Pak Studies Paper 2020
Pak Studies Paper 2020
Intro:
Sheikh Ahmed Sirhindi, commonly known as Mujaddid-e-Alf-Sani (the reformer of the
second millennium), was born on 26 June, 1564, in Sirhind, a city of East Punjab.
He was educated at home and was inducted into mysticism by his father, Sheikh
Abdul-al-Ahad, who was himself an eminent Sufi.
His name was Ahmad and last name was Badr al-Din.
At the age of 36, he went to Delhi and there he met Khawaja Baqi Billah who
introduced him to the Naqshbandi Silsilah.
He died on 15 December, 1624, at the age of 60 years.
Shaykh Aḥmad, who through his paternal line traced his descent from the caliph ʿUmar
I (the second caliph of Islam), received a traditional Islamic education at home and later
at Siālkot (now in Pakistan).
Mujaddid’s Reforms:
Successful Jihad against Deen-e-Elahi
o Sirhindi was born in the age of Mughal emperor Akbar (1596-1542 or 1014A.H.-
949A.H.).
o At the time of Akbar’s death, Shaikh was 43 years old.
o We can trace out a glimpse of the religious thinking of king Akbar’s age.
o The initial time span was totally different then the later one.
o In the beginning, Akbar was a complete religious man who turned himself into a
mujtahid (religious administrator). (Montakhab al Tavarikh vol. 2)
o But latterly he (Akbar) considered that Islam had been passed away one
thousand years and now there was no need to keep any relation with
Mohammedan Prophethood.
o Sirhindi labeled this age as “the age of the Islamic poverty"
o During his period the Muslims in India had become so deficient in the
knowledge of true Islam that they had more belief in Karamat or miracles of the
saints than Islamic teachings.
o The Ulema and theologians of the time had ceased to refer to the Quran and
Hadith in their commentaries, and considered jurispredence the only religious
knowledge.
o Akbar, the Mughal King had started a series of experiments with Islam,
propagating his own religion, Deen-e-Elahi, an amalgamation of Hindu and
Muslim beliefs.
o Akbar’s policies led to acceptance of religious pluralism and integration. Akbar
happen to come under the influence of Mulla Mubarak’s two sons Abul Fazl
and Faizi.
o Both brothers were persecuted by orthodox Ulema and ultimately found
refuge in Akbar’s court.
o Both belonged to wahdat al-wujood school of Sufism.
o Wahdat al-Wujud (Unity of Being) is the most liberal Sufi school.
o In these circumstances, Sheikh Ahmed set upon himself the task of purifying
the Muslim society.
o His aim was to rid Islam of the accretions of Deen-e-Elahi/wahdat al-wujood
which were considered similar to Hindu Pantheism.
o However the Mujaddid succeeded in his efforts at last and Jahangir cancelled
all those orders of his father which were against the spirit of Islam and thus
Deen-e-Elahi came to an ignoble end.
Refusal to prostrate before Jahangir
o As soon as Akbar died and Jahangir ascended the throne, Sheikh Ahmed
Sarhindi came out to reform and to do away with all un-Islamic practices and
beliefs initiated by Akbar among the Muslims.
o Sheikh Ahmed Sarhindi never entered into any political conflict directly.
o He wrote letters to all the nobles’ of Jahangir’s court. Most of them were the
same who were present in Akbar’s court.
o The opponents of Sheikh also came out and he was dubbed as an atheist by
them.
o So Sheikh was summoned to the court of Jahangir and was asked to bend
down.
o He was so rigid in his approach towards Islam that he did not bend before the
emperor as per the prevalent custom.
o His plea that bending down before anyone except Allah was un-Islamic
annoyed Jahangir, who ordered for his imprisonment in the Fort of Gawaliar
for two years due to his discourteous behaviour.
(Another Article)
Quotations
o “Kashf and revelation get value through the book of Allah and Sunnah and not through
wajd”
o
“If Muslims want to live as a nation than they have to quit the talk of shirk and Bidat and
stay separate from Hindus. If the awareness of separate national identity is not
awakened in Muslims than it is feared that they would be swept away with the flood of
combined nationhood. Islam would become observed in the soil of and would be
destroyed like Buddhism and other religion which have been observed in Hinduism.”
(Another Source (Dawn) That Shows Positive aspect of Mughul actions and Negative aspect of Sheikh
Ahmad Sirhindi)
Akbar (1556-1605) laid down the foundations of an empire after conquering and
occupying territories of local Indian rulers. He introduced many reforms which
consolidated the Mughal rule. His rule was based on three elements. First, he inducted
Hindus in the state structure and integrated them socially and culturally on equal basis.
Secondly, he welcomed the Iranians to his court who were excellent administrators and
literary people. Thirdly, he indianised the Mughal culture by adopting Indian customs,
traditional festivals and celebrations.
These efforts brought Muslims and Hindus together. His attempt to establish a house of
worship and allow followers of different faiths to come and discuss religious issues there
not only helped to spread knowledge of various religions but also created religious
tolerance.
Akbar’s religious policy was supported by the majority who felt comfortable and secure
under its umbrella. However, there were some elements, though not very powerful and
influential, who opposed it. Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi was one who was concerned by the
process of integration between Hindus and Muslims and by the adoption of Hindu
cultural practices; this line of action was, in his view, a threat to Muslim identity and he
criticised the culture policy of the Mughal rule.
For example, earlier on, Babur (1500-1530), in his testament, advised Humayun to not
slaughter cows as it would be against the Hindu religion. Ahmad Sirhindi, (d. 1624) on
the other hand, pleaded that sacrificing cows was an important element of Shariah.
Akbar abolished the jizya or tax on Hindus in order to bring them to the fold as Mughal
subjects on an equal footing with Muslims. Sirhindi, opposing this move, proposed that
Hindus pay jizya because it was a sign of their humiliation and subordination.
Mughal emperors invited Iranians who were Shia, and never interfered in their beliefs.
Ahmad Sirhindi fiercely opposed Shias and their influence. Mughals promoted the
integration of Hindus and Muslims while Sirhindi condemned this trend and in one of his
letters protested that Rahim and Ram were not one and the same. He tried to convince
the Mughal nobility to promote Islamic teachings at the royal court but he was not
successful in his endeavours.
Akbar’s personality was so strong that Sirhindi remained in oblivion. During the time of
Jahangir, he was summoned to the court because one of his letters infuriated the
orthodox ulema and Muslims in general. In this letter he recounted a dream in which he
appeared in the presence of Almighty God; he claimed that he went so close to God that
the great friends of the Holy Prophet remained behind. Jahangir sentenced him to
prison and he was incarcerated at Gwalior Fort as punishment.
The interpretation of history changed during the communal politics of the 1920s. Akbar
and Ahmad Sirhindi emerged as two important figures who had opposed each other.
Akbar was condemned as secular and irreligious because he had patronised all faiths
and consequently weakened the Muslim community of India. As he encouraged the
policy of integration, he was said to have polluted the purity of Islam.
On these bases some Muslim historians blamed him for the decline of Muslim power in
India. This scenario was based on Ahmad Sirhindi, who was resurrected from historical
oblivion and presented as the champion of Islam who saved the faith in India. His
orthodox views, his zeal to revive the purity of religion and his uncompromising attitude
towards Hindus and Shias were appreciated by some Muslim groups. In Pakistan history
textbooks he is a hero and by default Akbar a villain of sorts.
During the later Mughal period Shah Waliullah (d.1762) emerged as an important force
who made efforts to unite the Muslim community by acting to eliminate differences of
jurisprudence and sectarian disputes between Shias and Sunnis. He also made attempts
to convince Muslims to abandon Hindu practices and customs. Seeing that Mughal
emperors of his time were too weak to arrest the growing power of the Marhattas, he
invited Ahmad Shah Abdali to invade India.
Like Ahmad Sirhindi, he was also not well known in his own time. His influence was
confined to his students and to a section of the nobles. He was also brought to light
during the communal politics and presented as a reformer and revolutionary to inspire
the Muslim community to fight for their identity and survival. Ubaidullah Sindhi’s book
Shah Walliuallh ki siyasi tehreek or the ‘Political movement of Shah Walliullah’, presents
him as an important leader whose teachings could be implemented in modern time to
reform Muslim society.
We have inherited two trends. One is the Mughul heritage which is liberal, secular,
enlightened, religiously tolerant, multicultural and multi-ethnic. The other is from the
religious movement which is culturally, socially and religiously rigid and thus intolerant.
Now it is up to us to choose which one we want to adhere to, because Pakistan, despite
the state’s advocacy of an official ideology, remains a multi-ethnic, multi-religious and
multi-cultural society.
Today radical Islamists and clerics of South Asia especially in Pakistan refer to Shaikh
Ahmad Sirhindi’s religious thoughts in an attempt to justify their intolerant ideology.
Even in this day and age, Shaikh Sirhindi’s opposition to Akbar's policies which he
declared inconsistent with Islam is used as a stimulus for radical and extremist
movements of the sub-continent.
Therefore, it would be quite interesting to objectively discuss the religious thoughts and
reformation works of Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi who is viewed as an ‘Islamic reformist’ as
well as a ‘Sufi’ among Muslims in Indo-Pak.
Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi (1564-1624) was a contemporary of the two emperors Akbar and
Jahangir. In that period, he carried out notable reformation works as an Islamic
revivalist or what is called “Mujaddid” in Islamic terminology. That is why he was given
by his disciples the honorific title of the “Mujaddid-e- Alf-e-Sani” (revivalist of the
second millennium). Since he was the son of a Sufi priest, he followed the spiritual
tradition of his father and later joined the Naqshbandi Sufi order. However, Islamic
scholars split his life into two periods, Sufi and non-Sufi. While known as the leading
figure of the Naqshbandi Sufi order to some, Shaikh Sirhindi emerged as an orthodox
Sufi Islamic scholar in India in later history, in the 16th century.
As Islamic reformist, Shaikh Sirhindi’s ideas left an unrelenting and perpetual impact on
religious and political mindset of Indian Muslims that continued from the Mughal period
to the subsequent 19th and 20th centuries until today. However, his Sufism has been
controversial among Sufi practitioners and scholars due to the hardcore elements in
his views, which stand antithetical to the pluralistic and harmonious legacy of the
mainstream Islamic mystics and particularly early Indian Sufis.
He came to be known as a reformist Sufi master for those who put together mysticism
and orthodoxy keeping a balance between them. The most salient aspect of Shaikh
Sirhindi’s Sufism was his struggle of developing and reviving a mystical orthodoxy in
place of prevailing Sufism. Therefore, he denounced particular Sufi doctrines and
tendencies that he thought to be inconsistent with the Islamic Shariah. While he
authored a collection of letters known as Maktubat-e Imam-e Rabbani dealing with
Sufis’ spiritual doctrines and matters, he expressed his strong disagreement with many
well-established spiritual Sufi doctrines, most notably the famous Sufi Ibn al-Arabi’s
philosophy of wahdat-al-wujud (Unity of Existence). Shaikh Sirhindi declared it deeply
flawed and equated it to “Hindu monism”. He vehemently criticised spiritual
orientations of Ibn Arabi. However, he never declared Ibn Arabi or his adherents
outside the pale of Islam. In fact, he took it merely as a matter of theological
disagreement, rather than an issue of faith or heresy, and therefore he still flaunted
great respect to Ibn Arabi. He himself elaborates in this regard:
“I wonder that Shaik Muhiyuddin appears in vision to be one of those with whom God is
pleased, while most of his ideas which differ from the doctrines of the People of truth
appear to be wrong and mistaken. It seems that since they are due to error in kashf, he
has been forgiven... I consider him as one of those with whom God is well-pleased; on
the other hand, I believe that all his ideas in which he opposes (the people of truth) are
wrong and harmful.” (Sufism and Shari'ah: A study of Shaikh Ahmad Sirhindi's effort to
reform Sufism, Muhammad Abdul Haq Ansari, The Islamic Foundation, 1997, p.247)
Shaikh Sirhindi is believed to have refined and purified the Islamic mysticism or
Tasawwuf in India. He opined that the Shari`ah is of fundamental importance to the
Sufi path. Therefore, he sought to eliminate many prevalent practices of Sufism that he
considered erroneous and deviant from the right path. He extensively expounded his
ideas and reflections in this regard in his books. Dr. Razi Ahmad Kamal, Professor of
Islamic Studies, Jamia Millia Islamia quotes Shaikh Sirhindi in his book in Urdu titled
“Hindustani Ahd-e-Wusta Men Muslim Saqafati Asarat” (Influences of Muslim Culture
on Indian Medieval Period):
Shaik Sirhindi completely endorsed and favoured the institution of the Shari`ah as
fundamental to the Tariqah (Sufi path). He strongly made this point in his letters titled
Maktubat-e-Imam Rabbani. Expanding his notion of the inseparable association
between the Shari`ah and the Tariqah, he writes:
Contrary to the popular Sufi tradition of Sulh-e-Kul (peace with all), Shaikh Sirhindi has
also been known for his hardcore views against certain non-Muslims of his time as well
as Muslim sects that he considered misguided. Before Shaikh Sirhindi, there was no
Sufi in India who adopted stern attitude towards any other faith community. But his
approach to deal with people of other faith traditions, particularly Hindus of his region,
was diametrically different. It seems, as his letters and treatises show, that his views
were vehemently opposed to non-Muslims living in his locality. The reason behind it, as
the historians point out, was that Muslims’ religious sentiments were offended by
Hindus and particularly Brahmans of his time. A group of them are reported to have
built a Hindu temple in place of a mosque. And when they were challenged by Muslims,
they went to the extent of abusing Islam and reviling the Prophet Muhammad (pbuh).
Historians maintain that this turbulent situation created intolerant impressions in Shaikh
Sirhindi’s mind about his non-Muslim countrymen. However, this has not been, and
cannot be the approach of a Sufi.
Commenting on, and giving the context to Shaikh Sirhindi’s attitude towards adherents
of other faith traditions that is not in synergy with the mainstream Sufis’ legacy,
Mohammad Waqas Sajjad writes in his book “Sobering Sufism in South Asia”:
“For modern-day Sufi claimants of Sirhindi, however, his figure as the ‘good’ Sufi
becomes complicated when one considers his attitude towards the Shia and Hindus,
which is best understood within the political nature of his mission, even if it is not
accepted as normative. This, though is where the problem lies – those who claim
Sirhindi as their master, have been unable to acknowledge that in even his own
situation, his views may have been flawed, and that it is not unfair to critique them. The
context for his attitudes to non-Sunnis and non-Muslims is provided by the religious
culture of the subcontinent, replete with “florid forms of Sufism” and the policies of
rulers that synthesized Islamic and Hindu practices”.
From all this, it is not difficult to infer that Shaikh Sirhindi was an Islamic reformist and
an orthodox legalistic Sufi at the same time. Therefore, Sirhindi movement of Islamic
reformation and renewal was also an endeavour to foster an orthodox spiritual revival.
To accomplish this purpose, Shaikh Sirhindi exerted all his efforts to restore traditional
Islamic Sharia as well as a mystical path based on Islamic orthodoxy. He strongly
believed that Islamic law (shariah) and Sufi path (tariqah) were essentially inseparable
and that there can be no discrepancy or inconsistency between them.
Q.3 China, Pakistan-Russia cooperation will find suitable support mechanism in Shanghai Cooperation
organization (SCO). Elaborate.
o In June 2017, Pakistan gained the permanent membership of the Shanghai Cooperation
Organisation (SCO) in its 16th Heads of State Summit in Nur-Sultan (formerly known as
Astana), Kazakhstan.
o As its permanent member, Pakistan hopes to attain immense support to address its
economic, security and social issues.
o By sharing a membership with two major regional powers, Russia and China, in SCO,
Pakistan sees itself an elevated contributor to the regional development.
o Full membership of the SCO has the potential to improve the image of Pakistan in the
international arena.
o The SCO's main goals are as follows:
Strengthening mutual trust and neighbourliness among the member states;
Promoting their effective cooperation in politics, trade, the economy, research,
technology and culture, as well as in education, energy, transport, tourism,
environmental protection, and other areas;
Making joint efforts to maintain and ensure peace, security and stability in the
region;
Moving towards the establishment of a democratic, fair and rational new
international political and economic order.
o Proceeding from the Shanghai Spirit, the SCO pursues its internal policy based on the
principles of mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality, mutual consultations, respect for
cultural diversity, and a desire for common development.
o Its external policy is conducted in accordance with the principles of non-alignment,
non-targeting any third country, and openness.
o The Heads of State Council (HSC) is the supreme decision-making body in the SCO.
o It meets once a year and adopts decisions and guidelines on all important matters of
the organisation.
o The SCO Heads of Government Council (HGC) meets once a year to discuss
o In addition to HSC and HGC meetings, there is also a mechanism of meetings at the
level of
Heads of parliament;
Secretaries of Security Councils;
Ministers of foreign affairs, defence, emergency relief, economy, transport,
culture, education, and healthcare;
Heads of law enforcement agencies and supreme and arbitration courts;
Prosecutors general.
o The Council of National Coordinators of SCO Member States (CNC) acts as the SCO
coordination mechanism.
o The organisation has two permanent bodies
The SCO Secretariat based in Beijing
The Executive Committee of the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) based
in Tashkent.
o The Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS), headquartered in Tashkent, Uzbekistan,
is a permanent organ of the SCO which serves to promote cooperation of member
states against the three evils:
Terrorism
Separatism
Extremism
o The SCO Secretary-General and the Director of the Executive Committee of the SCO
RATS are appointed by the Council of Heads of State for a term of three years.
o Rashid Alimov (Tajikistan) (Sec-Gen) and Yevgeny Sysoyev (Russia) (Director-RATS)
have held these positions, respectively, since 1 January 2016.
o Each member state also sends a permanent representative to RATS.
o Thus, currently:
o On 26 October 2005, during the Moscow Summit of the SCO, the Secretary General of
the Organisation said that the SCO will prioritise joint energy projects; including in the
oil and gas sector, the exploration of new hydrocarbon reserves, and joint use of water
resources.
o The creation of the SCO Interbank Consortium was also agreed upon at that summit in
order to fund future joint projects. The first meeting of the SCO Interbank Association
was held in Beijing on 21–22 February 2006.
o On 30 November 2006, at The SCO: Results and Perspectives, an international
conference held in Almaty, the representative of the Russian Foreign Ministry
announced that Russia is developing plans for an SCO "Energy Club". The need for this
"club" was reiterated by Moscow at an SCO summit in November 2007.
o Other SCO members, however, have not committed themselves to the idea.
o However, during the 2008 summit it was stated that "Against the backdrop of a
slowdown in the growth of world economy pursuing a responsible currency and
financial policy, control over the capital flowing, ensuring food and energy security
have been gaining special significance".
o At the 2007 SCO summit Iranian Vice President Parviz Davoodi addressed an initiative
that had been garnering greater interest and assuming a heightened sense of urgency
when he said, "The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation is a good venue for designing a
new banking system which is independent from international banking systems".
o At the occasion of Bishkek summit June 2019, Pakistani Prime Minister, Imran Khan
also gave a statement to build a market of local currency instead of US Dollars among
the members of Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO).
Cultural cooperation
o Cultural cooperation also occurs in the SCO framework. Culture ministers of the SCO
met for the first time in Beijing on 12 April 2002, signing a joint statement for
continued cooperation.
o An SCO Arts Festival and Exhibition was held for the first time during the Astana (now
Nur-Sultan) Summit in 2005.
Summits
o According to the Charter of the SCO, summits of the Council of Heads of State shall be
held annually at alternating venues. The locations of these summits follow the
alphabetical order of the member state's name in Russian.
o The charter also dictates that the Council of Heads of Government (that is, the Prime
Ministers) shall meet annually in a place decided upon by the council members.
o The Council of Foreign Ministers is supposed to hold a summit one month before the
annual summit of Heads of State.
o Extraordinary meetings of the Council of Foreign Ministers can be called by any two
member states.
Geopolitical aspects
o Iranian writer Hamid Golpira had this to say on the topic: "According to Zbigniew
Brzezinski's theory, control of the Eurasian landmass is the key to global domination
and control of Central Asia is the key to control of the Eurasian landmass.
o Russia and China have been paying attention to Brzezinski's theory, since they formed
the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation in 2001, ostensibly to curb extremism in the
region and enhance border security, but most probably with the real objective of
counterbalancing the activities of the United States and NATO in Central Asia".
o In November 2005 Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov reiterated that the
"Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is working to establish a rational and just
world order"
o The SCO has emerged as a major player in regional and global affairs. A number of
Western, and especially U.S. scholars, view the SCO as a challenge to U.S. interests.
Some have described it as the beginning of a new organization resembling the Warsaw
Pact (or a “NATO of the East”).
o The SCO emerged out of the Shanghai Five, created in 1996 with China, Russia,
Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan and Tajikistan as founding members. In 2001, the Shanghai Five
was expanded and renamed SCO with the inclusion of Uzbekistan.
o In 2005, Pakistan, India, Iran and Mongolia joined as observers.
o In the past, both China and Russia have repeatedly stated that the organization would
not incorporate new members despite Pakistan and India’s active campaign for SCO
membership. However, this attitude changed in recent years; while Moscow supported
New Delhi’s bid for membership, Beijing, arguably the main player in the SCO,
supported Islamabad’s bid.
o At the 2015 summit at Ufa, Russia, the SCO reached and announced its decision to
include Pakistan and India as members. In 2016, India and Pakistan signed a
memorandum of obligation.
o On July 2017, During the 17th SCO summit in Kazakhstan’s capital Astana (now called
Nur-Sultan), President Nursultan Nazarbayev formally welcomed Pakistan and India as
SCO members.
o This development in the SCO’s history raises several important questions, including how
it will affect the SCO’s ability to function as a regional alliance; to what extent the
inclusion of new members indicates a power struggle between Moscow and Beijing;
how deep rooted this struggle is and how it will affect the SCO. Yet from Islamabad’s
perspective, the main question is what it can offer the SCO and what it can gain from
its membership in the organization.
o IMPLICATIONS
o Islamabad faces a number of challenges at the regional and international levels and its
SCO membership can be of help in addressing these challenges. Recently, Islamabad’s
relations with Moscow have improved.
o After the meeting between PM Abbasi and Russian PM Medvedev on the sidelines of
the SCO meeting, both expressed satisfaction with the evolution of bilateral relations
including in defense cooperation.
o Other cases in point include Russia’s recent support for Islamabad’s positions on
membership in the Nuclear Suppliers Group and terrorist sanctuaries on the Afghan
side of the Durand line. Islamabad’s SCO membership will provide an opportunity to
expand this bilateral relationship through the SCO platform, especially in the defense
sector.
o Islamabad, Moscow, Tehran and Beijing are all seriously concerned over the
emergence of the terrorist organization known as the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria
(ISIS) and the future of Afghanistan.
o Both these issues impede positive development across the region. Since all SCO
member states have interests in Afghanistan and support different groups in the
country, it is imperative that using the SCO platform, these states develop a joint
strategy to address the Afghanistan problem and ISIS threat.
o Pakistan provides natural link and route for other SCO members to access the Indian
Ocean.
o As Pakistan’s former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif aptly pointed out: “Pakistan
provides the natural link between the SCO states to connect the Eurasian heartland
with the Arabian Sea and South Asia … We offer the critical overland routes and
connectivity for mutually beneficial trade and energy transactions intra-regionally and
inter-regionally.”
o While this prospect provides immense opportunities for all SCO members, it also
indicates a challenge for Islamabad.
o Despite immense potential, Islamabad’s trade and economic relations with most SCO
members, aside from China, are minimal. The SCO membership will provide Islamabad
with an opportunity to initiate and revive a number of projects using the SCO
platform.
o Gwadar port stands to become an important and effective trade outlet for the Central
Asian States. Under the SCO banner Islamabad can provide SCO member states with
preferential access to Gwadar.
o Pakistan’s mounting energy crisis needs immediate attention. Islamabad has so far
failed to tackle it, but is developing an energy policy to address the problem. SCO
membership provides Islamabad with an avenue to explore opportunities for
importing oil and gas from the Central Asian states, primarily Uzbekistan, Tajikistan
and Kazakhstan.
o An important question is whether Indo-Pak rivalry will find another venue in the SCO.
Will New Delhi and Islamabad be able to act maturely and adopt the SCO’s spirit of
regionalism?
o At the SCO summit in June 2017, Pakistan’s former PM Sharif agreed with and
welcomed a proposal made by Chinese President Xi Jinping on a five-year treaty for
good neighborliness among SCO members.
o Conversely, India’s PM Narendra Modi used this forum to continue his policy of
isolating Pakistan in his first speech as an SCO member.
o It has been pointed out that importing this conflict into the SCO risks impeding the
functioning of the organisation, as has been the case with the South Asian Association
for Regional Cooperation (SAARC).
o Yet contrary to general perception, India may not be able to use the SCO platform
effectively against Pakistan. China is the SCO’s key member, and India-China relations
are defined by strategic competition and security concerns.
o After the Doklam crisis (2017 China-India border standoff), another military
confrontation between the two cannot be entirely ruled out (update 2020: Galwan
valley clash).
o It is well-documented that China was reluctant to grant India SCO membership. On its
part, India is extremely critical of the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) as well
as China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).
o While India can use the SCO to voice its concerns over Islamabad’s alleged support for
terrorism in India, China has so far supported Pakistan on this issue, including through
its recent veto to a UN resolution designating Masood Azhar of Jaish-e-Muhammad a
wanted terrorist.
o It is unlikely that China would act otherwise in the SCO. India also needs to exercise
caution in using the SCO to highlight the Kashmir problem, as China can raise the Tibet
issue and India’s sheltering of the Dalai Lama in response.
o For these reasons, India’s SCO membership will not increase its ability to put pressure
on Pakistan. Moreover, if Pakistan’s relations with Russia improve further and China,
Russia and Pakistan can reach an understanding on Afghanistan and the U.S. presence
there, India would have to tread even more carefully as it would then have to decide
which side to join and would risk losing its primary supporter (Russia) in the SCO.
o Discussing the problems occurring in the functioning of SCO and how can they be
addressed by SCO member states, the Secretary of SCO highlighted that the main
security challenge for the Organization is the continued fight against international
terrorism and extremism, and the illicit trafficking of drugs and weapons, ensuring
regional peace, and promoting the work of the UN and other sought-after international
organizations.
o China has appeared as a powerful economic player and has taken lead in refining the
global economic and governance system. It is not a surprise as emerging powers always
steer change in the existing system.
o SCO was created to resolve issues related to border management and security but later
its scope was widened. At present, SCO is the biggest regional organisation in terms of
its size and population. Its members constitute about 45% of the world population, 23%
of land mass and 25% of gross domestic product (GDP) of the entire world. The total
worth of GDP is $14.5 trillion.
o The focus of this organisation is gradually shifting towards economic linkages and
development of member countries. Chinese prime minister in 2004 urged all SCO
countries to work for free trade among member states.
o At the heads of state meeting in 2018, it was emphasised that the trade procedure
should be simplified for intra-regional trade.
o In 2019, the SCO’s declaration again asked member states to accelerate efforts for wider
economic cooperation and enhancing trade.
o China is championing the cause. It has already been noted that China has increased its
trade with SCO members in the past few years. At present, the total trade of China with
SCO members is worth $337 billion – including countries having the status of observer
and dialogue partner - exhibiting 19% growth.
o China’s major trade partners are Russia and India with trade worth $106.65 billion and
$95.87 billion respectively. India is the biggest export destination with shipments worth
$77.02 billion and Russia is the biggest exporter to China in the SCO group with exports
of $58.58 billion.
o SCO’s two leading members - China and Russia - have presented their visions of future
economic development and trade through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and Eurasia
Economic Union (EEU). These two initiatives present excellent prospects for economic
development in future.
o Being a member of SCO, Pakistan has an excellent opportunity to revive its economy
with the help of the regional bloc, its platforms and member states.
o However, to capitalise on the opportunity, Pakistan will have to devise a relevant policy.
First, it should learn from the past. Earlier, Pakistan made many mistakes and the
prominent ones included ignoring SCO countries, missing the dynamics of Central Asian
states and too much reliance on western markets.
o Although in recent years Pakistan has increasingly focused on the Chinese market, it
lacks any major policy for developing economic and trade ties with Russia and Central
Asian states.
o Central Asia provides an opportunity for two-way trade. Pakistan has the potential to
export finished products and some agricultural commodities. On the other hand, it can
benefit from energy and mineral resources of Central Asia.
o Russia can help Pakistan develop scientific knowledge and adopt new technologies.
Pakistan can benefit from the Russian market too. Russia is also interested in using
Gwadar Port for trade.
o Unfortunately, current trade statistics are very poor with SCO members, except for
China. Pakistan’s exports to Uzbekistan are worth only $17 million and imports are
valued at $33.31 million. In trade with Kazakhstan, Pakistan’s exports and imports stand
at merely $86 million and $33.11 million respectively.
o Trade with Tajikistan is also not encouraging as Pakistan’s exports stand at only $94.06
million and imports are valued at $33.45 million. Although Kyrgyzstan is a very vibrant
economy of Central Asia, Pakistan’s trade with it is very low. Pakistan’s exports to
Kyrgyzstan are worth $15.11 million and imports stand at $0.121 million.
o In trade with Russia, the statistics show a very discouraging picture. Russia is one of the
leading economies and a developed country. Owing to the troubled history of relations
between the two countries, Pakistan’s trade with Russia is very slim.
o According to international trade statistics, Pakistan’s total exports to Russia are only
$157 million and imports are worth $375 million. Of late, Pakistan and Russia are trying
to improve their economic relations.
o SCO and China have provided an opportunity to both countries to break the ice and now
they are working on further improvement with high hopes.
o Lastly, economic linkages with India are very weak. Though both countries are
neighbours, bilateral trade is very low compared to the potential. At present, Pakistan’s
total imports from India are worth $1.8 billion and exports are valued at $350 million.
o It means Pakistan has not been able to benefit from the potential of Indian market.
Moreover, there is also a huge volume of illegal trade. However, there is hope that SCO
will help to break the ice and pave the way for better ties between the two neighbours.
o In the case of Central Asia, major reasons for insignificant trade include low priority
attached to the region and self-perceived assumptions. Pakistan has consistently
ignored the region and has not tried to learn the governance system and market
structure of these countries.
o Lessons
o The discussion presents two important lessons for Pakistan. First, Pakistan should
exploit these markets for economic revival. Second, SCO provides an excellent
opportunity to create linkages as the bloc has proposed that all countries should try to
simplify trade procedures and work for a free trade agreement.
o We should learn from China. China has many issues with India but its trade volume is
approaching a staggering $100 billion. China has also developed trade linkages with
Taiwan despite massive differences.
o Lastly, Pakistan must study markets and governance structure of all SCO member
countries. A comprehensive understanding of markets and governance structures will
help Pakistan devise a prudent policy.
o He specifically praised China’s responsible handling of the crisis and its leading role in
assisting the international community. He also expressed gratitude for China’s
assistance to Pakistan.
o Besides Pakistan, the meeting was attended by foreign ministers of all member states,
the secretary general SCO, and Director of the Executive Committee of the SCO Regional
Anti-terrorist Structure.
o Apart from the prevailing pandemic situation, matters relating to peace and security in
the region including Afghanistan came under discussion.
o The foreign minister briefed the SCO foreign ministers on Pakistan’s coordinated
response to COVID-19 covering the public health as well as the economic aspects of
the crisis.
o He observed that even though infections were spreading, Pakistan had seen relatively
low fatalities. However, he added there was no room to let our guard down.
o Commenting on the regional situation, the Foreign Minister welcomed the US-Taliban
peace agreement and hoped that the Afghan leadership would seize the historic
opportunity to work out a comprehensive and inclusive political settlement.
o The Foreign Minister emphasized that tackling terrorism and extremism must continue
to be a priority but terrorism related allegations must not be used as political tool to
malign and victimize any country or religion.
o On 15 July 2020, the SCO Secretariat hosted a ceremony to mark China's donation of
humanitarian aid (Personal Protective Equipment-PPE) to SCO Member States as part
of the efforts to counter the coronavirus.
o Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Secretary General Vladimir Norov has
expressed his hope that joint efforts would manage to stop the spread of the COVID-
19 in the SCO member states.
o He made these remarks at a ceremony at the SCO Secretariat to mark China’s
donation of humanitarian aid to SCO Member States as part of the efforts to counter
the coronavirus.
Russia Negotiates Supplies Of COVID-19 Vaccine To SCO Members - Health Minister of Russia
o Talks on supplying the prospective Russian vaccine against COVID-19 to the Shanghai
Cooperation Organization (SCO) countries are ongoing, and will continue after the
vaccine is registered, Health Minister Mikhail Murashko.
o A vaccine produced by the Gamaleya Scientific Research Institute of Epidemiology and
Microbiology is currently in Phase 2 of clinical trials and Russian Direct Investment
Fund CEO Kirill Dmitriev has said that plans are underway for the vaccine to enter use
in either August or September. (let’s see where it goes because its July right now)
o On 24 April 1997, the same countries signed the Treaty on Reduction of Military Forces
in Border Regions in a meeting in Moscow, Russia.
o On 20 May 1997, President of Russia Boris Yeltsin and President of China Jiang Zemin
signed a declaration on a "multipolar world".
o In the immediate post-Soviet years, no concerted effort from either side was made to
improve the relationship.
o In 2003, Pakistani president General Pervez Musharraf visited Moscow, while from the
Russian side, the prime ministerial level visit took place in 2007 when Mikhail Fradkov
visited Pakistan, but could only manage ‘meagre results.’
o Some progress was seen with regular meetings between presidents Dmitri Medvedev
and Asif Ali Zardari, resulting in the latter’s visit to Moscow in 2011.
o Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov visited Pakistan in 2012, followed by the visit of
Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu in 2014, which was an important point in the
relationship.
o Subsequently, Russia decided to lift its embargo on Pakistan and agreed to supply four
Mi-35 helicopters besides building of a $2.1 billion gas pipeline from Karachi to Lahore
(called North-South Gas Pipeline-NSGP). This signaled the intent of both parties to
engage — despite the concerns of India regarding this proximity in ties.
o Improvement in Russia-Pakistan relationship
o The US had announced a troop draw-down from Afghanistan in 2012, followed by the
announcement of a withdrawal in 2014.
o By then, Russia had already demonstrated its willingness to expand its influence in its
neighborhood and push back against the US, looking at Afghanistan as another area to
assert its position.
o Apart from this rationale, Russia is particularly interested in Afghanistan due to its
impact on security in the broader Central Asian region and also concerned about the
threat of terrorism and drugs flowing into its borders via Central Asia.
o Moscow also noted the threat to regional stability arising from the presence of Islamic
State in Afghanistan as the reason for its renewed interest there.
o In this context, building relations with Pakistan became relevant due to its strategic
location and influence.
o While Russia sees Pakistan as an important player in dealing with the evolving
situation in Afghanistan.
o Moscow has over the years also built its contacts with the Taliban, a change from its
earlier position of supporting the Northern Alliance (The Afghan Northern Alliance)
against the Taliban.
o 2016 saw China, Pakistan and Russia come together to discuss Afghanistan, which
came under criticism for not including Afghan representatives.
o This has since been expanded to also include Afghanistan, Iran and India.
o The inclusion of Pakistan into SCO and the finalisation of the roadmap for the SCO-
Afghanistan Contact Group gives the two countries another venue for cooperation on
the issue.
o Pakistan, which has seen military assistance from US frozen during the Trump
administration and a worsening of overall ties, has been eager to embrace Moscow.
o In practical terms, this has meant more frequent visits at the ministerial and heads of
armed forces level and participation in joint military drills that have been held
annually since 2016.
o In 2017, a military-technical cooperation agreement was signed which deals with arms
supply and weapon development.
o A year later, in 2018, this led to the decision to set up a commission on military-
technical cooperation but no new arms deals have been announced as yet.
o Gazprom (Gas Industry Company of Russia) is also looking at the prospect of supplying
LNG to Pakistan and construct regional pipelines which have been bogged down in
security concerns and geopolitical tussles.
o A naval cooperation agreement has also been signed in 2018. The Russia-Pakistan
Joint Working Group on Counter-terrorism and other Challenges to International
Security that had since its establishment in 2002 only held four rounds of meetings till
2009, was revived in 2014. Since then, it has met in 2016 and 2018, with another
meeting is expected this year.(check the internet for update)
o Bilateral trade in 2018 was estimated to touch $800 million, up from $600 million the
previous year.
o In 2019, Russian delegation visited Pakistan to hold 6th IGC meeting.
o Intergovernmental Commission (IGC) works to improve trade, economic, scientific and
technical cooperation between the two countries.
o According to Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), Russia and
Pakistan have also increased their trade of military weapons.
Four Mi-35M heavy attack helicopters worth $153 million were ordered from
Russia in 2015.
Russia officially handed over four Mi-35M helicopters to The Pakistan Army
Aviation Corps (PAAC) in August 2017.
(Another Article)
In 2019, Pakistan’s Prime Minister Imran Khan and Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi
had “high-level meetings” with Russia President Vladimir Putin and Foreign Minister Sergey
Lavrov, respectively, on the sidelines of SCO summit in Bishkek, Kyrgyzstan.
According to a statement by the foreign minister, he said both sides had a frank exchange on
issues of regional interest and concerns.
Shah Mehmood Qureshi said Pakistan conveyed that it was interested in building synergies
with Russia and chart new frontiers of cooperation and engagement.
Meanwhile, Foreign Office in a press statement said the Prime Minister’s engagement with
world leaders, including President Xi Jinping and President Vladimir Putin, lent further
momentum to Pakistan’s all-weather strategic cooperative partnership with China and to the
growth of Pakistan’s multi-dimensional ties with Russia.
He urged the member states of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) to finalise
arrangements for trade in local currencies and set up SCO Fund and SCO Development Bank to
catalyse the trans-regional development agenda.
He was presenting his eight-pronged course of action for SCO in the light chaotic international
politics.
The prime minister had said the SCO should reinforce its vision of cooperation, that rejects
confrontation, and advance the imperatives of peaceful co-existence at the regional and
international levels.
He had said the SCO member states should galvanise the “Shanghai Spirit” to strengthen the
organisation’s core mandate of mitigating the risks of conflict, fostering confidence, and
promoting stability.
The eight-member countries of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), including China,
Russia, and Pakistan, have made the principle decision to conduct bilateral trade and
investment and issue bonds in local and national currencies instead of US dollars.
Russia, as chairman of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, has called for suggestions from
all member states for trade and investment in local currencies. After a detailed review of these
proposals in Moscow’s meeting, a system of mutual settlement of national currencies will be
introduced for the member countries of the SCO.
All member states will sign a roadmap for trade and investment in national currencies
between member states.
Iran, Afghanistan, Belarus, and Mongolia are the observer countries of the SCO who wish to
become a regular member of the organization.
Reports say that if the trade and investment between the member states of the SCO begin in
national currencies instead of dollars and pounds, it will be a big breakthrough. It will also
strengthen the national currencies of the member countries and promote mutual trade and
investment.