253. See also long ago E. by Shapur in his campaigns, ci. Maricq, "Res
Sachau, "Vom Christentum in der Persis," Gestae" [eh. 9, n. 48], 80-85.
298 Chapter XI

the heirs of the collapse of Roman rule in the east were not the Sasanians but the
Palmyrenes, few years.
at least for a

The campaigns of Shapur had delivered many captives into his hands and he settled
them in Khuzistan and Fars provinces where traces of their activities exist to the
present, such as the Band-e Kaisar or 'Caesar's dam' on the Karun River at Shustar,
attributed to the war prisoners of Shapur by TabarT (1, 827), while mosaics found in a
palace at Bishapur also have been attributed to Roman prisoners.
40 The origins of

Christianity in the southern part of Iran have been traced primarily to these war
prisoners brought and settled by Shapur from his last two campaigns, and the town of
Weh Antiok Shapur 'the better Antioch of Shapur,' later Gundeshapur, was settled
almost exclusively by war prisoners.
The extent of Shapur's empire, as described in his inscription, has been the subject of
much discussion, especially the eastern frontiers. Merv already has been mentioned
under Ardashir, but there is no mention of Khwarazm or lands north of the Oxus in
regard to his domains. Herat and all of the higher lands (presumably in the mountains
to the east), plus Turan, Makran, Paradene and Sind are included in the empire, but
the boundaries of these lands are not established. Turan is probably the same as

Medieval Türän with its center in the Kalat area of Baluchistan, while Makran (with
variant pronunciations) is the southern land to the sea. Paradene may be the land
around present Quetta, although possibly including Qandahar, but this is quite
uncertain since we only have the name mentioned in Ptolemy (VI, 21) and the
Ravenna Geography (II, 1), as well as uncertain references to Paradas in Indian
sources.
41
How much of the plains of the Indus basin submitted to Shapur is
impossible to determine. Shapur wanted readers of his inscription to know how
much of the Kushanshahr he included in his domains, for he writes that it included
territory up to Peshawar and to Kashgar, Sogdiana and Tashkent, to use a later name.
This probably means that the ruler of the western Kushan domains, which covered
the mountains of Afghanistan and Bactna (north and south), submitted to Shapur.
Whether Shapur himself campaigned in all of these districts is unlikely, since the
Kushan ruler, once defeated, would have pledged the allegiance of all of his domain to
the Sasanianmonarch or paid tribute rather than fighting numerous battles in the
heart of hiskingdom. Who this ruler was is unknown.
In the Caucasus region other than the three principal lands of Armenia, Georgia
and Albania (later Arran), Shapur mentioned Makhelonia or the modern land of
Mingreha, which was the land on the eastern corner of the Black Sea, and the
easternmost land bordering the Caspian Sea, called Balasagan, extending north to the
pass of Derbend. In the south, across the Gulf, Oman had submitted to Shapur. While
it is not possible to determine whether some of these lands had submitted or paid
tribute first to Ardashir, the fact that the former is called 'King of Kings of Iran' while
his son carries the title 'King of Kings of Iran and An-Iran (non-Iran),' indicates that
most of the outlying territories had submitted to Shapur. Just what was included in

40 R. Ghirshman, BkhApour, Les mosaiques sas- Some of his

Päradas (Calcutta, 1972), esp. 46—48.
sanides, 2 (Paris, 1 956), 96, 101,1 47.Many legends identifications aremost uncertain. There is little to
existed about the constructions of Roman add to the detailed comments of Maricq on the
prisoners. lands of Shapur's empire and the reader is referred
41
See references in B. N. Mukherjee, The to his publications.
 The Sasanians 299
Iran and in non-Iran, in the eyes of the Sasanians, is not easy to determine, for it was
not a linguistic or ethnic criterion which determined which lands were part of Iran,
although a religious one may apply to the inscriptions of Kerdir, at least in his eyes -
where Zoroastrianism should be the dominant faith.42 Although borders were to
change in both west and east, the boundaries of the Sasanian Empire reached their
maximum permanent expansion under Shapur and later changes or expansions were
not lasting.

The court of Shapur was much larger with more of a bureaucracy than that of his
father, and he placed his sons as rulers in various parts of the empire. The eldest,
Hormizd-Ardashir, was made great king of Armenia; another son also called Shapur
was king of Mesene; Narseh was named 'King of Sind, Seistan and Turan to the edge
of the which meant the vast southeastern part of the empire extending over oases
sea,'

of few inhabitants with hardly much control from the center.

in a desolate area
Another son Bahram (MP: V/W Wahrahran) was king of Gilan. In addition,
Ardashir the king of Kerman under his father continued in his pöst under Shapur, and
another Ardashir, perhaps a brother of Shapur, ruled in Adiabene. New are the rulers
of an outlying region - Hamazasp king of Georgia, and the satraps of the important
oases of western Iran, another Ardashir satrap of the district and town of Qom
(Godman), Varzin satrap of Isfahan (Gay), Tiyanik, satrap of Hamadan, Ardashir,
satrap of Neriz, and Narseh, satrap of Rind, an unidentified site on the plateau. In the
Mesopotamian lowlands we find the names of Friyek, satrap of Gundeshapur and
Rastak, satrap of Weh Ardashir. These satraps obviously were not the only satraps in
the empire, but probably only those who had close connections with Shapur either by
relationship, by marriage, or by the importance of their family, rank or Status. The
Position of the satrap had declined since Achaemenid times, but the title still meant
one in authority in a district. We also see a continuation of the Parthian noble families
and an empire welded together by the personalities of the first two Sasanian rulers,
with their close relatives installed in various posts, rather than a more organized
empire which we find at the time of the Arab conquest.
The inclusion of two persons with the title bidakhsh under Shapur may seem an
anomaly, but we may suppose either a division of functions and authority in two
persons at this time, or more likely one who had retired but continued to bear his title.
Many new titles appear and several persons whom one might not expect to be listed
together with the great lords of the realm, such as two eunuchs and Kerdir the herbad
(magus in the Greek version). In the inscription then we find a melange of individuals,
some present because of their families, others because of their posts, while still others,

such as the eunuchs and Kerdir, included presumably because of their closeness to
Shapur or his immediate family. Further we find persons with honorifics, such as
Ardashir-Shnum, Shapur-Shnum, 'Joy of-A. (or S.),' and Nev Shapur 'Brave-Shapur,'
who may have received special honors because of feats of arms or some special Service
to the ruler.
Shapur, like his father, founded or renamed cities, and we can see an example of

42 may have been one of the

See Ph. Gignoux, "La liste des provinces de non-Iran, although this
l'Erän dans les de Säbuhr et de Kirder,"
inscriptions factors in such a division. Cultural and even
AHH, 19 (1971), 84. He does not suggest a Strategie grounds may have existed in the minds of
religious reason for the division between Iran and some Iranians for such a division.
300 Chapter XI

both in his inscription - Gundeshapur and Peroz Shapur, while other towns
mentioned by Arabic or Persian authors may be attributed to either Shapur I or II,
such as Nishapur in Khurasan. Other cities were Shad Shapur Joyful is Shapur' or
'UbuIIa in southern Iraq, Shapur Khwast near Khurramabad, Wuzurg Shapur or
'Ukbara in Iraq, as well as others, but none in the eastern part of the empire. These
cities, like Darabgird and Gur in Fars, were surrounded with walls and were

presumably well fortified, a feature of Sasanian city planning.

In his inscription, Shapur claims to serve and worship the gods and because he was
the 'creature' or 'instrument' of the gods he was rewarded with his conquests and made
famous and powerful. Whereas Darius only mentioned the aid of Ahura Mazda in his
inscriptions, Shapur speaks only of 'the gods,' and even Kerdir in his inscriptions refers
to 'Ahura Mazda and the gods,' indicating a belief of both Shapur and Kerdir
probably in henotheism rather than polytheism, a continuation of the ancient world.
But at this time great changes were at work in this part of the world. Christianity was
in formation, soon to become the State religion of the Roman Empire; Judaism was
of Organization with the Babylonian Talmud, and a new religion,
also in the process
Mamchaeism, was spreading in the east. Mani had a special relation with Shapur, who
received and listened to him on several occasions.
According to Manichaean writings Shapur was impressed with Mani and aided
him to spread his teachings in the empire, while the prophet followed Shapur for
some time in his retinue.43 Further, according to Manichaean sources, Mani
converted a brother of Shapur called Mihrshah, governor of Mesene (presumably
before another relative also called Shapur became king of Mesene) and then also
Peroz, another brother of Shapur (or possibly the son of the king of Mesene according
to Greek SKZ line 51), who became ruler of Khurasan or Aparshahr.
44 The new

religion of Manichaeism apparently made great strides in the Sasanian Empire under
Shapur, who did nothing to hinder lts missionary activities. Fortunately much has
been preserved of the writings of this gnostic religion in Arabic, Greek, Coptic,
Parthian, Middle Persian and even in Chinese, so we have a better idea of the tenets
and writings of this faith than of many others. Because of the eclecticism of this
gnostic religion, its fundamental dualistic nature sometimes has been forgotten.
Since Mani dedicated one of his principal writings, the Shapurakan (pronounced
Shäbuhragän), to the ruler, we may speculate that Shapur saw in Mani's faith a possible
religion for a great empire which included Christians and even Buddhists as well as

The patronage which Shapur extended to Mani is attested and we may

Zoroastrians.
presume some motive in the ruler's mind other than idle interest. The religious
Situation, however, was to change with the death of Shapur.

43
H. Polotsky and A. Böhhg, Kephalaia, 1 reference, and W. B. Henning, "Neue Matenalen
(Stuttgart, 1940), 15 Mani says he left Babylonia zur Geschichte des Manichäismus," ZDMG 90
to preach in India in the time of Ardashir, but he (1935), 386, as wellasG. Widengren, Mani und der
returned when the latter died and Shapur became Manichäismus (Stuttgart, 1961), 36. Arabic and
king. On the whole, there is no reason to doubt Persian sources on Mani have been collected by A.
Information about Mani's encounters, as related Afshär ShTräzT, Mini va Dln-e Ö
(Tehran, 1335/
m Manichaean Claims of conversion of
sources. 1957), with abibhography. See also the finearticle
royal princes to Manichaeism, however, may be by K. Rudolph, "Mani," in Enzyklopädie: Die
exaggerated. Großen der Wellgeschichte, 2 (Zürich, 1972), 545-
44
See L.J. Ort, Mani (Leiden, 1967), 68-69, for 64, with an extensive bibliography.
 The Sasanians 3qj

By the time of the Sasanians religions in the Near East had ceased to be local, tribal
or even ethnic matters, but pretensions to universality prevailed in those which
flounshed. Whereas Chnstianity and Mamchaeism knew no ethnic boundaries, both
Judaism and Zoroastrianism continued the ancient pattern of the Near East and
became restricted to their respective peoples. Missionary erTorts of Zoroastrians, such
as the establishment of fire temples, mentioned by Kerdir in his inscriptions, were

intended to bring Iranians back into the fold, or to build an 'orthodox'

Zoroastrianism or 'state church' being created by Kerdir and his successors. Kerdir,
however, flourished under the sons and grandson of Shapur, as we shall see.

Shapur's capture of Valerian was too great an event to go unrecorded for his
subjects, so in addition to the inscription, the Sasanian monarch had a number of rock
reliefs carved to commemorate this also in his homeland of Fars, three in the river

gorge by the city of Bishapur and one at Naqsh-e Rustam. 45 The rock-carved reliefs
were intended to preserve for posterity the great feats of Shapur, and they continued
the stone carving tradition of the Achaemenids, also in Fars. The identification of the
Roman figures on the reliefs has caused great controversies as has the attribution of
other damaged rock reliefs of investiture scenes, but the intention of the victory reliefs
is the same in all - to show in a symbolic form the successes of Shapur against the

Romans with the crowning achievement, unique in history, the capture of the
emperor Valerian, who died in captivity. There is no echo in either the reliefs or in
Iranian sources of any defeats at the hands of the Palmyrenes, for the expeditions of
Shapur to the west reaped only fame and booty without either permanent or even
prolonged conquest of lands in Syria or Asia Minor, as Zosimus (I, 27) says. If the
Romans needed any further proof that they were now dealing with a new and
dynamic rival in the east, the unprecedented capture of Valerian assured them of
many struggles to come. It is difficult if not impossible to assess the ambitions of
Shapur, if they were to re-establish a great Iranian empire extending to the
Mediterranean, but his actions indicate he was more concerned to impress his
enemies, as well as his subjects, and to obtain booty rather than to reconstruct
anything similar to the Achaemenid Empire. Yet the use of Greek as one language on
his victory inscription of SKZ and his use of war prisoners not only in his engineering
and building projects, but in artistic creations, such as the floor mosaics in his palace at
Bishapur, his interest in Mani, and other items, indicate a cosmopolitan if not an
oecumenical outlook of the ruler. 46 After his capture of Valerian Shapur ruled for

45
For photographs of the three Bishapur reliefs 80, and R. Göbl, Der Triumph des Säsäniden
see G. Herrmann, The Sasanian Rock Reliefs at Sahpuhr über die Kaiser Gordianus, Philippus und
Bishapur, Iranische Denkmäler 9 and foll. (Berlin, Valerianus, Österreichische Akad. d. Wiss., Denk-
1980). The Interpretation of the figures in various schriften116 (Vienna, 1974), 7-31. The relief at
reliefs has varied from symbolic representations to Darabgird was carved earlier than the Valerian
exact identifications. For example, the Standing reliefs.
46 On the Bishapur mosaics see Ghirshman, op.
Roman receiving a wreathfrom Shapur on a relief
at Bishapur and on the reliefat Naqsh-e Rustam has eil., 2 [n.89-148 and 177-183. The Denkart
40],
been identified with a Syrian called Mariades or says that Shapur collected scientific texts from
Cyriades who supposedly delivered Antioch to everywhere to add to the Avesta, which is not to
Shapur and was rewarded by being proclaimed be taken literally, but indicates the ruler's interest
emperor by Shapur. For literature see B. C. in knowledge; trans. in Zaehner, op. cit. [eh. 3, n.
Macdermot, "Roman Emperors in the Sassanian 40], 8 (with text).
Reliefs," Journal of Roman Studies, 44 (1954), 76-
302 Chapter XI

more than a decade, but nothing is known about the last years of his life, while the
date of his death is just as controversial as his year of accession, and the year of death
varies from 270 to 273, but more likely is the former year.47 The principle of
pnmogeniture in succession was followed here and Hormizd-Ardashir the eldest son
of Shapur became ruler although at the beginning of the Sasanian period father-eldest
son succession seems to have been valid only if the son was an adult and able to
command respect. With the sons of Shapur, however, the question of succession was
contested as we shall see.

In passing it should be noted that numismatics, which played such an important

role in the reconstruction of the history of the east from Alexander to the Sasanians, is

much less vital for our knowledge of Sasanian history, and numismatists have
concentrated more on mint sites as determined by Middle Persian abbreviations on
coins, or iconographic features such as the crowns of the rulers. The significance or
symbohsm of various crowns worn by the Sasanian rulers on coins, reliefs, seals, or
and many controversies, but it seems
silver plates has generated a prodigious literature
clear now that special crowns, or crowns for investiture and other purposes,
complicate the traditional assumption of one crown per ruler by which he was
invariably identified. 48 Shortly after Ardashir became ruler of all of Iran, he changed
his silver coinage from the thick 'Parthian' and 'Persis' type to a new flat drachm which
remained the model for all later Sasanian coins. A reduction in weight also took place,
and from the earliest coins of Ardashir, with his bust facing the left, all succeeding
coins of Sasanian kings have the busts of the ruler facing to the right except some
comparatively rare issues showing a bust enface, notably Chosroes II, while several
issues of Hormizd II have the bust facing left, an enigma since most numismatists have
49 In any
considered the bust facing left a sign of a vassal relationship to a greater ruler.
case, Sasanian drachms are distinctive in their flatness with a weight generally of about
four grams, while towards the end of the dynasty the mean weight drops to three and
a half or even less, such that generally speaking the weight value of the drachm was
more under Ardashir than under Chosroes II, while in the Islamic period the weight
drops further.
The quality or fineness of the silver in the Sasanian issues remained high, and
periods of debasement were few and short-lived. A cogent theory for the
maintenance of a high Standard over such a long period has been proposed that the
Sasanians always had an adequate supply of silver and they upheld the value of their
silver currency as an international currency, especially for the steppes of South Russia

47
In the west Shapur apparently was unsuccess- bibhography. On crowns and coins see also V.
ful against the Palmyrenes if we place credence in Lukonin, Iran v epokhu pervykh Sasanidov (Lenin-
the titles assumed by Wahballat son of Zenobia, grad, 1961) and his Kullura Sasanidskogo lrana
including Adiabenicus maximus; cf. Ensslin, op. eil (Moscow, 1969).
und 49 Numismatik
|n. 37], 88. F. Müller, Studien über Zenobia Cf. in Göbl, Sasanidische [supra,
Palmyra (Kirchhain N.-L., 1902), 61 pp. examines Literature], and H. Simon, "Die säsänidischen
Arabic sources on Zenobia, but throws no light on Münzen des Fundes von Babylon," IA Varia 1976,
the Persians. 12 (1977), 149-337, and for the mints esp. M
48 The classical Mitchener, "The Mint Organization of the Sassan-
aecount for crowns is K.
Erdmann, "Die Entwicklung der säsänischen lan Empire," Numismatic Circular, 86 (London,
Krone," Ars Islamica, 15-16 (Ann Arbor, 1951), 1978), 3 parts.
87-1 23. Cf. Göbl, op. cit. [n. 45], 33-38, with other
 The Sasanians jqj
and Central Asia, for Sasanian trade with the north was important. 50 Although a few
series are notably debased, as in a short period of the reign of Shapur I, the debasement

may have been the result of military Operations or special crises, and the continuous
high quality of the coinage reflects an economic stability in the Sasanian Empire.
Copper or local coins unfortunately have been little studied, usually because they are
much more defaced than silver coins found in excavations and few if any people
collect them, so the museums of the world have very few. Because they are local they
could give us perhaps more information than more standardized silver coins.
Needless to say, the Sasanians, as the Parthians, only minted silver, and the rare gold
coins were commemorative issues of a few rulers not meant to circulate. More on
economic matters will be discussed below.

THE SUCCESSORS OF SHAPUR

The eldest son of Shapur, Hormizd-Ardashir, ruled about a year, and we know
nothing of his reign except that he founded the city of Ram Hormizd or Ramuz and a
Tha 'älibT that he fought against the Hephthalites or Sogdiana, which is a
brief note in
temporal anomaly, hence hardly to be accepted. He in turn was succeeded by his
brother Varahran or Bahram I, who had been king of Gilan under his father.
With the accession of Bahram at least one change occurred in the religious policy of
the empire, and this seems to have been a new intolerance towards religions other
than Zoroastrianism, for it was in the reign of Bahram that Kerdir (Kartir) became
powerful, andMani was executed, probably at the end of the king's reign rather than
the beginning,c. 276. Kerdir had been granted a new title by Hormizd-Ardashir

which continued to exist after the death of Kerdir, and this was 'mobad of Ahura
Mazda,' probably more an honorific than an ofFice, at least at the beginning. In the
time of Bahram I Zenobia, queen of Palmyra, was defeated by the emperor Aurelian
and brought to Rome in captivity. This not only ended Palmyra but was the final

twilight of the caravan cities of the desert to the Gulf. Henceforth both Romans and
Sasanians exercised central control over their frontiers. Bahram I was not honored as
were the two other sons of Shapur, Hormizd I and Narseh, with a fire established in
his name, as stated in the inscription SKZ, and this may indicate that Bahram's mother
was a lesser queen and not the mother of Hormizd-Ardashir and Narseh, but we do
not know. Lukonin has reconstructed the course of succession after Hormizd-
Ardashir as the result of the intrigues of Kerdir. 5 According to him Bahram I was
'

older than Narseh, but the latter considered himself more eligible for the throne, but
the party of Kerdir was successful in placing their candidate on the throne. Further, he
suggests that the future Bahram II was not yet born when Shapur made his SKZ

inscription, since he is not mentioned in the inscription. Bahram II then was still

50 See
J. L. Bachrach and A. A. Gordus, The (1964), 48-63, and again in Iran v III veke
purity of Sasanian silver coins: an imroduction," (Moscow, 1979), 59-73, with a long English
JAOS, 92 (1972), 283, with bibliography and R. summary and a survey of the rock reliefs. I am not
Frye, "Byzantine and Sasanian Trade Relations sure whether Lukonin is correct in saying that
with Northeastern Russia," Dumbarlon Oaks 'Zoroastrian law' favored the rights of Narseh to
Papers, 26 (Washington, DC, 1972), 265-69. the throne after Hormizd-Ardashir.
51
V. G. Lukonin, "Varakhran i Narse," VDI, 1
304 Chapter XI

young in his teens when his father died in 276. He was married, however, to
Shapurdukhtak, daughter of Shapur king of Mesene and shortly before his father's
death Bahram II was made king of Seistan and the lands to the east, while Narseh, who
had held was moved to Armenia. Kerdir became even more powerful as
this position,

the mentor of the young Bahram II, and as he says in his inscriptions, he received the
title 'soul savior of Bahram' from the king and further honors, the rank of noble

(wuzurg), supreme judge of the empire and overlord of the dynastic shrine at Istakhr,
master of rituals at the Anahita temple. 52
Kerdir had carved the story of his career in four places, two füll texts of the
inscription on Naqsh-e Rustam and at Sar Meshhed, the former to the right of
Shapur's Valerian relief and the latter above a relief showing Bahram II killing a lion
with a sword. The other two are a long abbreviation of the inscription, an apologia pro
uita sua, on KKZ and an even shorter version at Naqsh-e Rajab in Fars, beside his bust.
Kerdir did not surpass his protege, for Bahram II had reliefs showing himself alone at
Guyum and at Barm-e Dilak or with courtiers at Naqsh-e Rustam, Naqsh-e Bahram
at the village of Sarab Bahram near Fahliyan in Fars, and a victory relief at Bishapur.
In addition two other contemporary reliefs, one also at Barm-e Dilak and the other at
Tang-e Qandil near Bishapur, seemingly portray nobles instead of a ruler, for the only
time in Sasanian history. 53 The proliferation of rock reliefs and the known influence
of Kerdir would tend to indicate an attempt by the nobility and clergy to justify
changes in policies from the reigns of Shapur and Hormizd-Ardashir. These changes
were a strengthening of local forces and the consolidation of the power of the church,
the details of both of which escape 54 A symptom of the loss by the ruler of power
us.

or prestige in the court was the revolt in the east by Hormizd, either a brother of
Bahram II as Classical sources claim, or much more likely his cousin. Hormizd may
well have been the son of the late king Shapur of Mesene and his wife Shapurdukhtak,
while he must have replaced Narseh as ruler of Seistan and lands to the east and
south. 55 An analysis of coins from the reign of Bahram II has revealed that Hormizd
Struck coins in his own name in the eastern part of the empire when he revolted
against Bahram, the end date of which rebellion is at the end of Bahram's reign c.

52
See M.-L. Chaumont, "Le culte d'AnähTtä ä normally also would not be omitted. G. Gropp's
Stakhr et les premiers Sassanides," RHR (1958), reconstruction as Ardashir-Anahid.oras n VW the
154-75. nlply' only shows the admit that the
refusal to
53
For a bibliography of the reliefs see L. traces on the stone are obhterated, and fantasy then
Vanden Berghe, Bibliographie analylique [supra, becomes unbndled in the reconstruction.
index], under the relevant names. Lukonm, 54
op. eil. Mas'odT, Les prairies d'or, trans. by C. Pellat, 1
28-34, suggests that both themam relief at
[n. 51], (Paris, 1962), 222, says that Bahram II was
Barm-e Dilak and that at Tang-e Qandil show pleasure-loving and left affairs to his subordinates.
Shapurdukhtak widow of Bahram II investing An echo of Kerdir is also found in the mobad who
Ardashir hazarbad with authonty to rule as regent gave counsel to the king to change his ways, which
for young Bahram III in an interval between the he did. A similar aecount is found in Tha 'älibT, ed.
death of Bahram II and the accession of his son. His by Zotenberg, op. eil. [n. 14], 504-06. These stories
reading of the inscription (4 lines, not 2) as ptkly may reflect the lack of authority in Bahram II.
ZNH 'rlhStr p'pkn hzlpty'W bmfcyjn' [h] This is
55
Lukonin, op. eil. [n. 51], 59. Mamertinus,
the figure of Ardashir son of Papak the hazarbad Panegyrici (XI, 17, 2), calls Hormizd the younger
(chiliarch) and the queen of queens,' is a dubious brother of Bahram. On this see W. Ensslin, "Zur
reconstruction of the last words not conforming to Ostpolitik des Kaisers Diokletian," Sb. der Bayer.
the traces on the stone. The name of the queen Akad. der Wiss. (Munich, 1942), 9.
 The Sasanians 3^5
290-291. 56 The revolt in the east, however, may have lasted a number of years if we
examine Classical sources, for Agathias (IV, 24, 8) teils of Bahrains war against the
people of Seistan while Zonaras (XII, 30) and Vopiscus (Scriptores Historiae Auguslae,
Carus, VIII, 2) suggest that the military success of the Romans under emperor Carus
in advancing to the gates of Ctesiphon in 283 was the result of problems which
Bahram had in the east, presumably already the revolt of Hormizd. 57 Only the death
of Carus brought the retreat of the Romans and a respite to Bahram. Events are
unclear, but the Sasanians seem to have reoccupied territory in Mesopotamia which
the Romans had occupied, but whether they added any land to the realm of Bahram is
unknown. The Situation changed, however, with the accession of Diocletian as
Roman emperor, and again the Romans took the initiative.
Bahram with a revolt in the east apparently was in no position to face the Romans,
so he sent an embassy with presents to Diocletian and peace was arranged. 58 Just how
far a rectification of frontiers went we do not know, but Diocletian was determined
to build a stable frontier in the east by extending and completing the System oilimes,
together with a settlement in Armenia, and at this time that an Arsacid
it is probably
prince called Tiridates was taken his Roman
and placed on the throne of
from exile
western Armenia, while Narseh ruled in the eastern part of Armenia, but the dates
and events of the history of Armenia in this period are most uncertain. 59 In Iran after
the defeat of Hormizd in the east and most probably his execution, Bahram made his
own young son king of Seistan in place of Hormizd. This event apparently took place
only a few years before Bahram's death, and one may assume that he wished to have
his young son succeed him on the throne, as could be inferred from some of the coins
Struck by Bahram II with the bust of his son on them together with the king. Shapur I,
it is conceivable, may have intended that Narseh should succeed to the throne after
Hormizd-Ardashir. As it happened, the latter had only a short reign and without a

mature son. In his inscription SKZ Shapur mentions especially the fires endowed for
his daughter, and for his sons Hormizd-Ardashir, Shapur king of Mesene, and Narseh
king of Seistan, but not for Bahram (M.P. lines 18-20), although later Bahram king
of Gilan mentioned as one ofthose in whose name sacrifices to the fires are made.
is

Narseh must have blamed Bahram I for the Usurpation of the throne which was his
right, for Narseh put his name in the place of the name of Bahram I on an inscription
and reliefof Bahram I at Bishapur, although he acquiesced in the rule of Bahram I and
II. For an account of succeeding events we rely on the largest Sasanian inscription in

56 Lukonin, op. cit. [n. 51], 53; Claudius son of the king of Mesene m the east. He bases this
Mamertinus (Panegyr. 111, 17) in Collection G. on rock reliefof Bahram II at Bishapur showing
a
Bude (Paris, 1949), 65, says the Gils, Bactrians Arabs (a people of Mesene) bringing tribute. This
(Kushans) and Sakas supported the revolt of is an interesting hypothesis but no more.
58
Hormizd That Bahram II had
against his brotner. Reported in Mamertinus; cf. Ensslin, op. cit.
other troubles is suggested by the Chronicle of |n. 55], 9, and regarding Armenia see Toumanoff,
Arbela, trans. by Sachau, op. cit. [eh. 8, n. 100], 66, op. cit. [n. 27], 259-63; and Chaumont, Recherches

that themobad of Adiabene revolted against the [eh. 8, n. 135], 94-111.

59 Armenia at this
king and maintained his independence for a long The confused succession in
period. period is by Toumanoff, op. eil. [n. 27],
discussed
57 59-60, suggests that 202-08; and by Chaumont, op. cit. [eh. 8, n. 135],
Lukonin, op. cit. [n. 51],

there were two revolts, an early revolt of Shapur 1 10-29. One problem is either one King
Tiridates

the king of Mesene, possibly in collaboration with or two, unresolved.

the Romans, and then a later revolt of Hormizd,
306 Chapter XI

two languages, Middle Persian and Parthian, carved by Narseh at Paikuli, a site on a

road from Armenia to Ctesiphon, north of present-day Khanaqin, where the foothills
of the Iranian plateau meet the plains of Iraq. Sadly the inscription has many
lacunae.
60

Narseh us he erected this monument (plky) where the nobles and officials of
teils

the empire met him Coming from Armenia to proclaim him ruler. Then he proceeds
in great detail, and unfortunately with many gaps, to describe how one of the nobles
called Vahunam had seized the crown (dydytny) without authorization and had given
it to Bahram III, king of Seistan. Other nobles objected; some were killed, and they

decided to revolt and sent a message to Narseh to come from Armenia to Babylonia
(Asuristan) to be acclaimed. A long list of the notables who met Narseh is interesting
for some of the leading officials such as Shapur the collector of taxes (MP hlgwpt,
Parth, hrkpty), Papak the bidakhsh, Ardashir the hazärbad and Rakhsh the army chief
joined with members of great feudal families, and even Kerdir the priest to support
Narseh. Such a delegation, including Kerdir who had been the 'soul-savior' of Bahram
II, implies that Vahunam had really usurped power and only turned to Bahram, king

of Seistan, for legitimacy, probably intending to use him as a puppet. This Usurpation
offended the officials and noble families. Narseh came from Armenia to Iranshahr, an
indication thatArmenia was not at this time considered part of Iran. There was a face
to face battlewhich only separated the two opposing sides now prepared for war.
Apparently the actions of Vahunam had offended many including Kerdir, who had
been the 'eminence gris' of Bahram II, but who now came with others to offer
allegiance to Narseh. The king of Mesene Aturfarnbag and forces in Khuzistan
opposed Narseh, but the details of messages sent and the movement of forces are
unclear because of large gaps in the inscription. Finally Narseh was victorious, and
Vahunam was captured and cruelly executed and presumably Bahram, the king of
Seistan, as well,although it is not expressly stated. Then Narseh justifies his actions,
and in an obscure passage with many lacunae, he recalls how his grandfather Ardashir
succeeded his brother Shapur to the rule, presumably a parallel to Narseh's right to
rule. Reference to the rule given to the family of the Sasanians by the gods implies that

Vahunam's action was seen as a threat to the dynasty. Finally Narseh mentions the
various petty rulers on the frontiers and in Iraq who acknowledged his right to the
throne and came or sent ambassadors, which seems to be the explanation of the last

of rulers who submitted to him or paid him fealty,

mutilated passages rather than a list

which has been the usual Interpretation of the end of the inscription. 61 The

60 The many stone blocks of the site called of W. Henning and others. The new edition
article
Paikuli were first visited byH. Rawlinson in 1836, of Paikuh by H. Humbach and P. O. Skjaervo
and the first attempted decipherment was made by (Wiesbaden, 1978-) in 2 vols is a definitive
E. Thomas, in "Sassaman Inscriptions," JRAS, 3 some of the readings are questionable. I
edition. but
(1868), 241-96, with a note on the site by had been commissioned by the late Fuad Safar and
Rawlinson, 296-300. The sumptuous edition ofE. the Department of Antiquities of Iraq to go to
Herzfeld, Paikuli, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1924) was Paikuli, to make latex squeezes of all the blocks and
incomplete, for he found new blocks on succeed- report on the possibihty of reconstructing the
ing Visits to the site. Other articles include R. Frye, monument. Kurdish rebellions and other difficul-
"Remarks on the Paikuli and Sar Mashad Inscrip- ties made this project unreahzable.
61
Xion$" Harvard Journal ofAsiatic Studies, 20 (1957), In the reconstruction of the inscription by
202-08, with further references to the valuable Humbach and Skjaervo, op. eil. [n. 60], 14-15, the
 The Sasanians 3qj

inscription thus is not a paeon of praise to Narseh, enumerating the lands he ruled and
the rulers subject to him or the members of his court, as was the inscription SKZ, but
it is an apologia for his actions which led to his assumption of the throne. The kings
and 'lords' who sent ambassadors, gifts, or came to his court are a motley group, some
of whom cannot be identified, but others are outlying kings in the east such as the
Kushan king, unfortunately unnamed but indicating though not proving the absence
of a royal Sasanian governor of the Kushan realm. The king of the Khwarazmians too
was hardly a subject of Narseh, and one wonders if the kings of Paradene (the Quetta
area?), Turan and Makran had not loosened the bonds which had attached their
realms to Shapur's empire. Some kings are mentioned by personal name rather than
by the realm they ruled, and a Tirdat king may be the Armenian king of this time
whom the Romans had restored, while 'Amr king of the Lakhmids is the earliest
mention ofthose Arabs; previously their early dating was only surmised. 62 Many of
the kings and 'lords' in the north and west cannot be read or identified, but what
conclusion may one draw from the inscription as to the State of the empire?
First, the empire had been centralized as far as the core of the Iranian plateau and the

area around Ctesiphon were concerned, but the control or domination of lands of
non-Iran by the Sasanians, claimed by Shapur in SKZ, had relaxed considerably
because of the strength of the local rulers and the weakness of the Bahrams. Second,
the internal allegiance to Narseh was not united or overly strong, which probably
made the task of ruling for the aged son of Shapur more difficult than for a younger,
more vigorous ruler. Finally, to conciliate some of his subjects Narseh had to follow
policies of tolerance in religious as well as political realms. The Manichaeans, it seems,
were not only tolerated but even heard as in the time of Shapur, and if we may credit
Manichaean Coptic sources, one of the local kings, called 'Amr in the Paikuli
inscription, was a patron of the Manichaeans who introduced a leader of the
Manichaean Community Innaios to King Narseh, who then gave freedom from
persecution to adherents of the religion. 63 This return to policies of Shapur was not a
sign of strength, although Narseh sought to enlarge his domains and recover lands lost

bottomofrowFofblocksof the MP version and F 62

By T. Nöldeke, Geschichte der Perser und
of the Parthian isshownas an ornamental band or Araber (TabarT), 25, n. 1. The 'Amr, king of
indentation on the monument. Actually, the lower Apgands in the inscription, is probably a descend-
parts of the stones of these rows are uninscribed, ant of the Abgar kings of Edessa who fled from
thus indicating a gap in the inscription equivalent Edessa after the Romans made it part of their
to several lines. I had originally postulated two provincial System in 244. Further information is

inscriptions by Narseh, the upper giving an lacking. Whether 'Amr King of the Lakhmids
the
account of events and the lower a justification of of the inscription is the same as 'Amrb. 'Adlsonof

his actions plus the list of lords who acknowledged the founder of al-Hira, chief city of the Lakhmids,
his accession. Actually, the Contents of the two isunknown.
63 The Coptic work is unpublished and may
inscriptions, upper and lower, are much the same,
so the reason for the break is enigmatic. Lukonin's have been lost in World War II. Cf. C. Schmidt
reconstruction of the central part of the inscription und H. J. Polotsky, "Ein Mani-Fund aus Ägypten,
(op. cit. [n. 51 ], with the text
65-67) takes liberties SbPA W (Berlin, 1 W. Seston, "Le roi
933), 28, and
but in the general sense though one must
is correct, Narses, les ArabesManich&isme," Syria, 19
et le

be careful in details to distinguish between what is (1939), 229. On King 'Amr see A. Dietrich,
on the stone and what is in Lukonin's imagination, "Geschichte Arabiens vor dem Islam," in Orienta-
len though the latter be convincing. The lische Geschichte von Kyros bis Mohammed,
HO
inscription contains many problems but the (1966), 321-22.
general sense is clear.
308 Chapter XI

by his predecessors. Armenia, ruled by an Arsacid king, became the first object of his
arms and at first the Sasanians were successful, but Galerius Caesar under the Augustus
Diocletian, after initial reverses, not only defeated Narseh but captured many of his
family as well as much booty, according to Zonaras (XII, 31), Eutropius (IX, 25) and
others. Affairs in Mesopotamia hkewise, while at first favorable to Iran, then went
against Narseh who sued for peace. The peace treaty of Nisibis in 298 reported by one
author, Petrus Patricius (frgs. 13-14), gives details, and the territorial result was a loss
by Iran, the Tigris becoming the border between the two empires, while Armenia
gained territory in Media, and the united country passed from the Iranian to the
Roman sphere of influence with the conversion of King Tirdat (probably IV) to
Christianity about 303. Armenia remained tied to the Romans, especially after
64
Constantine.
It is difficult to believe some of the stories of aphorisms told about Sasanian kings in
various Arabic books, in Firdosi's epic and other Persian works, but sometimes,
usually dimly in them, one may suspect kerneis of truth. For example, one source
Tha 'älibT (Histoire, 510) says that Narseh did not visit fire temples during his reign,
perhaps an indication of his tolerance of religions, as opposed to the Bahrams. Narseh
was succeeded by his son Hormizd II (302-309), about whose reign nothing is known
except that he had several sons, but the nobility was sufficiently powerful to decide
who his successor should be. At the death of Hormizd it seems one of his sons called
Adurnarseh ascended the throne, but quickly lost it. Although events are obscure, we
hear of one son Hormizd (called Hormisda by Zosimus [II, 27]), who fled to the
Romans and later took part in their campaigns against the Sasanians, as well as another
son Shapur who became king of Seistan according to an inscription, with perhaps
another son called Ardashir, king of Adiabene, all of which leads one to ask why one
of them did not ascend the throne. 65 The power of the local nobility and clergy had
been increasing probably since the time of Bahram II, and it culminated in a decision
to give the crown to an unborn child who became Shapur II, but who as an adult
revived the spirit of Shapur I and instituted changes in the empire. 66

SHAPUR II AND A SASANIAN REVIVAL

The long reign of Shapur may be divided into the sixteen or so years of his childhood,
and the rest of his long reign during which he spent his energy in consolidating
central power and in wars in both east and west. We are better informed about the
activities of Shapur II than of other rulers because of his wars with the Romans,
reported by Ammianus Marcellinus, Zosimus, and Sozomenus, as well as Arabic and

64
On the Roman war and the peace see W Inscriptionsfrom the time of Shapur II," Acta
Ensslin, "Zur Ostpolitik des Kaisers Diokletian," op. 30 (Copenhagen, 1966), 83-93. On
Orienlalia,
cit. [n 55], 35-54. The limes perfected b> Ardashir, brother of Shapur II, and king of
Diocletian provided a strong deterrent to Sasanian Adiabene, see G. Wiessner, Zur Martyrerüberliefe-
aggression. rutig aus der Christenverfolgung Schapurs 11 (Göttin-
65 On
the sources for the equivocal accounts of gen, 1967), 206.
events see T. Nöldeke's translation of TabarT, op. 66 On the story of placing the royal diadem on
rir.,69, note 2; and for the inscription in Persepolis the womb of hismother before Shapur II was
see R. Frye, "The Persepolis Middle Persian born, see Agathias (IV, 26), TabarT and others.
 The Sasanians 309

Persian accounts, and a new group of sources, the Syriac acts of the Christian martyrs,
yet of them contain only fragmentary information about internal events in Iran in
all

the time of Shapur II. From the early period of his youth we hear nothing save echoes
of raids of Arab bedouin into Sasanian territory. Unfortunately in many Arabic and
Persian accounts exploits of the and second Shapur are mixed or repeated making
first

the establishment of any facts very difficult.There is no reason, however, to doubt the
report of the Tha'älibT, Mas'üdT, TabarTand other later authors that Shapur's early
campaigns were against the Arabs who had invaded Iraq, followed by a campaign by
sea, probably with a fleet which set out from the area of Islamic Siraf on the east side of

the Gulf, across the water to Bahrain, which was the mainland opposite the island of
67
the present name. Probably as a result of the expeditions against the Arabs, Shapur
began the construction of long walls along the western cultivated areas of Iraq as a
defense against the marauding bedouin, and the model for them may have come from
the Roman limes on the other side of the Syrian desert. 68 In any event, the Sasanian
forces were successful against the Arabs, but no information exists about the
establishment or continuation of Sasanian rule in Arabia at this period.
The adoption of Christianity as the State religion in the Roman Empire and the
transfer of the capital from Rome to Constantinople did not have immediate
repercussions or changes in the Sasanian realm, for one may presume some per-
secution of Christians already during the reign of Bahram II, if we may believe the
inscriptions of Kerdir.
69
We
do not hear of systematic persecutions of Christians early
in the Sasanian Empire, but the Christian church Organization had not been
centralized, and no centrally dictated pogroms were reported in any sources. With
the election of a certain Papa as bishop of Seleucia-Ctesiphon, the first time we learn of

this post, about the time of Shapur's birth, the Christians of the Sasanian Empire
acquired a chief and a much more centralized Organization than previously. Contacts
between Christian clerics in the east and west increased, which cannot have passed
unnoticed by oflficials of the government or the Zoroastrian church. The conversion
of first the Armenian and then the Roman ruler to Christianity also cannot have
quieted Sasanian fears of a possible disloyalty to the crown of their Christian subjects.

67
Tha'älibT, op. cit., 517-21, TabarT, trans. (Ulay) and remained there many years pillaging
Noeldeke, 55-58, Mas'üdT, trans. Pellat, 224-26 and attacking until Shapur bceame of age and
The epithet 'piercer of Shoulders' (dhu 1-akläf) drove away those Arabs and took the land from
given him in Arabic sources does seem to refer to them. He killed many rulers of the Arabs and
Ins pumshment of Arab captives as Christensen, scattered many of them."
* <> KKZ, hnes 9-5 "And Jews, Buddhists, Hin-
l.'hatt, op. eil , 235, argued. Archaeologists main-
tain that the raids of the Arabs were the result of dus, Nazarenes, Christians, Mandaeans (?) and
the lowering of the water-table in eastern Arabia Mamchaeans were smitten" (yhwdy W bnny W
rather than the weakness of the Sasanians under a blmny W n'cl'y W klstyd'n W mklky W zndyky
child See D. Whitehouse and A. Williamson, MtfYTN YHWWNd) where sraman and brah-
"Sasaman Maritime Trade," Iran, 11 (1973), 32 min present no problems, whereas the following
68 Cf. Frye, "The Sasanian System of Walls for words and their identifications do. Cf. Frye, The
Defense," in M. Rosen-Ayalon, ed., Studies in Heriiage of Persia, 2nd ed. (London, 1976), 266.
Memory of Gaston Wiet (Jerusalem, 1977), 8-11, My Identification of mktky as 'Mandaeans' or
with references to sources Of intcrest is the passage 'baptists' in Iraq is supported by further arguments
K "Antike Baptisten," Sb. der
in Bundahishn (XXX11I. 16) which says, "In the in Rudolph,
reign of Shapur son of Hormizd, the Arabs (Tajiks) Sächsischen Akademie der Wiss., 121 (Berlin, 1 981 ),
carae and seized the banks of the river Karun 32, note 42.
310 Chapter XI

Whether the Armenian king and Constantine had concluded a treaty as several
Armenian sources report is uncertain, but it would not be unexpected. 70 With the
death of Constantine (337) and Tirdat, about the same time, both realms lost strong
rulersand a long period of peace ended. Shapur II took advantage of the disarray in
both realms, and the Opposition of some Armenian nobles to their king, with the
adoption of Christianity as their rehgion, to open hostihties in 337-338 when
Constantius succeeded his father, but only as ruler of the eastern part of the Roman
Empire. In Armenia, however, the pro-Persian party of the nobihty secured the upper
band and Chosroes (Armen. Khosrov), son of Tirdat, fled to Roman territory. In
338-339 as a result, Constantius led a force into Armenia and reinstated Chosroes on
the throne. Other actions such as the unsuccessful siege of Nisibis by Shapur and
several battles led to no result, but at least peace without a treaty prevailed for a

number of years, dunng which it seems Shapur was busy with conquests in the east.
The fortune of the Persians had not fallen in the west, however, for in Armenia pro-
Sasaman and anti-Christian nobles were by no means quiet, and the next ruler Tiran,
son of Chosroes, who came to the throne about 342, sought to compromise and
balance himself between the Romans and Persians. If we follow the orations of
Libanius and Julian, we see there was no real peace between the two empires, but
constant skirmishing, including another unsuccessful siege of Nisibis by Shapur in
346.
The first large scale and centrally ordered persecution of Christians began after the

first rebuffof Shapur at the walls of Nisibis in 338. Probably his initial reason for the
persecution was political, but the Zoroastrian clergy seem to have changed the
pogrom from political to religious dimensions. 71 The patriarch of the whole church,
bishop Simon, successor of Papa at Ctesiphon, feil victim to the persecution, and
throughout the reign of Shapur there was no relaxation of the persecutions, related in
The persecutions in Iran probably strengthened the resolve of
the acts of the martyrs.
anti-Christian Armenians, and in both kingdoms Christians suffered. From the acts of
may be gathered, but it must be
the martyrs interesting details of life in Sasanian Iran
remembered were a small group at this time in the Sasanian Empire,
that Christians
pnncipally concentrated in Adiabene in northern Iraq and in Khuzistan where war
pnsoners had been settled by Shapur II. The influence of the persecutions on the larger
course of events in Sasanian history was minimal.
In 350 Constantius left the east to meet contenders for the purple in the west, and
this induced Shapur to try his luck again before Nisibis, but a spirited defense of the

city caused Shapur to abandon the siege after three months. For the first time we hear
of troubles or invasions of nomads in the east which may have been a factor in his
raising of the siege (Zonaras XIII, 7, Sachau, Chrotiicle ofArbela, 80). About the same
time the Armenian king Tiran, who had played a double game between Romans and
Persians,was seized by Shapur and lost his life, but Arsaces (Armen. Arshak), who
ruled 350-367, son of Tiran, was then installed in place of his father ostensibly by
c.

Shapur, and while peace lasted for more than five years in Armenia, as well as

See P. Asdounan, Die politischen Beziehungen zu einer Gruppe syrischer Martyrerakten aus der
zwischen Armenien und Rom, op. eil., 142, citing Christenuerfolgung Schapurs II (Würzburg, 19.62),
Faustus and Moses of Chorene. and hisZur Martyrerüberlieferung, op. eil., 67, the
7 '
For sources see G Wiessner, Untersuchungen last word on the subjeet.
 The Sasanians 37 j

generally between the Romans and Persians, Shapur was busy in the east. Ammianus
in laconic fashion (XIV, 3, 1) gives an indication of continuous wars in the east; in 354
he says that Shapur was involved with his neighbors (XV, 13, 4), he was busy in the
far extremes of his empire in 356, in the land of the Euseni (sie) and Chionitae (XVI, 9,

4)and the next year he made an alliance with the Chionites and Gils or Sakas (XVII, 5,
2
l).' The Euseni, as generally has been recognized, should be amended to Cuseni or
Kushans, while the Chionites probably represent the first wave of Hunnic peoples,
undoubtedly greatly mixed with Iranians, to invade the plateau. Shapur was most
successful in extending Sasanian sway in the east, and the Sasanian governors of the
former Kushan domains have left a series of coins attesting this control, as well as the
gold coins Struck by Shapur and there have been finds of his coins in hoards in the
II,

east. Sasanian rule in the east, however, will be discussed in the next chapter.

In the west, the Romans sent envoys to Shapur proposing a treaty of peace and the
Shapur with his reply are given by Ammianus (XVII, 5, 3) no doubt
letter sent to

with embellishments, but the result was not peace but military action, and in 359
Shapur laid siege to Amida (today Diyarbakir). Ammianus (XIX) gives a graphic
aecount of the siege and final capture after seventy-three days. In the siege the son of
the king of the Chionites, who
had joined Shapur in his war in the west, was killed
and the father Grumbates urged the destruetion of the city. The following year he
captured Singara and other fortified towns, but the war languished until Julian the
Apostate became Roman emperor at the end of 361. Julian prepared for a strong
expedition against Shapur and called on the support of Arsaces, king of Armenia who
now professed a pro-Roman policy. Arsaces, however, did not come to the aid of
Julian.
The expedition ofJulian to the gates of Ctesiphon must have shocked Shapur who
did not meet the Romans in open battle but harassed them constantly, also employing
a burnt-earth policy to deny the invaders supplies. In this he was successful, and with
the death of Julian in a minor foray the Roman army became disorganized. The
successor of Julian sought peace, and Jovian was obliged to cede Nisibis the hitherto
unconquered bastion of Roman power in the east, as well as large territories east of the
Euphrates, to Shapur, and the Roman protectorate over Armenia was abandoned.
Again the Armenians suffered, and their king was lured to the court of Shapur, who
imprisoned him until he died about 367. The Persians then not only invaded
Armenia but in Georgia Shapur installed a king to his own liking called Aspacures,
driving out a Roman Ammianus. The new Roman
protege, called Sauromaces in
emperor Valens, however, resolved to reinstate his Georgian and Armenian wards
and sent an army for that purpose with each. In Georgia the two native kings divided
the country, Aspacures taking that part of Georgia adjoining Sasanian domains while
his cousin also called Aspacures, took the western part (Amm. XXVII, 12, 15). In

Armenia was restored but did not enjoy universal

the son of Arsaces called Pap
support. He was aecused of treason to the Romans and summoned before Valens in
Tarsus, where he was held in protective custody, until he escaped with a band of

72
J. Marquart, Eränsahr, op cit , 50, emends
Celaiiis to Segeslani which is moot. His aecount of
the Chionites is detailed.
 ,

312 Chapter XI

followers and regainedArmenia where Roman forces, however, were in a number of

garnsons.He was invited to a banquet by Roman generals and assassinated in the year
374 (Amm. XXX, 1, 21). In his place the Romans placed a relative called Varazdates,
who ruled three years but could not win over the Armenian nobility to his side,
especially sinceShapur would not recognize him as nghtful ruler and sent troops mto
Armenia. Neither the aged Sasanian king nor Valens, however, was in a position to
launch a great campaign against the other. Although we do not know of the specific
terms in any peace treaty between the two great powers, from this time Armenia was
divided into two parts, a small pro-Roman and a much larger part under Persian
73
tutelage. From an Armenian text we hear that Shapur at the end of his life was
engaged in a war against the Kushans in the east, probably meaning Chionites or
74
other nomadic invaders, but the time of these wars is unclear. In any case, Shapur
died in 379 after a remarkably long reign of seventy years, only a few months after the
defeat and death of Valens at the hands of the Goths.
In such a long reign obviously much happened internally in Iran in the realms of
religion, statecraft, society and others. Shapur, like his great-grandfather of the same
name, also founded eines such as Nishapur (from Nev Shapur 'good'), and after a
revolt of the city of Susa, he had lt and trampled by elephants, after which he
levelled
built a new city and called it Iran khwarreh Shapur 'Iran's glory Shapur (built),'

aecording to several Islamic sources. 75 Pnsoners from conquests in the west were
settled in various parts of his empire, following the example of Shapur I. Exaggerated
stories about Shapur, how he went as a spy to Constantinople and others, attest to a
strong impression on his subjeets made by Shapur II. The Denkart (IV, 26-27) teils
how Shapur collected writings of the (Zoroastrian) religion which were
the first

dispersed outside of Iran, both east and west, and added them to the Avesta, whereas
Shapur II held a Council where all rehgions were examined and a certain Adurbad son
of Mahraspand was victorious in the contest between the faiths and some sort of edict
of orthodoxy was issued, and heresy was condemned. Adurbad is well known in
Zoroastrian tradition, as recorded in a number of texts, for his successful undergoing
an ordeal of molten metal poured on his ehest to vindicate his faith. 76 No doubt under
the pressures of Christianity and Manichaeism, Zoroastrianism had to re-examine and
reformulate its doctrines, but what was the orthodoxy presumably in some way
instituted in the reign of Shapur II? Some scholars have proposed that the oflficial

religion of the Sasanian Empire was not the dualistic Zoroastrianism known from the
Middle Persian books down to the present but a heresy or a form of Zoroastrianism
called Zervanism. 77 But Zervanism is really Iranian time speculation, a phenomenon

On this penod of Armenian history, see 76

In addition to the Ddikart passages, Adurbad
Asdounan. op. eil, 162-64, and J Marquart, is mentioned in the Skand-Gumänik Vildr, trans.
"Untersuchungen zur Geschichte von Eran," Philo- P G. de Menasce (Fribourg, 1945), X, 70-1 19, in
logus, 54 (1896), 212-24 the Bimdahislm, the Bahman Yashl, and clsewhere,
Faustus of Byzantium's history (Venice, but the Information is the same in all texts. His
1933), 210, 242; trans. in V. Langlois, op. eil., 1 name in mutilated form also appears in Hamza al-
285, 298. IsfahänT, and in 'I'a'rtkh stni muli'ik, op eil., 37
On 77
•
the eitles, including Susa, see Tha'ähbT, Much controversy still exists about Zervan-
op eil., 529, Hamza al-lsfahäm, op. eil., 36; ism, but the basic work on the subjeet, which
Mas üdT, op. cit., 227, TabarT, trans. Noeldeke, op. surveys previous pubhcations, is R. C. Zaehner,
eil., 67. For stories see the same authors. Zurvan, [eh. 3, n 40], esp. 35-52. Mary Boyce,
 The Sasanians 313

present in many religions from ancient times down to the present, and it is difficult to
believe that a separate religion or sect of Zoroastrianism existed based principally
on a
myth that 'Time' gave birth to both Ahura Mazda and Ahnman, which myth is
reported in several Armenian and Syriac texts. This is not to deny the existence of
persons or even groups of people who exalted time speculation almost to a dogma, or
even as a central part of their beliefs, including possibly some of the Sasanian rulers,
but one may surmise that the orthodoxy proclaimed by Adurbad, whether a religious
or even a pohtical leader, was the Zoroastrianism known to writers of post-Sasanian
times who praised Adurbad as a pillar of their religion in his time.
It is not possible here to discuss the tantahzing fragments or details, names such as

Zurvandad, and other possible indications of sects and heresies in the Zoroastrian

religion which, though they undoubtedly existed and caused great concern to the
orthodox, duahstic priesthood, cannot be reconstructed because of a lack of sources.
The existence of two major schools of Zoroastrianism, one centered in Parthia and the
other in Persis, as suggested by an Armenian author of the fifth Century, Ehshe, is not
improbable, but there is no reason thus to assign Zervanism to the Parthians and

dualistMazdaism to the Sasanians. 78 More hkely the process of the formation of

Zoroastrian orthodoxy was advanced during the reign of Shapur, and since the Syriac
sources speak of the great itiobad or chief of mobads in the reign of Shapur, we may
speculate that the office of mobadän mobad, which is not attested earlier, except in post-
Sasanian wntings which attnbute all religious offices and institutions to the time of
79
Ardashir Papakan or even earlier, came into existence in his reign. The herbads were

and Practices
Zoroastrians, Their Religious Beließ found on Sasanian territory, and it is unhkely that a
(London. 1979), 101-144, bchevcs the religion of shrinc of that populär eult of the Roman army
the Sasanians was Zervanism, and Adurbad was a would be found. Zaehner, op cit , 77, Claims that
Zervanite (1 18), but the Parthians were not, and dissident schools of Zervanism existed, and un-
the ancestors of the Parsis in India came froni doubtedly many opimons on fate and time
Khurasan, Parthian territory, which explains why rlounshed, but we may be speaking of philosophi-
later Zervanism was expunged from Zoroastrian cal beim or even schools rather than sects of a
texts In my opinion, this gives far too much credit religion or separate religions. If we follow Syriac
to Zervanism opposed to duahstic
as a 'religion' and Armenian Christian authors hostile to Zoroas-
Zoroastrianism do not believe that Kronos and
I trianism, we would surely conclude that the latter
time speculation in ancient Greece was a 'religion' was a religion only of the worship of the elements,
opposed to the Olympian pantheon That Adurbad fire, water, and sun, nioon, etc
was a heretical Zervanite is also difTicult to believe "''Tili
'
ippearance of the mobadän mobad is

It should also be noted that when a Christian hotly debateu, from S. Wikander, Feuerpriester in
martyr Pusai spoke of a Zervanite doetnne of the Kleinasien und Iran (Lund, 1946), 51, 125, who
brotherhood of Ahura Mazda and Ahnman betöre pl.iced the creation of the title in the time ot
Shapur, the latter became angry, but it does not say liahram Gör (421-39) to BTruni, who in his Athär
that Shapur adhered to these beliefs. Cf Braun, O al-baqiya says thatShapur 11 made the descendants
Ausgewählte Akten, op. cit., 67 of Adurbad son of Maraspand, mobadän mobads; see
7S
Ehshe, ed by Ter Minasean (Erevan. 1957), J. W Fück, ed., Documenta Islamica Inedita (Berlin,
144 Zaehner, op cit (ch 3,n 40], 35, distinguishes 1 952). 76. Cf the discussion in Wiessner, op. cit. [n.

three 'religions' in Sasanian Iran, Mazdaism, 4|. 169-74. on the vanous titles in the Syriac acts.
Zervanism, and sorcery or 'devil worship' and The title is not found in the Syriac acts until the
follows von Wesendonk in postulatmg periods time of Mar Abha in the sixth Century, but the office
when Zervanism was dominant and periods of or an equivalent would seem to have existed
Mino when duahst Mazdaism prevailed, presum- earlier. The name of a mobadän mobad in the time of
ably based on the reigns of the rulers. Mithraic Shapur II, mentioned in the Bundahishn, XXXV, 1

sects, or rather eults, also may have existed, but may be a later Interpolation, or it may reflect a true

until now no Roman type mithraeum has been Situation.

)14 Chapter XI

priests concerned with the ntual or teaching of the religion and the late title herbadän
herbad may have been merely an hononfic modelled on the titles 'king of kings' and
'niobad of mobads.' Likewise the expansion of mfluence of the Zoroastrian clergy in
ofgovernment, law and commerce is evident as Agathias (II, 26) relates. As one
affairs

might have expected from the long reign as a child of Shapur, the clergy probably
Consolidated their position and influence more in that period than at any other time.
The question of cults, rather than sects, which existed under Sasanian 'orthodoxy' is

even more obscure than such though populär, movements as

philosophical,
Zervanism, but lf one examines the names of deities given to the days of the month,
one may well believe that many local and even national' cults or shrines to various

deities existed in Sasanian Iran, not to mention sacred Springs, trees, stones or other

Sites where spirits or deines were worshipped. Since the shrine of Anahita at Istakhr
probably was a local temple patronized by the house of Sasan, hence a kind of dynastic
shrine, undoubtedly elsewhere there were shrines or temples dedicated to Mithra,
Adur, or others. Since Zoroastrianism is predominantly a religion of rituals and
sacnfices, we may presume that the process of standardization of the rites of the
religion was accelerated in Shapur II's time. Although some scholars have proposed
that the Avestan aiphabet was invented during the reign of Shapur, it is more likely to
have been a later development, perhaps in the time of Chosroes I. Likewise the
hierarchy of fire temples and local fires probably did not receive its final form until
later than the time of Shapur.
Various titles of religious offices give us an idea of the extent of influence of the
religion in daily life, especially in the legal realm where at least some of the priests

scem to have functioned much as their later Islamic counterparts, about whom we
naturally know much more than about offices in Sasanian times. From the acts of
Christian martyrs and Islamic sources we infer that the head of the judiciary in
Sasanian Iran was the king of kings who decided many appeals from lower
jurisdictions as later Islamic books State, held regulär sessions to which
and possibly,
any might come and appeal to the king directly. As in the Achaemenid
plaintiff
Empire, law and justice were fostered and well developed under the Sasanians, who, if
anything, in this were much more centralized than in previous times. The religious
establishment seems to have been separate from the legal one, although the same
persons at times performed both legal and religious or ntual duties. Under the king,
the chief of the religious hierarchy held court, in religious matters, such as complaints
against Christians, especially bishops or prominent church officials, as, towards the
end of Shapur's reign, one Adarshapur, great mobad (äpxilJ-äyos) of 'all the lands of
the east (or the Persians),' presided over the persecution of Christians who were
accused of treason or lese-majeste in regard to King Shapur. 80 But the chief function of
the chief mobad was to oversee Zoroastrian religious matters, and the existence of a
y
chiefjudge in the time of Shapur II is implied by the office of the shahrdadvar (d twbl)
in the acts of the martyrs. Since the latter was appointed to his office by the ruler and

80
See Braun, Ausgewählte Akten [ch 1, n. 12], Zoroastrianism, as later from Islam, was theoreti-
123, and H. Delehaye, L« versions grecques des actes cally pumshable by death, but we hear of many
des martyres persans sous Sapor II, Patrologia conversions, especially in later yearsof the Sasanian
Orientalis II, 4 (Paris, 1905), 494. Apostacy from Empire.
 The Sasanians 315

sent from the court to assist the chief mobad in his trial of Christians, we may suppose
he was the chief legal attached to the court, and not necessarily a priest, but a
official

predecessor of the later shahr dadvaran davor attested in a late law book. 81 Under him
were the many judges (dadvar) throughout the empire, while the office of rat or rad
(from Avestan ratav) is unclear, although he seems to have been more of an executive
officer, including perhaps police functions in his duties, than simply a judge. In later
sources we find the title yatakgov or 'counsel (for defense),' but a mixture of legal
functions in one person is implied by seals or clay sealings bearing the title dlgivVn
y'tkgwby w d\wbly 'counsel for the poor and judge,' implying a conflict of interest. 82
Other later titles such as the andarzbad of the Magi or counsellor of the priests' is
nowhere explained, and one can only guess the functions he performed. Other titles
do appear in various sources, but many were temporary or ad hoc titles given to special
commissioners for individual cases of law. What is apparent is the importance of laws
and the legal Organization in the Sasanian Empire, mostly in the hands of the religious
establishment, but with secular inputs from the royal court or from provincial
government centers.
The Christians and especially the Jews had their own courts to deal with disputes
between co-religionists, and presumably when Zoroastrians were involved the State
courts and Iranian laws took precedence.
The ecclesiastical Organization of the State church was not identical with the legal
structure, and the theory of the religious hierarchy was not always evident in reality.
In the later Sasanian Empire three all-empire fire temples were supposed to be the
religious centers for the three castes of society, the Adur Gushnasp or the temple of the
warriors, at the site today called Takht-e Sulaiman in Azerbaijan, Adur Farnbag,
temple of the somewhere in Fars province, in tradition in the village of
priests,

Kariyan, and Adur Burzen Mihr, temple of the peasants and common folk in
Khurasan. 83 In addition there were provincial fire temples, town and village temples
and finally niches for fires in the home, a veritable network and hierarchy of fires, but
this is later. In the time of Shapur II we find only the beginnings of the complex

religious Organization, although in the sources we already find references to priests

placed over provinces and towns, and we may assume that some sort of religious
Organization existed.
Just as the clergy had assumed an important role in society and had made

8 '
G. Hoffmann, Auszüge, op. eil., 65, and in the ordeals' found in the Mätigän show the importance
Mätigän e hazär dätastän (110, 5-6), transl. A. G. of oaths and tests by ordeals in Sasanian Iran as in
Perikhanian (Erevan, 1973), 314. The creation of medieval Europe.
si For identification of localities of the fires see
titles modelled on that of 'king of kings' may be

exaggerated, but one may presutne there was a the compilation of sources in K. Schippmann, Die
chief judge, chief senbe, or the like, and people iranischen Feuerheiligtumer (Berlin, 1971), 23-30,
may have given them titles on the basis of analogy. 86-94, and 309-57. On Jewish courts see J.
82
On the unclear functions of the rat see T. Neusner, AHislory of the Jews in Babylonia, 3,
Nöldeke, Geschichte der Perser, op. cit., 447, (1968), 29, 45, 273 and 4 (1969), 131. For the
Perikhanian, loc.cit., 517, and J. P. de Menasce, "Le Christians see E. Sachau, "Von den rechtlichen
protecteur des pauvres dans l'Iran sassanide," Verhältnissen der Christen im Sasanidenreich,
Mtlanges Henri Masse" (Tehran, 1963), 282-87, Mitteilungen des Seminars für orientalische Sprachen,
and W. B. Henning. "Mitteliranisch," HO, 10 (Berlin, 1907), 1-27.
Iranistik (1 958), 46. Such titles as var sardär 'chief of
316 Chapter XI

Zoroastrianism the religion of the State, so also the nobility was organized in degrees,

and the bureaucracy too assumed larger dimensions, all classes or castes working in
support of the dynasty. The caste System was by no means as rigid as in India, for
persons could be elevated, or even depressed, from one level to another by authority
of the monarch, although such movement was rare. The ancient Achaemenid
tradition, if not fiction, of seven great noble famihes (vaspuhrän) in Iran seems to have
survived through the Parthian into the Sasanian era. Several of the great families
continued from Parthian times to maintain influence under the Sasanians, and these
were the Suren, with origins probably in Seistan, the Karen family in Media or more
particularly in Nihavend, the Spandiyad (or Isfandarmad) family in Rhages (Rayy),
the Aspahbad family in Gurgan, and somehow connected with them the Mihran
family perhaps from Qumis or somewhere in eastern Media, and a family called Zek
seemingly from Azerbaijan. 84 This was a feudal, landed nobility rather than one of
the robe, but we hear of other great lords in the empire, the lord of Andegan,
mentioned in SKZ and elsewhere, perhaps from Fars or the Persian Gulf area, and at
the end of the Sasanian Empire, the Varz or Waraz from eastern Khurasan, perhaps
by origin an Hephthalite family, as well as others. Unfortunately we have no
Information about these families from Middle Persian sources, and the western
sources (Greek, Armenian and Syriac) confuse names with honorifics and titles or
positions. The great nobles, after the top families, were called the wuzurgän 'great
ones,' and they were primarily the ruling officers of the realm, in the court, in the
bureaucracy, in the army and even in religion, if we remember that Kerdir was
elevated to the rank of a noble by Bahram II. The smaller nobility, the azadän lit.
'freemen,' mentioned in inscnptions were the less important feudal families who
owned villages in one area and had a limited following. Finally, we find the lower
bureaucracy, the dibirän or 'scribes,' who in the State hierarchy paralleled the azadän,
the former the large number of privileged bureaucracy and the latter the large
number of privileged landowners in the social hierarchy. Thus in theory the
wuzurgän were over the dibirän, as the vaspuhrän were over the azadän, although the
two hnes became mixed in the course of Sasanian rule. We shall examine the court
and the central government Organization as well as provincial Organization after the
reforms of Chosroes I, but the time of Shapur II was one of the Organization and
consolidation of both society and government under the Sasanian king.
Ardashir II, successor to Shapur enigmatic, since both Arabic and Persian
II, is

sources and Agathias (IV, 26) say he was the brother of Shapur which would have
made him most elderly. Noeldeke supposed he was the former king of Adiabene
mentioned in the acts of the martyrs, while Lukonin more plausibly suggested he was
the brother of Shapur, king of the land of the Sakas mentioned in an inscription at
Persepolis. 85 Another, and even more likely, possibility, however, is that Ardashir II

4
See the discussion with commentary in A. be noted that several Armenian authors and
Christensen, L'lran, op. 104-06. The great
eh., Hamza al-lsfahänT, op. eil., 37, consider Ardashir II

feudal families undoubtedly changed throughout to have been the son of Shapur II, while K. Stock,
time as their fortunes rose or feil. After Chosroes I "Yazdan-Fny-Sapur," SI, 7 (1978), 176, says
the influence of all the great families declined. Ardashir was the brother-in-law of Shapur II but
Nöldeke, Geschichte der Perser, op. eil., 70, gives no sources.
and V. Lukonin, in private conversations. It should
 The Sasanians 317

was a son of Shapur II and brother of Shapur III and authors confused the two Shapurs.
We then would have another similarity between Shapur I and Shapur II both were ;

succeeded by a series of their sons rather than the rule passing through successive
generations. In any case, the short rule of Ardashir and that of Shapur III, son of
Shapur II according to a Middle Persian inscription at Taq-e Bustan, was uneventful;
but the reports in Islamic sources that Ardashir was killed in a revolt of the nobles
may indicate a reaction to the heavy hand of Shapur II in his long rule. Another
Observation is the shift of attention of the rulers from Fars province to the more
important central part of the country, ancient Media on the east-west trade route, and
this is indicated by the rock reliefs, the last of which in Fars was carved by Narseh.

Taq-e Bustan near Kermanshah became the site of new rock reliefs, the first one
showing Ardashir II receiving a diadem, presumably from Ahura Mazda, while
Mithra Stands on the other side of the king, and under the feet of the king and Ahura
Mazda lies a slain enemy. The identifications of the ruler and the enemy have
provoked controversy, but the change from Fars to the north at this time is more
86 Another relief in
significant. a small grotto causes no problems of identification,
since both Shapur II and Shapur III are represented standing facing one another with
inscriptions identifying them. The events leading to the accession of Ardashir II
followed by Shapur III elude us, but one may presume some kind of power struggle
between factions supporting one or another son of Shapur II, perhaps from different
mothers. 87 In Islamic sources Shapur III is praised as being well disposed towards the
nobility and in general benevolent in his conduct, while his position in regard to
Christians was much milder than his predecessors. In his reign (383-388) the existing
division of Armenia between a small Roman and was
a large Sasanian-oriented part
sealed by a treaty between the two great powers. In the Caucasus region and in the east
nomadic peoples were in motion because of pressure from the Huns in Central Asia,
but the results of this unrest did not become acute in the Sasanian Empire until the
reign of Bahram IV (388-399) who was either another son of Shapur II or possibly of
Shapur III.

In the reign of Bahram two events in foreign relations are significant. At the death
of Chosroes, king of the large and Persian part of Armenia, Bahram appointed his
brother Bahram-Shapur (Armenian: Vramshapuh) to the throne about 391, while
the Roman part of Armenia had been absorbed into the Roman Empire and there
were no longer two kings of Armenia. In the Persian part there was a flowering of

86 K. 87
Erdmann in Die Kunst Irans, op. cit., 69, Since the epic Tradition (in Firdosi and
suggested that the lying enemy was Julian the elsewhere) speaks of an agreement that Ardashir II
Apostate but the Sasanian king was Ardashir. L. hold the throne until Shapur III, son of Shapur II,
Trümpelmann, in "Triumph über Julian Apo- came of age (most unlikely), and since Mithra,
stata," Jahrbuch für Numismatik und Geldgeschichte, deity of contracts and oaths, is represented on the

25 (Zürich, 1975), 107-11, maintains that the relief atTaq-e Bustan, I tentatively suggested the
Sasanian king is in fact Shapur II while the enemy existence of some agreement giving Ardashir II
is Julian. His arguments about the crown and precedence over Shapur III in "Mithra in Iranian
decorations, however, are not convincing. For Archaeology," Budes Mithraiques, AI (Leiden,
close-up photographs of the scene see S. Fukai and 1978), 209. Shapur II did have several brothers
K. Honuchi, Taq-i Bustan, 2 (Tokyo, 1972), plates according to Syriac sources, but their ages present
74-92. A later date also has been suggested for this problems.
rock carving on the basis of style
318 Chapter XI

literature with the use of the new Armenian aiphabet invented by a priest called
Mesrop and sponsored by the catholicos, or head of the Armenian church, Sahag. At
the same time the first invasion of the Huns from north of the Caucasus into the Near
East took place, and in 395, we hear from Synac and Greek sources, they came as far as
88 In the east too the
Mesopotamia, but they were driven back by a Sasanian army.
Sasanians experienced difficulties which we will examine in the next chapter.
The violent ends of the rulers Ardashir II and Bahram IV, probably both the result
of plots by the nobility, show the strength of the feudal lords in imposing their will on
the central government and the failure of the long rule of Shapur II to establish a
stable and powerful central authority. The succeeding rulers were not noted either for
their martial abilities or their dominant personalities. Yazdagird I is said to have been
either the son or the brother of Bahram IV, but all Islamic sources characterize him as
a 'sinner,' harsh, proud, a tyrant or other negative appellations, while Christian (Syriac
or Greek) sources speak well of the ruler, some suggesting that Yazdagird was
converted, which is hardly true. During his reign, peace was maintained with the
Romans or Byzantines, and perhaps it was the reported friendship between Yazdagird
and Marutha the bishop of Maipherkat, who was sent by the emperor Arcadius on
several embassies to Iran, which gave rise to the rumor that Yazdagird had converted
to Christianity. Some sources say that Marutha gained the confidence of the Sasanian
ruler by his fame as a doctor, but whatever his relationship with Yazdagird the lot of
The synod of 89
Christians in the Sasanian Empire at first improved during his reign.

410 which was convened in the city of Seleucia under the patronage of Yazdagird was
not only a landmark in the history of eastern Christianity, establishing rules, beliefs
and the church Organization in the Sasanian Empire, but it also regularized relations
between church and State on the basis ofthat System which in later Islamic times came
to be called the milkt System. This meant that the Christians were recognized as a
legally allowed minority entitled to State protection of their rights, but also that the
Sasanian State, which meant the ruler, had the right of appointing the head of the
Christian church in the empire and to uphold that head in his authority. A certain
Isaac, bishop of Seleucia, became the head of the church, and quarreis and dissensions

ceased because now the church had State support behind it. The importance of this
synod for Iran was great, for the way was now made open for a Christian church of
Iran separate from western Christians, and the future dominance of Nestorian or
'diophysite' Christianity as the Iranian sect of Christianity was prepared by this synod,
the articles of which are reproduced in the Synhadus, the book of Councils of the
Nestorian church. According to the synod the persecutions and martyrdoms were to
cease, but this did not prevent some overzealous Christians, in their new-found
freedom, from attacking some Zoroastrian priests and destroying fire temples, which
provoked the wrath of Yazdagird and unleashed a new attack on Christians, some of

88
For the sources see O. Maenchen-Helfen, The 260-82. For a possible edict of toleration for
World of the Huns (Berkeley, 1973), 52-57. Christians promulgated already by Shapur III, see
89
On the sources for Marutha's life see R. M.-L. Chaumont, "A propos d'un edit de paix
Marcus, "The Armenian Life of Marutha of rehgieuse depoque Sassanide,"Mtlange d'Hisloire
Maipherkat," Harvard Theological Review, 35 des Religions offerts ä H. C. Puech (Paris, 1974), 71-
(1932), 47-73. See also A. Vööbus, History of 80.
Asceticism in the Syrian Orient (Louvain, 1958),
 The Sasanians 319

whom suffered martyrdom towards the end of the reign of Yazdagird. 90 At the same
time we may suppose that relations with the Jews were placed on a similar basis,
although the exilarchate had existed long before Yazdagird, and lt perhaps served as a
model for the state's relationship with the Christians. 91 The story that Yazdagird
married a daughter of the patriarch of the Jews in the empire, the resh galutha, as well
as the story that the king was killed by a stränge horse, are both probably folk tales.

In the Synhadus, the section on the Council of 410,

time we find for the first

mention of the (Syriac) /irmJr'ßß'or (MP) wuzurgframadar, the 'great Commander'

or prime minister called Chosroes Yazdagird, together with tnhyr Zbwr Mihr Shapur
of the house of the argbad, who is not to be identified with Mihr Narseh prime
minister during the reign of Bahram V. 92 The position of prime minister may have
existed earlier, but afterwards he became very important, the representative of the
ruler, and the prototype for the Islamic vezier.

An of the request by the Byzantine emperor Arcadius that

interesting episode
Yazdagird act as a guardian for his young son Theodosius II, may be apocryphal, but it
presaged future practices. It is claimed that Yazdagird took his charge seriously and
sent a eunuch called Antiochus to Byzantium to advise and care for the young
emperor after the death of Arcadius. 93 The sons of Yazdagird, however, were sent
away from court, one Shapur was sent to Armenia to become king ofthat land after
the death of Vramshapuh in 414; another son Bahram was sent to Mundhir, king of
the Lakhmid Arabs at his capital al-Hira to be raised on the edge of the desert, while a
third son called Narseh is only hinted at in the sources. When Yazdagird died
mysteriously in one of his eastern provinces, Shapur, who had ruled Armenia, trying
without much success to integrate it further into the Sasanian Empire, left for the
court to succeed his father, but he was murdered, presumably by some nobles who
raised a Sasanian prince called Chosroes only distantly related to Yazdagrid to the
throne. Bahram, however, did not acquiesce and, supported by the Lakhmids with an
army, he disputed the throne and apparently won the support of the Iranian nobles,
and Chosroes retired from the field so that Bahram could become ruler. So many
stories are told about Bahram V Gör 'the wild ass (hunter)' in the Shähnäme and

elsewhere that one may say Bahram became a prototype of the heroic king, militant, a
great hunter, pleasure loving and in general leaving affairs in the hands of his

ministers, especially the prime minister Mihr Narseh, well known to Armenian

90 OnthesynodseeChabot,op. cit. [eh. l,n. 12], military funetions as well aecording to TabarT
254-62, and for the persecutions at the end of (Noeldeke, op. cit., 111). This title may have
become confused with another argbad 'fortress
Yazdagird's reign see Braun, op. cit. [eh. 1, n. 12],
139-41. The edict of Yazdagird in creating the lord,' or the latter may have been created as a

synod has been called the 'edict of Milan of the populär etymology.
east.'
9i For the Greek sources see G. Rawlinson, The
91
Neusner, AHistory qf the Jews in Babylonia Seventh Great Oriental Monarchy, 1 (New York,
op. cit |n. 83], 5, 3-18. It should be noted that 1882), 272-74. Onevents leading to the short war
Zoroastnans did continue to live in the eastern of 421-422 see K. G. Holum.Tulcheria's Crusade
partsof the Byzantine Empire and pagans were to A.D. 421-422," in Greek, Roman, and Byzantine
be found in both empires. 18 (Durham, North Carolina, 1977), esp.
Studies,
"Chabot, op. cit. [eh. 1, n. 12], 21, 260. The 162-72 On the practice of adoption in Iran see T.
argbad at seems to have been the important
first D. Chkheidza, Sistema vospitaniya v Sasanidskom
charge of tribute, taxes, corvee and such
official in Irane (Tiflis, 1979).
matters, but later the oflfice probably included
 .

320 Chapter XI

sources as the arch-enemy of Christians. We know something about this prime

minister of Bahram and his son Yazdagird II, and possibly also of the final years of
Yazdagird I, that he came from the Firuzabad district of Fars where he left an
inscription on the cliffby a bridge he had built, and we know the names of his sons,
Zurvandad, who became chief herbaä under Bahram, while the second Mahgushnasp
became chief oftaxes and the third Kardar became chief general of the army. 94 He
also dedicated four fire temples in Fars to himself and his three sons, traces of which
still exist. Bahram had to fight many battles in the east against either the Chionites or
against new nomadic invaders, the Hephthalites, and the few references in Armenian
and Islamic sources indicate that he was, on the whole, victorious. He left a legacy of
the extent of Sasanian influence, or more likely even direct rule, in the coinage of
Bukhara where the later drachms of the oasis of Bukhara were copied from the coinage
of Bahram, and his portrait, in debased form, continued to be Struck on the local coins
95
well into the time of the 'Abbasid caliphate. After Bahram's reign, however, the
fortunes of the Sasanians in the east suffered a decline, and Iran was mostly on the
defensive against aggressive Hephthalite rulers.
Probably during Bahram's reign eastern influences became important in the
Sasanian Empire, for we find the beginning of the popularity of mythical names in the
empire, names such Kaus, Kavad and others, as well as the title kay (kdy)
as Jamshid,

from ancient kavi, which although found on some coins of Shapur II becomes
widespread under Yazdagird II and later. 96 This antiquarian revival may have been
the result of Sasanian conquests in the east, where legends and songs of the ancient pre-
history of the Iranian peoples were borrowed from Iranian nomads or even settled
folk who preserved such lays better than in western Iran, where the successive central
government organizations and urban life had caused in Iranians a forgetfulness ot their
roots.
In the west the Byzantine Empire was occupied with various barbarian invasions
war between Byzantium and Iran at the beginning of
and, after a short inconclusive
Bahram's reign, peace was made in 422 and was maintained. In Armenia Bahram
restored the native dynasty by appointing Artaxias (or Armenian: Artashes) son of
Vramshapuh as king, but the new ruler offended some of the Armenian nobihty,
who requested Bahram to remove their king, which he did in 428 appointing in his
place a Persian governor. This pleased some of the nobles, called nakharars in
Armenian, but much of the clergy, including Sahak the catholicus, the head of the
church, wanted an Armenian pnnce as their sovereign, so the Situation in Armenia
remained unstable.
In 439 Bahram was succeeded by his son Yazdagird II who began a war with the

94 For
the inscription see W. B. Henning, "The Altheim and R. Stiehl, Finanzgeschichte der Spatan-
Inscription of Firuzabad," AM 4 (1953), 98-102, tike(Frankfurt/M. 1957), 19.
and for Islamic sources, especially TabarT, see 95
See R. Frye, Notes on the Early Coinage qf
Noeldeke, op. c it., 108-12. The Armenian sources Transoxiana ANS Monographs (New York,
which refer to Mihr Narseh, called the hazärbad, 1949), "Additional Notes on the early Coinage of
arepnmarily Elishe and LazarofP'arp. Forthefire Transoxiana," ANSMN, 4 (1950), 105-11, and
temples see Schippmann, op. cit. [n. 83], 123-40, "Additional Notes II," ANSMN, 1 (1955),- 231-
who speaks of fi ve temples. It is dimcult to accept 38. Also V. A. Livshits, et al., "O drevnei Sogdiiskoi
the contention that the three sons represented the pismennosti Bukhary," VD1 1 (1954), 150-63.
three castes of Iranian society as found in F. 96 See Noeldeke, op. cit., 1 47, n. 1
 The Sasanians 321

Byzantines, but the emperor Theodosius was anxious to make peace, and Yazdagird
had to turn his attention to the east, so peacewas made between the two empires,
again maintaining the Status quo. In the east, however, much fighting took place
before the Sasanian ruler could return to his homeland where the Armenian question
occupied him. Even though the Christians in the empire had affirmed their Separation
from Byzantine control and had proclaimed the independence of the church of the
east in asynod in 421 the Armenians had maintained close contacts with Byzantium,
,

and the Persians were suspicious of their true loyalties. Fortunately we have detailed
information in the works of Lazar of P 'arp and Elishe about the attempt of Yazdagird
through his prime minister Mihr Narseh to convert the Armenians to
Zoroastrianism, or in the eyes of the Sasanians to bring them back from their apostasy
from the Mazdaean faith. From the edict of Mihr Narseh sent to the Armenians, as
reproduced by Elishe, and from the contemporary account of Eznik about the Persian
religion, one would infer that the myth of Zurvan as the father of both Ahura Mazda
and Ahriman was widespread in Iran at this time and was held by Mihr Narseh as a
fundamental tenet of his beliefs, although the extent of such tenets among the
Zoroastrians ofthat time is reallyunknown. 97 The edict roused the Armenians to the
defense of their faith, and a revolt was launched against the Persians, even though
some nobles including one of their leaders Vasak, prince of the province of Siunik,
upheld Sasanian rule. Request for aid from Theodosius, the Byzantine emperor, went
unanswered, and in a fierce battle called Avarair, the Christians led by prince Vardan
of the house of Mamikonian were annihilated. Vardan was killed, and many priests
and nobles were taken captive. These momentous events in Armenian history are not
mentioned in other language sources, which give the impression of a peaceful reign in
spite of the fanaticism of the prime minister. The east, however, continued to be
unstable, and Yazdagird had to fight battles against nomads there in his last years.
At the death of Yazdagird his two sons contested the throne, and the sources
who was eider and younger, but Hormizd took power and
(Islamic) disagree as to
Peroz attacked him and was able to defeat and kill his brother. During the civil war
between the two brothers, the king of Caucasian Albania, had been forced to who
accept Zoroastrianism in the time of Yazdagird, revolted and, allied with Hunnic
people north of the Caucasus, posed a threat to Peroz, who fought against the Albanian
king, but peace was made and Peroz changed the policy of his father and left the
Armenian and Albanian Christians in peace. 98 The pass of the Caucasus at Derbend
had been penetrated several times by nomads, and the Sasanians had received a subsidy

97
Ter-Minasean (Erevan, 1957),
Elishe, ed. E. attacked, or attacked Zoroastrians who did not
24, trans. in Langlois,o/>. eil., 2, 190. On Eznik see indulge in time speculation. One can place too
J.M.Schmid, H'Wer <fie Sefelen (Vienna,1900), 90- much emphasis on the Zervanite myth. Bahram
93. The edict of Mihr Narseh, as given by Lazar, IV, for example, claimed to recognize only one
ed. by Ter-Mkrtzean (Tiflis, 1904), 43-44, is make him a Zervanite or an
deity, but did that
different from the account in Elishe, but the intent Ahura Mazda worshipper? See Horfmann, op. eil.
of both is the same. The mention of Mihr-Narseh [eh. 1 , n. 1 2], 42. Also Agathias (II, 24) says that the
in the Mätigän is not as a sinner or Zoroastrian Persians used to worship Zeus and Kronos, as the

what Zaehner, op. eil. [eh. 3, n.

heretic, contrary to Greeks, but no more, and this can be interpreted in
O.Klima, "Iranische Miszellen IV," AO,
40], 39, or several ways.
35(1967), 52-62, assert. There isnoevidence that 98 See C. Dowsett, trans. The History of the
Zoroastrians who held Zervanite ideas were Caucasian Albanians, op. eil., 9-10.
322 Chapter XI

from the Byzantines to help defray the cost of maintaining a guard both here
and at
the Darial pass against invasions which would have threatened both empires.
Therefore it was in the best interests of the Sasanian government to maintain peace
with their subjects in Armenia, Georgia and Albania, who became more and more
Christian in religion.
About 469 Peroz was defeated and captured by the Hephthalites which was
reported in Byzantine sources such as Procopius (1,3,1 3-1 9), Syriac such as Joshua the
Stylite and in many Islamic works, since it obviously made a great impression on
contemporaries. Armenia now broke into a revolt led by Vahan Mamikonian, a
nephew of Vardan, but the rebels were defeated, and it seemed as though Sasanian
control was secure, but war with the Hephthalites denuded Transcaucasia of Sasanian
troops in 482, and two years later Peroz was defeated and killed by his formidable
eastern foes. The fifth Century, on the whole, was one of a change of front for the
Sasanians, since the frontier with the Byzantines remained stable, whereas the east was
in flux. Just as walls and forts had been built in the Syrian desert against the west and at
Derbend against the Hunnic peoples, so in the east walls were erected extending to
Merv, but the main theater of war was in the area of present western Afghanistan.
The Iranian nobility raised the brother of Peroz called Valgash or Balash
(Vologeses) to the throne, and peace was made with the Hephthalites to whom
tribute was paid, while the Armenian by Vahan, achieved the freedom of
rebels, led
Christianity without fear of forced conversion to Zoroastrianism for, in the eyes of
the later Sasanians, the Armenians were Iranians. Armenia further was to be
administered directly by the Sasanian king and not through a governor. At the end of
the reign of Peroz or at the beginning of Balash' rule Nestorianism was established as
the sole omcially recognized sect of Christians in the Sasanian Empire, and this eased
relations between the central government and the Christians, although it by no means
ended inter-Christian quarreis, especially between Nestorians and Monophysites.
The Armenian nobles, we learn from Armenian sources, had aided Balash against a
pretender to the throne called Zarer, either a son or a brother of Peroz, and after his
defeat and capture they were well regarded by the new king. According to Islamic
sources, such as Tha'älibr and TabarT, n the reign of Peroz a terrible seven year
j

drought and famine had played havoc with the inhabitants of the Sasanian Empire,
and the consequences of this disaster made themselves feit long afterwards. But Balash
ruled over a chastened or even destitute realm, humiliated by paying tribute to the
Hephthalites, and many sources even neglect to mention his reign. In spite of his good
intentions he was deposed by the nobles and clergy in 488, who raised Kavad son of
Peroz to the throne, and about his long reign we are much better informed.
Kavad had lived with the Hephthalites as a hostage, according to Islamic sources,
and it is possible that they assisted him to gain the throne. Kavad's reign marks a
change in Sasanian history, not only because attention shifted from the east back to the
west, but mainly because of the social upheaval which occurred during his reign, the
movement of the Mazdakites, which, as all such movements in the Near East, was also
a rehgious revolt against Zoroastrian orthodoxy. Much has been written about
Mazdak and his followers, unanimity has been reached either on his origins
but little

or his doctrines. In the entire Near East at this time Christianity, Judaism and
Zoroastrianism were striving towards consolidation and orthodoxy as well as
 The Sasanians 323

orthopraxy. But pagans still existed and different sects of the above religions also
existed, especially in out-of-the-way places, in mountains and oases. In doctrines, as
reported in the later Arabic book on religions by ShahristänT, Mazdak seems to have
had Manichaean tendencies, although he himself was probably a Persian priest or
noble." Whatever his religious teachings, it was the practice of extreme socialism or
communism which caused the upheaval in Iran. Just as Mani became the arch-heretic
in beliefs, so Mazdak assumed the role of arch-fiend in his social practices, according
to the later Islamic sources; for Mazdak is not mentioned by name in Greek, Syriac or
Armenian works, some of which speak of Manichaean (= general word for
'heretical') troubles under Kavad. Whatever Mazdak's beliefs, Kavad apparently
accepted his teachings that wealth should be shared, and many scholars have surmised
that in so doing he really wished to undermine the power and influence of the
nobility. If we give credence to the account in the Shähnätne,
Mazdak supported the
poor and hungry in time of famine and secured the approbation of the ruler in
allowing the poor to take what they needed from the rieh, as well as from
government Stores. It seems that the Mazdakites drew much support from the
peasants, and certainly the great feudal lords were violently against Madak, and in
most sources a common aecusation appears, that the Mazdakites preached the
breakdown of the family and the freedom of all women to all men. The feudal
nobility and clergy reacted and deposed Kavad, imprisoning him rather than killing
him, probably because of his popularity among the masses. Kavad escaped and took
refuge with the Hephthalites and his brother Zamasp became king in 496, but Kavad
was not finished with the help of the ruler of the Hephthalites he returned to Iran and
;

Zamasp surrendered the throne without a battle. This was probably in 499, when a
famine oecurred in the empire causing much discontent. As a result of the great social
and economic disorder everywhere, Kavad deeided to unite everyone in a war against
Byzantium, for he needed money to pay his Hephthalite allies and others. The
ostensible cause of the war was the refusal of the Byzantine emperor to send money to
the Persians to aid in the defense of the Caucasus fortifications mainly at Derbend,
which had been a policy in the past. In 502 Theodosiopolis, present Erzurum, was
captured, and then Kavad laid siege to Amida, which he captured in January 503.
Hostilities continued between the two powers, but the Persians had reaped much
booty either by conquest or by the capitulation and paying of tribute by towns in the
Byzantine Empire. In 506 peace was made and the Byzantines paid a large sum to
Kavad who gave up Amida and other conquests. The Byzantines were not complete
losers, however, for they were allowed to retain the fortifications they had erected at

Dara and other frontier towns contrary to past treaties between the two powers.

9<*
Other than Nöldeke, op. eil., 141-42, with and his Die Araber in der allen Welt, 5 part 1,

the Excurs, and the classic work by A Christensen, (Berlin, 1 968), 14—18. Christensen believed Maz-
Le regne duroi Kawädh et le communisme Mazdakite dak was a Manichaean while Altheim followed
(Copenhagen, 1925), 1-127, where all the sources BlrOnT who claimed he was a mobadän nwbad. For
are assembled, see also more recent work by O. emphasis on the social and economic consequences
Klima, Mazdak (Prague, 1957), plus many later of Mazdakism see N. Pigulevskaya, Les uilles de
articles.cf.his Beiträge zur Geschichte des Mazdakis- l'etat hauten (Paris, 1963), 195-230. The precise

mus (Prague, 1977) F. Altheim believed Mazdak dates of the Mazdakite movement under Kavad
borrowed most of his ideas from the Neoplatonist are unknown.
Porphyrius. See his Hunnen, 3 [eh. 5, n. 68], 61-80,
324 Chapter XI

Inside Iran, meanwhile, the Mazdakites continued to exist, although there is no

evidence that Kavad them, but sufficient
in his later years actively supported
disruption had been caused to bring a new tax System and revision of land ownership
into being. The lower nobility, the azadän, gained in power and importance at the
costof the great feudal lords, who never regained their favored position which they
held before the time of Kavad. Pigulevskaya (Les villes, 218-221) is surely right in
seeing the Mazdakite disturbances as the occasion when Kavad broke the power of the
great nobility and tied the lower nobility closer to the throne, for the Mazdakite
disturbances were a prelude to the extensive economic and social reforms begun by
Kavad and brought by Chosroes. Mazdak was executed sometime at the
to fruition
end of Kavad's reign, possibly at the instigation of Khusrau or Chosroes his son, and
his followers were killed and persecuted. But the name 'Mazdakite' persisted into
Islamic times as a common designation for social rebels, evidence of the great impact
of the Mazdakites on life in Sasanian Iran. The immediate consequences of the
disorders in Iran are difficult to determine, and only by a comparison of the Situation
before and after the reforms of Kavad and his son can we infer the great changes
which took place in Iranian society. This we shall examine in discussing the reforms
of Chosroes.
The question of succession occupied Kavad in his last years, for he intended to name
his own successor and not leave this matter to be decided by the nobility. In 51 8 Justin
had become emperor in Byzantium and Kavad proposed to him that he adopt his
youngest son Chosroes, which would indicate his preference as the heir-apparent for
Kavad and Justins responsibility to support this in the future. Justin at first
enthusiastic was dissuaded from this commitment and consequently relations
between the two empires cooled considerably. Events in Transcaucasia disturbed the
close of Kavad's reign, and the Persians supported an uprising of Georgian nobility
against their pro-Byzantine king called Gurgenes, who was forced to flee westward to
Lazica on the Black Sea coast in 523 (Procopius, I, 12). A Persian marzban 'frontier
Commander' was installed in the capital Mtskheta, near modern Tiflis, but the war
continued with Byzantine support for the exiled king. With the Coming to power of
Justinian in 527, a competent general Belisarius was sent against the Persians in
Mesopotamia, and although at first defeated he then in turn defeated a Sasanian army
outside the walls of Dara. The Arab allies of both sides played important roles in the
new struggles of the two powers.
As early as 506 the Arab tribe of Kinda had moved into and occupied parts of Iraq,
and shortly afterward a tribal kingdom was formed in the heart of north Arabia
which became powerful enough for its leader Härith b. 'Amr to be able to defeat
Mundhir III, king of the Lakhmids and a Sasanian protege, and occupy his capital al-
Hira, which occupation however, lasted only a few years, perhaps from 525-528. 10 °
Mundhir recovered his domains and was supported by Kavad in making a raid into
Syria. In a battle at Callinicum in 531 Belisarius was defeated but the Persians and
their Arab allies lost many men so they withdrew. Belisarius then was sent to North

100
See G. Ohnder, The Kings of Kinda (Lunda, granits Vizantii i Irana v IV-Vl vv. (Moscow,
1927), esp. 58-65, and N. Pigulevskaya, Araby u 1964), 124-79, with further references.
 The Sasanians 325
Africa to fight the Vandals by Justinian, but before Kavad could take advantage of
the
departure of the Byzantine general he died.

THE REFORMS OF CHOSROES ANUSHIRVAN (*OF THE IMMORTAL SOUL')

Chosroes was the most illustrious of the Sasanian rulers and he gave his name to the
common designation of Sasanian rulers by the Arabs, Kisra, much as Caesar gave his
name to Roman rulers. His reforms set a stamp on the later Sasanian State and society
and much of what we know about the Organization of Sasanian Iran dates from his
reign and afterwards. Under him the national epic was gathered together probably ;

at thattime the Avesta was reduced to the form of the Avestan aiphabet and writing
we know at the present time, and his economic reforms also have come down to us in
Islamic writings, while stories about the splendor, the justice and flourishing of Iran
under him abound in later Islamic writings, where he occupies a place similar to the
The tax reform, begun under Kavad, was carried
great Shah 'Abbas in Safavid times.
to completion under Chosroes, and the royal court was much strengthened by this
and other measures, whichchanged the face of the empire, making it stronger when a
strong ruler ruled but open to disintegration under a weak king. At the outset he had
to put down an attempt by a group of nobles to raise his brother to the throne, but he
overcame the plotters and dispatched them.
One of his first tasks on ascending the throne was to make peace with the
Byzantines, which he did in 532 evacuating several forts in Lazica, and to restore
order in society, for as several sources states, children did not know who their fathers
were, and questions of inheritance and ownership were unresolved. The aftermath of
the Mazdakite troubles not only provided an opportunity to reduce the power of the
great feudal lords, who after the time of Chosroes are little mentioned except as
officials of the central government, but also to reorganize the clergy, the higher
offices of which had been occupied by members of noble families. The basis of wealth
and power of the upper classes had to be reorganized first, and this was the tax reform
of Chosroes, the results of which lasted into Islamic times.
F. Altheim has studied the tax reforms of Chosroes in detail and is convincing in his

conclusions that the great landed nobility previously enjoyed great privileges in
exemption from taxation. but as a result of the seizure of lands by common folk
during the Mazdakite movement, there was great confusion in claims of land
ownership. 101 All land was to be surveyed and taxed in the same way everywhere,
while revenues which formerly frequently went to the nobles were to come into the
central government treasury. It is possible, as Altheim asserts, that the indictio or tax
reform of Diocletian, thejoining of the Roman iugatio and capitatio into one tax
System collected three times a year, provided the prototype for Chosroes' reforms, but

101
Altheim/Stiehl,F/nan2 ?e«fciVfc(e[n.94],esp. vana," VDl, 1 (1937), 141-53, in elaborating the
35-53, using Tabarl as the main source. I. Hahn, thesisof a Sasanian copying of the Roman System.
"Sassanidische und spätrömische Besteuerung," AA, On the Talmudic references to taxation in Sasanian
7 (1959), 149-60, contrary to Altheim, denies a Iran see the articles by Solodukho, trans. in J.
connection between the Roman and Sasanian Neusner, ed., Soviel Views of Talmudic Judaism
Systems. Altheim followed N. V.Pigulevslcaya, "K (Leiden, 1973).
voprosu o podatnoi reforme Khosraya Anusher-
326 Chapter XI
102
thisis inference. It is related in a number of sources that taxes were levied on the

produce of land, fruits and grains, but frequently the produce was spoiled before it
could be assessed for tax purposes. Under the new System the land was measured, the
water rights determined and yearly average rates were set for the land which
produced grain, other rates for land which had date palm and olive trees according to
the number of the producing trees, and other reforms of which we only have hints.
The tax reform was followed by a reform of the army which was changed from
the previous practice of the great feudal lords providing their own equipment and
bringing their followers and retainers into the field, to another System with a new
force of dehkans or 'knights,' paid and equipped by the central government. It is
interesting to note that both the number, as well as the die quality, of coins of
Chosroes 1 increases and improves greatly compared to earlier issues, and the
lconography of the coins becomes more stereotyped. 103 Also, it should be remarked
that the army reorganization under Chosroes was concentrated on Organization and
on training, rather than any new weapons or technical advances, and as previously the
heavily-armed cavalry remained the dominant force with archers less important. 104
The masses, as usual, were still camp followers and little more than a rabble looking
for booty, but a new nobility of Service was created which became more mfluential
than the landed nobility. Since payment in specie or even in kind did not suffice to
recompense the 'knights,' villages were granted to them in fief, and a large class of
small landowners came into existence. The ruler also divided the kingdom into four
military districts with a spahbad or general in charge of forces in each part with the
primary task of defending Iran from external foes. Walls and forts were also built on

the frontiers, but in this policy Chosroes was only continuing the policy of his
predecessors, while new roads, bridges and many buildings have been attributed to
Chosroes, whether true or not.
The army was tested in the resumption of hostilities with Byzantium, and
fortunately we have a detailed account of the war from Procopius. The reasons for a
new war were many, of which were embassies from the Ostrogoths in
not the least

Italy, who were conquered by Justinian, and pressure from some Armenians and

Arabs, both eager for war. So Chosroes broke the peace and invaded Syria in 540
moving south of the usual path of armies. He took several towns and received tribute
from others and soon was before the walls of Antioch, which had suffered greatly
from several earthquakes in 525-526, and it was poorly defended making conquest
easy for the Persians. Chosroes pillaged and burned the city taking many captives,

102
Altheim/Stiehl, op. eil. [n. 94], 41-3. The tax Chosroes introduced different rates of poll-tax for
reforms were complicated and encompassed not different groups in the empire. The Talmudic
only land and poll taxes, but others as well, as noted evidence, however, dates from the fourth Century,
by M Grignaschi, "La Riforma Tributaria di 10J
Cf. Simon, supra, Sas. Münzen, 149-337,
Hosrö I e il feudahsmo Sassamde," inLa Persia nel and especially the study of a hoard by Faräj al- *Ush,
Medioevo, Acad. dei Lincei, no. 160 (Rome, The Siluer Hoard of Damascus (Damascus, 1972), as
1971), 87-131. On the poll-tax see D. M. well as the Standard works ofR. Göbl, the leading
Goodblatt, "The Poll Tax in Sasanian Babylonia," authonty on Sasanian numismatics.
l04
JESHO, 22 (1979), 233-94, with many biblio- On the military reforms see A. D. H. Bivar,
graphical references. He notes that in the Babylo- "Cavalry Equipment and Tactics on the Euphrates
man Talmud the word for 'poll tax' is feig' Frontier," Dumbarton Oak Papers, 26 (Washington,
whatever its etymology. He also suggests that D.C., 1972), 273-91.
 The Sasanians 327

after which peace was made with Justinian who paid the Persians a large indemnity.
On however, Chosroes obtained ransom from a number of Byzantine
his return,
cities on his way. Because of these activities Justinian renounced the truce
just
concluded and prepared to send Belisanus, who had been successful in Italy and North
Africa, against the Sasanians.
After returning, Chosroes built a new city, strictly following the model of
Antioch, near Ctesiphon, and he settled his captives from Antioch in it, calling it the
presumptious title Weh Antiok Khusrau (Better than Antioch [has] Chosroes [built
this]), was called Rumagan, 'town of the Greeks' by the local inhabitants, and al-
but it

Rümiyya by the Arabs. He is said to have founded several other towns and erected
walls at Derbend. The following year the Sasanians took advantage of the request of
embsaries from the king of Lazica to send an army to support him against Byzantine
encroachments, and at first they were successful capturing a Byzantine fortress on the
Black Sea coast called Petra and establishing a protectorate where Sasanian rule had
never before penetrated. Belisarius in Mesopotamia ravaged the country around
Nisibis, but no decisive battle was fought, and the Byzantine general was recalled by
543 a Byzantine army suffered defeat in Armenia,
Justinian and sent to the west. In
and Chosroes was encouraged to again invade Syria, and he besieged Edessa, now
more important than Antioch, but he was repulsed and retreated with the payment of
a ransom. A five-year truce was then concluded between the two empires and

Chosroes received two thousand pounds of gold. In Lazica the inhabitants revolted
against Persian control, and a Byzantine force was sent in the fourth year of the truce
to aid the local populace to oust the Persians, and as a result the Lazic war continued
for a number of years.
Both Procopius and Agathias stress the Strategie importance of Lazica, and if we
view the Lazic war as a prelude to the ambitious dreams of Chosroes to control the
trade of the silk route to China and the sea way to India, as indicated by his
interventions later with the Turks and in Yemen, then the Byzantine authors may
have correctly discerned the far-reaching plans of the Persians. In the Lazic war
Chosroes finally lost, and negotiations were begun with Byzantium in 556 which led
to a fifty-year peace treaty signed in 561,by which the Persians evacuated Lazica for
an annual payment of gold. The and a description of the sealing of the
treaty
documents can be found in Menander Protector (frag. 11 M), giving an insight into
contemporary diplomatic protocol.
In the east a new force had appeared in CentralAsia, the Turks, who attacked
the Hephthalites defeating them. Chosroes, taking advantage of the disunity of
Hephthalite princes and apparently the absence of a central authority among them,
about 557-558 annexed some Hephthalite principalities south of the Oxus River,
while the Turks extended their hegemony north of the river. The main Hephthalite
domains, however, were not annexed by the Sasanians, for under the son and
successor of Chosroes they caused much trouble. The initial cordiality between the
Turks and Chosroes soon changed, possibly because of the hope of Chosroes to
dominate trade between Central Asia, China and India and the West. Later relations
between the Turks and Persians deteriorated, and in 568 a Turkish embassy, recorded
by Menander, arrived in Byzantium to make an alliance against the Persians, but
nothing came of the proposed two front attack on Sasanian Iran.
328 Chapter XI

The hostilities in the north between the two empires were matched by competition
in the Arabian peninsula especially Yemen, where the Ethiopians, who had been
converted to Monophysite Christianity, sent an army in 522 against the Himyarites,
105 A local leader Dhu Nuwas
the dominant power in south Arabia at that time.
defeated the Ethiopians and sought aid from Iran, while the Ethiopians turned to the
Byzantines who responded with ships and supplies. The king of Ethiopia led his
troops across the Red Sea in 525, defeated and killed Dhu Nuwas and installed an
Ethiopian protege as king of the Himyarites. The success of the Ethiopians led to an
embassy to them from Justinian in 531, reported by Procopius (I, 20), who says the
Byzantines suggested that the Ethiopians could force the Persians out of the India
trade. Nothing came of this, since an Ethiopian general, Abraha, seized power in the
Himyarite kingdom sometime between 532 and 535 and established an independent
State which he ruled until his death in 569 or 570, the 'year of the elephant' or the year

of the birth of the prophet Muhammad. Several years afterwards Ma'd-Karib, one of
the sons of Abraha, fled from his half-brother who had succeeded to the throne, and
he secured the support of Chosroes. The latter sent a fleet and a small army under a
Commander called Vahriz to the area near present Aden and they marched against the
capital San'äl which was occupied. Saif, son of Ma 'd-Karib, who had accompanied

the expedition became king sometime between 575 and 577. Thus the Sasanians were
able to establish a base in south Arabia to control the sea trade with the east. Later the
south Arabian kingdom renounced Sasanian overlordship and another Persian
expedition was sent in 598 which was successful in annexing southern Arabia as a
Sasanian province which lasted until the time of troubles after Chosroes II.
In 565 the emperor Justinian died and was succeeded by Justin II, who resolved to
stop subsidies to Arab chieftains to restrain them from raiding Byzantine territory in
Syria. A year earlier the Sasanian governor of Armenia, of the Suren family, built a
fire temple at Dvin near modern Erevan, and he put to death an influential member of

the Mamikonian family, which touched off a revolt which led to the massacre of the
Persian governor and his guard in 571. Justin II took advantage of the Armenian
revolt to stop his yearly payments to Chosroes for the defense of the Caucasus passes.
The Armenians were welcomed as allies, and an army was sent into Sasanian territory
which besieged Nisibis in 572, but dissension among the Byzantine generals not only
led to an abandonment of the siege, but they in turn were besieged in the city of Dara,
which was taken by the Persians, who then ravaged Syria and caused Justin to sue
for peace.
Justin was succeeded by Tibenus, a high Byzantine ofhcer, in 574 who made a truce
with Chosroes, but it was not concluded, and in the following year the Persians
invaded Armenia where they were at first successful. Then, as so frequently in the
wars between the two empires, fortune changed, and the Byzantines gained many

105
For a summary of history and a bibliogra- I. Shahid in Atabka (1956, 58), Byzantinische
phy relating to south Arabia, see A. Dietrich, Zeitschrift (1957, 1959, 1960), and others. Much
"Geschichte Arabiens vor dem HO,
Islam," in interesting matenal is scattered throughout the
Orientalische Geschichte von Kyros bis Mohammed seven volumes of F. Altheim and R. Stiehl, Die
(Leiden,1966),325-36,esp.334-34;alsoS.Smith, Araber in der Alten Welt (Berlin, 1964-69), esp.
"Events in Arabia in the 6th Century A.D.," vol. 5, erster Teil (1968), 305-91.
BSOAS. 16 (1954), 425-68, and many articles by
 The Sasanians 329

Attempts to negotiate a peace in 576 failed after a great Sasanian

local successes.
victory over the Byzantines in Armenia. In 578 a new Byzantine Commander
Maurice captured several Sasanian strongholds, but the Armenian revolt came to an
end with a general amnesty from Chosroes, which brought Armenia back into the
Sasanian Empire, and peace negotiations between the two great powers were under
way when Chosroes died in 579.
It is impossible to do more than summarize the achievements of Chosroes and to
list the various developments in political, social and cultural matters during his reign.
So much is ascribed to Chosroes in later Islamic writings that it is difficult to

determine how much is fact or fable. Certainly much that we find in State
Organization, taxes and the like, in Islamic times had their origins in the State reforms
under Chosroes, or in changes which occurred during his reign, and the tendency of
peasants in Iran today to assign any obviously pre-Islamic bridge, caravanserai or
other structure to Chosroes of the immortal soul' is testimony of the impression he
made on his contemporaries. Even foreign writers inimical to Chosroes were
somewhat awed by the imposing figure of the Sasanian ruler, cruel and hard but
worthy of respect.
Although history, especially in Iran, has been limited to urban, elite groups, the
basis of support of an Iranian government or culture was the rural peasantry, and
during the Mazdakite upheaval, even the peasantry influenced events. It may be
exaggerated to say that Iran was changed from a feudal land into an empire after
Chosroes, for castes continued, with the scribes or bureaucracy added to the
traditional Indo-Iranian three-caste System of priests, warriors and common folk. In a
sense the landowning elite gave way in influence to a bureaucratic elite tied to the
crown. The direct taxes levied on the land and on the peasants greatly reduced the
'middle-man' role of the landed nobility between common folk and the court.
Although we have no statistics and only fragments of data, one may speculate that in
the long run the reforms of Chosroes caused problems for the peasants, because a
substantial shift in peasant settlement patterns from old irrigated lands to new dry-
106 massive irrigation Systems of Chosroes
farming lands seems to have occurred. The
on the plains, aided by dams and at first aided an expansion of
canals, may have
agriculture, but the centralization perhaps robbed the local people of initiative with
the result of a decline in population on the plains with a consequent growth of towns.
On the plateau we have no information but urban development was certainly much
smaller than in Mesopotamia. Also Mesopotamia and Khuzistan were easier to

administer by the central government.

The urban development in Khuzistan can be linked to the great expansion of trade
under Chosroes I. The State now tended toward monopolistic control of the trade
with luxury goods assuming a far greater role in the trade than heretofore, and the
great activity in building of ports, caravanserais, bridges, and the like was linked to

106 640," in Mesopotamia, 10-1 1 (Florence, 1975-76),

This was especially true in Khuzistan acc. to
archaeological surveys; cf. R. J. Wenke, "Imperial 31-221 , esp. 131-39. On irrigation Systems see also
Investments and Agricultural Developments in R. M. Adams, "Agriculture and Urban Life in

early Southwestern Iran," Science, 136 (1962), 9.

Parthian and Sasanian Khuzestan: 150 b.c. to A.D.
330 Chapter XI
107
trade and to urbanization. The Persians dominated
international trade, both in the
Indian Ocean and and South Russia in the time of Chosroes, although
in Central Asia
com petition with the Byzantines was at times intense. Sasanian Settlements in Oman
and Yemen testify to the importance of the trade with India, but the silk trade with
China, as we shall see, was mainly in the hands of the Sogdians.
For trade or defense reasons Chosroes practiced the ancient transfer of populations
from one part of the empire to another as one can see by the addition of bishoprics to
the realm of eastern Christianity, as well as by many notices of such shifts in the
sources. He also welcomed refugees from the Byzantine Empire such as the
philosophers from the school at Athens which had been closed by Justinian in 529.
They became homesick, however, and Chosroes negotiated their return in a peace
treaty according to Agathias (II, 30), but he still had many medical doctors and sages
at his court. On the intellectual side of his court, translations were made into Middle

Persian from Greek, Syriac and Sanskrit, and many stories have been preserved in
later Arabic and Persian works on the chief minister and sage Buzurjmihr, to give

him the Arabic form of his name. The introduction of the game of chess to Iran from
India is tied with his name, and although many scholars have considered him to be a
fiction, Christensen not only argues his real existence but identifies him with a
medical doctor called Burzoe, also at the court of Chosroes. ° 8 Connected with the '

name of Chosroes I are many wise sayings in Islamic works and collections of such
andarz are many, such that lt is highly probable that this Sasanian monarch became
the origin of many apocryphal stories in later works. 109 In the realm of religion many
Middle Persian books are said to have been written in the time of Chosroes, although
lt should be remembered that just as Shapur I and II are confused in later works, so are

Chosroes I and II. The Pahlavi books, as well as Islamic sources, imply that Chosroes I
was tolerant of rehgions other than Zoroastrianism, which he ordered cleared of
heresy, and most scholars agree that the final and fixed form of later, dualistic
Zoroastrianism traces lts origins back to the reign of Chosroes I. 110
If we turn to the visual arts, again the pomp and glory of the reign of Chosroes

strike the observer. Many Sasanian silver objects date from the time of Chosroes,

107
On Adams, "Anthropological
trade see R. and G. Klinge, "Burzoe, der Leibarzt von Chosrow
Perspectives on Ancient Trade," in Currenl An- Anuschirwan," Die Welt des Islams, Sonderband
thropology, 15 (1974), 239-58; also D White- (1941), 140-51.
house and A Wilhamson, "Sasanian Maritime l09
See the examples in M. Gngnaschi, "Quel-
Trade," Iran, 11 (1973), 29-49, esp 29. On ques specimens de la litterature sassanide," JA
Sasanian Settlements on the Arab of the Gulf,
side (1966), 16-45. On forms and modeis of
the
seej. C. Wilkinson, "Arab-Persian Land Relation- Sasanian andarz hterature, see E. Fichtner, "Unter-
ships m
late Säsanid Oman," in Proceedings of the suchungen Über die Mittelpersische Handarz-
Sixth Seminar for Arabian Studies (London, 1973), Literatur," (Ph.D. thesis, Berlin, 1963).
40-49 For the Byzantine trade with India, but "°On freedom of Christians during his reign
mostly dealing with an earlier penod, see N with references,
see Christensen, L'lran, [n. 1], 421,
Pigulevskaya, Vizantiya na putyakh v Indiyu and on Zoroastrianism, see Zaehner, op. cit. [eh. 3,
(Moscow, 1951), esp. 184-90. Finds of Sasanian n. 40], 50-52, with references. On literature see M.
coins and silver plates and goblets in Russia indicate Boyce, "Middle Persian Literature" in HO, Irani-
that trade increased greatly under Chosroes I. stik (Leiden, 1968), 31-66. Both Sasanian religion
108
See A. Christensen, "La legende du sage and literature are complicated subjeets requinng
Buzurjmihr," Acta Orientalia, 8 (1930), 104-08, entire books devoted to them.
 The Sasanians 331

although dating is frequently exceedingly difficult. 1 1 '

One reason for problems in
identifying or dating Sasanian art is the lack of a 'Zoroastrian' art and an artistic
symbolism matching Christian and Buddhist art, although decoration perhaps
predominated in late Sasanian art over representation, and much of the geometric or
floral nature of Islamic art seems to have had its Even though
origins in Sasanian Iran.
one can hardly speak of a 'Zoroastrian' art, all specialists agree that Sasanian art, like its
predecessor the art of the Achaemenids, is a royal art with plenty of royal symbolism.
Much more than trade and commerce, art was bound
and the wishes of to the court
the ruler, and it seems that, just like the coinage, the silver plates, textiles,
even
glassware and pottery, not to mention architecture, all came from royal Workshops or
related establishments. Whether Sasanian art is primarily derived from Hellenistic art
or is more dependent on ancient Iranian and Near Eastern traditions is a matter for art
historians and need not concern us here, but whatever the origins, Sasanian motifs,
such as the mythical bird, the senmurv, are found on art objects from India, China and
the western world, evidence of the importance of Sasanian culture in the realm of the
112
ans.
It is not possible here to even mention the many aspects and problems of Sasanian
art, except to note several features which exemplify the nature of political power and
pomp of the Sasanian rulers. The monumental architecture, such as the Qalä-ye
Dukhtär and palace of Ardashir at Firuzabad, the Taq-e Kisra in Ctesiphon, if not
built by Chosroes at least enlarged or completed by him, and others, all express the
pride and wealth of the Sasanians. The symbolic quality of the representational art of
the Sasanians too strikes one, for representation of kingly glory may be seen in many
forms, such as mountain goat with a ribbon around its neck, the head of a wild
the
boar, tulips, winged creatures, or even leaves, all from nature yet not represented in
their natural forms but heraldic in nature. In other words, the art objects may not
have been made for the royal court but they appear as though they were. This

'centralization' of only a few art motifs repeated many times expresses the ideals of the
imperial State and society after Chosroes I. It is interesting that much more has been
written about the arts of the Sasanians, and they have been far more studied, than has
been the political, social or economic history of Sasanian Iran.
One branch of Sasanian which was widespread among the populace but which
art
also displayed the royal motifs mentioned above, and has repercussions in other areas,
is that of sphragistics, for in antiquity people used seals instead of signatures. On many

thousands of Sasanian seals or seal impressions on clay, we find a large repertoire of

1 '
' See the survey of Sasanian silver, with Erdmann, "Die universalgeschichtliche Stellung
bibliography, in Sasanian Silver, University of der sasanidischen Kunst," in Saeculum, 1 (1950),
Michigan Museum of Art (Ann Arbor, 1967), esp. 508-34, esp. 518 and 522; and R. Ghirshman, Iran,
23-84, and for a shorter survey Erdmann, supra, Parthians and Sassanians (London, 1962), 283-339.
Die Kunst Irans, 90-108. The latter is also a On the 'heraldic' and 'antiquarian' nature of
handbook for all of Sasanian art. Sasanian D. Schlumberger, "Sur l'origine et
art, see
112 For the Hellenistic origin of Sasanian art see
sur la nature de l'art des Sassanides," in VIII ietne
J. Sauvaget, "Remarques sur l'art sassanide,"
Revue Congres international d'archiohgie classique (Paris,
des Budes Islamiques, (1938), 1 13-31, also in JA, 1965), 567-77; and E. Will, "L'art sassanide et ses
232 (1940), 19-57 and in various writings of E. predecesseurs," Syria, 39 (1962), 45-63.
Herzfeld. The counter view is represented by K.
332 Chapter XI
13
motifs including figures or busts, as well as official seals only with writings. 1
For
Sasanian onomastica the seals are invaluable, and we find personal names such as Mihr
Bokht or Zurvandad, which, however, do not mean that those who held these names
were followers of a separate religion of Mithraism or Zervanism, but they were
simply Zoroastrians. Others were named after a fire temple, a day of the month, or for
many other reasons. Perhaps more important than private seals, which usually give us
only a symbol or design but sometimes the name and title of the owner and rarely
other Information, were the 'orficial' seals with writing alone which teil us about
administrative divisions of provinces as well as titles, and no personal names, since
they were seals of offices not of persons. The vast majority of these seals date from the
time of Chosroes I or later, and we have an interesting passage from the Mangan
which substantiates the evidence of the seals and sealings themselves. It goes as
follows: "Furthermore, thus, the seal of usage (official seal) of the mobads and of the
hamarkar (official of finances) was first (introduced) by order of Kavad son of Peroz,
and that of the judge (datavar) first by order of Chosroes son of Kavad. When the seals
of the mobads of Fars were carved, it was written not the mobad in the name of his
mobad quality, but in the name of the 'advocate of the poor,' and for this reason it was
114 Seals, of course, were
carved on the seal of the mobad of Fars in this manner."
ancient in the Near East and seem to have been the predecessors of writing. In
Babylonia the vast majority of clay sealings were economic in nature, and persons
responsible for commercial transactions put their seal mark on goods and records of
deliveries of goods. 1S Priests participated in transactions and in control over trade,
1

and both sealings and cuneiform tablets relating to trade and legal matters have been
found in temples in ancient Mesopotamia. Since the Sasanians were part of a tradition
of conservatism it should cause no surprise to find priests acting as witnesses and as
judges and custodians of records in various transactions of a village, city or a province
in Sasanian Iran. The two storehouses where Sasanian clay sealings have been found,
in a room of the fire temple at Takht-e Sulaiman in Azerbaijan and at Qasr-e Abu
Nasr or old Shiraz, held records of various transactions in the form of clay sealings,
covering a time span of several generations at the end of the Sasanian period. One
controversy still unresolved is to what were the clay sealings originally attached before
they were placed in their archives? One view is that they were attached to rolled
documents, while another is that they were attached to goods before being removed
to the archives. 16 In the archives these sealings may have had tags or even documents
1

113
Much
has been written about seals and
"5 Discussion with Prof. Hans Nissen of Berlin
sealings; with bibliographies, R. Göbl, Der
cf. on 17 March 1977; cf. my The Use of Clay
säsanidische Siegelkanon (Braunschweig, 1 973) and Sealings in Sasanian Iran," AI, Varia V (1976),
R. Gyselen, "Une Classification des cachets sasanides 1 1 7-24.
selon la forme," Sl, 5 (1976), 139-46, and her "6
For the 'goods' theory and Qasr-e Abu Näsr
"Ateliers monetaires et cachets officiels sasanides," see R. Frye, "Sasanian Sealsand Sealings," Mimorial
Sl, 8 (1979), 189-12, as well as my "Sasanian Clay Jean de Menasce (Louvain, 1974), 155-61, and R.
Seal Impressions Again," Bulletin of the Asia Frye, ed., Sasanian Remainsfrom Qasr-i Abu Nasr
Institute, 3-4 (Shiraz, 1975), 1-8. On names, the (Cambridge, Mass., 1973), 3, 42-44. R. Göbl, Die
Academy of Sciences of Austria is Sponsoring a Tonbullen vom Tachl-e Suleiman (Berlin, 1976),
large project on Iranian onomastica under the esp.9-19, assertson the contrary that Sasanian clay
direction of Prof. M. Mayrhofer. hung from documents, which according
sealings
'*
'
Text and trans. in Perikhanian, Matigän, to himclear from the material, and is not based
is

note 81, op. eil., 270. on assumptions made by V. Lukonin, Frye and
 The Sasanians jjj

attached tothem for identification, but it is difficult to believe that only documents
were originally attached to these sometimes large and heavy pieces of clay of so many
different forms.
From sealings, as well as from later Arabic sources, one may reconstruct the
provincial subdivisions of Sasanian Iran after Chosroes, under the four military
divisions. The province (MP hry or nsng) was subdivided into kura (from Greek

Xcöpa?) also called ostan, which in turn were divided into rostak (Arabic rustaq) or
111
tasug. This division, as well as the nomenclature, was not at all uniform
throughout the empire and over time designations changed, just as the dehkan, once a
noble, became a peasant today. Likewise, the administration, loyal to the court and
central government, was imposed on the landowning caste System, and sometimes the
two clashed in the exercise of power and authority. The difficulty of determining
provincial subdivisions in Sasanian times, especially in the lowlands of Khuzistan and
Mesopotamia, is compounded by changes in boundaries and in names made by
various Sasanian rulers at the end of the dynasty. We may assume that the information
provided by Arabic sources -relates mainly to the Situation after Chosroes II Parviz.
The division of the empire into four parts, after the points of the compass, by
Chosroes I was more for military or defense purposes than for civil administration,
although it must be admitted that we are not informed about the civil Organization
which was formed beside the military governor (spahbad) and his assistant (?)
(padgospan). To go into details on administrative geography would far exceed the
limits of this book, and we must restrict ourselves in brief to Iran proper.
Fars province, the Sasanian homeland, was probably a model for the rest of the
empire, and we know there were five kuras, designated by the major cities in them,
Istakhr, Arrajan, Bishapur, Ardashir Khwarreh and Darabgird. The first, where the
governor resided, and the largest, extended east to Yazd. Arrajan was called Weh az
Amid Kavad 'better than Amida has Kavad (built this)' or Wämqubäd in Arabic or
Bizämqubäd on coins. Ardashir Khwarreh was also called Gur, present Firuzabad.
The divisions of Khuzistan province are unclear, for different Arabic sources give
various provincial subdivisions, but there were at least seven, since Khuzistan,
although much was richer agriculturally and was more heavily
smaller than Fars,
populated. The largest kura was Hormizd-Ardashir (called Hormizshahr or Suq al-
Ahwaz by the Arabs), present Ahwaz. Other kuras were Rustaqubad (in Arabic the
area of 'Askar Mukram), Shustar, Susa, Jundeshapur, Ramüz and Dauraq, but over
time changes were many in this province. For other provinces, especially on the
118 Changing of
plateau, we have much less information which is also confusing.
provincial and local boundaries was made for many reasons, but such changes were
more frequent on the plains than on the plateau where geographical features, such as

others. How Göbl would explain traces of linen place of küra, thus causing much confusion. Küra
cloth on the backs of some sealings as well as crossed was used in Fars, but other provinces may have had
cord marks, as well as various forms of the sealings, other designations for it.

escapes me. "8 Ibid., 11-15. A detailed discussion of the

1 ' 7
On the subdivisions, with references, see R. administrative divisions of late Sasanian Iraq may
Frye, The Golden Age o/Persia (London, 1975), 10- be found in the Ph.D. thesis of Michael Morony,
1 1 . Different Arabic authors use different termin- "Continuity and Change in Early Islamic Iraq at
ology, sometimes oslän was used for a province (as UCLA, manuscript enlarged in 1981, to be
today) also shahr which was sometimes used in published as a book by Princeton University Press.
334 Chapter XI

mountains and rivers, kept divisions fairly constant, and the administrative sub-
divisions of Fars province, for example, have remained much the same through-
out history although towns in them rose and declined.
Enough has been said to indicate the great significance of the reign of Chosroes I,
and even though much has accumulated around his name and reign which should not
be attributed to him, nonetheless the achievements of Chosroes were outstanding. Yet
in the long run they did not insure lasting loyalty to the dynasty, and they did not
rectify the grave defects of the caste System of society. On the contrary, the
centralization of power and authority left local officials with little initiative and much
resentment, at least in regard to the central power, such that the Islamic invaders, after
the defeat of the imperial armies in three great battles in the west, had only local
Opposition, with little thought of unity to defend the empire. But the weakness of
Sasanian Iran at that time was in no small measure the result of both internal and
external fighting in the empire and the lack of rulers with the personal influence and
power of a Shapur or Chosroes.

THE LAST RULERS

Hormizd IV, son of Chosroes and a Turkish princess given in marriage to the
Sasanianmonarch to promote good relations between the two states, inherited the
war with Byzantium. Attempts by Tiberius to end the war between the two empires
failed,mainly because the Persians refused to surrender the city of Dara and also
demanded a large annual subsidy. The Byzantine general Maurice was successful
against the Persians in Mesopotamia, but in 582 the death of Tiberius caused Maurice
to go to the capital to mount the throne, and he was replaced by incompetent generals
who were defeated, and the war continued with attacks and counter-attacks. More
threatening, however, was an invasion of the Turks into the northeastern part of the
Sasanian Empire. Fortunately Iran had a brilliant general of the Mihran family called
Bahram Chobin who decisively defeated the Turks at a great battle near Herat in 589,
reported in a number of sources. 19 The chronology and events in this period have
1

been studied in detail with few large problems remaining, except the usual details of
chronology and verifiability, so unlike most of ancient Iranian history. 120 After his
defeat of the Turks Bahram Chobin is reported to have crossed the Oxus and secured
much booty, but so much fable is intertwined with the deeds of Bahram that it is
difficult to teil fact from fiction, and furthermore stories about Bahram Chobin and

Bahram Gör are exchanged in the tales about both Bahrams. It is unlikely that the
ruler killed by Bahram in the east was the king of the Western Turks, but more likely
a subordinate ruler. Whether the Turkish attack on Iran was a well-coordinated plan

119
See L. N. Gumilev, "Voina 589g. i Geräts- (Moscow, 1946), 84-113; and A. I. Kolesnikov,
kaya Bitva," Izvesliya Akad. Nauk Tadzhikskoi "Iran v Nachale VII veka," Palestinskii Sbornik, 22
SSR, 23 (1960), 61-73. (85) (1970), 1-143. Extensive bibliographies may
20
1
On the chronology see M. J. Higgins, The be found in all. Especially interesting for this
Persian War ofthe Emperor Maurice (Washington, period are the anonymous Syriac chronicle edited
D.C., 1939), esp. 72-73. Cf. P. Goubert, Byzance by Guidi in Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum
I.

avantl' Islam (Paris, 1951), 120-83; N. V. Pigulevs- Orientalium (Louvain, 1955) and the Armenian
kaya, Vizanliya i Iran, na rubezhe VI: VII vehov history of Sebeos.
 2

The Sasanians 335

together with Byzantine and Arab diversions in the west with the aim ofending a
Sasanian monopoly on east-west trade is possible but mere surmise. 121 The populär
general was then sent to the Caucasus area, and although Theopylactus (III, 6) says that
the Persianswere the aggressors, the hostilities between the two empires had not been
resolved, and Bahram's initial success was a continuation of the struggle. But in a
minor engagement Bahram was defeated by the Byzantines, and this led to his revolt
in Iran.
Hormizd, according to TabarT (1, 987) Tha 'älibT (637-638) and other Arabic and
Persian authors, suppressed the great nobility and protected the weak,which indicates
a continued Opposition to the policies of Chosroes, and it seems clear that internal
affairs in Iran were most unsettled. Bahram's demotion and revolt, attributed to the

jealousy of Hormizd in the sources, surely had deeper roots in the unhappiness of the
nobility with their ruler, for Bahram was supported by the nobility on all sides.
Troops sent to attack Bahram deserted to him, and Bahram marched on Ctesiphon
late in the year 589. The aristocracy did not support Hormizd, and the religious

leaders also were not happy with the tolerance and even friendship of Hormizd
towards Christians and other non-Zoroastrians, so the ruler was abandoned. A palace
revolt freed the nobles Hormizd had imprisoned, and the rebels were led by two
brothers-in-law of the monarch, called Bindoe and Bistam; Hormizd was seized and
blinded. In February 590 Chosroes Abarvez or Parviz 'the victorious' was raised to
the throne, and shortly thereafter Hormizd was put to death. Bahram, however, was
not reconciled to the son of Hormizd, and hostilities broke out at Hulwan, but
Chosroes, seeing that he could not defeat the experienced general, fled to Ctesiphon
and then to the Byzantine frontier, and at Circesium in March 590 he was received by
the governor who communicated the request of Chosroes for asylum and aid to
regain his throne to Emperor Maurice in Constantinople. Chosroes was granted
asylum in Hierapolis until a decision about aid to him could be reached. Both Bahram
and Chosroes promised the ceding of a number of frontier towns to the Byzantines, if
they would support one or the other.
The course of events leading to the restoration of Chosroes II are known from
Theophylactus and Theophanes as well as from Arabic sources, and the rule of
Bahram lasted only a year. Legitimacy of the house of Sasan played a role in the
erosion of support for the usurper Bahram, and Nisibis was the first important city to

defect to Chosroes and his Byzantine allies. Bindoe the uncle of Chosroes, who had

accompanied him into with an army to Armenia to outflank Bahram,

exile, was sent
who was defeated in the lowlands and lost Ctesiphon. He retreated to Azerbaijan but
was finally defeated and fled to the Turks in Central Asia where he received asylum,
until he was assassinated after a year. Thus ended the reign of Bahram who, more than
his soverign, captured the emotions of Persian bards and story tellers, but peace did
not return to the land.
Chosroes had to cede territory to Byzantium, reward his supporters and punish his
enemies, and the last caused trouble, for Chosroes did not known how to treat his

1
'
Gumilev. op. eil [n. 1 1 9], 72. His Identifica-
tion of the leader of the Turks as one Il-Tegin, or
Säve in Islamic sources, is possible.
336 Chapter XI

uncles, who had been instigators of the death of his father. He put to death Bindoe, but
Bistam escaped and became a rebel in the Elburz mountains. Gathering former
Partisans of Bahram Chobin around him, Bistam was able to maintain independence
and even expand his authority, striking coins and ruling the northeastern part of Iran.
It was not until 601 that the rule of Chosroes was restored over all of the empire

which had been greatly weakened by the civil wars.

Peace and good relations were maintained with the Byzantines thoughout the rule
of Maurice in spite of raids of the Ghassanid Arab clients of the Byzantines into
Sasanian territory in 600, but the murder of the Byzantine emperor and the seizure of
the throne in Constantinople by Phokas, an officer, in 602 changed the Situation.
Chosroes used this as a pretext for opening hostilities and, when an emissary from the
new Byzantine emperor arrived, he was imprisoned. Phokas was faced with revolts
all over the empire, and Edessa, which had replaced Antioch as the most important

city in the general area of northern Syria, was besieged by an army sent by Phokas.
Chosroes in 604 sent an army against the forces besieging Edessa who were defeated,
and the Persians briefly occupied the city. Dara also feil after a siege in 605, and
Chosroes resolved to carry the war into the heart of enemy territory. One army
sent into Armenia was completely successful and continued westward invading
Cappadocia, while in 607 a renewed Sasanian invasion of the west captured more
towns. In 610 Phokas was overthrown and killed, and Heraclius became emperor
with the resolve to make peace at once with Chosroes. The latter refused, however,
and war continued with more Persian successes. In 613 Damascus was captured and in
the following year Jerusalem, where among other booty the true cross was taken to
Ctesiphon. In 615 a Persian general marched to Chalcedon opposite Constantinople,
while in 617 the king of the Avars appeared before the land walls of the Byzantine
capital. Emperor Heraclius almost left the city in despair for north Africa, especially
after Egypt, the main source of grain for the empire, was occupied by the Persians in
619.
Although Chosroes had succeeded in extending the frontiers of the Sasanian
Empire almost to the limits of the Achaemenid Empire, Heraclius had not been
crushed, and indeed he made a number of radical changes in his empire, dividing it
into large military zones, the theme system, each under a military officer, and local
people rather than mercenaries were enrolled in the armies. A Crusade began,
supported by the populace as well as by contributions of the church. Since the
Byzantines controlled the seas, Heraclius resolved on a bold stroke, and in 622 he
sailed into the Black Sea with an expeditionary force which penetrated into Armenia
where Sasanian forces were defeated. The Avars were constrained to a peace by
payment of a large tribute, but Chosroes still refused to make peace. In the following
year Heraclius repeated his previous feat and defeated Sasanian detachments led by
Shahin who formerly had reached Chalcedon, and Shahrbaraz, another top general of
Chosroes. Heraclius penetrated into Azerbaijan and captured and plundered the
Sasanian fire temple and sanctuary Adur Gushnasp at Ganzak or Shiz. Heraclius did
not leave Azerbaijan in the winter as expected but retired northwards into winter
quarters. Chosroes decided to copy the bold stroke of Heraclius, and outdo the
audacity of the Byzantines, by capturing Constantinople with the aid of the Avars.
But Byzantine sea power prevented any success of the allies; Heraclius did not return,
 The Sasanians 337

and the gamble failed.,Heraclius, still on Iran's territory, was not idle but had made an
alliancewith the Turkish Khazars, who had established a State north of the Caucasus,
and in late 627 the Khazars and Byzantines moved south through Azerbaijan reaping
booty with little Opposition. Heraclius moved farther south to the plains of
Mesopotamia, and in desperation Chosroes recalled all of his forces from Anatolia.
Before any Opposition to Heraclius could be organized, the latter captured Dastagird
in 628, east of Ctesiphon, where Chosroes had a large palace complex and much
riches. Then Heraclius again withdrew north in Mesopotamia to winter quarters.
Chosroes had failed but whether he sought a scapegoat in Shahrbaraz, who revolted,
or whether a large conspiracy dethroned the ruler, the king was imprisoned and
killed with the connivance of his son Shiroe at the end of February 628. Shiroe took
the name Kavad and ascended the throne as Kavad II. He at once began peace
negotiations with Heraclius and the Status quo before the war was restored with
prisoners exchanged, relics and booty restored, and Sasanian troops evacuated from
allByzantine possessions. Kavad's reign had lasted less than a year when he died,
probably in an epidemic, to be succeeded by his infant son Ardashir III. Shahrbaraz,
head of a large army, decided to seize the throne himself, and he marched on
Ctesiphon, defeated forces sent against him and killed the young king. Shahrbaraz
himself was murdered after less than two months' rule. Since no son of Chosroes was
ahve, the nobles raised his daughter Boran to the throne, but she died after ruling little

more than a year. A few months,

succession of rulers followed, each ruling only a
including Azarmedukht, sister of Boran, Peroz II, Hormizd V and Chosroes IV (since
a Chosroes III had ruled for a short time in the eastern part of the empire). At the end,
the nobles found a grandson of Chosroes alive, a certain Yazdagird son of Shahriyar,
in Istakhr in a fire temple. He was to be the last of the Sasanian kings and, ascending
the throne in 632, he had little time to rule.
The long reign of Chosroes II was not only known for the internal as well as
external strife but also for the luxury, or even decadence, of the court. For example,
the throne of Chosroes II was famous in legend for its luxury and the rock carving of a
hunting scene of the king at Taq-e Bustan indicates the sumptuousness of even such a
mundane afFair. His palaces at Dastagird and at Qasr-e Shirin, supposedly named after
his queen, are noted in legends for their opulence. The famous musician Barbad lived
at his court, and a certain degeneracy appears from accounts of life at the court, and

that more than patronage of the arts or philosophers seem to have been the hallmark
of Chosroes II. 122
The revolts of Bahram Chobin and Bistam reveal weaknesses in the System of
Chosroes I, since the nobility was basically unwilling to support the throne, although
they were still conservative enough to demand a Sasanian prince as ruler rather than a
usurper to the throne. One mistake of Chosroes II, which was to have future
consequences, was the impnsonment and execution of Nu 'man III, king of the
Lakhmids of al-Hira about 600, presumably because of the failure of the Arab king to
support Chosroes on his flight to the Byzantines. Afterwards the central government
took over the defense of the western frontlers to the desert and the buffer State of the

|::
For a dctailcd description of the luxury of activities during his reign, see Christensen, op. cit.

the court of Chosroes II and the vanous cultural [n 1 ]. 453-87.

338 Chapler XI

Lakhmids vanished. Soon the Arabs of the peninsula invaded lower Iraq, and it was
only four years after the accession of Yazdagird that his chief general Rustam was
decisively defeated and killed at the battle of Qadisiyya near al-Hira. The following
year Ctesiphon was taken by the Arabs. Attempts to rally forces on the plateau failed,
and in 642 the rest of the imperial Sasanian army was destroyed at the battle of
Nihavend. Just as with the last of the Achaemenids, so Yazdagird fled to the east and
took refuge with the marzban of Merv; the latter, however, resolved to be rid of an
unwelcome guest, but Yazdagird fled and hid in a mill where he was murdered in
651. Thus the Sasanian Empire went on the same road as the Achaemenid, and to the
outside observer, removed from both by many centuries, the similarities in their final
years strike one more than the differences. Details of the fall of the Sasanian Empire,
however, belong to the history of Islam and the Arab conquests, of which we have a
veritable plethora of sources in comparison with Sasanian history.
The last Century of the empire saw an increase in converts to Christianity, and the
expansion of bishoprics to the east can be found in the acts of the Nestorian synods.
Not only did the richest part of the empire, the lowlands of the Tigris-Euphrates,
become predominantly Christian, with Monophysites gaining ground against the
Nestorians at the end of the empire, but the plateau too saw an increase in churches.
This does not mean, however, that the Sasanian State was becoming Christian just

before the Islamic era, assome have suggested. The State religion was still upheld by all
of the rulers, even though it had become a faith primarily of rituals and taboos. It had
a great disadvantage in comparison to Christianity and Islam in that it was not an
oecumenical religion actively seeking converts, and it was bound too closely to the
Sasanian State and its fortunes. One might say that in the later years of the Sasanian
Empire the State dominated the church, whereas in the west the reverse seems more
true, or perhaps one could say used' rather than 'dominated' in both cases. The
Organization of minority religions in the Sasanian Empire served to protect
Zoroastrianism after the Arab conquest, when the change from dominant, State
religion to one of minority was made, and this enabled Zoroastrianism to
Status
survive to the present. The Status of Jews and Christians changed little under Islam,
except that the model of an imperial State and religion, which influenced their
organizations and outlooks, changed to a 'democratic model, which the Islamic State
under the early caliphs was in comparison. In Judaism the end of the Sasanian Empire
meant the decline and fall of the exilarchate and the triumph of the'rabbinate, much
like the 'ulamä of Islam. For Manichaeans the end of the Sasanians gave them a chance
to come into the open in Iraq and Iran, until later in the 'Abbasid Caliphate they feil
victims of a persecution. The Nestorian church, on the other hand, experienced a
revival with missionaries penetrating to China. Only Zoroastrians soon withdrew
into ghettoes, to be followed later by other minority religions in the Islamic world. It

was mainly the Zoroastrian clergy which preserved the Middle Persian writings,
which explains the loss of so much secular literature. The latter, however, was
translated, or paraphrased, into Arabic and later New Persian, but with an Islamic
reworking of texts, which makes reconstruction of Originals difficult. But in these
later, secular writings the heritage of the Sasanians was preserved, and it was a

powerful force in the making of Islamic culture. 123

123
On this see Frye, op. eil. |n. 117].
 The Sasanians 339

The last holdout of Sasanian Iran was in the east, and it is to this little studied part of
the world, with so few sources, that we finally turn before ending the story of ancient
Iranian culture. For the petty states of Central Asia, too, were part of the ancient
Iranian world, and their role in bringing Iranian influences to China and to Russia
should not be forgotten.
 CHAPTER XII

EASTERN IRAN AND CENTRAL ASIA

Lileralure: We return to numismatics and scattered notices in the same sources mentioned under the
Sasanians, and again archaeology and art history assume a much greater importance than for the period of
the Sasanians in the west. Fortunately we have two useful books for the sources on Central Asian history in
general for the period which parallels that of the Sasanians: Prolegomena to the Sources on the History ofPre-
Islamic Central Asia (Budapest, 1 979) and Studies in the Sources on the History of Pre-Islamic Central Asia
(Budapest, 1979), both edited by J. Harmatta. This malces any further remarks on literary sources here
superfluous and the reader is advised to consult these works.
A new group of sources is important for this area and time written in Chinese. The Chinese dynastic
histories of the Pei, Wei, Chou, Sui and T'ang dynasties contain interesting accounts of the western regions
relative to China, but even more than Classical sources they repeat and copy information and modeis
from past histories such that frequently one does not know whether he is reading about the contemporary
scene or events and locales of several centuries before the time they purport to record. For references to the
Chinese sources see W. M. McGovern, The Early Empires of Central Asia (Chapel Hill, North Carolina,
1939), 454 and 489-92.
The accounts of Chinese Buddhist travellers are also important for information about present day
Central Asia and Afghanistan and most have been translated. See especially Fa Hsien (c. 400) and Sung-
yün (c. 518), translated by S. Beal into English (London, 1869, reprinted 1964) and also by H. Giles
(Cambridge, 1 923), and Hstian Tsang (c. 630), translated by S. Beal, Buddhist Records ofthe Western World,
(London, 1884), and by T. Watters, On Yuan Chwang's Travels, 2 vols. (London, 1904). Also consult
"Huei-cha'o's Pilgerreise durch Nordwest-Indien und Zentral-Asien um 726," translated by W. Fuchs in
Sb. PAW, 30 (1938), 426-69. Russian translations of Chinese sources may be found in the old but useful
N. Ya. Bichurin, Sobranie suedenii o narodakh obitavshikh v Srednei Azii v drevnie vremena, 3 vols.
(Moscow, 1950 - reprinted). It should be noted that here the Wade-Giles System of transcription of
Chinese characters is followed which, although archaic, may easily be changed to other Systems. It is not
possible to mention all of the publications relevant to our subject, but the translation of Accounts of
Western Nations in the History ofthe Northern Chou Dynasty by R. A. Miller (Berkeley, 1959), as well as S.
Beal, The Life of Hiuen-Tsiang (London, 1911) = Hsttan Tsang, should be mentioned.
Numismatics is of prime importance and fortunately we have two very useful compilations and
surveys ofthe coins ofthe period in R. Göbl, Dokumente zur Geschichte der iranischen Hunnen in Baktrien
und Indien, 4 vols. (Wiesbaden, 1 967), as well as M. Mitchiner, The Early Coinage of Central Asia (London,
1 973), as well as his Oriental Coins and their Values (London, 1 by Göbl
978). For further articles, especially
and Mitchiner see the annotated bibliographies of Numismatic Lilerature ofthe Kushano-ANS. On the
Sasanian coins see the pioneer work of E. Herzfeld, Kushano-Sasanian Coins in the Memoirs of the
Archaeological Survey of India, 38 (Calcutta, 1930). After Herzfeld we have A. D. H. Bivar, "The
Kushano-Sasanian Coin Series," JNSI, 18 (1956), 13-52, and V. Lukonin, "Kushano-Sasanidskie
Monety," EV, 18 (1967), 16-33.
For the Hephthalite coins see R. Göbl, "Die Beziehungen zwischen den Münzgruppen der sogenannten
Kusäno-Sasaniden, der Kidariten und der frühen Hephthaliten," in Congresso Internazionale di
Numismatica, Rome 1961 (Rome, 1965), 469-74, and M. Mitchiner, "Some Late Kushano-Sasanian and
Early Hephthalite Silver Coins," EW, 25 (1 975), 1 57-66. Bibliographies may be found in all ofthe above
works.
Greek aiphabet, are few and far between, but they last well into
Inscriptions in Bactrian, written in the
the Islamic period of history, and they have been gatheredby H. Humbach in Baktrische Sprachdenkmäler,
2 vols. (Wiesbaden, 1966-67), with an extensive review by I. Gershevitch, "Bactrian Inscriptions and
Manuscripts," IF, 72 (1967), 27-57. See also H. F.Junker, "Die Hephthalitischen MUnzinschriften," Sb.
PAW, 27 (Berlin, 1930), 641-62, as well as O. Hansen, "Die Berliner Hephthaliten Fragmente," La
Nouvelle Clio, 3 (Brüssels, 1951), 41-69, followed by his note "Ein neues Hephthaliten-Fragment," La
Parola del Passato, 20 (1951), 361-65. Of importance also is the article "Late Bactrian Inscriptions," by J.
342 Chapter XII

Harmatta in AAH, 17 (1969), 297-432, as well as other articles by him in the same Journal and many by
Humbach in MSS, in Die Sprache and elsewhere.
In art and archaeology we find perhaps more publications than all of the other disciplines together,
smce finds of material and high culture have been many. Among the excavations in Afghanistan the
MDAFA volumes related to our subject are: R. Ghirshman, Les Chionites-Hephtalites, 13 (Cairo, 1948),
R. Curiel et D. Schlumberger, Tresors monetaires d' Afghanistan, 14 (Paris, 1953), and parts of volumes 8
and 1 1 both of which are collective volumes. Other excavations such as Tilla Tepe by Soviet
archaeologists are from earlier periods than the one which is discussed here, but for references to finds and
Sites see F. R. Allchin and N. Hammond, The Archaeology of Afghanistan (London, 1978), 233-99.

Archaeology north of the Oxus for our period has many sites but the most important are: Kara Tepe
(Old Termez), 4 vols. (Moscow, 1964-75), edited by B. Staviskii, and a short distance to the north of
Termez Balalyk-Tepe (Tashkent, 1960), ed. L. I. Albaum, while the important sites of Afrasiyab and
Panjikant, although dating from the period of the Arab conquests, contain much of interest for earlier
periods; cf. G. Azarpay, Sogiian Painting (Berkeley, California, 1981), where references to earlier
publications may be found. On the paintings at Afrasiyab (old Samarqand) see L. I. Albaum, Zhivopis
Afrasiaba (Tashkent, 1975). An important Buddhist site of the seventh and eighth centuries is Adzhina-
Tepa (Moscow, 1971) by B. A. Litvinskii and T. I. Zeimal. For bibliographies on minor archaeological
sites see G. Frumkin, Archaeology in Soviet Central Asia, HO, 3 (Leiden, 1969). Sites in Chinese Turkestan,

although of great interest because of manuscript remains in Sogdian, Bactrian, Parthian and Middle
Persian, not to mention Tokharian', Tibetan, Chinese and Turkish, as well as remains of wall paintings
and other Iranian cultural remains, lie outside the scope of this volume. For bibliographies of works from
that area see W. Samolin, East Turkistan to the Twelfth Century (The Hague, 1964) and B. Rowland,
Zentralasien, in Kunst der Welt (Baden-Baden, 1970).
Two scholars have made great contributions in details of Central Asian history, one for the early period
J. Marquart (later changed to Markwart) and V. Bartold, who covered the Islamic sources in great detail.
For a bibliography of the former see H. H. Schaeder inj. Markwart, Wehrot und Arang (Leiden, 1938),
53-6 1 to which should be added "Die Sogdiana des Ptolemaios," Orientalia, 1 5 (Rome, 1 946), 1 23-48 and
,

286-323. The complete works of Bartold (Barthold) have been published with a volume of his
bibliography, Sochineniya, 9 vols. (Moscow, 1 963-77) and 1. 1. Umnyakov, Annotirovannaya Bibliografiya
Trudov V. V. Bartolda (Moscow, 1976).
On the art of Central Asia in this period much has been written. In addition to the book of Rowland,
mentioned above, and the book of Azarpay on Sogdian Painting, for Sinkiang see the comprehensive
volume ed. by L. Hambis, L'Asie Centrale (Paris, 1977), where extensive bibliographies are given for the
vanous archaeological missions to Sinkiang, 251-56, as well as a good general bibliography, 257-62.
Similarly for west Turkestan but more populär is A. Belenitsky, Central Asia (London, 1969).
General histories of Central Asia are Zentralasien, ed. by G. Hambly in the series Fischer Weltgeschichte
(Frankfurt/M, 1966), and in English, Central Asia (London-N.Y., 1969), the early chapters are by
A. D. H. Bivar, which is much better than R. Grousset, The Empire ofthe Steppes (New Brunswick, N.J.,
1970) for our period of history. T. T. Rice, Ancient Ans of Central Asia (London, 1965), unfortunately
containsmay factual errors.
More bibliography has been given for this chapter than for the others, comparatively speaking, for two
reasons, first, because this chapter is of a brief survey, since there is not space to go into detail,
in the nature
and second, less is known about Central Asia than about Persia and further references are necessary for the
reader. It is hoped that enough has been given to indicate the importance ofthe area as well as the great
amount of archaeological, numismatic, artistic (history) work that is at present continuing in this general
region. A real history cannot be written perhaps for decades.

THE LEGACY OF THE KUSHANS AND THE SASANIANS

Since the chronology ofthe great Kushan kings is uncertain, unfortunately so is the
history of the period after their There are two points of contact with western
fall.

chronology which should provide some pegs on which to hang the history of eastern
Iran and Central Asia, but they are too laconic to give any secure interpretations. The
first is the inscription of Shapur I SKZ and the second are the notices in Classical and

Syriac sources that Shapur II was busy for many years in the east with enemies,
 Eastern Iran and Central Asia 343

subduing them. The internal sources are coins, those of local rulers and those of
Sasanian governors or rulers and their dates are highly controversial.
The coinage of the great Kushans ends with Vasudeva I, by most
generally dated
scholars with the rise of the Sasanians. His coins continued to be minted after his
passing, and it has been postulated that there were several rulers with the name
Vasudeva, who ruled in the third Century. It seems clear that there were several series
of copies of the coins of Vasudeva and possibly also of Kanishka, to which coins some
scholars have assigned a designation - Kanishka III, but one may only agree that there
was a period of time between the last of the great Kushans and the earliest of the
Sasanian governors of the Kushan domains, but the hotly disputed question is the
length of this gap. One group of scholars prefers a very short gap, to Start the series of
coins of Sasanian governors of the Kushan domains in the time of Shapur I, while
others propose almost a Century gap, assigning the latter series of coins to the late part
of the reign of Shapur II. The coins present a bi-fold problem - spatial and temporal,
1

and without literary or other sources it is very difficult to assign coins to a particular
time and area, especially when the legends on the coins in this general period are
usually poorly executed, corrupt, or even completely illegible. In general, one can say
that those coins or seriesof coins which are similar in style to Sasanian coins, and
especially if theyhave Middle Persian legends, are to be assigned to the Bactrian area
of the old great Kushan empire, while those with thickness and style similar to the
Kushan coins are to be assigned to the Kabul-Gandhara area, whereas those with
Brahmi inscriptions, or Indian symbols, such as the triratna on them, should originate
in the Punjab or elsewhere on the plains of India. This general rule of thumb does not
help too much in determining time and place of the striking of many coins, but it
must be kept in mind, as well as the convenient designation of 'Sasanian' style gold
coins in the eastern Iranian area as Sasano-Kushan, whereas the 'Kushan' style of thick
gold coins, as opposed to the thin Sasanian types, should be designated as Kushano—
Sasanian, as proposed by V. G. Lukonin. 2 Beyond these general guides a rigorous
Classification of motifs, crowns and other features of the various coins, as made by R.
Göbl, is the only help we have in making informed guesses about the provenance and
attribution of the coins. Naturally the records of coin hoards or coins found in
excavations are very important for reconstruction of rulers and areas ruled by them,
but they are by no means unequivocal, and such finds are few. Therefore, one must
try to gather all fragments of information given by the coins and their legends and
seek to compose a hypothetical reconstruction of events, knowing füll well that

1
A. D. H. Bivar has consistently maintained the Hunnen, 1 1 5-21 begins the
schichte der iranischen ,

earher chronology in his The Kushano-Sassanian of Kushan governors between 356 and 359.
series
Coin Series," JNSI, 18 (1956), 13-42 and most Harmatta, "Late Bactrian Inscriptions," AAH, 17
recently in "The Absolute Chronology of the (1969), 386, Supports the reign ofHormizd II as

Kushano-Sasanian Governors in Central Asia," in the date of the beginning of the series, following a
Harmatta, Prolegomena [eh. 5, n. 139], 317-32. late Persian historian who says that Hormizd
V. G. Lukonin, "Kushano-Sasanidskie Monety," married the daughter of the king of Kabul. Other
EV, 18 (1967), 16-33, and in his "Zavoevaniya scholars fit into one or another of the above
Sasanidov na Vostoke i Problema Kushanskoi theories.
Absolutnoi Khronologii," VD1, 2 (1969), 20-44, 2
Lukonin, Kultura Sasanidskogo Irana (Mos-
and elsewhere, maintains a late chronology begin- cow, 1969), 124-51. This is a good survey of
ning with the reign of Shapur II. R. Göbl in his events as he sees them, but his division of the coins
voluminous work, supra, Dokumente zur Ce- is made earlier in his article in EV.
344 Chapter XII

future finds might change many of the suggestions. One must also endeavor to follow
rigorous logic in Interpretation, and this feature is exhibited by J. Harmatta in his

reconstruction of events, which recommends his arguments over others, and on the
whole, with only a few deviations, his reconstruction is followed here. 3
One must postulate a number of kingdoms on the Indian sub-continent as well as in
the mountains of present Afghanistan which considered themselves heirs of the great
Kushans and Struck coins modelled after the gold coins of the latter. Whether
Kanishka III was descended from the line of Huvishka and Vasudeva I is unknown,
but he Struck coins in India; just where cannot be determined, while the successors of
Vasudeva I, to whom numismatists have given the designations Vasudeva II and III,
seem to have Struck their coins in the Bactrian homeland of the great Kushans or in
one of the cities in the mountains such as Kabul or Kapisa to the north of Kabul. This
viewpoint was accepted by most numismatists, who then postulated a division of the
Kushan domains between a northern and a southern kingdom. This hypothesis was
shaken, however, by the publication of coin hoards found in Tajikistan where coins of
Kanishka III were found in large numbers together with copies of Vasudeva I coinage,
but later finds revealed an absence of Kanishka III coins with a great abundance of
imitations of Vasudeva gold as well as copper issues. 4 One conclusion to draw from
these finds, all north of the Oxus River, is that coins of Kanishka III were accepted as
tender in the north for a period of time and then not so, but this teils us nothing of the
political Situation in the vast area of the former Kushan great empire. In support of the
apparently different coinages of the Vasudevas and Kanishka III as representing two
Kushan kingdoms one may refer to the inscription of Shapur KZ, where that Kushan
kingdom which extended up to the plains of India (Pashkibur) and up to the Sogdian
states north of the Hissar ränge in Central Asia, submitted to Sasanian rule. There is no

hterary evidence that at this time the Sasanians installed a Sasanian governor as king of
the Kushans, rather the contrary, that in SKZ and in the Paikuli inscriptions a non-
Sasanian was king of the Kushans, presumably a native dynast.
Everyone agrees that the coins with the names of Sasanian rulers follow directly, if
not concurrently, the imitations of Vasudeva in Bactria and in surrounding
territories, but when did this coinage begin ? Attempts to tie the persons of the
Sasanian governors of the Kushan kingdom with Sasanian kings, e.g. the assumption
that the first of the governors was Shapur son of Ardashir I before he became Sasanian
king of kings, are not convincing and all indications, meagre though they are -
crowns, styles of strikes, etc. - point to the fourth Century as the time period of these
governors. The hst of them is generally accepted by most scholars, and they are:
Shapur Kushanshah, followed by Ardashir I, then Ardashir II Kushanshah, Peroz I,
I

Hormizd I, Peroz II, Hormizd II, Bahram I and Bahram II, although some would

3
Pnmarily his "Late Bactrian Inscriptions," [n. Significant for an inventory of coins found in
1 ], 380-432, but also in other articles by him such Afghanistan and Chinese Turkestan (Sinkiang),
as "Minor Bactrian Inscriptions," AAH, 13 (1965), indicating that Sasanian coins in the east really
1 82-95. A similar position
is presented by B. Ya. begin with issues of Shapur II (i.e., finds indicate
Staviskn and B. I. Vainberg, "Sasanidy v Pravober- very few before him), is the article by T. Okazaki,
ezhnoi Baktrn," VDI, 3 (1972), 185-90. "Tentative Chronology on the Eastward Exten-
E. A. Davidovich, Klady Drevnikh i Sredneve- tion of Sassanian Persian Cuture," Orient, 1
kovykh Monel Tadzhikistana (Moscow, 1979), 46. (Tokyo, 1971), 49-73.
 Eastern Iran and Central Asia
545

I and II merely on the basis of a different

dispute the existence of one or another ruler
crown. The suggestions made by various scholars are many and diffuse, and only
three are mentioned here, not one of which is more than a surmise. On the basis of a
description of Shapur II before the walls of Amida by Ammianus (XIX, 1) with a
crown of a ram's head, Bivar suggested that the person described was probably
Bahram II Kushanshah, who has a ram's head crown on his coins, rather than Shapur
IILukonin on the basis of the rock relief of Ardashir II at Taq-e Bustan (which others
;

Shapur II) showing Mithra, jumps to the conlusion that Peroz and
attribute to
Hormizd Kushanshahs, who represented Mithra on their coins, were both sons of
Ardashir II, a collateral line of the house of Sasan, since Ardashir II, according to

Lukonin, was the son of Shapur, king of the Sakas. Göbl, believes that Peroz was an
epithet of Shapur II on the basis of similar coin types. 5 It is possible that one of these
suggestions, or more, is correct, but we simply do not know, and the guess of one
scholar in many instances seems as good as that of another. The confident

reconstruction of details of the history of eastern Iran on the basis of such surmises,
however, shakes one's trust in the reconstruction. We do not know when the Sasanian
governors, who minted their own distinctive saucer-shaped (scyphate) coins, ruled,
but if one is permitted a latitude in time, they should have begun either in the reign of
Hormizd II son of Narseh, or under Shapur II, and they probably lasted until the
middle of the fifth Century. This does not mean that the Sasanian governors, who may
have been virtually independent or who proclaimed their independence (Hormizd I
Kushanshah?) by using the title 'shahanshah' instead of just 'shah', were undisputed
rulers and unchallenged in Bactria and Afghanistan, for we hear of a new group of
presumably nomadic invaders, the Chionites, about the year 350 according to
Zonaras (II, 15) and Ammianus (XVI, 9; XVIII, 6), but this does not mean, of course,
that they started a new coinage and replaced the Sasanian governors. One may
presume, as so many times in the history of this region, that the nomads were taken as
mercenaries by the Sasanian kings, and they fought with Shapur II against the
Romans.
Although this is the first time we hear of the designation 'Hun' in eastern Iran, it

seems highly probable that the nomads who invaded the land south of the Oxus at this
time were Iranian even though they may have had some few Hunnic people among
them, or more likely they used the dreaded name to instill fear in their enemies, a
practice not unknown elsewhere in the history of Central Asia. 6 Throughout the end
of the fourth Century we hear of Sasanian kings fighting in the east, probably against
the nomads, for the most part. Such was the prestige of the Kushans that the chieftains
of the invaders claimed to be the heirs of the great rulers of the past in Opposition to
the Sasanian invaders from the west, and we find one of the chieftains called Kidara
who on his coins claims to be a Kushan. Perhaps Kidara was shunted by the Sasanian
governors of Bactria to the south to invade India about 360-375, for on the plains
there were a number of Kushan successor rulers who Struck coins, but the history of

5
Bivar, "The Absolute Chronology," [n. 1], "Harahuna," Asiatica, Festschrift für Friedrich Weller
328; Lukonin in op cit. [n. 1], 30; and Göbl, op cit., (Leipzig, 1954), 12-21. On Joshua the Stylite see
(n. 11], 16, and 2, 52. W. Wright, ed. and trans. (Cambridge, 1882), 7,
6 On forms of the name 'Hun' see H. W. Bailey, where read 'Qiyoniya' for 'Kushaniya.'
346 Chapter XII

India beyond the scope of this volume. Presumably Kidara established a dynasty
is

which many years to judge by the many types of coins issued with his name. 7
lasted
The invasion of nomads into the former Kushan domains brought great changes in
the land which we can only dimly ascertain. Much has been made of a Sasanian judge
in Kabul during Shapur's reign, with dates from 328 to 368, from an inscription at
Persepohs, but fortunately this can be disregarded, since Kabul is not mentioned in the
8
inscription. Much had been built upon this notice regarding the rule of Shapur II in
Kabul, but this is no longer a source, and we must return to the coins. The conflicts of
the Sasanians and the Kidante Huns, as they are called in several sources, lasted almost
a Century until a new group of nomads from north of the Oxus changed the history of
the east. The new invaders were also Huns, but to use the phrase coined by Göbl, they,
as the Chionites-Kidarites, were Iranian Huns in that their culture and presumably

language was Iranian, at least in their proper names and in the inscriptions left by
them.

THE HEPHTHALITE INTERLUDE

It should be remembered that until the fourth Century the steppes of Central Asia
were dominated by Iranian nomads or those who were under Iranian cultural (and
even linguistic) influences, with the concept 'Iranian' used in its widest sense as a
cultural term. The middle of the fourth Century saw the beginning of a change on the
steppes which gradually led to a domination by Altaic speaking nomads, first the
Huns, to use a general term, and then the Turks. It seems that Iranian nomads were
pushed, driven or migrated to the south either with Hunnic mixtures, or they used
the name of the Huns to instill fear into their opponents. We cannot say whether there
were Hunnic leaders among the Chionites who moved across the Oxus, and we
cannot determine whether Kidara was an Iranian or a Hun, even though both terms
are very wide in usage, but we may suggest that the languages used by all of the tribes
and peoples until the Coming of the Turks were Iranian, certainly the written tongues,
either Bactnan, Sogdian, or possibly Saka in Central Asia. In any case, from the middle

7
M. Mitchiner, "A Hoard of Late Kushan Gold stone which is now cracked. I maintain my date of
Staters," EW, 25 (1975), 147-56, and the succeed- 18 years of the rule of Shapur II. Likewise, the
ing article in the same Journal. See also his "A name of the first town of which slwky 'Seleucus'
Kushano-Sassanian Drachm of Varahran Kushan- was a judge is much more likely to be read
shah bearing Shapur's Bust," in Numismatic Circu- y')ifytspwhry than /] 'st-, as read by Nyberg, and
lar, 88 (London, 1980), 347-48. Cf. Göbl, op eil., 1 furthermore it is a more appropriate name for a
|n. 1], 18-21. Sasanian town. Criticism of the name Käwar
8
On the MP inscription see R Frye, "The because the present form of the name is Ka war, is
Persepohs Middle Persian Inscriptions from the alsounwarranted since we have many examples of
time of Shapur II," Acta Orientalin, 30 (Copenha- metathesis,e.g., dw V for <i W, and often in Turfan

gen, 1966), 85-88, where Kabul is to be changed to MP. More noteworthy, however, is the name of
Kavar town south of Shiraz. In the first
a Kabul in Middle Persian, found in the Bundahishn,
inscription the note added by the editor to my in the text on the provincial cities of Iran, the
Opera Mi nora, l,ed. by M. Nawabi (Shiraz, 1976), Pahlavi Vendidai (1,9) and elsewhere; it is always
regarding Varäz (gän) = Buräzjän, should be thesame k'pwl, which is parallel to Ptolemy's
removed (p.The date of the second
203). Kaßovpa. One may suggest that the form Kabul
inscription given by H. S. Nyberg in his A Manual became populär in conjunetion with Zäbul. In any
of Pahlavi (Wiesbaden, 1964), 162, is not possible; case, one should say farewell to the judge of Shapur
there cannot have been three signs for '20' on the II in Kabul.
 Eastern Iran and Central Asia 34 j

of the fourth through the fifth Century we can speak of a 'Völkerwanderung' of tribes

from Central Asia towards India and Iran, and the majority of the common folk were
surely 'Iranian' nomads with Altaic mixtures. Whereas the Chionites and Kidara with
his successors claimed to be successors of the Kushans, the Hephthalites represent a
break with the past and a new rule in eastern Iran extending to the plains of India.
Chinese sources such Liang Shu, Pei Shu (Chou), Sui Shu, Pei Shih, Chiu
as the
T'ang Shu, all all claim that the Hephthalites (Ye Ta and other
dynastic histories,
names) were part of or descendants of the Yüeh-chih, the Kushans. 9 There is no reason
to doubt even though the dynastic histories notoriously copy earlier
this Statement,

accounts. The name whether that of a chieftain, a tribal name, or whatever, is

itself,

generally described as an Iranian name 'Heftal,' but the earliest usage cannot be
determined with any certainty. 10 Two points of view on the origin of the
Hephthalites have been proposed, the first that they were nomads from Sinkiang with
leading Hunnic elements, while the other theory has it that the Hephthalites were
Iranian mountaineers from Badakhshan. The conflicting indications, and they are
1
'

little more, suggest that the Hephthalites were a combination of the two suggestions

posed above, and we may presume that invaders from Central Asia joined with local
people to form kingdoms but not an empire like the Sasanian or Kushan. It is not
possible to go into the vexed problems of Central Asian nomadic peoples who moved
across Eurasia in the aftermath of the of the empire of Attila in the west and a series
fall

of ephemeral steppe states in the China too had no unity after the fall of the Han
east.

dynasty and not until the time of the Wei (386-534) were contacts with the west
renewed.
We have already seen how during the last part of the rule of Shapur II and
throughout the reigns of his successors down to Yazdagird II (d. 457) the Sasanian
rulerswere engaged in campaigns in the east, usually with success. We may presume
that the governors of the Sasanians ruled and issued coins in Bactria (with Merv and
Herat) most of this time, while the Kidarites or other Chionites ruled in the
mountains of Kabul and the lands to the east of Kabul. Expeditions of the Sasanians
into the mountains may have established their rule for periods of time, but on the
whole the Sasanians were more interested in control of the trade routes in the north
and Bactria. From the meagre evidence of coins from the excavation of old Qandahar
and the coins collected in the museum of Qandahar, one might tentatively suggest

9 beyond the scope of this volume, as also

One would expect the Pei Shih, chapter 97, to Bailey, are
have more information than the others, but it was problems of the designations 'White' and 'Red'
compiled probably in the late seventh Century and Huns. Both Theophanes (447, 20) and the Nan
repeats chapter 54 of the Liang Shu, eh. 50, of the Shih, eh. 97 (same as Liang-Shu) say Heftal, was the
Chou Shu and eh. 83 of the Sui Shu. I used the K'ai name of the king.
mmg edition of the dynastic histories many years
'
Exponents of the theory that the Hephthalites
'

ago when still used Chinese and had done

I were mountain people from Badakhshan include
research on the Hephthalites in Chinese sources. K. Enoki, "On the Nationality of the Ephthalites,
For other references to Chinese sources see Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo
McGovern, supra, The Early Empires, 489-92. Bunko, 18 (Tokyo, 1959), 1-58, and L. N.
10
For an etymology of the name (personal or Gumilev, "Eftality i ikh sosedi v IV v," VDI, 1
The same author summarizes the
otherwise) of Heftal see H. W. "North
Bailey, (1959), 129.
Iranian Problems," BSOAS, 42 (1979), 208-10. discussion in his "Eftality-Gortsy ili Stepyanki?,"
The many problems of the Avars, pseudo-Avars, VDI, 3 (1967), 91.
Var and Chionites in many sources, discussed by
348 Chapter XU
that the Sasanians also controlled this area for much of the end of the fourth and the
beginning of the fifth Century, but one must be cautious, since Sasanian coins were
12
copied and imitated by rulers not under their direct rule.

Göbl has worked extensively on the coinage of the east in the immediate pre-
Islamic period, and he appears to be correct in postulating a series of 'waves' of Central
Asian invaders, whom the Iranian Huns, beginning with the Chionites and
he calls

Kidara but followed by which he calls 'Alkhon from legends in debased Greek
a tribe

script on coins, and from the sole mention of their name as a Central Asian people in
13
the Armenian geography which purports to be a re-working of Ptolemy. This
identification, however, was opposed by Harmatta who claimed that the legend on
the coin is to be identified with räjä lakhäna, perhaps a king of Kashmir mentioned in
the Sanskrit chronicle of the kings of Kashmir, the Räjataranginl, and he further-
more points to the coin with a bi-lingual legend where Bactrian AAXONO has
14
räjä lakhäna in Brahmi characters. Therefore, it is difficult to follow Göbl's
reconstruction of a dynasty of tribal chiefs of the Alkhon, with a reverse wandering of
them from India back to Afghanistan after the year 600. 1S Although probably a series
of invasions of different peoples from.Central Asia did take place in the period from
350 to 450, and there may have been a tribe called Alkhon, there is not enough
evidence to do anything with a notice in an Armenian geography. In any case, the
Hephthalites seem to have crossed the Oxus from the north about 460 (perhaps
exactly 466, as Harmatta suggests) and shortly thereafter the war with Peroz began,
although Peroz, it seems, defeated the Kidarites under their king Kovyxas, according
to Priscus, before the advent of the Hephthalites. 16 We may tentatively suggest that
the Kidarites, defeatedby Peroz and threatened by the Hephthalite invasion from the
north (if moved across the Hindukush mountains, even
not also defeated by them)
though other Kidarites probably ruled already on the plains of India, and they
Consolidated their rule in the south. Details of the area ruled by one State or nomadic
group and ofthat land by another cannot be determined without much more evidence
from coin finds, but general outlines seem clear. 17 The Hephthalites became the
leading power not only in Transoxiana but also in Bactria, while their influence or

12
Cf. D. W. MacDowall and M. Ibrahim, "Pre- 16
On the reference in Priskos, as well as other
Islamic Coins in the Kandahar Museum," Afghan Byzantine references to the Hephthalites, Ephtha-
Studies, I (London, 1978), 74, and in the same htes, N-, Abdelai, etc., cf. G. Moravcsik, Byzantino-
journal, 51, where MacDowall reportson the coin turcica,2 (Berlin, 1958), 127, and 165 for the name
finds at the excavations. of the king, possibly non-Iranian in origin. On the
13
In Marquart, EränSahr, [eh. 1, n. 4], 141. Kadiseni, perhaps a tribe of the Hephthalites, see
Perhaps the Kadiseni mentioned by a number of Moravcsik ibid, 146.
7
Byzantine historians were among the Hephthalite '
For a good survey of the sources see K. Enoki,
tribes. See lnfra n. 16. "On the Date of the Kidarites (1)," Memoirs of the
14
Harmatta, op eil. [n. 1], 399, 431 . The coin in Research Department qfthe Toyo Bunko, 27 (Tokyo,
question is noted by Humbach, supra, Baktrische 1969), 1-26. The notice from the Wei Shu, telling
Sprachdenkmaler, 1, 57. The of any notice of
lack of Kidara crossing the Hindukush mountains to
the Alkhon tribe is disconcerting, for one would conquer northern India is trans. on p. 8. A
expect some mention in Chinese, Indian or Iranian colloquium on late Kushan numismatics, Novem-
texts or inscriptions, and the notice in the ber 6, 1981, held in London brought new details to
Armenian geography is not helpful. the history of this period. The results are
5
Göbl, op cit. [n. 1 ], 2, 58, 70. He even assigns a unpublished.
'

ruler Narana-Narendri (c. 570/80-600 ? oder

später) as the chief of the Alkhon who wandered
back to Afghanistan from India!
 8

Eastem Iran and Central Asia 349

even direct rule in Sinkiang was extensive for many years, if we believe Chinese
accounts.
In India we hear of Hünas, as they are called in Sanskrit sources, from the time of
Kalidasa, who flourished under the later Guptas perhaps shortly after 400, but they
seem to lie on the Oxus far from India in his period. 18 Later the name 'Hünas' is found
in the epics Ramayana and Mahabharata as well as other works but with little
historical information or dates to pin them down. The names of the Hephthalites and
Kidarites are not mentioned in Indian sources, which do not distinguish between them.
The history of the nomadic invaders of India and the many states established by them,
their descendants among the kings of Kashmir, the Rajputs, and other questions
bclong to the history of the sub-continent and are outside the scope of this volume.
The interesting accounts of the raids and battles of the Hünas in India, and the reigns
of Toramana and Mihirakula, indicate that the conquest of northwestern India began
about 500, but it is dimcult to know whether these invaders continued to maintain
rule in Bactria under one unified empire. The coinage indicates rather a splintering of
Hephthalite domains into a number of kingdoms. In Bactria, however, we may
postulate greater unity until the reign of Chosroes I.
We have mentioned the defeats of the Sasanian ruler Peroz at the hands of the
Hephthalites and the dominant position of the latter in the east until the reign of
Kavad during most of which time, it seems, the Persians paid the Hephthalites some
tribute. Procopius (I, 7) teils us that Kavad owed the king of the Hephthalites some
money which he could not pay and asked the Byzantine emperor Anastasius to lend
him some money, which the Byzantine refused, and thus war between the Sasanians
and Byzantines resulted. This may be an exaggeration, but the continued powerful
position of the Hephthalites in the east is indicated until the time of Chosroes I. A
dispute exists whether the new power of the Turks or Chosroes first attacked and
19
defeated the Hephthalites or whether they both did in alliance. From the report of a
Turkish embassy to Byzantium a few years later, it seems that the small Sogdian states
of Transoxiana had transferred their allegiances from the Hephthalites to the Turks
some time previous to the defeat of the Hephthalites. The land to the south of the
Oxus River went to Chosroes I, but soon the Turks were pressing south of the river to
20 With the coming of the
exercise an overlordship on the lands of the Hephthalites.

1
See the book by Upendra Thakur, The Hünas Menander. On this embassy see K. Dieterich,
in India (Varanasi, 1967), especially 52-57. One Byzantinische Quellen zur Lander- und Völkerkunde,
must check his sources. On the fall of the Guptas 2 (Leipzig, 1912), 14-16. McGovern, op eil. [note
and the role of the Hoijas in it see S. Chattopad- 9], 417-18, argues for a Turkish first blow which
hyaya, Early History of North India from the Fall of may be correct.
20 The name of the king of the Hephthalites
the Mauryas to the Death ofHarsa, (Calcutta, 1958),
187-99, with sources, also consult A. Biswas, The who was defeated by the Turks and also by
Political History ofthe Hotjas in India (Delhi, 1 973). Chosroes is reported differently in various sources.
19
G. Widengren in "Xosrau Anosurvän, les In Firdosi we find Ghatfar, whereas TabarT calls
Hephtalites et les peuples turcs," Orientalia Suecana him Wazr or more likely Waraz. The last,
1 (Uppsala, 1952), 69-94, collects and analyzes the however, may be a family, clan or even tribal
Arabic and Persian sources on the subjeet and name for it is widespread in eastem Iran. The name
suggestswe may have a mixture of several events of prominent Hephthalite, mentioned by Men-
a

in many ofthose sources. From the Persian side, of ander, called Katulphos is explained as Altaic
course, credit for the destruetion of the Hephtha- rather than Iranian; cf. Moravcsik, op cit., 2 [n. 16],
lites should go to the Sasanians, but the Turkish 1 56. One would expect a mixture of various
names
embassy to Byzantium in 569 claimed Turkish among the Hephthalites.
credit for this, aecording to the aecount in
350 Chapter XII

Turks the process by which Iranian nomads were replaced by Altaic Speakers was now
consummated.and there is no doubt about the Turks, who are frequently called Huns in
Byzantine sources; the Hunnic stage of Central Asian history was in füll swing.
Before we turn to the Turks, a few words about the customs and the culture of the
Hephthahtes is in order. One of the features of the Hephthalite aristocracy, if not
more widespread, was the artificial deformation of skulls, elongating them upward, a
feature noticeable on coins and in burials. 21 This feature, however, has also been
found in tombs in the north Caucasus and elsewhere, so it may be a more general
Central Asian practice or style of the penod rather than limited to one people. 22 On
the other hand, it is who may have spread the
definitely attnbuted to the Hephthahtes,
custom in many Another feature of the Hephthahtes mentioned by
directions.
Chinese sources was polyandry, also prominent among Tibetans, and this is one
reason why Enoki supported the theory that the Hephthalites onginated from the
mountains of Badakhshan. 23 The burial customs of the Hephthalites, however, as
discussed by Enoki himself, with the burial of followers of a chief in a kurgan or
artificial hill, is a clear feature of steppe nomads from South Russia to the frontiers of

China, but the Hephthalites as the last wave of Iranian nomads from Central Asia,
mixed with Huns, could have adopted customs from the settled peoples of Sinkiang,
Tibet or the Pamir region.
In Bactna and the mountains of Afghanistan, the Hephthalites replaced allegiances
to the memory of the Kushans so much that the Kushans were forgotten, and the
Hephthahtes took their place in the minds of the people as the rightful rulers only to
be replaced themselves in the Islamic period by the Turks. The memory of the
Kushans, however, persisted in the east on the subcontinent and especially in Kashmir
where kings traced their lineage back to the Kushans. The Kidarites had done the
same, but the Hephthalites opened a new page in the history of eastern Iran, and even
after their defeat by Chosroes I and by the Turks they continued to provide rulers for
small states in the mountains of Afghanistan and in the future a number of tribes were
to claim descent from the Hephthalites, especially the Turks called Khalaj and the
Ghilzai Pashtuns. 24 Certainly some of the princes who opposed the Arabs in their
conquests in Afghanistan were Hephthalite, or were called Hephthalites, and this
continued several centuries after the Hijra.
Since the Hephthalites adopted the Bactrian language as their written language in

21
On cranial deformation on the coins, uith (Orazhomkidzc, 1970), 31. The practice is attested
refercnces to excavations as well, see Göbl, op eil., 2 among the Alans from the fourth through the
|n 1 ], 35-46 On the widespread and carly usage sixth centuries.
2i
see T. A Trofimova, "Izobrazheniya Eftahtskikh See Enoki, "On the Nationality" (n. 11], 51—
pravitelei na monetakh 1 obichai lskusstvennoi 55
24
deformatsn cherepa u naselemya Srednei Azn v For references see the article on the Hephtha-
drevnosti." in Istoriya, Arkheologiya i F.tnografiya litesby A. D. H. Bivar in the Encyclopaedia of Islam,
Srednei Azii (Festschrift S. V. Tolstov), (Moscow, and the writings of Zeki Velidi Togan, Umumi
1968), 179-89. Sheshows that the practice already Tiirk Tarihine Giris (Istanbul, 1970), but esp. a
CMSted under the carly Kushans though not as lecture he dehvered in several institutions of the
widespread as under the Hephthahtes. USA, "The Tribes Constituting the State of
called
:2
In the museum of Ordzhonikidze, Northern Heftalit," in which he argues that the Turkish tribe
Ossetia; cf Putevodilel Severo-Osetinskii Respubli- of Qarluq, well known in Islamic times, was of
kanskii Muzei Kraevedeniya, ed. by I. K. Rusanov Hephthalite origin.
 Eastern Iran and Central Asia
351

the north and south Bactrian areas and in the Hindukush regions, we can say nothing
about the spoken language of the Hephthalites. Their culture likewise was mainly
that of the Bactrians, who in this period were strongly influenced by the Sasanians.
Consequently it is difficult to determine what is Hephthalite art except when a prince
with a deformed skull is portrayed on a silver bowl, similar to the coins. The art of the
core area of Hephthalite rule, Bactria, was Buddhist, and in spite of the antipathy of
the Hephthalites towards Buddhism, as reported in the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim
accounts and in Indian sources,Buddhism continued to exist in the lands conquered
by the Hephthalites. This art and culture
was called Irano-Buddhist by J. Hackin,
or the Oxus school of Buddhist art by Higuchi, or the Hindukush school by
Klimburg. 25 Although the rulers were Hephthalite, no one would suggest that the art
of this period should be called Hephthalite art, even though it may have been the
extensive Hephthalite rule in both western Turkestan and in Sinkiang which favored
the contacts and extension of this art to the east, for most scholars concerned with the
art of Central Asia in this period have noted the connections between Bamiyan and
Turfan, between Bactria and Sinkiang. 26 The Sogdian states of Transoxiana,
however, seem to have rejected Buddhism, since we find no traces of Buddhist
remains there. But Buddhism was on the wane in Bactria and Afghanistan, to be
replaced by a resurgent Hinduism in the east and then by Islam in the west, but this is a
later story.

SOGDIAN CITY STATES

When we move north of the Hissar mountain ränge in northern Bactria (today
Tajikistan) the world of Buddhism, the Bactrian aiphabet and language, as well as
Buddhist art is left behind and we find instead a fascinating group of mercantile city
states using the Sogdian language, following many religions such as Manichaeism,

Nestorian Christianity and Zoroastrianism, probably a local form rather than the
same as in the Sasanian State, and Buddhism, not to mention local cults. 27 The
Sogdians were the merchants of eastern Central Asia, as the Khwarazmians plied their
wares to the west up the Volga River, but both peoples seem to have developed a
mercantile secularism with more tolerance for religions and for foreigners in general
than the Sasanian Empire. Yet the Sogdians adapted features of foreign religions to
their own religious beliefs, and the syncretism may be seen on the many remarkable

25
On the works of Hackin, especially his L'art Centrale, 165-75, and A. von Gabain, "Von Kuca
indien et iranien en Asie Centrale: Bamyan (Paris, (Kusan) nach Bämiyän, eine kulturhistorische
1939), see M. Hallade, "Indo-Iranian Art," in Studien," in Eucharisterion, Essays presented to

Encyclopedia of World Art, 8 (London, 1 963), 8-14. Omeljan Pritsak (Cambridge, Mass., 1 980), 258-
Takayasu Higuchi, The Oxus School of Buddhist 70.
27
Art," waspublished in Bakyo-Geijutsu, 71 (Tokyo, On the local cults and the 'temple' priest
1969), 42-62. Deborah E. Klimburg-Salter wrote (ßynpt) as opposed to the Magian priest (mwypt),
her Ph.D. thesis at Harvard University in 1976 on see W. B. Henning, "A Sogdian God," BSOAS, 28
Buddhist Painting qfthe Hindu Kush\tt will soon be (1965), 242-54. The relationship of priests of a
published as a book. local cult with priests of Magianism is unclear, as is
-6
Much has been written about the connec- also the reason for the decline of Buddhism in the
tions, see Rowland, op cit. [eh. 9, n. 64], 79-123, sixth and seventh centuries.
with bibliography, also Hambis, supra, L'Asie
350 Chapter XII

Turks the process by which Iranian nomads were replaced by Altaic Speakers was now
consummated, and there is no doubt about the Turks, who are frequently called Huns in
Byzantine sources; the Hunnic stage of Central Asian history was in füll swing.
Before we turn to the Turks, a few words about the customs and the culture of the
Hephthahtes is in order. One of the features of the Hephthalite aristocracy, if not
more widespread, was the artificial deformation of skulls, elongating them upward, a
21
feature noticeable on coins and in bunals. This feature, however, has also been
found in tombs in the north Caucasus and elsewhere, so it may be a more general
22
Central Asian practice or style of the period rather than limited to one people. On
the other hand, it is definitely attributed to the Hephthahtes, who may have spread the
custom in many directions. Another feature of the Hephthahtes mentioned by
Chinese sources was polyandry, also prominent among Tibetans, and this is one
reason why Enoki supported the theory that the Hephthahtes originated from the
mountains of Badakhshan. 23 The burial customs of the Hephthahtes, however, as
discussed by Enoki himself, with the burial of followers of a chief in a kurgan or
artificial Hill, is a clear feature of steppe nomads from South Russia to the frontiers of

China, but the Hephthahtes as the last wave of Iranian nomads from Central Asia,
mixed with Huns, could have adopted customs from the settled peoples of Sinkiang,
Tibet or the Pamir region.
In Bactna and the mountains of Afghanistan, the Hephthahtes replaced allegiances
to the memory of the Kushans so much that the Kushans were forgotten, and the
Hephthahtes took their place in the minds of the people as the rightful rulers only to
be replaced themselves in the Islamic period by the Turks. The memory of the
Kushans, however, persisted in the east on the subcontinent and especially in Kashmir
where kings traced their lineage back to the Kushans. The Kidarites had done the
same, but the Hephthahtes opened a new page in the history of eastern Iran, and even
after their defeat by Chosroes I and by the Turks they continued to provide rulers for
small states in the mountains of Afghanistan and in the future a number of tribes were
to claim descent from the Hephthahtes, especially the Turks called Khalaj and the
Ghilzai Pashtuns. 24 Certainly some of the princes who opposed the Arabs in their
conquests in Afghanistan were Hephthalite, or were called Hephthahtes, and this
continued several centuries after the Hijra.
Since the Hephthahtes adopted the Bactrian language as their written language in

21
On cranial deformation on the comb, with (Orazhomkidze, 1970), 31. The practice is attested
refcrences to excavations as well, see Göbl, op cit., 2 among the Alans from the fourth through the
|n 35-46 On the widespread and early usage
1 ], sixth centuries.
see T. A
Trofimova, "Izobrazheniya Eftahtskikh : ''
See Enoki, "On the Nationahty" [n. 11], 51-
pravitelei na monetakh l obichai lskusstvennoi 55
2i
deformatsu cherepa u naseleniya Srcdnei Azn v For references see the article on the Hephtha-
drevnosti," in htoriya, Arkheologiya Emograßyai htes by A. D. H. Bivar in the Encyclopaedia of Islam,
Srednei Azii (Festschrift S P Tolstov), (Moscow, and the writings of Zeki Velidi Togan, Umumi
1968), 179-89. Sheshows that the practice already 'I'ürk Tarihine Giris (Istanbul, 1970), but esp. a
existed under the early Kushans though not as lecture he dehvered in several institutions of the
widespread under the Hephthahtes.
as USA, "The Tribes Constituting the State of
called
" In the museum of Ordzhonikidze, Northern Heftalit," in which he argues that the Turkish tribe
Ossetia; cf. Pulevodilel Severo-Osetinskii Respubli- of Qarluq, well known in Islamic times, was of
Itansltii Muzei Kraevedeniya, ed. by I. K. Rusanov Hephthalite origin.
 Eastern Iran and Central Asia 351

the north and south Bactrian areas and in the Hindukush regions, we can say nothing
about the spoken language of the Hephthalites. Their culture likewise was mainly
that of the Bactrians, who in this period were strongly influenced by the Sasanians.
Consequently it is difficult to determine what is Hephthalite art except when a prince
with a deformed skull is portrayed on a silver bowl, similar to the coins. The art of the
core area of Hephthalite rule, Bactria, was Buddhist, and in spite of the antipathy of
the Hephthalites towards Buddhism, as reported in the Chinese Buddhist pilgrim
Buddhism continued to exist in the lands conquered
accounts and in Indian sources,
by the Hephthalites. This and culture was called Irano-Buddhist by J. Hackin,
art
or the Oxus school of Buddhist art by Higuchi, or the Hindukush school by
Khmburg. 25 Although the rulers were Hephthalite, no one would suggest that the art
of this period should be called Hephthalite art, even though it may have been the
extensive Hephthalite rule in both western Turkestan and in Sinkiang which favored
the contacts and extension of this art to the east, for most scholars concerned with the
art of Central Asia in this period have noted the connections between Bamiyan and
Turfan, between Bactria and Sinkiang. 26 The Sogdian states of Transoxiana,
however, seem to have rejected Buddhism, since we find no traces of Buddhist
remains there. But Buddhism was on the wane in Bactria and Afghanistan, to be
replaced by a resurgent Hinduism in the east and then by Islam in the west, but this is a
later story.

SOGDIAN CITY STATES

When we move north of the Hissar mountain ränge in northern Bactria (today
Tajikistan) the world of Buddhism, the Bactrian aiphabet and language, as well as
Buddhist art is left behind and we find instead a fascinating group of mercantile city
states using the Sogdian language, following many religions such as Manichaeism,

Nestorian Christianity and Zoroastrianism, probably a local form rather than the
27
same as in the Sasanian State, and Buddhism, not to mention local cults. The
Sogdians were the merchants of eastern Central Asia, as the Khwarazmians plied their
wares to the west up the Volga River, but both peoples seem to have developed a
mercantile secularism with more tolerance for religions and for foreigners in general
than the Sasanian Empire. Yet the Sogdians adapted features of foreign religions to
their own religious beliefs, and the syncretism may be seen on the many remarkable

25
On the works of Hackin, especially his L'art Centrale, 165-75, and A. von Gabain, "Von Kuca
indien et iranien en Asie Centrale: Bamyan (Paris, (KuSan) nach Bämiyän, eine kulturhistorische
1939), see M. Hallade, "Indo-Iranian Art," in Studien," in Eucharisterion, Essays presented to

Emyclopedia of World Art, 8 (London, 1963), 8-14. Omeljan Pritsak (Cambridge, Mass., 1980), 258-
Takayasu Higuchi, "The Oxus School of Buddhist 70.
27
Art,"waspublishedinB<ifeyo-Gey«Kw,71 (Tokyo, On the local cults and the 'temple priest

1969), 42-62. Deborah E. Khmburg-Salter wrote (ßynpt) as opposed to the Magian priest (mwypt),
her Ph.D. thesis at Harvard University in 1976 on see W. Henning, "A Sogdian God," BSOAS, 28
B.
BuddhistPaintingoftheHinduKush;itwi\\soonbe (1965), 242-54. The relationship of priests of a
published as a book. local cult with priests of Magianism is unclear, as is
26 Much has been written about the connec- also the reason for the decline of Buddhism in the
tions; see Rowland, op cit. [eh. 9, n. 64], 79-123, sixth and seventh centuries.
with bibliography, also Hambis, supra, L'Asie
352 Chapter XII

wall paintings and other works of art which have been recovered by Soviet
28
archaeologists. Buddhism, which had existed in the Sogdian towns in the early
centuries of our era, by the seventh, if not earlier, Century, had virtually vanished,
even though much of Buddhist iconography had been assimilated and adapted to
local cult forms. An enormous amount of literature has poured out of the excavations
of Panjikant, Afrasiyab, Varakhsha (in the oasis of Bukhara), as well as many minor
sites, and we find a world of wealthy, luxury loving merchants who dealt in silks and

other textiles, in silver and other metal Utensils, in short more in luxury goods than in
necessities. Not that powerful landowners did not exist in the oases of Central Asia,

but as compared with Iran and Afghanistan the merchant class was strong and
influential in Sogdian Central Asia.
The coinage of the Sogdian city states, especially of Bukhara and of Samarqand, the
two most important, is interesting in that Bukhara copied coins of the Sasanian king
Bahram V, which indicates either a conquest of the oasis by Bahram or some strong
influence which would induce such a copying, presumably after the death of Bahram.
At the end of the fifth and beginning of the sixth Century the Sogdian city states were
presumably under Hephthalite rule but they had different traditions and coinage (of
Bukhara and Samarqand), for in the latter area Chinese influence is apparent in the
local copper coinage with Square holes in the center. 29 One would presume that in
Samarqand, Ferghana and eastern colonies of the Sogdian merchants Chinese
influence would be strong, since the latter were the ultimate customers of the
Sogdians, as we know from the Sogdian ancient letters found in Tun Huang in
Sinkiang, which show an intensive commercial activity of the Sogdians from early
times. 30 The coinage of Bukhara continued long into the Islamic period with Arabic
legends added to the archaic Sogdian legends mentioning the Sogdian word for 'king'
(ywß) and the name of Bukhara. In Samarqand, on the other hand, the cursive
Sogdian scnpt, familiär from Buddhist works in Sogdian, did not long survive the
Arab invasions.
There was a class of people in Sogdiana not found or attested elsewhere and that
was the body of guards of the great merchants or the local lords called chäkir, a word
until now unattested in Sogdian but found in Firdosi and in Arabic in the form
shäkariyya. 31 These were the servants or bodyguards who managed affairs when their

28
Cf. Azarpay, supra, Sogdian Painting, 29-30. corporations among the Sogdians increases in
The Sogdian pantheon is fascinatmg for the probabhty Omeljan Pritsak has worked long on
Identification of local with foreign deines, e.g., the subject of such trade from a later period and
Brahma with Zurvan and Indra with Adbag, etc. extending to western Europe as well as China.
29
On the Bukharan and Sogdian coins see Frye, J '
On this Institution in Islamic times there is a
Notes on the Early Coinage of Transoxiana, NNM large literature; earliest is perhaps V. Bartold,
1 13 (1949) and O. I. Smirnova, Katalog Monet
s Turkestan v Epokhu Mongolskogo Nashestuiya,
gorodishcha Pendzhikent (Moscow, 1963). For an Sochineniya 1 (Moscow, 1963), 238,241. Theterm
update on those pubhcations see with references appears also in Chinese; see E. Chavannes, Docu-
Mitchiner, Early Coinage [eh. 7, n. 1 5], 44—46. tnents sur les Tou-Kiue (Turcs) Occidentaux (St.
30
Cf.Harmatta, "Sogdian Sources for the Petersburg, 1903, reprinted Paris, 1946), 147, 313.
History of Pre-Islamic Central Asia," in his For the Islamic period see the discussions by P.
Prolegomena [eh. 5, n. 1 39], 1 53-65. The more one Cronc, Slaves on Horses (Cambridge, 1 981 ), and D.
reads in Sogdian documents regarding trade and Pipes, Slaue Soldiers and Islam The Genesis of a
:

commerce, the more the Impression of a wide- Military System (New Haven, 1981). Bothof these
spread, international trading society or series of books deal with the Sogdian System.
 Eastern Iran and Central Asia 353

merchant lords were away on trips, but they may have provided the basis for the later
Turkish Mamluke System of training slaves or orphans to become the military and
of the 'Abbasid Caliphate. The influence of Sogdian merchants
political leaders
extended and wide, and they were willing to ally themselves or submit to the
far

power which could enforce peace over the trade routes to the Far East and to
Mongolia, the special areas of trade for the Sogdians. Well known is the role of the
Sogdians as the cultural guides for the Turks, giving the latter an aiphabet and
32
advising them in their conquests. The fascinating story of the role of the Sogdians in
the history of north China and in the expansion of the Turks is beyond the scope of
the present work, but it serves to indicate the importance of the Sogdians as bearers of
culture, as missionaries of Manichaeism, Christianity and Buddhism in the Far East.
33

As the Sasanian Empire declined at the end, the Sogdian states flourished as never
previously, such that it seemed that they had inherited the mantle of Iranian culture

and even prestige and power. As far as the east was concerned this was true and one
might speak of a Sogdian renaissance or just a 'naissance' in the seventh Century, which
in a sense lasted until the eleventh Century, even though later it was borne by the
Persian language and by a much wider extension to the west. The minor kings of the
cities of Sogdiana were merely each zprimus inter pares in regard to the nobility and

the great merchants, and the rulers changed frequently indicating a lack of dynastic
loyalty, unlike the Sasanians. Until a remarkable book by B. Marshak, many scholars
had classified many silver plates and bowls as 'Sasanian', 'provincial Sasanian' or
otherwise, but he showed the existence of several schools and a real flowering of
Sogdian metalwork. 34 This runs parallel to the wall paintings, which also reflect the
luxury and wealth of the Sogdian states, not linked to a royal court but to the nobility.
With the discovery of Sogdian diplomatic letters and commercial records at Mt. Mug
east of Panjikant our knowledge of Sogdian society, land tenure, taxes, markets and

bazaars and many other matters has increased dramatically. Most of the materials,
including Islamic sources such as Narshakhi's history of Bukhara, pertain to a later,
35
Islamic period but they are invaluable for the pre-Islamic history as well.
Nonetheless, the flowering of Sogdiana is almost an Islamic phenomenon, and we
may reserve discussion of this remarkable chapter of Central Asian history to a future
volume. The great Sogdian influence on the New Persian language and on Islamic

32 TangDynasty (Rome,
The extent of populär influences on the the Figurines of the of China
Turks can be seen in A. von Gabain, "Iranische 1959), esp. 22-25 and 67-80.
Elemente im zentral- und ostasiatischen Volksglau- 3J
B. 1. Marshak, Sogdiiskoe Serebro (Moscow,
ben," in Studio Orientalin, 47 (Helsinki, 1977), 57- 1971). Marshak's analysis of the schools of Sogdian
70. For the role of the Sogdian language among the silverwork is not only a masterful work, but it
Turks see S. G. Kljastornyj and V. A. LivsTc, "The throws light on other arts of Sogdiana and its
Sogdian Inscription of Bugut Revised," AAH, 26 culture.
(1972), 67-91, especially 90-91. By the same 35 The book by O.I.Smirnova,Orfc«*ii>/stori7
authors see their "Une inscription inedite Turque Sogda (Moscow, 1 970) is a detailed summary of
et Sogdienne La siele de Sevrey (Gobi Meridion-
: what can be learned from documents in Sogdian
»\),"JA, 259 (1971), 11-20. combined with Arabic and Persian sources. The
33
See E. Schaefer, "Iranian Merchants in Tang social Order, economic activities and the Arab
Dynasty Tales," in Semitic and Oriental Studies conquest are discussed in detail. A. Dzhalilov, Sogd
presented to Wm. Popper, ed. by W. J. Fischel Nakanune Arabskogo Nashestviya (Stalinabad,
(Berkeley, 1951), 403-22. On cultural influences 1961), on the other hand, only deals with Arabic
in the east see J. G. Mahler, The Westerners Among and Persian sources.
354 Chapter XII

'New Persian' culture has only begun to be studied, and undoubtedly one will be able
36 The Central Asian flowering,
to show even more influences in the future. however,
is and cannot be pursued further here.
a vast project for future investigations
One word about the Khwarazmians who
should not leave Central Asia without a
played a role in the trade with eastern Europe similar to that of the Sogdians with the
Far East. The Khwarazmians were similar to the Sogdians in many ways, but they had
their own language and possibly because of their geographical position south of the
Aral Sea, and surrounded by deserts, they had a more centralized government, and the
dynastic principle was respected and preserved. Before the discovery of inscriptions in
the ancient Khwarazmian language in a form of the Aramaic aiphabet, and of
documents in the Khwarazmian language but written in the Arabic script from as late
as the twelfth Century indicating the persistence of the use of the language in written

as well as spoken form down to the Mongol invasions, we knew most about that land

from its most eminent son Biruni. 37 Some of his Information about the
Khwarazmians, their royal dynasty and their calendar, has been vindicated by
Khwarazmian writings as well as by the extensive excavations undertaken by the
many-yeared expedition led by S. P. Tolstov. 38 Just before the Coming of the Arabs
the Afrighid dynasty ruled in Khwarazm, and the names of some of the rulers are
known. It seems that after the sixth Century Zoroastrianism flourished more in
Khwarazm than in Sogdiana; at least the cult of ancestors and exposure of corpses on
mountain tops as in Sasanian Iran is amply attested by archaeologists. 39 In other
respects the Khwarazmians differed from their eastern neighbors, especially in their
art and in their closer contacts with the west. The numismatic tradition was different

here too as were the legends on the coins, but it is not possible to reconstruct all of the
names of the rulers of Khwarazm from the coins, many of which are enigmatic.40 It is
of interest to note that the Khwarazmian form of the name 'Musulman' was that
adopted by the Russians of the Middle Ages (musurman/busurman), indicating the
great importance of Khwarazmian merchants in eastern Europe. 41
36
Henning, "Sogdian Loan-words in New 3S
S. P. Tolstov, ed., Trudy Khorezmskoi Arkheo-
Persian,"BSOS, 10 (1939), 93-106. His other logo-Etnograficheskoi Ekspeditsii, 11 vols. (Moscow,
works, such as "Die älteste persische Gedicht- 1952-77), and his work in German, Auf den
handschrift" (1959-e) and "Persian poetical manu- Spuren der altchoresmischen Kultur (Berlin, 1953).
Scripts from the time of Rudaki" (1962-b) also The Khwarazmian archaeological bibliography is

contain information about this subject. Reference now enormous, as is that of the Southern-
is made to Henning's bibliography in the W. B. Turkmen complex of expeditions which by 1970
Henning Memorial Volume, ed. by M. Boyce and I. had reached 570 items according to the list
Gershevitch, (London, 1970). Perechen, etc., ed. M. E. Masson (Ashkabad, 1970).
For the ancient Khwarazmian inscriptions see 39
Conveniently summarized in I. M. Mumin-
S. P. Tolstov and V. A. Livshitz, "Decipherment ova, ed., Istoriya Khorezma (Tashkent, 1976), 51.
and Interpretation of the Khwarazmian mscrip- This book is a good summary of present work in
tions from Tok Kala," AAH, 12 (1964), 231-51, the area of Khwarazm.
and V. A. Livshits, "The Khwarazmian Calendar 40 Vainberg,
op and her article
cit. [eh. 9, n. 33],
and the Eras of Ancient Chorasmia," AAH, 16 "Eftalitskaya dinastiya Chaganiana
Khorezm," i

(1968), 432-46, with a revised and expanded Numismalicheskii Sbornik Gos. Istoricheskii Muzei,
Russian Version in Istoriya, Kultura, Yazyki Naro- 3 (Moscow, 1972).
dov Vostoka, ed. by. Yu. A. Petrosyan (Moscow, 41
See Z. V. Togan, Khorezmian Glossary of the
1970), 5-16. For the Islamic documents see W. B. Muqaddimat al-Adab (Istanbul, 1951), 22, and Frye,
Henning, A Fragment of a Khwarezmian Diction- R., "Byzantine and Sasanian Trade Relations with
ary,ed.byD.N.MacKenzie(London,1971),with Northeastern Russia," Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 26
added bibliography. (1972), 265-69.
 Eastern Iran and Central Asia 355

The decipherment of the Khwarazmian language was one of the great achieve-
ments of the late W. B. Henning, and much has been written about the remains
in that language and its elucidation. 42 The Arab conquests, however, wreaked
havoc in Khwarazm according to Biruni, but trade with the northwest continued
as did writing in Khwarazmian, now in Arabic Script. Khwarazmian silver objects are
known by their inscriptions, but in this genre of art the resemblance to Sogdian ob-
jects is Whereas the archaeological work in the present republics of Uzbekistan
great.
and Tajikistan is much and varied, in the western part of Central Asia (the Karakalpak
area and Turkmenistan) archaeology has been dominated by two great on-going
expeditions, the Khwarazmian of Tolstov, mentioned above, and the southern
Turkmenistan complex, and just to keep up with the volume of publications of these
two expeditions is extremely difficult. 43 Without doubt in years to come we will
know much more about Central Asia than about other parts of the Orient.

MINOR RULERS IN AFGHANISTAN

In comparison with the overflow of materials from north of the Oxus River,' the
history and archaeology of present Afghanistan is still largely unknown with many
surmises built on insufficient evidence, but a final word about the east after the fall of
the Hephthalites should be recorded. The lack of written sources continues to plague
us, and numismatics again is of prime importance. Two factors should be taken into
consideration in studying the coinage of the east in this period after the fall of the
Hephthalites to the Sasanians and Turks; the first is a tendency to look for archaic
features in some of the coinage, especially in the use of crowns and iconography,
which some rulers apparently did employ. The other is the long use of a series of coins
in an area of the east long after the ruler who originally Struck the coins had died. As
in Bukhara with the so-called 'Bukhar Khudat' coins, which copied the coinage of
Bahram V of Sasanian Iran, so the coinages of the name Khingil and that of the name
Nezak (formerly called Napki), show a long continuity in usage. The tendency to
make one series of coinage follow another in chronological succession has, I believe,
obscured the existence of different and series in difFerent, and frequently rather
styles
small, areas of eastern Iran. One must be extremely cautious in assigning coins to
certain rulers in a certain time period and in a certain area, since the adjective 'certain'
is surely out of place in the east.

Neither the defeat of the Hona ruler Mihirakula by a king of Malwa in India called
Yasodharman about 528, nor their defeat (i.e., the Hephthalites) by the Turks and
Chosroes I some thirty years later, ended the small Hephthalite principalities in
northwest India, Kashmir and Afghanistan. Harmatta suggests that Khingil or
Khingila was a personal name not only attested by coins but by a Sanskrit inscription
from Gardiz and by the chronicle of Kashmir, and he postulates a dynasty of the
Khingils, the first being Deva §ahi Khingila, who began rule in Kabul about the 460s,
42 See D. N. MacKenzie, "The Khwarazmian by the Institute of Archaeology in Moscow, called
Glossary - 1," BSOAS, 33 (1970), 540, and I. Arkheologicheske Otkrytiya, which surveys work in
Gershevitch, "In Memoriam", in his edition of W. Central Asia as well as elsewhere in the USSR and
B. Henning Memorial Volume (n. 36), xix. of Soviet expeditions outside the USSR.
43
See n. 38. Every year a volume is published
356 Chapter XII

followed by §ahi Javuvlah who conquered Gandhara, and he was followed by

Lakhana Udayaditya, mentioned in the Kashmir chronicle, and a later king Khingila
44 He further suggests that the Hephthalites divided into two main parts,
II about 562.

a western and an eastern part about 515, which weakened resistance and prepared the
way for defeats in both parts later. The Turks, however, were slow in extending their
rule or influence south of the Oxus, whereas the wars of the Sasanians in the east under
Bahram Chobin's generalship indicate that Sasanian rule was also precarious, and one
may suppose that petty Hephthalite chiefs threw off their allegiances or vassalage to
the Sasanians at the first sign of weakness.
Anyone who knows the geography of eastern Afghanistan realizes that two areas
are unified enough with resources to form kingdoms of some importance. The first is
the Kabul-Kapisa (today Koh-e Daman) joined piain and the Qandahar-Ghazna
piain, although in both cases the 'plains' are not large or level. The first came to be the
kingdom of Kabul when the Arabs arrived while the latter was Zabul. In the
mountains smaller principalities such as Bamiyan, Badakhshan (Tokharistan) may
have been independent or in vassal relationship to Turkish states to the north or to
Kabul we do not know. The coins we have alone cannot solve the problems of either
;

chronology or areas where one or another king or dynasty ruled. As Harmatta has
indicated, one problem is the existence of coins with the name 'Khingil' on them,
apparently connected with Kabul, since we learn from the historian Ya qübl that as
late as 799 a ruler of Kabul with this name came to the cöurt of the Caliph al-
Mahdi. 45 At the same time. i.e., before and after the Arab conquests, we have many
coins of a king called Nezak, apparently like Khingil also a family or dynastic name,
46
and these coins too are found both north and south of Kabul, as well as there.
Harmatta wonders whether the Nezaks ruled in Kapisa, to the north of Kabul, but
again we have no definite information. Suffice it to say that there were a number of
dynasties in the mountains, and they belong to later history. The question of the rulers
of Zabul or Zabulistan, called Zunbil or Rutbil in Islamic sources, has spawned an
extensive literature, especially about the name and religion of the rulers, the latter
seemingly a local Indo-Iranian cult. 47 Discussion of the rulers of Afghanistan down to
the time of Mahmud of Ghazna, however, would far exceed the limits of this book,
for the history of the Turk Shahis of Kabul followed by the Hindu Shahis is

44 "Napki Malka and the Kushano-Sasanians," in D.

Harmatta, op cit., n. 1, 399-401. His recon-
struction of the eastern rulers is the first systematic K. Kouymjian, Near Eastern Numismatics, lconogra-
attempt to put all data, not just coins, into some phy, Epigraphy and History, Studies in Honor ofG.
chronological Order, and this is preferable to Göbl's C. Mite, (Beirut, 1974), 1 1 6-1 8, (written in 1968,
reconstruction, based on coins alone; see his op cit., but not published until 1974), and Humbach in his
2 [n. 1], 322. Baktrische Sprachdenkmäler, 1, op. cit.. n. 14, 59.
45 4'
His history was ed. by M. T. Houtsma, 2 On Zabul see J.Marquart and J. J. M. de
(Leiden, 1883), 479. Many Islamic sources have Groot, "Das Reich Zäbul und der Gott Zun vom
Information about the later rulers of Kabul and 6.-9. Jahrhundert," Festschrift Eduard Sachau (Ber-
Zabul. lin, 1915), 248-92, as well as later articles by L.
46
The correct reading of the 'Napki' coins was Petech, "Note su Kapisi e Zäbul," RSO, 29 (1964),
found simultaneously by Humbach, Harmatta and 287-94, and G. Scarcia, "Sulla Religione di Zäbul,"
myself, but Humbach did not follow his reading AION, 15 (1965), 119-65. Harmatta, op cit., n. 1,
or connect it with the Nezak of Islamic sources. 405-06, proposes that the name 'Zunbil' be read as
For Harmatta see his op cit., n. 1 , 408-09, myself in the name of the land 'Zabul'.
 Eastern Iran and Central Asia 357

intimatelybound up with the history of northern India.48 At this period of the Arab
Buddhism is very much on the decline and in the mountains of Afghanistan
invasions
Hinduism is resurgent, and only in a few strongholds such as Bamiyan do Buddhist
monks maintain Buddhist centers.
The Turkish expansion is really two-fold, a movement of nomads or tribesmen
from the Altai mountains through the Hissar-Alai ränge into Bactria and the
mountains to the south and an extension of west-Turkish hegemony over the petty
states of Sogdiana and Bactria, for the latter area too seems to have lost any unity it had
to a series of small states at the end of the sixth and the beginning of the seventh
Century.From Islamic sources we learn of rulers of Chaganiyan, Shuman and others
located inmodern Tajikistan, each with a distinctive title. While Buddhism to the
south had lost much ground, in Bactria viharas continued to be built, as at Adjina
(Adzhina) tepe and elsewhere, and only the expansion of Islam brought an end to
Buddhism in this region. Resistance to the Arabs was more severe in Central Asia and
in Afghanistan than in the west, since once the imperial Sasanian armies were defeated
the advancing Arabs only met local resistance, but in the east, far from their centers
and supplies, the Arabs were not able to crush the resistance in one or two decisive
battles. The Sogdians, however, were quick to see the commercial advantages in

being part of a great Caliphate which extended over so many countries, and the
Cooperation between the Sogdian merchants and textile specialists among the Arabs is

a fascinatingexample of Sogdian secularism and practicality, for they were a nation of

traders and shopkeepers. 49 All of this, however, is only the Nachklang of ancient Iran
in the new world of the Islamic oecumene. The heritage from Iran which was so
important in the Islamic mixture, especially in the eastern Islamic world, was not just
the heritage of western Iran of the Achaemenids and the Sasanians; it was just as much
the contribution of the Iranian nomads of the steppes of inner Asia and of the Iranian
merchants of the Sogdians and the Khwarazmians, not to omit the Iranian Buddhists
of Bactria and of the Hindukush. One may tentatively suggest that the end of the
Sasanian Empire saw the torch of Iranian culture and learning move eastward to settle
in Transoxiana and Bactria, until the Mongol conquest of the twelfth Century
returned that torch to western Iran, to Persia. Although so little known, the eastern
Iranian world must not be forgotten in any assessment of the heritage of ancient Iran.
Much remains to be done to recover the history of the east, but the future will surely
reveal the importance of the east especially in the formation of Islamic culture.

48
On the Shahis see D. W. MacDowall, "The Sahis of Afghanistan and the Punjab (Patna, 1972),
Shahis of Kabul and Gandhara," NC (1 968), 1 89- D. B. Pandey, The Shahis of Afghanistan and the
224, for the coins and H. Humbach, The Iranian Punjab (Delhi, 1 973) and Abdur Rahman, The Last
Names of the Hindu Sähis," MSS, 30 (1972), 51- Two Dynasties of the Sähis (Islamabad, 1979).
53. Unfortunately the three books on the dynasties 49 See my Golden Age [eh. 1 , n. 117], 27-53.
1

leave much to be desired: Y. Mishra, The Hindu

 APPENDICES

APPENDIX 1*

GENEALOGY OF THE ACHAEMENIDS

Achaemenes (Hakhamamsh)

Teispes (Chishpish)

Cyrus I (Kurush) Ariaramnes (Ariyaramna)

I

Cambyses I (Kambujiya) Arsames (Arshama)

I
I

Cyrus II (549-530) Hystaspes (Vishtaspa)

I

Cambyses II (530-522) Darius (Darayavahush)

|
(522-486)
Smerdis (Bardiya) 552 I

(or Gaumata) Xerxes I (Khshayarsha)

|
(486-465)
I

Artaxerxes I Longimanus
(Artakhshassa) (465-424)
I

Xerxes II (424-423) Darius II Nothus

I
(423-404)
I

Artaxerxes II Mnemon Cyrus the Artostes

(404-359) Younger
1
(died 401)
Artaxerxes III Ochus Arsames
(359-338)
I

Arses (Arsha) Darius III Codomannus

(338-336) (336-330)

* These tables are adapted from R N. Frye, The Herilage of Persia (London, 1962).
360 Appendix i

TENTATIVE GENEALOGICAL TABLE OF

THE ARSACID KINGS

Arsaces I (Ysk) 247-? Tiridates (tyrdl) c. ?-211 bc.

I

Artabanus I
C"P") c- 211-191 B.c.

Priapatius (prypt) c. 191-176 B.c.

Mithradates I (mtrdt) Phraates I (prhd or prdty) c. 176-171 B.C.

c. 171-138 B.c.

Phraates II c. 138-128 B.c. ? Sinatruces (sntrwk) c. 77-68 ? B.c.

Gotarzes I (gwtrz) c.91-80 ? B.c.

Orodes I (wrwd) c. 80-77 ? b.c.

Artabanus II c. 128-123 b.c. Phraates III c. 68-57 b.c.

Mithradates II c. 123-87 b.c. |

Orodes II c. 57-37 bc. Mithradates III c. 57-54 b.c.

Tiridates II Phraates IV c. 38-2 B.c.

c. 30-25 B.c. |

Phraataces (prdtk) c. 2 b.c-a.d. 4 Vonones I (whivnm'i) c.

A.D. 7-12

Orodes III c. A.D. 4-7

Artabanus III c. A.D. 12-38 Tiridates III c. A.D. 36
Vardanes (ii'rr'n) c. A.D. 39^7 Gotarzes II (gwlrz) c. A.D. 38-51
Vonones II c. A.D. 51
I

Vologeses I (wlgS) c. A.D. 51-80 Pacorus (pkwr?) A.D. 79-105

Oroses c. A.D. 109-128
Artabanus IV c. A.D. 79
Vologeses II c. A.D. 105-147 Mithradates IV c. A.D. 128-147?
Vologeses 148-192
III c. A.D.
Vologeses IV c. A.D. 191-207
Vologeses V c. A.D. 207-227 (?)
Artabanus V c. 213-224
I

Artavasdes Crtu/zd?) c. 226-227?

Vertical hnes mean father to son succession while horizontal lines mean blood or adopted brothers.
 The Dynasty ofthe Sasanians 361

THE DYNASTY OF THE SASANIANS*

Denak (?)
I

*Papak King *Rodak Sasan (?)

(208-222?)
I

*Shapur King *Ardashir King of Kings-m-*Mirud

(222?) (22?-240)
I

*Khuranzim-m- *Shapur King of Kings-m-*Denak ?

(240-272)

*Varahran I *Hormizd Ardashir *Narseh

(273-276) (272-273) (293-302)
I I

Varahran II Hormizd II

(276-293) (302-309)
I I

Varahran III Ardashir II (brother?) • Shapur II

(293) (379-383) (309-379)

Varahran IV Shapur III

(388-399) (383-388)
I

Yazdagird I

(399-421)
I

Varahran V
(421-439)
I

Yazdagird II

(439-457)

Valash Peroz Hormizd III

(484-488) (459-484) (457-459)

Kavad Zamasp
(488-531) (496-498)
I

Khusro I

(531-579)
i

Hormizd IV Varahran Chobin

(579-590) (590-591)
I

Khusro II

(591-628)
I

Shahryar Kavad II Boran Hormizd V Khusro III

(628) (629-630) (630-632)?

I

Yazdagird III Ardashir III

(632-651) (628-629)

•Names preceded by an asterisk are found in KZ, and -m- means married.
 APPENDIX 2

THE BEHISTUN INSCRIPTION OF DARIUS,

NEAR KERMANSHAH, IRAN*

Column — am
I I Darius the Great King, King of Kings, King in Persia, King of countries, son of Vishtaspa,
grandson of Arshama, an Achaemenid.
Saith Darius the King: My father was Vishtaspa; Vishtaspa's father was Arshama, Arshama's father was
Anyaramna, Ariyaramna's father was CiSpis, CispiS' father was Haxamanais.
Saith Darius the King For this reason we are called Achaemenids. From long ago we have been noble.
:

From long ago our family was royal. Saith Darius the King Eight of our family were previously kings.
: I

am the ninth. Nine kings we have been in succession.

Saith Darius the King: By Ahuramazda I am king. Ahuramazda gave me kingship.
the will of
Saith Darius the King: These are the lands which came to me. became their king by the will of
1

Ahuramazda: Persia, Elam, Babylonia, Assyria, Arabia, Egypt, those by the sea, Sardis, Ionia, Media,
Armenia (Urartu), Cappadocia, Parthia, Drangiana, Ana, Khwarazm, Bactria, Sogdiana, Gandhara
[(Paruparaesanna)], Sakaland (Gimiri), Sattagydia, Arachosia, Maka, a total of twenty-three lands.
Saith Darius the King: These are the lands which came to me. By the will of Ahuramazda they became
my subjects. They bore me tribute. What was said to them by me, by night or by day, they did.
Saith Darius the King: In these lands the man who was loyal I supported well; whoever was evil I
punished well. By the will of Ahuramazda these countries respected my law(s). What was Said to them by
me they did.
Saith Darius the King: Ahuramazda gave me kingship. Ahuramazda bore me aid so I could uphold the
kingship. By of Ahuramazda 1 hold this kingship.
the will
Saith Darius the King: This is what I did, (by the will of Ahuramazda), after I became king. A certain
Cambyses by name, son of Cyrus, (King of Persis, King of Lands), of our family, was king here. That
Cambyses had a brother called Bardiya, of the same mother and the same father. Then Cambyses slew that
Bardiya. After Cambyses slew Bardiya, it was not known to the people that Bardiya had been slain. Then
Cambyses went to Egypt (with an army). When Cambyses had gone to Egypt the people became evil.
Afterwards the lie(s) in the land grew great in Persis, Media and other lands.
Saith Darius the King: Then there was a man, a Magian (a Mede), Gaumata by name. He rose up from
Paishiyau vada (Pishikhumada) from a mountain called Arakadri, fourteen days of the month Viyakna
;

(Addaru) had passed when he rose up. He lied to the people thus: 'I am Bardiya, son of Cyrus, (younger)
brother of Cambyses.' Afterwards all the people revolted from Cambyses and went over to him, Persis,
Media, (Babylonia, Elam), and other lands. He seized the kingship; nine days were past of the month of
Garmapada (Du'üzu) when he seized the kingship. Then Cambyses died by his own hand.
Saith Darius the King The kingship which that Gaumata took a way from Cambyses, this kingship had
:

belonged to our family from long ago. Then Gaumata the Magian took (the kingship) from Cambyses.
He made his own Media (Babylonia) and other lands, He became king.
Persis,
Saith Darius the King: There was no man, neither a Persian, a Mede (nor a Babylonian nor of
elsewhere), nor anyone of our family who might take the kingship from that Gaumata the Magian.
People feared him greatly, that he might slay in great numbers the people who had known Bardiya
previously. For this reason he would kill people, 'lest they know me, that I am not Bardiya, son of Cyrus.
No one dared say anything about Gaumata the Magian until I came. Then I prayed to Ahuramazda;
Ahuramazda bore me aid. Ten days of the month of Bagayadi (Tashritu) had passed; then I with a few
men (nobles) slew that Gaumata the Magian. In a fortress (town) called Sikayauvati, in the district of

* The inscription is located by the village of version are in parentheses. Absolute consistency in
Bisutun and is sometimes called after the village. the translation has not been followed. Western
The translation follows the OP text, mainly of names of well-known names and places are used;
Kent, with additions from Elamite enclosed in otherwise the Old Persian form appears.
brackets, while additions from the Akkadian
364 Appendix 2

Nisaya by name, in Media - there I slew him. 1 toolc the kingship from him. By the will of Ahuramazda I
became king. Ahuramazda gave me the kingship.
Saith Darius the King: The kingship which he had taken from our family I restored and put in its place
as previously. As before I restored the temples (of the gods) which Gaumata the Magian had destroyed. I
restored to the people (army) the chattel, flocks, domestics and estates ('bow' estates) which Gaumata the
Magian had taken from them. I re-estabhshed the populace in its place. Persis, Media and other lands
which had been taken I restored as before. By the will of Ahuramazda this 1 did. strove until had re- I I

estabhshed our royal house in its place as before. I strove by the will of Ahuramazda, so that Gaumata the
Magian did not take away our royal house.
Saith Darius the King: This is what I did after I became king (as lt was before).
Saith Darius the King: When I had slain Gaumata the Magian, afterwards a man Assina (Atrina) by
name, son of Upadarama (an Elamite) rose up in Elam. He said to the people '1 am king in Elam.' Then the:

Elamites revolted (from me) and went over to that Assina. He became king in Elam. Also a man, a
üabylonian called Nidintu-Bel son of Ainaira (Kin-zEr, the tax official), rose up in Babylonia. He lied to
the people thus: i am Nebuchadrezzar (Nebuchadnezzar) the son of Nabonidus (king of Babylon).
Afterwards the people of Babylonia all went over to that Nidintu-Bel. Babylonia revolted. He seized the
kingship in Babylonia.
Saith Darius the King: Then 1 sent (a messenger) to Elam. They sent that Assina to me bound. I

executed him.
Saith Darius the King: Then went to Babylonia against that
I Nidintu-Bel, who said, 'I am
Nebuchadrezzar (-n-).' The army of Nidintu-Bel held (the bank) of the Tigris (canal). There they took
their stand (on the canal). Because of flood (the Tigris) was unfordable. Then I embarked troops upon
(boats of) skin. Others made camel-borne and for others horses. By the will of Ahuramazda we crossed
1

the Tigris (canal). There defeated the army of Nidintu-Bel exceedingly. Twenty-six days of the month of
I

Assiyadiya (Kislimu) had passed when we fought the battle. (We killed all of them and took no prisoners.)
Saith Darius the King Then 1 went towards Babylon. Before reaching Babylon, in a town Zazannu by
:

name, on the (bank of) the Euphrates, there this Nidintu-Bel, who had called himself Nebuchadrezzar
(-n-, King of Babylon) came against me with an army to attack. Then we fought the battle. Ahuramazda

bore me aid. By the will of Ahuramazda I defeated the army of Nidintu-Bel exceedingly. The rest fled
into the nver and the water carried them away. We fought the battle after two days had passed of the
month of Anamaka (Tebetu). (We killed all of them and took no prisoners.)

Column II - Saith Darius the King: Then Nidintu-Bel with a few horsemen fled and went to Babylon.
Then I went to Babylon (after By the will of Ahuramazda I seized Babylon and captured that
him).
Nidintu-Bel. Afterwards I slew (impaled) that Nidintu-Bel (and the nobles who were with him. I

executed forty-nine) in Babylon.

Saith Darius the King: While I was in Babylon these are the lands which revolted from me: Persis,
Elam, Media, Assyria, Egypt, Parthia, Margiana, Sattagydia, Saka-land.
Saith Darius the King: There was a man called Martiya son of Cincikhri (Shinshakhrish), living in the
town called Kuganaka in Persis. He rose up in Elam. He said (lied) to the people (of Elam) : 'I am Imanish,
king in Elam.'
Saith Darius the King: as I was near Elam, the Elamites became afraid of me. They seized that
As soon
Martiya who was and slew him (of their own volition).
their chief
Saith Darius the King: A man by name Fravartish, a Mede, arose in Media. He said (lied) to the people
(of Media) 'I am Khshathrita of the family (descendent) of Cyaxares.' Then the Median troops which
:

were in the palace revolted from me and went over to that Fravartish. Then he became king in Media.
Saith Darius the King The troops of Persis and Media with me were few. Then I sent an army (to
:

Media). Vidarna by name, my subject, him I made chief of them. I said to them thus: 'Go and defeat the
Median troops who do not obey me.' Then this Vidarna with the army marched ofF(to Media). When he
reached Media, in the town of Maru by name in Media, there he fought a battle with the Medes (troops of
Media). He who was chief of the Medes at that time was not there. Ahuramazda bore me aid. By the will
of Ahuramazda my army defeated that rebel army exceedingly. Twenty-seven days were past of the
month of Anamaka (Tebetu) they fought a battle. (They killed 3827? among them and took 4329
prisoners [(Then Vidarna did not undertake another campaign] against Media). Afterwards this army of
mine waited for me in the district (town) by name Kampada in Media until I arrived in Media. (Then
they came to see me in Ecbatana.)
Saith Darius the King : I sent Dadarshi by name, an Armenian (Urartian), my subject, to Armenia. Thus
I said to him 'Go and
. defeat that rebellious army which does not call itself mine attack it.' Then Dadarshi
;
 The Behistun Inscription of Darius 365

marched off (to Urartu). When he arnved in Armenia (Urartu), then the rebels assembled and went
against Dadarshi to attack. A place by name Zdzu in Armenia (Urartu), there they joined battle.
Ahuramazda bore me aid. By the will of Ahuramazda my army defeated the rebel troops exceedingly.
Eight days of the month Thuravahara (Aiaru) had passed when they fought the battle.
Saith Darius the King: Then a second time the rebels assembled for another battle and attacked
Dadarshi. They fought a battle in the stronghold (town) of Tigra (Digra), in Armenia (Urartu).
Ahuramazda bore me aid. By the will of Ahurmazda my army defeated the rebellious troops exceedingly.
Eighteen days of the month of Thuravahara (Aiaru) had passed when they fought the battle. (They killed
546 among them and took 520 prisoners.)
Saith Darius the King Again, a third time the rebels assembled and came against Dadarshi to do battle.
:

They fought the battle in the fortress by name Uyama, in Armenia (Urartu). Ahuramazda bore me aid.
By the will of Ahuramazda my army defeated the rebel troops exceedingly. Nine days were past of the
month of Thaigarci (Simänu) when they fought the battle. (They killed 472 of them and took 525?
prisoners.) Thereafter Dadarshi ([did nothing]). He waited for me until 1 arrived in Media.
Saith Darius the King Then
: Vaumisa by name, a Persian, my subject to Armenia (Urartu). Thus I
I sent
said to him 'Go and attack the rebellious troops who do not obey me.' Thereupon Vaumisa marched off.
:

When he arrived in Armenia (Urartu) then the rebels assembled and went to attack Vaumisa. They
fought a battle in the district of Izala by name, in Assyria. Ahuramazda bore me aid. By the will of
Ahuramazda my army defeated the rebel troops exceedingly. Fifteen days of the month of Anamaka
(Tebetu) were past when they fought. (They killed 2034 of them.)
Saith Darius the King Again a second time the rebels assembled and went against Vaumisa to join
:

battle. They fought a battle in the district of Autiyara (Utiyäri) by name, in Armenia (Urartu).
Ahuramazda bore me aid. By the will of Ahuramazda my army defeated the rebel troops exceedingly. On
the last day of the month of Thuravahara (30th of Aiaru) they fought the battle. (They killed 2045 among
them and took 1 558 prisoners.) Then Vaumisa did nothing. He waited for me in Armenia (Urartu) until I
came to Media.
Saith Darius the King: Then 1 left Babylon and went to Media. When I arrived in Media, in a town by
name Kunduru in Media, there this Fravartish who called himself king in Media (who said, 'I am
Khshathnta, a descendant of Cyaxares, king of Media) came against me with an army to do battle. Then
we fought the battle. Ahuramazda bore me aid. By the will of Ahuramazda I defeated the army of
Fravartish exceedingly. In the month of Adukanaisha (Nisannu), twenty-five days had passed when we
fought the battle. (We killed 34,425? of them and took prisoner ?)
Saith Darius the King: Then this Fravartish fled with a few horsemen and came to the district of Raga
by name in Media. Then I sent an army after him. Fravartish (and the soldiers who were with him) was
seized and led to me. I cut off his nose, ears and tongue and put out one eye. He was kept bound at my gate
all the people saw him. Then I impaled him at Ecbatana. The men who were his foremost followers

(nobles) I executed (a total of forty-seven. I hung their heads) in the fortress at Ecbatana.
Saith Darius the King: A man by name Cissantakhma (Shitrantakhma), a Sagartian, became rebellious
to me. Thus he said to the people: 'I am king in Sagartia, of the family of Cyaxares.' Then 1 sent a Persian
and Median army. I made chief of them Takhmaspada by name, a Mede, my subject. I said to them: 'Go
forth, defeat the hostile army which is Then Takhmaspada went with the troops. He
rebellious to me.'
fought a battle with Cissantakhma Ahuramazda bore me aid. By the will of Ahuramazda my
(Shitr-).

army defeated the rebel troops and took Cissantakhma (Shitr-) prisoner and led him to me. Afterwards I
cut off both his nose and ears, (his tongue) and put out one eye. He was held bound at my gate. All the
people saw him. Then I impaled him at Arbela. (The total dead and surviving of the rebel force was 447 ?)
Saith Darius the King: This is what was done by me in Media.

Saith Darius the King: Parthia and Hyrcania (the Margians) became rebellious from me. They called
themselves (supporters of) Fravartish. Vishtaspa, my father, was in Parthia. The people (army) abandoned
him (for Fravartish) and became rebellious. Then Vishtaspa went forth with the army which was faithful
to him. He fought a battle in a town Vishpauzati by name, in Parthia with the Parthians. Ahuramazda
bore me aid. By the will of Ahuramazda Vishtaspa defeated that rebellious army exceedingly. Twenty
days of the month of Viyakhna (Addaru) had passed when they fought the battle. (They killed 6346? of
them and took 4346? prisoners.)

Column III - Saith Darius the King: Then I

from Raga.
sent forth (loyal) Persian troops to Vishtaspa
When the army reached Vishtaspa then marched out with that army. In a town Patigrabana by
Vishtaspa
name, in Parthia, he attacked the rebels. Ahuramazda bore me aid. By the will of Ahuramazda Vishtaspa
defeated that rebel army exceedingly. The first day of the month of Garmapada (Du 'azu) was past when
366 Appendix 2

they fought the battle. (They killet) 6570 of them and took 41 92 pnsoners. Then he executed their leader
and the nobles who were with him - a total of eighty
Saith Darius the King: Then the land became mine. This is what was done by me in Parthia.
Saith Darius the A land Margiana by name became rebellious against me. A man, Frada by name,
King :

a Margian, they made chief. Then scnt against him a Persian, Dadarshi by name, my subject, the Satrap of
I

Bactna Thus I said to him: 'Go army which does not call itself mine.' Then Dadarshi
forth, defeat that
niarched out with the army He fought the Margians. Ahuramazda bore me aid. By the will of
Ahuramazda my army defeated the rebel army exceedingly Twenty-eight days were past of the month of
.

Assiyada (23rd day of Kishmu) when they fought the battle. (He executed Parada and the nobles who
were with him, a total of 46? He killed 552 —
? and took 6572 pnsoners.)

Saith Darius the King: Afterwards the land became mine. This is what was done by me in Bactria.
Saith Darius the King: There was a man Vahyazdata, by name, a Persian residing in a town Tarava
(Tarma) by name, in the district Yautiya by name, in Persis. He made the second uprising in Persis. He
said to the people thus am Bardiya, the son of Cyrus (king of lands).* Then (all) the Persian forces (which
: 'I

liad come to me to) the palace (of Babylon) from Anshan previously, revolted from me and went over to

that Vahyazdata. He became king in Persis.

Saith Darius the King Then : I and Median army which was by me. (Then I sent a
sent forth the Persian
niessage to Persis to the other small Persian force which had not revolted from me, and to the Median
forces.) [Then 1 sent the small Persian army which had not revolted from me in the palace and the Median
jrmy which was by me.) madcchief of them a Persian, Artavardiya (Artamarziya) by name, my subject.
I

The rest of the Persian army went with me to Media. Then Artavardiya went with his army to Persis.
When hc arrived in Persis, at a town Rakha by name, in Persis, there this Vahyazdata who called himself
Bardiya (son of Cyrus) came with his army to attack Artavardiya. Then theyjoined battle. Ahuramazda
bore nie aid. By the will of Ahuramazda my army defeated the army of Vahyazdata (who had said 1 am
Bardiya) exceedingly. Twelve days were past of the month of Thuravahara (Aiaru) when they fought the
battle.

Saith Darius the King: Afterwards this Vahyazdata fled with a few horsemen. He went to
Paishiyauvada (Pishikhumada). From there he got troops and went against Artavardiya to do battle. They
fought a battle at a mountain Parga by name (in Persis). Ahuramazda bore me aid. by the will of
Ahuramazda my army defeated that army of Vahyazdata exceedingly. Five days of the month of
Garmapada (Du 'ozu) were past when they fought the battle. (They killed 6246? of them and took 4464?
pnsoners ) They took that Vahyazdata pnsoner and those who were his foremost followers.
Saith Darius the King: Afterwards I impaled that Vahyazdata and those who were his foremost
followers at a town Uvadaicaya (Ubadasaya) by name (in Persis; 1 executed a total of 52?)
Saith Darius the King: (Then this land became mine.) This is what was done by me in Persis.
Saith Darius the King This Vahyazdata, who called himself Bardiya (son of Cyrus) had sent an army to
:

Arachosia against Vivana by name, a Persian, my subject, satrap in Arachosia. And he made one man their
chief and said thus to them. 'Go, defeat Vivana and that army which calls itself King Darms'.' Then the
army which Vahyazdata had sent against Vivana to do battle marched forth. In a fortress (town)
Kapishakani by name (in Arachosia) they fought a battle. Ahuramazda bore me aid. By the will of
Ahuramazda my army defeated that rebellious army exceedingly. Thirteen days of the month of
Anamaka (Tebetu) had passed when they fought the battle. (The total dead and surviving of the troops
whom Vahyazdata had sent was ?)
Saith Darius the King. Again, later the rebels assembled to battle against Vivana. They fought in the
district of Gandutava (Gandatamaki in Sattagydia). Ahuramazda bore me aid. By the will of Ahuramazda
my army defeated that rebel army exceedingly. Seven days of the month of Viyakhna (Addaru) had
passed when they fought the battle. (The total dead and surviving of the troops whom Vahyazdata had
sent was 4579.)

man who was chief of the army which Vahyazdata had sent
Saith Darius the King: Afterwards that
against Vivana fledfew horsemen and got away. He went past a fortress (town) [estate] Arshada, by
with a
name, in Arachosia. Then Vivana pursued them with his army. He took him prisoner there with the men
who were his foremost followers and slew them. (The total dead and surviving of the troops of Vivana
was 42?)
Saith Darius the King: Afterwards the land became mine. This is what was done by me in (Sattagydia
and) Arachosia.
Saith Darius the King: While I and Media, the Babylonians again revolted from me. A
was in Persis
man Arakha by name, an Armenian by name) in Babylonia. He
(Urartian), son of Haldita arose (in Ur,
rose up from a district, Dubala by name, and lied thus to the people 'I am Nebuchadrezzar (-n-) son of
:
 The Behistun Inscription of Darius 367

Nabonaidus.' Thereupon the Babylonian army revolted from me. They went over to that Arakha. He
seized Babylon. He became king in Babylon
Saith Darius the King: Then sent an army to Babylon. I made chief of them a Persian Vindafarna by
I

name, my subject. Then I said to them: 'Go forth, defeat that Babylonian army which does not call itself
mine.' Then Vindafarna went to Babylon with the army. Ahuramazda bore me aid. By the will of
Ahuramazda Vindafarna defeated the Babylonian troops and took (all of) them to me as prisoners.
Twenty-two days of the month of Varkazana (Arahsamnu) had passed when they fought the battle. Then
that Arakha, who had falsely called of Nabonidus) and the men who
himself Nebuchadrezzar (-n-) (son

were his foremost followers were taken prisoner. This Arakha and the men who were
I issued an Order:
his foremost followers, impale them (Then he impaled that Arakha and the nobles who were with him) in
Babylon.' (The total dead and surviving of the army of Arakha was 2497).

Column IV - what was done by me in Babylon.

Saith Darius the King: This is

Saith Darius the King: This is 1 did. By

the will of Ahuramazda this is what I did in one and the
what
same year after I became king. I fought nineteen battles. By the will of Ahuramazda I defeated them and
took prisoner (their) nine kings. One was Gaumata by name, a Magian. He lied. Thus he said, 'I am
Bardiya, son of Cyrus (king of Persis).' He made Persis (and Media) rebel. One Assina (Atrina) by name,
an Elamite; he lied. Thus he said, 'I am king in Elam.' He made Elam rebel from me. One Nidintu-Bel by
name. He lied. Thus he said, '1 am Nebuchadrezzar (-n-), son of Nabonidus (king of Babylon).' He made
Babylonia rebel. One Martiya by name.a Persian. He lied. Thus he said, 'I am Imanish (Immaneshu), king in
Elam.' He made Elam rebel. One Fravartish by name, a Mede. He lied, Thus he said, 'I am Khshathrita, of
the family of Cyaxares.' He made Media rebel. One Cissantakhma by name, a Sagartian. He lied. Thus he
said, '1 am king in Sagartia, of the familiy of Cyaxares.' He made Sagartia rebel. One Frada by name, a
Margian. He lied. Thus he said, 'I am king in Margiana.' He made Margiana rebel. One Vahyazdata by
name, a Persian. He lied. Thus he said, 'I am Bardiya, son of Cyrus (king of Persis).' He made Persis rebel.
One Arkha by name, an Armenian (Urartian). He lied. Thus he said: '1 am Nebuchadrezzar (-n-) son of
Nabonidus.' He made Babylonia rebel.
Saith Darius the King: These nine kings 1 took prisoner in these battles (whom 1 defeated and if
surviving they were captured and killed. My forces in the course of these battles defeated their forces).
Saith Darius the King: These are the lands which became rebellious. The lie made them rebellious.

These men lied to the people. Then Ahuramazda put them into my hand. As was my desire, so 1 did to
them. (Just as 1 wish, they do.)
You who will be king hereafter. From the lie protect yourself vigorously The
Saith Darius the King: .

man who him severely, if you shall think thus: 'may my land be secure.'
lies, punish
Saith Darius the King This is what I did. By the will of Ahuramazda did it in one year. You who later
: I

may read this inscription, let that which has been done by me convince you. Do not consider it a lie.
Saith Darius the King: take an oath by Ahuramazda that this (what have spoken) is the truth and not
I I

false, that which 1 did in one and the same year.

Saith Darius the King: the will of Ahuramazda, much more was done by me which has not been
By
inscribed in this inscription (document on the stele). It has not been inscribed for this reason, lest to whom
who later reads the inscription what has been done by me seem excessive and it not convince him and he
think it false. (May say: They are lies.)

Saith Darius the King: who were former kings as long as they hved by them was not done thus
Those
(there was not one who accomplished) as much as by the will of Ahuramazda was done by me in one and
the same year.
Darms the King- Let that which did convince you. Teil (the truth to) the people. Do not conceal
Saith I

it. you do not conceal this record (matters) but you do teil it to the people, may Ahuramazda (protect
If
and) befnend you. May your descendants be numerous and may you live long.
Saith Darius the King If you do conceal this record and do not teil the people (the truth which is
inscribed here) may Ahuramazda smite (curse) you, and may you have no descendants.
Saith Darius the King: This which 1 did in one and the same year by the will of Ahuramazda I did.
Ahuramazda [the god of the Aryans] and (all) the other gods who are bore me aid.
Saith Darius the King: For this reason Ahuramazda and (all) the other gods who are bore me aid,
because I was not of evil intent did not follow the he. I did no injustice, neither 1 nor my family. I
1

conducted myself according to righteousness (the law). Neither to the weak nor to the strong did I do
wrong. The man who cooperated with my house I rewarded well. Whosoever did wrong I punished
well.
366 Appendix 2

they fought the battle. (They killed 6570 of them and took 4192 prisoners. Then he executed their leader
and the nobles who were with him -
of eighty.)
a total

Saith Darius the King: Then the land became mine. This is what was done by me in Parthia.
Saith Darius the King: A land Margiana by name became rebelhous against me. A man, Frada by name,
a Margian, they made chief. Then I sent against him a Persian, Dadarshi by name, my subject, the satrap of

Bactria. Thus I said to him. 'Go forth, defeat that army which does not call itself mine.' Then Dadarshi
marched out with the army He fought the Margians. Ahuramazda bore me aid. By the will of
Ahuramazda my army defeated the rebel army exceedingly. Twenty-eight days were past of the month of
Assiyada (23rd day of Kishmu) when they fought the battle. (He executed Parada and the nobles who
were with him, a total of 46? He killed 552 —
? and took 6572 prisoners.)

Saith Darius the King. Afterwards the land became mine. This is what was done by me in Bactria.
Saith Darius the King: There was a man Vahyazdata, by name, a Persian residmg in a town Tarava
(Tarnia) by name, in the district Yautiya by name, in Persis. He made the second uprising in Persis. He
said to the people thus: '1 am Bardiya, the son of Cyrus (king of lands).' Then (all) the Persian forces (which
had come to me to) the palace (of Babylon) from Anshan previously, revolted from me and went over to
that Vahyazdata. He became king in Persis.
Saith Darius the King: Then I sent forth the Persian and Median army which was by me. (Then I sent a
mcssage to Persis to the other small Persian force which had not revolted from me, and to the Median
forces.) [Then I sent the small Persian army which had not revolted from me in the palace and the Median
army which was by me madcchief of them a Persian, Artavardiya (Artamarziya) by name, my subject.
] I

The rest of the Persian army went with me to Media. Then Artavardiya went with his army to Persis.
When he arrived in Persis, at a town Rakha by name, in Persis, there this Vahyazdata who called himself
Bardiya (son of Cyrus) came with his army to attack Artavardiya. Then theyjoined battle. Ahuramazda
bore nie aid By the will of Ahuramazda my army defeated the army of Vahyazdata (who had said I am
Bardiya) exceedingly. Twelve days were past of the month of Thuravahara (Aiaru) when they fought the
battle

Saith Darius the King: Afterwards this Vahyazdata fled with a few horsemen. He went to
Paishiyauvada (Pishikhumada). From there he got troops and went against Artavardiya to do battle. They
fought a battle at a mountain Parga by name (in Persis). Ahuramazda bore me aid. by the will of
Ahuramazda my army defeated that army of Vahyazdata exceedingly. Five days of the month of
Garmapada (Du *üzu) were past when they fought the battle. (They killed 6246? of them and took 4464?
prisoners.) They took that Vahyazdata prisoner and those who were his foremost followers.
Saith Darius the King. Afterwards I impalcd that Vahyazdata and those who were his foremost
followers at a town Uvadaicaya (Ubadasaya) by name (in Persis; 1 executed a total of 52?)
Saith Darius the King: (Then this land became mine.) This is what was done by me in Persis.
Saith Darius the King This Vahyazdata, who called himself Bardiya (son of Cyrus) had sent an army to
:

Arachosia against Vi vana by name, a Persian, my subject, satrap in Arachosia. And he made one man their
clnef and said thus to them: 'Go, defeat Vivana and that army which calls itself King Darius'.' Then the
army which Vahyazdata had sent against Vivana to do battle marched forth. In a fortress (town)
Kapishakani by name (in Arachosia) they fought a battle. Ahuramazda bore me aid. By the will of
Ahuramazda my army defeated that rebelhous army exceedingly. Thirteen days of the month of
Anamaka (Tebetu) had passed when they fought the battle. (The total dead and surviving of the troops
whom Vahyazdata had sent was ?)

Saith Darius the King: Again, later the rebels assembled to battle against Vivana. They fought in the
district of Gandutava (Gandatamaki in Sattagydia). Ahuramazda bore me aid. By the will of Ahuramazda
my army defeated that rebel army exceedingly. Seven days of the month of Viyakhna (Addaru) had
passed when they fought the battle. (The total dead and surviving of the troops whom Vahyazdata had
sent was 4579.)
Saith Darius the King: Afterwards that man who was chief of the army which Vahyazdata had sent
against Vivana fled few horsemen and got away. He went past a fortress (town) [estate] Arshada, by
with a
name, in Arachosia. Then Vivana pursued them with his army. He took him prisoner there with the men
who were his foremost followers and slew them. (The total dead and surviving of the troops of Vivana
was 42?)
Saith Darius the King. Afterwards the land became mine. This is what was done by me in (Sattagydia
and) Arachosia.
Saith Darius the King While : I and Media, the Baby lonians again revolted from me. A
was in Persis
man Arakha by name, an Armenian by name) in Babylonia. He
(Urartian), son of Haldita arose (in Ur,
rose up from a district, Dubala by name, and lied thus to the people: 'I am Nebuchadrezzar (-n-) son of
 The Behistun Inscription of Darius 357

Nabonaidus.' Thereupon the Babylonian army revolted from me. They went over to that Arakha. He
seized Babylon. He became king in Babylon.
Saith Darius the King: Then I sent an army to Babylon. I made chief of them a Persian Vindafarna by
name, my subject. Then I said to them 'Go forth, defeat that Babylonian army which does not call itself
:

mine.' Then Vindafarna went to Babylon with the army. Ahuramazda bore me aid. By the will of
Ahuramazda Vindafarna defeated the Babylonian troops and took (all of) them to me as prisoners.
Twenty-two days of the month of Varkazana (Arahsamnu) had passed when they fought the battle. Then
that Arakha, who had falsely called of Nabonidus) and the men who
himself Nebuchadrezzar (-n-) (son

were his foremost followers were taken prisoner. This Arakha and the men who were
I issued an order:
his foremost followers, impale them (Then he impaled that Arakha and the nobles who were with him) in
Babylon.' (The total dead and survivmg of the army of Arakha was 2497).

Column IV - Saith Darius the what was done by me in Babylon.

King: This is

Saith Darius the King: This is the will of Ahuramazda this is what I did in one and the
what I did. By
same year after I became king. I fought nineteen battles. By the will of Ahuramazda I defeated them and
took prisoner (their) nine kings. One was Gaumata by name, a Magian. He lied. Thus he said, 'I am
Bardiya, son of Cyrus (king of Persis).' He made Persis (and Media) rebel. One Assina (Atrina) by name,
an Elamite; he lied. Thus he said, 'I am king in Elam.' He made Elam rebel from me. One Nidintu-Bel by
name. He lied. Thus he said, 'I am Nebuchadrezzar (-n-), son of Nabonidus (king of Babylon).' He made
Baby lonia rebel. One Martiya by name, a Persian. He lied. Thus he said, *I am Imanish (Immaneshu), king in
Elam.' He made Elam rebel. One Fravartish by name, a Mede. He lied, Thus he said, '1 am Khshathrita, of
the family of Cyaxares.' He made Media rebel. One Cissantakhma by name, a Sagartian. He lied. Thus he
said, '1 am king in Sagartia, of the familiy of Cyaxares.' He made Sagartia rebel. One Frada by name, a

Margian. He lied. Thus he said, 'I am king in Margiana.' He made Margiana rebel. One Vahyazdata by
name, a Persian. He lied. Thus he said, 'I am Bardiya, son of Cyrus (king of Persis).' He made Persis rebel.
One Arkha by name, an Armenian (Urartian). He lied. Thus he said: '1 am Nebuchadrezzar (-n-) son of
Nabonidus.' He made Babylonia rebel.
Saith Darius the King: These nine kings I took prisoner in these battles (whom I defeated and if
surviving they were captured and killed. My forces in the course of these battles defeated their forces).
Saith Darius the King: These are the lands which became rebellious. The lie made them rebellious.
These men lied to the people. Then Ahuramazda put them into my hand. As was my desire, so I did to
them. (Just as I wish, they do.)
Saith Darius the You who will be king hereafter. From the lie protect yourself vigorously. The
King:
man who lies,him severely, if you shall think thus: 'may my land be secure.'
punish
Saith Darius the King This is what I did. By the will of Ahuramazda I did it in one year. You who later
:

may read this inscription, let that which has been done by me convince you. Do not consider it a lie.
Saith Darius the King 1 take an oath by Ahuramazda that this (what ha ve spoken) is the truth and not
: I

false, that which I did in one and the same year.

Saith Darius the King By the will of Ahuramazda, much more was done by me which has not been
:

(document on the stele). It has not been inscribed for this reason, lest to whom
inscribed in this inscription
who later reads the inscription what has been done by me seem excessive and it not convince him and he
think it false. (May say: They are lies.)
Saith Darius the King: Those who were former kings as long as they hved by them was not done thus
(there was not one who accomplished) as much as by the will of Ahuramazda was done by me in one and
the same year.
Saith Darius the King Let that which I did convince you. Teil (the truth to) the people. Do not conceal
•

it If you do not conceal this record (matters) but you do teil it to the people, may Ahuramazda (protect

and) befriend you. May your descendants be numerous and may you live long.
Saith Darius the King: If you do conceal this record and do not teil the people (the truth which is
inscribed here) smite (curse) you, and may you have no descendants.
may Ahuramazda
Saith Darius theKing: This which I did in one and the same year by the will of Ahuramazda I did.
Ahuramazda [the god of the Aryans] and (all) the other gods who are bore me aid.
Saith Darius the King: For this reason Ahuramazda and (all) the other gods who are bore me aid,
because was not of evil intent. I did not follow the lie. did no injustice, neither I nor my family. I
I I

conducted myself according to righteousness (the law). Neither to the weak nor to the strong did I do
wrong. The man who cooperated with my house I rewarded well. Whosoever did wrong I punished
well.
368 Appendix 2

Saith Darius the King: You who will be king hereafter, do not be a fnend to the liar or wrong-doer.
Punish them well.
Saith Darius theKing You who hereafter shall see this inscription which I ha ve inscnbed (stele) or
:

(and) these sculptures, do not destroy them but as long as you shall have strength protect them.
Saith Darius the King. If you see this inscription or (and) these sculptures and do not destroy them but
protect them as long as you have strength, may Ahuramazda (protect and) befriend you, and may your
descendants increase, and may you live long, and whatever you do may Ahuramazda make successful for
you.
Saith Darius the King: If you see this inscription or (and) these sculptures and destroy them and do not
protect them as long as you have strength, may Ahuramazda smite (curse) you; may you not have
descendants, and whatever you do, may Ahuramazda utterly ruin it.
Saith Darius theKing These are the men who were with me when I killed Gaumata the Magian who
called himself Bardiya. At that time these men cooperated as my followers: Vindafarna by name, son of
Vayaspara (Visparu), a Persian, Utana (Vittana) by name, son of Thukhra (Suhkra) a Persian, Gaubaruva
(Gubaru) by name, son of Marduniya, a Persian, (a Padishumarish) Vidarna, by name, son of Bagabigna, a
Persian, Bagabukhsha by name, son of Datuvahya (Zatua), a Persian, Ardimanish? by name, son of
Vahauka (Vakhku), a Persian.
Saith Darius the King You who shall be king hereafter, protect well the family of these men (these men
:

and the descendants of these men).

Saith Darius the King: By the will of Ahurmazda this is the inscription which I made. Besides, it was in
Aryan and composed on clay tablets and parchment. Besides, I made a sculptured figure of myself. Besides,
1made my lineage. And it was inscribed and was read offbefore me. Afterwards I sent this inscription
everywhere among the lands. The people unitedly worked on it.

Column V - in OP - Saith Darius the King: This is what 1 did in both the second and third year** after I

became king. A land, Elam by name, became rebellious. A man Atamaita by name, an Elamite, they made
chief Then 1 sent an army. A man, Gaubaruva by name, a Persian, my subjeet, made chief of them. I

Afterwards Gaubaruva with the army marched to Elam. He battled with the Elamites. Then Gaubaruva
attacked and crushed the Elamites and captured their chief. He led him to me and 1 killed him. Afterwards
the land became mine.
Saith Darius the King:Those Elamites were faithless and Ahuramazda was not worshipped by them. I
worshipped Ahuramazda. By the will of Ahuramazda, as was my desire, thus I did unto them.
Saith Darius the King. Whoso shall worship Ahuramazda, blessing? will be with him both while alive
and while dead.
Saith Darius the King Afterwards with an army I went to Sakaland after the Sakas who wear a pointed
:

cap. These Sakas went from me. When I arrived at the sea, then I crossed beyond it with all my army.
Afterwards 1 defeated the Sakas exceedingly. Another 1 took captive, who was led bound to me and 1 slew
him Their chief Skunkha they seized and led to me. Then I made another chief, as was my desire. After
that the land became nunc.
Saith Darius the King:Those Sakas were faithless and Ahuramazda was not worshipped by them. 1
worshipped Ahuramazda. By the will of Ahuramazda, as was my desire, thus did to them. I

Saith Darius the King: Whoso shall worship Ahuramazda, blessing? will be with him both while alive
and while dead.

** Or only in the 'fourth' year A number of

readings are uncertain in Column V because of
damage to the stone
 ;

APPENDIX 3

THE BACTRIAN INSCRIPTION OF SURKH KOTAL NEAR

BAGHLAN IN AFGHANISTAN*

After this stronghold (with) the 'Victorious Kanishka' temple, to which the lord king Kanishka gave his
name, was completed, then the water inside it petered out wherefore the stronghold became waterless.
And when fear of enemies arose, then the gods were removed from their places and were taken to Draf, to
Andez, and the stronghold was abandoned. Then when the karadrang 2 Nokonzok, son of Frixwadex, 3
1

most devoted to the devaputra king, helper of the country, amiable, merciful, pure-minded towards all
hving beings, came here to the temple in the month of NTsän of the regnal year 31
Then he circumvallated the stronghold; then he dug this well and led its water out. Then he paved it
with stones so that to people4 in the stronghold water should not be lacking, such that when they have fear
of enemies they do not remove the gods from their place and do not abandon the stronghold. And over
the well he built a water-wheel (and he) installed a tank such that by means of this well, by means of this
water-wheel, the whole stronghold fare well.
And the well was built by Burzmihr, i.e. son of Kozgashk, i.e. Astilogansig 5 honoring the memory of
,

the karadrangNokonzok, by command of the emperor. (Version M

has: And this well and dromos? was
built by Khirgman together with Burzmihr, etc. - same as Version B.)
And the same (or 'the structure' was inscribed) together with Burzmihr's son Mihraman wrote (the
inscription).
(Two monograms complete the inscription.)

* The first edition of the inscription (in three excavations see the four articles on Surkh Kotal in
copies, two fragmentary) was by A. Maricq, the JA (1952, 1954, 1955, 1964).
"Inscriptions de Surkh Kotal (Baghlan) "JA (1958) '
These two names have been identified as one
345-440. Others who wrote about it were W. B. Site, Drapsaka or Qunduz, with Andez meaning

Henning, H. Humbach, J. Harmatta; for a 'fort' of the town, by J. Harmatta, The Great

bibliography see M. Mayrhofer, "Das Bemühen Bactrian Inscription," AAH, 12 (Budapest, 1964),
um die Surkh-Kotal-Inschrift," ZDMG, 112 454-55.
2
(1963), 343-44, and G. Morgenstierne, "Notes on Interpreted as 'Warden of the Marches' by
Bactrian Phonology," BSOAS, 33 (1970), 125. Henning and Gershevitch, and as 'district-superin-

The text in photos and in transcription is given by tendent' by Harmatta.

R. Göbl, Die drei Versionen der Kaniika-lnschriß i Interpreted an epithet, 'the king's favorite,'
as
Surkh Kotal, Denkschriften der österreichis-
i'oii by Harmatta.
chen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 88 (Vienna, 4 that pure
So Gershevitch. Others read 'so

1965). The version here is based on I. Gershevitch, water be not lacking.'

5
"Nokonzok's Well," Afghan Studies, 2 (London, The word cuxo has been translated as i.e., and
1979), 55-67, the two textscalled Band M Onthe the name may be a family or clan name.
last
 APPENDIX 4

THE INSCRIPTION OF SHAPUR I AT NAQSH-E RUSTAM

IN FARS*

1. 1, the Mazda worshipping lord Shapur, king of kings oflran and non-Iran, whose lineage is from the

Gods, son of the Mazda worshipping divinity Ardashir, king of kings oflran, whose lineage is from the
Gods, grandson of king Papak, am ruler of Iranshahr, [and I hold ?] the lands:
Persis, Parthia, Khuzistan, Mesene, Assyria, Adiabene, Arabia, Azerbaijan, Armenia, 2. Georgia, Segan
[Makhelonia = Mingrelia], Arran [Albania], Balasakan, up to the Caucasus mountains and the Gates of
Albania, and all of the mountain chain of Pareshwar, Media, Gurgan, Merv, Herat and all of Aparshahr, 1

Kerman, Seistan, Turan, Makuran, Paradene, Hindustan [India = Sind], the Kushanshahr up to Peshawar,
and up to Kashgar, Sogdiana and to the mountains of Tashkent, and on the other side of the sea, Oman.
And we have given to a village district the name Peroz-Shapur and we made Hormizd-Ardashir by name
Shapur. 2 3. And these many lands, and rulers and governors, all have become tributary and subject to us.
When at first we had become established in the empire, Gordian Caesar raised in all of the Roman
Empire a force from the Goth and German realms and marched on Babylonia [Assyria] (Asuristan)
against the Empire oflran and against us. On the border of Babylonia at Misikhe, a great 'frontal' battle
occurred. Gordian Caesar 4. was killed and the Roman force was destroyed. And the Romans made Philip
Caesar. Then Philip Caesar came to us for terms, and to ransom their lives, gave us 500,000 denars, and
became tributary to us. And for this reason we have renamed Misikhe Peroz-Shapur.
And Caesar lied again and did wrong to Armenia. Then we attacked the Roman Empire and
annihilated at Barbalissos a Roman force of 60,000 5. and Syria and the environs of Syria we burned,
ruined and pillaged all. In this one campaign we conquered of the Roman Empire fortresses and towns:
3
the town of Anatha with surroundings, (Birtha of A rupän ?) with surroundings, Birtha of Asporakan,
thetown of Sura, Barbalissos, Manbuk [Hierapolis], 6. Aleppo [Berroia ?], Qennisrin [Khalkida],
Apamea, Rhephania, Zeugma, Urima, Gindaros, Armenaza, Seleucia, Antioch, 7. Cyrrhe, another town
of Seleucia, Alexandretta, Nicopolis, Sinzara, Hama, Rastan, Dikhor, Dolikhe, Dura, 8. Circusium,
Germanicia, Batna, Khanar, and in Cappadocia the towns of Satala, Domana, Artangil, Suisa, Sinda,
Phreata, 9. a total of 37 towns with surroundings.
In the third campaign, when we attacked Carrhae and Urhai [Edessa] and were besieging Carrhae and
Edessa Valerian Caesar marched against us. He had with him a force of 70,000 from Germany, Raetia,
Noricum, Dacia, Pannonia, Moesia, Istria, Spain, Africa (?), Thrace, 10. Bithynia, Asia, Pamphylia,

* The edition of the text in three languages

first Parthian (the most legible) text but names are in
(Parthian, Middle Persian and Greek) was by M. modern or Classical forms.
Sprengung, "Shahpuhr I, the Great on the Kaabah 'Balasakan = Derbend area; Pareshwar =
ofZoroaster (KZ)," AJSL, 57 (1940), 341^20, Elburz mountains; Aparshahr = lslamic
followed by his Third Century Iran, Sapor and Khurasan.
Kartir (Chicago, 1953), with photographs. The
2
Sprengung seems correct in seeing the name of
Greek text formed the basisof the translation by A. Shapur above that of Hormizd-Ardashir, which is
Mancq, "Res Gestae Divi Saporis," Syria, 35 unclear, but the meaning escapes us. Mancq
(1958), 295-360, with his detailed study together ignores the reading Shapur, above line 2.
letters,

with E. Honigmann, Recherches sur les Res Gestae Perhaps the sentenceis tobe read we, Shapur, have
:

Divi Saporis (Brüssels, 1953). Other references may made (the town) of Hormizd-Ardashir (in

be found in these publications as well as in the Khuzistan).

populär work by J. Gage, La tnontee des Sassanides 3
The phrase 'with surroundings' is found after

(Paris, 1964). The translation here is based mainly each place name and has been omitted here.
on the MP and Parthian versions with additions in Modern identificationsof the place names are
parentheses and with Greek additions or dirfer- found in Maricq, in Syria, 338-339.
ences in brackets. The line division follows the
312 Appendix 4

Isauria, Lycaonia, Galatia, Lycia, Cilicia, Cappadocia, Phrygia, Syria, Phoemcia, Judaea, Arabia,
Mauntania, Germania, Rhodes [Lydia], Osrhoene (?), 11. Mesopotamia.
And beyond Carrhae and Edessa we had a great battle with Valerian Caesar. We made prisoner
ourselves with our own hands Valerian Caesar and the others, chiefs ofthat army, the praetorian prefect,
Senators; we made all prisoners and deported them to Persis.
And Syria, Cilicia and Cappadocia 12. we burned, ruined and pillaged.
4
In that campaign we conquered of the Roman Empire the town of Samosata, Alexandria on the Issus,
Katabolos, Aegaea, Mopsuestia, Mallos, Adana, Tarsus, Augustinia, 13. Zephyrion, Sebaste, Korykos,
Anazarba ([Agrippas]), Kastabala, Neronias, Flavias, Nicopolis, Epiphaneia, 14. Kelendens, Anemurion,
Sehnus, Mzdu-(Myonpolis), Antioch, Seleucia, Dometiopolis, Tyana, Caesarea [Meiakanri], Komana 1 5.
Kybistra, Sebasteia, Birtha, Rakundia, Laranda, leonium, altogether all these cities with their
surroundings 36.
And men of the Roman Empire, of non-Iranians, 16. we deported.We settled them in the Empire of
Iran in Persis, Parthia, Khuzistan, in Babylonia and in other lands where there were domains of our father,
grandfathers and of our ancestors.
We searched out for conquest many other lands, and we acquired fame for heroism, which we have not
engraved here, except for the preceding. We ordered it written so that whoever comes after us may know
1 7. this fame, heroism and power of us.

Thus, for this reason, that the gods have made us their ward, 5 and with the aid of the gods we have
searched out and taken so many lands, so that in every land we have founded many Bahram fires and have
conferred benefices upon many magi-men, and we have magnified
the cult of the gods.
And here by this inscription, we founded Khosro-Shapur 6 by name for our soul and to
a fire 18.
perpetuate our name, a fire called Khosro-Aduranahid by name for the soul of our daughter Aduranahid,
queen of queens, to perpetuate her name, a fire called Khosro-Hormizd-Ardashir by name for the soul of
our son, Hormizd-Ardashir, great king of Armenia, to perpetuate his name, another fire called Khosro-
Shapur by name, for the soul of our son Shapur king of Mesene, to perpetuate his name, and 19. a fire
called Khosro-Narseh by name, for the soul of our son, the noble, Mazda worshipping Narseh, king of
Sind, Seistan and Turan to the edge of the sea, to perpetuate his name.
And that which we have donated to these fires, and which we have established as a custom, all ofthat
we have written upon the document [of guaranty]. Ofthose 1000 lambs, of which custom gives us the
excess, and which we ha ve donated to these fires, we have ordered as follows for our soul each day 20. a
:

lamb, one and a half measures 7 of bread and four quantities of wine.
For that of Sasan the lord, King Papak, King Shapur son of Papak, King of Kings Ardashir, the Empire's
Queen Khoranzim, Queen of Queens Aduranahid, Queen Dinak, King of Gilan Bahram, King of Mesene
Shapur, Great King of Armenia Hormizd-Ardashir, King of the Sakas Narseh, Queen of the Sakas 21.
Shapurdukhtak, Lady of the Sakas Narsehdukht, Lady Casmak, Prinz Peroz, Lady Mirdut [Myrrod],
mother of King of Kings Shapur, Prince Narseh, Princess Rud-dukhtak, daughter of Anosak, Varazdukht
[Gorazdukht], daugher of Khoranzim, Queen Stahyrad, Hormizdak, son of the king of Armenia,
Hormizd, Hormizdak, Odabakht, Bahram, Shapur, Peroz, son of the king of Mesene, Shapurdukhtak,
daughter of the king of Mesene, and Hormizddukhtak, daughter of the king of the Sakas 22, for their
souls a lamb, a measure and a half of bread and four quantities of wine.
And the lambs which remain, as much as remain to be completely used, are for the souls of those for
whose souls we have ordered rites, who by name are found in writing, every day a lamb, one and a half
measures of bread and four quantities of wine.
Among those who lived under the rule of King Papak: Sasan Ornekan, Farrak son of Farrak,
Vartragnipat son of Khur, Asporik son of Asporik, Pohrik son of Mardin, Zik the master of ceremonies,
23. Shapur son of Wezan, Shapur son of Mihrozan.
Among those who lived under the rule of King of Kings Ardashir Satarop king of Abrenak, 8 Ardashir
:

king of Merv, Ardashir king of Kerman, Ardashir king of the Sakas, Dinak mother of king Papak, Rodak
mother of King of Kings Ardashir, Dinak daughter of Papak queen of queens, Ardashir bidakhsh, Papak

4 6
Same as the preceding list 'with surroundings.' Or
to be translated 'fame of Shapur.'
For modern identifications see Maricq, op. eil., 7
For a discussion of the amounts of bread and
340-41. wine, see Maricq, op. cit., 318-19.
5 8
This word, dastkirt, can mean 'domain' as well This probably means the Aparni or Khurasan.
as 'creature,' but here I translate it as 'ward,'
meaning 'under the protection of.'
 The Inscription of Shapur I 373

chiliarch, Dehin Varaz, Sasan Suren, Sasan lord of Andegan, Peroz Karen 24. Gok Karen, Abursam 'glory

of Ardashir,' Geliman of Demavend, Rakhsh the army chief, Mard head of scribes, Papak master of
ceremonies, Pazihr Vaspurigan, Vifard son of Farrak, Mihr-khwast Baresigan, Khumafrat chief of the
eilte guard (?), Diran chief of the armory, Chihrak thejudge, Vardan chief of stables, Mihrak son of Tosar,

Zik Zabrigan, Sagbus master of the hunt, Khudik chief Steward, Zayen chief of wine.
Among those who live under the rule of King of Kings Shapur. Ardashir king of Adiabene, Ardashir
25 king of Kerman, Dinak queen of Mesene ward of Shapur, Hamazasp king of Georgia, Prince Valash
son of Papak, Prince Sasan who is adopted by the Farrak family, Prince Sasan who is adopted by the Kiduk
family, Prince Narseh son of Peroz, Prince Narseh son of Shapur, Shapur bidakhsh, Papak chiliarch, Peroz
chief of cavalry, Ardashir Varaz, Ardashir Suren, Narseh lord of Andegan, 26. Ardashir Karen, Vahunam
9
framadär, FrTk satrap of Gundeshapur, Sritoy son of Shahimust, Ardashir joy of Ardashir,' Pazihr 'valiant
of Shapur,' Ardashir satrap of Qom, Chashmak 'brave of Shapur,' Vahunam 'joy of Shapur,' Tir-mihr chief
of fortress of Shahrkart, Zik master of ceremonies, Artaban of Demavend, Gondofarr Abgan 'who seeks
combat,' Pabish 'Perozshapur' son of Shanbit 27. Varzin satrap of Isfahan, Kirdisro bidakhsh, Papak
Vaspurigan, Valash son of Seleucus, Yazdbad counsellor of queens, Papak swordbearer, Narseh satrap of
Rind, ° Tiyanik satrap of Hamadan, Vardbad [Gulbad] chief of Services, Yoymard son of Rastak, Ardashir
1

son of Vifar, Abursam-Shapur head of the harem, Narseh son of Barrak, Shapur son of Narseh, Narseh
chief Steward, 28. Hormizd chief scribe son of Hormizd chief scribe, Naduk chief of the prison, Papak gate
keeper, Pasfard son of Pasfard, Abdagash son of the castle lord, Kerdir magus, Rastak satrap of Weh
Ardashir, Ardashir son of the bidakhsh, Mihrkhwast treasurer, Shapur Commander, Arshtat Mihran of
1
'

Rayy secretary, Sasan the eunuch son of Sasan, Virod chief of markets, Ardashir satrap of Neriz, Bagdad
son of Vardapad [Gulbad], Kerdir Ardavan, Zurvandad son of Bandak, 29. Vinnar son of Sasan, Manzik
the eunuch, Sasan thejudge, Vardan son of Nashbad, Gurik ([Vardik]) chief ofboars, altogether one lamb,
one and a half portions of bread, four measures of wine every day.
Now as we serve and worship the gods with zeal, since we are the wards of the gods and with the aid of
the gods we have searched out these peoples, have dominated them and have acquired fame for bravery,
alsowhoever comes after us and rules, may he also serve and worship the gods with zeal, so the gods may
12
aid him and make him their ward.
(The Parthian Version alone is signed This is the writing by my hand, Hormizd, the scribe, son of
:

Shirak, the scribe.')

9
This title is general, perhaps something like
'
'
The word framadär is general in meaning and
modern ra Vs 'chief his specific functions are unclear.
10
Unknown, but in western Iran, possibly 12
The MP is different from Greek and
modern Kashan. Parthian, all conflated here.
 .

APPENDIX 5

THE MP AND PARTHIAN INSCRIPTIONS OF NARSEH

AT PAIKULI, NORTH OF KHANIQIN, IRAQ*

A - [I the Mazdaworshipping divine Narseh king] of kings of Iran and non-Iran, whose lineage is [from
the gods, son of the Mazdaworshipping divine Shapur king of] kings of Iran and non-Iran [grandson of
the Mazdaworshipping Ardashir, king of kings the monument [in this place was erected ?] and this
monument was made by me for this reason: Narseh king of kings ... I indicated that ... he was
1

considered the king of the Armenians and that I [was in ?] Station ? of Armenia was declared and . . .

Vahunam son of Tataros by himself with treachery and [with the aid] of Ahriman and the demons tied . . .

the diadem and in that matter we were not consulted nor [were other] princes consulted and the lords . . .

and knights, both Persian and Parthian hailed [me] king of the Sakas the diadem on his head ... he . . .

wishes to hold before and in that capacity ? that they may kill the lords and knights and give the
. . .

province of Garamaea and by themselves and the Garamaeans may make a ward, 2 and when by me
. . . . . .

myself the wardship has been made certain then the king of the Sakas may make good custom ? and . . .

myself in knights ? both Persian and Parthian ?

. . . consider Babylonia in defense. They made that . . .

assembly and said the king of the Sakas

. . . the Persians to order activity and Vahunam by ? is
. . . . . .

carried ? counsel to ? that one who is Vahunam ? took ? He Sasan and men of all the realm and the . . .

king of the Armenians, the greatest and the foremost and the realm
B - and authority otherwise support ? may be. This now I do that when
. . . may hold and Iranshahr . . .

. Afterwards Shapur the tax chief and Prince Narseh the Sasanian, and Papak the bidakhsh and Ardashir
.

the chiliarch, and Rakhsh the army chief, and Hormizd Varaz son of Bahram and 3 ? lord of Andegan,4 . . .

and other princes, lords, village chiefs, and knights both Persian and Parthian, those who were of the . . .

greatest Service to [our] house, foremost and most powerful. It was taken by the goodness of the gods and
us ? And a messenger was sent to me and when to us in good faith
. . . they are. Then from the princes . . .

and the tax chief and the lords and knights an envoy came to us (saying) that: May the king of kings in
good faith leave from the side of Armenia to Iranshahr and accept the glory, the realm and (his) own
throne, and the honor of (his) ancestors from the gods, and bad people may realm up to the pillar ? a . . . . . .

document ? When we saw that letter and in the name of Ahuramazda and all the deities, and Anahita,
called 'the Lady,' we left from Armenia to the side of Iranshahr and the frontiersmen, mountaineer(s) and
(those) of other regions, who in a previous time were considered to (be in) Iranshahr ? land and place . . .

of . that they hear and know

. . realm, authority to the side of Iranshahr to separate but not thus (—lndy
. . .

?) to Iranshahr and other lands and places of us to destroy but they remain by our ad vice and Instruction.

And lf one time the tax chief takes the advice of the gods and us then the frontier guard of Babylonia . .

and other places the tax chief [all the land] has not left a person they sent the lord of Andegan with . . .

* The basic edition of the inscription is by E. text and all have been reduced to three dots by the

Herzfeld, Paikuli, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1924). The tatest editor. Question marks follow uncertain readings.
edition is by H. Humbach and P. O. Skaervo, The Lit. '
LNH
'us.' In the translation the singular is

Sasanian Inscription qf Paikuli, 2 parts (Wiesbaden, used for the plural of majesty, and in tenses the
1 980). Further bibliography may be found in these narrative past is sometimes used for the present.
2
two pubhcations. Thewas pre- translation here The word dstkrt can be understood as a 'thing,

pared over many years and agrees on the whole 'a domain,' or as a person, 'a creature, or a ward,
with the revised text of Humbach and Skaervo. Here it is probably the latter sense.
Unfortunately, there are so many lacunae that a 3
The MP text has 'Ardashir' in place of Parthian
contmuous and translation is not possible, so a
text 'Hormizd' and I am unable to resolve this

hteral translation of words with conjectures divergence.

4 The \vndykn, probably an
(marked ?) is presented here. Restorations are in Parthian form is

brackets, white variants or explanations appear in area at the north eastern side of the Persian Gulf, in
parentheses. Dots show lacunae; it was not possible present Fars and Khuzistan.
to show the different lengths of the lacunae in the
376 Appendix 5

horses and men to the frontier of Khuzistan and ga ve him counsel that he ? the way and passage which is
from Babylonia
C- Suren and the [Saka] king and Vahunam
. . • may be in ? Babylonia to destroy us and then not a . . .

person ? and not in from Babylonia

. . . to do and what sort from that side of Khuzistan they heard
. . . . . .

it. They showed to me that they knew ? to king. And if the Saka king and Vahunam intelligence to . . . . .

that they know that from them to you may be success ? they are not if they eat ? and not give a . . . . . . . . .

face-to-face battle ... in good faith to Babylonia they set out and by them the king of kings himself with
. .go to the head ? that they
. brought ? and equally whoever in that caravan may be, then he and . . . . . .

they hold obeisance to Narseh king of kings and from that caravan do not extend and come to that side . . .

. Babylonia to that place we arrived where this monument was made. Then Shapur the tax chief and
.

Prince Peroz and Prince Narseh son of Sasan (or a Sasanian) and Papak the bidakhsh and Ardashir Suren
and Hormizd Varaz and Kerdir the Ahuramazda mobad and Narseh Karen and . h wsty and Rakhsh
. . . . . ,

Spahbad (or the army chief) and Ardashir Tahmshapur and Shapur ... the scribe of the accounts of the
realm and Zodkard cupbearer ? and similar prince(s) and lord(s) and knight(s) and village chief(s) and
satrap(s) and accountants and shop keeper(s) ? asnd other Persians and Parthians who (were influential in

?) Babylonia and numerous Garamaeans there were who altogether to the site of Nicator to our
. . .

presence came. Here before us they presented themsel ves where this monument is made. And Bahram the
Saka [king] and Vahunam son of Tataros and whosoever was bad and whosoever was of the same
persuasion as Vahunam and were his friends, when
D - they heard that we are departing from Armenia to the side of Iranshahr [They gathered forces and
from] Khuzistan [to Armenia] went ? And Vahunam in personal [request to] Adurfarnbag the king of
Mesene . . . requested aid the king of Mesene a message [that the -] king may come forward. Otherwise if
the Saka king is recognized ? (MP = a page, servant or child), then also the king of Mesene that . .

diadem ? the king of Mesene may give up to the king of the Armenians far in front ? before the tax-lord
. the lords and knights and others who (in) Babylonia
. . to do, I will do it and Adurfarnbag the king of . . .

Mesene since the demons had created him he had given on his saying ? that Vahunam is rebelhous and
Mesene the Euphrates to this side and with horses and men forward to Bahram the Saka king and . . .

Vahunam (for) protection he goes and from the realm dominion and with the Saka king may be . . . . . .

and Ardashir-Shapur ? king of kings with horses and men ? for aid the Saka king and Vahunam
. . . . . . . . .

and those of them who are considered with them and they carry Submission to such a time they take . . .

gifts and oaths. Also our men to reach ? Then with the king of kings ... I make that because of us they . . .

hear that supremacy ? I have arrived and they with horses and men advance to the top (of the river
. . . . . .

?) and from us a bad time they went ? which passage those who are horsemen before ?
. . . marked ? . . .

and not to the other side have passed and not forward to booty ? he hurried to fight ? and the king of . . .

Mesene and Vahunam did not arrive to the border of Babylonia ... in that caravan with the Saka king
across the king of kings ? went out and to they came (to) the lord of Andegan and they went; the lord . . .

of Andegan to my court . .

E - 1 arrive ... I send the Saka king a message the ancestors whom thou dost not respect was settled . . . . . .

forward and forward to the court

. . . royal messenger to the [Saka king] and to us in service . . . . . . . .

order and happiness ? forward to Babylonia to Bahram Shapur ... the message which was seen by us ? And
the great diadem from the head was removed ? and from the throne ... he threw away and the deed ?
. . .

. to one side
. . and Vahunam, when he saw ? . .the glory of the gods and rule of the realm came to us
. . . .

and he knew that "in treachery I act ( = he acts) ?" Afterwards by means of the gods and was not . . .

reserved ? and in deception and abstention ? Narseh king of kings -?- and by us that thus to . . . . . .

5
Vahunam they did ? Narseh whose glory is flourishing ? and obedience they bring. that
. . . . . . . .

Narseh Bagshapur with the Saka king and Vahunam being before, forward ?
. . .Vahunam was seized . . .

and upon a lame donkey 6 and he was brought to our court and Bagshapur Vahunam tied and . . . . . .

bound on a lame donkey Bagshapur ? to our court they led and the Saka king when he knew that . . .

Vahunam (was caught ?) plp * ? who he deception first ? by the gods and us again in Iranshahr all . . . . . . . . .

the country considered ? on the head ? I did and in seif . . . . . . . . . . .

F - 1 fought him ? ... in the land assembled and I did ? and the tax lord and the lords and knights and . . .

5
The reconstruction of this part of the inscrip- Instrument of torture. His reconstructed transla-
tion is dimcult and uncertain with too many gaps tion takes great liberties so that it is more readable
to present a proper translation. than what is presented here, which tries to follow
6
V. Lukonin in Iran v III Veke (Moscow, the text as closely as possible.
1979), 68, proposes that the 'donkey' was an
 The MP INscriptioit of Narseh 377
village chiefs . . . to those who were powerful and most lllustrious I sent a message that: Thus the gods . . .

great exertion . . . good deeds in Iranshahr and non-Iran ? to the greatest ? lords and district chiefs I have
given and if one time . . . king, aid . . . in all the land asks ? then from this deed thus what our lineage . . .

from ? Ardashir king of kings . . . king . . . Shapur made guardianship ? and by them the guardians be
. . .

given dignity of Iranshahr for them ? ? Then

to them retribution in this manner was made that
. . . . . . .

we from was ? made for king Shapur that those know ?

. . . as there was someone who from king . . .

Shapur more vahd ? and by the gods more able or better ? to guard ? Iranshahr to have more . .

capability and to command ? King Shapur they say that we when it is wished that ? that lord . . . . . . . . .

that may be ? who the gods have prepared .for ? the rites of the gods brought and Iranshahr ... in . . . . .

peace and confidence held ? and to command. And thus from Shapur king of kings more true and good
and more pious and from Ardashir . . . . .

G - forward to all the realm firstly between ? made and may be able to be. Then also we by . . . . . .

ourselves ... the gods good activity in Iranshahr those there in such a way he wishes that he the trouble
and pain which to them the gods ? with the aid of the gods in the kingdom gods in the realm the . . . . . . . . .

throne be the establishment ? more joy ful and confident be if the governor ? from us more true . . . . . .

with the gods and more in ad vance and more ritual observing be, or Iranshahr from us in more joy and . .

and enemies answer one may say now that the realm and region(s) capable to hold the realm and to
. . . . . .

command and from every ? and the Parthians to us a message and an answer thus was brought that by . . .

us the governors and princes, lords and knights that from you, gods in that affair gave instruction. If to . . .

you the gods from the first there ? thus that from you the gods brought a message more in advance . . . . . .

and more ritual observing may he be. They in the realm hold domion, the governor, the prince, the lord
and knight Persian ? the gods beneficient then to the highest degree ? he arrives in Iranshahr. Then he
. . .

is more rightly and most protected that by the gods just deeds that because the glory of the gods and . . . . . .

dominion over the realm is given to the seed of the Sasamans ... king that to you was the grandfather ?
with the aid of the gods all the realm then thus to you otherwise was not ? the gods took care ? and . . . . . .

happiness and wisdom and seif. seif the throne and dignity father and ancestors was that ? realm a . . . . . . . .

thing and higher

. . . and to the governors and princes knights and village chiefs ... I send a message
. . . . . .

that that first by the word of the gods and

. . . Iranshahr and all the realm the word ?, the realm . . . . .

capable to command and to give answer to

. . . and the governors and princes . . . . .

H - Persians and Parthians and thus to us a message [sent an answer ?] that if I know that they ? ... all the
princes ordinarily ? in Iranshahr and in all the realm, there is one to you the gods dominion ? by . . . . . . . . .

the gods you were the greatest and foremost and the realm the gods, heroic and most suitable [for] the . . .

throne which the gods have given until the time of resurrection he holds the realm and command, and . . .

by himself the glory and happiness of the realm may be. Then to us with the support and in the name of
the gods and myself [governors and nobles the diadem ?] [father] and ancestors hold. And by us ? . . .

Caesar and Rome ... in supplication and they maintain peace and tranquility. And the Kushan king . .

Aspanay and the king of the Khwarazmians and Damti- ? son of Kushad and Pagrimbak ? and Sidi . . . . . .

of the hlw nyk syk Vi (shaikhs ?) and Pak son of Mihem, and Birvan son of Spandurt, and the king of
Paradene and King Razvurt and King Gondofarrik ? and the king of Makran, and the king of Turan . .

king and king and the king of the Massagetae and king Abirän ? and king Sika- ? and king Tirdat and
. . .

'Amr king of the Lakhnids and 'Amr king of the Apgarids, and ... the Nafbad otdhydkn (Dahistan ?) and
Rasma- ? the satrap of Demavend
. . -gwdy ? lord shwll'n ? and hwlsm Vi ? lord o(-sk 'n ? Bagdat lord
. . . .

ofzwVdlyn (Joray ?), and Mihrkhwast lord of Borsippa ? and Zinadkan lord of 'Idpl'n ? Bahram ? — . . .

lord of mwik Vi (Beth Moksaye ?), and Narseh, lord of Antioch ? and the lord of LaSom, and w. ? lord of c
. .n ? and
. lord and hrtywd ? /'- lord and Malukh the 'Stbum Vi king, and other rulers
. . . by our advice . . .

and counsel they hold our instruction. And all the land I wish in newness, and whosoever himself
. . .

comes to our court (or otherwise ? sends) a messenger and gift(s) anbd writing(s) and sends ? an . . .

ambassador to our court and things of other king he keeps, that one before then by him realms and . . . . . .

places and -nmndy ? to our Service and recognition they come.

 INDEX

Abadeh 8, 26, 171 Adjina 357 (cf. Adzhina)

Abaev, V. I. 43, 79, 90, 97, 257 Adler, Ada 2
Abarqu 8 Adler, H. 288
'Abbasid 320 Adur 314
'Abbasid Caliphate 338, 353 Adurbad 312, 313
Abdagases 196, 200 Adur Burzen Mihr 315
Abdelai 348 Adur Farnbag 315
'Abd Samia 281 Adur Gushnasp 315, 336
Ab-e Diz 29 Adurnarseh 308
Abel, A. 137 Adzhina 357
Abgar 307 Aegean Sea 105, 128, 131
Abgarians, M. T. 211 Aeschylus 75, 88, 89, 102, 108, 119, 126, 127
Abinergaos 277 Afghanistan 1,2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 9, 12, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18,
Abinerglos I 277 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 25, 26, 33, 35, 36, 37, 38, 41,
Abinerglos 277 II 43, 47, 113, 137, 153, 177, 181, 182, 187, 188,
Abinerglos 277 III 192, 202, 249, 250, 254, 267, 268, 298, 322, 341,
Abis van ta 109 342, 344, 348, 350, 351, 352, 355, 356, 357
Abolhamid, A. 3 Afghans 154
Aboulites 140, 141 Afrasiyab 51, 342, 352
Abraha 328 Africa 34, 325, 336
Abrenakh 294 Afrighid 354
Abr Nahara 113 Afshär,I. 3, 289

Abrocomas 115 Agakhanyams, O. E. 23

Abu-Dulaf Mis ar ibn Muhalhil 3 Agamtanu 84
Abul-Faräj 288 Agathangelos 282, 288, 293
Abursam 296 Agathias 287, 291, 297, 305, 308, 314, 316, 321,
Achaemenes 79, 89, 114 327, 330
Achaemenid^, 11, 26, 51, 56, 58, 63, 67, 73, 76, Agathocleia 186
78, 80, 88, 91, 93, 97, 100, 103, 105, 106, 107, Agathocles 182, 184, 186
108,110,111,113,114,115,117,118,120,123, Aghvan 11
125, 126, 130, 131, 133, 135, 137, 140, 155, 156, Agni 230
1 59, 1 60, 1 61 , 1 66, 1 69, 1 75, 203, 21 4, 21 6, 223, Agradates 82
224, 228, 231 , 232, 246, 266, 272, 277, 285, 291 Agrawala, V. S. 104, 154
299, 316, 338 Ahar 10
Achaemenid Empire 35, 56, 93, 119, 139, 142, Ahmed, S. S. 22
145, 155, 156, 174, 203, 234, 314, 336 Ahriman 58, 59, 313
Achaemenids 41 61 62, 66, 74, 79, 84, 87, 89, 90,
, , Ahura Mazda 37, 54, 58, 60, 106, 121, 122, 123,
99, 105, 106, 107, 109, 111, 113, 116, 117, 121, 160, 300, 303, 313, 317, 321
124, 128, 134, 141, 144, 148, 154, 158, 165, 173, Ahuras 60
174, 178, 202, 203, 221, 228, 239, 244, 257, 258, Ahwäz 9, 50, 274, 293, 295
266, 269, 272, 278, 284, 293, 294, 301 , 331 , 338, Atryamm vdejah 5678 61
357 Akad 94
Adad-nerari II 68 Akes79
Adad-nerari III 68 Akhvlediani, G. S. 113
Adamec, L. W. 1, 3 Akishev, K. A. 255
Adams, R. M. 52, 227, 329, 330 Akkad 76, 90
Adarshapur 314 Akkadian 46, 66, 71, 73, 74, 82, 84, 87, 90, 91, 92,
Adbag 352 94,95,96,99, 100, 101, 103, 104, 106, 107, 109,
Adiabene 222, 233, 238, 239, 242, 243, 244, 278, 116, 117, 118, 119, 126,208
279, 288, 295, 299, 305, 308, 310 Akopov, G. B. 30
Adiabenicus 279 AI-Ahmad, Jalil 22, 276
Adiabenkus maximus 302 Ala-tau 19
380 Index

Alai plateau 19, 182 Amü Darya 16, 38

Alans 40, 193, 240 Amyntas 141, 187, 196
al-'Aufi, Muhammad 295 Anabasis 115
Albania 11, 283, 298, 321, 322 Anahita 121, 133, 157, 181, 205, 231, 237, 304,
Albaman 31, 32, 174, 240, 321 314
Albaum, L. 342 Anarak 14, 35
al-Birüni 23, 57, 253 (cf. Birüni) Ananaki 32
Aleksaman, N. A. 22 Anastasius 349
Aleppo 114 Anatolia 30, 46, 53, 71 73, 80, 82, 88, 93, 94, 127,
,

Alexander the Great 4, 50, 51 57, 58, 88, , 1 1 1 , 1 12, 128, 131, 132, 164, 233, 297, 337
1 13, 1 17, 1 19, 124, 125, 132, 133, 134, 135, 137, Anatohan 105, 130, 190
139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 147, 148, Anau 13, 51
149,150,151,152,153,154,155,156,157,159, Anbar 296
160, 163, 165, 167, 169, 170, 172, 173, 174, 175, Andarqäsh 76
1 79, 1 84, 1 86, 1 90, 203, 207, 208, 235, 236, 242, andarz 289, 290
276, 284, 302 Andegan 295, 316
Alexander (son of Alex.) 151 Andijan 17
Alexander Balas 172 Andrae, W. 283
Alexander Romance 139 Andragoras 159, 163, 164, 165, 166, 168,207,208
Alexander Severus 294 Andreev, M. S. 23, 38
Alexandria 138, 146, 153, 173, 185, 235, 288 Andrim, R. 177
Alexandria ad Caucasum 146, 183 Androbazos 149
Alexandria in Arachosia 146 Andromache 97
Alexandria in Bactria 147 Andronov, M. S. 33
Alexandria on the Tanais 147 Andronova 45, 50, 51
Alexandrovskn 39 Angra Mainyu 58
al-Hira 319, 324, 337 An-hsi 250, 252
Aliev, I. 65 Aniketos 182
'Ali Razmarä' 1 Anileus 232
al-Isfahäni, Hamza 292, 312, 316 Ankara 168, 235
al-Jahshiyäri 290 Anklesana, B. T. 291
Alkhon 348 Ansahrik 221
al-Khwärazmi 290 Anshan 3, 8, 50, 66, 70, 84, 90, 91, 100, 101, 109
Allahabad Pillar 260 (cf. Anzan)

Allchin, F. R. 154, 178, 190, 250, 342 Antalkidas 130

Alma Ata 39, 255 Antialcidas 187
al-Mahdi 356 Antigonids 156
al-Muqaddasi 290 Antigonos 149, 150, 151, 152, 154, 158, 169
al-Salihi,Wathiq 280 Antigonus 234
Altai 19, 40, 357 Antimachus Theos 183, 184, 185, 186
Altaic 265, 349, 350 Antioch 152, 153, 154, 162, 165, 289, 293, 297,
Altheim, Franz 106, 132, 138, 142, 155, 158, 160, 298, 327, 336
178, 179, 181, 182, 184, 186, 187, 188, 194, 195, Antiocheia 156, 173
198,199,209,219,220,225,228,265,271,281, Antiochia 161
323, 325 Antiochus 1 152, 154, 156, 161, 162, 165, 168, 181,
Altheim/Stiehl 271, 276, 280, 320, 325, 326, 328 186, 207, 208, 214, 230
Alvand 12, 65, 67 Antiochus II 161, 163, 168, 178, 179, 180
Alyattes 82 Antiochus III 160, 161, 162, 163, 164, 169, 170,
Amard 144 180, 183, 190, 207, 210, 213
108
aniäta Antiochus IV 157, 171, 172, 184, 190, 213, 276
American Indians 40 Antiochus VII 172, 211, 212, 213
Amasa Spentas 53, 58, 60 Antiochus Hierax 178, 179
Amida 311, 323,333, 345 Antipater 149
Ammianus Marcelhnus 2, 21 8, 220, 227, 287, 308, Antonine 281
311,312,345 Antoninus Pius 243, 264, 283
Amminapes 141 Anu 122
Amon 98 Anzan 66, 70 (cf. Anshan)
'Amr 307 Aorsi 193
 ',

Index 381

Apadana 125 Ardabil 10

Apakidze, A. M 283 Ardakan 8, 9
Apäm Napät 54 Ardashir 89, 175, 200, 222, 223, 262, 272, 274
Aparnak 206 278, 279, 280, 28 1 284, 285, 287, 289, 290, 291
,

Aparni 206, 208, 294 292, 293, 295, 296, 299, 302, 304, 306, 308, 317'
Aparshahr 206, 294, 300 331, 344
Apasiakai 192, 193, 207 Ardashir 316, 317, 318, 345
II

Apgarids 307 Ardashir Kushanshah 344

II

Aphrodite 121 Ardashir III 337

apiy-axsa-pa 109 Ardashir-farr 296
Apodakos 277 Ardashir Khwarreh 292, 333
Apollo 157, 166, 190 Ardashir Papakan 313
Apollodorus 181, 182, 184, 186, 189, 191, 206 Ardashir-Shnum 299
Apollodotus 183, 201 Ardavan 293
Apollodotus II 196, 201 Ardimanis 102
Apolloniatis 223, 278 Ardu 135
Apollonius 198 Ardumanis 102
Appian 146, 151, 152, 154, 169, 214 Areia 197
Apratihata 198 Argaios 143
Aqcha 16 Argbad 223, 319
Aqsu 19 Arghandab 15, 62
Ära 261 Argishti I 66, 69
Arab 3, 4, 25, 38, 75, 203, 288, 299, 309, 324, 335, Argishti II 70
336, 337, 352, 355, 356, 357 Aria 112, 141, 144, 146, 163, 208, 240
Arabarkhos 224 Ariane 181
Arabia 171, 328 Ariaramnes 79, 91 (cf. Ariyaramna)
Arabian 17, 94, 328 Arimaspi 94
Arabic 1, 23, 27, 34, 41, 43, 46, 50, 57, 79, 137, Ariobarzanes 131, 140, 236
225, 276, 284, 287, 289, 295, 300, 308, 309, 316, Aristobulus 137
323, 330, 333, 335, 338, 353, 354 Aristotle 147, 153
Arabs 1 1 , 1 6, 26, 1 1 3, 1 47, 1 72, 225, 280, 281 305, , Arius River 170
307, 319, 325, 326, 327, 333, 338, 350, 356, 357 Ariyaramna 79 (cf. Ariaramnes)
Arachosia 61, 62, 80, 87, 94, 112, 113, 141, 144, Arizantoi 67
1 49, 1 50, 1 54, 1 70, 1 82, 1 88, 1 94, 1 96, 1 98, 1 99, arkh'es 281
201, 202 Arkhön 143
Arados 114 Armazi 283
Arahsammu 94 Armenia 90, 111, 131, 148, 155, 165, 170, 171,
Arafcha 100 1 72,21 3, 21 4, 21 5, 21 9, 220, 222, 225, 226, 229,
Aral Sea 18, 38, 95, 112, 207, 354 230, 231 , 233, 234, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240, 242,
Aram 68 243, 249, 279, 294, 297, 298, 299, 304, 305, 306,
Aramaeans 46, 73, 222 308, 310, 312, 317, 319, 320, 322, 327, 328, 329,
Aramaic 28, 43, 50, 87, 88, 106, 108, 109, 110, 335, 336
1 13, 114, 1 15, 116, 119, 120, 123, 129, 130, 132, Armenian 1, 2, 70, 73, 119, 137, 164, 206, 218,
135, 140, 143, 154, 158, 159, 160, 164, 174, 179, 220, 221 , 223, 226, 235, 242, 280, 283, 287, 293,
1 88, 209, 214, 222, 225, 228, 229, 235, 236, 240, 309,310,311,313,316,318,320,321,323,329,
269, 27 1 , 272, 273, 274, 275, 278, 280, 282, 283, 334, 348
354 Armenians 10, 11, 235, 246, 310, 311, 326,
Ararat 10, 68, 77 328
Aras 11 Armenoid 21
Araxes River 31, 95 Armina 73
Arbakes 76 Aroandas 131
Arbaya 113,280 Aroutiounian, N. V. 72 (cf. Arutyunyan)
Arbayastan 223 Arrajan 333
Arbela 92, 222, 288, 296, 305 Arran 11,32,298
Arcadius 318, 319 Arraphu 76
1 41
Archebius 187, 196, 201 Arrian 4, 67, 88, 94, 1 1 2, 1 25, 1 37, 1 39, 1 40,

Archelaus 126, 129, 235 142, 143, 144, 145, 146, 180, 195,206,209,210,
Arda Mitra 202, 284 228
 9 5 1

382 Index

Arsaces 196, 200, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 215, As-Alans 191
218,238,311 Asarhaddon 71, 72,74, 107
Arsaces I 210, 217 Asdourian, P. 237, 294, 310, 312
Arsacid 188, 210, 213, 215, 217, 219, 220, 226, . Ashkabad 3, 6, 13, 17, 205
2,293,308
228, 229, 230, 232, 242, 245, 254, 282, Ashkenaz 77
Arsakia 210 Asia 72, 82, 93
Arsakia-Rhages 21 Asia Minor 70, 93, 94, 104, 115, 116, 117, 120,
Arsäma 128 123, 126, 139, 148, 149, 150, 151, 156, 165, 166,
Arsames 88,91, 114, 128 168, 171, 173,231,234,301
Arshada 1 13 Asiani 192, 193
Arshak 208 Asia Society 5
Arsi 193 Asii 191, 192, 250
arstibara 108, 119 Asineus 232
arstika 1 1 'Askar Mukram 333
Arsu 208 Asklepidoros 150
arta-kavano 1 12 Asoka 154, 164, 268
Artabanus 127, 209, 212, 213, 237, 238, 239, 241, Aspabad 226, 295
244, 273, 281, 292, 293 Aspabhata 200
Artabanus II 193, 279 Aspacina 102
Artabanus III 200, 222, 227, 232, 245, 272, 274 Aspahbad 316
Artabazanes 163, 170 Aspathines 102
Artabazos 115, 131, 141, 277 Aspavarma 196, 198, 200
Artabazos II 277 Aspeisas 150
Artacoana 112 Aspiones 184
arlaca-brazmaniy 121 Aspozar 15
Artakhssasa 106 Assina 121
Artaphernes 1 1 ASur 76, 205
Artasan 49 Assurbampal 72, 75, 79, 107
Artases 170, 213 Assurbel-kali 68
Artashes 282, 320 Assur-nasirapal II 68
Artasyras 102 Assyna 50, 65, 67, 68, 69, 74, 76, 77, 1 1 3, 223, 242,
Artavazd 235, 236, 244 279
Artavazdes 214, 294 Assyrian 25, 30, 31, 46, 65, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72,
Artaxares of Adiabene 236 75, 76, 77, 78, 80, 82, 91, 93, 96, 106, 1 14, 1 18,
Artaxata 243 247
Artaxerxes 58, 83, 88, 106, 121, 127, 128, 161, Astara 11
228 Astarabad 295
Artaxerxes I 88, 1 14, 1 15, 133 Astauene 184, 208
Artaxerxes II 110, 112, 114, 115, 116, 120, 130, astodans 232
131, 133, 134, 208 Astyages 69, 82, 84, 90, 91, 92
Artaxerxes 111 114, 115, 130, 134, 139 Asuristan 222, 306
Artaxerxes IV 141 Asvamedha 55
Artaxias 170, 171, 172, 213, 214, 235, 237, 320 Atamaita 121
Artemidorus 196 Atargatis 280
Artemis 157, 231 Athär al-bäqiyya 290
Artemita 181, 182, 206 Athena 157
Arüch 2 Athenaeus 212
Arukku 79 Athenian 127, 128, 135
Arumaa, P. 50 Athens 93, 128, 130, 131, 132, 134, 330
Arutyunyan, N. V. 66, 68, 69, 70 (cf. Athos 105
Aroutiounian) alhravan 58
Arvastan 223 Atkinson, K. M. T. 97
Aryan 33, 41, 49, 50, 51, 56, 59, 67 Atossa 97, 126
Aryandes 104 114 Atradates 82
Aryauka 79 Atropatene 1 63, 215, 234, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240,
Aryenis 82 241
As 193 Atropates 82, 143, 148, 160, 163
ASa 53, 54, 58, 59 Attambelos I 277
Asaak 208,211, 217 230 Attambelos II 277
 Index 383

Attambelos III 277 Babylonian 58, 59, 76, 81, 82, 93, 95, 101, 106
Attambelos IV 277 113, 114, 122, 124, 129, 130, 133, 210, 214, 230
Attambelos V 277 247, 271
Attambelos VI 277 Babylonian Talmud 287, 288, 300
Attambelos VII 277 Bacasis 183, 210
Attic 116, 163, 167, 183, 255 Bachhofer, L. 193, 194
Attila 347 Bachrach, J. L. 303
Aturfarnbag 306 Backroyd, P. P. 135
Augustus 208, 235, 236, 238, 252, 255, 256, 262 Bactra 112, 142, 164, 168, 178, 181
Augustus Diocletian 308 Bactria 4, 94, 112, 127, 141, 147, 148, 149, 150,
Aurelian 260, 303 1 52, 1 55, 1 56, 1 58, 1 64, 1 65, 1 70, 1 72, 1 73, 1
74,
Aurelius Victor 287 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 188, 189, 190,
Australian National University 178 191,192,193,194,196,203,208,210,211,213,
Austna 332 229, 250, 25 1 252, 255, 256, 258, 260, 261 , 262,
,

Autophradates 115, 130, 131, 141, 272 264, 265, 266, 268, 298, 345, 347, 348, 349, 357
Autophradates II 215 Bactrian 61, 62, 93, 152, 170, 174, 179, 181, 185,
Avarair 321 1 88, 1 90, 1 93, 1 99, 206, 243, 249, 255, 259, 260,

Avars 206, 336, 347 265, 305, 341, 342, 344, 346, 348, 350, 351
avalar 55 Bactrus 61
Avesta 1, 45, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 59, 60, 63, 67, Badakhshan 3, 16, 23, 347, 350, 356
81,121,124,139,207,216,231,241,255,301, Badami 254
312, 325 badesa 225 (cf. balesa)
Avestan 54, 57, 104, 119, 124, 314, 315 Badghis 15
Avi-Yonah, 246 M Badian, E. 138, 142, 145
Avidius Cassius 279, 243 bäga 117
Avroman 221, 228 Bagabigna 102
Axidares 242 Bagabukhsa 102
Ayar 92 bigayädis 99
Ay'en 289 Baghdad 222, 295
Ay Khanum 137, 138, 153, 166, 167, 173, 177, Baghlan 268
178, 179, 188, 189, 190, 191, 203, 266 Bagley, F. R. C. 290
Aymard, A. 138 Bagoas 134
Ayubi, F. 249 Bahär, M. 293
ayvan 77, 246 Bahman Ardashir 276, 295
äzädän 316, 324 Bahman Yashl 174
Azarmedukht 337 Bahrain 295, 309
Azarpay 342, 352 Bahram 230, 299, 303, 305, 317, 319, 320, 335,
äzät 221 344
äzätän 220, 225 (cf. azadati) Bahram II 304, 305, 306, 308, 309, 316, 344
Azerbaijan3, 7, 10, 11, 12, 14,31,35,48,51,53, Bahram II Kushanshah 345
57,66,70,77, 143, 148, 155, 160, 162, 163, 169, Bahram III 304, 306
1 70, 2 1 4, 2 1 5, 222, 229, 230, 235, 236, 282, 290, Bahram IV 317, 318, 321
315,316,332,335,337 Bahram V Gör 313, 319, 334, 352, 355
Azes 196, 197, 199, 200, 253 Bahram Chobin 334, 336, 337, 356
Azes II 196, 200 Bahrams 307, 308
Azilises 196, 199, 202 Bahram-Shapur 317
Bahram Yashl 312
Baida 8
Bäbä Jan Tepe 65, 76 Baihaq 3
Babelon, E. 272 Bailey, H. W. 89, 111, 191, 198, 207, 216, 250,
Babol River 1 251, 252, 257, 261, 264, 345, 347
Babur 6 baiuara 119
Babylon 10, 58, 75, 78, 79, 91 93, 94, 95, 100, 101 , bäj 117
103, 1 10, 1 1 1, 121 126, 139, 144, 147, 148, 149,
, bäji-kara110
152, 155, 168, 184 Bakhtegan 7, 8
Babylonia 69, 73, 75, 92, 93, 94, 97, 1 13, 1 14, 1 17, Bakrän, Muh. b Najib 3
1 18, 1 19, 121, 125, 126, 128, 129, 130, 132, 135, Bala Murghab 15
139, 140, 143, 150, 151, 166, 167, 172,212,215, Bai ami 289
21 6, 221 222, 223, 227, 232, 242. 247, 306,
, 332 Balasagan 298
384 Index

Balash 322 Berossos 59, 94, 121, 175

Balcer.J. M. 103,272 Berve, H. 113, 138, 145
Balkans 103 Bessos 141
Balkh5, 61, 112, 177 Beth Aramaye 222
Ball, W. 268 Beth Garmai 222, 278, 279
Baisdon, J. P. V. D. 142 Beth Nuhadra 223, 280
Baluch 22 Beth Qardu 223
Baluch, Muh. Sardär Khan 22 Beth Zabdai 223
Baluchistan 12, 13, 14, 59, 112, 113, 298 Betlyon, J. W. 132
Barn, 12, 14 Bevan, E. R. 138
Bamiyan 5, 16, 351, 356, 357 bgdt 161
Bampur 12, 13 bgkrt 161
Band-e Kaisar 298 Bible 68, 70, 77, 102, 106, 119, 127, 128
banäag 221 Bibliotheque Nationale 164
bandaka 109, 135 Bichurin, N. Ya. 4, 341
bandakift 221 Bickerman, E. J. 1 33
Bandar 'Abbäs 9, 13 bidakhsh 107, 218, 225, 295, 299, 306
b'ara 117 Bidez, J. 231
Barbalissos 297 Bigwood, J. M. 127
Bard-e Nishandeh 205, 274 Bijar 10
Bardiya 84, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101 Bijaur 187
Bardumyan, G. D. 230 Bikerman, E. 138, 154, 166, 173
Bar Hebraeus 288 Bikni 67
Barm-e Dilak 304 Binalud 13
Barnett, R. D. 71 Binder, G. 83
Barsua 66 Bindoe 335, 336
Bartatua 71 Bindusara 154
Barth, F. 22 Birjand 13
Bartholomai, C. 79 birta 125
Bartold, V. 2, 3, 4, 5, 342, 352 Birüni 313, 323, 354, 355 (cf. al-Birüni)
Barzaentes 141 Bishapur 290, 291, 298, 301, 305, 333
Bashakird 22 Bishkent 178, 181
Basham, A. L. 197, 249, 252, 254, 257, 261, Bistam 335, 336, 337
264 Biswas 349
batisa 225, 281 bitaxs 281 (cf. bidakhsh)
Baxtri 61 Bivar, A. D. H. 183, 185, 186, 187, 197, 253, 274,
Bazrangi 273 290, 326, 341, 342, 343, 345, 350
Beal, S. 4, 341 Bizämqubäd 333
Beazley, J. D. 93 Black Sea 10, 150, 298, 324, 327, 336
Bedjan, P. 225 Blau, J. 22
Begram 146, 202, 249, 264 Böhlig, A. 300
Behbehan 9 Boehmer, R. M. 77
Behistun 73, 84, 90, 91, 94, 96, 98, 99, 100, 101, Bogolyubov, M. H. 114, 283
102, 103, 104, 113, 162, 170, 172, 183, 199, 210, Boilot, D. J. 290
215, 230 Bokshchanin, A. G. 234
Belenitsky, A. 342 Bombay 254
Belesys 115
I Boran 337
Belesys II 115 Borazjan 9
Belisarius 324, 327 Borisov, A. 290
Beilew, H. W. 23 Borshchevskii, Yu. 3
Bellinger, A. R. 137, 139, 148, 150, 164, 296 Borujird 10, 184
Benares 260 Bosphoran 179
Bengal 260 Bosphorus 105
Bengtson,H. 93, 105, 1 13, 154, 155, 169, 170, 173, Bosworth, C. E. 290
224, 234 Bouche-Leclercq, A. 138
Benveniste, E. 61, 81, 94, 107, 108, 119, 145, 220 Boudioi 67
Berliner, A. 2 Bousai 67
Bernard, Paul 87, 137, 153, 177, 188, 190 Bowman, R. A. 87, 110, 123
 Index
385

Boyce, Mary 57, 58, 59, 60, 81, 87, 120, 139, 247, Cappadocia 70, 82, 115, 131, 236, 243 297
289, 312, 330 336
Boyle.J. A. 137 Cappien, M. 22
Brahma 352 Caquot, A. 280, 281
Brahmi 186,261,343,348 Caracalla 244, 279, 282
Brahmin 269 Carchemish 76
Brahuis 22, 59 Cardascia, G. 117
Brandt, S. 287 Cargill, J. 92
Brandenstein, W. 102, 116, 119 Caria93, 110, 131
Braun, O. 2, 288, 313, 314, 319 Carians 105, 120
Br Byt' 108 Carmania 162, 237
Bregel, Yu. 3, 289, 290 Carratelli, G. Pugliese 88, 296
Breloer, B. 104 Carrhae 233, 234, 294, 297
Brenrjes, B. 7 Carthaginians 93
British Museum 75, 159 Carus 305
brmryn 280 Caspian 12, 17, 77, 80, 112, 144, 162, 192, 229,
Brough, J. 259 240, 283, 295
Browne, E. G. 289 Caspian coast 14
Buchheim, H. 234 Caspian Sea 3, 6, 7, 8, 1 1 1 8, 22, 59, 62, 67, 70, 72,
,

Buckler, W. H. 237 89, 95, 128, 141, 153, 163, 206, 208, 210, 237,
Buddha 253, 257, 269 298
Buddhism 154, 230, 231, 259, 263, 266, 268, 351, Caspian Gates 111
352, 353, 357 Cassius 234
Buddhist 191,203,249, 253,
4, 164, 177, 186, 187, Cassius Dio 233, 234, 235, 236, 240, 241 244, 279,,

257, 260, 266, 267, 269, 300, 309, 331 341 342,
, , 282, 287, 293
351, 352, 357 Castorius 1, 2
Budh Ardashir 295 Caucasian 283, 321
Bukhara 6, 15, 17, 18, 320, 352, 353, 355 Caucasus 2, 6, 23, 66, 70, 73, 74, 111, 113, 174,
Bukhar Khudat 355 191,240,283,296,298,317,318,321,323,335,
Bulgakov, P. G. 3 337, 350
Bundahishn 206, 291, 294, 309, 312, 313, 346 Cavaignac, E. 70, 75
Buräzjän 346 Cedrenus 288
Bums, A. R. 105 Central Asia 1, 4, 5, 6, 7, 14, 17, 18, 19, 20, 23, 24,
Burzoe 330 25,62,63,79,81,83,89,94,103,107,123,137,
Bushire 9, 13, 25, 161 138, 139, 143, 145, 148, 151, 152, 164, 165, 167,
Butan 274 172, 173, 177, 179, 185, 188, 189, 191, 194, 199,
Buzurjmihr 330 207, 228, 229, 232, 249, 250, 254, 256, 263, 265,
Byblos 110, 114 266, 267, 268, 276, 303, 317, 327, 330, 335, 339,
Byzantine 206, 239, 241, 287, 318, 319, 321, 322, 342, 344, 345, 346, 347, 352, 357
325, 328, 329, 330, 335, 336, 337, 348, 349 Central Asian 141, 179, 190, 204, 212, 217, 251,
Byzantine Empire 319, 323, 330 257, 267, 269, 341, 348, 353, 354
Byzantium 137, 319, 320, 323, 324, 326, 334, 335 Ceylon 253
Chabot, J.-B. 2, 276, 288, 319
Cadusians 112, 128, 131, 134 Chach 19
Caesar 208, 233, 238, 256, 261, 325 Chaeronea 134
Caesarea 297 Chaganiyan 357
Cakravartin 269 Chalcedon 336
Caliphate 357 Chalonitis 278
Callinicum 324 Chandragupta 151, 152, 154, 165
Calmeyer, P. 107 Chang Ch'ien 4, 191
Cambyses 82, 90, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 103, Characene 157, 213, 222, 228, 229, 273, 275, 276,
107, 110, 113, 114, 115 277, 278, 280, 283
Cameron, G. C. 87, 103, 110, 111, 116, 123 Charax 157,276
Canberra 178, 197 Charikar 185, 264
candarno 264 Charpentier, J. 97
candra 257 Charsada 185
Candra Kaniska 256 Chashmeh-ye 'Ali 12
capitatio 325 Chattopadhyaya, S. 260, 349
386 Index

Chaumont, M.-L. 210, 211, 220, 226, 227, 231, Colledge, M. A. R. 205, 246
243, 282, 292, 294, 296, 304, 305, 318 Colpe, C. 230
Chavannes, E. 4, 352 Commagene 166, 228, 230, 239
Cheikho, L. 288 Commodus 243
Ch'ien Hart Shu 4, 251 Companion cavalry 145
chiliarch 145 Concobar 231
chiliarchy 155 Constantine 310
China 4, 18, 19, 181, 182, 191, 250, 251,259, 268, Constantinople 309, 312, 335, 336
276, 327, 330, 339, 341, 347, 350, 353 Constantius 310
Chinese 4, 191, 192, 193, 194, 202, 207, 249, 250, CookJ. M. 105
251 255, 256, 257, 259, 260, 264, 265, 269, 287,
, Coon, C. S. 22
300, 341, 342, 348, 349, 351, 352 Coptic 300, 307
Chinese Pamirs 19 Corbulaq 77
Chinese Turkestan 17, 19, 182, 259, 260, 268, 342, Corbulo 239, 240
344 Corinthian 189
Chionites 311, 312, 320, 345, 346, 347 Cowley, A. 109
Chi-pin 194, 250 Coxon, P. W. 246, 277
Chitral 23 Crassus 233, 234, 235
Chm-chiu-ch neh 250, 251, 252 Croesus 92, 93
Chm T ang Shu 347 Crone, P. 352
Chkheidza, T. D. 319 Ctesias 5, 65, 68, 82, 83, 84, 88, 90, 92, 93, 97, 99,
Chosroes 241, 243, 282, 287, 289, 310, 314, 316, 102,106,112,125,127, 128
31 7, 324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 330, 331 332, 333,
, Ctesiphon 217, 227, 242, 243, 278, 287, 290, 292,
335, 336, 337, 349, 350, 355 295,296,305,306,307,309,310,311,327,331,
Chosroes II 302 335, 336, 337, 338
Chosroes IV 337 Cullican, W. 65
Chosroes Abarvez 335 Cumont, F. 227, 231
Chosroes Yazdagird 319 Curiel, R. 117, 178, 187,342
Chou 341 Curtius 67, 79, 88, 94, 125, 139, 140, 141, 142,
Chou Shu 4, 347 145, 146, 147
Christ 2 Cuseni 311
Christensen, A. 61, 287, 288, 289, 291, 316, 323, Cyaxares 69, 71, 72, 75, 76, 78, 79, 82, 84
330, 337 Cybele 231
Christian 157, 175, 188, 199, 227, 266, 267, 287, Cypriots 120
288, 289, 309, 313, 314, 318, 322, 331, 338 Cyprus 105, 110, 128, 130, 149, 151
Christianity 231, 232, 298, 300, 301, 308, 309, Cyreschata 94
310, 312, 318, 322, 328, 330, 338, 351, 353 Cyriades 301
Christians 301, 309, 310, 314, 315, 317, 319, 320, Cyropaedia 92, 95
321, 322, 335, 338 Cyrus 57, 69, 79, 80, 82, 83, 84, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93,
Chronicle of Arbela 279 94,95, 101, 103, 110, 111, 113, 115, 124, 126,
Chronicle of Seert 288 127
Chronicon Paschale 287 Cyrus Saga 95
Chumichev, D. A. 5 Cyrus the Younger 110, 115, 120
Chu River 19
Cicero 233 Dadasheva, S. A. 181
Cilicia 82, 110, 115, 116, 132, 139, 214, 233 daiva 60
Cilicians 120 Daffina, P. 178, 188, 192, 193, 194, i95, 207, 215,
Cimmerian 70, 71 251
Circesium 335 Daha 192
Cispis79 Dahae 59
Cissantakhma 100 Dahi 89, 206, 208, 210, 211, 237
Claudius 239 äahu-pali 117
Clauson, G. 290 dahyu 56, 111, 155
Clearchus 153 Dahyuka 69
Cleomenes 183, 210 iaida 78
Cleuziou, S. 71 Daimakhos 153
Codomannus 134 daivas 121
Cohen, G. M. 164 Dalverzin Tepe 177, 249
 Index 387

Damascus 114, 336 Demimakhos 153

Damghan 2, 11, 12, 205 Demodamas 153, 208
iänaka 116 Demosthenes 134
Dandamaev, M. 87, 91, 92, 94, 95, 98, 99, 100, Denkart 231, 241, 312
101, 116, 117, 118, 119, 121, 122, 129, 130 Derbend 298, 322, 323, 327
dandanayaka 265 Derbikes 62, 89, 207
Daiii, A. H. 249 Derousiai 89
Daniel 108, 111, 119 Dessau, H. 235
Dänu 59 deva 60
Dara 211,324,334,336 devakula 267
Darab 8, 9, 89, 90 Deva Sahi 355
Darabgird 292, 295, 300, 301, 333 devaputra 260, 267
Dardic 61 Dexippus 287
Dargäyus 109 Dharma 253
Darial 322 Dhu Nuwas 328
daric 116, 132, 148 dhu'l-aktäf 309
Darius 56, 57, 73, 78, 87, 90, 91 , 93, 94, 96, 98, 99, Diadochi 148, 151, 152
100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 106, 108, 109, 1 10, Diakonoff, I. M. 205 (cf. Dyakonov)
111,112,113,114,115,116,118,119,120,121, Dialexis 97
122, 125, 126, 127, 133, 140, 158, 161,206,260, dibirän 316
271, 272, 300 iida 125
Darius II 88, 107, 115, 128, 215 didika 109
Darius III 115, 134, 139, 141, 143 Diels, H. 97
Daryä-ye Namak 7 Dietrich, A. 307, 328
Daskyhon 110, 115, 131 Digor 193
dasna 117 Dilberdzhin 177, 249
Dastagird 337 Dillemann, L. 137, 222
dastkirt 221 Dinawari 289
data 119 Diocletian 305
dätabara 119 DiodorusSiculus4, 82, 88, 108,111,115,125,127,
Datames 115, 131 131, 137, 140, 145, 147, 148, 149, 150, 151, 152,
datavar 332 158, 188, 212, 213, 214
Datis 105 Diodotus 168, 178, 179, 180, 184, 186, 206, 208,
Dätuvahya 102 217, 254
Dauraq 333 Diodotus II 180
Davidovich, E. A. 252, 344 Dionysian 274
Davidson, J. L. 264 Dionysius 166
Davies, A. M. 110 Dioscori 157
Debets, G. F. 23 dipi-bara 116
Debevoise, N. 137, 199, 205, 206, 210, 212, 214, dipi-päna 110
233, 234, 235, 236, 241 Discorides 206
Deccan 260 Dissoi Logoi 97
Degen, R. 88, 137 ditaka109
Deh-e No 76 dtvän 110
dehkan 117,326 Diyala River 222, 223, 278
Deiokes 69, 70, 74 Diyarbakir 311
Delaia 115 Djaukyan, G. B. 73
Delaunay.J. 123 dlgwsn 315
Delehaye, H. 314 "duyk 296
Delphi 153 Dobbins, K. Walton 178, 186, 196, 197, 199, 200,
Demavend 6, 67, 296 201,214,253,257,260,266
Demawend 3 DobiasJ. 214, 233
Demetrianus 297 Dörner, F. K. 230
Demetrius 150, 151, 172, 181, 182, 183, 184, 185, Domitian 240
186 Dorrie, H. 217
Demetrius II 172, 182, 183, 184, 186, 210, 212, Dowsett, F. C. 288, 321

228 Drangiana 61, 79

Demetrius III 214 Drangiane 112, 170, 182, 193
388 Index

Dravidian 22, 59 Elks,K. J. 297

Draxl Asurig 247
i Elymais 157, 158, 162, 171, 210, 213, 222, 229,
'drgzry *
296 245, 271, 273, 274, 275, 277, 278, 283
Driver, G. R. 88, 116, 117 Emesa 297
Droaphernes 115 English, P. W. 7
Dropiki 89 English 145, 289, 342
Drouin, E. 185, 284 Enoki, K. 250, 260, 347, 348, 350
dmva-farnah 115 Ensslin, W. 224, 297, 304, 305, 308
Drws 106 eparchy 155
Dryhws 106 Ephesus 157
Dryw 271 Epiphaneia 172
Drywhws 106 Epstein, I. 289
Dryws 106 Erato 236
diwbnu, 315 Erdmann, K. 290, 302, 317, 331
Dubberstein, W. 106, 107, 126 Erech 59
Duchesne-Guillemin, J. 120, 121, 122 Eremyan, S. T. 221, 294
Dukkän-e Däüd 76 Erevan 73, 328
Dupree, L. 23 Erimena 72
Dura 225, 282 Ervanid 214
Dura Europos 137, 205, 220, 224, 281, 294, 297 Erzurum 69, 323
Dushanbe 17, 249 Esther 88, 102, 111, 114, 119, 128
duxsi 108 Ethiopia 98
Dvin 328 Ethiopians 114, 328
dviliya-khsaya 107 ethne 155
Dvornik, F. 217 Elhnika 2, 137
d'wr (dw\) 346 Eucaerus 214
Dyakonov, I. M. 22, 65, 66, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, Eucratideia 153, 177, 184
76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 84, 96, 209, 221, 229, 232 Eucratides 172, 181, 183, 184, 185, 188, 190, 196,
Dyakonova, N. V. 231 251
dydymy 306 Eucratides II 186
dyzpty 221,224, 225 Eucratidid 187
Dzatmai, Muh. Wali 5 Eudamos 149
Dzhalilov 353 Eulaios 157
Eumenes 145, 148, 149, 150
Ebirnari 113 Eunapius 287
Ecbatana 76, 80, 84, 91, 92, 121, 125, 160, 172, Euphrates River 73, 92, 95, 137, 140, 157, 234,
210,211,212,215,227 235, 236, 238, 280, 293, 297, 311
Eddy, S. K. 138, 156, 174 Euripides 97
Edessa 242, 243, 288, 297, 307, 327, 336 Europe 70, 149, 150, 235, 267, 283, 354
Eggermont, P. H. L. 253 European 224
Egibi 118, 129 Europos 152, 172 (cf. Dura Europos)
Egypt 26, 75, 93, 95, 96, 97, 98, 1 00, 1 03, 1 04, 1 05, Eusebius 65, 82, 287
106,113,114,115,117,118,119,120,121,125, Euseni 311
126, 127, 129, 130, 131, 132, 134, 135, 139, 140, Euthydemid 187
150, 159, 164, 212, 234, 266, 336 Euthydemus 170, 171, 180, 181, 182, 184, 185,
Egyptian 76, 82, 87, 92, 93, 97, 98, 102, 105, 120, 186, 188,211
128, 129, 130, 131, 133 Eutropius 308
Ehmann, D. 22 Eutychius 288
Ehtecham, M. 119 Evagoras 150
Eilers, W. 3, 68, 79, 90, 116, 125, 133, 206, 252, Evagrius 287
256, 257, 261 ewinnamak 289
Elam 66,70,75, 111, 121 Eznik of Kolb 288, 321
Elamite 8, 9, 25, 26, 69, 73, 74, 77, 78, 80, 87, 96, Ezra 88, 94, 102, 104, 114, 115
100, 102, 103, 109, 1 10, 1 16, 1 18, 122, 123, 125,
129, 135, 145, 157, 273, 275 Fahliyan 9, 89, 304
Elburz6, 11, 12,62,336 Fahraqäh 76
Elephantine 97, 114, 119, 120, 159 Fa Hsien 4, 341
Elias of Nisibis 288 Failaka 138, 157
Elishe 313, 320, 321 Fakhriqah 76
 Index 389
Farah 3, 12, 15 Fück,J. W. 313
Far East 263, 353, 354 Füye, Allotte de la 161
farn 216, 217 Fukai, S. 317
Farnaka 109 Fulminata 240
farr-e izadi 216 Furat 295
Fars 3, 7, 9, 12, 25, 26, 56, 66, 67, 75, 79, 89, 90, 91 Furlani, G. 150
92, 98, 101, 122, 221, 228, 290, 295, 296, 298, Fushang 15
300, 301, 304, 315, 316, 317, 320, 332, 333 Fussman, G. 178, 187, 249, 254, 257, 258, 263
Fars name 3
Farvardin Yast 58 Gabai 141, 149
Fasa 9, 89, 90,98 Gabain, A. von 351, 353
Faustus of Byzantium 288, 312 Gabriel, Alfons 3
Feilberg, C. G. 22 Gadama 196
Ferghana 6, 17, 18, 19, 181, 182, 188, 191, 192, Gadaphara 200
352 gada pisa 252
Ferhad o Sirin 76 Gadd, C. J. 88
Fertile Crescent 95, 113, 139, 153, 222, 239, 245, Gaffenberg, E. G. 22
294 Gafurov, B. G. 79, 147, 209, 217, 249, 254, 255,
Fichtner, E. 330 256
Field, H. 21,23 Gage, G. 293, 296
Fiey, J. M. 222, 279 gähnämak 220, 226, 282, 289
Fin 12 Galchas 154
Fine Arts 266 Galerius Caesar 308
Firdösi 59, 106, 247, 284, 289, 290, 308, 317 Gall, H. von 76, 90, 106, 127, 217, 230
Firoozi, F. 21 Gallienus 297
Firuzabad 9, 200, 290, 292, 293, 331, 333 Galling, K. 114
Fischel, W. J.
353 Gamirk'70
Fischer, T. 212,213 Gandhara 104, 113, 194, 196, 201, 202, 252, 256,
Flavian 241, 242 259, 260, 266, 268, 356
Flavius Vopiscus 287 Gandharan 175, 177, 191, 203, 246, 249
Forat 276 Ganges 187, 259, 260, 263
Forbes, D. 175 Ganza 116
Foucher, Alfred 177, 203 ganzabara 110, 116
Fraata 163 Ganzak 336
fiadadära 272 Ganzaka 146, 163
fräh-äspa 234 Garamaea 278, 293
framana-kara 110 Garamaioi 222, 278
framatar 110, 119, 225 Gardin, J. C. 188, 189
Francfort, H. P. 186 Gardiz 178, 185, 355
Franke, H. 253 Gardizi 5
frapadaka 119 Gardner, Percy 178
frasaka 119 Garmikän 222
fratadära 271 Gaspar 199
frataraka 114, 139, 159, 161, 165, 171, 271, 275, Gathas 58, 60, 121
278 Gathic 56, 57, 58, 108
fraumdäl 56 Gaubaruva 102
Fravardin 291 Gaugamela 120, 139, 140, 195
jravasis 59, 230 Gaul 243
Fravartii 74 Gaumata 84, 91, 98, 100, 101, 106, 121, 206
Freikin, Z. G. 5 gausaka 109
French 88, 125, 146, 157, 264 Gauzaka 146
Friyek 299 Gay 299
Frumkin, G. 342 Gaza 150
Fryäna 60 Gazaka 146, 163
Frye, R. N. 57, 74, 133, 158, 159, 199, 218, 230, Gedrosia 113, 132, 144
283, 290, 292, 303, 306, 308, 309, 320, 332, 333, Geliman 296
338, 346, 352, 354 Gentelle, P. 188, 189
Fuad Safar 280 Geographi Graeci Minores 2
Fuchs, W. 4, 341 Geographi Laiini Minores 2
390 Index

George, J. 125 Goubert, P. 334

Georgia 225, 229, 238, 282, 283, 298, 299, 322 Grantovskii, E. A. 67, 69, 71, 82, 154
Georgian 111, 113,311, 324 Gray, L. 231
German 79, 89 Greater Zab River 222
Germanicus 97, 238 Greco-Bactrian 153, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182,
Germanioi 79 183, 184, 185, 186, 188, 189, 194,202, 205, 210,
Gerrha 171 217,251,254,259
Gershevitch, I. 22, 56, 87, 264, 354 Greco-Buddhist 175, 246
Getae 95 Greco-Macedonian 152, 154, 165
gelig 59 Greece 96, 98, 104, 105, 106, 120, 126, 130, 134,
Ghara, 191 151, 153, 168, 203, 313
Gharib, B. 87 Grelot, P. 88, 159
Ghassanid 336 Greppin, J. 216
Ghatfar 349 Griffith, G. T. 143
Ghazna 5, 16, 146, 154, 356 Grignaschi, M. 295, 326, 330
Ghaznavids 177 Groot.J. de 4, 194,356
Gherela,Rumania 103 Gropp, G. 304
Ghilzai350 Grousset, R. 342
Ghirshman. R. 66, 71, 74, 80, 96, 147, 162, 168, Grumbates 311
205, 245, 246, 271, 274, 276, 291, 298, 331 Gryaznevich, P. A. 232
Ghorband 16 Gschnitzler, F. 102
Gignoux, Ph. 205, 224, 290, 292, 299 Gubaru 102
Gilan 11, 14, 22, 296, 299, 303, 305 Gudaphara 200
Giles,H. 341 Guey, J. 242
Gilgit 192 Guidi, I. 334
GilissenJ. 119 Guidi, M. 288
Gils 112,305,311 Gulf 25, 278, 296, 298, 303, 309
Ci-mir-ri 70 Gulpaiagan 293
Glatzer, B. 23 Gumilev, L. N. 334, 335, 347
glmykn 222 Gundeshapur 298, 299, 300
Glueck, Nelson 282 Günther, A. 234
Gnoli, G 120, 122 Gupta, P. L. 186, 260
gnzsr 116 Guptas 262, 263, 264, 349
Goblot, H. 7, 21 Gur 292, 295, 300, 333
Gobryas 90 Gurgan 3, 11, 112, 141, 168, 208, 226, 283, 316
Gochihr 273 Gurgenes 324
Godard, A. 71 gufaraka 265
Godin Tepe 65, 76 Guti 29, 84, 278
Godman 299 Gutium 94
Göbl, R. 178, 256, 262, 263, 290, 301, 326, 332, Guyum 8, 304
333, 341, 343, 345, 346, 348, 350, 356 grda 118
Goell, T. 230 grdapati HO, 116
Goeje, M. J. de 272, 289 Gyselen, R. 332
Goetze, A. 133
Goff, C. 65 Habibi, 'Abd al-Hayy 5
Goldman, B. 266 Hackin,J. 147,264,351
Gomer 70 Hadhyab 222, 279
Gondophares 196, 198, 199, 200, 201, 202, 215, hadis125
238, 252, 255, 284 Hadrian 242, 243, 260, 264, 279
Goodblatt, D. 326 Haetumant 15
Gordian 287 Hahn, I. 325
Gordian III 296 Hakhämanishya 56
Gorduene 223 Halil River 13
Gordus, A. A. 303 Hallade, M. 351
Gordyene 215,279 Hailock, R. T. 87, 110, 122
Gotarzes 197, 209, 214, 215, 227, 239, 247 Haloun, G. 191, 194
Gotch, P. 26 Halys River 82, 92
Goths 312 Harn 59
 Index 391

Hamadan 10, 11, 12, 14, 25, 65, 67, 76, 80, 162, Henrichs, A. 294
164, 169, 170, 171, 172, 221, 299 Hephaestion 144, 145
hamära-kara 110, 116 Hephthalite 303, 316, 320, 322, 323, 327, 346
hamarkar 223, 332 347, 348, 349, 350, 351, 355, 356
Hamath 69 Heraclius 336, 337
Hamazasp 299 Heraeus 196, 252
Hambis, L. 342, 351 Herakles 153, 157, 162, 166, 172, 183, 190, 210,
Hambly, G. 253, 342 217, 230, 247, 267, 274
Hammond, N. 154, 178, 190, 250, 342 Herakles Kallinikos 230
hamö-xsathra 56 Heras 252
Hamun 7, 12, 15, 194 Herat 3, 15, 17, 57,61, 80, 112, 141, 144, 146, 148,

Han4, 191, 194,250,259,260 149, 150, 163, 168, 173, 180, 184, 188, 193,201,
Hananiah 115 208, 238, 260, 295, 298, 334, 347
handarzakara 108 Heraus 252 (cf. Heraeüs)
Hansen, O. 291, 341 herbad 299, 314
Han Shu 191, 192, 251 Hermaeus 187, 196, 200, 201, 262
Hansman, J. 2, 98, 157, 205, 276 Hermes 153, 157
Harahuvati 61, 62, 113 Hermione 97
Haraivaöl, 112 Hermitage 290
häraka 117 Herod the Great 234, 236
Haraz River 11 Herodian 287, 293
hargbad 224 Herodotus 1 , 4, 5, 61 65, 67, 69, 70, 71 72, 75, 77,
, ,

Hari Rud 15, 18, 79, 170, 180 78, 79, 81, 82, 83, 88, 89, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95,
Harith b. 'Amr 324 97, 98, 99, 102, 104, 105, 108, 109, 110, 112,
Harmatta, J. 90, 91, 96, 103, 110, 182, 205, 259, 113,115,116,119,120,123,124,126,127,128,
341, 342, 343, 344, 348, 352, 355, 356 287
Harnack, D. 219, 220 Herrenschmidt, Cl. 103
Harpagos 82,93, 115 Herrmann, G. 301
Harran76, 84, 91,94, 297 Hertsenberg, L. 256
Harsin 65, 76, 162 Herzfeld, E. 57, 66, 67, 79, 82, 84, 89, 90, 98, 99,
Hasanlu 71, 77 100, 104, 106, 108, 1 11, 112, 1 13, 158, 188, 198,
Hasmonaean 234 199, 205, 215, 226, 284, 306, 331, 341
Hatra 205, 21 8, 220, 222, 223, 228, 229, 236, 242, Hestia 230
244, 274, 275, 279, 280, 281, 293, 294 Hestiaios 245, 273
hatrü 118 Hesychius 2, 137, 288
Hauri, E. 103 Hewsen, R. H. 219
Haussig, W.206 Hierapolis 335
Haxamanis 79 Higgins, M. J. 334
Hayasa 73 Higuchi 351
Hayk 73 Hijra 350
hazärapati 107 Hill, G. F. 115, 161,271,272
hazarbad 295, 304, 306 Himalaya 194
Hazza 295 Himerus 212, 213
Hebrews 114, 133 Himyarites 328
Heftal 347 Hindu 81, 103, 104, 230, 261, 309
Heichelheim, M. 128, 131 Hinduism 267, 268, 357
Hekataios 104 Hindukush 7, 16, 23, 132, 141, 144, 148, 149, 150,
Hekatompylos 2, 12, 152, 168, 173, 205, 211 163,170,173,181,183,184,185,187,188,194,
Heliocles 181, 184, 185, 188, 196, 251 201 252, 256, 262, 263, 265, 268, 348, 351 357
, ,

Helios 166, 280 Hindu Shähis 356

Hellenism 203 Hinz, W. 79, 87, 89, 90, 92, 95, 96, 104, 107, 108,
Hellenization 157, 158, 164, 166, 167, 173 109, 111, 116, 117, 119, 274, 294
Hellespont 135 Hippostratus 196, 201
Helm, R. R. 74 Hirth, F. 4
Helmand River 7, 12, 15, 16, 62 Hissar 188, 344, 351
Henning, W. B. 57, 79, 80, 87, 95, 114, 117, 158, Hissar-Alai 17, 357
206, 211, 222, 245, 256, 264, 274, 275, 292, 296, Hittite 73, 81
300, 306, 315, 320, 351, 354, 355 Hoflmann, G. 2, 315, 321
392 Index

Hoffmann, K. 97, 106, 124 htvsrw 241

Hofstetter.J. 106, 127 hwtwy 219, 220
Holum, K. G. 319 Hyparchy 155
Homes-Fredericq, D. 280 Hyrcania 11, 90, 94, 112, 114, 141, 144, 149,
Hondius,J.J. E. 137 168, 208, 212, 222, 237, 238, 240, 243, 283,
Honigmann, E. 262, 297 284
Hopkins, Clark 137, 227 Hyrcanians 61, 80, 239
Horiuchi, K. 317 Hyrcanus 234
Hormisda 308 Hyrkodes 251
Hormizd 284, 305, 335, 343 Hyspaosines 213, 276, 277
Hormizd I 303, 344 Hystaspes 91
Hormizd II 302, 308, 344, 345
Hormizd IV 334
Hormizd V 337 Iberia 238, 282, 283
Hormizdagan 293 Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi 295
Hormizd-Ardashir 294, 295, 299, 302, 303, 304, Ibn al-Athir 290
305, 333 Ibn al-Balkhi 3
Hormizd Kushanshah 345 Ibn al-Faqih al-Hamadäni 290, 292
Hormizshahr 333 Ibn Hauqal 290
Hormuz 160, 172 Ibn Isfandiyär 289
Houghton, A. 159, 164 Ibn Khurdädbih 290
Hou Hart Shu 4, 250 Ibn Rustah 290
Houtsma, M. 356 Ibrahim, M. 189, 202, 348
Hovhannisean, K. 73 Idumaeans 234
How, W. W. 78 Ikaros 138, 157
hpthpt'lU Ili 19, 192

hrgwpt 223 Il-Tegin 335

hrkpty 306 Immortais 107
hrmdr' 319 Imoto, E. 216
Hrouda, Barthel 26, 167 India 7, 11, 20, 56, 57, 103, 104, 113, 132, 141,
Hsi (or Pa)-tun 250 142, 143, 144, 145, 149, 150, 153, 163, 177, 179,
Hsiao 192 1 82, 1 84, 1 86, 1 87, 1 88, 1 94, 1 95, 1 98, 200, 201
Hsiung-nu 191, 192, 250, 265 202, 210, 222, 230, 240, 249, 252, 254, 256, 259,
Kilr 225 260, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 275,
hstrdry 223 328, 330, 344, 346, 349, 355, 357
hstrp 221 Indian 4, 15, 60, 62, 67, 104, 151, 153, 154, 170,
Hsüan-Tsang 4, 341 178, 181, 183, 186, 187, 189, 194, 195, 198,256,
Hude 1 257, 258, 262, 264, 267, 287, 298, 348
Hudüd al-'älam 4, 5, 290 Indian Ocean 275, 330
Hübschmann, H. 2, 137 indictio 325
Huei-cha'o 4, 341 Indo-Aryan 228, 257
Hulwan 278, 335 Indo-Bactrian 188, 253
Humbach, H. 262, 267, 290, 306, 342, 348, 356, Indo-European 62, 73, 83, 192, 193, 217, 218, 230,
357 232
Humban 122 Indo-Greeks 185, 199
Humlum, Johannes 3 Indo-Iranian 61, 87, 121, 216, 218, 329, 356
Hun 345 Indo-Parthian 191, 200, 215, 238, 252, 256, 265,
Huna 349, 355 284, 285
Hungary 276 Indra 352
Hungry Steppe 18 Indravarma 196, 198, 200
Hunnic311,321 Indus delta 187
Huns 182, 317, 318, 346, 347, 348, 350 Indus River 7, 13, 14, 16, 17, 22, 67, 104, 151, 154,
Hurrian 68, 73 198
Huvaxsatra 71, 75 Ingen, W. van 167
Huvishka 249, 256, 261, 262, 267, 344 Ingholt, H. 280
Huza 111 Ionia 154
Huzi 140 Ionian 92,93, 105, 110, 128
Hvidberg, F. 213 Ipsos 151
 Index 393
Iran 1, 2, 3, 6, 8, 1 1, 12, 14, 15, 19, 20, 21, 22, 24, Jalalabad 16, 262
25,62,63,68,72,77,87,99,137,148,151,162, Jamshid 320
1 66, 1 72, 1 74, 1 94, 195, 202, 203, 204, 208, 21 6, Janen, K. L. 249
218, 223, 229, 230, 240, 274, 277, 282, 290, 291 Jangal 11
298, 299, 308, 309, 310, 31 4, 31 8, 320, 323, 332, janichen, H. 283
333, 334, 335, 337, 352, 357 japheth 59
Iranian 16, 19, 20, 22, 57, 59, 63, 69, 70, 75, 92, Jaxartes 17, 18, 95, 147, 153, 207, 255
108, 119, 122, 123, 132, 134, 142, 150, 157, 166, Jaz Muryan 13
190, 192, 193, 197, 202, 206, 207, 228, 229, 230, jenkins, G. K. 148, 159, 178, 183, 185, 195, 197,
247, 250, 266, 267, 269, 274, 280, 346, 348 198, 200
Iranians 10, 18, 26, 56, 60, 61, 62, 67, 72, 74, 139, Jentsch, C. 23
1 42, 1 43, 1 44, 1 49, 1 52, 1 54, 1 7 1 , 239, 257, 258, Jeremiah 77, 82
267,273,299,301,322 Jerusalem 78, 104, 234, 336
IranKhwarreh Shapur 312 Jesu Bokht 288
Irano-Urartian 74 Jewish 119,232,315
Iranshahr 306 Jews 97, 114, 232, 309, 315, 319, 338
Iraq 113, 239, 290, 300, 309, 310, 324, 338 Jibal Sinjar 243
lrish 199 Jihonika 256
Isaiah 82, 94 Jones, S. 23
Isfahan 3, 12, 14, 67, 141, 149, 171, 293, 299 Jordan 275
Isfahäni, Hamza 289 Josephus 102, 127, 135, 212, 231, 232, 237, 239,
Isfandarmad 316 240
Isfändiyär 106 Joshua 322
Isfarain 13 Joshua the Stylite 288, 345
Isfizar 15 Judaea 236
Ishaqvand 76 Judaism 222, 230, 231, 279, 300, 301, 322, 338
Isidore of Charax 2, 4, 146, 153, 182, 194, 198, Judeich, W. 110, 131
206, 217, 230, 231 Julian the Apostate 310, 317
Iskandari, M. H. 122 4
Julien, S.
Iskandariya 147 Jundeshapur 333
Iskuza/Isquza 71 Junge, J. 107, 145, 194
Islam 5, 239, 269, 314, 338, 357 Junker, H. 341
Islamabad 197 Justi, F. 1, 116
Islamic 137, 177, 309, 319, 321, 325, 330, 335, Justin 83, 94, 137, 152, 179, 180, 183, 184, 186,
338, 352, 357 189,191,206,207,208,210,212,213,226,324
Isma "\\ II 99 Justin II 328

Isocrates 132, 147 Justinian 324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 330
Israelites 77 Jut79
Issus 139 Jüzjäni 5
Issyk Kul 7
Issyk Kurgan 255 Ka*bah of Zoroaster 74, 124, 258, 262, 284, 291,
Istakhr 304, 314, 333 296
Btar 122 Kabul 3, 5, 15, 16, 17, 146, 164, 173, 182, 188,202,
Istumegu 82 249, 252, 262, 343, 344, 346, 355, 356
Italy 327 Kadphises 196
Itineraria Romana 2 Kafiristan 16, 23, 194
Ito, G. 125, 158, 271 Kafirnigan 17
iugatio 325 Kafirs 23
Ivanov, M. S. 22 Kahrstedt, U. 237, 238, 240, 271, 272, 274, 279,
Ivanov, V. V. 81, 256, 257 283, 284
Ivaz9 K ai ming 347
Izadparrah, H. 22 Kaisar 261
Izates 222, 279 Kalardasht 11
Izates II 238 Kalat 59, 298
Kalesnik,S. V. 5

Jahän-näme 3 Kalhana 257

Jähiz 289 Kalidasa 349
Jahrum 8, 9, 89 Kallias 128
392 Index

Hoflfmann, K. 97, 106, 124 hwsrw 241

Hofstetter, J. 106, 127 hwtwy 219, 220
Holum, K. G. 319 Hyparchy 155
Homes-Fredericq, D. 280 Hyrcania 11, 90, 94, 112, 114, 141, 144, 149,
Hondius, J. J. E.
137 168, 208, 212, 222, 237, 238, 240, 243, 283,
Honigmann, 297
E. 262, 284
Hopkins, Clark 137, 227 Hyrcanians61, 80, 239
Horiuchi, K. 317 Hyrcanus 234
Hormisda 308 Hyrkodes 251
Hormizd 284, 305, 335, 343 Hyspaosines 213, 276, 277
Hormizd I 303, 344 Hystaspes 91
Hormizd II 302, 308, 344, 345
Hormizd IV 334
Hormizd V 337 Iberia 238, 282, 283
Hormizdagan 293 lbn 'Abd Rabbihi 295
Hormizd-Ardashir 294, 295, 299, 302, 303, 304, lbn al-Athir 290
305, 333 lbn al-Balkhi 3
Hormizd Kushanshah 345 lbn al-Faqih al-Hamadäni 290, 292
Hormizshahr 333 lbn Hauqal 290
Hormuz 160, 172 lbn Isfandiyär 289
Houghton, A. 159, 164 lbn Khurdädbih 290
Hou Han Shu 4, 250 lbn Rustah 290
Houtsma, M. 356 Ibrahim, M. 189, 202, 348
Hovhannisean, K. 73 Idumaeans 234
How, W. W. 78 Ikaros 138, 157
hpthpt' 114 Ili 19, 192

hrgwpt 223 Il-Tegin 335

hrkpty 306 Immortais 107
hrmdr' 319 lmoto, E. 216
Hrouda, Barthel 26, 167 India 7, 11, 20, 56, 57, 103, 104, 113, 132, 141,
Hsi (or Pa)-tun 250 142, 143, 144, 145, 149, 150, 153, 163, 177, 179,
Hsiao 192 182, 184, 186, 187, 188, 194, 195, 198,200,201,
Hsiung-nu 191, 192, 250, 265 202, 210, 222, 230, 240, 249, 252, 254, 256, 259,
Kitt 225 260, 262, 263, 264, 265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 275,
hstrdry 223 328, 330, 344, 346, 349, 355, 357
hstrp221 Indian 4, 15, 60, 62, 67, 104, 151, 153, 154, 170,
Hsuan-Tsang 4, 341 1 78, 1 81 1 83, 1 86, 1 87, 1 89, 1 94, 1 95, 1 98, 256,
,

Hudel 257, 258, 262, 264, 267, 287, 298, 348

Hudüd al-'älam 4, 5, 290 Indian Ocean 275, 330
Hubschmann, H. 2, 137 325
indictio
Huei-cha'o 4, 341 Indo-Aryan 228, 257
Hulwan 278, 335 Indo-Bactrian 188, 253
Humbach, H. 262, 267, 290, 306, 342, 348, 356, Indo-European 62, 73, 83, 192, 193, 217, 218, 230,
357 232
Humban 122 Indo-Greeks 185, 199
Humlum, Johannes 3 Indo-Iranian 61, 87, 121, 216, 218, 329, 356
Hun 345 Indo-Parthian 191, 200, 215, 238, 252, 256, 265,
Huna 349, 355 284, 285
Hungary 276 Indra 352
Hungry Steppe 18 Indravarma 196, 198, 200
Hunnic311,321 Indus delta 187
Huns 182, 317, 318, 346, 347, 348, 350 Indus River 7, 13, 14, 16, 17, 22, 67, 104, 151, 154,
Hurrian 68, 73 198
Huvaxsatra 71, 75 Ingen, W. van 167
Huvishka 249, 256, 261, 262, 267, 344 Ingholt, H. 280
Huza 111 Ionia 154
Huzi 140 Ionian 92,93, 105, 110, 128
Hvidberg, F. 213 Ipsos 151
 Index
393
Iran 1, 2, 3, 6, 8, 1 1, 12, 14, 15, 19, 20, 21, 22, 24, Jalalabad 16, 262
25,62,63,68,72,77,87,99, 137, 148, 151, 162, Jamshid 320
166,172,174,194,195,202,203,204,208,216, Janen, K. L. 249
21 8, 223, 229, 230, 240, 274, 277, 282, 290, 291 Jangal 11
298,299,308,309,310,314,318,320,323,332, Janichen, H. 283
333, 334, 335, 337, 352, 357 Japheth 59
Iranian 16, 19, 20, 22, 57, 59, 63, 69, 70, 75, 92, Jaxartes 17, 18, 95, 147, 153, 207, 255
108, 119, 122, 123, 132, 134, 142, 150, 157, 166, Jaz Muryan 13
190, 192, 193, 197, 202, 206, 207, 228, 229, 230, Jenkins, G. K. 148, 159, 178, 183, 185, 195, 197,
247, 250, 266, 267, 269, 274, 280, 346, 348 198, 200
Iranians 10, 18, 26, 56, 60, 61, 62, 67, 72, 74, 139, Jentsch, C. 23
142,143,144,149,152,154,171,239,257,258, Jeremiah 77, 82
267, 273, 299, 301, 322 Jerusalem 78, 104, 234, 336
Iran Khwarreh Shapur 312 Jesu Bokht 288
Irano-Urartian 74 Jewish 119,232,315
lranshahr 306 Jews 97, 114, 232, 309, 315, 319, 338
Iraq 113, 239, 290, 300, 309, 310, 324, 338 Jibal Sinjar 243
Irish 199 Jihonika 256
Isaiah 82, 94 Jones, S. 23
Isfahan 3, 12, 14, 67, 141, 149, 171, 293, 299 Jordan 275
Isfahäni, Hamza 289 Josephus 102, 127, 135, 212, 231, 232, 237, 239,
Isfandarmad 316 240
Isfandiyär 106 Joshua 322
Isfarain 13 Joshua the Stylite 288, 345
Isfizar 15 Judaea 236
Ishaqvand 76 judaism 222, 230, 231, 279, 300, 301, 322, 338
Isidore of Charax 2, 4, 146, 153, 182, 194, 198, Judeich, W. 110, 131
206, 217, 230, 231 Julian the Apostate 310, 317
Iskandari, M. H. 122 4
Julien, S.
Iskandariya 147 Jundeshapur 333
Iskuza/Isquza 71 Junge, J. 107, 145, 194
Islam 5, 239, 269, 314, 338, 357 Junker, H. 341
Islamabad 197 Justi, F. 1, 116
Islamic 137, 177, 309, 319, 321, 325, 330, 335, Justin 83, 94, 137, 152, 179, 180, 183, 184, 186,
338, 352, 357 189, 191, 206, 207, 208, 210, 212, 213, 226, 324
Isma "ll II 99 Justin II 328
Isocrates 132, 147 Justinian 324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 330
Israelites 77 Jut79
Issus 139 Jüzjäni 5
Issyk Kul 7
Issyk Kurgan 255 Ka*bah of Zoroaster 74, 124, 258, 262, 284, 291,
Istakhr 304, 314, 333 296
Istar 122 Kabul 3, 5, 1 5, 1 6, 1 7, 1 46, 1 64, 1 73, 1 82, 1 88, 202,
Istumegu 82 249, 252, 262, 343, 344, 346, 355, 356
Italy 327 Kadphises 196
Romana 2
Itineraria Kafiristan 16, 23, 194
Ito.G. 125,158,271 Kafirnigan 17
iugatio 325 Kafirs 23
Ivanov, M. S. 22 Kahrstedt, U. 237, 238, 240, 271, 272, 274, 279,
Ivanov, V. V. 81, 256, 257 283, 284
Ivaz 9 K ai ming 347
Izadparrah, H. 22 Kaisar 261
Izates 222, 279 Kalardasht 11
Izates II 238 Kalat 59, 298
Kalesnik, S. V. 5
Jahän-näme 3 Kalhana 257
Jähiz 289 Kalidasa 349
Jahrum 8, 9, 89 Kallias 128
394 Index

Kalliope 152 Kavi Vishtaspa 57, 58, 60

Kaluraz 11 Käwar 346
Kambakhsh-Fard 205 kay (kdy) 320
Kambojas 97, 154 Kayanid 284
Kambujiya 96 Kazakhastan 23
Kamioka, K. 87 Kazemi, A. 3
Kamnaskires 273, 274, 275 Kazerun 9, 26
kanärang 219, 264 Keall, E. J. 242
Kangavar 65, 76, 166, 205, 231 Kent, R. 98, 102, 106
K ang-chu 207, 250, 255, 259 Kerdir 296, 299, 300, 301, 303, 304, 306, 309, 316
Kang-diz 207, 255 (cf. Kartir)
Kangha 207, 255 Kerman 3, 12, 13, 14, 79, 89, 111, 144, 149, 160,
Kanik 257 162, 170, 171, 213, 222, 237, 295, 299
Kanishka 247, 249, 253, 254, 256, 257, 258, 259, Kermanioi 79
260,261,267,343 Kermanshah 10, 22, 25, 66, 69, 98, 317
Kanishka III 262, 343, 344 Kern, H. 4
Kansu 250 Kervran, M. 103, 104
Kao-fu 250, 251 Khabur River 243
Kapa 252 Khafr 8
Kapisa 146, 163, 264, 344, 356 Khaläj 350
Kara 119 Khalchayan 252, 266
karadranga 219 Khalidov, A. B. 3
Karaftu 230 Khanaqin 25, 306
Karakalpak 355 Kharg 276
Kara Kum 13, 16, 17, 18 Kharis 152
kara-trango 264 Kharoshthi 183, 185, 195, 198, 199, 200, 201, 252,
kara-lrangga 264 253,254,259,261,265,284
Kara-tau 19 Khash River 15
Kardar 320 Khate 73
Karen 226, 239, 295, 316 Khätt 295
Karim, Hushang Pur 22 khatlini 73
Kariyan 315 Khazars 337
Karkha de Beth Slok 222, 278 Khingil 355, 356
Karkhah River 276 Khiva 17
Kärnämak 284, 289, 291 Khlopin 93
karsha 116 Khodjent 17, 147
Kartir 296, 303 (cf. Kerdir) Khoi 10
Karun River 9, 298, 309 Khorezm 18
kosaka 109 Khosrov 310
Kash 262 Khotan 19, 194, 259, 260
Kashan 12 Khotanese 192, 256, 257
Kashgar 19, 192, 298 Khsayärsan 106
Kashmir 194, 195, 257, 348, 349, 350, 355, khshassa-pavan 111
356 Khudai natnak 289
Kaspir 194 Khudäyär Mahabbi 216
Kassandane 97 Khung-e Naurüzi 274
Kassander 151 Khunj 9
Kastariti 71, 74 Khurasan 3, 10, 13, 14, 15, 25, 69, 80, 112, 150,
Kastalski, B. 185 170, 173, 207, 221, 226, 294, 300, 313, 315
katoikoi 156, 160, 164 Khurhe 162, 166
Katulphos 349 Khurramabad 10, 300
Kaufman, I. M. 5 Khurramshahr 276
Kaus 320 Khusrau 324
Kavad 287, 289, 320, 322, 323, 324, 325, 332, 333, Khuzi 273
349 Khuzistan 3, 9, 10, 14, 74, 89, 111, 122, 205, 273,
Kavad II 337 274, 275, 295, 297, 298, 306, 329, 333
Kavi 57, 320 Khwarazm 18, 61, 164, 165, 179, 185, 188, 206,
Kavir 8, 12 207, 229, 258, 263, 268, 298, 354
 Index 395
Khwarazmian 23, 57, 58, 61, 62, 79, 80, 1 12, 174, Krateuas 148
188, 296, 307, 351, 354, 355, 357 Kraus, W. 5, 23
khwarreh 295 Kreissig, H. 135
Kidara 345, 346, 347, 348 krS ' 326
Kidarite 346, 348, 349 Krogman, W. M. 22
Kienitz, F. K. 97, 98, 126 Kronos 313, 321
Kierdorf, W. 126 Kruglikova, I. T. 177, 249, 263
Kinda 324 ksalrapa 256, 265
Kineas 153 kse'tra 56
Kings 65, 77 Kshatrapas 195, 197
Kirghizia 250 Kucha 19, 259
Kirghizistan 23 Kuei-shuang 250, 251
Kirkpatrick, C. 163 Kuei-shui 191
Kirkuk 76, 222, 278, 279, 293 Kufa 227
Kislyakov, N. 21, 23 Kuh-e Khwaja 62, 205
Kisra 325 Kujula Kadphises 96, 202, 251, 252, 255, 256
Kizil Irmak 82 Kukhtina, T. 1. 5
Kizil Kum 17, 18, 19 Kumar, B. 254
Kizilsu 19 Kunduz 16
Kizkapan 76, 162 Kunlun 19
Kleiner, G. 148 Kur 90
Kleiss, W. 73, 74, 77 kura 333
Klengel, H. 213 kurdabattS 116
Kleomenes 172 Kurdish 10, 306
kleroi 164 Kurdistan 3, 10, 76, 94, 162, 228, 230
Klima, O. 117, 129,321,323 Kurds 22, 90
Klimburg-Salter, Deborah E. 351 Kureskhata 94
Klinge, G. 330 Kurgans 72, 202, 350
Kljastornyj, S. G. 353 Kurka 122
Knabe, G. 5 Kurkath 94
Knudtzon, G. A. 71 kurtas 118, 129
Koch, H. 122 Kuru 90
Koenen, L. 294 Kurylowicz,J. 96
König, F. W. 5, 76, 107, 116, 123 Küsha 114
Koh Daman 146 (or Koh-e) Kushan 177, 178, 188, 190, 191, 201, 249, 251,
Koh-e Daman 16, 356 253, 254, 255, 259, 260, 262, 263, 265, 269, 284,
Kohut, A. 2 307, 342, 346
Koinos 143 Kushaniya 258, 345
Kokand 17 Kushano-Sasanian 341
Kokcha 153 Kushans 193, 194, 198, 199, 200, 202, 203, 216,
Kolesnikov, A.I. 334 219, 243, 245, 246, 247, 256, 258, 261, 262, 264,
Komisene 14 266, 267, 268, 283, 294, 295, 296, 305, 311, 343,
Komis 152 344, 345, 347
Konon 130 Kushanshahr 298
Kononov, A. H. 283 Kussmaul, F. 23
Konow, S. 187, 195, 199, 252, 261 Kuwait 157
Konya 297 kwsnxstr 262
Kopet Dagh 13, 208
Korduk 223 Labat, R. 70, 74
Korzhenevskii, N. L. 5 Labienus 234
Koschaker, P. 221 Lactantius 287
Koshelenko, G. A. 138, 147, 173, 205, 209, 211, Lade 105
215, 216, 217, 227, 230, 232, 246, 268 Laghman 154, 164
Koske, F. Ya. 206, 207 Lahiri, A. N. 178, 181, 183, 197
Kouymjian, D. K. 168, 356 Lahore 252
Kraay, C. M. 138, 178 Lake Balkash 7
Kraeling, E. G. 88, 120 Lake Urmia 10, 66, 70, 214
Kranz, W. 97 Lakhana Udayaditya 356
396 Index

Lakhmid 307, 319, 324, 337, 338 Lycian 130

Lama, Manuchehr 22 Lydia 92, 93, 96, 115
lan 122 Lydian 81, 82, 130
Langlois, V. 312 Lysanios 153
Laodice 162, 184 Lysias 187
Läpp, P. W. 88 Lysimachos 151
Lar 9
Latin 137, 188, 220, 226, 240, 281, 287, 288 Maccabees 162
Latte, K. 2, 137, 288 Macdermot, B. C. 301
Latz, J. 290 MacDowall, D. W. 178, 189, 195, 197, 202, 252,
Laufer, B. 23 255, 256, 264, 284, 348, 357
Lazar of P arp 288, 320, 321 Macedonia 105, 141, 156
Lazica 324, 325, 327 Macedonian 132, 134, 135, 138, 139, 140, 141,
Le Coq, P. 96 142, 143, 144, 147, 148, 149, 150, 157, 158, 161,
Lehmann-Haupt, C. F. 59, 111 164, 165, 173, 180, 190, 219, 227, 228
Leninabad 17, 147 MacKenzie, D. 354, 355
Lentz, W. 125 Macrinus 244
Lepper, F. 242 Mäda 61, 111
Le Rider, G. 148, 157, 172, 210, 211, 212, 245, Madan, D. M. 231
273, 276, 277 Madates 140
Lesser Zab River 222 Madhyamikä 186
LeStrange, G. 2 Ma'd-Karib 328
Leuze, O. 113 Madyes 71
Levine, L. D. 65, 66, 68, 69 Maenchen-Helfen, O. 193, 318
Levine, B. A. 87 Majatih al-'ulüm 290
Levites 67 maga-brihmanas 195
Liang Shu 347 Magha 277
Libanius 164, 287, 310 Magi 67, 81, 121, 123, 124, 226, 231, 315
liberi 224 Magian 98, 99
Libya 127, 128 Magianism 351
Libyans 114 Magie, D. 293
Limepirde 122 Magnesia 170, 171, 180, 211
limes 242, 308, 309 magoi 67
Litvinskii, B. A. 177, 189, 207, 216, 249, 255, 268, magus 122, 299
342 Mahabad 10, 76
Livshits, V. A. 205, 209, 221, 229, 232, 257, 284, Mahabharata 195, 349
285, 320, 354 mahaiandanayaka 265
Livsic, V. A. 353 (cf. Livshits) Mahallat 162
Livy 169, 210 Maharaja 187
Löffler, R. 22 Maharlu 7, 8, 9
Logar 16 Mahayana 268
Lohüizen-de Leeuw, van 197, 198, 199 Mahgushnasp 320
Lommel, H. 109, 231 Mahidasht 66
Lop Nor 19 Mahishtäbäd 295
Lu 92 Mahler, J. G. 353
Lucian 197, 215 Mahmud 356
Lucius Manlius Vulso 180 Maho-Kanishka 256
Luckenbill, D. D. 65, 66, 67, 69, 70, 75 Mahraspand 312
Lucullus 215 Maipherkat 318
LUders, H. 249, 267 Maisin 222, 275, 276
Lukonin, V. 254, 284, 290, 291, 296, 302, 303, Maitreya 269
304, 305, 316, 332, 341, 343, 345 Majumdar, N. G. 187
Luri 28, 90 Maka 113
Luristan 9, 10, 28, 65, 98, 273 Makheloni 298
Lurs 22, 89 Makran 13, 298, 307
Lut 8, 12 Makrobioi 197, 215
Luvians 73 Maku, 10, 77
Lycia 88,93, 115 Malalas 287
 Index 397
Malamir 274 Marvdasht 8, 26, 125
Malatya 236 marzban 225, 324, 338
Malayer 65 Mashkür, M. J. 289
Malwa 260, 355 Masjid-e Sulaiman 74, 205, 273, 274
Malyän tepe 8 Maspi 89
Mamertinus 304, 305 Massabatike 89
Mamikonian 321, 328 Massagetai 95, 207
Mamluke 353 Massice 296
Manadyan, Ya. A. 213, 214 Masson, M. E. 23, 205, 258, 354
Manda 76, 84 Masson, V. M. 181, 185, 190
Mandaeans 277, 309 Mas ud Kayhän 1
Mandaism 231 Mas udi 57, 289, 304, 309, 312
Mandane 82 mathista 107, 119
Mandelshtam, A. M. 178, 185, 193, 251 Mathura 249, 254, 255, 259, 260, 261, 262, 266,
Manesus 224, 225, 281 267, 268
Mani 300, 303, 323 Matigan 315, 332
Manichaean 226, 307, 309, 323, 338 Mattingly, H. 297
Manichaeism 300, 301, 312, 353 Mauakes 195
Manna 69 Maues 195, 196, 197, 201
Mannai 70, 71, 72, 75, 76, 77, 81 Maurice 329, 334, 336
Manneans 10 Maurya 152, 154
Mannen, Konrad 1, 89 Mauryan 151, 153, 164, 268
Ma nu 281 Mausolos 131
Manuchihr 272 Mayhoff, C. 2
Mao 257 Mayrhofer, M. 87, 102, 109, 110, 116, 119, 126,
Mär Abhä 288, 313 131, 332
Maragheh 10, 163, 234 Mazaios 115, 132, 139, 140, 143
Marakanda 112 Mazakes 114, 134
Marand 10 Mazandaran 3, 11, 22
Maraphi 89, 90 Mazar-e Sharif 16
Marathon 104, 105 Mazdaean 321
Marc Antony 224, 234, 235 Mazdaism 268, 313
Marco Polo 3, 26 Mazdak 322, 323, 324
Marcus, R. 318 Mazdakites 322, 324, 329
Marcus Attilius Regulus 180 Mazdayasnian 58
Marcus Aurelius 243 Mazzarino, S. 109
Mardi 89, 90, 210 McCrindle, J. W. 154
Mardis 99 McDowell, R. H. 137, 211, 227
Mardonius 105, 115, 122 McGovern, W. M. 341, 347, 349
Marduk 91, 94, 121 McNicoll, A. 146
Marduniya 102, 122 mdknpt 296
Margilan 17 Meander River 171
Margiane 112, 156, 173, 197 Mebarsapes 242, 279
Mariades 301 Medes 62, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75,
Maricq, A. 227, 240, 242, 262, 280, 294, 296, 297, 76, 77, 78, 79, 81, 82, 90, 91, 98, 105, 106, 108,
298 111,293
mar'tka 56, 109 Media 90, 98, 111, 112, 126, 141, 143, 148, 149,
mariya 281 150, 155, 156, 160, 162, 163, 169, 171, 172, 173,
Markwart.J. 1 4, 5, 61 79, 1 37, 207, 288, 289, 342
, , 174,183,205,210,212,214,219,221,222,234,
(cf. Marquart) 236, 237, 308, 316, 317
Marlik 11 Media Atropatene 222
Marquart, Joseph 1, 59, 61, 107, 112, 214, 222, Median 63, 65, 71 75, 77, 80, 84, 90, 91 92, 94, 99,
, ,

226, 288, 311, 312, 342, 348, 356 100, 170, 234, 236
Marsden, E. W. 139 Mediterranean 95, 132, 150, 234, 239, 301
Marshak, B. 1. 266, 353 Medus 75
Marshall, J. 177, 266 Megabyzes 114, 115, 127
Marutha 318 Megasthenes 153, 154, 267
Marv 80 megistanes 226
 ,

398 Index

Meherdates 239 Miles, G. C. 88, 158,283

Meid, W. 110 Miletus 153
Meineke, A. 2, 137, 288 Milik, J. T. 222, 279
Melikian-Chirvani, A. 268 S. Milinda 186
Meükisvili, G. A. 66, 68, 69 Milindapanha 186
Melitene 236 Miller, K. 137, 288
Memphis 97, 114 Miller, R. A. 4, 341
Menander Protector 182, 185, 186, 187, 287, 327, milkt 318
349 Minab 13
Menasce, G. de 312, 315
P. Mingrelia 298
Menedemos 169 Minnagar 198
minög 59 Minni 77
Menon 141 Minorsky, V. 3, 163, 234, 290
Menua 66, 67, 68, 69 Minovi, M. 289
Meredates 277 Mir Zakah 178, 182
meri'akhena 265 Mishra, Y. 357
meridarch 155, 265 Misi 69
meris 155 Mitchiner, M. 178, 185, 195, 197, 302, 341, 346
Merkel, E. 276 Mithra 56, 101, 122, 123, 133, 166, 190, 216, 231,
Merv 15, 17, 18, 57, 100, 112, 156, 164, 173, 180, 267, 269, 314, 317, 345
1 93, 1 94, 201 202, 207, 208, 232, 268, 276,295,
, Mithradates 1 1 5, 1 89, 209, 215, 233, 238, 239, 241
298, 322, 338, 347 Mithradates I 172, 183, 188, 192, 193, 210, 211,
Merv-e Rüd 15 226, 228, 230, 271
Mesene 157, 160, 172, 222, 242, 275, 276, 295, Mithradates II 194, 199, 202, 209, 21 1, 213, 214,
299, 300, 304, 305, 306 217, 218, 226, 227, 228, 271, 276
Meshhed 3, 13, 184 Mithraic 313
Meshkeris, N. 266 Mithraism 232, 332
Mesopotamia 2, 7, 17, 20, 25, 26, 75, 113, 129, Mitradates 82
139, 149, 156, 157, 164, 168, 170, 174 175,210, Mitrobates 115
21 2, 21 3, 21 5, 224, 227, 229, 230, 231 232,242, Miyandoab 10
271 274, 275, 276, 277, 278, 280, 281 282,291,
, mklky 309
293, 305, 308, 318, 324, 327, 329, 332 333,334, mnctry 272
337 Moa 195
Mesopotamian 65, 100, 155, 246, 273 moW 303, 313, 332
Messabate 89 mobadan mobad 313
Metolbaessa 224, 225, 281 Modarrissi, A. Z. 249
Metzger, H. 88 Moghul 6
Meuakos 195 Moinfar, M. 257
Meuleau, M. 130 Molon 169, 170
Meyer, E. 165 Mommsen, T. 226, 236
Miandoab 163 Monaeses 234
Mianeh 10 Mongol 4, 11,265,357
Michael the Syrian 288 Mongolia 353
Michel, E. 65 Monobazus 279
Middle East 62 Monogarova, L. F. 23
Middle Iranian 234, 278 Monophysite 322, 328, 338
Middle Persian 19, 206, 221, 222, 223, 225, 231, Monteil, V. 22
241 247, 262, 273, 283, 284, 287, 289, 290, 291
, Moravcsik, G. 348, 349
296, 300, 306, 31 2, 316, 31 7, 330, 338, 342, 343 Mordtmann, A. 291
Mihirakula 349, 355 Morgan, J. de 115, 161, 211, 271, 272
Mihr 272 Morgenstierne, G. 62, 113
Mihran 226, 334 Morkholm, I. 138, 171, 172, 178, 210
Mihr Bokht 332 Morony, Michael 333
Mihrdät 232 Moscow 21
Mihr Narseh 319, 320, 321 Moses of Chorene 1, 68, 288, 310
Mihrshäh 300 Moshär, Kh. 3
Mihr Shapur 319 Mostafavi, M. T. 109
Milan 319 Mosul 222, 295
 Index 399

mm 280 Nasru 281

mm 280 Naster, P. 159, 161, 271
mrztvpn 224, 225 Natunia 222, 279, 295
Msih Zkha 279 Natunians 222
Mtri 272 Naveh,J. 87, 88
Mtrprn 216 Nawabi, Y. M. 3, 346
Mtskheta 324 Naxarar 280
Müller, C. 1,2, 137 Nazarenes 309
Müller, F. W. K. 197 Near East 14, 24, 77, 80, 119, 133, 135, 204, 218,
Müller, O. 151 233, 240, 246, 275, 276, 301, 318, 322, 332
Müller, W. 137 Near Eastern 121, 190, 216, 266, 331
Mughan 11 Nebuchadnezzar 81
Muhammad 328 Necho 104
Mukherjee, B. N. 195, 197, 198, 251, 253, 254, Nehemiah 88, 114, 128
256, 259, 260, 262, 263, 264, 298 Neoptolemos 148
Mukhitdinov, Kh. 189 Neriz 299
Multan 104, 195, 267 Nero 239
Muminova, I. 354 Nestorian 2, 288, 318, 338, 351
Mundhir III 324 Nestorianism 322
Mungan 23 Neubauer, A. 2
Murashu 117, 129, 130 Neusner, J. 222, 228, 289, 315, 319, 325
Murghab River 15, 18, 61, 112 Nev Shapur 299, 312
Murundas 262 Newell, E. T. 138, 159, 163, 168, 211
Müsa 236, 237 New Persian 225, 287, 289, 353
Mushki 73 Nezak 355, 356
Musurman/busurman 354 nhwdr 220
Mygdonia 223 Nicephorus 288
Mykale 126 Nicholas of Damascus 82
Mysia 131 Nicias 196
mzdk 140 Nidintu-Bel 100
mzdy 115 Nihavend 162, 169, 226, 316, 338
Nikanor 150, 151, 154
Nabataean 246, 277, 282 Nikitine, B. 22
Nabo 122 Nile 20, 97, 98, 104,114
Nabonidus 84, 90, 91, 92, 94, 100 Nineveh 75, 76, 77, 79, 81, 223
Nabopolassar 75 Nippur 129, 205
Naby, E. 5 Nirofar 274
näfapat 226 Nisa 13, 1 7, 205, 208, 21 1 , 21 6, 221 223, 224, 228,
,

Naga 260, 263 229, 230, 232, 283, 284

226
nahapet Nisaia 208
Namaksar 12 Nisan 92
Nanaia 157, 231 Nishapur 3, 13, 14, 206, 300, 312
Nane 231 Nisibis 215, 223, 233, 243, 279, 294, 296, 297,
Nan Shih 347 308, 310, 327, 335
Napki 355 Nissen, H.J. 227, 271,332
Naqsh-e Bahram 304 Nizämu 'd-din, M. 295
Naqsh-e Rajab 304 nmana 56
Naqsh-e Rustam 74, 76, 102, 103, 104, 123, 124, nmänopaiti 56
158,296,301,304 Nobbe, C. F. 1
Narain, A. K. 178, 179, 180, 182, 183, 185, 186, Nodelman, S. A. 157, 276, 277
187,189,191,192,194,195,197,198,200,250, Nodshirakan 222
251,254 Noe, S. P. 88
Narana-Narendri 348 Noeldeke 115, 307, 308, 309, 312, 315, 316, 319,
Narseh 279, 294, 299, 303, 304, 305, 306, 307, 320, 323
319, 345 nohodar 223, 280
Narshakhi 6, 353 Norshirakan 222
Narzikulov, I. K. 5 North Africa 327
Nasharyahab 281 Not-Ardashirakan 279
400 Index

Nolitia dignilalum 281 Ossetic 193

nsng 333 osiän333
ntwn sry 279 osländär225
ntwsrkn 279, 295 Ostanes 134
Nudh Ardashir 295 Ostrogoths 326
Numan III 337 Otanes 97, 115
Numenius 160, 172 Otannes 215
Nuristan 16, 23 Outioi 79
Nüsh-ejän76, 78, 81 Oxathres 141
ntvtxstrkn 295 Oxtoby, W. G. 3
Nyberg, H. 346 Oxus River 16, 17, 18, 61, 80, 95, 147, 153, 159,
Nylander, C. 96, 105, 124, 127 166,177, 181, 182, 185, 188, 191, 193,206,249,
25 1 252, 258, 260, 327, 334, 342, 344, 345, 346,
,

Oates, D. 271 348, 349, 351, 355, 356

Obelchenko, O. V. 258, 264 Oxus treasure 178
Obermeyer, J. 2 Oxyartes 148, 149
Ochus 131 Oxydates 141, 143
Ochus River 206
Octavian 234, 235
Odainath 297 pacagriw 218
OelsnerJ. 133, 150 Pacorus 219, 234, 239, 241, 242, 243
Ogenesiyan, K. L. 73 padehshäy 225
Oikonomides, A. N. 255 padgöspän 333
Okazaki, T. 344 padhöspan 224
Okkonapses 273 Pagliaro, A. 109, 112,289
Old Iranian 61, 66, 107, 108, 109 Pahlava 178, 197, 254
Old Persian 56, 60, 62, 73, 79, 87, 91 , 96, 1 03, 1 07, Pahlavi 3, 273, 284, 287, 346
135, 155, 158, 186 Paikuli 222, 292, 306, 344
Old Testament 88, 114 Paisiyähuväda 98
Olinder, G. 324 Päkdamän, N. 3
Olmstead, A. T. 99, 121, 127, 128, 296 Pakistan 12, 14, 23, 113, 177, 178, 249
Olympias 149 Pakores 196, 200, 201, 255
Oman 113, 298, 330 Paktiya 196
Opis 94 Palestine 65, 82, 88, 114, 115, 150, 151, 155, 166,
Oppenheim, A. L. 84, 90, 91 189, 232
Orabzes 277 Pali 186
Oracle of Hystaspes 1 74 A. 152, 213
Pallis, S.

Oranskii, I. M. 22 Palmyra 205, 228, 229, 236, 242, 275, 276, 280,
Orazov, O. 232 282, 294, 297, 303
Orbeli,I. A. 291 Palmyrene 276, 277, 298, 301
Orobazes 214 Pamirs 5, 16, 17, 19, 23, 154, 182, 350
Orodes 233, 234, 237, 273, 274 Pan Chao 260
Orodes I 200, 215 Pandey, D. B. 357
Orodes III 237, 271 Panini 154, 186
Oroites 115 Panjikant 258, 342, 352
Oromaz 124 Panj River 189
Orontes 131, 152, 153 Panjsher 16
Orontid 214 Pantaleon 184, 186
Orontobates 150 Panthialai 89
Orosius 287, 288 Pap 309, 311
Ort, L. J. 300 Päpa 310
Orthagnes 196, 198, 199 Päpak 273, 291, 292, 295, 304, 306
Orthagnes II 196 Päpakian 285
Orthokorybanti 79 Paphlagonia 110, 115, 148
Orxines 143 Paradas 298
Osrhoene 243 Paradene 298, 307
Osroes 241 Paraitakene 141
Ossetes 191, 192 Parapotamia 224, 281
 Index 401

parasang 109 Periplus of the Erythraean Sea 198

Paretakenoi 67, 79 Peroz 300, 322, 332, 348, 349
Paris 290 Peroz I 344
paristär 221 Peroz II 337, 344
paristär 221 Peroz Kushanshah 345
Parker, R. A. 104, 106, 126 Peroz-Shapur 296, 300
Parni 206, 207, 208, 210, 228 Persepolis 7, 8, 26, 76, 87, 90, 96, 103, 104, 109,
Paropamisos 113, 144, 182, 196, 200, 201 111,116,118,120,122,123,124,125,126,127,
Parsa 8, 56, 61, 67, 111 129,140,141,145,158,159,160.162,171,203,
Parsava 66 272, 316
Parsi 192 Persia 23, 135, 357
Parsman 283 PersianGulf7,8,9,17,95,157,171,213,222,242,
Parsu 66, 154 275, 316
Parsua 66, 67, 69, 70, 89 Pescennius Niger 243
Parsuas 66 Peshawar 83, 187, 257, 261, 262, 263, 266, 298
Parsumas 79 Petech, L. 195, 356
Parthey, G. 288 Petiot-Biehler, C. Y. 177
Parthia94, 112, 141, 144, 149, 152, 155, 156, 163, Petra 327
168,170,183,188,206,207,208,213,214,218, Petrosyan, Yu. A. 354
222, 229, 234, 238, 241, 252, 271, 313 Petrov, M. P. 3
Parthian Mansions 2, 182, 194 Petrus Patricius 287, 308
Parthamasiris 242 Peucolaus 196
Parthuaia 212 Peukestas 143, 144, 148, 149, 150, 158
Parthyene 212 Phaidyme 97
Parumartis 74 Pharasmanes 238
Parviz 335 Pharnabazos 115
Pasa Ardashir 295 Pharnakes 115
Pasargadae 8, 26, 56, 74, 84, 89, 90, 92, 95, 96, 1 09, Pharnaspes 97
111, 124, 125, 158, 159, 162 Pherendates 114
pasca-dathapati 119 Philhellene 246
pasgrab 219 Philip, satrap148
Pashkibur 262, 344 Philip the Arab 296
Pashto 3 Philip Arrhidaeus 149
Pashtun 15, 154, 350 Philip of Macedonia 131, 134, 137, 145
Pasiani 191, 192, 207, 250 Philippi 234
pasti 119 Philippos 144
Patafljali 186 Philopator 215
Pateisxoreis 90 Philostratus 198
Pathan 15 Philotas 149
pathpabaga 110 Philoxenus 187
patijräsa 119 Phobas 277
Patishuvaris 90 Phoenicia 114, 115, 116, 131, 132, 189
Patkanian, K. 288 Phoenician 105, 110, 120, 131, 132
patragadä 89 Phokas 336
Patrokles 153 Phraaspa 163, 234
patyaxsa 109 Phraataces 237, 238
Paulus Orosius 188 Phraates 196, 210, 212, 213, 224, 233, 236, 281
Pausanius 127 PhraatesII 193,209,211
Pazaryk 255 Phraates 215, 216, 217, 233
III

Pedley, J. G. 93 Phraates IV 234, 235, 237, 238, 271

Pei Shih 347 Phraortes 69, 70, 74, 75, 100
Pei Shu (Chou) 347 Phraotes 198
Peithon 148, 149, 150, 154 Phrasaortes 141, 143
Pekary, T. 296 Phrataphernes 141, 149
Pellat, C. 304 Phriapatius 209, 210
Perat de Maishan 276 Phruni 182
Perdikkas 145, 149 Phrygia 70, 93, 131
Perikhanian, A. 214, 218, 220, 221, 282, 315, 332 pht' 221
402 Index

Phuni 182 Prostov, E. 23

Pichikyan, I. R. 177, 179, 263, 266 Protothyes 71
Pidaev, S. R. 263 Prs prlrk 161
Pigulevskaya, N. 81, 221, 323, 324, 325, 330, 334 prwls 272
Pilipko, V. N. 258, 268 Psalms 60
Pinches, T. 70 Pseudo-Bardiya 121
Pinder, M. 288 Pseudo-Hermaeus 196, 202, 252
Piotrovskii, B. B. 68, 71, 73 Pseudo-Nero 241
Pipes, D. 352 pths' 225
Pirrumartis 74 Ptolemaic 164
Piruz 272 Ptolemies 155, 156, 165, 167, 168, 179
Pisarchik, A. K. 23 Ptolemy 1, 4, 5, 88, 112, 137, 146, 150, 151, 152,
Pissuthnes 115 1 81 , 1 348
84, 206, 222, 227, 251 , 278, 298, 346,
Pixodaros 88 Ptolemy III 168
pkwr 272 Prolemy IV 169
Plataea 126 Ptolemy V 160
Plato 98, 99, 108, 119, 124, 184, 186 plykwspn 224, 225
Pliny 2, 4, 61, 88, 146, 156, 162, 172, 181, 222, Puech, H. C. 318
227, 271, 276 Pugachenkova, G. A. 1 38, 1 77, 1 89, 1 90, 249, 252,
plky 306 258, 261, 263, 267
Plutarch 83, 88, 90, 108, 137, 142, 146, 148, 187, Pul-e darunta 154
273 Pul-e Dast 77
Poebel, A. 102 Pulleyblank, E. G. 191, 194, 195, 250, 251
Pogrebova, M. H. 72 Punic 180
Pokorny, J. 81 Punjab 104, 113, 200, 201, 202, 259, 260, 262
Polemo 235, 237 Puri, B. N. 249, 260, 262, 265, 267
polis 146, 147, 155, 157, 164, 166, 175, 203, 221, Purushavar 257
244, 245 Pushkalavati 183, 185
politeumata 164 Puspapura 262
Polotsky, H. J. 300, 307 pustaka 269
Polyaenus 160 Pu-ta 250
Polybius67, 160, 162, 169, 170, 171, 180, 181, 210 Putaya 114
Polyperchon 149 Pyankov, I. V. 5, 84, 92, 95, 112
Pompeius Trogus 82, 172, 206
Pompey 233, 273
Pontus 233, 237 Qäbus tiame 290
Pope, A. U. 125, 290 Qaen 12
Porada, E. 71, 77 Qali-ye Dukhtär 292, 331
Porphyrios 148, 323 Qalä-ye Nö 15
Porten, B. 88, 97, 159 qanat 7, 77
Porus 188 Qandahar 5, 1 5, 1 6, 1 7, 62, 87, 1 46, 1 54, 1 64, 1 73,
Posener, G. P. 97, 98 178, 188, 298, 347, 356
Powell, J. F. 1 Qarakhanid 199
Prakrit 154, 182, 185, 186, 187, 189, 198, 252, Qarluq 350
256 Qashghai 25
Prataphernes 143 Qasr-e Abu Nasr 159, 290, 332
Prat de Maisän 295 Qasr-e Shirin 337
Princeton 333 qasti 101
Priscus 287, 348 Qazvin 10, 11, 12
Pritchard, J. B. 84, 90, 91, 94 Qiyoniya 345
Pritsak,Omeljan 352 Qom 3, 7, 299
prmtr 225 Qryf* 225
prnbg 216 Quchan 208
prnhw 216 Quetta 298, 307
Procopius 287, 322, 324, 326, 327, 328, 349 Quintus Curtius 4, 137
Proexes 141 Qumis 2, 12, 14, 152, 316
Prophthasia 112, 146 Qunduz 187
proskynesis 142 Quataiba 289
 Index 403

rm/315 rostak 333

Raevskii, D. S. 21 Rostovtzeff, M. 1. 1 54, 1 65, 1 66, 1 67, 224, 275, 296
Raga 152 Rowland, B. 264, 266, 267, 342, 351
Rahman, 'Abdur 357 Roxane 97, 151
v
ra « 225 rsti-vaiga 82
roß takhäna 348 Rtasüra 109
Räjatarangini 348 Rtatakhma 109
Rajputana 253 Rtveladze, E. F. 264
Rajputs 349 Rubin, W. 154
Rakhsh 306 Rudolph, K. 300, 309
ram 220 Rumagan 327
Ranüyana 195, 349 Rusa 70
Räm Hormizd 303 Rusa II 70, 72
Rämishn Ardashir 295 Rusa III 72
Ramuz 303, 333 Rusa IV 72
Rapoport, Y. A. 81, 232 Rusanov, I. K. 350
Rapson, E. J. 200, 284 Russia 70, 71, 103, 108, 179, 339
Rasht 1 Russian 3, 4, 190, 354
Rastak 299 Rustam 166, 247, 274, 338
rat 315 rustaq 333
ratav 315 Rustaqubad 333
Ravenna 137 Rutbil 356
Ravenna Geography 298 Rutten, M. 167
Rawlinson, H. 306, 319 rvatha 108
Rayy 172, 226 rtvdystg 225
Rechum 115 Rybakov, B. A. 5, 250
Red Sea 104, 328
Res Cestae 236 Sabakes 114
resh galutha 319 Sabzevar 15
Rew Ardashir 295 Sacaraucae 191, 193, 207 (cf. Sakarauli)
Rezaiye 7 Sachau, E. 231, 253, 279, 288, 293, 296, 297, 305,
Rhaga 172 (cf. Raga) 310, 315
Rhages 67, 152, 210, 221, 316 Sachs, A. 208
Rice, T. 342 Sachsen-Meiningen, Feodora von 142
Richter, G. M. A. 88 Sadiq, I. 289

Riese, A. 2, 137, 288 Safar,Fuad 306

Rig Veda 56 Safavid 99, 325
Rind 299 Safid Rud 11
Rishahr 295 Sagartian 90
Ritter, H. W. 149, 217 Sagdodonacus 276
Riyähi, M. Amin 3 Sagvand 98
Robert, L. 88, 115, 137, 153, 169, 230 Sahag 318
Roman 1, 119, 135, 171, 177, 203, 204, 205,211, Sahi Javulah 356
21 5, 21 6, 21 9, 223, 224, 228, 233, 235, 237,238, Sahna 76
241 244, 247, 261 262, 264, 271 275, 276,279,
, , , Sai-wang 191, 192, 194
280, 281 282, 283, 293, 294, 295, 296, 297,298,
, Sa 'id b. Batriq 288
300,308,309,310,311,312,313,315, 317,325, Saif 328
345 Saint-Martin, M. J.
276
Roman Empire 177, 191, 202, 203, 208, 219, 220, St. Thomas 200
223, 255, 256, 264, 266, 267, 271 275, 283,294,
, Sainu 59
297, 300, 309, 310 Sairima 59
Rome 156, 172, 180, 202, 214, 223, 230, 233,236, Saka 19, 57, 93, 95, 103, 166, 178, 191, 192, 194,
237, 239, 240, 242, 267, 283, 284, 293, 303,309 1 95, 1 96, 1 97, 200, 201 202, 205, 207, 21 1 21 2,
, ,

Ronca, I. 4, 137 219, 250, 251 253, 254, 256, 265, 266, 284, 305,
,

Rooy, S. van 22 311,316,345,346

Rosen, K. 287 Saka-dvipa 195
Rosen-Ayalon, M. 309 Sakarauli 191, 250
Rosenfield, J. 254, 261, 262, 266, 267 Sakastan 193, 194, 284
404 Index

Sakawand 76 Satibarzanes 141, 146

Saketa 186 salin 122
Saki, 'Ali Muh. 22 satrap 155
Sakkiz 71 Sattagydia 113, 132
Saksan-Okhur 189 Sauromaces 311
Salamis 126 Sauromatae 59
Salm 59 Sauvaget, J. 331
Salmas 10, 294 Save 335
Salmanasar 65 Sawyer, C. H. 291
Samaria 65 Schachermeyr, F. 143
Samarqand 6, 17, 18, 19, 112, 258, 342, 352 Schaeder, H. H. 109, 137, 342
Sami, A. 124 Schaefer, E. H. 23, 353
Samolin, W. 342 Scher, A. 288
Samudragupta 260 Scherer, A. 110
Sanab 252 Schippmann, K. 291, 315, 320
Sanabares 196,201, 252 Schlosser, W. 125
San al 328 Schlumberger, D. 88, 1 1 7, 1 33, 1 38, 1 78, 203, 246,
Sanatruk (Parthian) 215 249,266,276,331,342
Sanatruq (Hatra) 280, 281 Schmid, J. R. 321
Sanatruq 281II Schmidt, C. 307
Sanballat 115 I Schmidt, E. 87, 124, 162, 158
Sanballatll 115 Schmitt, H. H. 160, 162, 170, 171
Sanballat III 115 Schmitt, R. 69, 78, 87, 96, 102, 106, 108, 109, 110,
Sanchi 260 119, 178, 191
Sanskrit 186, 330, 349 Schnetz,J. 2, 137
Saqqiz 10 Schur, W. 240
sar 67 Schwarz, P. 2, 290
Saräb Bahram 304 Schwyzer, E. 116
Sarakhs 18, 197 Scythia 206
Sarangians 61, 80 Scythian 2, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 77, 78, 79, 80, 82,
Sarasvati62 103, 105, 191, 194, 200
Saray Khwaja 147 Sebeok, T. 22
Sardis 82, 88, 92, 96, 98, 109, 115, 130, 131, 155 Sebeos 288, 334
Sarduri 68, 70 Seeck, O. 220
Sarduri 72
III Seel, O. 172,191,213
Sarduri IV 72 segan 159
Sar-e Pul Zohab 76 Seibert, J. 138, 154
Sargon 69, 71 Seistan 3, 6, 7, 12, 13, 15, 16, 17, 22, 57, 61, 62, 79,
Sargon II 65, 66, 70, 77 80, 144, 146, 148, 149, 150, 163, 170, 178, 182,
Sarianidi, V. I. 61, 178, 202 1 84, 1 88, 1 93, 1 94, 1 95, 1 96, 1 98, 200, 201 , 202,
Sarikamysh 18 205, 21 3, 222, 226, 283, 284, 295, 299, 304, 305,
G. Kh. 221
Sarkisian, 306, 308, 316
Sarmatian 193, 255, 283 Seleucia 137, 146, 152, 153, 154, 157, 162, 165,
lar-sarräni 106 166,167,169,172,211,213,214,221,222,226,
Saruka 158 227, 235, 239, 241, 243, 244, 245, 309, 318
Sarvastavadin 253, 268 Seleucia on the Eulaius 245
Sarvistan 9 Seleucid 58, 1 16, 138, 153, 155, 156, 157, 158, 160,
Sarykol 19 161, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167, 169, 170, 171, 172,
Sasa 196, 200 173, 174, 175, 178, 179, 180, 181, 183, 184, 189,
Sasan 200, 232, 284, 285, 291, 295, 335, 345 190,203,206,207,208,210,211,212,213,214,
Sasanbokht 232, 284 217, 219, 221 , 222, 223, 224, 226, 227, 228, 229,
Sasandat 232, 284 231, 244, 245, 253, 254, 276, 278, 294
Sasano-Kushan 343 Seleucus 146, 149, 150, 151, 152, 154, 156, 158,
Sasas284 168, 179, 222, 346
Sasasa284 Seleucus I 153, 157, 159, 160, 161, 163, 165, 169,
Sasou 284 208, 229
sastar 56 Seleucus II 163, 168, 169, 178, 179, 180, 208
Satarop 294 Seleucus IV 169, 171
 Index 405
Sellwood, D. G. 197, 205, 21 1 214, 21 5, 235, 241,
, ShapurKZ 344
243, 244, 245 Shapur-Shnum 299
Semiramis 68 Sharaf-näme 3
Semitic 119,205,229 Sharat 279
Semiticization 157, 273 Shatt al-'Arab276
Semnan 2, 10, 11 Shea, W.
H. 95
Senmurv 331 Sheberghan 16
Sennacherib 66, 70, 71, 77 shekel 116
Septimius Severus 243, 279, 280, 291 Shih-chi 191, 193, 250
Seres 182 Shimbar 274, 277
Seston, W. 307 Shindand 15
Seux, M.-J. 106 Shiraz 7, 8, 9, 14, 90, 159, 332, 346
Sevan 68 Shiräzi, A. Afshär 300
Severianus 243 Shiroe 337
Severus Alexander 244, 293 Shishkin, V. A. 258
Seyfarth, W. 2 Shiz 336
Seyrig, H. 88 Shuang-mi 250
Shaar.J. 289 Shuman 357
Shad Shapur 300 Shustar 3, 298, 333
Shafi*. M. 295 Shutruk-Nakhunte II 69
shäh 265 Siberia 17, 19
Shäh 'Abbas 325 Siberian 202
Shahbazi, S. 58, 99, 102, 123, 125, 127 Sibyrtios 144, 149, 150, 154
Shahid, 1. 328 Sidon 110, 114
Shähis 357 Sikawand 98
Shahname 59, 137, 216, 247, 289, 290, 319, 323 Silk Route 10
Shahrbaraz 336, 337 Simeon 288
Shahrdädvar 314 Simin River 10
shahr dädvaran davor 315 Simon, H. 290, 302, 310, 326
Shahrdir 223, 225 Simonetta, A. M. 186, 187, 195, 196, 201, 205,
Shahr-e Sukhte 62 211,214,215,255
Shahr-e Qumis 205 Simonetta, B. 244
Shahristäni 323 Sin 84, 94, 280
Shahriyär 337 Sinaherib 70
Shahrqird 222 Sinätruces 197, 211, 215, 216, 241
Shahryärän 220 Sind 298, 299
Shaikhan-Dheri 249 Sindhu 104
Shaked, S. 87, 88, 274 Singara 243,311
Shalmaneser I 65, 68 Sinkiang 182, 192, 194, 259, 342, 344, 347, 349,
Shalmaneser III 66, 67, 68 350,351,352
Shäm 59 Sinope 115
Shamash 280 Sippar 91, 94
Shamash-eriba 126 Siraf 309
Shammuramat 68 Sirjan 12
Shan-shan 259 Sittacene 223, 278
shao265 Siunik 321
Shapur 258, 262, 284, 292, 294, 295, 296, 297, Siva 257, 267
298, 299, 301 , 302, 304, 305, 306, 307, 308, 311, Skand-Cumamk Vitar 312
312, 314, 319, 334, 344, 346 Skjaervo, P. O. 290, 306
Shapur I 200, 287, 289, 291, 303, 305, 308, 312, Skudra 103
342 Skunkha 103
Shapur I Kushanshah 344 Skylax 104
Shapur II 287, 308, 309, 310, 315, 317, 318, 342, slwk 158
343, 344, 345, 346, 347 slivky 346
Shapur III 317, 318 Smerdis 97, 98
Shapuräkän 300 Smirnova, O. I. 231, 258, 352, 353
Shapurdukhtak 304 Smith, S. 75, 84, 91, 93, 178, 328
Shapur Khwast 300 Smith, V. A. 284
406 Index

Snesarov, G. P. 81, 232 stater 116

Snoy, P. 23 stathmoi 155
Sogdian 19, 62, 89, 112, 174, 184, 185, 188, 191, Staviskii, B. Ya. 179, 181, 185, 190, 249, 342, 344
218, 257, 330, 342, 344, 346, 349, 351 352, 353, , Stein, M. A. 160. 162, 205
354, 355, 357 Stein, O. 154
Sogdiana 5, 94, 141, 148, 149, 164, 173, 179, 180, Stephan of Byzantium 2, 104, 113, 137, 152, 271,
1 81 , 1 85, 229, 231 255, 258, 259, 265, 268, 298,
, 288
303, 354, 357 Stiehl, R. 132, 138, 155, 160, 178, 181, 188, 225,
Soghd 262 228, 271
Sohaemus 243 Stock, K. 316
Soli 149 Stoics 140
Solodukho, Yu. 325 Stolper, M. W. 117
Soloi 153 Storey, C. 3
Solomonik, E. I. 283 Strabo 2, 4, 5, 67, 88, 90, 94, 112, 125, 146, 151,
Sopeithes 163 152, 153, 156, 161, 163, 168, 175, 180, 181, 182,
Sophagasenus 181 184,185,186,189,191,193,206,213,214,215,
Sophene 170, 213, 223, 235 226,227,231,250,257,271
Sophytes 163, 164, 166, 168, 208 stratigos 154, 155, 156, 198, 200, 223, 281
Sorbonne 138 Strato 153, 201
Soteiria 152 Streck, M. 3
Soter 180 Stronach, D. 65, 75, 78, 88, 89, 96, 109, 1 1 1 , 1 24,
Soter Megas 196, 201, 255, 256 158, 159, 205
Sotudeh, Manuchehr 3, 22 Strouxates 67
South Russia 66, 193, 195, 200, 283, 284, 302, 330, Struthas 115
350 Struve, V. 154
Soviel 16, 191, 205, 207, 342, 352 Stwodah, I. 249
Soviet Central Asia 21, 178 Stylite 322
SovietUnion 177 Suez 103
Sozomenus 287, 308 Sugiyama, J. 217
späda 119, 197 Suhi 92
Spahbad 224, 296, 326, 333 Suhkra 102
Spako 82 Sui 4, 341
Spalagadama 196, 198, 199 Sui Shu 347
Spalahora 196, 197, 198, 199 Sulaimania 222
Spalirises 196, 197, 199 Sulla214
Spalyrios 196, 198, 199 Sumner, William 26
Spamitres 127 Sung-Yun 4, 341
Spandiyad 226, 316 Süq al-Ahwäz 333
Spaosines 276 Suren 194, 198, 200, 217, 226, 284, 295, 316, 328
Sparni 206 Surkh Kotal 203, 249, 261, 263, 264, 266, 268
Sparta 107, 130, 132, 218 Surkhän Daryä 17, 19, 177, 252
Spartan 97, 130, 131, 156 Susa 9, 84, 87, 88, 109, 110, 111, 121, 125, 126,
spasaka 108 140, 142, 148, 149, 157, 158, 159, 172, 212,213,
Spasinou Charax 276 216, 227, 229, 244, 245, 271 272, 273, 277, 278,
,

spdpiy 224 312, 333

Spentadata 106 Susiane 143, 149, 150, 155, 157
Sphendadates 84 Swat 192
Spiegel, F. 137 Syennesis82, 110, 115
Spitamas 84 Syncellus 206, 209, 287
Spitamenes 152 Synhadus 288, 318, 319
Spithridates 115 Syr Darya 17
Sprengung, M. 262, 294, 296 Syria 69, 82, 113, 115, 139, 149, 151, 153, 156,
Spuler, B. 22 1 67, 1 68, 1 70, 205, 211, 266, 280, 297, 327, 328,
Srasser, G. H. 22 336
Srivastava, A. K. 178 Syriac 2, 119, 137, 218, 222, 223, 231, 233, 234,
Sroshdat 232 235, 237, 238, 239, 241 , 242, 244, 271 276, 278, ,

Stamenes 143 279,281,287,288,309,313,316,317,318,319,

Stasander 149, 150 322, 323, 330, 334, 342
Stasanor 144, 149, 150 Syriake 146
 1

Index 407

Syrian 113, 114, 294, 301, 309, 322 tasug 333

Sysinas 131 Tattenai 115
Szemerenyi, O. 78, 106, 218, 223, 281 Tausa 112
Sznycer, M. 274 Tavadia, J. C. 289
Taxila 104, 177, 183, 185, 189, 195, 196, 198,200
Tabari 272, 273, 274, 284, 289, 291 292, 295, 298, , 249, 261
307, 308, 309, 320, 322, 325, 335, 349 Ta-yüan 191, 250
Tabaristan 3, 141,222, 289 Ta Yüeh-chih 251
Tabbäs 79 Tehran 2, 3, 10, 11, 12, 21, 25, 67, 111, 210
Tabriz 10, 14 Teishebaini 73
Tabrizi, Iräni 289 Teispes 79, 89, 90, 91
Tabula Peutingeriana 1, 137 Teixidor.J. 88, 279, 281
tacara 125, 219, 226, 227, 236, 237, 238, 239, 240, Tejend 18, 61
273, 283 Telephus 196, 201
Tadmor 91 Tepe Hissar 22
Taeger, F. 173, 216, 217 Tepe Malyän 272
Tägikan 23 Tepe Nush-e Jan 65
Ta-hsia 191, 192, 193 Termez 147, 251
Taima 94 Ter Minasean 313
Tajikistan 5, 6, 7, 17, 178, 181 , 189, 249, 252, 344, Ter-Mkrtzean 321
351, 355, 357 Tha alibi 290, 293, 303, 304, 308, 309, 312, 322,
Tajiks 309 335
Takab 10, 230 Thakur, Upendra 349
Takhos 131 Thamanians 61, 80
Takht-e Sangin 177 Thanuuaniya 119
Takht-e Sulaimän 77, 290, 315, 332 Thatagu 113
Takht-i Bähi 252 Thea Urania 237
Taklamakan 19 Thebes 131, 135
Talas 207 Themistocles 96, 127
Talas River 19 Theodore bar Khonai 288
Talmud 271 Theodore of Mopsuestia 287
Talmudic 2, 325 Theodosiopolis 323
Talysh 11,22 Theodosius 321
Tamgha 251 Theodosius II 319
T ang 4, 341 Theonesios I 277
Tang-e Butan 274, 277 Theonesios II 277
Tang-e Sarvak 274, 277 Theonesios III 277
Tang-e Qandil 304 Theonesios IV 277
Tansar 3, 289 Theophanes 287, 335, 347
Tapur 144 Theophilus 187
Tapuri 62, 141 Theophylactus Simocatta 287, 335
Tapuria 184 Theravadin 253
Taq-e Bustan 317, 337, 345 Thermopylae 126
Taq-e Kisrä 331 Thespios 158
Taqizädeh, S. H. 292 Thessaly 153
Ta'rikh-e Qom 290 Thocarii 213
Ta'rikh-e Sistän 290 Thogarii 212
Ta'rikh-e Tabaristan 290 Thomas, E. 306
Tarim Basin 19 Thompson, D. 291
Tarmita 251 Thompson, M. 138, 178, 185
Tarn, W. W.4, 104, 140, 143, 146, 155, 157, 161, Thompson, R. Campbell 65
1 62, 1 72, 1 78, 1 80, 1 82, 1 84, 1 86, 1 88, 1 94, 1 95, Thomson, R. 288
197, 213, 251 Thrace 103, 105
Tarnak 15 Thracian 70, 150, 153, 173, 190
Tarsus 31 Thraco-Phrygian 73
Tarzi, Z. 249 Thucydides 128
Tashkent 17, 18, 19. 255, 298 Thukhra 102
Tashkurghan 19, 182, 192 Tiberius 202, 238, 252, 328, 334
Tashritu 94 Tibet 350
408 Index

Tibetan 19, 260, 342, 350 Tscherikower, V. 138, 146, 152, 153
T*ien Shan 17 Tu-mi 250, 251
Tiflis 324 Tue 59
Tiglath-Pileser I 68 T'ün-chu 251
Tiglath-Pileser III 67, 69 Tuira 59
Tigraios 273 Tukulti-ninurta II 68
Tigranes 214, 233, 235, 236, 239 Tulkhar 178
Tigranes II 215, 218, 233 Tun Huang 352
Tigranes the Great 214, 279 Tura 59. 60
Tigris 92, 94, 111, 137, 152, 153, 154, 157, 165, Turan 59, 295, 298, 299, 307
169, 211, 227, 244, 278, 280, 293, 308 Turbat-e Haidariyeh 13
Tigris-Euphrates 17, 20, 242, 276, 338 Turfan 19, 346, 351
Tilia, Ann Britt 88, 125 Turkestan 4, 16, 17, 207, 255, 342, 351
Tüia, G. 127 Turkic 19, 22, 25, 251, 265
Tilla Tepe 202, 342 Turkish 10, 11, 107, 334, 337, 342, 349, 353, 356
Timarkhos 163, 172, 210, 214 Turkmen 13, 17
Timesitheus 296 Turkmenistan 5, 6, 7, 13, 15, 23, 205, 206, 250,
Timmer, B. C. J. 267 355
Tiraios I 277 Turks 19, 20, 25, 26, 59, 66, 199, 247, 265, 269,
Tiraios II 277 327, 334, 335, 338, 346, 349, 350, 353, 355, 356
Tiratsyan, G. A. 282 Turk Shähis 356
Tirdat 232, 307, 308, 310 Turma 122
Tiribazos 115, 130 Tüs 13, 112
Tiridates 141, 206, 209, 219, 235, 238, 239, 240, Tulpa 73
291, 293, 294, 305 Tyana 198
Tiridates II 282 Tyre 110, 114
Tissaphernes 115, 128, 130 Tyumenev, A. I. 117
Tithraustes 115, 130, 131
Tiyanik 299 Ubulla 300
Tlepolemus 144, 149 Ugbaru 94, 95
Tochari 191 Ukbara 300
Töttösy, C. 186 UkpS 122
Togan, Zeki Velidi 350, 354 Uksatar 71
Tokhari 250 Ulay 309
Tokharian 191, 192, 193, 251, 255, 256, 259, 342 Umakistar 75
Tokharistan 250, 256, 356 Umtnan-manda 70, 91
Tolstov, S. P. 23, 61, 207, 258, 263, 268, 354 Umnyakov, I. 342
Tomaschek, W. 1, 5, 112, 113, 137 Unvala,J. M. 230, 290
toparchy 155 upäirisaena 104
Toramana 349 Urartian 10, 65, 66, 69, 70, 73, 74, 77
Tosi,M. 62 Urartu 68. 69, 72, 73, 75, 77, 80
Toumanoff 294, 305 Urastu 73
Touriva 184 Urfa 288
Trajan 217, 241, 242, 276, 279, 280, 281 Urmia 7, 68
Transcaucasia 5, 72, 95, 322, 324 Uruk 166, 167, 205
Transoxiana 348, 357 Utana 102
Traxiane 184, 197 Uxii 140
Trebellius Pollio 287 Uzbekistan 5, 6, 7, 23, 177, 250, 355
Trever, K. V. 177, 240, 291 Uzboi 18
Triballos 153
Triparadeisos 149 Vagasis 210
Tripolis 114 Vahagn 230
triratna 262, 343 Vahan Mamikonian 322
Trofimova, T. A. 23, 265, 350 Vahuaka 102
Trogus 179, 189, 191, 206, 209 (cf. Pompeius Vahumän 232
Tragus) Vahunäm 306
Trubetskoi, V. 22 Vahyazdita 99, 121
Trumpelmann, L. 317 Vainberg, B. I. 258, 344, 354
 Index 409

Vajheshka 261 Vima Kadphises 255, 260, 267

Vakhku 102 Vindafarna 102
Vakhsh 17 Vinogradov, A. V. 265
Valakhsh 231 Vintaparna 102
Valens 311, 312 Vis 56
Valerian 260, 287, 289, 297, 301, 304 Visaputhra 108
Valgash 322 Visduxta 218, 219
Vallois,H. 22 Vishnu 259, 261, 267
Van 73
10, 68, Vishtispa 80, 106
Vandals 325 Vispaiti 56
Vanden Berghe, L. 137, 162, 205, 274, 290, 304 Visparu 102
Var 347 Vispuhr 218, 219, 265
Varahamihira 4 Vis u Ramim 247
Varahran 303 vitaxa 281
Varakhsha 352 Vitellius, L.238
Varanasi 260 vitha-patii108
Variz 226, 295 vithapatiy 100
Varazdates 312 Vittana 102
Varäz(gän) 346 Vloten, G. van 290
Vardan 321, 322 Vohubarz 160
Vardana 155 Voigtlander, E. von 100, 101
Vardanes 227, 239 Volga River 351
Vardapet 288 Vologeses 219, 227, 231, 240, 241, 243, 244, 281,
Varkana 112 322
Varna 56 Vologeses I 22, 228, 238, 239
Varz 316 Vologeses II 241, 242, 243
Varzin 299 Vologeses III 242
Vasak 321 Vologesia 222, 227, 240
Vasishka 254, 256, 261 Vologesocerta 227
Vasishka 262
II Volostnov, B. 5
väspuhrak'anih 218 Vonones 196, 197, 198, 199, 201, 237, 238
Vaspuhrin 316 Voöbus, A. 318
vassabara 108, 119 Vopiscus 305
Vasu 262 Vorobeva, M. 179
Vasudeva 254, 259, 261, 267 Vramshapuh 317, 319, 320
Vasudeva I 343, 344
Vasudeva II 262, 344
Vasudeva III 262, 344 Wade-Giles 341
Vaxsu 164 Waele, E. de 274
Vaxsuvar 164 Waggoner, N. 214
Väyaspära 102 Wahballat 302
Vehafrid 291 Wahrahran 299
Vendidad 61, 232, 346 Wahuxshahr 272
Ventidius Bassus, P. 234 Wakhin 16, 19, 192
Venus 231 Wakhi 192
Verethragna 166, 230, 274 Walgash 281
Vesak 221 Walker, J. 280
Vesta 230 Walser, G. 87, 89, 111, 113, 296
Vesüviüs 241 Wämqubäd 333
vezier 319 Waräz 316, 349
Vidarna 102 Warka 167, 280
vihara 257 Warmington, E. H. 275
Vijayamitra 200 Waterman, L. 70, 137
Vikings 81 Watson, W. 268
Vikräma 253 Watters, T. 4, 257, 341
Vikrämaditya 198, 253 Way, A. S. 97
O. 22
Vilchevskii, Wazr 349
Vima 196, 256, 257 Weh Antiok Khusrau 327
410 Index

Weh Antiok Shapur 298 yabghu 250, 251, 265

Weh Ardashir 295, 299 Yadegar i Zareran 247
Weh az Amid Kaväd 333 Yale 138
Wehrli, C. 151, 152 Yampolskii, Z. I. 143

Wei 341 Ya'qübi 289, 290, 356

Weidner, E. F. 79 Yaqüt 3
Weingart, S. 118 yasna 56, 58
Weisberg, D. B. 118 Yasodharman 355
Wei-shu 4 Yast 56, 61, 216
Welles, C. Bradford 138, 162, 171, 223, 224, 225, yatakgov 315
227, 281 Yaudheyas 260, 263
Wells, J. 78 Yauna 186
Welskopf, E. C. 133 Yautiya 79
Wenke, R. J. 245, 275, 329 Yavana 154, 186, 253, 254
Wertime, T. 23 Yazd 3, 90, 171, 333
Wesendonk, V. 313 Yazdagird I 318, 319, 320, 321, 337, 338
Wheeler, M. 177, 190, 203, 249, 264 Yazdagird II 320, 347
Whitehead, R. B. 163, 178, 252 Yazdan-Friy-Sapur 316
Whitehouse, D. 146, 309, 330 Yazidis 22
whswr 229 Yemen 327, 328, 330
Widengren, Geo 109, 119, 217, 220, 226, 232, Yen-kao-chen 251
271, 293, 300, 349 Ye Ta 347
Wiessner, G. 101, 288, 308, 310, 313 Yona 154, 186
Wijk, W. E. van 253 Yonaka 186
Wikander, S. 57 Young, T. C. 65
Wilber, D. N. 5, 23 ytkgwby 315
Wilberg, F. G. 1 Yüeh-chih 191, 192, 193, 194, 196, 250, 251, 252,
Wilhelm, 257 F. 255, 265, 347
Wilkinson,J. 330 yuvaraja 107
Will, E. 138, 151, 168, 170, 171, 210, 331
Williamson, A. 309, 330 Zabdicene 223
Windfuhr, G. L. 29 Zab River 279
Winter, W. 259 Zabul 346, 356
Wiseman, D. J. 65, 72, 76, 82 Zabulistan 356
Wolski.J. 119, 179, 180, 205, 206, 207, 208, 219, Zadneprovskaya, T. N. 205
220 Zadrakarta 112
Woodhead, A. G. 137 Zaehner, R. 60, 231, 301, 312, 313, 330
Worod 281 Zagros 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 14, 17, 25, 26, 68, 242
Wright,W. 345 Zahn, R. 237
Wroth, W. 211, 245 zamar kanta 112
wrwd 27'4 Zamasp 323
wtfidt 272 Zand Akasih 206
Wulff, H. E. 22 zantupaiti 56
Wu-sun 250, 255 Zarafshan 18, 188, 258
Wu ti 191 Zarangian 112
wuzurg 304 Zarangiane 194
wuzurg Frimadit 319 Zareh 170
Wuzurg Shapur 300 Zariadres 213
wuzutgan 220, 316 Zariadris 170
wyspty 225 Zariaspa 181
Zatua 102
Xanthos of Lydia 58, 81, 88, 131 Zaudek ' 223
Xenophon 65, 88, 89, 92, 93, 94, 95, 108, 1 10, 1 1 4, Zavyalov, V. A. 263
115, 119, 120, 128,295 Zayandeh River 12
Xerxes 58, 91, 96, 106, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, Zeimal, E. 254
120, 121, 122, 126, 127, 129, 145, 170 Zeimal, T. J. 342
Xsathrita 74 Zeionises 256
xsava 56 Zendajan 15
 Index
411

Zendan 74, 124 Zoroaster 57, 58, 60, 61, 80, 84,94, 106, 121
'123
Zendan-e Sulaiman 77, 81 124
Zeno 140, 237 Zoroastrian 58, 61, 63, 81, 97, 120, 122, 123, 124
Zenobia 302, 303 133,139,174,175,190,230,231,232,244 291
Zervanism 231, 312, 314, 332 300,309,312,318,319,321, 330,331,338, 35l'
Zervanite 321 354
Zeus 77, 157, 167, 321 Zoroastrianism 3, 59, 60, 133, 134, 156, 166, 230
Zeymal, E. V. 254 231,268,299,301,303,312,313,316,322,330,
Zgusta, L. 82, 195, 200, 284 338, 351, 354
Ziegler, K. H. 220, 234, 235, 236, 238, 240, 241, Zosimus 287, 297, 301, 308
244 Zotenberg, H. 290, 304
Zirineh River 10 Zranka 61, 62, 79, 112, 193
Ziwiye 77 Zürcher, E. 250, 251, 252
zndbyd 226 Zunbil 356
Zograf, A. N. 185 Zurvan 321, 352
Zoilus 187 Zurvandad 313, 320, 332
Zoilus II 196 Zun 79
Zonaras 241, 288, 305, 308, 310, 345
MAPS