Indological and Buddhist Studies
Vo lum e in H o n o u r of P r o fe ss o r J.W. de Jong
on his Sixtieth Birthday
LAHercusetal.
•* - .
This book was published by ANU Press between 1965–1991.
This republication is part of the digitisation project being carried
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INDOLOGICAL AND BUDDHIST STUDIES
Volume in Honour of Professor J.W. de Jong
on his Sixtieth Birthday
Edited by: L.A. Hercus
F.B.J. Kuiper
T. Rajapatirana
E.R. Skrzypczak
Faculty of Asian Studies
Canberra
1982
First published in Australia 1982
Reproduced at The Australian National
University Printery
c Faculty of Asian Studies 1982
This book is copyright. Apart from any fair dealing
for the purpose of private study, research, criticism,
or review, as permitted under the Copyright Act, no
part may be reproduced by any process without
written permission. Inquiries should be made to the
publisher.
National Library of Australia
Cataloguing-in-Publication entry
Indological and Buddhist studies
ISBN 0 909879 15 X.
1. De Jong, J.W. (Jan Willem), 1921-.
2. Buddhism - Addresses, essays, lectures.
I. Hercus, L.A. (Luise Anna), 1926-. II. De Jong,
J. W. (Jan Willem), 1921-. III. Australian
National University. Faculty of Asian Studies.
294.3
Library of Congress No. 81-71413
Cover design by ANU Graphic Design
Distributed for the ANU Faculty of Asian Studies by
the Australian National University Press, Canberra,
ACT Australia 2600
FOREWORD
Professor Jan Willem de Jong celebrated his sixtieth
birthday on 15 February 1981. Friends and colleagues through
out the world considered this an appropriate occasion to offer
him a volume of studies as a token of their friendship and
great admiration for his prodigious activity in the wide
fields of Buddhology, Tibetan, Indian philosophy, and Sanskrit
philology. The volume Buddhist Studies (Berkeley, Asian
Humanities Press, 1981, 717 pages) contains all his major
articles and reviews primarily concerned with Buddhism in
India, and a complete - up to September 1977 - bibliography.
A volume Tibetan Studies - due to appear soon - reprints
articles and reviews devoted to China, Tibet and Mongolia.
The number of contributors - thirty-five - and their
world-wide spread testify to the esteem Professor de Jong
has won in the international academic world. The editors
are pleased to thank all the authors for the whole-hearted
support they gave to this congratulatory volume.
Sincere thanks are also extended to the A.N.U.'s Faculty
of Asian Studies Publications Committee, who made it possible
for this volume to see the light of day in spite of a difficult
financial situation.
Finally, the editors wish to express their special thanks
to Miss E.J.J.C. Kat, of the A.N.U., who single-handedly typed
and corrected all the manuscripts to make them camera-ready.
Without her unselfish dedication to this task, which had to
be executed alongside her usual secretarial work, this volume
would not have appeared within such a comparatively short
period after its mental conception a short time before Professor
de Jong's sixtieth birthday.
L.A. Hercus
F.B.J. Kuiper
T. Rajapatirana
Canberra, 1982. E.R. Skrzypczak
TABLE OF CONTENTS
PREFACE
AKLUJKAR, Ashok, Interpreting Väkyapadiya 2.486
historically (Part 2) 1
ASMUSSEN, Jes P., The Sogdian and Uighur-Turkish
Christian Literature in Central Asia before
the real rise of Islam: A Survey 11
BAREAU, Andre, Un personnage bien mysterieux:
l'epouse du Buddha 31
BECHERT, Heinz, The importance of Asoka's so-called
Schism Edict 61
CAILLAT, Colette, Notes sur les variantes
grammaticales dans la tradition du
Dasaveyäliya-sutta 69
DURT, H., La "Visite aux laboureurs" et la
"Meditation sous l'arbre jambu" dans
les biographies sanskrites et chinoises
du Buddha 95
EIMER, Helmut, Zur Beurteilung der Textqualität
der Kanjurhandschrift aus dem Palast in
Tog/Ladakh 121
EMMERICK, R.E., Khotanese Nuväta 137
FUJITA, Kotatsu, The doctrinal characteristics
of karman in early Buddhism 149
HAHN, Michael, On a numerical problem in
Nägärjuna's Ratnävall 161
HARA, Minoru, Quotations found in the RatnatZkä
of Bhäsarvajna 187
HARRISON, Paul M . , Sanskrit fragments of a
Lokottaravädin Tradition 211
HATTORI, Masaaki, The Dream Simile in Vijnänaväda
treatises 235
HINÜBER, Oskar v. , Upali's verses in the Majjhima-
nikäya and the Madhyamägama 243
KAJIYAMA, Yuichi, On the meanings of the words
Bodhisattva and Mahäsattva in Prajffäpäramitä
literature 253
KASCHEWSKY, Rudolf, Buddhistische Argumentation
gegen einen persönlichen Gottesbegriff in
tibetischen Bodhicäryävatära-Kommentaren 271
KUIPER, F.B.J., Text-critical notes on the
Gopälakelicandrikä 287
KURUMIYA, Yenshu, Adhimukti in the Saddharma-
pundarikasütra 337
MIMAKI, Katsumi, Le commentaire de Mi pham sur le
J?länasärasamuccaya 353
NORMAN, K.R., The Four Noble Truths: a problem
of Pali Syntax 377
OGUIBENINE, Boris, La daksini dans le Rgveda et
le transfert de merite dans le bouddhisme 393
OJIHARA, Yutaka, Des elements supplementaires aux
Appendices de M. J.de Jong, concernant le
texte Sanskrit du Dharma-samuccaya (ed.
Lin Li-kouang). Deuxieme Partie, Chapitre VI 415
RACHEWILTZ, I. de, On a recently discovered MS of
Cinggis-qayan's precepts to his younger
brothers and sons 427
SCHLINGLOFF, Dieter, Asoka or Mära? On the
interpretation of some Säftci reliefs 441
SCHMITHAUSEN, Lambert, Die letzten Seiten der
Srävakabhümi 457
SCHNEIDER, U., The Calcutta-Bairät Edict of Asoka 491
SEREBRYAKOV, Igor D., Somadeva on art 499
SEYFORT RUEGG, D., Towards a chronology of the
Madhyamaka school 505
SIMONSSON, Nils, Reflections on the grammatical
tradition in Tibet 531
TAKASAKI, Jikido, Sources of the Lahkävatära
and its position in Mahäyäna Buddhism 545
TAUBE, Manfred, Index der Personennamen zu
Kloh-rdol Bla-ma’s Verzeichnis von Schriften
der Gelbmützensekte 569
TSUDA, Shinichi, "Vajrayosidbhagesu vijahära
Historical Survey from the Beginnings to the
Culmination of Tantric Buddhism 595
WAYMAN, Alex, A study of the Vedäntic and Buddhist
Theory of näma-rüpa 617
WEZLER, A., Remarks on the definition of 'Yoga'
in the Vaisesikasutra 643
WYLIE, Turrell V., Dating the death of NIropa 687
1
INTERPRETING VAKYAPADIYA 2.486 HISTORICALLY (PART 2)
Ashok AKLUJKAR (Vancouver)
1.1 In the first part of this article, to be published in
the Dr K. Kunjunni Raja Felicitation Volume, I have pointed
out, among other things, that the explanation of parvatäd
ägamam labdhvä bhäsya-bijänusäribhih // sa ntto bahu-säkhatvam
candräoäryädibhih punah // given in Punyaraja's or Hellräja's
Tiki is contextually unjustifiable. In the present part I
wish to analyse the Tiki explanation further to establish its
mythic character and to account for its acquisition of that
character. This is how the Tiki comments on the verse: atha
käläntarena oandräoäryädibhir ägamam labdhvä tena copäya-
bhütena sakaläni bhäsyävasthitäni yäni nyäya-bljäni täny
anusrtya vyäkaranägamah punar api sphitatäm ntta ity abhi-
dhätion äha [at this point 2.486 is cited] parvatät tri-kütaika-
-desavarti-tilihgaika-desäd iti. tatra hy upala-tale rävana-
viracito müla-bhüta-vyäkararjägamas tisthati. kenaoio oa
brahma-raksasäniya [sa?] oanäräoärya-vasuräta-guru-prabhrttnäm
datta iti .* taih khalu yathävad vyäkaranasya sva-rüpam tata
upalabhya, satatam oa sisyänäfn vyäkhyäya Lvyäkavanägamo?1
bähu-^äkhitvafn ntto vistaram präpita ity anusrüyate. 1
2.1 The Tiki shares the detail parvatät with the verse.
Its identification of parvata} no doubt based on the tradi
tional information it had, is very plausible (see Part 3 of
this article to be published in the near future).
However, the association it displays with a mountain or hill
seems to be different from the one which the author of the
verse displays. The latter's phrase, däksinätyesu grantha-
mätre vyavasthitahs indicates that he looked upon parvata
simply as a source or location of documents in which the
vyäkaranägama was preserved; he does not seem to view, at
least in verses 481-490, parvata as something in contact
with the vyäkaranägama in a mysterious way - as having the
presence of vyäkaranägama in a form inaccessible to ordinary
men. However, this is precisely the way the Tika author
looks upon parvata; in his view, parvata is a place of reve
lation. Now, this type of association with mountains or hills
is not rare. There are several instances in religious litera
ture of knowledge gained miraculously at elevated places, and
I would be surprised if scholars of religion have not already
2
included elevated places among the locales of revelation and
tried to explain why they figure so frequently in accounts
of revelation. What is significant is that the knowledge
gained thus is usually said to be fundamental (müla-bhüta)
and is claimed to be the content of an original insight which
subsequently suffered distortion. Probably the closest modern
parallel to the terse narrative in the Tika is to be found in
what has been wt_^ten in the case of Joseph Smith, the founder
of the Mormon movement. Smith's story2 agrees with the one con
tained in the Tika in all the crucial structural elements -
revelation on a hill or mountain, assistance by a super-human
creature (angel, brahma-raksas) , access to an otherwise invi
sible and long-lost ancient account written3 on a highly durable
material (golden tablets in the case of Smith, upala-tala in the
case of Candracarya), and the claim made about the discovered
account that it can lead people back to the true, original under
standing .
2.2 We are told in the Tiki that the müla-bhüta vyäkavanä-
gama remains or endures (ttsthati) on a rock surface. I have
indicated above that in accounts of revelation the object which
serves as the immediate source of knowledge is not rarely one
which can be durable material for inscribing. This is only
logical, given the situational elements that the knowledge to
be discovered is lost for a long time and that revelations to
persons far removed from each other (i.e. repeated revelations
over long segments of time) are to be accounted for. However,
there could be more to the appearance of the Tika detail than
the structural strains in revelation stories or the activation
of a particular mythic element. Influence of certain contempo
rary factors cannot be excluded from consideration;
(a) K§ema-rija, who was most probably only one generation
removed from the author of the Tika,4 tells us in his Siva-
sütra-V'imars'int that the Siva-sütras were revealed to Vasu-
gupta on the Mahä-deva-giri after Siva advised him in a dream
to acquire the secret doctrine [written (see note 3)] on a
great rock (mahati- §llä-tale). 5 The structural similarity of
this story with the story recorded in the Tika or with the story
of Joseph Smith is obvious. What is specifically interesting at
this point is that the tradition of Kashmir Saivism, with which
the Tika author was in all probability familiar, contained a
revelation account in which the matter to be revealed was avail
able on a rock. The probability that this detail influenced the
Tikä author's or his predecessors' narrating of the account of
Candracarya is all the greater because the rock associated with
Vasu-gupta is known as Shankarpala6 (= fsamkaropala); the word
upala thus figures in the narrative of Vasu-gupta's extraordi
nary experience as well as in that of Candracarya's. Also to
3
be noted in this connection is the fact that the Tika, unlike
verse 486, associated Vasu-rata, whose name resembles the
name Vasu-gupta, with the acquisition of the m ula-bhüta
ägama. 7
(b) The tenth to twelfth centuries of the Christian era,
in the atmosphere of which the Tiki author probably lived
(see note 4), seem to be marked in north India by considerable
interest in rock and stone inscriptions. The Mahä-nätaka or
Hanuman-nätaka is said to have been discovered on a rock sur
face during the reign (1011-55) of Bhoja (De 1959: 218-20).
Historians like Kalhana (twelfth century), as we learn from
Raja-tarahgini 1.15, evidently studied the edicts, grants,
and inscriptions accessible to them. The enlightened Paramira
rulers apparently were so keenly aware of the loss of litera
ture due to use of perishable writing materials that they got
inscribed on stone slabs some of the appropriate literary
creations of their times as well as some basic texts of S ä s tr a s
such as the Mähesvara sütras or Pratyähära sütras (Bhatia 1967:
94, 320, 320 fn. 6, 324, 326, 340-41). It need not surprise
us, therefore, if in this atmosphere the Tika author or those
who preceded him in Bhartr-hari studies thought that if an
ägama had been preserved for a long time it must have been
inscribed on a rock somewhere.
(c) Conceivably, by the end of the first millennium
A.D. , the knowledge of the scripts in which older inscriptions
were written was lost to such an extent that a tendency to
view them as containing secret, mysterious messages decipher
able only in an extraordinary experience developed among the
people.8 Such a tendency is very likely to make itself felt
in the exegesis of 486 if the p a r v a ta mentioned in that verse
was taken to be SrI-parvata (see Part 3). Since Srx-parvata
is particularly famous for miracles and the presence of beings
having extraordinary capacities,8 the then unintelligible in
scriptions in its vicinity10 could have been viewed as myster
ious writings of great antiquity and significance comprehensible
only to those who possessed superhuman capacities of the mind.
2.3 Rävana is the composer or author of the m üla-bhü ta
vyäkaranägam a, according to the Tika. This detail is internally
consistent in that it agrees with four other details:
(a) The ägama was preserved in the South.
(b) It was discovered at Tri-küta, a mountain or mountain
range surrounding Rävana*s Lanka, as the sources recorded in
part 3 bear out.
4
(c ) I t was a v a i l a b l e , m ost p r o b a b l y i n an i n s c r i b e d fo rm ,
on a r o c k , i n c h i s e l l i n g w h ic h t h e R a k s a s a s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h
Ravana seem t o h a v e s p e c i a l i s e d . 11
(d) I t was d e l i v e r e d by a brahm a-raksas , t h a t i s , by a
b e i n g h a v i n g g e n e t i c and s c h o l a s t i c a f f i l i a t i o n s w i t h t h e
b r a h m in s b u t o p p o s i n g i n c o n d u c t , on a c c o u n t of u n c o n t r o l l a b l e
p r i d e and g r e e d , t h e dharma o f t h e b r a h m i n s . 12 Rävana was t h e
son o f t h e b r a h m in V i s r a v a s ( Välmiki-rämäyana 7 , c h a p t e r s 7
and 9 ) . The t r a d i t i o n f r e q u e n t l y s p e a k s o f him a s a v e r y
l e a r n e d i n d i v i d u a l ( c f . B h ä s a ' s P r a t i m ä , A ct 5 ) . However, h i s
d e e d s b o r e no r e l a t i o n t o h i s l i n e a g e o r l e a r n i n g .
2 .4 The m e n t i o n o f R avana i s i n t e r e s t i n g a l s o b e c a u s e i t
a g r e e s w i t h t h e a t t r i b u t i o n o f many o t h e r w o rk s t o R a v a n a .
S u d h ir a k u m a r a G upta (1 9 6 7 ) h a s e d i t e d and t r a n s l a t e d i n t o H i n d i
t h e f r a g m e n t s s a i d t o come from R a v a n a * s com m entary on t h e Rgveda.
Muni J a m b u v ija y a (1961: 1 5 0 - 1 , 174; 5.966: Pi^kkathccnccrn p . 2 0 ;
1976: 4 9 8 - 9 ) , and A n a n t a l a l T h a k u r (1 9 6 1 : 1 2 - 4 ) h a v e g a t h e r e d
much v a l u a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n on t h e K a t a n d i , w h ic h was a bhäsya
o r t t k ä , a s c r i b e d t o R ävana i n t h e V a i s e s i k a s y s te m ( c f . P o t t e r
1977: 2 3 8 - 9 ) ; M a t i l a l 1977: 6 0 - 2 ) . A u f r e c h t ( C a t a l o g u s C a t a l o -
gorum p t . I p . 526) m e n t i o n s a S r t-s ü k ta -b h ä s y a b y R ä v a n a , a s
w e l l a s w o rk s c a l l e d R ävanabhait ( o r C haläksara ; p t . I p . 5 2 6 ,
p t . I I p. 123) and Rävana-oetaka. ( p t . I l l p*. 1 1 2 ) . T h re e s h o r t
t e x t s r e l a t i n g t o m e d i c i n e , KurncoPCL-~ta.ntvcL3 Avka-Rvdkd.so., and
Nädt-pcwtksäy a r e a l s o s a i d t o h a v e b e e n composed by Ravana
( F i l l i o z a t * 1937: 1 7 1 - 8 ) . The f i r s t i s a v a i l a b l e i n s e v e r a l
l a n g u a g e s , i n c l u d i n g C h in e s e a nd A r a b i c , w h i l e t h e l a s t i s
p u b l i s h e d i n many e d i t i o n s by t h e Chowkhamba S a n s k r i t S e r i e s
O f f i c e ( 6 t h e d . 1976; H a r i d a s S a n s k r i t S e r i e s n o . 141) and
Chowkhambha O r i e n t a l i a ( 1 s t e d . 1 9 7 5 ) . A hymn t o S iv a s a i d
t o h a v e b e e n composed by L a h k e s v a r a (a n e p i t h e t o f R ävana) i s
p u b l i s h e d i n Kävya-mälä p t . 1 ( 1 8 6 6 ; 2nd e d . 1 8 9 3 ) . In s h o r t ,
t h e r e i s a t e n d e n c y i n S a n s k r i t l i t e r a t u r e to w a r d ( a ) c o n f u s i n g
some h i s t o r i c a l a u t h o r s named R a v a n a 1^ w i t h t h e m y t h i c a l Ravana
o f t h e Ramayana fame and (b) a t t r i b u t i n g w o rk s i n a l m o s t ^ a l l
b ra n c h e s o f l e a r n i n g to Ravana. I n t h e l a t t e r a s p e c t , Ravana
i s a lm o s t a r i v a l o f S i v a , w hose d e v o t e e h e i s s a i d t o b e .
2 .5 The TTkä c h a r a c t e r i s a t i o n o f t h e ägama a s rrüla-bhüta
b e f i t s a way o f t h i n k i n g a c c o r d i n g t o w h ic h t h i n g s e v o l v e and
d isso lv e c y c lic a lly . I t h i n k i t n e e d n o t b e e s t a b l i s h e d anew
t h a t a d o m in a n t t e n d e n c y i n I n d i a n c u l t u r e i s t o l o o k upon t h e
p r o d u c t s o r e v o l u t e s i n v a r i o u s s p h e r e s a s e m e r g in g and su b
m e r g in g i n r o t a t i o n . A c c o r d in g t o m ost s c h o o l s o f I n d i a n p h i l o
s o p h y , t h e u n i v e r s e a r i s e s , e x p a n d s , d i s s o l v e s , and r e t u r n s t o
5
its original cause. According to more than one school, the
Vedas appear from the pranava seed and eventually again become
one with it. In the Tikä account, this sarga-sthiti-laya way
of thinking has been brought to bear on the science of grammar
Grammar is viewed as a body of knowledge that develops from a
perpetual subtle source, is thrown in a state of disarray, and
can be reorganised through reference to the subtle source. The
latter remains as a constant basis or blueprint in the back
ground.
2.6 That a brahma-raksas was instrumental in imparting Ha
vana's rrüla-bhüta vyäharanägama to Candräcärya is also an in
teresting detail. As indicated above, it agrees with Rävana's
description in literature as a fallen brahmin. What is more
interesting is that at least one more grammarian is said to
have become a ghost or spirit of similar sort. K.V. Abhyankar
(1954) tells us that, according to a tradition current among
Pininiyas of the post-Siddhanta-kaumudi period, Bhattoji
Diksita became a brahma-samandha (Marathi equivalent of brahma
raksas) and instructed Jnänendra-sarasvati, so that the latter
could write his Tattva-bodhini commentary. I shall have more
to say on this point in Part 4, which will be devoted to a
comparison of the Tikä account with other accounts of Candra's
acquisition of the ägama.
2.7 Thus, once one realises that the event recorded in
2.486 has been mythologised by the time the Tikä was written,
one sees a host of factors operating behind the words of the
Tikä, and a fascinating web of mythological and historical
strands emerges. It becomes apparent, as the word anusrüyate
in the Tikä explanation indicates, that the author of the
Tikä is not the 'author' of the story or myth narrated. To
a large extent, if not exclusively, he merely connects his
traditional information with the verse.
Notes
1. An English summary of the Tikä explanation is given in
section 2.5 of the first part of this article. The
aspects in which the Tikä explanation appears hazy and
hesitant are clarified in a footnote to that section.
6
2. A lth o u g h s c o r e s o f n a r r a t i o n s o f J o s e p h S m i t h ’ s a c q u i s i t i o n
o f The Book o f Mormon p l a t e s a r e a v a i l a b l e , t h e f o l l o w i n g
two p u b l i c a t i o n s w i l l f u r n i s h m ost o f t h e n e c e s s a r y d e t a i l s
i n t h e c l e a r e s t m a n n e r: ( a ) Donna H i l l , Joseph Smith the
f i r s t Mormon, G a rd e n C i t y ( N . Y . ) : D o u b le d a y a n d Company,
1977, p p . 7 0 - 9 7 ; ( b ) W i l l i a m Edwin B e r r e t t , The r e s to r e d
church , D e s e r e t Book Company, t h i r t e e n t h e d i t i o n , 1 9 6 5 ,
pp. 22- 6 0 .
3. The T i k ä d o e s n o t s p e c i f y t h a t t h e ägama was ’w r i t t e n ’ ,
b u t t h a t w o u ld b e t h e n a t u r a l i m p l i c a t i o n o f u p a la -ta le
t i s t h a t i ’ r e m a i n s on t h e s u r f a c e o f a r o c k / s t o n e ’ .
b. K s e m a - r ä ja was a d i s c i p l e o f A b h i n a v a - g u p t a who, i n t u r n ,
was a s t u d e n t o f I n d u - r ä j a , b r o t h e r o f H e l ä - r ä j a (m o st
p r o b a b l y ) , whom I c o n s i d e r t o b e t h e p r o b a b l e a u t h o r o f
th e T ik ä.
5. See C h a t t e r j i 191*+: 2 6 - 3 1 . The p i c t u r e s o f t h e M a h ä - d e v a -
g i r i and t h e r o c k a r e g i v e n a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f C h a t t e r , } i
1911.
6. T h is d e t a i l i s t a k e n fro m C h a t t e r j i 1 9 1 1 , who i s n o t r e s
p o n s i b l e f o r t h e S a n s k r i t i s e d fo rm samkaropala. C h a t t e r j i
(191*+: 2 6 - 3 1 ) a d d s t h a t K a l l a t a , who was V a s u - g u p t a ' s
d i s c i p l e , c a n be s a i d t o c o r r o b o r a t e t h e S i v a , M a h ä - d e v a -
g iri, and dream e l e m e n t s i n K s e m a - r ä j a ’ s a c c o u n t , b u t n o t
t h e r o c k e l e m e n t , a n d t h a t t h e t r a d i t i o n a s r e c o r d e d by
R ä m a - k a n th a , U t p a l a , and B h ä s k a r a d i f f e r s i n t h a t a c c o r d i n g
t o i t V a s u - g u p t a r e c e i v e d t h e d o c t r i n e fro m a siddh a.
7* I t i s p e r h a p s r e v e a l i n g t h a t i n P u n y a r ä j a ’ s summary v e r s e s
appended t o t h e T ik ä C a n d r ä c ä r y a o f 2.*+86 d o e s n o t f i g u r e ;
o n l y V a s u r ä t a i s m e n t i o n e d : bhrastasyäm näya-särasya v a iy ä -
karana-gäminah / müla-bhütam aväpyätha p arvatäd ägcovafn
svayam / / äcärya-vasu räten a nyäya-märgän v ic in ty a sah /
p ra n ito v id h iv a c cäyam mama vyäkaranägamah / /
8. C f. Ojha 1 9 1 8 : bhümikä p . 2 , B u r n e ll 1 8 7 8 : I n t r o d u c tio n
p p . 1 - 2 , f n . 1.
9. (a ) Bäna, Kädambari ( P e t e r s o n ’ s t h i r d e d i t i o n , p . 2 2 7 ) :
s r i-p a r v a tä s c a ry a -v ä rttä -s a h a s r ä b h ijh e n a . . . ja r a d -d r ä v id a -
- dhärmikena.; A b h in a v a -g u p ta , Locana on Ä nanda-vardhana’ s
D hvanyäloka 1 . 1 3 : na h i nirvigh n ottam a-siddh ayo rp i s r t -
parvatädaya imäm siddhim vidadhyuh; K alh an a, Räj a - t a r a h g in i
3 .2 6 7 and U .390: § r i-p a r v a te pä& upata-vrati-vesam tarn
ägatam / äcakhyäv assva-pädäkhyah siddhah kandäsanarn dadat / /
7
. . . abhagna-s<ma-samvega-labdha-siddhiv narädhipah /
sr-t-parvatädäv adyäpi bhavyänäm e t i drk-patham / / .
I n B h a v a - b h ü t i ’ s M ä l a tl- m ä d h a v a ( s p e e c h a f t e r 8 . 8 , s p e e c h
a t th e b e g in n in g o f t h e n i n t h a c t , 9 -5 3 , 1 0 .l M , K ap äla-
k u n d a l ä and Saudam inT , who p o s s e s s s i d d h i s , a r e d e p i c t e d
as r e s i d i n g a t S r l - p a r v a t a . J a g a d d h a r a , i n h i s comment
a t th e b eg in n in g o f th e n in th a c t o f t h a t p la y , o b serv es:
riänä-siddhi-sthänatvena devatätmdkatayä bhagavat-padafn
s rt-p a rv a te . The g r e a t s i d d h a N ä g ä r j u n a i s a s s o c i a t e d
w ith S r i - p a r v a ta . B u - s t o n ( p . 132) s p e a k s o f N ä g a - b o d h i ’ s
resid en ce a t S rl-p a rv a ta .
( b ) G e n e r a l p r a i s e o f S r l - p a r v a t a a s a p l a c e w h e re r e l i
g io u s o r s p i r i t u a l p r a c t i c e s b e a r f r u i t e a s i l y i s t o be
f o u n d i n : M a h ü b h ä r a ta 3 . 8 3 . 1 6 - 1 7 ; A g n i - p u r ä n a 1 1 3 . 3 - 7 ;
V i s n u - s m r t i 85-3^+; S i v o p a n i s a d 6 . 1 8 9 - 3 .
( c ) O th e r r e f e r e n c e s t o S r l - p a r v a t a i n S a n s k r i t t e x t s
known t o me a r e : S u s r u t a - s a m h i t ä o ik its ä s e c t i o n 2 9 . 2 7 ;
S u b a n d h u 's V ä s a v a - d a t t ä p . 100 (V a n i V i l a s e d i t i o n , c o r
r e s p o n d i n g t o p . 156 o f G r a y ’ s e d i t i o n ) ; B rahm ända-m ahä-
p u r ä n a 1 . l 6 . 2 2 b - 2 3 a ; V ä m a n a -p u rä n a U5 . 9 2 ( t h e l a s t two
a c c o rd in g to K i r f e l 1 9 5 ^:1 1 2 ).
(d ) I n s c r i p t i o n a l r e f e r e n c e s t o S r l - p a r v a t a w h ic h i n d i c a t e
i t s fame a s a h o l y p l a c e and w h ic h I h a v e so f a r come
a c r o s s a r e : C h i k k u l l a p l a t e s o f V ik ra m e n d ra -V a rm a n I I ,
e d . by F . K i e l h o r n , Epigraphia Inddoa , v o l . IV ( 1896- 7 )
n o . 25 p . 193; I n s c r i p t i o n s a t A b l u r , e d . by J . F . F l e e t ,
i b i d . , v o l . V ( 1898- 9 ) n o . 25 , pp . 2 5 1 , 259; T h r e e w e s t e r n
Ganga r e c o r d s i n t h e M ysore G overnment Museum a t B a n g a l o r e ,
e d . b y J . F . F l e e t , i b i d . , v o l . VI ( 1 9 0 0 - 0 1 ) n o . 6 p . 51
f n . h ( w h ic h , i n t u r n , r e f e r s t o a n i n s c r i p t i o n o f l l 6 8
A.D. fo u n d a t B a l a g ä m i ) ; T ä la g u n d a p i l l a r i n s c r i p t i o n o f
K ä k u s th a v a r m a n , e d . b y F. K i e l h o r n , i b i d . , v o l . V I I I
( l 9 0 5 - 0 6 ) n o . 5 p . 28 f n . 4; T ä l a g u n d a s t o n e - p i l l a r i n
s c r i p t i o n o f th e tim e o f S ä n ti-v a rm a n (c . ^55-70 A .D .),
e d . by F. K i e l h o r n , i b i d . , v o l . V I I I ( 1 9 0 5 - 0 6 ) p p . 3 1 f f ,
r e p r o d u c e d i n S i r c a r 1965* ^+7^-9; N ä g ä r ju n a k o n d a i n s c r i p t i o n
o f V l r a - p u r u s a - d a t t a ( r e g n a l y e a r 1 ^ ) , e d . by J . Ph. V o g e l,
i b i d . , v o l . XX p . 2 2 , r e p r o d u c e d i n S i r c a r 1965: 2 35.
(e) I f S r l- p a r v a ta is ta k e n as i d e n t i c a l w ith S r I - s a i l a ,
( s e e n . 10 b e lo w ) one c o u l d a d d t h e f o l l o w i n g t o t h e
above r e f e r e n c e s : S a n k a r a , Y o g a - t ä r ä v a l i v e r s e 28; B a l l ä l a ,
B h o j a - p r a b a n d h a p . 60 i n S a d ä s i v a - s ä s t r i J o s h i ’ s e d i t i o n ,
H a r i d a s S a n s k r i t S e r i e s n o . h2 , 1 9 ^ 9 ; P a d m a - p u r ä n a ,
U t t a r a - k h a n d a c h a p t e r 1 9 / 2 0 ; R e v ä -m ä h ä tm y a, c h a p t e r 29
8
(according to H.H. Wilson, The Vishftu Puraha3 vol. V,
1870, p.ll8 fn *). Fleet, Epigraphia Indica3 vol. V,
(1898-9) no. 25 p. 2^1, informs that a text called
Channabasavapuräna speaks of a miracle (absorption of
a Prabhu into Siva) that reportedly took place at Srl-
saila.
10. Although Sanskrit authors as well as modern scholars
have frequently identified SrI-parvata with SrI-saila
in Kurnool district, it seems more justifiable to hold
that the primary association of the name SrI-parvata was
with the Nälamalai or Nägärjunakonda area in Guntur/
Guntoor district (see Part 3). Several inscriptions
have been discovered in that area.
11. See Räja-tarangini i*.503-10. As indirect evidence, see
Välmlki-rämäyana 7.7*21.
12. It is evident from the following statements that the
term brahma-raksas or brahma-raksas a refers to those
who bring harm to the brahmin way of life despite their
association with brahminhood: Mahäbhärata 2.11.68, 9-^+2.17,
13.92.12, I3.II2.UO-U2, 13.133.61; Manu-smrti 12.60;
Yäjnavalkya-smrti 3.212; Agni-puräna 371-35.
13. Rävana was the name of a king of Kashmir according to
Kalhäna 1.193-5.
SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
For Väkyapadlya editions used in the preparation of this
article, see my earlier publications. Details of publications
are not given here also in the case of easily accessible works
such as plays and puränas and well-known series such as Epi
graphia Indica and Kävya-mälä. All references to the Mahäbhärata
and the Rämäyana are based on the critical editions published
respectively from Poona and Baroda.
Abhyankar, Kashinath Vasudev. 195^. Srlmad-bhagavat-patahjali-
-krta vyäkarana-mahäbhäsya3 prastävanä khanda [= volume 7
added to VäsudevasästrI Abhyankar’s Marathi translation of
the Vyäkarana-mahäbhäsyai. Pune, Deccan Education Society.
Bhatia, Pratipal. 1970. The Paramaras (c.800-1305 A.D.). New
Delhi, Munshiram Manoharlal.
9
B u r n e l l , A.C. 1 8 7 8 . Elements o f south Indian paleography.
R e p r i n t 1 9 6 8 . D e l h i , I n d o l o g i c a l Book H ouse.
B u - s t o n . H istory o f Buddhism (Chos-hbyung) by Bu-ston3I I.
P a rt3The H istory o f Buddhism in India and T i b e t / T r a n s
l a t e d b y E. O b e r m i l l e r . M aterialien zur Kunde des
Buddhismus, n o . 1 9 . H e i d e l b e r g , 1 9 3 2 .
C h a t t e r j i , J a g a d i s h C h a n d r a . 1 911. ( e d . ) S lva -sü tra -vim a rsin l
o f Ksema-räja. The K ashm ir S e r i e s o f T e x t s a n d S t u d i e s ,
no. 1 . S rin a g a r.
-------- 1912/191*+. Kashmir Shaivaism. The K ashm ir S e r i e s o f
T e x ts and S t u d i e s , n o . 2. S r i n a g a r .
De, S u s h i l Kumar. 1 959. Aspects o f S an skrit L itera tu re.
C a l c u t t a , F ir m a K.L. M ukhopadhyay.
F i l l i o z a t , J . 1 9 3 7 . Le Kumäratantra de Banana e t les te x te s
p a r a lle le s in d ien s, tib& tain , ch in o is, combodgien e t
arabe. C a h i e r s d e l a S o c i e t e a s i a t i q u e . . . , n o . 4:
E tu d e de d e m o n o lo g ie i n d i e n n e . P a ris.
G u p ta , S u d h lr a k u m ä r a . 1 9 6 7 . ( e d . , t r . ) . Bävana-bhäsyam.
J a y a p u r a , B h ä r a t i M a n d ir a , Anusamdhäna s ä l ä .
V aisesika-sü tra o f Kanada
J a m b ü v i j a y a , M uni. 1 9 6 1 . ( e d . ) .
w ith the commentary o f Candränanda. Gaekwad’ s O r i e n t a l
S e r i e s , no. 1 3 6 . B aroda.
-------- 1 9 6 6 . ( e d . ) . Dvädaäära-naya-cakra o f Mallavädin w ith
the commentary o f Simha-süri-ganin. P a r t 1 . B h a v n a g a r ,
J a i n A tmänanda S a b h ä .
-------- 1 9 7 6 . P a r t 2 o f t h e 1966 t i t l e from t h e same s o u r c e .
K irfe l, W illib a ld . 195*+. Das Puräna vom Weltgebäude. Bonn.
M a t i l a l , B im al K r i s h n a . 1 9 7 7 . Nyäya-VaiSesika. V o l. 6 F a s c . i l
o f A h isto ry o f Indian lite r a tu r e , e d . b y J a n Gonda.
W ie s b a d e n , O t t o H a r r a s s o w i t z .
O jh a , G a u ri s h a n k a r H i r a c h a n d . 1 9 1 8 . Bharatiya präclna l i p i -
mälä. R e p r i n t o f 2nd e d . D e l h i , M unshiram M a n o h a r l a l .
P o t t e r , K a r l H. 1977. Indian m etaphysics and epistem ology:
the tr a d itio n o f Nyäya.-V aisesika up to Gahgesa. V o l. 2
o f The encyclopedia o f Indian p h ilo so p h ie s . D e l h i -
V aran asi-P atn a, M o tila l B a n a rs id a s s .
10
Sankara. Yoga-tärävall. Ed. by R.D. Vadekar. Poona, R.D.
Vadekar. 1963. Also available in editions of minor
works of Sri-sankaräcärya.
Sircar, Dines Chandra. 1965. Select ins evictions bearing on
Indian history and civilization3 vol. 1 . Second ed.,
revised and enlarged. Calcutta, University of Calcutta.
Sivopanisad. See Astävimsa-satottaropanisadah. Bombay.
Nirnaya-sägara Press.
Thakur, Anantalal. See Jambüvijaya, 196l.
Visnu-smrti. The institutes of Vishnu3 together with extracts
from the Sanskrit commentary of Honda Pandita called
Vaijayanti. Ed. by Julius Jolly. Calcutta, Asiatic
Society of Bengal, l88l. Bibliotheca Indica work 91,
nos. U58, i+63.
11
THE SOGDIAN AND UIGHUR-TURKISH CHRISTIAN LITERATURE
IN CENTRAL ASIA BEFORE THE REAL RISE OF ISLAM:
A SURVEY
Jes P. ASMUSSEN (Copenhagen)
Parthians3 and Medes3 and Elamites3 and the duellers in
Mesopotamia fndp0oi kol\ Mn6oi kcu ’EAayixai, <ai of kcctoi--
KoOvxes xt“|V MeaoiTOTayxav), says Acts 11,9 in listing
some of those who witnessed the Whitsun miracle in Jerusalem.
This is evidently the first historical indication of the
swiftly-launched Christian mission's opportunities in the
Arsacid or Parthian dynasty's Iranian empire: Jewish-Christ-
ian groups in these regions became the obvious springboard.
However, how and where the rapid Christianisation occurred
cannot be proved historically, but it is certain that Adia-
bene, with its principal town of Arbela, and Osrhoene, with
its principal town of Edessa, became the main centres at an
early date. Adiabene in particular occupied a prominent
position, and an important reason for this was the fact that
this district had a strong Jewish element, whose significance
culminated in the ruling, Arsacid-oriented dynasty’s con
version to Judaism in the first century A.D. under Queen
Helena (Josephus, Ant. XX, 2).1 Her grandson, Abgar VII,
ruled from A.D. 109 to 116 as King of Osrhoene, which for
a short period in about the middle of the first century was
under the control of Adiabene. But direct sources for the
history of Iranian Christianity in the early centuries are
few, and because their basic nature is more or less in the
form of legend it is difficult to draw conclusions from them.
But we are not wholly without resources. The Syriac docu
ments on the martyrs contain valuable information Cfor example,
that Karkä dg Bet S9l5k from as early as the Arsacid Baiäs'
t^me (= Vologeses III, A.D. ll+8-19l) had been "a blessed
field for Christianity!,^ and important details can be gleaned
by painstaking research into such works as The Arbela Chronicle
(even^though,^as has been claimed,3 this may be a late product),
Doctrina Addai3 bt which describes Osrhoene's Christianisation,
The Edessa Chronicle3 S The Apostle Mär Märi's Story (tas'Itä),6
12
which is, however, a document with a specific purpose expres
sing Seleukia-Ktesifon's ambitions towards supremacy, Bar-
daisän's Book of the Laws of Countries and the so-called
Serert C h r o n i c l e written in Arabic by a Nestorian at the
beginning of the eleventh century, as well as the oldest
synod's subscription lists Csee Gernot Wiessner, MZu den
Suhskriotionslisten der ältesten christlichen Synoden in Iran",
Festschrift für Wilhelm Eiters, Wiesbaden 1967, pp.288ffD and
certain inscriptions, the "Aberkios inscription" from the
second century and the fanatical Zoroastrian church leader
barter's inscription from the third century, and from archaeo
logical information, barter not only found it worthwhile to
point out that he had persecuted the Christians, but he also
gave a classification in which he referred to them as "Naza-
renes and Christians",® and therefore - according to the most
probable interpretation - as Syriac-speaking and Greek-speak
ing respectively; in other words, indigenous and, by deport
ation, "imported" Christians, weighty evidence of Christiani
ty's position in third-century Iran! All this taken together
and compared with the information available from the synodal
documents reveals that firmly established Christian communi
ties existed on Iranian territory from the beginning of the
second century, and that these consolidated themselves at a
comparatively early date by adopting a certain form or orga
nisation, which from the end of the third century became more
and more widespread. The zenith came in the fifth century,
when Nestorianism, with its emphasis on Jesus' human aspect,
created the preconditions for a specific Iranian Christianity
of a markedly anti-ascetic character.
At the Synod in Bet Läpät in 48^, the Nestorian consti-
tutio dogmatica was officially confirmed as the only standard
for the Iranian Christian Church, and this decision was re
peated without modification by the following legitimate
synods: Mär 'Aqaq's in i+86, which finally abolished celibacy,
and Mär Bäbay's in 1+97. The numerous Iranian names among
both laity and clergy that are to be found in ecclesiastical
documents of every kind dating from the fifth century itself
are also an indication of the great extent to which the ap
proaches towards Nestorianism furthered the mission among the
ruling Zoroastrian dynasty's own countrymen.9 In this very
dynasty’s - the Sasanids' - native province of Färs, or
Persis, there can be detected at the same period (from 1+20)
a strong movement towards the creation of a Christo-Persian
literature in the form of translations from the Syriac,10 and
there is every reason to believe that the foundation was esta
blished here for Nestorianism's significant progress in Central
Asia and Chinese Turkestan, as well as in China itself from the
13
b e g in n in g o f th e sev en th c e n tu ry . The S o g d ia n t r a n s l a t i o n s
o f t h e B i b l e a n d m a r t y r o l o g i c a l and o t h e r t e x t s b e a r e l o q u e n t
w itn e ss to t h i s p ro g re ss. These and o t h e r I r a n i a n t e x t s c a l l
t h e C h r i s t i a n s ta rsä kä n ( S o g d ia n t r s ’ q t ) , " t h o s e who f e a r
( G o d ) " , w h ic h d i r e c t l y l e a d s t h e m in d onw a rd s t o t h e New
T e s ta m e n t's (j>o(3ouvievcu (xöv 0 e o v ) (= a e ß o y e v o i xöv ö e o v ) . 11
C h r is tia n L ite r a tu r e in th e I r a n ia n Language.
Long b e f o r e t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f o f f i c i a l d i p l o m a t i c
r e l a t i o n s b e tw e e n t h e S a s a n i d s a n d C h i n a , h e r a l d e d b y t h e
I r a n i a n d e l e g a t i o n ' s a r r i v a l a t t h e Wei E m p e r o r 's c a p i t a l i n
^55 and c o n t i n u e d a f t e r t h e S a s a n i d d y n a s t y ' s d e s t r u c t i o n
( u n t i l a s l a t e a s 9 8 U ) , 12 S o g d ia n m e r c h a n t s u s e d t h e C e n t r a l
A sian c a ra v a n r o u t e s , a c r o s s K asyar t o t h e n o r t h e r l y r o u t e
v i a Kucä - Agni - T u r f a n - K hoco, o r a l o n g t h e s o u t h e r l y
r o u t e v i a Y arkand - K hotan - N iy a - L ou-L an ( K r o r a i n a ) .
S o g d ia n becam e t h e t r a d e r ' s l i n g u a f r a n c a i n t h e same way
t h a t P e r s i a n became t h e m a r i n e r ' s , s i n c e t h e l i n k s b e tw e e n
C h in a and t h e S a s a n i d s (a n d l a t e r t h e S a m a n id s) w e re i n
c r e a s i n g l y c o n d u c t e d b y s e a . 13
I n C e n t r a l A s i a , t h e S o g d ia n was known a s t h e m e r c h a n t
par e x cellen ce. He l o v e d t r a d i n g a n d p r o f i t , s a y t h e C h in e s e
s o u r c e s . 14 T h i s i s p r o b a b l y n o t w i t h o u t b a s i s , s i n c e w ords
s u c h a s t h e S o g d ia n p u r e , " d e b t " , a n d r r r ’s , " h i r e d s e r v a n t " , 15
have been ad o p ted i n t o t h e T u rk is h la n g u a g e . The I r a n i a n i n
g e n e r a l , and p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e S o g d i a n , was so much o f a
m e r c h a n t t h a t a l l o t h e r c o m m e r c ia l a c t i v i t i e s i n w h ic h t h e
I r a n i a n now and t h e n a p p e a r s , a c c o r d i n g t o t h e s u r v i v i n g
h i s t o r i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n , a r e q u i t e overshadow ed. He was a
m e r c h a n t who t o o k t h e r o u g h w i t h t h e sm o o th . The S o g d ia n
tr a d in g c o lo n ies - o fte n of s ig n if ic a n t p ro p o rtio n s - th a t
a r e known f r o m , f o r e x a m p le , T u n - h u a n g and Lob N o r, o f c o u r s e
p lay ed t h e i r p a r t in e s t a b l i s h i n g t h i s r e p u t a t i o n . But t h r o u g h
o u t t h e a g e s t h e t r a d e r h a s done more t h a n m e r e l y o f f e r h i s
goods f o r s a l e ; he was a l s o t h e m e s s e n g e r b r i n g i n g t i d i n g s o f
a l l t h i n g s new and s t r a n g e fro m o t h e r r e g i o n s . He was t h e
g r e a t c o l p o r t e u r o f r e l i g i o n s , a p o p u la r f i g u r e i n B uddhist
J ä t a k a and A vadäna l i t e r a t u r e , i n M a n ic h a e a n n a r r a t i v e s and
in C h r is tia n - p a r t i c u l a r l y S y riac - l i t e r a t u r e . So p o p u l a r
was h e t h a t among t h e B u d d h i s t s a m e r c a n t i l e t i t l e s u c h a s
s ä r t h a v ä h a , " c a r a v a n l e a d e r " , came t o be r e g a r d e d a s w o r th y
o f u s e when r e f e r r i n g t o t h e g r e a t t e a c h e r s , t a t h ä g a t a s , b o d h i -
s a t t v a s , a n d , among t h e M a n ic h a e a n s ( d o u b t l e s s f o l l o w i n g a
B u d d h i s t m o d e l ) , Mani h i m s e l f , " t h e g r e a t c a r a v a n l e a d e r "
( w z y s t s r t w * ) . 16
14
The information conveyed in this way from tribe to tribe
and from town to town along the caravan routes in many cases
radically altered the established order and had world-histori
cal consequences. In the cultural history of Central Asia -
and therefore of the whole of Asia - these anonymous forces
played by no means the least important role. This is also
true of the Christian missionaries from Iran, who laid the
foundation for and amplified the religious goods that could
be colportaged. The merchant could in this way also play the
part of missionary. Christianity's pioneers in Central Asia
immediately saw the necessity of having the holy scriptures
translated into Sogdian, but this did not cause them to aban
don their Syriac tradition. It is true that they wished to
create a Christian Sogdian language, but for the sake of
logical clarity a large number of Syriac term-ini technici
were introduced Ce.g. ’psqwp*, ps£py, "bishop"; clyb* (Syr.
slibhä, "cross"); knwn (Syr. känonä, "canon"); mnyn’ (Syr.
menyänä, "Numeri"); mpqn’ (Syr. mapqänü, "Exodus"); qwrbn’
(Syr. qürbänä, "Eucharist"), etc.3, 7 and - of great importance
to text-historical studies - the Syriac text was in many cases
retained side by side with the Sogdian translation. Because
of the nature of the matter, the material is of limited range,
but nevertheless it is sufficient to give us certain clues.
For the time being, the following Sogdian New Testament texts
are available (i.e. published),18 and like other Christian
Iranian and Uighur-Turkish documents they originate mainly
from the Bulayiq locality north of Turfan Cmap, e.g. Plate 2
in A. von Gabain's Das Leben im uigurischen Königreich von
Qoco (850-1250)3 Veröffentlichungen der Societas Uralo-Altaica,
6 (Tafelband), Wiesbaden 19733:
Matthew 5, 30-33.38-41; 10, lU-19 and 21-33; 13, 17-19
and 24-25; l6, 24-17,7; 20, 17-19; 21, 28-43; 24, 24-26 and
32-33 (Sundermann, p. 238); 24, 31-45-
Luke 1, 1-4 (bilingual, Syriac-Sogdian) and 63-80;
6, 12-17; 9, 13ff; 10, 34-42; 12, 24, (3l) Ctext M 399R,
Manichaean-Sogdian and not from Bulayiq; see W. Sundermann,
"Christliche Evangelientexte der iranisch-manichäischen
Literatur", M I O , XIV, Heft 3, 1968, 403f; Sundermann gives
in his article a number of other New Testament passages or
echoes of such passages in Manichaean literature!! and 35-39
as well as 42-44; 13, 3-4; l6, 15-27; 24, 19-47 Ccf. Sundermann,
pp. 238ff; with a noteworthy textual variant in v. 22 "But
some women of us proclaim a miracle (wyd3sywny )" compared with
the Greek text's "have amazed us" (Heoxnaav qyas) and Peshit-
t a ’s atmdhän, "have astounded us"; Vetus Syra omits the item;
15
see for example Adalbert Merx, Die vier kanonischen Evange
lien nach ihrem ältesten bekannten Textes Berlin 1897, p.1773.
John 1, 19-35; 3, 18-21 and 26-27 (Sundermann, pp. 228f);
5, 25-31 and 33-40; 9, 9-l6 and 30-38; 10 Conly a reference
(Syriac-Sogdian): "And so said (the Lord) Jesus to the Jewish
crowds cf., however, Sundermann, p. 236l; 15, 18-20;
16, 20-33; 17, 24-26; 20, 19-25; 21, 1 and 5-7.
1 Cor. 5,7 (bilingual); 11, 23-25.
Gal. 3, 25 - 4, 6 (bilingual).
There is no question here of a translation from the New
Testament as such but of a translation of those New Testament
texts that constituted the Nestorian church year’s pericopic
texts Csee A. Baumstark, "Neue soghdisch-nestorianische Bruch
stücke", 0C N.S. IV, pp.l23ff, and F.C. Burkitt, The Religion
of the Manichees3 Cambridge 1925, pp. 119ffJ. A thorough
investigation15 of these texts’ relationship to their Syriac
original shows with all possible clarity that they correspond,
with no great deviations, to the Peshitta text we know. What
is crucial in this context is primarily, of course, the bi
lingual texts and the passages where Peshitta clearly goes
against both Sinaiticus and Curetonianus.
But even though the fundamental character of these frag
ments clearly brings them within a sound Peshitta tradition,
they occasionally either go their own way - admittedly only
on small points - or follow the Vetus Syra texts we know: for
Matt. 10, 29, for example, the Sogdian text has "without your
God’s, the Father’s, will (ryz)",20 rendering the difficult
aveu t o O Traxpos uywv. There is everything to suggest that we
are concerned here with a Christian-Iranian textual tradition,
since it also appears in the Zoroastrian polemical script
Skandgumänlk vicär, "The doubt-dispelling explanation" (see
DTT, 1968, pp. 171ff), with its "only at the Father’s command"
(be farm^n i Pit), and in the Persian Diatessaron (3.9.: be
farmän-i pidar-i sumä, "without your Father's command").21
Although the Syriac textual witnesses Peshitta and Sinaiticus
(with their bei* ad. men abükün\ Curetonianus does not have
this passage)22 as well as Tatian follow the Greek text23this
does not exclude the fact that the Iranian versions could be
Vetus Syra witnesses, since these, according to Arthur Vööbus’
comprehensive and convincing investigations, were far more
16
widespread and are not represented only by Sinaiticus and
Curetonianus. And as another example we may take Matt. IT, 1,
where the Sogdian text. T.II. B.17 (Müller, APAW, 1912, pp.
15-16) adds "very" (syr)) to "a high mountain" in the same
way as D (Bezae Cantabrigiensis) and Eusebius do.24 But
these and similar examples show once again that Vetus Syra
is not just a homogeneous concept, but, on the contrary, a
vigorous, versatile, variable and free tradition.
Biblical literature in general makes available to us in
Iranian fragments a Sogdian, a Middle Persian (in an archaic
script) and an Early New-Persian translation of the Psalms.
The Sogdian fragments include Pss.5,1* - 6,U; 19,1 - 20,1;
23,U - 2U,10; 29,1 - 30,1 and 50,15 - 51,5, all of which
follow, apart from minor details, the Syriac text.25
F.C. Andreas, who was the first to turn his attention to the
matter, considered that the manuscript, with fragments of
the Middle Persian translation of the Psalms (i.e. Pss. 9^-99,
118 and 121-136), must on palaeographic grounds and from the
fact that Mär Abhä’s Canons are mentioned date from the middle
of the sixth century, but he also concluded, on the basis of
a comparison with the oldest Peshitta manuscripts, Ambrosianus
and British Museum Add. 17110, that the actual translation of
the Psalms was substantially older, probably from the period
1*10-20. 25 Kaj Barr, the publisher of the fragments, was,
however, more inclined to accept the seventh century as the
date of both the manuscript and the translation.27 The Middle
Persian translation follows its Syriac original faithfully,
displaying only a few divergencies, for example 118, 138
where it has "I remembered ..." (’b y ’t-m bwty), whereas
Peshitta reads "Thou appointed ..." (pqdt), corresponding to
the Massoretic text (= 119, 138, S'iwuttä), and tallying in
individual instances with the Hebrew text when compared with
the Syriac, for example Ps. 9^,22b: "... and my God ..."
(’P-m yzdty = w ’lhy as opposed to the Syriac’s alähä).28 The
Early New-Persian example29 also gives the Syriac text, and
includes Pss. 131,18; 132,1; 133, 1-3; 1^6,5 - 1^7,7, according
to Peshitta's account (in the Massoretic text Pss. 132,18;
133,1; 13^,1-3 and 1^+7,5-l8), with Syriac and Persian refer
ences to Pss. 132, 133, and lU6.30
Significant evidence of the Nestorians’ indefatigable
work in disseminating the mother church’s Syriac literature
in Central Asia is to be found in the many Iranian translations
of the non-Biblical texts.31
17
1. The Nestorian Creed (F.W.K. Müller, APAW, 1912, pp.
8Uff; here, in the third Article, M ..and [the holyl apostolic
Christian (trsäkäni) coiranunity (’ncinn)").
2. "An account of how our [Lord'si Cross was found in
the City of Jerusalem in the days of the pious Queen Helena,
mother of the victorious friend-of-God King Constantine"
(this and the following texts are published in F.W.K. Müller
and W. Lentz, "Soghdische Texte, II", SPAW, 193^, pp. 512ff,
the Syriac original pp. 556ff).
3. The- Martyrdom of Sergios, fragment (Syriac as in
P. Bedjan, Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum. Ill, p. 316, lines 9-17,
p. 317, lines 11-15 and p. 318, lines 5-10).
k. The Barshabbä fragments [from the narratives on Bishop
Barshabbä and Queen Shir; a shortened Arabic version is to be
found in the S e cert Chronicle (translated into German by
Eduard Sachau in "Die Christianisierungs-Legende von Merw",
Festschrift für Graf von Baudissin3 Beih. zur ZAW3 33, 1918,
pp. 1+OOff):.
5. Simon fragment (from the apocryphal Acts of Peter,
but in a liberal revision by an unknown author).
6. Daniel fragment [Daniel's interpretation of dreams
before King Nebuchadnezzar (Sogd. nbwkdncr), but wholly
divergent from Dan.2, 27ff; at the end of the fragment the
story of Bel in Babylon begins, but this also is formulated
in a different way from that in the apocryphal supplement to
The Book of Daniel1.
7. The exhortations for Christian patience [the text's
Syriac source is not known; the text is structurally close to
the paradigmatic prayers particularly favoured by the Nestor-
ians [cf. A. Baumstark, "Paradigmengebete der ostsyrischen
Kirchendichtung", O C , N.S. X, lff)l.
8. The Martyrdom of St. George (Olaf Hansen, Bruckstücke
einer soghdischen Version der Georgspassion (C 1)3 Berliner
soghdische Texte. I, APAW , 19^+1; the latest edition of the
Syriac text, with English translation, is E.W. Brooks, "Acts
of St. George", Le Ituseon, XXXVIII, 1952, 67-115; on the
language in the St. George Passion see linile Benveniste,
"Fragments des actes de Saint Georges en version sogdienne",
18
J A 3 CCXXXIV, 19*+3-*+5, 91ff, which also contributes significantly
to a better understanding of the text, and Ilya Gershevitch, "On
the Sogdian St. George Passion” , JRAS, 19*+6, 179ff). The
religious-history substitutions in this text are not without
interest.
9. Fragments of Euagrios Pontikos' Antirrhetikos with
quotations, important from a textual-history aspect, from Genesis,
Exodus, Deuteronomy, The Books of Kings, The Books of Samuel,
Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, The Song of Solomon and Psalms (these
and the following text-fragments are published by Olaf Hansen,
Bruchstücke der grossen Sammelhandschrift C 2, Berliner sog-
dische Texte, II, AWLMGS, Jahrg. 195*+, Nr. 15, 825ff; cf. in
this regard fi. Benveniste, "fitudes sur quelques textes sogdian
chretiens",JA, CCXLIII, 1955, 297ff, and CCXLVII, 1959, 115ff).
10. The Martyrdom of the 111 Men and the 9 Women, and
Barbarshemin's Martyrdom (giving known Syriac sources, as in
the majority of the following texts).
11. The Martyrdom of Saint Anähita (Näkhid).
12. The Martyrdom of Saint Adurhormizd.
13. The Martyrdom of Saint Pethion (cf. the Syriac text
in Josephus Corluy, "Historia Sancti Mar Pethion Martyris".
Syriace et Latine. Analecta Bollandiana, VII, 1888, 5ff).
1*+. The Martyrdom of Saint Yazdin.
15. The Martyrdom of Saint Tharbo.
16. The Martyrdom of Saint Shähdöst.
17. The Martyrdom of Saint Eustathius.
18. The Martyrdom of Saint Theodosius.
19. An Adursrösh fragment.
20. Fragment of a work by Mär Babai.
21. A text on the Garden of Eden.
22. A sheet of manuscript with a passage from Abbas
Jesajas' Oratio de humilitate IMigne, PG Uo, 1157fH.
19
23. A fragment of Apophthegmata patrum (cf. E.A. Wallis
Budge, The Book of Paradise, 1, 190U, 809ff).
2k. A fragment of a homily.
25. A number of fragments of an abstract from the Aposto
lic Canons (here line 88 , p. 897 gives wcync nwm "the Old Law",
i.e. The Old Testament; the Syriac text is published by Angelo
Mai in Scriptorum Veterum Nova Colleotio, X, 1838 , l69ff).
26. Parts of a text on baptism, the Eucharist and the
divine mercy towards Creation.
27. A fragment of a text on angels (frystyt) and demons
{dyilt).
28. Fragment of Palladius’ Paradise (French translation
with notes by Smile Benveniste, JA, CCXLVII, 1959, 317f).
29. A number of unidentified fragments C"Father Antonius"
(p. 913), on Jesus’ baptism in the Jordan (ywrdnn) (p.9lk)l.
30. A letter from Presbyter (msy&r) Sergios (srkys)
with greetings to the monk (swkb’r) David (t'wy<5) (published
by Hans Reichelt in Die soghdisohen Handschriftenreste des
Britischen Museums3 II. Teil, Heidelberg 1931, 58-9; cf.
Martin Schwartz, A F , I, 197*+, 257, note U).
31. A collection of texts not yet published (see Olaf
Hansen, "Die christliche Literatur", Handbuch der Orientalistik3
I. k. Bd, 2,1, Leiden/Köln 1968, 96ff):
a) The Martyrdom of Saint Miles.
b) The Martyrdom of Saint Serapion Sidonita.
c) Sayings of an unidentified Rabban Shem’on.
d) A work by Johanan Dailömayä.
e) An unknown text referring to The Ten Commandments
quotes - in the context of a Messianic prophecy -
Psalm 2 and mentions various eating prohibitions.
f) Introductory words of some hymns.
g) List of names of saints.
h) A fully preserved sheet with a conversation between
•teacher and disciple about Noah and Mary Magdalene.
i) A fragment of an historical text, probably a trans
lation of a Syriac church-historical work, whose
20
allusions to Central Asian conditions may indicate a
local origin.
An Iranian language was also spoken in other parts of
Central Asia. This was Saka or Khotan-Saka/Khotanese (after
the kingdom of Khotan, where the texts originate). All the
texts from Khotan, both Iranian and Tibetan, are Buddhist,
and this accords beautifully with the country's historical
and well-documented reputation of having been a centre of
Buddhist studies throughout the centuries. Not until about
the year 1,000 was Islam's victory in Khotan conclusive.
However, there also were Christians in this part of Central
Asia, open as it was to Sogdian merchants and therefore to
external influences. But undoubtedly the communities would
have been too small and too poor to promote their literature,
even though the eleventh-century Islamic historian Gardizi
(in Zainu’l-akhbar) speaks of two Christian churches in
Khotan itself. However, no examples of Christian Khotanese
literature are available, but one text, brought to light by
Sir Harold Bailey in Cambridge,32 contains the word "Christian"
(klrästfnä) (Mongolian kiristan) in referring to a church
magnate (hvästä, "best, supreme"; Avestic hvöista-, Sogdian
ywystk etc., "teacher, superior, high priest, presbyter",
see H.W. Bailey, Indo-Saythicm Studies Being Khotanese Texts3
VI, Cambridge, 1967, ^35)-
Christian literature in Uighur-Turkish
Christianity also gained a foothold among the Central
Asian Turkish people, but its strength and the extent of its
diffusion cannot be determined precisely. It is, however,
certain that Central Asia had Christian Turkish communities
from at least the seventh century until the thirteenth/four
teenth centuries, when trace of them is lost. Metropolitan
Elias of Merv is said to have brought Christianity to the
Turkish people. According to Chronicon Anonymum dating from
the end of the seventh century, "he converted many of the Turks
(twrky) and other people to the Faith" [Chronica Minora, ed.
Ignatius Guidi, CSC03 Scriptores Syri3 Series Tertia, Tome IV,
1903, p. 3^ (Syriac text) and p. 28 (Latin translation)1. That
the activities of Elias and other missionaries were not com
pletely in vain is apparent from the fact that viable Christian
communities are known to have existed in the Uighur Kingdom of
Khoco right up to the end of the thirteenth century, when
Emperor Qubilayi sent two monks, both Uighurs, as ambassadors
to the Far West.33 This is confirmed in a unique manner by
the accounts of Nestorians in Central Asia given by such
21
t r a v e l l e r s a s Marco P o l o , G u illa u m e de R u b r u k , and P la n o C a r -
p i n i , 34 and - t a k i n g C e n t r a l A s i a a s a w hole - s e l f - e v i d e n t
a r e t h e many S y r i a c and S y r o - T u r k i s h e p i t a p h s fro m P i s h p e k
( p r e s e n t - d a y F r u n z e ) , Toqmaq ( c f . Map V, p . 279 i n V .M in o r s k y ,
Hudüd a l rAlccm: The Regions o f th e W orld," E .J.W . Gibb Memo
r i a l ” , N .S . X I, O xford 1937) a n d t h e T u r f a n r e g i o n d a t i n g
from t h e t w e l f t h t o f o u r t e e n t h c e n t u r i e s . 35 I t i s u n d o u b t e d
l y c o i n c i d e n t a l - in th e c o n te x t o f t h i s h i s t o r y o f t h e N es-
t o r i a n m i s s i o n - t h a t we know o f so v e r y few C h r i s t i a n T u r k i s h
t e x t s , 35 a s i s i n f a c t t h e c a s e . T h e ir n a tu re perhaps i n d i
c a t e s t h a t t h e r e m ust h a v e b e e n many m ore . L ik e t h e C h r i s t i a n
S o g d ia n t e x t s , t h e y w ere a l l f o u n d i n t h e N e s t o r i a n m o n a s t i c
com plex i n t h e B u l a y i q r e g i o n :
1. A d o u b l e s h e e t ( T . I I . B . 2 9 ) w i t h q u i t e a c o m p r e h e n s i v e
e x t r a c t fro m a t e x t on t h e Wise Men (M agi, m o y o c - l a r ) fr o m
t h e O r i e n t ( p u b l i s h e d and t r a n s l a t e d by F.W.K. M u l l e r , " U i g u r -
i c a " , APAWj 1 9 0 8 , N r. 2 , p p . 5 - 1 0 ; r e - t r a n s l a t e d w i t h l i n g u i s t i c
n o t e s b y W. B ang, " T ü r k i s c h e B r u c h s t ü c k e e i n e r n e s t o r i a n i s e h e n
G e o r g s p a s s i o n " , Le Museon, 3 9 , 1 9 2 6 , 4 4 f f , a n d a g a i n p u b l i s h e d
w i t h R u s s i a n t r a n s l a t i o n by S .E . M alov, Pconjatniki d revn e-
tju r k s k o j p i s ’m ennosti, M o sc o w -L e n in g ra d 1 9 5 1 , p p . 1 3 2 f f ;
f r a g m e n t a r y v a r i a n t s o f t h i s i n A. von Le Coq, Kurze Einführung
in d ie u igu risoh e S ch riftku n de, M i t t e i l u n g e n d e s S e m in a r s f ü r
O r ie n ta lis c h e S prachen, 1919, W e s ta s ia tis c h e S tu d ie n , p p . l O l f ) .
The U i g h u r - T u r k i s h v e r s i o n r e s t s u l t i m a t e l y - s i n c e a S o g d ia n
i n t e r m e d i a t e l i n k i s n o t im p r o b a b l e - on a S y r i a c t r a n s l a t i o n
o f th e P ro tev an g eliu m Ja c o b i. T h i s i s q u i t e a p p a r e n t from t h e
c o n n e c t i o n b e tw e e n t h e M a g i’ s a d o r a t i o n and t h e k i l l i n g o f
Z a c h a r i a s ( P r o t e v . J a c . , C haps. 2 1 - 2 3 ) 37 a n d from t h e common
u s e o f t h e t i t l e "H igh P r i e s t " ( u l u y d i n t a r ; P r o t e v . J a c . , 8:
d p x ie p e u s). But d u r i n g i t s l o n g m i g r a t i o n t o t h e i n t e r i o r o f
A s ia t h e t e x t h a s a c q u i r e d c e r t a i n a d d i t i o n s t h a t a r e o f im
p o r t a n c e t o r e l i g i o u s h i s t o r y ! When t h e s t a r t h e Magi f o l
low ed - i t r e l a t e s - came t o a s t o p , t h e y f o u n d " t h e M e s s i a h ,
God" (m s ik h a t ( ä ) n g r i ) and t h e y b r o u g h t t h e i r g i f t s and p r a i s e d
" t h e K ing M e s s ia h " ( i l i g khan m s i k h a ) , t h i n k i n g t h a t i n h i s
n a t u r e a s " G o d 's Son" ( t ( a ) n g r i o y l i ) , "K in g " ( i l i g k h a n ) and
" P h y s i c i a n " ( o t a c i ä m c i) he w ould c h o o s e t h e g i f t s a p p r o p r i a t e
t o each t i t l e . And J e s u s r e a d t h e i r t h o u g h t s a n d b a d e th e m go
p e a c e f u l l y on t h e i r way. As he s a i d t h i s , he b r o k e a p i e c e o f
s t o n e fro m h i s s t o n e c r i b and g a v e i t t o t h e M agi. They
a c c e p t e d i t b u t c o u l d n o t c a r r y i t , a n d i t a l s o was t o o h e a v y
fo r th e ir horse. A fte r a s h o rt d is c u s s io n , th e y d ecid ed t o
c a s t t h e s t o n e i n t o a w e l l , w h ic h " h a p p e n e d t o b e t h e r e "
22
(antaca), and departed. But as they looked around there
arose from the well a "great radiance of fire" (uluy yaruq),
and they realised that a miracle had taken place and that
they had not understood that Jesus had given them a "gem"
worthy of adoration (or "treasure, jewel", ärdini, from
Sanskrit ratna). But "this is why the Magi from that time
to the present day worship fire (oot)". Thereupon appeared
to them "the divine (heavenly) angel" (t(ä)ngridäm vristi;
Protev. Jac., 21: ayyeAos, 22: ayyeAos Kupiou) and led them
along another way, so they did not come to King Herod
(khirodis khan).
According to this aetiological legend, which presupposes
a Christian mission among the Zarathustrians and appears to
have no exact parallel elsewhere in Christian literature,38
the text continues with the Zacharias episode. However,
there must have existed an Iranian Christian tradition on
the emergence of the fire cult, since the Arabian poly
historian Masfudi (tenth century) in his work "The Gold
washing places" refers to an analogous version,38 and Marco
Polo heard something similar in Iran itself.40
2. A fragment (T.II.B.l) of uncertain origin and genre
Cpublished by A. von Le Coq, "Ein christliches und ein mani-
chäisches Manuskriptfragment in Türkischer Sprache aus Turfan
(Chinesisch-Turkistan)", SPAW, 1909, pp. 1205-8, and re
published by W. Bang, op.eit.3 Le Museon, 39, 1926, 53ff3.
"The Apostle Zavtai" (zawtay patyamwar, i.e. Zebedaeus ) is
mentioned, and Luke is quoted (non-canonical quotation);
in Bang’s translation the text reads (op.eit. pp.5^-5):
"0 mein Sohn! Dein Weg ist dieser. Höre jetzt Gottes Befehl!
Geh nicht auf jenem Weg zu dieser Zeit (bei dieser Gelegen
heit)! Wenn Du aber ohne zu gehorchen (doch) gehst, so wirst
Du in die grosse Grube fallen. Wenn Du fragst warum, (so
ist’s weil) der böse Feind auf Dich wartet und Dich ver
derben will. 18. BEFEHL (GEBOT). Günstig ist er. So spricht
der Apostel Zawtai: Du gleichst, Du Menschensohn, jener Kuh,
die von Weitem rief nach ihrem Kalb, das sich verirrt hatte.
Als das Kalb die Stimme seiner Mutter hörte, kam es schnell
zu seiner Mutter zurückgelaufen und es (sie?) wurde beruhigt
(beruhigte sich). Ebenso auch werden sich die Deinigen,
welche sich (von Dir) entfernt haben, alsbald wieder in
grosser Freude (mit Dir) vereinigen. 19. BEFEHL (GEBOT).
Ungünstig ist er. So spricht der Apostel Lukas: Du Menschen-
Sohn, wasch Deine Hände rein! Habe keine Furcht vor dem
Bösen (sondern bekämpfe es tapfer)! Halt Deine Gedanken
rein! Alles was Dir Deine Liebe zu Gott eingiebt, das tue
vollständig! Wenn (Du es nicht) vollständig (tust) ...."
23
On the basis of the text’s ädgü ol, "this is good”, and
yawZaq oZ, ’’this is bad” , Bang considered that from the view
point of genre-history it must be of the same nature as the
Old Turkish omen book ("fortune book” , "Wahrsagebuch” ),41
published by Vilh. Thomsen, while A. Baumstark conjectured
that "wir haben es mit einer Apostelmoral von der Art der
in der ersten Hälfte der sog. Apostol. KO. aufgegangenen zu
tun, die textlich allerdings zu jener keinerlei Beziehung
zeigt" (OC3 N.S. III, 1913, 331).
3. A passage (T.II. B.66) from the end of the St.George
Passion, edited and translated by A. von Le Coq, "Türkische
Manichaica aus Chotscho. III. Nebst einem christlichen Bruch
stück aus Bulayiq", APAW3 1922, Nr. 2, pp. 1+8-9, republished
with translation and notes by W. Bang, op.cit.3 Le Museon3
39, 1926, 64ff). This corresponds approximately to p. 9b
(translation, pp. 113-11+) of the Syriac text published by
E.W. Brooks (see above). A Sogdian translation perhaps
formed the intermediate link.
Nestorianism played a not insignificant part in the
history of the Church. The texts from Central Asia, so com
prehensive and versatile, demonstrate that it should not be
turned to only when the heretics are to be castigated, but
most certainly also when the Church’s literary and missionary
history and the New Testament’s textual history are being
written.42
Notes
1. Jacob Neusner, "The Conversion of Adiabene to Judaism",
JBL, 83, 196U, 60ff.
2. P. Bedjan, Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum, II, Paris 1891,
512, 11. 8 and 10.
3. J.-M. Fiey, "Auteur et date de la Chronique d ’Arbeles",
Or Syr, 12, 1967, 265-302. Also see Jes P. Asmussen,
"Zoroastriernes kritik af kristendommen", DTTS 1968,
p. 162.
1+. George Phillips, ed., The Doctrine of Addai3 the Apostle3
London 1876.
24
5. From sixth century, Ignatius Guidi, ed., Chronica
Minora, CSC03 Scriptores Syri3 Ser. Ill, Tomus IV,
1904, 3-4 (transl.) and 1-3 (text).
6. J.B. Abbeloos, ed., Analecta Bollandiana3 4, 1885,
50ff.
7. Addai Scher, J. Perier, and P. Dib., eds., Patrologia
0rientalis3 IV, V, VII. The Bardaisän text is published
by Frangois Nau (Bardesane, Le Livre des Lois des Pais3
Texte Syriaque, Paris 1931) and by H.J.W. Drijvers
(The Book of the Laws of Countries: dialogue on Fate
of Bardaisan of Edessa3 Assen 1965. See also H.J.W.
Drijvers, Bardaisan of Edessa3 Assen 1966.
8. Line 10 , Marie-Louise Chaumont, ed., JA3 i960, pp.343,
347 and 358. The Malabar community in India similarly
differentiates between Christians (referring to
Christians of Greek origin) and Nazrani (<Näs^räyä,
referring to Christians of Semitic origin); see E.R.
Hambye, "Note sur les communautes orientales du Malabar",
Or Syr, I, 1956, 99.
9. Cf., for example, I. Guidi, "Ostsyrische Bischöfe und
Bischofssitze im V., VI., VII. Jahrhundert", ZDMG, 43,
1889, 397f.
10. E. Sachau, "Litteratur-Bruchstücke aus Chinesisch-
Turkistan", SPAW, 1905, p. 977 and Gernot Wiessner,
"Zur Auseinandersetzung zwischen Christentum und Zoro-
astrismus in Iran", ZDMG3 Supplementa I, XVII. Deutscher
Orientalistentag vom 21. bis 27- July 1968 in Würzburg,
Voträge, Teil 2, Wiesbaden 1969, pp.4llff.
11. See now Shlomo Pines, "The Iranian Name for Christians
and the ’God-Fearers'", The Israel Academy of Sciences
and Humanities3 Proceedings3 vol. 2, No.7, Jerusalem
1967, l43ff. On Christianity’s history in Iran in
general, see, for example, Jes P. Asmussen, "Das Christen
tum in Iran und sein Verhältnis zum Zoroastrismus",
Stud Th3 XVI, 1962, Iff, and idem, "Zoroastriernes
kritik af kristendommen", BTT, 1968, pp. l6lff. The
main work is still J. Labourt, Le christianisme dans
l 1empire perse sous la dynastie sassanide (224-632)3
Paris 1904.
12. Edvard H. Schafer, "Iranian Merchants in T ’ang Dynasty
Tales", Semitic and Oriental Studies Presented to
25
W illiam Popper , e d i t e d "by W a l t e r J . F i s c h e i , U n i v e r s i t y
o f C a l i f o r n i a P u b l i c a t i o n s i n S e m i t i c P h i l o l o g y , X I,
1951, b 0 3 ff. See a l s o , on t h e S o g d i a n s ’ w a n d e r i n g s
a s m e r c h a n t s , H.H. S c h a e d e r , " O s tro m i n d e r c h i n e s i s c h e n
Ü b e r l i e f e r u n g " , Forschungen und F o r t s c h r i tt e s 1 0 . J a h r g . ,
N r. 7 , p . 8 3 .
1 3 . S c h a f e r , o p . c i t . , p p . bob-5 w i t h r e f e r e n c e s . On "Hu
m e rc h a n ts" (m ain ly P e r s ia n s and S o g d ia n s ), se e i b i d .
p p . U 0 9 f f . R e l i g i o u s l y , t h e P e r s i a n s ’ i n f l u e n c e i n C h in a
a p p e a rs t o have been m in im al, p. b l 6 .
lb . J e s P. A sm ussen, " X u ä s t v ä n l f t . S t u d i e s i n M a n i c h a e i s m " ,
AThD, V I I , 1 9 6 5 , 1 U9 .
1 5 . i b i d . , p . 165 .
1 6 . t a g g ä r ä ; s e e A l f r e d Adam, "E rw ägungen z u r H e r k u n f t d e r
D i d a c h e " , ZKGa L X V III, 1 9 5 7 , 1 5 . C f . t h e b a s i c c o n c e p t
i n x P ^ x e P ^ o p o s , D id a c h e X I I , 5 ( e d . Hans L ie tz m a n n ,
K le in e T e x te 3 6 , 1 9 b 8 , p . 1 3 , l i n e 6 ) , b u t h e r e i n malam
p a rtem ; c f . t h e f o l l o w i n g TTpoaexeTe airö xtov xoiouxmv .’
17 . S e v e r a l e x a m p le s i n O la f H a n se n , "U ber d i e v e r s c h i e d e n e n
Q u e l l e n d e r c h r i s t l i c h e n L i t e r a t u r d e r S o g d e r " , AO, XXX,
Kc$benhavn 1966 , 9 5 f f , and £ . B e n v e n i s t e , Le v o c d b u la ire
c h r e tie n dans le s langues d 'A s ie C e n tra le , L ’ O r i e n t e
c r i s t i a n o n e l l a s t o r i a d e l l a c i v i l t ä , A ccadem ia N a z i o n a l e
d e i L i n c e i Anno CCCLXI, Roma 1 9 6 b , 8 5 f f . B en v en iste c i t e s
a number o f i n t e r e s t i n g Z a r a t h u s t r i a n w o rd s i n t h e C h r i s t
i a n S o g d i a n s ’ v o c a b u l a r y : w y stm ’ x (< v a h i s t - m ahüm ( a c c u s . ) ,
"th e b e s t e x is te n c e " , about p a r a d is e ; b u t not th e I r a n ia n
p a r i d a i z a - , w h ic h became T rapdSeiaos! ) , sim nu (< A hrim an)
about S atan ; e t c .
1 8 . F.W.K. M ü l l e r , " N e u t e s t a m e n t l i c h e B r u c h s t ü c k e i n s o g h -
d i s c h e r S p r a c h e " , SPAW, 1 9 0 7 , p p . 2 6 0 f f ; id e m , " S o g h d i s c h e
T e x t e I " , APAW, 1 9 1 2 ; W erner S u nderm ann, " N a c h l e s e z u
F.W.K. M ü l l e r s 'S o g h d i s c h e n T e x t e n I ’ " , I . T e i l , AF , I ,
1 9 7 b , 2 1 7 f f . See f u r t h e r id e m , " N a c h l e s e z u F.W.K. M ü l l e r s
’S o g h d i s c h e n T e x t e n I ’ " , I I . T e i l , AF, I I I , 1 9 7 5 , 5 5 - 9 0 .
I n t h e c o r p u s o f t e x t s p u b l i s h e d b y A.N. R a g o z y , S o g d ijs -
k ije . fragm enty ts e n tr a l'n o a z ia ts k o g o so b ra n ija I n s t i t u t a
V o sto ko ved en ija , Moskva 1 9 8 0 , t h e r e a r e no C h r i s t i a n
tra c e s.
26
19 . C u r t P e t e r s , "Der T e x t d e r s o g h d i s c h e n E v a n g e l i e n b r u c h
s t ü c k e und d a s P ro b le m d e r P e s i t t a " , OC, 33, 1 9 3 6 .
20. F.W.K. M ü l l e r , APAW, 1912, p . 9 , l i n e 1 a n d p . 1 0 , l i n e 1
( T . I I . B . 7 1 ) ; Sunderm ann, o p . c i t . 3 197^-» p . 2 5 ^ . Cf.
P e t e r s , o p . c i t . 3 1936, p .l6 o .
21. G iu s e p p e Me^ I n a , " D i a t e s s a r o n P e r s i a n o " , B ib lic a e t
O r ie n ta lia 3 ll*, Roma 1 9 5 1 , 206.
22 . Agnes S m ith L e w is , The Old S y ria c Gospels or E vangelion
da-M epharreshe3 London 1 9 1 0 , p . 2U, a n d Some Pages o f
th e Four G ospels R e -tr a n s c rib e d from th e S i n a i t i c
P a lim p sest w ith a T r a n s la tio n o f th e Whole T e x t3 London
1896, p .9 .
23 . Erw in P r e u s c h e n a n d A ugust P o t t , T a tia n s D ia tessa ro n 3
H e i d e l b e r g 1 9 2 6 , p . 102 ( t h e A r a b ic v e r s i o n ) , L o u is L e l o i r ,
Ephrem de N is ib e 3 Commentaire de 1 'E va n g ile Concordant ou
D ia tessa ro n 3 Sources C kretien n es 1 2 1 , P a r i s , 1 9 6 6 , p . 1 6 5 .
2h. On V e tu s S y r a ways o f r e a d i n g i n E u s e b i u s , s e e , f o r
e x a m p le , F. C r a w f o r d B u r k i t t , "S . E p h r a im ’ s Q u o t a t i o n s
from t h e G o s p e l ” , T e x ts and S tu d ie s 3 V I I , 2 , e d . by
J . A r m ita g e R o b i n s o n , C am bridge 1 9 0 1 , p p . 2 8 f f .
25 . M a r t i n S c h w a r t z , " S t u d i e s i n t h e T e x t o f t h e C h r i s t i a n
S o g d ian s", d i s s e r t a t i o n f o r t h e U n iv e r s ity o f C a l i f o r n i a ,
B e r k e l e y 1 9 6 7 , p p .l2 6 - U U , and h i s " S o g d ia n F r a g m e n ts o f
t h e Book o f Psalms " AF, I , S c h r i f t e n z u r G e s c h i c h t e und
K u ltu r des A lte n O rie n ts I I , 197^, 2 5 7 ff.
26 . F .C . A n d r e a s , " B r u c h s t ü c k e e i n e r P e h l e w i - U b e r S e t z u n g d e r
Psalm en a u s d e r S a s s a n i d e n z e i t '\SPAW3 1 9 1 0 , p . 8 7 0 .
27 . F .C . A n d re a s and Kaj B a r r , " B r u c h s t ü c k e e i n e r P e h l e v i -
U b e r s e t z u n g d e r P s a lm e n " , SPAW3 1 9 3 3 , p . 9*+. P sa lm 122
i s r e p u b l i s h e d , w i t h n o t e s , i n J . P . A sm ussen, "The P a h l a v i
P sa lm 122 i n E n g l i s h " , Dr. J.M. Unvala Memorial Volume3
Bombay 196U, p p , 1 2 3 f f . See a l s o P h .G ig n o u x , " L ’ a u t e u r
de l a v e r s i o n p e h l e v i e du p s a u t i e r s e r a i t - i l n e s t o r i e n ? " ,
Memorial Mgr. G abriel K h o u ri-S a rk is (1898-1968)3 L o u v a in
1 9 6 9 , p p . 2 3 3 f f , w here t h e q u e s t i o n p o sed i s answ ered
a ffirm a tiv e ly .
28. J e s P. A sm ussen, "Den g a m m e l t e s t a m e n t l i g e l i t t e r a t u r p a
j ^ d i s k - p e r s i s k " , DTT3 2 8 , 1 9 6 5 , 3 f , w i t h o t h e r e x a m p le s .
27
29. F.W.K. M i i l l e r , " E in s y r i s c h - n e u p e r s i s c h e s P s a lm e n b r u c h
s t ü c k a u s C h i n e s i s c h - T u r k i s t a n " , F e s t s c h r i f t Eduard
Sachau3 B e r l i n 1 9 1 5 , p p . 2 1 5 - 2 2 . A v e r s i o n o f t h e w hole
t e x t i s on P l a t e I I a t t h e b a c k o f t h e b o o k . I n a d d i t i o n ,
by way o f s u p p le m e n t t o M u l l e r ' s t e x t , s e e W erner S u n d e r -
mann, " E i n i g e Bemerkungen zum s y r i s c h - n e u p e r s i s c h e n
P s a l m e n b r u c h s t ü c k a u s C h i n e s i s c h - T u r k i s t a n " , M emorial
Jean de Menasce ( F o u n d a t i o n C u l t u r e l l e I r a n i e n n e 1 8 5 ) ,
L o u v a in 1 9 7 ^ , p p . U ^ 2 f f ( t h e h i t h e r t o u n p u b l i s h e d f r a g m e n t
T .II.B .6 U ).
30. J e s P e t e r A sm ussen, DTT, 2 8 , 1 9 6 U, h .
31. F o r t h i s , s e e O l a f H a n se n , D ie c h r i s t l i c h e L i t e r a t u r
d e r S o g h d ier, AWIM, J a h r b u c h 1 9 5 1 , p p . 2 9 6 f f , and h i s
"Die c h r i s t l i c h e L i t e r a t u r d e r S o g d i e r " , Handbuch d e r
O r i e n t a l i s t i k , I , U.Bd, 2 , 1 . L e i d e n / K ö l n 1 9 6 8 , 9 1 f f .
32. I r a n i c a " , BS0AS3 X I , I , 1 9 ^ 3 , U -5 ; In d o -S c y th ia n S tu d ie s
Being K hotanese T e x ts 3 IV , C am bridge 1 9 6 1 , p . 1 2 .
33. A .^v o n G a b a in , Das Leben im u ig u r is c h e n K ö n ig reic h von
Qoco (8 5 0 -1 2 5 0 )3 V e r ö f f e n t l i c h u n g e n d e r S o c i e t a s U r a l o -
A l t a i c a , Bd 6 , W iesbaden 1 9 7 3 , p . 3 1 .
3^. ^ e t i n D zum agulov, "D ie s y r i s c h - t ü r k i s c h e n ( n e s t o r i a n i s c h e n )
D enkm äler i n K i r g i s i e n " , MIO, XIV, H e f t 3 , 1 9 6 8 , l*70ff;
and Knud H a n n e s t a d , G uillaum e d e Rubruks r e j s e gennem
C e n tr a la s ie n (1 2 5 3 -1 2 5 5 )3 Kcfoenhavn 1 9 5 7 , p p . 97 f f .
35. D zum agulov, o p . c i t . ; S .E . M a lo v , P a m ja tn ik i d r e v n e -
tj u r k s k o j p is 'm e r m o s ti M on golii i K i r g i z i i 3 Moscow-
L e n i n g r a d 1 9 5 9 , p p . 7 5 f f , and 5 .D z u m a g u lo v , Yazyk s i r o -
t j u r k s k i x ( n e s to r ia n s k ix ) p a m ja tn ik o v K i r g i z i i 3 Akademia
Nauk K i r g i z s k o j SSR, F r u n z e 1 9 7 1 .
36. On C e n t r a l A s ia n T u r k i s h l i t e r a t u r e i n g e n e r a l , i n c l u d i n g
B u d d h i s t and M a n ic h a e a n , s e e A n n e m a rie von G a b a in , "V o r-
isla m isc h e a l t tü r k is c h e L i t t e r a t u r " , Handbuch d e r
O r i e n t a l i s t i k , 1 , 5 . Bd 1 , L e i d e n / K ö l n 1 9 6 3 , 2 0 7 f f ; on
C h r i s t i a n l i t e r a t u r e , p p .2 l 6 and 222f f .
37. 0 . Cvillmann, " K i n d h e i t s e v a n g e l i e n " , p p . 2 8 8 - 9 0 i n : E dgar
H ennecke and W ilhe lm S c h n e e m e l c h e r , N e u te sta m e n ta lic h e
Apokryphen3 I , T ü b in g e n 1 9 5 9 , and Herrn. G. G r e g e r s e n ,
28
De apokryfiske evangelier til Ny Testamente med en
efterslaet3 Odense 1886, pp. 1+7 and 53ff. The Persian
Diatessaron also shows that in Oriental Christendom
there was a certain preference for this Childhood gospel;
cf. Jes P. Asmussen, "iranische neutestamentliche Zitate
und Texte und ihre textkritische Bedeutung", AF 3 II,
1975, 87.
38. Ugo Männeret de Villard, Le leggende orientali sui magi
evangelici. Studi e Testi 1633 Cittä del Vaticano 1952,
pp.69ff.
39. Barbier de Meynard, Mas'üdl3 Les prairies d ror IVs Paris
1865, pp.79-80.
1+0. Henry Yule, The Book of Ser Marco Polo3 the Venetian I.
Third edition by Henri Cordier, London 1903, pp.78ff;
and Aage Krarup-Nielsen, Marco Polos Regser, K^benhavn
1935, pp. 1+6-8.
1+1. Dr. M.A. Stein’s "Manuscripts in Turkish ’Runic' Script
from Miran and Tun-Huang", JRAS3 1912, pp,196ff. C=
Samlede Afhandlinger III, K^benhavn og Kristiania 1922,
pp. 23l+ff.3
1+2. This article is a revised and expanded version of the
Danish "Den kristne litteratur pa iransk og uighur-
tyrkisk i Centralasien f|6r Islams egentlige ekspansion",
published in the Bent Noack Festschrift Hilsen til
Noack3 eds. N. Hyldahl and E. Nielsen, K^benhavn 1975,
pp. 9ff.
Abbreviations
AF Altorientalische Forschungen (Berlin)
AO Acta Orientalia (Copenhagen)
APAW Abhandlungen der Königl. Preussischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften (Berlin).
AThD Acta Theologica Danica (Copenhagen)
AWLM Akademie der Wissenschaften und Literatur,
Mainz
29
AWLMGS Akademie d e r W i s s e n s c h a f t e n und L i t e r a t u r ,
M a in z , g e i s t e s - und s o z i a l w i s s e n s c h a f t l i c h e
K lasse
BSOAS B u l l e t i n o f th e School o f O r ie n ta l and
A f r i c a n S t u d i e s (London)
CSCO C orpus S c r i p t o r u m C h r i s t i a n o r u m O r i e n t a l i u m
(P aris-L e ip z ig )
DTT D ansk T e o l o g i s k T i d s s k r i f t (C o p e n h a g e n )
JA Jo u rn a l A sia tiq u e (P a ris )
JBL Jo u rn al of B ib lic a l L ite ra tu re
JRAS J o u r n a l o f t h e R o y a l A s i a t i c S o c i e t y (London)
MIO M itte ilu n g e n des I n s t i t u t s f ü r O rien tfo rsch u n g
(B erlin )
Or S y r L 'O r ie n t S y r ie n , P a ris
OC O rien s C h r i s t i a n u s
S tu d . Th. S tu d ia T h e o lo g ic a
SPAW S i t z u n g s b e r i c h t e d e r P r e u s s i s c h e n Akademie
d e r W issen sch aften (B e rlin )
ZAW Z e i t s c h r i f t f ü r d i e a l t t e s t a m e n t l i c h e W is s e n
schaft
ZKG Z e i t s c h r i f t f ü r K irch en g esch ich te
31
UN PERSONNAGE BIEN MYSTERIEUX: L ’EPOUSE DU BUDDHA
Andre BAREAU (Paris)
Tous les orientalistes qui ont traite de la vie du Buddha ont
consacre au moins quelques lignes ä la femme qu'il avait
epousee dans sa jeunesse et qu'il avait abandonnee pour mener
definitivement la vie ascetique et rechercher la Voie conduisant
ä la Delivrance. Certains d'entre eux ont alors note les
divergences existant dans les textes boud;dhiques en ce qui
regarde ce personnage, et d'abord les noms tres differents que
lui donnent ces documents, parfois au sein d ’une meme secte
comme celle des Theravädin. La prudence et d'autres raisons
tout aussi honorables les ont cependant retenus de poser claire-
ment le Probleme resultant de 1'observation de ces divergences,
ou plus exactement 1'ensemble de problemes assez complexe, et
bien entendu d'en proposer des solutions. Seul, Mgr. Etienne
Lamotte a etudie de pres la formation d'une partie de la legende
relative ä cette femme, ä savoir celle qui a trait ä la nais-
sance de son fils, Rähula, et il a fort bien demonte le mecanisme
des raisonnements qui ont conduit les anciens auteurs bouddhistes
a inventer successivement les differentes versions de cette Serie
d 'episodes.1
A la fin d'un article publie il y a quelques annees, nous
avions aussi attire 1'attention sur ce troublant personnage et
emis ä son sujet une hypothese assez hardie,^ en nous promettant
interieurement d'examiner 1'ensemble des documents anciens
relatifs ä cette femme des que les circonstances nous le per-
mettraient. C'est le resultat de ces nouvelles investigations
que nous oresentons ici.
Nous etudierons les textes dans ce que nous avons de
serieuses raisons de considerer comme etant ä peu pres leur
ordre chronologique, quoique les deux premiers groupes, celui
des Sütrapi-taka et celui des Vinayapitaka, soient contemporains.
Pour ce qui est des Sütrapitaka, il est apparu necessaire de
bien distinguer la partie formee des quatre ägama ou des quatre
premiers nikäya qui leur sont paralleles, de celle du cinquieme
nikäya et des textes correspondants, qui est nettement plus
recente, dans 1'ensemble, que la premiere. En ce qui regarde
les Vinayapitaka, deux groupes bien distincts nous sont apparus:
32
celui des recueils des Sarvästivädin, des Theravädin, des Mahi-
säsaka et des Dharmaguptaka, fixes en gros avant le debut de
notre ere, et celui des recueils des Mahäsämghika, des Lokotta-
ravädin (Mahävastu) et des Mülasarvästivädin, dont la composi
tion fut achevee beaucoup plus tard, comme le prouvent les nom-
breux jätaka et autres contes analogues qui y sont mentionnes
ou cites tout du long. Pour ne pas surcharger le present article
de trop nombreuses redites ou variantes secondaires, qui ne
feraient guere que confirmer nos conclusions sans rien y ajouter
d'interessant, nous avons limite l'examen des textes canoniques
tardifs du groupe des sütra, ä ceux qui appartiennent au Khudda-
kanikäya päli et celui des textes post-canoniques ä quelques
textes pälis de ce genre.
Quoiqu'il ne soit pas impossible qu’un element de recit
ou une information ayant une origine ancienne ne figure que
dans un ou plusieurs textes tardifs, cette eventualite est
cependant assez rare, et l ’on peut meme la considerer comme
negligeable dans les texbes canoniques pour des raisons assez
claires. En effet, puisque les auteurs bouddhistes anciens
jouissaient d ’une tres grande liberte pour recueillir et in-
venter des recits juges edifiants, comme le prouvent tres
largement les documents que nous examinerons ci-apres, leur
silence sur un point particulier ne peut avoir que deux signi
fications: ou bien ils ignoraient le detail ou 1'episode en
question, ou bien ils le connaissaient et ils ne l'ont pas
utilise parce qu'ils le jugeaient tres douteux. De toute
faqon, leur ignorance ou leur scepticisme, pour ne pas dire
leur incredulite, nous engagent nettement ä faire preuve de
prudence ä l'egard de 1 ’element en question.
A une seule exception pres, 1 ’ensemble des sütra conserves
en päli ou en traduction chinoise, en recueils de ntkäya/ägama
ou en textes isoles, est entierement muet sur la femme que le
Bodhisattva Gautama avait choisie pour epouse. Seul un sütra
isole en traduction chinoise et dont 1 'origine sectaire est
inconnue mentionne une "Yasodharä, mere de Rähula" parmi les
nonnes celebres pour leurs insignes vertus et la dit Mdouee de
grands merites ä cause du bien qu’elle a plante dans ses
existences anterieures” .3 Le passage parallele dans l'Ahgutta-
ranikäya päli comme dans 1 'Ekottarägama en version chinoise ne
Signale ni Yasodharä ni la mere de Rähula ni aucune autre femme
qui soit 1 ’epouse du Bodhisattva parmi les nonnes dont le Bien-
heureux loue les extraordinaires qualites.^ Ce silence avait
si bien surpris les anciens commentateurs que le plus celebre
d'entre eux, Buddhaghosa, avait cru devoir identifier cette
femme avec la nonne Bhaddä Kaccänä qui figure sur la liste de
33
1'Ahguttavanikäya. Cependant, aucune des rares informations
donnees par les anciens textes canoniques pälis sur cette
bhikkhunt- ne vient etayer si peu que ce soit cette identifica
tion avec l'epouse du futur Buddha. En outre, Bhaddä Kaccänä,
en sanskrit Bhadrä Kätyäyanä, est totalement inconnue hors de
la litterature pälie, celle des Theravädin; en particulier,
eile ne figure ni sur la liste des saintes nonnes donnee par
1 'Ekottarägama ni sur celle du sütva isole qui mentionne Yaso-
dharä, mere de Rähula. De plus, si Bhaddä Kaccänä est louee,
dans le passage en question de 1 'Ahguttaranikäya, comme etant
la premiere des nonnes Mqui ont obtenu de grands pouvoirs sur-
naturels (mahäbhimäppattä)", cette qualite ne correspond ni ä
ce qui est attribue ä Yasodharä dans le sütra isole ni aux
vertus pretees ä d ’autres bhiksunt dans ce dernier comme dans
1 'Ekottapägama. Enfin, la possession de grands pouvoirs sur-
naturels n ’est assurement pas de nature ä distinguer Bhaddä
Kaccänä des autres saintes nonnes ni ä permettre de 1 ’identifier
avec la mere de Rähula. En somme, l ’euouse du futur Buddha
etait totalement inconnue des quatre premiers nikäya ou ägarna,
ä quelque secte qu'ils aient appartenu, et la mention de Yaso
dharä dans le sütva isole peut etre regardee comme une addition
tres tardive.
Cette femme n ’etait guere plus connue des anciens Vinaya-
pitaka. Celui des Sarvästivädin est entierement muet ä son
sujet;6 ii en est de meme du recueil conserve en traduction
chinoise sous le simple nom de Vinaya et dont 1'appartenance
sectaire est inconnue,7 mais le silence de ce dernier est moins
probant que celui du precedent car il s ’agit tres probablement
d'un abrege plutot que d ’un recueil entier.
Les Vinayap'Ltaka des Theravädin, en päli, des Mahisäsaka
et des Dharmagupta, en traduction chinoise, contiennent une
seule et meme scene, tres courte, oü apparait celle qu’ils se
contentent d'appeler "la mere de Rähula", Rähulamätä/Rähula-
mätr.0 Lors du premier retour du Bienheureux ä Kapilavastu
apres l'Eveil, cette femme voit le Buddha circuler dans les
rues de la ville et eile le montre ä son fils Rähula en lui
disant: "C'est ton pere". Les Dharmaguptaka bornent ä cela
1 ’unique intervention de la mere de Rähula, mais les Thera
vädin et les Mahisäsaka completent la seule phrase qu'elle
adresse ä son enfant par cet ordre, ou ce conseil: "Va lui
demander ton heritage!". Dans les deux cas, Rähula se preci-
pite vers le Bienheureux et, quand il l'a rejoint, il constate
alors qu’il se trouve fort bien aupres de son pere, puis un
bref mais decisif dialogue s ’engage entre eux. Selon le court
recit des Dharmaguptaka, le Buddha propose tout de suite ä son
fils de faire de lui un novice, et Rähula accepte sans hesiter,
34
ä la suite de quoi il est conduit aupres de Säriputra qui lui
donne l fordination mineure. Dans la narration des Theravädin
et des Mahisäsaka, l'enfant, obeissant ä sa mere, reclame ä
son pere son heritage et le Bienheureux, le prenant au mot,
l'emmene sans plus tarder aupres de Säriputra, qui en fait un
novice sur-le-champ.
La version js Dharmaguptaka, plus simple que 1 ’autre,
parait plus ancienne que celle-ci, qui en differe essentielle-
ment par 1 ’addition de la demande de 1'heritage exprimee en
deux fois, d'abord par la mere conseillant son fils, ensuite
par la requete presentee par Rähula ä son pere. On comprendrait
mal pourquoi les Dharmaguptaka auraient supprime du recit cette
double demande, car eile y ajoute un element important par
1'intelligence et la beaute litteraire: du point de vue
bouddhiste, le plus bei heritage que le Bienheureux pouvait
donner ä son fils Rähula, c'etait assurement le moyen d'entrer
sur la Voie de la Delivrance, c'est-a-dire 1 ’ordination
monastique, et l'on ne voit pas pourquoi les Dharmaguptaka
auraient ete en disaccord sur ce point avec les Theravädin et
les Mahisäsaka.
Dans les trois versions, si proches les unes des autres,
de ce tres court recit, la mere de Rähula joue un role secondaire
et d'une extreme brievete: designer ä son fils celui qui est son
pere et qu’il n'a encore jamais vu, c ’est-a-dire permettre ainsi
ä Rähula d'entrer en relation avec le Buddha, condition neces-
saire ä 1'ordination de l'enfant; dans les deux textes des Thera
vädin et des Mahisäsaka, lui conseiller ou lui ordonner un acte
qui va provoquer directement cette ordination. Elle disuarait
ensuite completement, non seulement de la suite de cette narration,
mais de 1' ensemble de ces trois V'inayap'ttaka3 do nt le volume est
pourtant considerable; notamment, c'est le roi Suddhodana, et
non la mere de Rähula, qui vient, peu apres, demander au Buddha
d'interdire desormais de donner 1 ’ordination monastique ä un
enfant s ’il n ’y est pas autorise par ses parents. Le role si
bref joue ici par la mere de Rähula aurait aussi bien pu etre
attribue ä un autre proche de l'enfant, ä son grand-pere Suddho
dana ou ä sa grand-tante MahäprajäpatI GautamI par exemple.
Par consequent, dans cette petite scene, la seule oü eile appa-
raisse dans les Vinayapitaka anciens, cette femme est un element
secondaire et nullement essentiel, necessaire, de 1'action; eile
est presque un ornement litteraire, c'est un personnage incon-
sistant, depourvu de toute personnalite propre, une ombre, un
etre de pure fiction invente par les auteurs de la version pri
mitive de cet episode et non pas tire par eux d'une antique et
solide tradition ayant une origine historique.
35
D ’autre part, etant donne que les trois sectes des Thera-
vädin, des Mahlsäsaka et des Dharmaguptaka etaient etroitement
apparentees entre eiles, comme le montre, entre beaucoup d'autres
indices, la similitude de leurs versions de la scene en question,
et que les Sarvästivädin ignorent completement celle-ci, on peut
en deduire que la version primitive de cet episode fut inventee
peu apres le schisme qui separa les Sarvästivädin du groupe des
Sthavira d ’oü allaient sortir ensuite les trois autres sectes
designees ci-dessus, c ’est-ä-dire que cette version primitive
remonte probablement ä la seconde moitie du Ille siede avant
notre ere, ä la fin du regne d'Asoka ou au regne de son succes-
seur immediat. Cela est confirme par le silence, plus grand
encore que celui des Vinayapitaka anciens, que nous avons con
state dans les parties anciennes des divers Sutrapitaka parvenus
jusqu'a nous, en ce qui concerne cette femme. Nous sommes done
en droit de penser que, dans la premiere partie du regne d ’Asoka,
plus de deux siecles apres le Parinirväna du Buddha, les dis
ciples de celui-ci avaient perdu tout souvenir de celle qui
avait ete l'epouse de leur maitre dans sa jeunesse, et qu'ils
avaient depuis bien longtemps cesse de s ’interesser ä eile si
peu que ce fut, pour etrange que cela puisse paraitre.
Le nom meme qui lui est donne dans cette petite scene des
trois Vinayapitaka est caracteristique, car il est extremement
rare, dans les textes canoniques bouddhistes, de designer un
personnage, meme secondaire, simplement comme etant "la mere
de X... . II s ’agit du reste toujours de personnages evidem-
ment imaginaires, comme ces deux Yaksini qui, portant leur bebe
dans leurs bras, ecoutent en silence un sermon du Buddha, ou
comme cette Nakulamätr, "mere de Nakula", formant avec son mari
Nakulapitr un touchant couple de vieillards habitant Sisumära-
giri et qui reconnaissent avec emotion dans le Bienheureux pas
sant dans leur ville le fils qu'ils avaient eu tous les deux
dans de nombreuses vies anterieures.9 si un autre personnage,
celebre lui, de la biographie du Buddha porte un nom de ce type,
c'est parce qu'il s 'agit ici d ’un surnom, qui accompagne souvent
le vrai nom de cette femme, Visäkhä, dite Mrgäramätr, "mere de
Mrgära", parce que son zele envers le bouddhisme lui avait per-
mis de convertir son beau-pere Mrgära, longtemps adepte de la
foi jaina.1 II s'ensuit que 1'appellation Rähulamätr, appli-
quee ä l'ancienne epouse du futur Buddha et sans que son nom
propre nous soit aussi donne, montre combien etait grande 1 ’igno
rance des auteurs bouddhistes anciens en ce qui regarde cette
femme; ils ignoraient jusqu’ä son nom et ils avaient seulement
deduit son existence du fait que le jeune Rahula, fils du Bien
heureux et 1 'un de ses principaux disciples, etait un personnage
bien reel. Le nom qu'ils donnent ä cette femme trahit du reste
36
le raisonnement par lequel ils l ’ont fait sortir du neant de
l'oubli complet: puisque Rähula etait vivant, sa mere avait
certainement existe et par consequent veille sur lui pendant
son enfance; eile etait done toute designee pour faire con-
naitre a. son fils celui qui etait son pere, ä savoir le Buddha.
Elle etait de meme hien placee pour suggerer ä Rähula de deman-
der ä son pere, qui les avait abandonnes tous les deux, leur
part d'heritage. Dans un cas comme dans 1*autre, dans la
version tres simple des Dharmaguptaka comme dans celle, un peu
plus complexe, des Theravädin et des Mahlsäsaka, le fait qu’elle
soit "la mere de Rähula" suffisait ä eclairer son role dans
cette courte scene, et il etait inutile d'en dire plus sur
son compte.
L'epouse du Bodhisattva est beaucoup mieux connue des
trois VinayapitahcL acheves et fixes tres tard, bien apres le
debut de notre ere; du moins est-ce 1 ’impression qu'ils nous
donnent, vu l ’abondance des informations qu'ils contiennent
au sujet de cette femme.
Le recueil des regies monastiques des Mahäsämghika con
serve en traduction chinoise a cependant garde des parties
anciennes qui n'ont pas ete remaniees ou completees plus tard,
et dont certaines meritent de retenir un moment notre attention.
II en est ainsi justement du recit de 1'ordination de Rähula et
de celui qui conte 1 'ordination de MahäprajäpatI Gautami et des
femmes des Säkya. Le premier decrit en detail 1'operation par
laquelle Säriputra, suivant les indications du Bienheureux,
fait de Rähula un novice, mais en ignorant completement la
scene precedente dans laquelle la mere de 1'enfant lui designe
son pere et 1'engage ä reclamer ä celui-ci son heritage.H
Cette ignorance rejoint celle que nous avions constatee dans
le Vinayap'ttaka des Sarvästivädin, et eile est meme plus signi
ficative que celle-ci puisque ce dernier recueil ne racontait
pas l'ordination de Rähula, se contentant d'y faire une simple
allusion. De meme, dans le recit de la fondation de 1'ordre
des nonnes, il n'est pas precise, chez les Mahäsämghika non
plus que chez les Sarvästivädin, les Theravädin, les Mahisä
saka et les Dharmaguptaka, que l'epouse du Bodhisattva figure
parmi les cinq cents femmes anonymes qui accompagnent la reine
Gautami.12 On voit done que les Mahäsämghika ont partage pen
dant longtemps la meme ignorance que les quatre autres sectes
designees ci-dessus en ce qui regarde la mere de Rähula.
Il n'en est pas de meme dans certaines parties nettement
plus tardives de leur recueil de regies monastiques. Si la
scene dans laquelle la jeune femme apprend ä son fils que le
37
Buddha est son pere y demeure absente, tout un passage mention-
ne brievement divers elements de la jeunesse du Bodhisattva
dont certains touchent ä la personne de son epouse, en se refe-^
rant ä divers textes canoniques dont plusieurs sont des Jataka.
Ces references prouvent indubitablement que cette partie ä ete
ajoutee, ou du moins profondement remaniee, tres tard, apres le
debut de notre ere. Parmi les informations qui nous sont donnees
ainsi, les suivantes nous Interessent plus particulierement:
craignant que la lignee des rois aakravartin ne s'eteignit, le
roi Suddhodana n ’autorisa son fils ä quitter la vie laique que
lorsque sa bru fut enceinte de Rähula; ce dernier demeura six
ans dans le sein de sa mere, les six ans pendant lesquels le
Bodhisattva rechercha vainement l ’Eveil en pratiquant des mace
rations; quand le Buddha revint ä Kapilavastu, le pere et le
fils (Suddhodana et le Buddha ? ou celui-ci et Rähula ? le
texte est imprecis sur ce point) eurent une entrevue, puis
MahäprajäpatI Gautami, Yasodharä et Rähula quitterent la vie
laique. On voit apparaitre ici quelques-uns des elements les
plus importants de la legende de 1'epouse du Bodhisattva, et
le fait qu’ils soient presentes par de simples et breves allu
sions appuyees sur des references ä des textes qui les content
de fagon plus detaillee prouve d ’une part 1'existence prealable
de ces textes, Jätaka et autres, et aussi que les moines aux-
quels s ’adressait ce Vinayapitaka connaissaient fort bien ces
legendes. Si l ’on ne dit pas expressement que Yasodharä est la
mere de Rähula, on ne saurait pourtant en douter puisque son
nom figure parmi ceux des trois seules personnes dont 1'ordina
tion est mentionnee lors du premier retour du Buddha ä Kapila
vastu et qu’elle est nommee entre la reine MahäprajäpatI Gautami,
tante et mere adoptive du Bienheureux, et Rähula, fils de ce
dernier; en outre, la tradition bouddhique dans son ensemble ne
connait aucune autre femme de la tribu des Säkya qui ait porte
ce nom de Yasodharä. On lui donne ici une importance conside
rable, puisqu’on la nomme aussitot apres la reine Gautami et
avant Rähula, et qu'on en fait une nonne de la premiere heure,
comme sa celebre tante par alliance. Ainsi done, le personnage
si pale, ombre timide, entrevu dans une seule scene contee par
les trois Vinayapitaka des Theravädin, des Mahlsäsaka et des
Dharmaguptaka, est devenu un membre important de la famille du
Bienheureux et aussi une sainte femme du bouddhisme. Ce dernier
trait est confirme par 1'allusion ä la legende selon laquelle
eile aurait porte son fils dans son sein pendant les six annees
ou son ancien mari cherchait la Voie de la Delivrance en se
livrant ä toutes sortes d ’austerites, car, du point de vue des
devots bouddhistes, seule une femme d ’une vertu exceptionnelle,
douee de merites (punya) extraordinaires, pouvait etre 1’objet
d'un tel miracle. Cela s’accorde aussi fort bien avec le nom
38
de Yasodharä qui lui est donne, que le sutra isole d ’un Ekotta-
ragama perdu attribuait de ja ä la mere de Rähula et que nous
allons retrouver dans les textes posterieurs de l ’Inde septen-
trionale. Qui, mieux que cette femme, qui eut l ’honneur d ’etre
choisie pour epouse par le Bodhisattva dans sa derniere exis
tence, pouvait porter ce nom signifiant "celle qui possede ou
maintient la gloire"?
Le Mdhävastu, qui se donne pour une partie, du reste volu-
mineuse, du Vinayapitaka des Lokottaravädin, secte du groupe
des Mahäsämghika, contient des informations beaucoup plus nom-
breuses et plus detaillees sur cette femme, qui y est presentee
ä la fois comme etant la mere de Rähula et sous son nom person
nel de Yasodharä. Lorsque ce gros ouvrage fut redige, un certain
temps apres le debut de notre ere, le groupe des legendes dont
1 ’epouse du Bodhisattva etait 1'heroine etait deja fort complexe
et Yasodharä etait devenue un personnage celebre, l'une des
principales saintes femmes du bouddhisme.
Le recit de la premiere rencontre de Rähula avec son pere
le Buddha est, non seulement beaucoup plus long et detaille
que les narrations examinees plus haut, mais encore il est de
double. Dans le premier,!^ Yasodharä offre un dejeuner au
Bienheureux et ä ses moines, le troisieme jour apres le retour
de son mari ä Kapilavastu, apres que le roi Suddhodana, puis
MahäprajäpatI Gautami aient fete de la meme faqon leur illustre
visiteur; cet ordre montre que la jeune femme est consideree
comme le troisieme personnage de la tribu des Säkya selon la
hierarchie. Durant ce repas, eile met dans les mains de Rähula
une friandise et eile lui dit: ”Va porter cette friandise ä ton
pere", et 1 ’enfant accomplit aussitot cet ordre sans hesiter ni
se tromper, montrant ainsi qu'il connait la relation de parente
existant entre lui et le Bienheureux. Yasodharä dit alors ä son
fils: "Demande la richesse de ton pere", et son fils, obeissant,
va dire au Buddha: "0 ascete, donne-moi la richesse de mon
pere", ä ce quoi le Bienheureux lui repond: "0 Rähula, quitte
ta maison et je te donnerai la richesse de ton pere". Entendant
ce dialogue, le roi et toute sa cour sont transportes de joie,
sauf Yasodharä qui, ä leur surprise, tente de dissuader le
Buddha de faire un moine de son fils. Les moines presents
croient alors bon d'attirer l'attention de leur maitre sur le
fait que la jeune femme essaie de le seduire avec des friandises,
mais le Bienheureux leur repond que ce n ’est pas la premiere fois
qu'elle agit ainsi, et il le prouve en leur contant le EalinZ-
jataka.
39
.15
Le second recit commence par la decision prise en commun
par les Säkya d'interdire ä quiconque, sous peine de mort, de
dire que Rähula est le fils du Buddha. Quand, le lendemain,
durant la predication qui suit le dejeuner offert chez eile par
MahäprajäpatI GautamI, 1 ’enfant voit enfin le Bienheureux, il
le contemple ravi sans savoir quel lien de parente existe entre
eux deux. II demande alors a Yasodharä qui est son pere et la
^eune femme, respectant la consigne de silence imposee par les
Säkya, lui repond que son pere est parti en voyage dans le Sud
pour ses affaires. Rähula demande ensuite si le Buddha, dont
l ’aspect l ’enchante, n'est pas l ’un de ses parents, et il declare
meme penser qu’il est son pere, ce que Yasodharä nie aussitot.
Tres emue, ecartelee entre son amour pour son fils et son mari
d ’une part, et la crainte du chätiment terrible promis par les
Säkya de 1*autre, eile hesite un moment puis eile se resout ä
dire la verite ä son fils. Celui-ci saisit alors un pan de la
toge du Buddha et il se declare resolu ä le suivre en devenant
ascete lui aussi. A ces mots, les femmes de la cour, puis le
roi Suddhodana s'effraient et se lamentent, enfin le roi supplie
le Bienheureux de ne pas satisfaire la demande de 1 ’enfant, afin
que la lignee royale ne s ’eteigne pas. Le Bienheureux refuse,
alleguant que Rähula a atteint sa derniere existence, mais il
accorde ä son pere un delai d ’une semaine avant 1'ordination de
son propre fils. Yasodharä emmene alors 1'enfant dans sa chambre,
ou eile essaie de le faire revenir sur sa decision en lui decri-
vant les dures austerites de la vie monastique et, par contraste,
les plaisirs de la vie princiere, mais Rähula demeure ferme, en
se fondant par l ’exemple donne par son pere.
Comme on le voit, la tres breve phrase dans laquelle la
mere de Rähula faisait connaitre ä ce dernier son pere en lui
designant le Buddha et en envoyant son fils reclamer son heri
tage s ’est considerablement developpee et scindee en deux scenes
distinctes, appartenant a deux traditions differentes. Celles-ci
sont meme contradictoires entre elles car, si Rähula semble bien
savoir qui est son pere dans la premiere, il 1 ’ignore dans la
seconde et, de plus, si le roi et sa cour se rejouissent, dans
la premiere, de la decision prise par le Buddha de faire de son
fils un moine, ils font tout pour l ’empecher dans la seconde,
et, quand 1 ’enfant a reconnu son pere malgre leurs efforts et
decide de devenir ascete, ils se lamentent hautement. Le
premier recit semble plus proche que le second de la courte
phrase des anciens Vinayapitako., bien qu'il s’en distingue par
un element esSentiel, ä savoir que Rähula sait, ou du moins
devine sans hesiter, que le Buddha est son pere, mais il reclame
ä celui-ci son heritage sur le conseil de sa mere. Le second
recit ne souffle mot de cette reclamation adressee par Rähula
40
au Bienheureux, mais, en revanche, 1 ’enfant ignore que ce
dernier est son pere, et cette ignorance est meine le theme
principal de cet episode, tout tourne autour d ’elle, depuis
la grave decision prise par les Säkya jusqu'a l ’aveu fait par
Yasodharä ä son fils et les recriminations du roi. En somme,
des deux seuls elements contenus dans la simple phrase des
Theravädin et des Mahisäsaka, on a tire, en les dissociant,
ou peut-etre plus exactement en les ayant connus separement,
deux recits distincts.
Dans l'un comme dans 1 ’autre, la jeune femme est presen
tee non seulement sous son nom propre, Yasodharä, mais comme
un personnage important, le troisieme par le rang dans la
hierarchie des Säkya, agissant en tant que tel et non pas
uniquement en tant que mere de Rähula, enfin et surtout eile
est un personnage vivant, dont on nous decrit les pensees,
les sentiments, les decisions, et non pas cette ombre entre-
vue un bref instant dans la courte phrase des anciens textes.
La Mähavastu nous donne encore bien d ’autres informations
sur Yasodharä, les unes imaginaires de toute evidence, les
autres vraisemblables quoique nous ayons de solides raisons
de croire qu’eiles appartiennent toutes ä la legende - comme^
l'a si bien montre Mgr. Lamotte pour certaines d ’entre eiles -
et qu'elles sont toutes nees dans l ’esprit des devots autour
du debut de notre ere ou un peu plus tard. Yasodharä est nee,
nous dit-on ainsi, le meme jour que le Bodhisattva, en meine
temps du reste que de nombreux autres personnages, hommes et
femmes, humains et animaux, que l'histoire ou la legende
mettront ensuite en relations avec le Buddha.l6 Elle est
fille du Säkya Mahänäman, l ’un des plus zeles fideles laics du
Bienheureux au sein de sa propre t r i b u . ü Le jeune Bodhisattva
tomba amoureux d ’elle et il lui fit la cour, lui donnant le
collier qu'il portait, puis il gagna sa main en y employant
toute son habilite et toute son energie.l^ Elle conqut son
unique enfant, son fils Rähula, au milieu de la nuit dans la
second moitie de laquelle le Bodhisattva s ’enfuit pour mener
la vig^ascetique.19 Son fils demeura pendant six ans dans son
sein. Au matin qui suivit le Grand Depart, quand le Bodhi-
sattva renvoya son ecuyer en le chargeant de messages pour le
roi Suddhodana et la reine GautamI, il negligea de lui en faire
porter un ä elle-meme.^ Yasodharä fut accablee de chagrin
quand eile aprit la fuite de son epoux et, quand eile sut que
celui-ci se livrait ä une severe ascese, eile decida de prati-
quer, eile aussi, des austerites et eile vecut effectivement
ainsi pendant fort longtemps.^ Lorsque le Buddha^revint ä
Kapilavastu apres l ’Eveil, eile accompagna le roi Suddhodana
41
pour aller au devant de lui et eile marcha alors ä la tete de
toutes les dames de la cour.^3
Toutes ces informations ont pu etre facilement imaginees
ä partir de la simple croyance, ancienne, en la paternite du
Bienheureux par rapport ä Rähula, done de 1*existence de la
mere de Rähula qui etait l ’ancienne epouse du Buddha. Cependant,
en contraste total avec 1 ’ignorance des textes canoniques
anciens, eiles font de ce personnage une femme pleine de vie,
parfaitement digne d ’avoir ete choisie comme compagne par le
jeune Bodhisattva: eile est de honne naissance, eile est tout
ä fait vertueuse et eile aime si profondement l ’epoux qui l ’a
pourtant abandonnee sans un mot, enceinte, qu'elle n ’hesite pas
ä s'imposer la pratique d'une certaine ascese quand eile apprend
qu’il se soumet, loin d ’elle, ä de severes macerations.
D ’autres passages du Mahävastu ont demande ä leurs auteurs
un plus grand effort d'imagination. Lorsque le Bodhisattva
l ’eut abandonnee, Devadatta, cousin de son mari, lui proposa
de l ’epouser et d ’en faire sa reine principale, mais la vertueuse
et fidele Yasodharä declina cette offre sans hesiter, et eile
agit de meme quand Sundaränanda, demi-frere de son epoux, lui
fit la meme p r o p o s i t i o n . Dans des circonstances qui nous sont
malheureusement tues, eile fut condamnee ä mort par le roi
Suddhodana, bien qu’elle füt innocente, sans qu’il y ait eu ni
enquete ni jugement, le texte laissant ä entendre qu’elle fut
alors sauvee grace ä 1 ’intervention du Buddha.^5 Dans des cir
constances tout aussi mysterieuses, Yasodharä sauva la vie de
son mari le Bodhisattva qui etait conduit ä la place des execu
tions capitales.26 Alors qu’elle etait enceinte de Rähula, ^
eile apprit par un reve que le Bodhisattva atteindrait l ’Eveil.
Enfin, comme la reine Gautami, devenue aveugle ä cause des larmes
que lui avait fait verser le depart de son fils adoptif, ne
pouvait voir les prodiges accomplis par le Bienheureux ä 1 ’occa
sion de son retour ä Kapilavastu, Yasodharä baigna les yeux de
la vieille reine avec l ’eau coulant du corps du Buddha dans le
miracle de l ’eau et du feu, et MahäprajäpatI Gautami recouvra
aussitot la vue, ’’grace ä la puissance surnaturelle du Buddha”
precise le texte, mais grace aussi ä la bonte de la jeune femme.
Si l ’on ignore entierement dans quelles circonstances Yaso
dharä sauva son mari d ’une execution capitale, les autres textes
tardifs -contant la legende de la jeune femme nous aident ä
deviner pourquoi le roi Suddhodana, si vertueux et si bon par
ailleurs, a pu condamner sa bru ä mort si injustement. Le pro-
dige qui permit ä Yasodharä de garder son enfant dans son sein
pendant six ans, de la nuit du Grand Depart ä celle de l'Eveil
42
(precision fournie par ces textes tardifs) a du en etre la
cause. On comprend en effet que les Säkya, leur roi en tete,
aient refuse d ’admettre ce miracle et aient considere le fait
qu’elle etait devenue enceinte plusieurs annees apres que le
prince son mari l ’eut abandonnee comme une preuve eclatante
de son inconduite, laquelle inconduite devait etre chatiee
severement.
Ces quatre derniers episodes ne font que confirmer 1 ?image
de Yasodharä donnee par les autres passages du Mahävastu : sa
grande vertu, inebranlable, et son amour profond pour le Buddha
son mari, amour paye d'un devouement reciproque, malgre 1 ’aban
don ou l'a laissee le Bodhisattva. On trouve ici les indices
d ’une tendance ä faire de Yasodharä et du futur Buddha un
couple modele, et cette tendance s'accentue nettement dans les
quatorze jataka et contes analogues cites tout au long par cet
ouvrage29 pour prouver que, dans leurs vies anterieures, les
deux etres qui allaient devenir finalement le Bienheureux et
son epouse avaient dejä ete les heros d'aventures semblables,
qu'ils avaient ete unis en un meme couple et qu'ils avaient
manifeste tous les deuxde la meme fagon les memes vertus.
Quoique cela ne soit pas dit expressement, Yasodharä apparait
done dans le Mahävastu comme l'une des principales saintes
femmes du bouddhisme, devant sa situation d'epouse du Bodhi
sattva aux immenses merites produits par les nombreux et extra-
ordinaires actes de bien accomplis par eile dans ses vies ante
rieures. Cela est tout ä fait conforme ä la logique propre ä
la devotion bouddhique et ä la theorie de la maturation des
actes qui est l'une des principales bases de la doctrine prechee
par le Buddha.
L*enorme et tres tardif Vtnayapitaka des Mülasarvästivädin
contient un certain nombre de passages dans lesquels il est
question de Yasodharä. Voyons d ’abord le recit de la premiere
rencontre de Rähula avec le Bienheureux,30 afin de pouvoir le
comparer avec les versions precedemment etudiees. Quand le
Buddha revint ä Kapilavastu apres l'Eveil, son ancienne epouse
chercha un moyen pour le ramener ä eile et s’adressa pour cela
ä une femme ascete heterodoxe experte en magie. Celle-ci con
fect ionna alors une boulette d'une substance capable d'inspirer
un amour mutuel et la lui vendit pour cinq cents pieces d ’or.
Yasodharä mit cette boulette dans la main de Rähula et envoya
1'enfant en lui disant: "Mon fils, prends cette Cboulette del
substance medic inale et apporte-la ä ton pere". Grace ä son
omniscience, le Buddha savait que la naissance de son fils
avait suscite de severes critiques contre la jeune femme et il
entreprit de les dissiper. Il crea done magiquement cinq cents
43
apparences semblables ä son propre corps, que Rähula rencontra
successivement en chemin, mais 1 ’enfant ne s'y laissa pas trom-
per et, sans saluer aucun de ces nombreux fantomes, il alia
directement aupres du Bienheureux et il lui donna la boulette
magique. Le Buddha la rendit aussitot ä Rähula, qui la mangea.
Le Bienheureux se mit alors en marche, suivi de son fils qui
subissait l'effet de la substance magique qu’il avait avalee.
En reflechissant, 1 ?Omniscient sut alors que l ’enfant n ’avait
pas encore atteint sa derniere existence et qu’il devait done
quitter la vie laique afin d ’obtenir la vision directe des
Fruits de la Saintete. Quant ä Rähula, pendant qu’il suivait
son pere dans leur promenade, il comprit, grace aux effets de
ses actions des existences passees, que le Bienheureux ne lui
permettrait pas de renoncer ä la vie laique en devenant disciple
de l ’un ou l ’autre des cinq cents Buddha rencontres en route.
Quand le roi Suddhodana, son entourage et tous les Säkya virent
ce prodige, ils montrerent alors le plus grand respect envers
Yasodharä. Sachant qu’elle avait ete jadis injustement denoncee
et blämee, ils firent aussitot cesser sa mauvaise reputation et
ils produisirent des pensees de louanges. Le Buddha conduisit
son fils ä l'endroit qu’il avait choisi comme lieu de sejour et
il allait lui donner 1 ’ordination mineure quand le roi Suddho
dana vint lui demander de retarder d ’un jour cette operation.
Le Bienheureux ayant accepte, le roi fit alors celebrer une
grande fete pour honorer Rähula, en le faisant asseoir sur un
siege eleve et luxueux et en lui presentant hommages et offran-
des, puis, le surlendemain, il conduisit lui-meme son petit-fils
aupres du Buddha pour y recevoir 1 ’ordination mineure.
Examinons les transformations subies par le recit par rap
port aux versions que nous avons vues precedemment. La frian-
dise que Yasodharä fait apporter au Bienheureux par son fils est
devenue un filtre magique prepare specialement pour ressusciter
chez le Buddha son ancien amour pour son epouse et le faire re-
venir definitivement ä eile, mais cela est dans la ligne de la
version du Mahävastu dans laquelle les moines denongaient ä leur
Maitre ce don de la jeune femme comme une tentative de seduction
ayant la meme fin. L ’omniscience du Buddha lui permet, non
seulement d'eviter le piege ainsi tendu, mais aussi d ’utiliser
ce meme filtre pour s ’attacher Rähula, qui avale la boulette
magique, et faire de l ’enfant un novice par son propre consente-
ment. Cependant, 1 ’element principal du recit, qui n ’etait
encore qu'une breve et d ’ailleurs obscure allusion dans le Maha-
Vastu, est ici 1'accusation injuste dont souffre Yasodharä de la
part des Säkya et que le Bienheureux s'emploie ä dissiper par un
prodige, apparemment mu davantage par horreur de 1 ’injustice que
par amour pour son ancienne epouse. En reconnaissant son pere
sans se laisser tromper un seul instant par les cinq cents Buddha
44
fantomes, Rähula prouve qu’il est bien le fils du Buddha.
Plus encore que l ’appel repete ä 1 ’omniscience du Bienheureux,
banal dans les textes bouddhiques meme anciens, et plus que le
recours ä la boulette magique, vieux theme de folklore univer-
sel et de pratiques non moins universelles, ce miracle montre
que nous sommes ici completement sortis des narrations somme
toute vraisemblables, rendues charmantes par leur realisme et
leur humanite, pour entrer dans le monde sans bornes des legen
des oü 1 ’imagination des auteurs bouddhistes s’est donne libre
cours. Entre autres details, on a completement abandonne dans
ce recit les deux seuls elements des versions les plus anciennes,
que le Mahavastu avait conservees: la mere de Rähula designant
ä celui-ci le Buddha comme etant son pere et l ’envoyant reclamer
ä ce dernier son heritage. De meme, les reactions du roi Suddho-
dana, de Yasodharä et des autres Säkya devant la decision prise
par le Buddha de faire de son fils un moine, reactions de tris
tesse ou reactions de joie, sont ici passees sous silence. Le
recit a pris un tout autre sens, l fordination de 1'enfant n ’etant
plus qu’un moyen utilise pour prouver la legitimite de sa nais-
sance par un prodige, ce qui est devenu le theme central de tout
ce passage. Quant ä la fete donnee par Suddhodana en l'honneur
du futur novice, la rapide description qui en est faite ici n ’a
evidemment pas d*autre but que de donner une base canonique ä
une coutume dejä en vigueur et qui le demeurera du reste jusqu'ä
nos jours.
Une autre scene contee par les Mülasarvästivädin derive
apparemment du double recit de 1 ’ordination de Rähula trouve
dans le Mahävastu. 31 Durant le premier sejour du Buddha ä
Kapilavastu apres l'Eveil, mais peu apres 1'ordination de 1 ’en
fant, Yasodharä invite le Bienheureux ä dejeuner dans son palais
avec la ferme intention de l ’empecher de la quitter ä nouveau.
Pendant ce festin, les trois anciennes epouses du Buddha et
toutes ses concubines s'efforcent de le seduire par toutes
sortes de moyens, nourritures exquises, chants, danses, musique,
par leur beaute naturelle comme par celle de leurs parures les
plus ravissantes. Naturellement, le Bienheureux devine tout de
suite leur manege et il accomplit divers prodiges pour frapper
leur esprit et leur imposer le respect de sa personne, apres
quoi il leur preche sa doctrine. A ses moines, scandalises par
la tentative de seduction de Yasodharä, le Buddha conte alors
l'Eka§rnga-jätaka, puis le Kinnart-jätaka3 pour leur montrer
que cette femme avait dejä agi de meme dans le passe. Le
Buddha adresse ensuite un sermon particulier ä Yasodharä, qui,
soudain convertie pleinement, demande et obtient l ’ordination.
La jeune femme acquiert bientot apres les quatre Fruits de la
Saintete, et le Bienheureux fait son eloge devant ses moines,
45
d e c l a r a n t ä c e u x - c i que l a nonne Y a s o d h a r ä e s t p a r f a i t e m e n t
d o u e e d e s v e r t u s de p u d e u r e t d e r e s p e c t h u m a in , e t q u e , de
to u te s le s nonnes, e i l e e s t l a s e u le ä e t r e e n tierem en t d eb ar-
r a s s e e des d o u te s . E n f in , i l l e u r e x p l i q u e , ä l ’ a id e d 'u n
a u t r e j ä ta k a , p a r l a m a t u r a t i o n de q u e l s a c t e s de s e s v i e s
a n t e r i e u r e s e i l e a pu g a r d e r so n f i l s R ä h u la d a n s so n s e i n
pendant s ix ans.
Dans c e r e c i t , l e th e m e d e l a t e n t a t i v e de s e d u c t i o n ,
d e j a p r e s e n t e , m a is s i p e u , d a n s l a v e r s i o n du M ahävastu , e t
d a v a n t a g e d a n s l e p a s s a g e du V in a ya p ita ka d e s M ü l a s a r v ä s t i -
v ä d i n e xam ine p r e c ed eminent, e s t d e v e n u l e th e m e m a j e u r , i s s u
de c e l u i d u d e j e u n e r que Y a s o d h a r ä , comme t o u t e am ie d u B i e n -
h e u re u x , se d e v a it d ' o f f r i r ä c e l u i - c i e t ä se s d i s c i p l e s .
La n a r r a t i o n a b o u t i t ä l a c o n v e r s i o n e t ä 1 ' o r d i n a t i o n de l a
j e u n e femme, m a is i l n ' e s t p a s q u e s t i o n de 1 ' o r d i n a t i o n de
s o n f i l s , q u i , nous d i t - o n au p r e a l a b l e , a e u l i e u a v a n t , e t
p a r c o n s e q u e n t _ l e s d e u x e l e m e n t s p r i n c i p a u x que c o n t e n a i t l a
v e r s i o n du Mahavastu, 1 ’ e n v o i de R ä h u l a v e r s son p e r e p a r
x a s o d h a r ä e t l a r e c l a m a t i o n de 1 ' h e r i t a g e , o n t c o m p le te m e n t
d isp a ru .
B ie n d ' a u t r e s i n f o r m a t i o n s n o u s s o n t f o u r n i e s s u r c e t t e
j e u n e femme d a n s l 'i m m e n s e r e c u e i l d e s r e g i e s m o n a s t i q u e s d e s
M ü l a s a r v ä s t i v ä d i n , q u i e s t de b e a u c o u p l e p l u s v o lu m in e u x d e s
V inayapitaka q u i n o u s o n t e t e c o n s e r v e s . Y a s o d h a r ä , n o u s
d i t - o n , d e v i n t e n c e i n t e au moment du Grand D e p a r t du B o d h i-
s a t t v a . 32 E l l e p r a t i q u a l e s a u s t e r i t e s d u r a n t l e s s i x a n n e e s
p e n d a n t l e s q u e l l e s son m a r i , d e v e n u a s c e t e , s e l i v r a ä de
r ü d e s m a c e r a t i o n s en e s p e r a n t a t t e i n d r e l ' E v e i l p a r c e m o yen.33
Ces e x e r c i c e s a s c e t i q u e s e u r e n t p o u r e f f e t de s u s p e n d r e l e
d e v e lo p p e m e n t d e l 'e m b r y o n c a c h e d a n s l e s e i n de l a j e u n e
fem m e.3^ Quand c e l l e - c i a p p r i t que l e B o d h i s a t t v a , a y a n t
c o m p r is que c e s a u s t e r i t e s e t a i e n t i n u t i l e s , recommenga ä
s ’a l i m e n t e r n o r m a le m e n t, Y a s o d h a r ä l a i s s a , e i l e a u s s i , son
c o r p s e t son e s p r i t a g i r ä l e u r g u i s e , nous d i t - o n , e t e i l e
e p r o u v a une g r a n d e j o i e . 3 5 Ce r e t o u r ä une v i e n o r m a le e u t
p o u r e f f e t de p e r m e t t r e au f o e t u s de g r o s s i r p e u ä p e u d ' u n e
fa q o n n a t u r e l l e . V oyant c e l a , l e s S ä k y a s e r i r e n t de l a j e u n e
femme e t l a b l a m e r e n t en 1 ’ a c c u s a n t d ' a v o i r e u d e s r e l a t i o n s
i n t i m e s a v e c d ' a u t r e s hommes p e n d a n t que son m a r i c u l t i v a i t
l e s a u s t e r i t e s . 36 Y a s o d h a r ä s e d e f e n d i t d ' a v o i r commis une
t e l l e fa u te e t , pour prouver q u 'e l l e e t a i t in n o c e n te , e i l e
p r e d i t que l e f i l s q u ' e l l e a l l a i t m e t t r e au monde t i e n d r a i t
a l o r s d a n s s e s m a in s u n e l u n e b r i l l a n t e . E ffe c tiv em en t, l e
d e v i n q u i f u t i n v i t e p a r l a f a m i l l e ä e x a m in e r l e b e b e a p r e s
s a n a i s s a n c e d e c l a r a que l e n o u v e a u - n e t e n a i t l a l u n e d a n s
s e s m a i n s , e t q u ' e n c o n s e q u e n c e on d e v a i t l e nommer R ä h u l a . ^
46
Bien que la prediction, de la jeune femme se füt ainsi realisee,
les Säkya deduisirent de ce signe que 1'enfant n ’etait pas le
fils du Bodhisattva. Apprenant cela, Yasodharä pleura et decida
de prouver la legitimite de la naissance de son fils en soumet-
tant celui-ci ä une epreuve. Elle 1 ’empörta au bord de l ’etang
oü son mari se baignait autrefois et eile le posa sur une grosse
pierre, puis eile declara que, si le bebe etait le fils du Bodhi
sattva, il surnagerait, mais que, si eile mentait, il s ’enfonce-
rait dans l ’eau. Quand eile eut lance la pierre portant 1 ’enfant
sur la surface de l ’etang, eile flotta. La jeune mere lui ordon-
na alors de traverser la piece d ’eau jusqu’ä l ’autre rive, puis
de revenir, et la pierre obeit, se comportant comme une nacelle
portant le nouveau-ne. La foule des Säkya constata ce prodige.
Yasodharä reprit alors son enfant et eile annonga que le Bodhi
sattva, devenu un Buddha apres ses six annees d ’austerites, re-
viendrait ä Kapilavastu six ans apres l ’Eveil, c ’est-ä-dire
douze ans apres le Grand Depart.3°
Cette scene et quelques-unes de celles qui la precedent
sont contees avec quelques variantes dans une autre partie du
meme recueil et il n'est pas sans interet de les comparer avec
le recit que nous venons d ’examiner. Quand Yasodharä apprend
que le Bodhisattva a obtenu la connaissance supreme, c ’est-ä-
dire l ’Eveil, eile est toute joyeuse et eile donne aussitot
naissance ä son fils_.39 A ce moment, il se produit une eclipse
de lune, que le roi Suddhodana considere comme etant un tres
heureux presage. Il fait done nettoyer et decorer la ville de
Kapilavastu, et distribuer des aumones genereuses aux ascetes
et aux indigents. Reunis par lui, ses ministres decident de
donner au nouveau-ne le nom de Rähula, en rapport avec Rähu,
demon de 1 'eclipse. ® En meme temps que Rähula, il nait au roi
Dronodana. frere de Suddhodana, un fils qui regoit le nom
d ’Ananda.^1 Suddhodana ayant dit que Rähula n'etait pas le
fils de Säkyamuni, Yasodharä est effrayee. Elle empörte son
fils au bord de l'etang de la baignade et le soumet ä 1'epreuve
relatee plus haut. L'enfant, nous dit-on, s'assied sur la
pierre et la fait naviguer ä son gre ä la surface de l'etang
comme un leger flocon d ’ouate pousse par les vagues. Le roi
et son entourage, accourus pour voir ce prodige, s'en rejouissent
et sont pleinement convaincus. Le roi entre lui-meme dans l ’eau,
prend le bebe dans ses bras, et la pierre qui portait celui-ci
s'enfonce aussitot.^2
Nous retrouvons dans ces deux passages plusieurs elements
figurant dejä dans le Mahävastu: la conception de Rähula durant
la nuit du Grand Depart, son sejour de six ans dans le sein de
sa mere, les austerites pratiquees par la jeune femme pendant
47
six ans. On y ajoute une Serie de consequences auxquelles le
Mahccoastu n ’a fait qu’une timide et obscure allusion ou qu'il
a tues completement: c ’est l'ascese pratiquee par Yasodharä
qui retarde pendant si longtemps le developpement du foetus
dans le ventre de sa mere; le nom de Rähula est explique, de
deux fagons differentes, en mettant la naissance en rapport
avec 1 Teclipse de lune; l fenfant vient au monde au moment ou
son pere obtient l ’Eveil; sa naissance cause un scandale car
eile semble illegitime; Yasodharä, blämee et moquee, en souffre
et utilise des moyens prodigieux pour prouver son innocence;
le Buddha revient ä Kapilavastu six ans apres la naissance de
son fils.
D ’autres passages du Vinayapitaka des Mülasarvästivädin
completent notre information sur la legende tissee autour de
1 ’epouse du Bodhisattva. Yasodharä est la fille du Säkya
Dandapäni. ^ Le prince Gautama lui donne une bague d ’or, en
signe de 1*amour mutuel et constant qui les liait tous les
deux depuis longtemps, c ’est-ä-dire depuis de nombreuses exis
tences passees.^ Ecoutant l ’avis unanime de ses conseillers,
le roi Suddhodana donne Yasodharä comme epouse ä son fils. '
Celui-ci epouse encore deux autres jeunes filles de la tribu
des Säkya, l ’une nommee Gopikä et 1'autre Mrgaräjanyä ou
Mrgajä, sans compter soixante mille concubines, mais Yasodharä
est son epouse principale.^6 Voulant prouver qu’il est un
homme normal, le Bodhisattva rend Yasodharä enceinte durant
la nuit du Grand D e p a r t . C e t t e meme nuit, la jeune femme
fait huit reves, qu’elle raconte ensuite ä son mari; celui-ci
en tire d ’heureux presages relatifs ä 1'acquisition de l ’Eveil
et il les explique ä Yasodhära; celle-ci accepte alors de le
laisser quitter sa famille. ö
Plusieurs de ces elements se trouvaient dejä dans le
MahavastUj mais souvent sous une forme plus simple ou quelque
peu differente: le don du bijou, le mariage, les reves premo-
nitoires de Yasodharä. De meme, dans les passages precedents,
on pouvait noter que, chez les Mülasarvästivädin aussi, la
jeune femme est liee depuis bien longtemps au Bodhisattva par
un amour mutuel qui persiste ä travers de nombreuses existences
anterieures communes et que racontent divers jätaka.
Parmi les elements importants qui etaient passes sous
silence par le Mahävastu il faut signaler, outre 1'ordination
de Yasodharä, son ascension rapide au sommet de la Saintete,
et l ’eloge que le Buddha lui-meme fait de ses vertus qui lui
donnent l'une des toutes premieres places parmi les saintes
femmes du bouddhisme. Entre eile et les milliers de concubines
anonymes viennent se placer deux autres epouses legitimes du
48
Bodhisattva, certes d ’un rang inferieur mais dont on nous
communique les noms et quelques autres details qui les con-
cernent. Enfin, Yasodharä n ’est plus la fille de Mahänäman,
mais celle de Dandapäni, un autre notable de la tribu des
Säkya, beaucoup moins celebre que le premier.
Dans le Vinayapitaka des Mülasarvästivädin, l ’epouse du
Bodhisattva est devenue, sous le nom de Yasodharä, 1'heroine
de tout un ensemble assez coherent de legendes qui 1 ’exaltent
et la haussent au sommet des saintes femmes du bouddhisme,
comme laique d ’abord, mere de Rähula et compagne fidele autant
que vertueuse du futur Buddha, comme nonne ensuite accedant
aisement au nirväna car eile a une foi sans la moindre faille
en la doctrine prechee par celui qui fut son mari. Cependant,
eile a perdu une certaine partie de l'humanite que lui don-
naient les recits du Mahavastu et qui contribuait au charme
de son personnage, mais eile a gagne en revanche une nature
en voie de divinisation par les pouvoirs surnaturels qu ’on
lui prete.
La tradition des Theravädin ne nous apporte pas autant de
renseignements, et de loin, que le Mahavastu et le Vinayapitaka
des Mülasarvästivädin sur l'epouse du Bodhisatta. Les textes
canoniques pälis tardifs sont encore tres discrets en ce qui
la concerne et, sauf dans l'un d'eux, eile n ’y apparait que
sous le nom de "mere de Rähula", Rähulamätä.
II en est ainsi dans les Jätaka3 oü eile est formellement
identifiee avec 1 ’heroine ayant ete l ’epouse ou la compagne du
Bodhisatta lors de leurs vies anterieures, dans les paragraphes
servant de conclusion ä vingt-sept de ces contes, et avec un
autre personnage dans ceux de deux autres legendes.^9 ^Le seul
apport des Jataka pälis, comme de ceux que eite le Mahavastu
et de quelques autres conserves ailleurs, est de nous faire
savoir que la femme qui fut l ’epouse du futur Buddha durant la
derniere existence de celui-ci avait ete aussi sa compagne dans
plusieurs de leurs vies passees et q u ’elle avait alors montre
presque toujours un amour profond, fidele et devoue au Bodhi
satta. Un attachement si long et si constant prouve que cette
femme avait accumule jadis des merites immenses grace auxquels
eile avait gagne la faveur insigne d ’etre choisie tant de fois
pour epouse par le futur Buddha et tout particulierement dans
la derniere vie de celui-ci. A ce titre, eile etait par conse
quent digne du plus grand respect de la part des fideles boud-
dhistes et mise par eux au meme rang que les plus venerables
saintes, disciples du Bienheureux. Derriere cette structure
de legendes, nous voyons apparaitre aussi une croyance, fort
49
belle et emouvante, ä laquelle il est fait allusion ici et lä
dans toute la litterature indienne depuis plus de vingt siecles
et qui se fonde .sur le dogme pan-indien des renaissances multi
ples. Selon cette croyance, certains couples dont les con
joint s sont tres epris l'un de 1 ’autre pourraient se retrouver
unis dans tout ou partie de leurs vies successives, par la
puissance de leur amour mutuel et, semble-t-il aussi, par
celle de rites particuliers accomplis ensemble. Un passage du
Kathavatthu concerne ces derniers^O et, pour montrer la peren-
nite de ce theme litteraire et de cette croyance, nous mention-
nerons seulement la touchante histoire de Nakulapitr et de
Nakulamätr contee par le Samajtv'i - sutta.51 päli d'un cote, et
la fin du beau roman de Rabindranath Tagore, Caturanga ,52 de
1'autre.
Les commentaires servant d ’introduction ä chacun des Jataka
pälis nous renseignent bien peu sur Rähulamätä, femme de Gotama.
Elle regoit 1'ordination des nonnes ä Sävatthi avec cinq cents
autres femmes de la tribu des Säkya et, comme celles-ci, eile
devient bientot une sainte.53 Elle est alors connue sous le
nom de Bimbä ou BimbädevI.5^ Son fils Rähula, devenu lui-meme
moine, vient la voir dans sa cellule et lui procure par deux
fois un remede destine ä la guerir d'un malaise .55 Alors
qu'elle est encore une fidele laique, le Buddha lui rend visite
avec le roi Suddhodana dans son propre palais, oü eile vit avec
sa suite de quarante mille femmes; le roi loue hautement les
vertus de sa bru et revele au Bienheureux qu'elle s'etait
astreinte ä mener la vie fort austere d'une veuve apres le
depart du Bodhisatta, par fidelite envers celui-ci; le Buddha
l'approuve et raconte qu’elle s'etait conduite de meme dans un
lointain passe, ce qui est le theme du Candakinnara-jataka.5®
Nous retrouvons ici deux elements donnes ailleurs: 1'ordi
nation de Rähulamätä apres que son fils fut devenu moine comme
son ancien mari, et une allusion aux macerations qu'elle s'im-
posa apres que le Bodhisatta l'eut laissee seule pour mener la
vie d'ascete. Cette allusion manque toutefois de nettete et
suggere une autre explication qui pourrait etre ä 1'origine de
la legende des six annees d'austerites de la jeune femme: celle-
ci a pu adopter un regime de vie severe, soit naturellement ä
cause de son chagrin qui ne lui faisait plus trouver aucun
plaisir ä 1'existence princiere qui avait ete la sienne jusqu'-
alors, soit en raison du discredit qu'elle aurait eu ä supporter
du fait meme de 1'abandon de son mari, assimile ä un veuvage.
Les autres scenes, contees pourtant plus longuement malgre la
minceur extreme de leur interet, contrastent avec le silence de
ces textes pälis sur tant d'autres elements beaucoup plus
50
importants de la legende tissee autour de l'epouse du Bodhi-
satta et que decrivent en detail le Mahavastu, le Vinayapitaka
des Mülasarvästivädin et d ’autres ouvrages bouddhiques de
l'Inde du Nord.
L'Apadäna päli a fait de cette femme une doyenne (therZ)
ä laquelle il donne le nom de Yasodharä sous lequel eile est
si bien connue ailleurs que dans la litterature des Theravädin.57
Dans les vers qui lui sont attribues ici, eile se definit elle-
meme comme ayant ete l ’epouse principale (pajäpatt) du Buddha
avant qu’il ne quittat la vie laique. Elle s'identifie en outre
avec la jeune femme, nommee Sumittä, qui avait donne au Bodhi-
satta, dans une tres lointaine existence, huit poignees de lotus
que le jeune ascete, nomme Sumedha, avait offertes aussitot au
Buddha Dipahkara. Cette identification rejoint celles que nous
avons constatee dejä dans les Jätaka pälis et dans ceux que eite
le Mdhävastu. Pour le reste, si nous trouvons ici confirmation
de ce que l'ancienne epouse du Buddha est devenue une nonne et
une sainte, done une doyenne, nous sommes assez surpris que ce
texte päli lui donne le nom de Yasodharä et nous pouvons penser
qu’il y a lä une influence venue du bouddhisme de l'Inde septen-
trionale.
La Nidänakathä, cette biographie du Bienheureux qui fut
placee en tete du recueil des Jätaka pälis mais qui fut redigee
longtemps apres ces derniers, semble avoir subie, eile aussi,
cette influence, mais plus indirectement et, somme toute, assez
legerement, puisque notre heroine n'y apparait que sous le nom
de Rähulamätä que lui donnent la presque totalite des textes
pälis, ä quelque epoque qu'ils appartiennent. Elle nait, y
est-il dit, le meme jour que le Bodhisatta et quelques autres
personnages qui joueront des roles plus ou moins importants
dans la biographie legendaire du Buddha.58 Elle se marie ä l'äge
de seize ans, apres que le jeune prince ait conquis sa main en
prouvant sa superiority sur les autres pretendants dans plu-
sieurs epreuves comparables ä celles des jeux olympiques.59
Le Bodhisatta quitte la vie laique, et sa jeune femme, la nuit
meme qui suit la naissance de son fils Rähula, non sans avoir
jete un regard d ’adieu sur la mere et l ’enfant endormis.60
Quand le Buddha revient ä Kapilavatthu, eile est si frappee par
son aspect extraordinaire qu’elle prononce aussitot des vers
d'eloges ä son e g a r d t Elle refuse d'assister au festin offert
le lendemain au Bienheureux dans le palais royal, bien que toutes
les autres dames de la cour y soient presentes. Le Buddha lui
rend alors visite chez eile et eile se prosterne devant son
ancien mari. C'est ä ce moment que le roi Suddhodana, qui a
51
accompagne le Bienheureux, apprend ä celui-ci que la jeune
femme a vecu dans l'austerite depuis le Grand Depart.62
Bien que la Ntdänakathä ait regu une certaine influence
des traditions de l ’Inde septentrionale, eile se distingue de
celles-ci sur des points assez importants. D ’abord, le Bodhi-
satta n ’a pas du se contenter de faire sa cour ä la princesse
et de lui offrir un bijou pour obtenir sa main, mais il a du
triompher de nombreux rivaux en prouvant sa superiorite en
force, en adresse, en habilete. Ensuite, ce n ’est pas la con
ception de 1 ’enfant Rähula qui a lieu la nuit du Grand Depart,
mais sa naissance, et cela a deux consequences dont l'une est
importante: avant de quitter sa famille, le jeune homme peut
voir une derniere fois sa femme et son fils; la legitimite de
la naissance de Rähula ne pouvant faire aucun doute, la jeune
mere ne sera pas exposee aux doutes, aux blames, voire au chä-
timent, de la part des Säkya et eile n ’aura done pas ä prouver
par des prodiges que 1 ’enfant est bien le fils du Bodhisatta.
Lors du retour du Buddha ä Kapilavatthu, son amour et son admi
ration pour son ancien epoux s'expriment par une serie de stan
ces d'eloges. Enfin, demeurant volontairement recluse dans son
palais par austerite, eile oblige ainsi le Bienheureux ä venir
lui rendre une visite durant laquelle le roi Suddhodana chante
les louanges de sa bru et regoit pour cela 1'approbation du
Buddha lui-meme, autorite supreme.
Un peu plus tard, en commentant 1 ’Ahguttaranik&ya, Buddha-
ghosa crut bon d'identifier la mere de Rähula avec la sainte
nonne Bhaddä Kaccänä, la premiere des nonnes pour la possession
des grands pouvoirs surnaturels.63 Cette meme Bhaddä Kaccänä
est dite par ailleurs fille du Säkya Suppabuddha.64 Les tradi
tions septentrionales ignorent tout d ’une femme de ce nom,
nonne ou laique et, si le Säkya Suprabuddha ne leur est pas
inconnu, e ’est en tant que pere de Mäyädevi, la propre mere
du Buddha.
Enfin, les textes post-canoniques non Theravädin, conserves
en sankrit ou dans leurs traductions chinoises, sont nombreux ä
contenir des recits ou des informations relatifs ä la femme du
Bodhisattva Gautama,65 mais ils presentent entre eux ou avec les
ouvrages examines ci-dessus des divergences aussi grandes que
celles que nous avons constatees entre ces derniers, et les
elements- de leurs narrations sont tout aussi evidemment legen-
daires, nes de la pure imagination des anciens auteurs bouddhistes,
que ceux que nous avons etudies plus haut. II est done inutile
de les examiner en detail puisqu’ils ne contiennent rien qui
puisse nous permettre de percer le mystere dont est entouree
52
notre heroine, l'epouse du Bodhisattva Gautama, la mere de
Rähula.
Comme l'a bien montre Mgr. Lamotte sur un point particu
l a r 1 et en appliquant ä 1'ensemble des informations rassem-
blees ci-dessus les principes sur lesquels repose le develop-
pement des legendes bouddhiques, principes qu'il a clairement
degages, il est aise de montrer que tous ces renseignements
derivent, plus ou moins directement mais bien certainement,de
la conviction que Rähula etait le fils du Buddha. II y a entre
eux un enchainement logique, propre ä la Psychologie devote et
plus precisement ä celle des anciens bouddhistes, qui les relie
tous sans en excepter aucun, de telle sorte qu'on n'en peut
trouver un seul dont on puisse penser qu’il y echappe et qu’il
ait pour origine le souvenir d'un fait reel. Les rares elements
qui pourraient sembler avoir une lointaine base historique,
comme le nom de la jeune femme et celui de son pere, sont le
fruit de 1'imagination tardive des auteurs, comme le prouvent
assez leur silence et leurs divergences. Comme nous l'avons vu,
ce surnom de Rähulamätr que certains lui donnent, et lui con-
servent meme si longtemps, est un aveu d'ignorance de son nom
propre, tout comme les noms differents qu'ils lui donnent
ailleurs: Yasodharä, BimbädevI, Bhaddä Kaccänä, Gopikä, etc.
Quant ä son pere, nous avons le choix, nous l'avons vue, entre
Mahänäman, Dandapäni et Suppabuddha, tous nobles Säkya mais
qu'il est impossible de reduire ä un meme personnage.
Tout concourt ä exalter cette femme, son rang social, ses
vertus, ses pouvoirs surnaturels meme sur lesquels les Müla-
sarvästivädin insistent assez lourdement. Les rares traits
qui semblent negatifs ä premiere vue ont pour origine le desir
de souligner l ’une de ses qualites: si eile fait porter par
Rähula une friandise au Buddha lors du dejeuner qu’elle offre
ä celui-ci, c'est pour regaler et honorer son hote; si cela
est interprets comme une tentative de seduction par de vieux
moines misogynes, si l'ancienne epouse du Bodhisattva essaie
de ramener definitivement ä eile le Bienheureux en lui offrant
un somptueux festin et en ayant recours ä tous les moyens hon-
netes de seduction de ses suivantes et d'elle-meme, ou en en-
voyant Rähula porter ä son pere une boulette magique, un filtre
d ’amour qu'elle a obtenu ä grand prix, c ’est parce qu'elle y
est poussee par 1'immense amour qui la lie ä son ancien mari
et qui s'est maintenu sans jamais faiblir ä travers d'innom-
brables existences communes; si eile tente de dissuader Rähula
de devenir moine, c'est evidemment ä cause de 1'affection
qu'elle porte naturellement ä son fils unique. Seuls, de vieux
moines ou des devots ä 1 ’esprit tout desseche par leur egoisme
religieux pourraient l'en blamer.
* —
Fille de l'un des principaux notables des Säkya, eile est
si belle, paree de tant de vertus que le Bodhisattva tombe
amoureux d ’elle, lui fait une cour empressee et conquiert sa
main dans un concours ou il vainc tous ses rivaux, les autres
pretendants. Elle acquiert par ce mariage un rang tres eleve
ä la cour du roi Suddhodana, rang qu’elle conservera apres le
depart de son epoux et qu’elle tiendra brillamment quand le
Buddha reviendra ä Kapilavastu. Les austerites auxquelles eile
se soumet volontairement pendant que le Bodhisattva pratique de
severes macerations prouvent la force de son attachement ä son
mari et son courage. Elies ont pour effet, selon les textes du
Nord, de retarder pendant six ans le developpement de 1 ’enfant
qu'elle porte dans son sein. Ce prodige 1 ’expose par la suite
ä de penibles epreuves, ä cause de 1'incredulite des Säkya, et
cela la conduit ä accomplir deux ou trois miracles pour prouver
la legitimite de la naissance de son fils. Le Buddha lui-meme
acheve de detromper ses compatriotes par un autre prodige, et
sa femme est enfin louee par lui et par ceux qui la blämaient
naguere. Bientot apres, eile devient nonne, puis eile atteint
successivement tous les degres de la Saintete, laissant le sou
venir d'une femme exceptionnelle, et cela d ’autant plus qu'elle
avait ete la compagne ou l ’epouse du Bodhisattva dans nombre de
leurs vies passees. Elle avait ainsi bien merite le nom que
lui avaient donne les textes de l ’Inde septentrionale, Yaso-
dharä, la Glorieuse. Mais ou pourrait-on trouver un detail
historique dans tout cela ?
Le nombre des episodes auxquels est melee cette femme et
dans lesquels eile joue souvent le principal role, celui des
autres informations qu'on nous donne sur eile, celui des textes
qui nous renseignent ainsi ä son sujet et leur diversite, celui
enfin des variantes et des divergences que nous y trouvons en
ce qui la regarde, tout cela prouve bien q u ’ä partir du debut
du Ier s i e d e avant notre ere environ, les auteurs bouddhistes
et 1 ’ensemble des devots attacherent un vif interet ä celle
qui avait ete l ’epouse du futur Buddha, un interet qui se deve-
loppa assez rapidement et qui se maintint ensuite pendant des
siecles. Cela montre quel travail d ’imagination ont du accom
plir les auteurs de ces textes et de ceux, plus nombreux encore
sans doute, qui se sont perdus, pour repondre aux questions
qu'ils se posaient eux-memes ou qui leur etaient posees sur
cette femme, sur sa personne, sur ses vertus, sur sa vie, sur
ses actions, quelles discussions tout cela a suscitees parmi
eux. Cela montre quelle importance eile avait prise, et gardee,
ä leurs yeux.
54
Comme nous l ’ a v o n s vu p l u s h a u t , l a r a i s o n de c e t e n g o u e -
ment e s t f a c i l e ä c o r a p r e n d r e , e i l e t r a n s p a r a i t c l a i r e m e n t ä
tra v e rs le s r e c i t s . P u i s q u e , c r o y a i t - o n , l e f u t u r B uddha,
a y a n t eu un f i l s , R ä h u l a , a v a i t e t e m a r i e d a n s s a j e u n e s s e ,
c e l l e q u ' i l a v a i t p r i s e p o u r e p o u s e a v a i t du p o s s e d e r d e s q u a -
l i t e s e x t r a o r d i n a i r e s pour j u s t i f i e r ce c h o ix opere p ar l e f u tu r
O m n i s c i e n t , e t e i l e ne p o u v a i t a v o i r du c e m e r v e i l l e u x b o n h e u r
q u ' a l a m a t u r a t i o n d ’ immenses m e r i t e s , ä l a p r a t i q u e d e s p l u s
g ra n d e s v e r tu s p o u ssees j u s q u ’ä une e x c e lle n c e r a r e e t pendant
de f o r t n o m b re u s e s v i e s a n t e r i e u r e s . Or une femme a p p r o c h a n t
t e l l e m e n t d e l a p e r f e c t i o n m e r i t a i t p l e i n e m e n t q u 'o n s ' i n t e r e s -
s a t ä e i l e e t q u ’on c h a n t a t s e s l o u a n g e s en l a p r o p o s a n t ä l a
v e n e ra tio n e t ä 1 ' a d m ira tio n des fo u le s des f i d e l e s .
C e p e n d a n t, c e t i n t e r e t a p p a r a i t t a r d i v e m e n t , q u a t r e s i e c l e s
e n v i r o n a p r e s l e P a r i n i r v ä n a du B ie n h e u r e u x e t l a m o rt de son
epouse. I I c o n t r a s t e de f a q o n f o r t s u r p r e n a n t e a v e c l e s i l e n c e
p re sq u e t o t a l des t e x t e s c a n o n iq u es l e s p lu s a n c ie n s , r e d ig e s
e t f i x e s en g r o s d u r a n t c e s q u a t r e p r e m i e r s s i e c l e s d e l ' h i s t o i r e
du b o u d d h is m e . Ce s i l e n c e e t o n n a n t , q u i p e u t p a r a i t r e m e p r i s a n t
e t q u i r e v e l e en t o u t c a s l ’ o u b l i t o t a l d a n s l e q u e l e t a i t tombe
c e t t e femme d e p u i s l o n g t e m p s , e s t p r e s q u e s o u d a i n r e m p l a c e p a r
un engouem ent q u i p r e n d en q u e l q u e s o r t e 1 ’ a s p e c t d ’u n e r e h a b i
l i t a t i o n , de l a r e p a r a t i o n d ’ u n e i n j u s t i c e . Ce c o n t r a s t e e n t r e
l e s t e x t e s a n c i e n s e t l e s t e x t e s t a r d i f s s e d o u b l e d ’un a u t r e ,
t o u t a u s s i s u r p r e n a n t , e n t r e l e s i l e n c e e n t o u r a n t c e t t e femme
e t l e s i n f o r m a t i o n s n o m b r e u s e s que n o u s d o n n e n t l e s r e c u e i l s
c a n o n i q u e s a n c i e n s s u r l e s a u t r e s p e r s o n n e s de l a f a m i l l e du
Buddha ou d e son e n t o u r a g e p r o c h e , son p e r e , s a m ere a d o p t i v e ,
so n f i l s , s e s c o u s i n s , s e s a m is de j e u n e s s e .
P o u r q u o i done l e s b o u d d h i s t e s d e s q u a t r e p r e m i e r s s i e c l e s
a p r e s l e P a r i n i r v ä n a s e s o n t - i l s a i n s i c o m p le te m e n t d e s i n t e r e s s e s
de c e t t e femme que c e u x d e s g e n e r a t i o n s s u i v a n t e s r e c o n n a i t r o n t
s i d i g n e d ’a d m i r a t i o n e t d o n t i l s d e c r i r o n t en l e s l o u a n t l e s
v e r tu s e t l e s a c tio n s ? Pourquoi e s t - e i l e a b se n te des a n c ie n s
t e x t e s c a n o n i q u e s ou l ' o n a c c o r d e au c o n t r a i r e u n e p l a c e a s s e z
l a r g e ä t a n t d ' a u t r e s femmes, n o n n e s e t l a l q u e s , S äkya ou
a u t r e s , ä commencer p a r l a m e re a d o p t i v e du B uddha, M a h ä p r a j ä -
p a t i G a u ta m I, s i p r o c h e de 1 ’ e p o u s e du B o d h i s a t t v a ä m a i n t s
e g a r d s comme l e m o n t r e r o n t l e s l e g e n d e s t a r d i v e s ? P o u r t e n t e r
d e p e r c e r c e m y s t e r e , nous sommes r e d u i t s h e l a s a ux h y p o t h e s e s .
La femme q u ’ a v a i t e p o u s e e l e f u t u r Buddha e t a i t p e u t - e t r e
t o u t s im p le m e n t u n e p e r s o n n e d ’u n e n a t u r e a s s e z o r d i n a i r e ,
e f f a c e e , d o n t n i l e c a r a c t e r e n i l e s a c t e s ne m e r i t a i e n t q u 'o n
en g a r d ä t l e s o u v e n i r . S i t e l e t a i t son c a s , e i l e s ' e t a i t s a n s
55
d o u t e r e s i g n e e ä c e t t e S o r t e de v e u v a g e que l u i a v a i t im p o se e
l e d e p a r t de son m a r i , e l e v a n t son f i l s c o r r e c t e r a e n t m a is d a n s
1*ombre de c e l l e q u i l u i t e n a i t l i e u de b e l l e - m e r e , M a h ä p r a j ä -
p a t i G a u ta m i, d o n t l a f o r t e p e r s o n n a l i t e a p p a r a i t n e t t e m e n t
dans le s a n c ie n s t e x t es c an o n iq u es. D e v i n t - e l l e n o n n e , comme
c e l l e - c i e t s o u s so n i n f l u e n c e , avec d ’ a u t r e s j e u n e s femmes de
l a t r i b u d e s S ä k y a comme l e v e u t l a t r a d i t i o n ? R i e n ne l e
p ro u v e , m alg re l e s a f f i r m a t i o n s r e p e t e e s e t l e s lo u a n g e s des
o u v r a g e s t a r d i f s . On r e m a r q u e r a t o u t e f o i s que c e t t e femme e s t
l e s e u l membre de l a f a m i l l e du B uddha, l e mot f a m i l l e e t a n t
p r i s i c i a u s e n s l a r g e , que l a t r a d i t i o n a n c i e n n e a i t c o m p l e t e -
ment n e g l i g e , s a n s meme e s s a y e r de l u i a t t r i b u e r f i c t i v e m e n t
c e r t a i n s t r a i t s de c a r a c t e r e ou c e r t a i n e s a c t i o n s m e m o ra b le s
ä c au se de s e s r e l a t i o n s s i e t r o i t e s avec l e B ien h eu reu x e t
a vec l e V e n e r a b l e R ä h u l a .
On p e u t s u p p o s e r a u s s i que c e t t e femme n ’a j a m a i s e x i s t e ,
a u t r e m e n t d i t que l e j e u n e Gautama ne s ’ e s t j a m a i s m a r i e e t ,
p a r v o i e d e c o n s e q u e n c e , que R ä h u la n ’ e t a i t p a s so n f i l s , q u ’ i l
n ’ e t a i t p e u t - e t r e meme p a s a p p a r e n t e a u Buddha, q u o iq u e a p p a r t e -
n a n t ä l a t r i b u des Säkya. Dans c e c a s , on c o m p r e n d r a i t f o r t
b i e n l e s i l e n c e d e s t e x t e s l e s p l u s a n c i e n s e n v e r s un p e r s o n n a g e
i n e x i s t a n t , l ' e p o u s e du B o d h i s a t t v a , comme ä l ’ e g a r d de l a m ere
de R ä h u l a , d o n t on n ’ a v a i t p a s p l u s de r a i s o n s de c o n s e r v e r l e
s o u v e n i r q u ’ on ne l e f a i s a i t p o u r l e s m e r e s de l a p l u p a r t d e s
a u tr e s grands d i s c i p l e s . Pour s u rp re n a n te q u 'e l l e s o i t , c e t t e
h y p o t h e s e n e d o i t p a s e t r e r e j e t e e s a n s exam en, m a is c e l u i - c i
e x ig e 1 ’ etu d e p r e a la b le des so u rces dont nous d isp o so n s pour
s a v o i r s u r q u e l l e s b a s e s s e f o n d e l a t r a d i t i o n f a i s a n t de R ä h u la
l e f i l s du B i e n h e u r e u x . L 'u n e de c e s s o u r c e s , l a p r i n c i p a l e e t
p e u t - e t r e l a s e u le qui s o i t a n c ie n n e , e s t l e r e c i t c o n te p a r
l e s t r o i s Vinayapitaka d e s T h e r a v ä d i n , M a h is ä s a k a e t D harm a-
g u p t a k a , d a n s l e q u e l l a m ere d e 1 ' e n f a n t l u i d e s i g n e l e Buddha
comme e t a n t son p e r e . Ce t e x t e p r o u v e t o u t e f o i s que s e s a u t e u r s
e t a i e n t c o n v a i n c u s de l a r e a l i t e du l i e n de p a r e n t e u n i s s a n t
R ä h u la a u B i e n h e u r e u x , q u ’ i l s ’ a g i s s a i t done l ä d ’u n e c r o y a n c e
b i e n a c c e p t e e e t a s s e z l a r g e m e n t r e p a n d u e ä l ’ epoque oü f u t
im a g in e c e t e p i s o d e , ä l a f i n du r e g n e d ’ A so k a , e t p a r c o n s e
quent d ’une t r a d i t i o n d e j ä a n c ie n n e a l o r s . En o u t r e , s i l e
Buddha n ’ a v a i t j a m a i s e t e m a r i e , l e s p r e m i e r e s g e n e r a t i o n s de
d i s c i p l e s a u r a i e n t p r o b a b l e m e n t g a r d e f i d e l e m e n t l a m em oire de
c e f a i t q u ’ e i l e s a u r a i e n t c o n s i d e r e comme u n e p r e u v e d ’ a s c e t i s m e
p a r f a i t e m e n t c o m p a tib le avec sa d o c t r i n e , e t i l a u r a i t e t e d i f
f i c i l e , p a r l a s u i t e , d e l u i a t t r i b u e r un f i l s , f ü t - i l d e v e n u
l ’un de s e s m e i l l e u r s d i s c i p l e s comme R ä h u l a . E n fin , l e m ariag e
d e v a i t e t r e une o b l i g a t i o n b e a u c o u p p l u s f o r t e p o u r un j e u n e
homme a p p a r t e n a n t ä l a c a s t e g u e r r i e r e comme l ' e t a i t l e B o d h i-
56
s a t t v a que p o u r un j e u n e I n d i e n d ’u n e a u t r e c a s t e . Nous en
avons pour p reu v es l e s p e n s e e s , l e s p a r o le s e t l e s a c te s p r e t e s
au p e r e du f u t u r B uddha, S u d d h o d a n a , d a n s d e s t e x t e s a u s s i b i e n
a n c i e n s que t a r d i f s , e t q u i , s ' i l s s o n t m a n i f e s t e m e n t l e s p r o -
d u i t s de 1 ’ i m a g i n a t i o n d e s a u t e u r s , n ' e n r e f l e t e n t p a s m o in s
un e t a t d ’ e s p r i t l i e ä d e s o b l i g a t i o n s s o c i a l e s . C’ e s t p o u r -
q u o i c e t t e d e u x ie m e h y p o t h e s e , n i a n t l e m a r i a g e du j e u n e Gautama
e t s a p a t e m i t e p a r r a p p o r t ä R ä h u la , p e u t e t r e e c a r t e e , au
m o in s p r o v i s o i r e m e n t .
La t r o i s i e m e e s t , en q u e lq u e s o r t e , une c o m b i n a i s o n d e s
deux p r e m i e r e s , c ’ e s t c e l l e que nous a v i o n s p r e s e n t e e ä l a f i n
de n o t r e a r t i c l e s u r La jeu n e sse du Buddha3 ä s a v o i r que l e
B o d h i s a t t v a s ' e s t m a r i e d a n s s a j e u n e s s e , q u ' i l a e u un u n i q u e
e n f a n t , un f i l s nomme R ä h u l a , m a is que l a m e re de c e l u i - c i e s t
m o rte peu a p re s l a n a i s s a n c e , 2 a c c id e n t qui e t a i t a s s e z f r e q u e n t
p a r t o u t d a n s l e monde j u s q u ' a une epoque t o u t e r e c e n t e e t q u i
n ' e s t m a lh e u r e u s e m e n t e n c o r e p a s r a r e de n o s j o u r s d a n s c e r t a i n s
pays. En e t u d i a n t l e s t e x t e s c e n s e s nous r e n s e i g n e r s u r c e que
f u t l a j e u n e s s e du f u t u r B uddha, de s a n a i s s a n c e j u s q u ' a l ' E v e i l ,
n o u s a v i o n s c o n s t a t e , non s a n s s u r p r i s e , com bien p e u d ' i n f o r m a
t i o n s a y a n t une v a l e u r h i s t o r i q u e a u m oins p r o b a b l e on y t r o u v e
ä c o t e de l a somme de l e g e n d e s que nous c o n t e n t ä c e p r o p o s l e s
o u v r a g e s meme l e s p l u s a n c i e n s , l e g e n d e s n e t t e m e n t a n t e r i e u r e s
au r e g n e d ' A s o k a . 2 Ce s i l e n c e r e f l e t e apparem m ent l a d i s c r e t i o n
e x t r e m e que g a r d a l e B i e n h e u r e u x s u r s a j e u n e s s e , c o n fo rm e m e n t ä
s a d o c t r i n e de r e n o n c e m e n t aux p l a i s i r s de l a v i e l a i q u e , p l a i -
s i r s r e n d u s t r o m p e u r s p a r l e u r n a t u r e im p e r m a n e n te . Or l e s i l e n
c e c o m p l e t , ou p r e s q u e , de t o u s l e s o u v r a g e s c a n o n i q u e s a n c i e n s
s u r l a femme q u i f u t l ' e p o u s e du B o d h i s a t t v a e t l a m ere de R ä h u l a
e s t e n c o r e p l u s g r a n d que c e l u i q u i e n t o u r e l a j e u n e s s e du f u t u r
B uddha, p u i s q u ’ i l n ' e s t meme p a s m asque p a r d e s l e g e n d e s . II
e s t done de meme n a t u r e e t l ' o n p e u t en d e d u i r e que c e t t e j e u n e
femme a p p a r t i e n t t o u t e n t i e r e ä l a j e u n e s s e de son m a r i e t
q u ' e l l e a d i s p a r u e n t r e l a n a i s s a n c e de son f i l s e t l e r e t o u r
du B i e n h e u r e u x ä K a p i l a v a s t u a p r e s l ' E v e i l . C e tte tr o is ie m e
h y p o t h e s e p a r a i t p l u s a c c e p t a b l e que l e s d e u x p r e c e d e n t e s ,
q u ' e l l e com bine en c o n s e r v a n t l e u r s a v a n t a g e s e t en e l i m i n a n t
l e u r s in c o n v e n ie n ts : e i l e s 'a c c o r d e avec l a t r a d i t i o n f a i s a n t
de R ä h u la l e f i l s du Buddha e t e i l e e x p l i q u e 1 ' a b s e n c e t o t a l e
de l ' a n c i e n n e e p o u s e de c e d e r n i e r de t o u s l e s e p i s o d e s de s a
b i o g r a p h i e p o s t e r i e u r s a u Grand D e p a r t c o n t e s p a r t o u s l e s
Sütrapdtaka e t p a r l a p l u p a r t d e s V inayapitaka, ä 1 ' e x c e p t i o n
de l a c o u r t e s c e n e ou l a j e u n e femme f a i t s a v o i r ä so n e n f a n t
q u ' i l e s t l e f i l s du B i e n h e u r e u x .
57
Comme nous l ’ a v i o n s m o n t r e d e j a d a n s 1 ’ a r t i c l e s u r La
je u n e s s e du Buddha, 2 c e t t e h y p o t h e s e p e r m e t de d o n n e r u n e e x
p l i c a t i o n du G rand D e p a r t du B o d h i s a t t v a p o u r l a v i e a s c e t i q u e
in c o m p a r a b le m e n t p l u s v r a i s e m b l a b l e que l a fa m e u s e l e g e n d e d e s
q u a t r e r e n c o n t r e s du j e u n e p r i n c e , d o n t l a g r a n d e b e a u t e l i t t e -
r a i r e ne s a u r a i t f a i r e o u b l i e r l a n a t u r e p u r e m e n t i m a g i n a i r e .
Le d e c e s de s a j e u n e femme, s u r t o u t s ' i l f u t r a p i d e , s i e i l e
e s t m o r te en c o u c h e s ou p e u d e j o u r s a p r e s , ä l a s u i t e d ' u n e
i n f e c t i o n p u e r p e r a l e n o ta m m e n t, a f o r t b i e n pu b o u l e v e r s e r l e
B o d h i s a t t v a a u p o i n t de l e f a i r e r e n o n c e r ä l a v i e l a i q u e p o u r
r e c h e r c h e r , d a n s l ’a s c e s e e t l a m e d i t a t i o n , l e moyen de v a i n c r e
d e f i n i t iv e m e n t l a m ort e t t o u t e s l e s f o r m e s d e l a d o u l e u r . Le
b u t de s a d o c t r i n e , l e th e m e d e s q u a t r e s s a i n t e s V e r i t e s , l e
f a i t que l e Yidwärua s o i t a p p e l e i m m o r t e l e t que l a m o rt p e r s o n -
n i f i e e , Mära P ä p i m a n t , s o i t r e p r e s e n t e e i c i e t l a d a n s l e s
t e x t e s c a n o n i q u e s comme e t a n t l ' a d v e r s a i r e p r i n c i p a l du Buddha,
t o u t c e l a c o n c o u r t ä f a i r e p e n s e r que l e j e u n e Gautama a q u i t t e
s a f a m i l l e a l a s u i t e d ’ un d e u i l p a r t i c u l i e r e m e n t c r u e l e t
b r u t a l , p r o v o q u a n t c h e z l u i un c h a g r i n immense e t q u ’ i l ne
c r u t p o u v o i r a p a i s e r que p a r l a f u i t e , p a r l e r e n o n c e m e n t d e f i -
n i t i f a u x p l a i s i r s de l a v i e l a i q u e s i b r u s q u e m e n t r e m p l a c e s
p a r une p e i n e p r o f o n d e .
S i 1 ’ on ne s a u r a i t nous r e p r o c h e r d ' a v o i r e s s a y e a i n s i de
p e r c e r l ’ e p a is m y stere dont l e s t e x t e s c a n o n iq u e s e n v elo p p en t
l a femme q u i f u t l ’ e p o u s e du f u t u r Buddha e t l a m ere de R ä h u l a ,
n o u s ne p o u v o n s c o n t e s t e r l a m i n c e u r d e s r e s u l t a t s o b t e n u s p a r
c e t t e e t u d e e t l a f r a g i l i t e de 1 ’h y p o t h e s e ä l a q u e l l e n o u s
avons a b o u ti. En somme, n o u s n 'a v o n s f a i t que c e que f i r e n t
l e s a u t e u r s b o u d d h i s t e s d e s e n v i r o n s du d e b u t de n o t r e e r e e t
d e s s i e c l e s s u i v a n t s , m a is en u t i l i s a n t d e s moyens d ' i n v e s t i
g a t i o n d i f f e r e n t s , p r o p r e s aux m e th o d e s o c c i d e n t a l e s de n o t r e
t e m p s , p o u r t e n t e r de m ieux c o n n a i t r e , n o u s a u s s i , l a p e r s o n n e
e t l a v i e de l ’u n e d e s f i g u r e s l e s p l u s a t t a c h a n t e s d e l ' h i s -
t o i r e u n i v e r s e l l e : l e Buddha.
Notes
1- E t i e n n e L a m o t t e , H is to iv e du bouddhism e in d ie n 3 B i b l i o t h e q u e
du M useon, i+3, L o u v a in 1 9 5 8 , 7 3 3 - 6 .
2. Andre B a r e a u , nLa j e u n e s s e du Buddha d a n s l e s S ü t r a p i t a k a e t
l e s V i n a y a p i t a k a a n c i e n s " , BEFE03 LXI, P a r i s 1 9 7 ^ , 1 9 9 - 2 7 ^ .
3. E d i t i o n de T a i s h 5 S h in s h ü D a iz ö k y ö (= T . ) , n o . 1 2 6 , 8 3 3 c .
b. E d i t i o n de l a P a l i T e x t S o c i e t y (= P T S ), v o l . I , 2 5 ; T. no.
125, 558c-559 c .
58
5. Manorathapürani, PTS, v o l . I , 3 7 6 - 7 .
6. T. n o . ll+35*
7- T. n o . lU 6 U.
8. PTS, v o l . I , 8 2 ; T. n o .ll+ 2 1 , l l 6c ; T. n o .ll+ 2 8 , 8 0 9 c .
9. S a m a jivi-su tta , Ahguttaranikäya > PTS, v o l . I I , 6l .
10. V o i r notam m ent 1 ’ a r t i c l e q u i l u i e s t c o n s a c r e p a r G .P .
M a l a l a s e k e r a d a n s son D ictionary o f P a li Proper Names3
London I 9 6 0 , e t c e l u i de M o c h iz u k i d a n s so n Bukkyo
D a i j i t e n p . 5060c.
11 . T. n o . l U 2 5 , l+60b-c .
12. i b i d . , U 71a -b.
13. i b i d . , 365b-c.
Ih. Mahävastu, e d i t i o n S e n a r t , P a r i s 1 8 8 2 - 1 8 9 7 , I I I , 11+2-3.
15 . i b i d . , I l l , 256-66.
16. i b i d . , I I , 25.
17. i b i d . , I I , 1+7 e t 7 3 .
18. i b i d . , I I , 7 2 , 8 3 , 8 9 , 9l+.
19 . i b i d . , I I , 159.
20. i b i d . , I I I , 172.
21. ib id ., I I , 166.
22 . i b i d . , I I , 1 8 9 , 233.
23 . i b i d . , I l l , 102.
2l+. ib id . , I I , 69.
25 . i b i d . , I l l , 1 5 3 , 170.
26. i b i d . , I I , 177.
27. i b i d . , I I , 1 35.
28 . ib id ., I l l , ll6 .
29. i b i d . , I , 1 2 8 ; I I , 61+, 6 7 , 6 8 , 7 2 , 8 9 , 9l+, l l l + , 1 7 6 - 7 ,
1 8 8 , 1+96; I I I , 2 6 , 1 2 9 , 1 5 2 , 170.
30. T. no. 11+50, 1 5 9 a - b .
31. i b i d . , l 60c - l 62b .
32. i b i d . , 158c.
33. i b i d . , 158c , 1 2 1 a .
3l+. i b i d . , 158c.
35. i b i d . , 1 5 8c .
36. i b i d . , 1 5 8c .
37. i b i d . , 1 5 8c .
38. i b i d . , 159a.
39. i b i d . , 1 2 l+b.
1+0 . i b i d . , 121+c.
1+1 . i b i d . , 1 2 l+b-c.
1+2 . i b i d . , 121+c.
1+3. i b i d . , 1 1 1c .
1+1+. i b i d . , 1 1 2a .
1+5. i b i d . , 1 1 2a .
1+6 . i b i d . , 1 1 2 c , 1 1 1+b; T no . 11+1+2 , 720 c .
1+7. T. n o . 11+5 0 , 1 1 5 a - b .
1+8 . i b i d . , 115b - c .
59
1+9. J ä td k a , n o . 1 1 , 9 5 , 19*+, 2 0 1 , 2 7 6 , 3 2 8 , 3 I+O, 3 8 7 , 3 9 7 ,
1+0 8 , U l l , 1+15, 1+2 1 , 1+21+, I+3 I+, 1+1+3, 1+51, 1+58, 1+59, l+6l,
1+85, 5 0 6 , 5 2 5 , 5 3 1 , 5 3 9 , 5l+5, 5l+7; J ä td k a n o . 2 8 l e t 5 1 3 .
5 0 . K a th ä v a tth u , X X I I I , 1 .
5 1 . A h g u tta ra n ik ä ya , P TS, v o l . I I , 6 l .
52. T r a d u i t en f r a n g a i s p a r M a d e le in e R o l l a n d s o u s l e t i t r e
A q u a tr e v o ix e t p a r u a i n s i e n 1 9 2 5 ä P a r i s . L 'o u v r a g e
o r i g i n a l p a r u t en 1 9 l6 .
5 3 . J ä td k a , PTS, v o l . I I , 3 9 2 .
5*+. i b i d . , v o l . I I , 392 e t 39l+.
55. i b i d . , v o l . I I , 393 e t 1+33.
56. i b i d . , v o l . I V , 2 8 2 - 3 .
57. A padäna , PTS, v o l . I I , 581+-90, e n p a r t i c u l i e r l e s v e r s 10
e t 1 1 , p . 5 8 5 . Le t e x t e e s t p r e s q u e t o u t e n t i e r m i s d a n s
l a b ouche de c e t t e n o n n e , q u i r a p p e l l e au Buddha q u ’ e l l e
f u t s a com pagne f i d e l e , p a t i e n t e e t d e v o u e e d a n s d 'i n n o m -
b r a b l e s e x i s t e n c e s p a s s e e s co m m u n e s , m a i s c e l a n e n o u s
a p p re n d r i e n s u r s a d e r n i e r e e x i s t e n c e en t a n t q u 'e p o u s e
d u B o d h i s a t t a G o ta m a .
5 8 . J ä ta k a , v o l . I , 5I+.
59. i b i d . , 5 8 .
6 0 . i b i d . , 60 e t 6 2 . C e t t e d e r n i e r e p a g e f a i t r e f e r e n c e a u s s i
ä une t r a d i t i o n s e lo n l a q u e l l e R ä h u la e t a i t ag e de s e p t
j o u r s a u moment d u G r a n d D e p a r t ,
61. i b i d . , 89.
62. i b i d . , 90-1.
6 3 . M an orathapürani , PTS, v o l . I , 3 7 6 - 7 -
61+. i b i d . , 37 7 - Parm i l e s q u e lq u e s d e t a i l s donnes i c i s u r
l ' e p o u s e d u B o d h i s a t t a , on n o t e q u e c e d e r n i e r a b i e n
q u i t t e s a f a m i l l e l e j o u r meme d e l a n a i s s a n c e d e s o n
f i l s R ä h u la .
6 5 . On e n t r o u v e r a u n e l i s t e i m p r e s s i o n n a n t e d a n s : E t i e n n e
L a m o t t e , Le T r a tte de la grande V ertu de S a g e sse } I I ,
B i b l i o t h e q u e d u M u s e o n , 1 8 , L o u v a i n 191+9, 1001, n . l ;
M o c h i z u k i , Bukkyo D a i j i t e n , l+ 897b-l+898a. Ces d e u x l i s t e s
b ib lio g r a p h iq u e s se c o m p le te n t l 'u n e l ’a u t r e . O u tre l e s
c e l e b r e s b i o g r a p h i e s du B u d d h a c o n s e r v e e s d a n s l e u r
S a n s k r i t o r i g i n a l , L a l i t a v i s t a r a e t B u d d h a ca rita 3 d i v e r s
e le m e n ts de l a l e g e n d e de l ’ e p o u s e du B o d h i s a t t v a s o n t
donnes dans l e s b io g ra p h ie s p arv e n u es j u s q u 'a nous s e u le -
m ent en t r a d u c t i o n c h i n o i s e , T. n o . l8 U , 1 8 5 , 1 8 6 , 1 8 7 ,
1 8 8 , 1 8 9 , 1 9 0 , 191 e t 1 9 5 .
61
THE IMPORTANCE OF ASOKA’S SO-CALLED SCHISM EDICT
Heinz BECHERT (Gottingen)
The Council (sahglti) of Pätaliputra has been, since the days
of H. Kern, a major theme in the discussions concerning the
early history of the Buddhist Sangha. In the Pali sources
(Samantapäsädikä, Dlpavamsa and Mahävamsa), this Council is
said to have been held under the patronage of King Asoka and
to have been presided over by the Thera Moggaliputta. Mogga-
liputta is known as the fifth thera in the paramparä of the
patriarchs” of the Pali school, and he is mentioned in this
capacity in the Parivara of the Vinayapitaka (ed. H.Oldenberg,
vol. 5, ^London 1883, pp. 2 and i+9; see E. Lamotte, Histoire du
bouddhisme indien, Louvain 1958, pp.22^f). H. Kern had al
ready pointed out that "a review of all the testimonies avail
able leaves no doubt that the assembly at Pätaliputra was a
party meeting, from which the Mahäsänghikas were excluded"
(H. Kern, Manual of Indian Buddhisms Strassburg, 1898, p.lll).
The considerable difficulties for a coherent interpretation
of the references to this assembly in the Pali sources and in
the so-called "Northern" sources led E. Frauwallner to the
conclusion that two different Councils were held in Pätali
putra, because the differences between the two main traditions
are too basic for them to be referring to one and the same
convocation. The earlier assembly, which was of a more
general character, was confused by the Päli tradition with a
sectarian" meeting of the Päli school held during the reign
of Asoka (see E. Frauwallner, "Die buddhistischen Konzile",
ZDMG, 102, 1952, 2^0-6l). Frauwallner’s interpretation of
the sources was subsequently accepted by most Western Buddho-
logists (e.g. Andre Bareau, Les premiers Coneiles Bouddhiques.
Paris 1955, 88-133).
Päli sources inform us that Asoka had become a follower
of orthodox Theraväda, viz. of the particular section (nikäya)
of the Sangha which was also known as Vibhajjavädin and from
which the tradition of orthodox Ceylonese Theraväda is derived.
The Kathävatthuppakarana, said to have been published by Mogga
liputta during the Third Council, represents the particular
dogmatic handbook of this school- and it is accepted as a part
of the Trinitaka by the Theravädin. It seems quite probable
62
that the Council headed by Moggaliputta was held under the
patronage of the king, but this alone does not imply, of
course, that the king himself was a Theravädin. It is well
confirmed in our sources that Madhyäntika (päli Majjhantika)
was sent out by Asoka as a missionary into the north-western
countries of Kashmir and Gandhara, and that this thera was one
of the "patriarchs" of the Sarvästiväda school. Therefore,
scholars generally have believed that Asoka patronised various
schools of Buddhist monks and that he was not a partisan of a
particular school (nikäya).
In 1959, two scholars published studies in which they
proposed a different view of Asoka's relation to the Buddhist
nikäyas: L. Alsdorf, "Asokas Schismen-Edikt und das dritte
Konzil", Indo-Iranian Journal, 3, 1959, l6l-7^, and N.A. Jaya-
wickrama, "A Reference to the Third Council in Asoka's Edicts",
University of Ceylon Review, 17, 1959, 6l-72. The two scholars
did not know of each other's views prior to the two articles'
almost simultaneous publication. Both of them propose a new
interpretation of the "Minor Pillar Edicts of Särnäth, Kosambi
and SäKci", which are also known as the "Schism Edict" because
they refer to the "uniting of the Sangha" and thus the end of
the existing "schism" (sahghabheda) within the Sangha. Both
authors claim that the evidence of these inscriptions not only
corroborates the historicity of the "purification" of the San
gha and of the "council" as recorded in the Pali tradition,
but also confirms that "as far as Asoka was concerned he was
an adherent of the Theraväda" (so Jayawickrama 1959, p.67 ).
Whereas Jayawickrama claims that "the Council was held long
before these edicts were issued" (ibid., p.72), Alsdorf is of
the opinion that the Council followed the purification of the
Sangha. The latter interpretation follows the Pali sources
where the purification of the Säsana clearly precedes the
Council.
It seems to be that the opinions expressed by these
scholars cannot be accepted if critically examined. I have
already discussed some relevant questions in a paper published
in German ("Asokas Schismenedikt und der Begriff Sanghabheda",
Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde Süd- und Ostasiens3 5, 1961,
18- 52), but a new discussion of the problem seems now appro
priate. Alsdorf has carefully compared the versions of the
edict and thereby improved our knowledge of the inscriptions.
The most complete version is found on the pillar of Kausämbl:
Devanampiye anapayati Kosambiyam mahamata (vataviya
samghe) samage kate samghasi no lahiye (bhede ye)
63
samgham bhakhati bhikhu va bhikhuni va se pi ca odatani
dusäni sanamdhäpayitu anäväsasi äväsayiye.
"His Majesty orders: To the Mahämätras in Kausämbi
the (following) order should he given: The Sangha
is united. In the Sangha no schism can he tolerated.
Whoever should break (the unity of) the Sangha, he it
monk or nun, should he clad in white clothes and
given residence outside the (Sangha’s) residential
area." (Cf. Alsdorf 1959, pp.l6Uf).
The other versions differ in details, hut not in essential
points. The version found on the pillar of Sarnath (which ori
ginally was issued to the Mahämätras in Pätaliputra) has an
additional passage which was partly understood hy earlier
authors and which will he discussed helow.
For an interpretation of the main portion of the edict,
the exact meaning of the terms and phrases must he determined.
As the edict deals with vinaya matter, i.e. Buddhist ecclesi
astical law, a connection between the use of the relevant
terms in the vinaya with the meaning of these terms in the
text of the edict is to he expected. The first statement in
the inscription runs: "samghe samage (i.e. samagge) kate”.
The Sangha has to he made samagga (samagra)s before a vinaya-
karma3 i.e. a juridical act of the Sangha, can he validly
performed. The regulations are specified in all versions of
the Vinayapitaka without any essential discrepancies. In the
Päli version, the basic regulation reads (Mahävagga II, 5-1):
anugänämi ... samaggänam uposathakammam. "I prescribe ...
that an Uposatha ceremony of the complete (members of the
Sangha) is to he held." Unfortunately, some authors still
translate anugänämi in most passages in the Vinayapitaka with
"I allow". However, when the Buddha speaks, the appropriate
translation in most cases is "I prescribe" (see also Critical
Pali Dictionary3 I, 185, and Sanskrit Wörterbuch der buddhist
ischen Texte aus den Turfan-Funden, I, 60). The meaning of
the regulation is specified by two further regulations: that
the Sangha must he complete as far as a residence (äväsa)
extends (Mahävagga II, 5.2), and that a boundary (stmä) has
to be fixed to clearly delimit the extent of a particular
äväsa (Mahävagga II. 6.l). The text of the Vinayapitaka con
tains a number of additional rules which I need not discuss
here. Readers may, however, he reminded that a careful obser
vance of all the rules for the establishment of a svrrn are
still considered essential by Buddhist monastic communities
of the modern period. Many recent divisions of the Sangha
64
■were caused by disputes on details of the stmä rules. (For
details on the later developments of the nikäyas in the Thera-
väda tradition see H. Bechert, "Säsana-Reform im Theraväda-
Buddhismus", 50 Jahre Buddhistisches Haus, ed. A. Sri Gnanavi-
mala Maha Thera et dl. , Berlin-Frohnau 197^, 19-3M- There
fore, we may be permitted to translate the sentence "samghe
samagge hate" as "The Sangha (of this particular community)
has been united (within the stmä)".
The next sentence "samghasi no lahiye bhede" again refers
to a term which is well known from Vinaya literature: samgha
bheda. _ Samghabheda as an offence is the tenth samghadisesa
(samghavasesa) in the rules of the Prätimoksa. The formula
used for the prescription in the Prätimoksa clearly proves
that samghabheda refers to the splitting of a particular Order
which should be samagga within the particular simä (cf. in the
Pali version: Yo pana bhikkhu samaggassa samghassa bhedaya
parakkameyya... ). This interpretation is further confirmed,
by the old commentarial explanation which has been included
in the canonical text of the Vinayapitaka in Pali. Here
samagga is explained as samänasamväsako samänasimaya thito
(Vinaya, ed. H. Oldenberg, III, 173). I may also quote here
the additional explanation in Cullavagga VII. 5.1 (Vinaya_, II,
20h): bhikkhu kho ... pakatatto samänasamväsako samänasimaya
thito samgham bhindati (translation by I.B. Horner, The Book
of the Disoipline3 IV, 286: "Only a regular monk ... belonging
to the same communion, staying within the same boundary, splits
an Order.") Consequently, samghabheda can take place only if a
particular Sangha is large enough to be broken into two Sanghas.
The smallest Sangha consists of four monks. Therefore, a differ
ence of opinion within a monastic community is termed samghabheda
only if both parties are large enough to form_a separate samgha.
This is the meaning of the definition samgharaji and samghabheda
in Cullavagga VII. 5-1 (Vinaya, II, 203f; for more details cf.
Bechert 1961, pp.30ff).
The reasons for samghabheda are enumerated in Mahävagga X.
5.^ (Vinaya, I, 35^f), Cullavagga IV. lU.2 (Vinaya, II, 88) and
VII. 5.2 (Vinaya, II, 204). Here "bhikkhu adhammam dhammo ti
dzpenti ..." has been understood as referring to the teaching
of the Buddha in general. This interpretation is, however,
wrong, because in this context within vinaya regulations dhamma
means the "law of the Buddha" as issued in the Vinayapitaka for
the Sangha, and nothing else. This is corroborated by a series
of synonyms used in many vinaya passages, e.g. in the passage
following the above quoted definition of samgharaji and samgha
bheda (Vinaya, II, 205): ayam dhammo ayam vinayo idam satthu
65
sasanam ("this is the law, this is the Crule ofi discipline,
this is the Teacher’s order"). Proceedings, therefore, are
adhammika ("against the CBuddha’sD law"), if they do not con
form with the prescriptions issued by the Buddha as codified
in the text of the Vinayapitaka.
It is now clear that samghabheda does not mean a "schism"
in the sense known from Christian church history, where it
nearly always implies dissensions in the interpretation of
dogma. In Buddhist tradition, "splitting of the Sangha" always
refers to matters of monastic discipline, because the validity
of any vinayakarma depends on the validity of the upasampada
and the completeness of the bhikkhus within the slmä during the
performance of the particular ecclesiastic act. If the validi
ty of the upasampadä of the monks participating became doubtful,
a situation of grave insecurity would arise for the continuation
of the Buddhist Sangha. Violations of the päräjika rules form
a principal reason for such developments.
As a consequence of samghabheda, the ecclesiastical acts
(vinayakarma), including the regular observance of the uposatha
ceremony, could no longer be held in the way it is prescribed
in the Vinayapitaka. From the more archaic version of the
record of the events during Asoka’s reign, which is found in
the Dipavamsa, we learn that vagguposatha took place for seven
years (satta vassani ahosi vagguposatho, Dipavamsa VII, 36).
This term was grossly misunderstood by B.C. Law as "pleasant
uposatha ceremony" in his Dipavamsa translation, which abounds
in errors (The Chronicle of the Island of Ceylon on the Dipa-
vamsa3 ed. by Bimala Churn Law, Maharagama 1959, p.l83). The
word vagguposatha} however, is well known to denote an uposatha
ceremony which is performed by an incomplete Sangha and there
fore is invalid. The text of the Dipavamsa adds that the "holy,
well behaved and conscientious Cmonksi did not attend this
uposatha". The record was later rewritten by Mahänäma in his
Mahävamsa, who formulated that "therefore the bhikkhus in Jam-
budlpa for seven years held no uposatha-ceremony ... in all
the ärämas" (Mahävamsa as edited and translated by W. Geiger,
V, 235). The next stanza in the Dipavamsa (VII, 37) informs us
that 60.000 monks lived in the Asokäräma. It seems, therefore,
that the report originally referred to this particular monastery,
which was, of course, of great importance because it was the
royal monastery built by Asoka himself in his capital. So it
seems that Asoka decided to act for a purification of the Sangha
when he had learnt about the chaotic conditions in the Asoka-
rama.
66
T h is r e c o r d seems t o h a v e p r e s e r v e d r e l i a b l e h i s t o r i c
i n f o r m a t i o n r e g a r d i n g t h e s e m a in f a c t s , b u t i t r e m a i n s d o u b t
f u l how f a r t h e a d d i t i o n a l m a t e r i a l a d d e d by Mahänäma i n h i s
Mahävamsa and b y B uddhaghosa i n t h e Samantapäsädikä may b e
co n sid ered r e le v a n t h i s t o r i c a l in fo rm a tio n , p a r t i c u l a r l y in
v ie w o f t h e many c e n t u r i e s w h ic h had p a s s e d b e tw e e n t h e e v e n t s
and t h e s e w r i t i n g s . I t e n d t o b e l i e v e t h a t , o u t o f t h e C e y lo n
e s e t r a d i t i o n s , o n l y t h e i n f o r m a t i o n on A soka t h a t was a l r e a d y
h a n d e d down i n t h e D ip a v a m sa may be u s e d f o r a r e c o n s t r u c t i o n
o f t h e e a r l i e s t fo rm o f t h i s t r a d i t i o n . I t h a s b e e n shown
e l s e w h e r e how f a r C e y lo n e s e a u t h o r s , and p a r t i c u l a r l y Mahänäma,
have r e w r i t t e n e a r l y h i s t o r y w ith a d i d a c t i c and p r o p a g a n d i s t i c
p u r p o s e ( s e e H. B e c h e r t , "The B e g in n in g o f B u d d h i s t H i s t o r i o
g r a p h y : Mahävamsa a n d P o l i t i c a l T h i n k i n g " , R e lig io n and L e g i ti
mation o f Power in S r i Lanka3 e d . B a r d w e ll L. S m i t h , C ha m be rs-
b u r g PA, 1 9 7 8 , 1 - 1 2 ) .
T h e r e i s no d o u b t t h a t K ing Asoka p e r f o r m e d t h e f i r s t p u r i
f i c a t i o n o f t h e O rd e r b y t h e power o f t h e s t a t e , a p r a c t i c e
w hich was o f t e n r e p e a t e d i n t h e l a t e r h i s t o r y o f t h e T h e r a v ä d a
community o f C e y lo n ( c f . W. G e i g e r , C u lture o f Ceylon in
M ediaeval Timess W ie sb a d e n I 9 6 0 , p p . 2 0 5 f ) . The r e c o r d s a g r e e
t h a t T I r t h i k a s ( p ä l i t i t t h i y a ) h a d e n t e r e d t h e S a ngha and t h e y
had t o b e re m o v e d . A g a in , t h e u s u a l t r a n s l a t i o n , " h e r e t i c s " ,
f o r t h e word t i t t h i y a i s m i s l e a d i n g , b e c a u s e t h i s t e r m d o e s
not r e f e r t o " h e r e t i c s " i n t h e se n se o f h e r e t i c form s o f t h e
B u d d h is t r e l i g i o n , b u t a lw a y s r e f e r s t o f o l l o w e r s o f o t h e r
r e l i g i o n s , i . e . n o n - B u d d h i s t s . M. W a l l e s e r h a s a l r e a d y n o t e d
t h a t t h e r e i s an i n n e r c o n t r a d i c t i o n w i t h i n t h e P a l i r e c o r d s
when i t i s f i r s t s a i d t h a t o n l y T I r t h i k a s a r e e x c l u d e d fro m
t h e S a n g h a , and n o t t h e l e a s t r e f e r e n c e i s made t o t h e f o l l o w e r s
o f d i f f e r e n t B ud d h ist s e c t s . I n t h e r e c o r d on t h e C o u n c i l , on
t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e K atth avatth u i s s a i d t o h a v e b e e n p u b l i s h e d
i n o r d e r t o d e s t r o y w rong d o c t r i n e s . The K a tth ä v a tth u , h o w e v e r ,
does n o t r e f e r t o n o n -B u d d h ist te a c h i n g s o n ly , b u t m a in ly t o
o p i n i o n s h e l d b y o t h e r B u d d h i s t s e c t s ( s e e M. W a l l e s e r , Die
Sekten des a lte n Buddhismus3 H e i d e l b e r g 1 9 2 7 , p . l l ) .
T h e se o b s e r v a t i o n s c o n f i r m t h e p r o p o s e d r e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f
t h e m ain h i s t o r i c a l f a c t s c o n c e r n i n g t h e S a n g h a b h e d a E d i c t o f
Asoka and t h e s o - c a l l e d T h i r d C o u n c i l : King Asoka was p e r p l e x e d
by t h e i n t e r n a l d i s o r d e r o f t h e S angha and he d e c i d e d t o a c t
f o r a p u r i f i c a t i o n o f t h e Sangha. He d i d t h i s by s u p p o r t i n g ,
w i t h h i s r o y a l a u t h o r i t y , t h e e x p u l s i o n o f d i s h o n e s t monks by
t h e d i s c i p l i n e d monks i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h t h e r u l e s l a i d down
in th e V in ay ap itak a fo r th e e x e c u tio n of e c c l e s i a s t i c a l j u r i s
d ic tio n . A f t e r t h e i n d i v i d u a l S a n g h a s , many o f whom h a d b e e n
d i s u n i t e d a s a r e s u l t o f scovghabheda3 w ere r e f o r m e d and r e
u n i t e d i n t h i s m a n n e r , h e i s s u e d t h e s o - c a l l e d S c h ism E d i c t
67
with the injunction against a repetition of samghabheda.
Whoever splits the unity of the Sangha is to he expelled
from the Order. He has to wear the white clothes of lay
people and to reside outside the monastic compound. In the
Sarnath version of the edict an additional injunction is en
graved which prescribes that one copy of the edict must remain
in the office of the mahämätra, another copy with the lay
followers (upäsaka) of Buddhism. The lay followers and the
mahämätra in charge of the particular place should go to the
uposatha ceremony to control the observance of the edict by
the monks. (For the interpretation of this passage, which
has been misunderstood by earlier authors, see H. Bechert,
’’Asokas Schismenedikt ...” , loc.cit., pp.2U-7).
Thus, the purification of the Sangha consisted in the
expulsion of monks and nuns who had violated the rules of
the Vinaya and, thereby, in the restitution of the unity
within the Sanghas. It did not mean an attempt to unite all
Sanghas in dogmatic questions in the way in which later Thera-
väda authors claimed, in order to propagate the superiority
of their nikäya over other forms of Buddhism. The Council
in Pätaliputra was held after the purification of the Sangha
at a regional meeting, most probably with the attendance of
monks from other parts of India, but it cannot be considered
as an All-Indian Buddhist Convention, nor were the Proceedings
of the Council binding for all Sanghas in Asoka’s Empire.
We may also accept as an historical fact that Moggaliputta
Tissa, the fifth Thera in the paramparä of the Theravädin,
presided over this convocation, and that the earliest parts
of the now existing text of the Kathävatthu originated during
Moggaliputta’s time. Most parts of the work are, however, of
much later origin, and Buddhaghosa’s attribution of particu
lar opinions to the various nikäyas does not represent inform
ation from the period of Asoka, but from a period much nearer
to Buddhaghosa's times (see L. de La Vallee Poussin, ’’Notes
bouddhiques II", Academie Royale de Belgique3 Bulletin de la
Classe des Lettres3 5e ser. , t.8, 1922, 516-20; E. Frauwallner,
’’Abhidharma-Studien” part V, Wiener Zeitschrift für die Runde
Südasiens, l6, 1972, 12*0.
There can hardly be any doubt, however, that the formation
of nikäyas had begun in a period before Asoka's reign. Again,
the use of a rather inadequate translation for the term nikäya,
i.e. ’’sect", has obscured the facts. A nikäya has nothing in
common with a ’’sect” in the accepted understanding of this
word, if used in the context of the history of Christianity.
A nikäya is a group of monks who mutually acknowledge the
68
validity of their upasampadä, and consequently, if staying
within the same svnä, can commonly perform vinayakarmas. The
early nikäyas, therefore, represent groups of monks who had
accepted identical interpretation of the rules of vinaya. It
was only in the course of subsequent developments that certain
dogmatic opinions were associated with particular nikäyas, e.g.
the Sarvästivädin, the Lokottaravädin, etc. (cf. H. Bechert,
"Buddha-Feld und Verdienstübertragung: Mahäyäna-Ideen im Thera-
väda-Buddhismus Ceylons", Academie Royale de Belgique, Bulletin
de la Classe des Lettres et des Sciences Morales et Politiques,
5e ser., t. 62, 1976, 27-51). However, many nikäyas of Indian
Buddhism remained communities defined on the ground of vinaya
to the extent of allowing the existence of hinayanistic and
mahayanistic factions within one and the same nikäya (see
L. de La Vallee Poussin, "Notes bouddhiques XVIII", Academie
Royale de Belgique, Bulletin de la Classe des Lettres et des
Sciences politiques, 5e ser., t. 36, 1930, 20-39; H.Bechert,
loc.cit., p.36). In Sri Lanka, three nikäyas (Mahävihära,
Abhayagiri- and Jetavanavihäraväsin) emerged in the course of
the development, and these three nikäyas together formed the
Buddhist community. As we know from the chronicles, the kings
"for political reasons generally were impartial towards the
different Buddhist doctrines and their representatives....
So we often read that the same gifts were given by the king to
all three fraternities .... The three fraternities were puri
fied by Sena II ... and by Kassapa IV". (W. Geiger, loc.cit.,
pp.209f). It was only during the reign of Paräkramabähu I of
Ceylon (1153-1186) that all the Theravädins of Ceylon were
forced to accept the upasampadä tradition of the Mahävihära,
or leave the Order. As is well known, in the Sangha of the
island different nikäyas were formed again in later develop
ments and these differences continue to exist in Sri Lanka to
the present day.
There can be no doubt that, in principle, the purification
of the Order under Asoka was executed along the same lines
as the "regulative acts" (dharmakamma) during the Anurädhapura
period of Ceylon, when the separate existence of the nikäyas
was not considered a problem. The formation of new nikäyas is
termed nikäyabheda. It is a phenomenon basically different
from samghabheda, which, as we have seen, by definition can
take place only within a particular stmä.
69
NOTES SUR LES VARIANTES GRAMMATICALES
DANS LA TRADITION DU DASAVEYÄLIYA-SUTTA
Colette CAILLAT (Paris)
Si excellement qu'aient ete autrefois edites certains sutta
du canon jaina svetämbara, on aura naturellement grand profit
desormais ä consulter systematiquement les publications de la
Jaina-Ägama-Series, puisque les editeurs de cette collection
ont pu proceder ä la collation de manuscrits particuliere-
ment anciens, et ä l'examen de commentaires dont plusieurs
etaient restes inaccessibles ä leurs devanciers. L ’apparat
critique y est, en general, tres detaille de Sorte qu’il
pennet au lecteur interesse de voir sans peine quelles
variantes ont affecte la tradition.1
J'ai tente, ailleurs,2 de montrer que, meme pour un su.
bien transmis, comme l ’est, dans 1*ensemble, le Dasaveyäliya,3
des variantes notables, qui modifient assez sensiblement le
forme, le sens ou le mouvement de certains passages, distin-
guent la tradition suiviepar la Tikä de Haribhadra - qui a
prevalu4 - des traditions que refletent les "vieux” Vrddha-
vivarana et Cürnl.5 Aujourd'hui, dans ce volume offert en
hommage ä un erudit dont le regard sait tout ä la fois em-
brasser les textes dans leur totalite et en percevoir les
moindres details, je rassemble quelques points de grammaire
sur lesquels, dans le Dasav,6 Punyavijaya fournit des notes
critiques dont plusieurs invitent ä reviser certaines des
idees communement admises, ä la suite de Pischel, notamment.7
Voici, d ’abord, un petit nombre de remarques d*ordre
phonetique. Repräsentant amg de sk amg -a- : -■i-8 :
JAS l(a) = E 1.1 ukkattham (sk. utkrstam); de meme, JAS
73(c) = E J+.19 (sans v.l."). Pu souligne que les mss anciens
portent invariablement -a-\ les Cu (celle d ’Agastyasimha ou
le "Vr") tantot -a-, tantot -i-; quant aux modernes, ils
tendent ä generaliser -i- dans le su: JAS 20U(d) Vosatbko:
E 5.1.91 -i- (sans v.l. indiquee).
70
Voyelle d'anaptyxe: selon Pi, eile a le plus souvent le
timbre £;9 pourtant, au contraire de E, JAS lit, en prose
et vers: §§ 1+1, 1+2-53, dans la formule de repentir qui clot
l ’enonce des (grands) voeux et de leurs annexes, tassa bhante
padikkamdmi nindämi garahämi appänam vosirami, "je m ’en repens
..., le blame, critique, m fengage (dans le repentir)": E 6l5,
l8-19 etc. garihamd-,^® de meme, JAS 218(d) ecrit gavahas-i
(v.l. Kh 2): E 5.2.5 gardhasi. L ’usage des mss, auquel
Pu se conforme, coincide avec celui du pali et du BHS; meme
timbre a dans l ’edit XII, sur rocher, d ’Asoka, y compris ä
Kalsi.11
Le choix est moins net dans la famille des derives pk
fondes sur la racine ARH. La grammaire de Hemacandra (2.111)
enregistre des series de doublets, aruho, 12 araho3 13 ariho
(arha(t)- "digne"),14 et aruhanto3 arahanto, avihanto (arhant-s
meritant, saint"). Les mss du Dasav-su portent JAS 50l+(c) =
E 9.3.13 män'arihe ("digne d ’egard"), mais la Cu -aruhe;
JAS I+08(d) = E 8.20 ecrivent arihat (mais Cu avu-)\ JAS
§ 517 = E 9.1+ § 9 lisent Ärdhantehdm (egalement retenu dans
1*edition de Cu, alors que la tradition ms de la Cu d ’Agast-
yasimha porte, selon Pu, Äruhantehim).
A ces fluctuations, on peut comparer JAS 3 9 M c ) = E 8.6
usinodagam (usnodakam), mais Cu usund-.
On note quelques variations du timbre de voyelles breves;
ainsi, dans 1 'adjectif "nu", d'ailleurs communement soumis ä
des deformations, comme on sait:15 JAS 327(a) = E 6.65 naginassa
(v.l. nigana- Kh 1,2,J, cf. Pi 133; et nigiga- C u ).16 A l'in-
terieur, plusieurs des hesitations qui affectent une voyelle
breve pourraient etre d'origine morphologique: JAS 87 (b)
pakkhulante3 "trebuchant" (pra-SKHAL-): Kh 2 = E 5-1.5
-aZante;17 dans des finales suffixales, JAS 32U(b) bhilugäsu,
"dans des fentes": J -aghäsu3 E 6.62 -agäsu (v.l. -u-); JAS
16(d) purisottamo (-'uttamo E 2.1l): uttime C u;18 JAS 105(d)
= E. 5.1.23 a-yampivo: -uro Cu; de meme, JAS 1+11 (b) = E 8.23
a-yampiro: Kh 1, 1+, Cu -uro-, et JAS l+36(c), cf. E 8.1+8,
a-yampira-: Kh 1,1+,J, Cu Vr - u m ; 19 ä quoi s ’ajoutent JAS
§ 5I+2 § 2 ittiriyä "passager": E 11. II -ariyä (itvarikah),
et JAS 518(a) a-tintine, "qui ne recrimine pas": E 9 - • 10
-tone. 20
On observe que, pour une part au moins, les variantes ne
sont pas accidentelles ou isolees: les choix des mss et des
exegetes semblent, pour un meme vocable, etre relativement
stables; d ’un vocable ä l ’autre, cependant, ils peuvent par-
fois paraitre contradictoires: en utilisant les doublets
71
aruhciy e t c . , l a Cu s u i t , a p p a r e m m e n t, l ' u s a g e p l u t o t jm
q u 'a m g ( s u p r a ) , t a n d i s q u e , en p r e f e r a n t pur-is 'u ttv n e ä
-'u tta m o , e i l e o p t e p o u r u n e fo rm e de t y p e r e l a t i v e m e n t
a n c i e n e t t r a d i t i o n n e l en m . i . r e l i g i e u x . 21 On v o i t done
ä l ’ o e u v r e , d a n s l e s mss e t l e s e t t , d e u x t e n d a n c e s o p p o s e e s :
l ' u n e , q u i p o u r r a i t r e f l e t e r 1 * e v o l u t i o n de l a l a n g u e e t
1 ' o c c i d e n t a l i s a t i o n p r o g r e s s i v e de l a communaute j a i n a ,
1 Ta u t r e q u i s e r a i t d e l i b e r e m e n t e r u d i t e e t a r c h a i s a n t e . 22
L ' u t i l i s a t i o n l i n g u i s t i q u e , ou a u t r e , d e s v a r i a n t e s
e x i g e done q u 'o n s e s o i t a u p r e a l a b l e , p o u r c h a q u e c a s ,
in te r r o g e su r le u r d eg re d ’a u t h e n t i c i t y . A 1 ' e v id e n c e ,
f o r c e e s t d e c o m p te r a v e c d e s p r e f e r e n c e s d ' e c o l e s e t d e s
c o n v e n t i o n s - d o n t b e a u c o u p e c h a p p e n t a u x m o d e r n e s : on a
pu v a r i e r s u r l e u r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n e t l e u r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n .
D ' e x c e l l e n t s e d i t e u r s t i e n n e n t que l e s j a i n a n ' o n t
j a m a i s m is au p o i n t de S y ste m e d f o r t h o g r a p h e u n i f i e . 23 C e r -
t a i n e s h a b i t u d e s , n e a n m o in s , s o n t s i i n v e t e r e e s e t s i f r a p
p a n t e s que l a JÄS a p p e l l e p h i l o l o g u e s e t l i n g u i s t e s ä s ' i n -
te rro g e r sur le u r ra iso n d 'e t r e . L ' i n t r o d u c t i o n de JÄS 1
r e l e v e , e n p a r t i c u l i e r , 24 l a p r e s e n c e , t r e s f r e q u e n t e , d e s
o c c l u s i v e s d e n t a l e s i n t e r v o c a l i q u e s , " l i k e cT ^
e t n ' a c c e p t e p a s s a n s r e s e r v e l e v e r d i c t de P i 25 q u i v o i t l a
s i m p l e p a r t i p r i s de c o p i s t e e t s a n s k r i t i s a t i o n a r b i t r a i r e .
La JÄ S, au c o n t r a i r e , a j u g e bon d ' e n c o n s e r v e r d e s e x e m p l e s ,
s o i t de m a n i e r e p r e s q u e c o n s t a n t e , 26 s o i t de f a g o n s p o r a d i q u e ,
ä t i t r e d ' i l l u s t r a t i o n , pour r a p p e le r c e t usage des a n c ie n s
m a i t r e s , q u ' o n t v o l o n t i e r s s u i v i l e s mss d e s c u n n i e t b h ä s a . 27
M.K. O e t j e n s a r e c o n s i d e r e c e t t e q u e s t i o n : i l a d m e t , s e m b le -
t - i l , que l a d o c u m e n t a t i o n f o u r n i e p a r l a JÄS e s t de n a t u r e
ä j e t e r u ne l u m i e r e n o u v e l l e s u r l e pk o r i g i n a l d e s p r e m i e r e s
c o m p i l a t i o n s j a i n a . 28 S ' a p p u y a n t s u r q u e l q u e s r e l e v e s , i l
i n s i s t e s u r l a d i f f e r e n c e d e c e l a b l e , ä so n s e n s , e n t r e l e s
m u l t i p l e s e m p l o i s d e - i - i n o r g a n i q u e , düs ä 1 ' i n f l u e n c e du
sk ou a u d e s i r de n o t e r l ’h i a t u s , e t l a p r e s e n c e de - d -
- dh - , d o n t l e m a i n t i e n a u r a i t v a l e u r a u t h e n t i q u e m e n t l i n
g u i s t i q u e (q u e l ' o r i g i n e en s o i t v i e i l - ou m o y e n - i n d o - a r y e n -
ne). L ' o p p o s i t i o n p re s u m e e p a r M. O e t j e n s e s t - e l l e c o n s t a n t e
e t c e r t a i n e au p o i n t q u 'o n s o i t a u t o r i s e ä en t i r e r d e s c o n
s e q u e n c e s de g r a n d e p o r t e e p o u r l ' h i s t o i r e l i n g u i s t i q u e du
j i n i s m e ? 29 Sans e n t r e r d a n s c e d e b a t , j e me b o r n e ä c i t e r
deux e x e m p le s du D a sa v ou l ' e d i t e u r P u n y a v i j a y a g a r d e 1 ' oc
c lu s iv e d e n ta le in te r v o c a l i q u e , t a n t o t so u rd e , t a n t o t sonore;
c e f a i s a n t , i l s u i t , s e m b l e - t - i l , s o i t 1 ' e n s e m b l e , s o i t une
p a r t i e de l a t r a d i t i o n c o n s u l t e e . La s o u r d e e s t p a r t o u t
e c r i t e e n 66 ( a - b ) :
72
jo jive vi na yänati ajive vi na yänati
"celui qui ne connatt pas les jlva et ne connait pas les
a-jiva"; les seules variantes signalees sont les legons de
E 4.12 (a), yänäi (v.l. yänei) et (b) yänai. 30 On comparera
JAS 67 (a-b):
jo jive vi viyänati ajive vi viyänati>
"celui qui connait distinctement les jlva..."; l'apparat de
JAS note, pour 6? (a), viyänäi E, vitänati Cu, et pour 67 (b),
viyätiai Kh 2,3, E, vitänati Cu. On aura remarque, au passage,
le rythme C w - w w_ 331 en fin de päda impair de sloka: ap-
paremment, c'est celui que presentent tous les documents ori-
ginaux dont Pu a dispose: en conservant cette double singula
rity, phonetique et prosodique, sans doute l'editeur veut-il
faire entendre qu'il tient cette sequence pour stereotypee,
imposee, en quelque sorte, par la tradition. Au reste, le
meme editeur n'a pas cru devoir, ailleurs, garder les finales
de type sk, 3 sg. -ati, adjectif verbal -ita. 32
L'occlusive dentale sonore est maintenue par JAS dans un
compose lexicalise, le nom du "nuage", JAS 383(c), paode
(payodah)3 bien que Kh 1,2,3,^ (mais non J) portent paoe3
legon de E 7-52. Dans les cas de ce genre, il n ’est guere
douteux que certains copistes (et les ctt) souhaitent souvent
marquer par 1 ’orthographe (analyser implicitement, en somme)
la formation des vocables.33
Si l ’on s ’attardait ä l'examen des variantes d'ordre
consonantique, on noterait quelques exemples de v.l. r:Z,
et certaines fluctuations du type connu JAS 202(a) nissescorr.
Kh 1,3, E 5.1.89 -is-, etc.; JAS 571(b) = E 12.12 sampehal':
Kh 1,2,3, J, E v.l. -pekkh- ;34 ou encore E 7.^3 saw'ukkasam
contre JAS 3 7 M a ) -ukkassam, suivant Cu Vr (T).3'^ On remarque,
d'autre part, le passif de VAH, JAS 471(c) VubbhaZ (-ai Kh 2,
3,4, Vr), conforme ä He 4.245, en regard de E 9.2.3 vujjhai
{-ai Kh l).36 Enfin, Pu attire l ’attention sur le nom de
plante partout ecrit atthiyam (E 5-1.73, cf. J Kh2,4, T ed),
qu'il faut lire aochiyam avec JAS 186(c), suivant Kh 1, Cu
Vr et les mss anciens sur palme de T . 37
II est evidemment impossible d ’examiner ici toutes les
variantes d'ordre morphologique. Elles sont de portee diverse.
Je me borne, ci-dessous, a relever quelques faits saillants
concernant surtout les noms.
73
Les f l u c t u a t i o n s l e s p l u s b a n a l e s , t r e s f r e q u e n t e s , se
r e n c o n t r e n t a u n o m .s g . ( - e : - o ) e t a u c a s d i r e c t n t . p i .
(-cti(m ): -ccni) . La t r a d i t i o n ms e s t r e l a t i v e m e n t homogene
au n o m . s g . , ou i l n ' e s t p a s r a r e que l e s mss du su e c r i v e n t
-e ( t y p i q u e m e n t amg e t ’’o r i e n t a l ” ) 38 en r e g a r d de -o que
p r e f e r e n t g e n e r a l e m e n t l e s Cu; m a is l a s i t u a t i o n i n v e r s e se
r e n c o n t r e (JAS l 6 ( d ) se p u riso tta m o , E 2 .1 1 -'u tta m o :
- ’u ttim e C u ) , 39 e t , d ’ a i l l e u r s , l e s mss n e s o n t p a s t o u j o u r s
u n a n im e s : JAS 5 2 0 ( c - d ) siddh e vä __ deve vä: Kh *+ siddho:
Kh *+»E 9.*+.12 devo. Dans c e r t a i n e s s e q u e n c e s , i l se m b le que
s e m a n i f e s t e n t c o n c u rre m m e n t l a f o r c e de l a t r a d i t i o n , un
s o u c i de c l a r t e , 40 e t une c e r t a i n e l i b e r t e d a n s l a r e p a r t i
t i o n d e s v a r i a t i o n s ; a i n s i , a u c h a p i t r e 9 . 3 (JAS *+92-506),
t a n d i s que l e r e f r a i n , sa p u jjo , " c e l u i - l a e s t ä r e v e r e r " ,
r e s t e p a r t o u t im m u a b le , on v o i t , d a n s l e s u , l e s noms p r e c e
d e n t s o s c i l l e r e n t r e -e : -o: JAS U9 6 (d ) = E 9 * 3 .5 -va e sa
p u j j o ; Cu - v a to ; JAS 5 0 2 ( d ) = E 9 - 3 . 1 1 j o .......... samo3 sa p . :
Cu j e __ same. . . ; e n f i n , JAS 5 0 5 ( d ) = E 9-3.1*+ t i - g u t t o . . . .
°-gae sa p. : Kh 3,*+, Cu Vr - g u tte (-g u p ta h )3 Cu . . . ° - g a t o .
R e p e titio n e t v a r i a t i o n s ' e q u i l i b r e n t done, dans c e r t a i n s
sy n tag m es, e t l e s v . l . se m u l t i p l i e n t a ise m e n t lo r s q u e l e s
v a l e u r s p r o s o d i q u e s s o n t e g a l e s . 41
I s o s y l l a b i q u e s eux a u s s i , s i n o n t o u j o u r s i s o r y t h m i q u e s ,
l e s morphemes d e n t . p i . -ä n i: -ädm3 -äi(m ) f o n t de meme
l ' o b j e t de n o m b re u s e s v . l . ; l a t r a d i t i o n ms p a r a i t i c i
b e a u c o u p p l u s f l o t t a n t e que p r e c e d e m m e n t; q u a n t ä l a Cu,
e i l e t e n d i n d i s c u t a b l e m e n t ä g e n e r a l i s e r -ä n j3 p l u s p r o c h e
du s k , aux d e p e n s de JAS 1 0 3 ( a - b ) = E 5 . 1 . 2 1
pupphäi(m) btyodm vippavnnäi (m) ( : Cu -ä n i p a r t o u t ) , ’’f l e u r s ,
g r a i n e s e p a r p i l l e e s " . Ce n ’ e s t p a s que l e s Cu i g n o r e n t
-ä i(m ) , ou meme l e b a l a n c e m e n t r h e t o r i q u e e n t r e f i n a l e s
f o r t e e t f a i b l e : 42 a l o r s que JAS *+02 = E 8.1*i p o r t e
(a-b ) hayavai(m) .......... suhumaim ? ..........
(c-d) imäi(m) tä i(m ) metiävZ d ik k h e jja 3
’’q u e l s s o n t l e s . . . o b j e t s s u b t i l s ? . . . . l e ( m a i t r e ) l e s
f e r a c o n n a i t r e comme e t a n t c e u x - c i ” , on v o i t l a Cu o p p o s e r ä
k a ta m ä n i .......... suhumani des päda (a -b )
imäi(m) t ä i ( r n ) ____ en ( c - d ) .
Deux s y n ta g m e s en p a r t i e s t e r e o t y p e s m e r i t e n t d ’ e t r e
s i g n a l e s : i l s p r e s e n t e n t d e s a c c . p l . -ö n i3 -äi(m ) de s u b -
74
s t a n t i f s m a sc . en s k 43 {mada-, ’’i n t o x i c a t i o n , o r g u e i l " ;
p a rva ta -3 ”m o n t” ); c e s a c c . s o n t c o n f i r m e s p a r l e u r r e c u r r e n c e
d a n s d e s p a s s a g e s p a r a l l e l e s du S ü y a g a d a - - e t de l ' A y ä r a n g a -
s u . On l i t JAS 5 3 9 ( c ) :
mayani savvdni v i v a j j a i t t ä (E 1 0 .1 9 v iv a jja y a n to , c f .
n. ad l o c . ),
" e v i t a n t t o u t e s p r e s o m p t i o n s ” (Kh 3 mayai(m) 3 Cu m atani)\
c e p ä d a s e l a i s s e r a p p r o c h e r de Süy 1 . 1 3 . 1 & , que JÄS 2 . 2
e d i t e s o u s l a fo rm e :
etäim madäim ( v . l . -ydim\ Cu - ä n 7 ) 44 vig in ca d h ire 3
t r a d u i t p a r J a c o b i ’’t h e w is e l e a v e s o f f t h e s e k i n d s o f p r i d e ’’. 45
Dans l e c h a p i t r e 7 , d ’ a u t r e p a r t , D a sa v f a i t s u i v r e e t
p r e c e d e r l ' a c c . pavvayani de s u b s t a n t i f s n e u t r e s : JAS 3 5 7 ( b ) -
3 6 1 ( b ) = E 7 .2 6 = 3 0 :
ta h r eva gantum ujjanam pavvayani vccnani ya ( s e u l e v . l . :
vä) ,
f o r m u l e q u i s e r e t r o u v e , ä t r e s p eu p r e s , d a n s Äyär 2 . 4 . 2 .
§§ 1 1 - 1 2 (JÄS 2 . 1 §§ 5 4 3 - 5 4 4 ) : ta h ' eva g a n t’ u jjä n ä im
paw ay dim vandni y<5; 46 l e p a a de meme:
( . . . y a n ti) pabbatani vanccni ca . 47
P l u s que l e s o s c i l l a t i o n s -d n i : di(rp) , c ' e s t evidem m ent l a
s t a b i l i t e du p ä d a p a i r q u i e s t i c i r e m a r q u a b l e ; s e r e m a r q u e ,
en o u t r e , l ' e t o f f e m e n t de l a f o r m u l e amg, en s o r t e que
pavvayani ( / -aim) s e t r o u v e e n c a d r e p a r d e u x s u b s t a n t i f s
n e u t r e s ( c o m p a r e r i n f r a ) . 48
B i e n que l a f i n a l e amg a n c i e n n e de l o c . s g . -amsi -u m s i...
ne s o i t p a s t r e s f r e q u e n t e d a n s D a s a v , 48 e i l e s e r e n c o n t r e
d a n s p r e s q u e t o u t e s l e s v e r s i o n s de l a s i x i e m e y a t a n ä (e n
p r o s e , c h a p i t r e 4 , JAS §54, E 6 1 7 . I I - I 8 ): hattham si v a . . .
bdhumsi vd . . . P o u r t a n t , l a Cu e n r e g i s t r e u n e V a r i a n t e ( s a n s
d o u t e en p a r t i e s a n s k r i t i s a n t e ) , 50 ha tth e s i ( t ) d pd(d)e
s i ( t ) d bdhe s i ( t ) d . . . ( s k . h a s t e . . . . ) 3 ” s o i t ä l a m a in ,
s o i t a u p i e d , s o i t a u b r a s . . . ” ) , o ü , de s u r c r o i t , l e l o c .
t h e m a t i q u e bdhe t i e n t l a p l a c e de bdhumsi ( c o m p a r e r l e s v . l .
Kh 1 , 3 , 4 bdhamsi ) . 51 D’ a i l l e u r s , ürums'i e s t b a n n i p a r c e
p ä t h ä n t a r a , q u i , p o u r l e l o c . de ’’c u i s s e ” , e c r i t l a fo rm e
non f l e c h i e ürü. 52 Dans l a s u i t e de 1 ’ e n u m e r a t i o n , l a V a r i a n t e
75
alignera (comme le reste de la tradition le fait) le loc.
de sejjä (sayyä-, "couche") sur celui des m a s c . nt. environ-
nants, qui appartiennent au meme champ semantique: phalage
si(t)ä sejjage si(t)ä samthärage si(t)ä; JAS, E, etc. lisent
ici phalagamsi vä sejjamsi vä samthäragamsi vä3 "sur une
planche ou une couche ou un lit." Apres quoi ces derniers
concluent annayaramsi vä tahappagäre uvagarana-jäe3 "ou sur
tout autre objet" (v.l. Kh 3,1+ -ppagävamsi uvagarana-jäe):
la Variante des mss du su montre q u ’il peut certes y avoir
hesitation sur la place precise du passage de -amsi au
doublet morphologique -e; surtout, eile confirme 1 ’existence
de ce changement, et, par contre-coup, la valeur rhetorique
de 1 ’opposition, puisque, ä n'en pas douter, eile Signale
le terme de 1'enumeration.53
L'emploi de la finale monosyllabique -e de loc. con-
tribue, eventuellement, ä rendre une allure plus classique
ä un päda qui parait hypermetre ä qui ne tiendrait pas compte
de 1 ’equivalence prosodique, ä l'initiale, C««: -
JAS 393(b) = E 8.5 (päda pair de sloka),
sasarakkhcomi ya äsane3
"sur un siege poussiereux", est diversement transforme en
octosyllabe: -carnii ä. (J C u ), -e ya ä. (Kh 1 Vr), -e va ä.
T (cf. JAS, p.55, n.6). Ailleurs, la substitution pourrait
avoir eu des fins stylistiques ou etre appelee par le con
text e: en JAS 1+91 (b) = E 9.2.23 (jagati),
vinayammi koviäs
"experts dans la discipline", la v.l. Kh U Cu Vr winaye ya k.
s ’oppose peut-etre plus subtilement que ne le fait la legon
courante ä la formulation negative qui precede, JAS l+90(c) =
E 9.2.22, vinae a-kovie.
Naturellernent, le souci de normaliser peut se manifester
partout, dans les mss, les divers ctt ou les editions. II
s ’exerce sur 1'instrumental sg. amg en -asä des noms thema-
tiques, avec deux effets inverses. Tantot il conduit ä
eliminer une forme anomale dont il ne semble pas y avoir
d ’autre emploi atteste: pour JAS 385(c) = E 7.5^»
koha loha bhayasä va3
"sous l ’effet de la colere, la convoitise, ou la peur",55
Kh 1+ Vr T lisent koha toha bhaya häsa. 56
76
T a n t o t , comme a u c h a p i t r e U, on v o i t l a l o c u t i o n manenarr,
väyäe häenam3 " p a r 1 ’ e s p r i t , l a p a r o l e , l e g e s t e " (JAS §§ 42-
53 = E 6 l 5 , I d s s . ) r e m p l a c e e , d a n s l a Cu, p a r so n d o u b l e t
a r c h a i s a n t , d ' a l l u r e p e u t - e t r e p l u s t y p i q u e m e n t amg, manasä
vayasä käyasä . 57 L 'e c h a n g e s e p r o d u i t l a meme ou on a t t e n -
d r a i t c e r t a i n e u n a n i m i t e d e s t r a d i t i o n s , d a n s l e s f o r m u l e s du
r e p e n t i r e t d e s g r a n d s v o e u x . 58 I I e s t p r o b a b l e que l a Cu
( m a lg r e l e s a p p a r e n c e s ) ne c o n s e r v e p a s l e t o u r a u t h e n t i q u e ;
c ’ e s t du m o in s c e q u 'e n g a g e ä c o n c l u r e l ’ examen d ’u n p a s s a g e
ä p lu s ie u r s egards s i m i l a i r e s qui f ig u r e dans l e s t r a d i t i o n s
de l ’A v a s s a y a - s u t t a 2: a l o r s que l e s mss du su p o r t e n t mccnena
l a Cu c i t e manasä , e x p l i q u e n e a n m o in s l a l e g o n käyena -
q u ’ i l e s t done l e g i t i m e d e t e n i r p o u r o r i g i n a l e d a n s c e t e x t e .
On v o i t , p a r c e t e x e m p le , a. q u e l s p r e s s i o n s e t r e m a n ie m e n ts
a pu e t r e so u m is e l a l e t t r e du s u , comment, t o u t e f o i s , d i f f e
r e n t s i n d i c e s p e r m e t t e n t e v e n t u e l l e m e n t d ’ en d e c e l e r l a forme
v r a i s e m b l a b l e m e n t o r i g i n a l e . 59
Parm i l e s v a r i a n t e s q u i a f f e c t e n t l a m o r p h o s y n ta x e nom i
n a l e , l e s c r i t i q u e s o n t a c c o r d e de 1 ' i m p o r t a n c e ä c e l l e s q u i
m o n t r e n t d e s e c h a n g e s e n t r e -him e t d i f f e r e n t e s f i n a l e s de
cas o b liq u e s . Dans l e D a s a v , c e t t e V a r i a n t e s e r e n c o n t r e
p r i n c i p a l e m e n t d a n s l e s th e m e s en - a , ou -e h i(m ) , q u i p a s s e
p o u r s p e c i f i q u e d ’ i n s t r . ( - a b l ) p i . , 80 s ’ e c h a n g e t a n t o t a v e c
l a f i n a l e d ' i n s t r . s g . (3 x ) , t a n t o t a v e c c e l l e de l o c . p i .
(7 x , d o n t 6 x -ehim3 1 x -ähim p o u r - ä s u ) , t a n t o t avec c e l l e
de g e n . p i . ( l x ) .
La f l u c t u a t i o n -ena / -ehim y e s t de p o r t e e l i m i t e e :
JAS 4 7 2 ( d ) = E 9 . 2 . 4
dandena padiseh ae,
"on r e p o u s s e r a i t d ' u n b a t o n " ( : -ehi(m ) Kh 4 , " ä l ’ a i d e ,de
b a t o n s " );
JAS 4 8 8 ( c ) :
teruz term uvaenam3
" p a r t e l ( e t ) t e l moyen" ( : E 9 - 2 . 2 0 tewam-tenam uvaehim :
Kh4 J Cu tehim tehim uvaehim ) . 81
I I n ’ e s t g u e r e d o u t e u x que l e s v . l . c i - d e s s u s o p p o s e n t
-eryi s g . : -ehim p i . 82
Les v a r i a n t e s l e s p l u s n o m b re u s e s f o n t p e r m u t e r l e s
f i n a l e s -su : -him3 e x p r i m a n t l e l i e u t a n t o t a u s e n s p r o p r e ,
t a n t o t dans des em plois f i g u r e s .
77
JAS 32U(b) = E 6.62 precisent:
sant’ ime suhumä pänä ghasäsu bhilugäsu (bhila- E7 ra,
Mil y a ces etres subtils dans des trous et dex creux"
(: Vr ghasähi bhilugähi ya)\ ailleurs, JAS U(c-d) = E 1.1*
portent:
dhagadesu vtyante pupphesu bhamarä jahä3
" (les religieux) vont aux (aumones) telles qu'eiles se trou-
vent preparees {yathä-krtesu, ’a la fortune du pot’), comme
les abeilles aux fleurs'' (: Cu -ehi(rn) ... -ehim3 Vr -esu ..
-ehim). Les emplois figures ne sont pas rares: JAS 271(d) =
E 6.9,
savva-bhüesu samjamo3
Mle controle de soi devant (en ce qui concerne, vis-ä-vis de)
tous les etres" (: Cu Vr -jtvesu: Kh 3,^- -bhüehim)
Par cet exemple, on voit qu'en amg comme en sk, le loc.
designe non seulement le lieu (et le temps), mais aussi le
point de vue, un quelconque referent: "C'est un cas qui ne
marque et ne suppose aucun rapport grammatical precis".64
On comprend done sans difficulte son emploi dans des päda
comme JAS U22(c) = E 8.3*+
viniyattejja bhogesu (-esu sans v.l.),
"il se detournera devant (en presence des, eu egard aux)
jouissances", peu different de JAS l6(c) = E 2.11:
viniyattanti bhogesu3
ou, cependant, Cu Vr lisent v. bhogehim. Cette derniere leqon
equivaut-elle ä la precedente ? C ’est l'hypothese la plus
vraisemblable, quoiqu’on puisse, ä la rigueur, soutenir qu'ei
le marque une dependance plus stricte du regime au verbe
("ils se detournent des jouissances"65), et que la iegon
bhogesu resulte d ’une hyper-correction.66
On pourrait s’interroger de meme sur 1 ’interpretation
qu’il convient de donner de la double legon JAS 15 M c - d ) =
E 5.1.57
78
asanam ....
pupphesu hojja urrmZsam biesu hariesu va3
"il se peut que la nourriture soit melangee ä des ( / etant
donne la presence de) fleurs, graines, pousses", mais: Cu Vr
pupphehim.... biehi(m) hariehi(m) va3
"melee de fleurs...” (instr.?). On aura d ’ailleurs constate
que, comme tout ä l’heure, la Variante affecte pupphesu:
simple hasard ?
Peut-etre n'y a-t-il pas davantage lieu de supposer une
relation de determination precise en JAS Ull+(a) = E 8.26:
kanna-sokkhehi(m) saddehim pemam nabhinivesae
därunam kakkasam phäsam käena dhiyäsae3 (: Cu -esu
... -esu),
”il n ’eprouvera pas de tendresses par(ce qu'il y a) des sons
agreables ä l ’oreille; (ä l'inverse,) il endurera physiquement
(tout) contact rude ...” .67
En realite, quand bien meme la finale -him serait une
marque specifique de 1' instrimental - ablatif, il est douteux
que les leqons -esu:-ehim s ’opposent fondamentalement;68 on
voit ailleurs locatif et instrumental employes en parallele:
JAS Ul8 = E 8.30:
suya-läbhe na majjejjä jaccä tccoasi buddhie}
”il ne s *enorgueillira pas vu sa possession des Ecritures
(loc.), du fait de sa naissance (jätyä, instr.6 9 ), vu ses
austerites (loc.), pour son discernement (obl. fern.).
Reste ä considerer la double - ou plutot la triple -
legon de la formule par laquelle le religieux est engage ä
ne nuire ä aucune sorte d'etre vivant. Les mss du su portent
les genitifs, esim ...-änam, tandis que la Cu ecrit -ehim,
tout en relevant la v.l. -esu: icc’ esim chanham jiva-
nikäyänam n'eva sayam dandam samärambhejj ä3 ?,il n'entreprendra
pas personnellement d'acte de violence vis-ä-vis de ces six
groupes d'etres"; la Cu porte etehim chahim .... °-nikäehim3
Signale la v.l. etesu...,7G et precise him - saddo saptamy-
artha (t)eva3 soit "him en valeur de locatif" (JAS, p.7, n.lU)
79
rem arque q u i a t t i r e n e tte m e n t 1 ’a t t e n t i o n su r l e s echanges
p o s s i b l e s e n t r e l e s deux f i n a l e s e t s u r l e u r e q u i v a l e n c e
aux yeux d e s e x e g e t e s (JAS § 4 l = E 6 l 5 , 1 3 - l U ) .
Au t o t a l , d a n s l e D a s a v , l a s i t u a t i o n e s t r e l a t i v e m e n t
s i m p l e : s a u f l o r s q u e l a f i n a l e -ehi(m) s ’ e c h a n g e a v e c -ena(m) 3
e i l e p r o v i e n t a s s e z s o u v e n t d e s Cu-V r. R ien , dans l e s p a s
s a g e s c i t e s p l u s h a u t , ne p r o u v e q u ’ e l l e c o n t i n u e r a i t u n e
l e g o n p l u s a n c i e n n e ou p l u s a u t h e n t i q u e que l e s a u t r e s . On
c o n s t a t e que -h i(m )3 -ehi(m) p e u t p e r m u t e r a v e c n ’ i m p o r t e
q u e l l e f i n a l e d ' o b l i q u e ; s i , comme d a n s l e D a s a v , l e s v . l .
l e s p lu s f r e q u e n t e s se r e n c o n t r e n t au l o c . , i l n ’y a r i e n
l ä qui d o iv e s u rp re n d re , p u is q u e , des l e s p lu s a n tiq u e s
d o c u m e n ts , l ’ i n d o - a r y e n e m p lo ie c e c a s Men 3 :e c tio n s o u v e n t
f o r t l i b r e " . 71 L’u t i l i s a t i o n e x t e n s i v e de l a f i n a l e -hi(m)
p a r a i t done r e f l e t e r l a t e n d a n c e au r e g r o u p e m e n t m o r p h o l o g i -
que q u i o p e r e aux c a s o b l i q u e s , s u r t o u t p l u r i e l s , en m . i . ,
comme, d ’ a i l l e u r s , d a n s t o u t 1 ’ i n d o - a r y e n . 72
A l a l u m i e r e d e c e t t e d e r n i e r e s e r i e d ’ e x e m p le s e t de
q u e l q u e s - u n s d e s p r e c e d e n t s , i l a p p a r a i t que c e r t a i n s p o i n t s
de l a g r a m m a ire amg ( e t p r a k r i t e ) p o u r r a i e n t e t r e r e e x a m i n e s
s u r d e s b a s e s p l u s o b j e c t i v e s , p l u s s ü r e s , g r a c e , en p a r t i
c u l a r , ä l a d o c u m e n t a t i o n r a s s e m b l e e p a r l a J a i n a Ägama
S e rie s.
Les v a r i a n t e s q u i a f f e c t e n t l e s f o r m e s v e r b a l e s o n t
s o u v e n t d e s r e p e r c u s s i o n s s y n t a x i q u e s d a n s l 'e x a m e n d e t a i l l e
d e sq u e lle s je n 'e n tr e pas. Je n ’exam in erai i c i n i le s f l u c
t u a t i o n s e n t r e l ’ o p t a t i f e t l ’ i n d i c a t i f qui se r e n c o n t r e n t ,
au c h a p i t r e d a n s l e s f o r m u l e s d e s g r a n d s v oeux e t d e l e u r s
a n n e x e s , 73 n i l e s h e s i t a t i o n s que c r e e l ’ a b o n d a n c e d e s
d o u b l e t s d e s morphemes d ' a b s o l u t i f s , n i l e s p o s s i b l e s c o n
f u s i o n s e n t r e a b s o l u t i f s e t f o rm e s p e r s o n n e l l e s du v e r b e
( d ' o p t a t i f , en p a r t i c u l i e r ) , 71+ e n t r e a b s o l u t i f e t p a r t i c i p e
p r e s e n t , 75 e n t r e a b s o l u t i f en -i-ycc e t a d j e c t i f v e r b a l ( - i y a
de - i t a ~ ) . 76
Deux f a i t s p e u v e n t e t r e b r i e v e m e n t m e n t i o n n e s .
La f i n a l e d e 2. s g . d ’ o p t a t i f -eyjäs'L77 q u i , d e v a n t tt' i
bemi3 m arque l a f i n de c e r t a i n s c h a p i t r e s 78 se m b le n ' a v o i r
p a s eu f o r c e de l o i e g a le m e n t d a n s t o u t e s l e s t r a d i t i o n s .
E l l e f i g u r e ä t i t r e de V a r ia n te se u le m e n t dans l a Cu qui
repond ä JAS 8 2 ( d ) = E. it.2 8 ( s l o k a ) :
hzrnmimä na v i r ä h e j j ä s i t t i bemi ( : Cu v i r ä h e j j ä , v . l .
- e j j a s i ),
80
tu ne f a i l l i r a s p a du f a i t du karm an - A i n s i d i s - j e . " 79
A i l l e u r s , l e s Cu Vr n ’ o n t a u c u n e t r a c e de c e t t e f i n a l e ,
a i n s i en JAS 5 5 9 ( d ) = E *11.17 ( t r i s t u b h - j a g a t l ):
..................... buddhimam naro
t i g u t t i - g u t t o Jina-vayanam a h it th e j ja s i t t i bemi.
"l'h o m m e d e d i s c e r n e m e n t . . . - t u d o i s t ’ a p p l i q u e r ä l a
P a r o l e du J i n a " : Cu l i t a d h itth a te 3 Vr a h itth a te ( c ’ e s t - ä -
d i r e -ae) - l e g o n s q u i p o u r r a i e n t p e r m e t t r e de r e t a b l i r une
ja g a tl.
Ce n ' e s t p a s l e s e u l exe m p le que l a Cu d ’A g a s ty a s im h a
p r e s e n t e d ’u n e l e g o n r y th m iq u e m e n t p l u s s a t i s f a i s a n t e que
c e l l e de l a t r a d i t i o n s u i v i e p a r H a r i b h a d r a . JAS 6 U (c ) =
E 4 .1 0
annänt kirn kähi ?
"que f e r a 1 ' i g n o r a n t ? " , b r i s e l e ry th m e de v a i t ä l l y a , d o n t
S c h u b r i n g r e m a r q u e 80 q u ' i l s e r a i t im p e c c a b l e p o u r p e u q u 'o n
r e t a b l i s s e k a r is s a i, f u t \ a r s i g m a t i q u e , — q u i s e t r o u v e ,
p r e c i s e m e n t , e t r e l a l e g o n de Cu; m a is c e " k a r is s a ti " 3
Tsk k a r is y a ti ) e s t - i l a n c i e n ou r e t a b l i ? On v o i t que l e
p a s s a g e a g e n e Kh h ( k ä h ü ) e t Vr ( k ä h i t i) . 81
Dans un a u t r e c h a p i t r e e n c o r e , Cu, a i n s i que l ’un d e s
mss du s u , Kh H, m a n i f e s t e n t p o u r l e s s u b t i l i t e s p r o s o d i q u e s
une s e n s i b i l i t e p l u s v i v e que ne l e f a i t l a t r a d i t i o n d a n s
son e n s e m b le . Les d i f f i c u l t e s c a u s e e s p a r l e s v a i t ä l l y a -
a u p a c c h a n d a k a , e t c . , du c h a p i t r e 10 o n t e t e s i g n a l e e s en n o t e
de 1 ' e d i t i o n Leumann (p . 6 3 8 , c f . S c h u b r i n g , p . 129 e t V I );
e l l e s o n t e t e r e e x a m i n e e s p a r L. A l s d o r f q u i a p r o p o s e de
c e s s t a n c e s u n e r e e d i t i o n a m e n d e e .82 S a n s e n t r e r d a n s l e
d e t a i l t r e s c o m p le x e d e s f a i t s , i l s u f f i r a de r a p p e l e r u ne
d e s p a r t i c u l a r i t e s s a i l l a n t e s de c e t t e t i r a d e : d a n s l a m a jo
r i t y d e s s t r o p h e s , l e r e f r a i n sa bhikkhü e s t t r a d i t i o n n e l l e -
ment p r e c e d e du r e l a t i f l e q u e l , en g e n e r a l , (m a is non p a s
t o u j o u r s ) c o n t r i b u e ä f a u s s e r i r r e m e d i a b l e m e n t l e p ä d a . Or c e
j e e s t p l u s i e u r s f o i s " c o r r e c t e m e n t " a b s e n t de Kh h ( e v e n -
t u e l l e m e n t de Kh 3 , p l u s r a r e m e n t de J ) e t d e V r; s u r t o u t ,
Cu l ’ omet ä bon e s c i e n t d a n s s e i z e s t a n c e s , l ’ omet c o n t r e l e
r y th m e d e u x f o i s (JAS 529 = E 1 0 . 9 , JAS 536 = E 1 0 . l 6 ) , e t
l e c o n s e r v e ä j u s t e t i t r e e n JAS 539 (= E 1 0 . 1 9 ) .
81
Si mauvaise, done, qu'ait ete la transmission de ce
chapitre, on voit que certains maitres, ecoles ou copistes
ont su faire preuve de vigilance ou garder un sens assez
juste des rythmes anciens. Meme dans un cas qu'on avait pu
croire relativement desespere, le renouvellement de la docu
mentation peut apporter une aide sensible ä 1'etablissement
du texte.
Ainsi, les variantes grammaticales relevees par Punya-
vijaya dans la tradition ms et dans les Cu-Vp du Dasav per-
mettent, selon les cas, tantot d ’amender quelques-unes des
observations linguistiques jusqu'ici generalement acceptees,
tantot de discerner plus clairement les methodes de travail,
presupposes theoriques, tendances generales, ou les preoccu
pations grammaticales et stylistiques des scoliastes. Assu-
rement, il ne s'ensuit pas de bouleversement majeur dans
notre connaissance de l'amg et des pk. II n'en reste pas
moins que la critique textuelle peut s'en trouver conside-
rablement affinee, que certaines hypotheses devront sans
doute etre soumises ä nouvel examen, etre restltuees dans
des perspectives legerement differentes et plus larges:
l ’histoire et la dialectologie du m.i. (done de l'indo-aryen
dans son ensemble) y gagneront en exactitude et en richesse.
Notes
1. Les variantes sont deplorees dejä par les exegetes du
Moyen-Age, JÄS 1, Editor’s note, p. 97-
2. Notes sur les variantes dans la tradition du Dasaveyäli-
ya-sutta, Indologica Taurinensia VII (1198111, L. Sternbach
Felicitation Vol., 2), 209-218 bis.
3. Cf., dans l ’edition de 1892, Dasavaikälika-sütra und
-niryukti,... von Ernst Leumann, (= E), entre autres,
les pp. 585 ss., et notes, passim; dans Schubring,
The Dasaveyäliya Sutta ..., 1'introduction et les notes,
passim.
Le moins fidelement transmis semble etre le dixieme cha
pitre, Leumann, loc.cit., p. 638 notes, Schubring, loc.
cit., p. 129; L. Alsdorf, IIJ, 6.2 (1962), 123-8 (=
Kleine Schriften, herausg. von Albrecht Wezler, 197^+
(Glasenapp-Stiftung, IO), 238-1+3).
82
4. Sur ces questions, JAS 1, Editor's Note, 89; JÄS 15,
Introduction, 49-50, ou l'on verra que la tradition de
la T s'impose necessairement a l'editeur moderne. -
L'activite de Haribhadra est situee vers le milieu du
8eme s. , Sc hubring, Die Lehre der Jainas, Berlin-Leipzig
1935 (GIAPhA III.7), § 29.
5. Les seuls consideres ici sont la Cunni d'Agastyasimha
(mi-8eme s.?), dont Haribhadra parait n'avoir pas eu
connaissance, et un "Vrddhavivarana" d'auteur anonyme,
qui tous deux renvoient eventuellement ä une Cürni ante-
rieure (refletant une tradition dont il n'aurait pas ete
tenu compte ä Valabhi ?). Tous deux ont ete collationnes
par Punyavijaya pour son edition du Dasaveyäliyasuttam
..., Bombay 1977 (JAS 15), of. Introduction, p.89, e t ,
commodement, les citations de ces ctt, dans les notes,
passim. Voir aussi Sayyambhava's Dasakäliyasuttam with
Bhadrabähu's Niryukti and Agastyasimha's Cürni edited
by ... Punyavijaya ..., Varanasi-Ahmedabad 1973 (Prakrit
Text Soc., 17). Sur l'importance de la Cu d'Agastyasimha,
ibid., introduction, par D. Malvania. Voir aussi, citant
la Cunni de Jinadäsa, Walther Schubring, "150 Strophen
Niryukti: Ein Blick in die Jaina-Scholastik", dans Studia
Indologica3 Festschrift für Willibald Kirfel3 Bonn 1955,
297-319 (= Kleine Schriften 321-43).
6. Pas plus que les mss, ctt, ou editions indiens en general,
Pu ne note systematiquement dans 1'orthographe les varia
tions rythmiques qui affectent les finales, en particulier
les finales nasalisees; quand eile sont necessairement ou
eventuellement breves, je transcris avec une parenthese,
ainsi -äi(m)3 -hi(m) ...
7. Comparer les faits grammaticaux remarquables de l'Utta-
rajjhäyä dont les listes sont dressees JÄS 15, introduction,
pp. 28 ss., 54 ss.
8. Pi 52 releve l'abondance des doublets; il note, 50, que le
traitement preponderant, dans tous les dialectes, est i.
Reprenant la question, H. Berger tient -a- pour le traite
ment "normal", Zwei Probleme der mittelindisehen Lautlehre3
München 1955 (Münchener Indologische Studien, l), 28. La
remarque de Pu corrobore cette derniere these.
9. Pi 133, cf. Hemacandra 2.104; toutefois, voir les remarques
de Pischel, Hemacandra' s Grammatik der Prakrit sprachen...
II, p.74, et Hc 2,111.
83
1 0 . A p p e le p a r vo sirä m i ? Ou c o n fo rm e ä He 2 .1 0 U , d o n t l e
c o m m e n ta ir e c i t e a r ih a i a rih ä garihd? Le su c o r r e s p o n d a n t
de V a r a r u c i v a r i e s e l o n l e s r e c e n s i o n s : "B häm aha-C ow ell"
e n s e i g n e n t b i e n ih s r i - __ -sparsa-h arsärh a-garh esu ( 3 . 6 2 ) ,
m a is l a P r a k r t a s a n j i v a n i d e V a s a n t a r ä j a . . . . -h a rsä rh esu ,
e t l a P r ä k r t a m a n j a r i ne e i t e n i arha e t c . n i garhä- ( c f .
L. N i t t i - D o l c i , Les gvammairiens p r a k r its , P a r i s 1 9 3 8 ,
p . 5*0 , q u i ne f i g u r e n t p a s d a v a n t a g e d a n s l a r e c e n s i o n
commentee p a r R ä m a p ä n iv ä d a ( e d . Kunhan R a j a and K. Rama-
c h a n d r a S arm a, A dyar L i b r a r y , 19*^6)_, 3 , 6l .
11 . Un e x e m p le d e g a ra h a ti3 BHSD ( M a h ä v a s tu , v e r s ) , c f . BHSG
§ 3 .1 0 1 . Les f o r m e s s o n t l a r g e m e n t a t t e s t e e s en pa$
A soka X I I , K a l s i E r r a g u d i g a la h a ti3 G i r n a r S h a h b a z g a r h i
M a n se h ra g a r a h a ti , KEr - galah ä , GM -garahä.
1 2 . Aruha s e r a i t p l u t o t jm s e l o n P i l*+0 .
13. C f. P i ad Hc 2 .10U . La v o y e l l e d ’a n a p t y x e e s t - a - en p a .
( CPD s . v . araha3 a r a h a ( t ) ) , e v e n t u e l l e m e n t en BHS, BHSD
araha} ( l ex Mv), BHSG § 3 . 1 0 0 . De meme, A so k a , B h a b ra
alahämi. P o u r l ' a m g , W eber, Uber ein Fragment dev Bha-
g a v a tij B e r l i n 1 8 6 7 , i n d e x , p . 32U e i t e e g a l e m e n t ara-
hamt, °hamta.
1 4 . C f. n . 1 0 ; e n c o u r a g e a u s s i p a r l e s j e u x e t y m o l o g i q u e s
(a ri-h a ) ?
1 5 . C f. EWA 2 , 1 2 6 , s . v . nagnäh-, IAL 6 9 2 6 .
16 . C i t e comme e g a le m e n t amg, P i 1 3 3 , r e n v o y a n t ä P i 10 1 .
17. Sur l e s v a r i a t i o n s que s u b i t c e t t e r a c i n e , EWA 3 , 509;
m ais l e s d e s c e n d a n ts n . i . p a r a is s e n t c o n tin u e r l e d eg re
p l e i n n orm a l, IAL 1 3 6 6 3 , e t c . - Ni P i n i PSM n ’ e n r e g i s -
t r e n t pakkhul-.
1 8 . S e l o n D a s a k , -ottam o e s t e g a le m e n t donne p a r J Kh 2 ,
-o ttim e en o u t r e , p a r Kh 1 , 3 , *+• Sur -ima fw-ama d a n s
c e t a d j e c t i f , P i 1 0 1 ; C a i l l a t , "La f i n a l e -ima d a n s l e s
a d j e c t i f s moyen e t n e o - i n d i e n s de s e n s s p a t i a l " , d a n s
Melanges d ’indianism e a la memoire de Louis Rencu3 P a r i s
1968 ( P u b l i c a t i o n s de 1 ' I n s t i t u t de C i v i l i s a t i o n I n d i e n n e
2 8 , U0e A n n i v e r s a i r e de l a f o n d a t i o n de 1 * I n s t i t u t de
C i v i l i s a t i o n I n d i e n n e de l ' U n i v e r s i t e de P a r i s ) , l8 7 -2 0 U
( uttama ^ -im a, 1 9 6 - 7 ) ; e t c .
84
19. Timbre suffixal influence par 1'occlusive labiale prece-
dente ? Cf. Pi 104, K.R. Norman, "The Labialisation of
Vowels in Middle Indo-Aryan", Studien zur Indologie und
Iranistik, 2 (1976), 41-58, voir p. 43. Sur le suffixe
primaire -ura- en sk., AiG 2.2.486 ss; sur -ira en pk.,
Pi 596, L. Schwarzschild, "Ghummira, gholira, 'agite,
branlant'", JA 250 (1962), 65-75.
20. A propos des fluctuations de timbre de voyelle breve dans
les finales, comparer J. Beames, A Comparative Grammar of
the M o d e m Aryan Languages of India, 2, London 1875, p. 165.
21. A double titre: sur -ima3 references supra n.l8; sur le
nom.sg. -e, infra.
22. L ’existence de multiples sortes de doublets complique,
naturellement, la tache de 1'editeur, comme on verra.
Voici, par exemple, le nom du "cimetiere", JAS 532(a) =
E 10.12 masäne (loc.): Cu Vr sus5ne\ or, en regard de
masänam, He 2.86 releve, dans la langue canonique (ärse),
slyänam, susänam (cf. pa. susäna). La legon de Cu Vp
continue-t-elle ici une tradition ancienne authentique,
typiquement amg ? ou, plutot, a-t-elle ete reintroduite
secondairement, par reaction puriste ? La seconde hypo-
these n'est pas invraisemblable (cf. infra sur l'instr.
(-asä). Pour les choix qui s'imposent aux editeurs,
voir references n.4.
23. Cf. H. Jacobi, The Kalpasütra of Bhadrabahu, edited ...,
Leipzig 1879 (AKM 7*l), Intr., 21; approuve par ¥. Bollee,
Studien zum Süyagada..., Wiesbaden 1977 (Schriftenreihe
des Südasien-Instituts der Universität Heidelberg, 24),
p.6, n.17; voir aussi Oetjens, loc.cit., 40; Jacobi, The
Aydramga Sutta PTS, Preface, p.XV.
24. JÄS 1, Editor's Note, 86; cp. 111.
25. Pi 203, ubi alia.
26. Cf. les ed. de 1'Äyäranga-su et du Süy par Jambüvijaya,
JÄS 2.1 et 2.2.
27. Cf. JÄS 1, ibid. - Ainsi font le regrette Punyavijaya,
D. Malvania, A.M. Bhojak, cf. JÄS 1, ibid., 86; de meme,
dans 1'edition du Dasaveyäliya, JÄS 15.
28. Karl Oetjens, Siväryas Mülärädhanä. Ein Beitrag zur Kennt
nis der Sterbefasten-Literatur der Jainas, Hamburg 1976,
46 ss.
85
29. Ibid., 50-52.
W. w.
30. Sur amg, etc., jänäi3 gänat3 (~)yänäi3 na yänäi3 Pi 510;
voir sk jänäti (vedique +), jänatt (Upanisad, epopee),
selon Whitney, The Roots3 ...3 Leipzig 1885, etc., s.
/ JNÄ.
31. Cf. Helmer Smith, SaddanZti. La grammaire palie d'Agga-
vamsa ...3 Lund 1928-66, p.1150 § 8.1.1.
32. Cf. JÄS 1, loc.cit.; mais Oetjens, loc.cit., I 5.
33. Comparer 1*orthographe de divers composes nominaux ou
verbaux, JAS 389(a) = E 8.1 äyära-panihim: -ppa- Kh 2 Cu,
etc.
3l. Sur quoi Pi 63; 188; R.L. Turner, "Geminates after Long
Vowel in Indo-Aryan", BS0AS3 30.1 (1967), 73 = Collected
Papers 1912-1973, London 1975 (School of Oriental and
African Studies), 105-6 et n.8 de la p. 105; p. I07; en
outre, idem, "Early Shortening of Geminates with Compen
satory Lengthening in Indo-aryan", BS0AS3 33.1 (1970),
171 (= CP, l2l); idem, "Pali phäsu- and dätta- " , BS0AS,
36.2 (1973), l2l (= CP l30). On lit, dans Dasav, JAS
572(a) = E 12.13 päsai: Cu Vr passai\ etc.
35- Cf. JAS p.52, n.l; E n. ad 7.13; comparer l ’opt. JAS
2l3(b) = E 5.2.30 et JAS ll8(b) = E 8.30 samukkase.
36. Pi 5ll tient Vugjhat pour une mauvaise lecture.
37. Voir JAS p. 29 n.13.
38. Pi 3l5, 363, 361.
39. Supra, n.l8.
10. II conduit ä eviter, eventuellement, la juxtaposition de
-e nom.sg. / ~e opt.
11. Repetition et variation caracterisent egalement la Phra
seologie vedique, c f ., par exemple, L. Renou, GLV §§156,
l59, etc.
12. Sur l'utilisation stylistique - et les antecedents lin-
guistiques des doublets -änt : -5t(m), L.A. Schwarzschild,
"Distinction and Confusion: a Study of Neuter Plural
86
Endings in Middle Indo-Aryan", dans Harish Chandra Das,
etc., ed., Buddhism & Jainism, Cuttack 1976, II, 233-7;
idem, "in Honour of Thomas Burrow", BSOAS, 42.2 (1979),
329-33.
43. Sur cette question, Pi 357-358; et, en detail, Liiders,
"Epigraphische Beiträge III", BSB 1913, cf. Philologica
Indica, Gottingen 1940, 279 ss.; pour l ’amg, 291-3; il
admet, comme on sait, 1'existence d ’un paradigme "oriental"
des themes en -a- masc.: nom.pl. pulisä3 acc. pulisäni
(ihid. 28o), et regarde l'hypothese de changements ou
confusions de genre pour peu vraisemblable. La rigidite
des conclusions de Luders a suscite des doutes polis,
J. Bloch, Les inscriptions d'Asoka, Paris 1950 (Coll.
Emile Senart) p.58; ou formules avec vigueur, F. Edgerton,
BHSG §§ 6.4 ss. (ubi alia), entre autres.
44. Masc. et nt., selon PSM, s.v. maya.
45. Comparer Pi 358, sur les nom.pl. (?) itthini v5 purisäni
vä3 "wohl im Sinne von ’etwas Weibliches’, 'etwas Männ
liches’ aufzufassen"; contra Luders, loc.cit. 293.
46. Lecture de Schubring (cf. Luders, ibid., 292 et n.4);
eile met en valeur le scheme metrique (: JÄS 2.1 gamtum3
E gamtum ... pawa(t)äni).
1+7* Dhammapada l88, cite par Luders, ibid., 289, ubi alia.
48. Mutatis mutandis, comparer, en vedique, des effets de
"perseveration", GLV, §§ U 56 —U57-
Autres acc. pl. de type "oriental" dans Dasav: JAS 555(a)
= E 11.13 :
bhunjittu bhogäim (: Cu -äni),
"ayant joui des jouissances" (voir des exemples comparables,
PSM, s.v. bhoga "masc.-nt."; mais non en pa, semble-t-il).
D'autre part, en correlation avec un premier päda uniforme,
JAS 286(a) = E 6.24 = JAS 324(a) = E 6.62,
sant'ime suhumä pänä3
on observera, dans la relative correspondante, la variation
du pronom objet:
j äim räo apäsanto3
"(les etres subtils) que, de nuit, ne voyant pas ...",
alors que JAS 324(c) = E 6.62 porte:
je u ...... uppilävae (v.l. je ya),
"(les etres subtils) qu'il pourrait leser".
87
Sur 1'acc.pl. pänäni en pa, Luders, loc.cit., 290; en pk
päna "masc .-nt.", PSM, s.v.; exemples amg de pänäni/-äim,
Pi 358, 367; on notera que päna entre dans des enumera
tions formulaires dont certains autres membres sont, en
sk, soit masc./nt., soit nt.; cette circonstance a pu
favoriser 1 Topposition: (Äyär 1, ed. Schubring, p. lj,
18- 19 ): savve pänä savve bhüyä s a w e jivä savve sattä
hantavvä ... (nom.); mais (ibid., p. 32, 6) no annäim
pänäim bhüyäim jiväim sattäim äsäejjä (acc.).
Sur des fluctuations de genre en sk et dans l ’histoire
du vieil indo-aryen, L. Renou, §§ 208 ss.
Comme on voit, la situation est complexe, si bien qu’il
serait excessif de ne tenir compte, aux depens de tous
les autres, que des faits de geographie linguistique
(quelque importance que, d'ailleurs on doive leur re-
connaitre).
1+9. Noter la correction apportee par JAS 100(d) = 276(d);
oggaham si afäiyä (se, s£, gen. de 1 ’anaphorique,
Pi 423), pour E 5-1-18 = 6.l4 -amsi (cf. trad. Schubring,
p. 89 , "without having asked for a room"); cf. E 8 .5(d)
J Kh 1,2,3 ,b
jäitta jassa oggaham (JAS 393 jänittu jäiydggaham).
50. JAS, p. lU, n. 18.
51. Sur sk bäha, masc., PW, EWA, s.v. bahCih.
52. Comparer le maintien de la forme bhikkhu dans un loc.
absolu, 0. von Hinüber, Studien zur Kasussyntax des Päli
...j München 1966 (Münchener Studien zur Sprachwiss.
Beihefte, N.F. 2), § 307.
53. Comparer supra n. h2.
5^. Cf. H. Jacobi, "Ueber den Qloka im Pali und Prakrit",
KZ, 2h (l879), 6 1 0 - 1 ( = Kleine Schriften, herausgegeben
von Bernhard Kölver, Wiesbaden 1970, 1, 189-93, particu-
lierement 190-1); Helmer Smith, S a d d a n i t i pp. llU8 ss.
§§ 8 ss. Sur les reamenagements de finales de loc. sg.
m.i., comparer Franz Bernhard, "Gab es einen Lokativ auf
-esmim im buddhistischen Sanskrit ?", Nachrichten der
Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen3 I, Philologisch-
Historische Kl., 196U, 1+, 199-209.
88
55. Pas d ’autre reference pour bhayasä, Pi 361+. En pa,
bhayasä3 Ja 6.250.25, vers (= bhayena, c t ), bhayähi,
Ja 5.1+97.25, vers (= bhayena), cites Sadd p. l650, s.v.
bhaya; le premier se trouve ä l ’attaque, le second, ä la
cadence de tristubh-jagati. Pas d'exemple, semble-t-il,
en B H S , ou, d ’ailleurs, le type est rare (BHSG § 8.1+1).
56. Voir Schubring, notes, p. 126. Les finales -a peuvent
continuer l ’abl. pk. -ä (cf. Pi 365) abrege; ou resulter
d'une "haplologie de desinence” ?
La v.l. Kh 1+ reprend la formule employee dans l ’enonce,
en prose, du second des grands voeux, Dasav JAS § 1+3 =
E 615.28 = Äyär 2.15. II § 1 de l ’ed. Jacobi (p.133, 2) =
JAS 2.1 § 78O (sans v.l.): kohä vä lohä vä bhayä vä häsä
vä.
57. Comparer, en vers, Dasav JAS 289(b) = E 6.27, Uttarajjhäyä
8.10(d), etc.:
manasä vayasä käyasä.
58. Sans v.l. dans les mss du su. C'est manasä ... qu’on lit
dans l ’enonce des grands voeux Äyär 2.15.1 §§ 1 ss. = JAS
2.1 §§ 777 ss. (v.l. väyasä).
59. Comparer l ’emploi du loc.pl. "amg" gimhäsu dans la seule
Cu, au lieu de la legon donnee par toute la tradition ms
du su ainsi que par Vr T, suivis par JAS 28 (a-c) = E 3.12:
..... gimhesu h e m a n t e s u ....
väsäsu ....
Sur 1 ’extension de cette finale dans le nom de la saison
chaude, Pi 358. Comparer supra, n.22.
60. Pi 363; 368-9.
61. De plus, JAS 575(b) = E 12.l6:
s a w rindiehim susamähiehim3
”par tous les sens parfaitement concentres", ou: "par ceux
qui, par tous leurs sens, sont parfaitement concentres",
interpretation plus proche de celle que suggere, sans
amphibologie, la v.l. Kh 3:
s a w 'indiehim susamähiena.
62. Sur les affinites -ena : -ebhih, C. Hauri, Zur Vorgeschichte
des Ausgangs -Ena des Instr. sing, der A-Stämme des Alt-
indischen3 Göttingen 1962 (Ergänzungsheft zur KZ 17),
pp. 127-8, §§ 339-Uo.
89
6 3 . Comparer S üyagada 1 . 2 . 3 . 1 3 ( b ) = e d . JÄS 155 ( s a n s v . l . ) :
pänehi(m) sam jae ;
d ' a u t r e p a r t , D asav JAS 4 0 0 ( c ) = E 8 . 1 2 ( s a n s v . l . ) :
uvarao savva-bhüesu.
64 . L. R e nou, GS § 223; c f . i b . e ) ; s e l o n c ) , l e l o c .
" c o i n c i d e a v e c l e d a t i f de d e s t i n a t i o n e t l e s u p p l a n t e
d a n s u n e g r a n d e m e s u r e " ; c o m p a r e r id e m , GLV § 4 l 4 ; en
o u t r e , p o u r l e l o c . m a r q u a n t u n e " r e f e r e n c e " , adhikarana3
ide m , Term inologie gram m aticdle du s a n s k r it3 P a r i s 1957
( B i b l i o t h e q u e de l ’ E c o le d e s H a u te s E t u d e s 2 8 0 - 2 ) , 1 1 .
s . v . a d h ik . , r e n v o y a n t ä P ä n i n i 1 . U. U5-
Sur " l a m u l t i p l i c i t e d e s e q u i v a l e n c e s s y n t a x i q u e s " en s k ,
e t l ’ e x t e n s i o n de l ' e m p l o i du ’ l o c . ’ , " c a s ä t o u t f a i r e
de l a d e c l i n a i s o n p a l i e " , J . B l o c h , Indo-Aryan . . . . 3
E n g l i s h e d i t i o n by A l f r e d M a s t e r , P a r i s 1 9 6 5 , 1 5 6 - 7 ,
com parer p . 1 32-3. Sur d e s e c h a n g e s s y n t a x i q u e s e n t r e
lo c . a b so lu e t a u tr e s to u r s dans la p ro se v ed iq u e,
A. M in a r d , T ro is enigmes sur le s cen t chemins I I , P a r i s
1956 ( I n s t i t u t de C i v i l i s a t i o n I n d i e n n e , 3 ) , §§ 482 s s .
V o ir e g a le m e n t J . H a u d ry , L 'em ploi des cas en vediqu e.
In tro d u ctio n a l ’etu de d es cas en indo-europ&en3 Lyon
1977 (L es hommes e t l e s l e t t r e s ) , p. 5 6 , s u r l e s c o n t a c t s
e n t r e g e n . - d a t . - l o c . , p . 86 (§ 2 . 1 . 4 . 5 ) e t p . 100 s s . ,
s u r l o c . / i n s t r . / a b l ............ S u r un e c h a n g e d a t . / i n s t r .
en s k , P. T hiem e, ZDMG, 91 ( 1 9 3 7 ) , 101 = K lein e S c h r ifte n 3
W iesbaden 1971 ( G l a s e n a p p - S t i f t u n g 5 , l ) , 2 9 1 , r e n v o y a n t ä
P ä n - P a t a n j a l i ; ( p o u r u n e c o n f u s i o n i n s t r . / d a t . p i . en
a v e s t i q u e , C. H a u r y , l o c . c i t . , p . 18 § 4o).
En sk j a i n a , l o c . du r e l a t i f { y e s u ) , ou y a tr a , p o u r l e
g e n . , W.H. M a u r e r , " A s p e c t s o f J a i n a S a n s k r i t . . . " ,
Adyar L ibrary B u lle tin 2 6 . 3 - 4 ( 1962 ) , 1 5 1 . S ur l a m o rp h o -
s y n t a x e n o m in a le e t l e s c r o i s e m e n t s c a s u e l s en BHS ( e t
m . i . ) , E d g e r t o n , BHSG c h a p . 7 ( e n p a r t i c u l i e r , i n s t r . / l o c .
§§ 7 . 3 0 s s . ) , u b i a l i a , d o n t S p e y e r , Vedische und S a n s k r it-
Syntaxe, S t r a s s b u r g 1896 (GIAPh 1 . 6 ) , §§ 39, 7 3 - 4 , e t c . ;
G e ig e r § 77; P i 369 , 3 71, 376 . . .
S u r " i n s t r u m e n t a l and L o c a t i v e i n A r d h a - M ä g a d h i" , A.M.
G h a ta g e , The Indian H is to r ic a l Q u a rterly3 1 3 , 1 (M arch
1 9 3 7 ) , 5 2 - 8 , c i t a n t p l u s i e u r s d e s p a s s a g e s e x a m in e s i c i ,
e t a l l e g u a n t q u e l q u e s e x e m p le s v e d i q u e s , e t d e s e m p l o i s
a p a b h r a m s a c o m p a r a b le s (58 . . ) .
6 5 . T r a d u c t i o n S c h u b r i n g , p o u r E 8 . 3 4 , "he s h o u l d t u r n away
fro m w o r l d l y e n j o y m e n t s " ; p o u r E 2 . 1 1 , "T hey t u r n away
90
from the [sensual] pleasures". Cf. sk, vi-ni-VRT + abl.,
FW, s.v .VART; Schubring, note ad 2.11: "here and below,
8.3**, loc. in the meaning of abl."
Sur -ehim, abl. amg jm, Pi 369. Comparer Cu (Dasak ad
2.1l): bhogehimto3 esä pancami,* Cu1(Dasak ad 8.3*0: bhogesu
sadda-pharisa-... .-gandhehimto bhogehim. En somme, il
semblerait que lr legon -ehim soit ici la lectio facilior.
66. S ’il est vrai que -hi, instr.(-abl.) devenu aussi loc.
dans les langues orientales des l'epoque de l ’Urkanon
bouddhique a ensuite prete ä confusion a. l ’ouest, et
qu'il a ete souvent mecaniquement rendu ä tort par -su
dans les transpositions occidentales ulterieures des
ecritures bouddhiques et jaina; sur quoi H. Luders, "Be
obachtungen über die Sprache des buddhistischen Urkanons".
Aus dem Nachlass herausg. von E. Waldschmidt (Abh. der
Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Kl. für
Sprachen, Literatur und Kunst, 1952.10) §§ 220-5; 0. von
Hinüber, loc.cit., § 307; K.R.Norman, dans Mahävtra and
His Teachings3 ed. A.N. Upadhye, etc., Bombay, 1977, PP*
17-18, ad Uttarajjhäyä 8.10, ubi alia. Mais l ’hypothese
pourrait etre ici superflue.
67. Les traducteurs supposent, au contraire, une relation
precise: de cause, ainsi Schubring (instr.), "under Cthe
influence of]words", ou de lieu, figurement (Ghatage,
loc.cit. 5*0, "attachment towards words" (cf. sk preman-
+ locatif, MW, s.v.) - tous deux restreignant d'ailleurs
le sens de sabda-,alors que le terme renvoie probablement
aux objets sensibles du domaine de l'ouie.
68. Comparer, en frangais, les differentes valeurs de "pour",
marquant, selon le contexte, la relation, la direction,
la consequence, la cause ....
69. Sur quoi Schubring, p. 126, note. JAS Signale la legon de
Cu Vr (qui, manifestement, reduit les contrastes):
sutena läbhena lajjäe jaccä tavasa buddhie.
70. Sur des variations comparables, K.R. Norman, loc.cit.
71. En somme, la desinence m.i. -hi(m) a des emplois ä plu-
sieurs egards comparables a ceux qui ont ete reconnus ä
la desinence grecque -<j>i, "notee -pi en mycenien, appa-
rentee aux instrumentaux en -bh- ...." (P. Chantraine,
Morphologie historique du grec3 Paris 19732 , p. 118);
selon M. Lejeune, "il s ’agit, en mycenien, d'une desinence
91
qui, sans etre exclusivement attachee ä un nombre deter
mine, parait, au moins dans la troisieme declinaison,
essentiellement employee au pluriel .... d ’une desinence
uniquement attachee aux fonctions "concretes” des cas
obliques, essentiellement ä la fonction locative et ä la
fonction instrumentale" (BSL 52.1, (1956), 2l8), celle-ci
etant preponderante, d'apres Chantraine. L ’etat ancien
disparait au premier millenaire. En grec homerique, "le
suffixe sert au pluriel et au singulier et pour tous les
cas autres que le nominatif et l ’accusatif" (ibid.,119).
Cependant, il semble que, contrairement ä la desinence
grecque, la finale m.i. ait garde une vitalite linguisti-
que reelle, dialectalement, peut-etre, et, en tout cas,
diachroniquement (infra). Les thematiques l'utilisent!
72. Voir note supra. Sur la coincidence oblique / locatif
en n.i. oriental, J. Bloch, Indo-Aryan3 173-1+•
73. JAS § § Ul ss., E 615, ll+; 23 ss. Sur la concurrence opta-
tif / indicatif dans les sütra sk, L. Renou. "Sur le
genre du sütra dans la litterature sanskrite", JA3 251
(1963), 182-3.
7I+. Ainsi, JAS 386(a) = E 7.55 samupehiyä, voir E. n. p. 629:
"sampreksya HiaribhadraD u. AvacCürii (statt Optativ !)";
JAS 1+33 (c) = E 8.1+5 samäsejj‘5, E n . p. 632 "samäsritya
(statt srayet !) H. u. Avac.".
75. Cf. supra p.7l+, JAS 539(c) vivajjaittä: E 10.19 vivajja-
yanto. Sur les echanges, dans la prose vedique, d ’absolu-
tifs et participes presents, A. Minard, loc.cit., §§ ll+3ss.
76. JAS UU6(c ) = E 8.58 aniocam tesi(m) vinnäya3 "ayant re-
connu leur impermanence" (: Cu -ätam, f,leur impermanence
a ete reconnue"); JAS 101(d) = E 5.1.19, anunnaviya Vos%re3
"apres avoir demande l'autorisation, il se liberera de ses
excrements ...." (: Vr T -nnävittu: Kh 1, 3, 1+, J -nnä-
yammz3 Cu -nnäte tu v.3 done "il se liberera ... dans un
endroit autorise"); JAS l+92(c) = E 9*3.1,etc.
77. Pi 1+59-1+60.
78. Chapitres 1+, 5, 11. Sur ce tour, Drei Chedasütras des
Jairva-Kanons .... bearbeitet von Walther Schubring . .. . ,
Hamburg 1966 (Alt- und Neu-Indische Studien herausgeg.
vom Seminar für Kultur u. Geschichte Indiens an der
92
Universität Hamburg, ll), p. 58; Isibhäsiyäim ... Aus dem
Präkrit der Jainas übersetzt von Walther Schubring ...
Hamburg 1969 (ANISH lU), p. 8. II est remarquable que
cette finale se soit decidement imposee en certains con-
textes, envers et contre le metre.
79. Cf. JAS, p. 18, n.l4; E p. 6l8, note: "SchlCussi unmetrisch
statt hae".
80. Notes, p. 123.
81. JAS, p. 16, n. 10.
82. IIJ 6.2 (1962), 123-8, cf. supra, n.3.
ABREVIATIONS
Outre les abreviations banales CCt = commentaire, ms(s)
= manuscrit(s)...2, les abreviations des termes grammaticaux
et abreviations usuelles des titres de collections, revues,
dictionnaires, les abreviations suivantes sont employees ici:
(a) (b) (c) (d), indication des päda; eile figure generalement
apres la reference ä JAS (et n’est pas repetee apres E).
Abreviations des noms de langue (cf. Pi): amg = ardha-mägadhl;
BHS = "Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit"; jm = mähärästri jaina;
m.i. = moyen indo-aryen; n.i.: neo indo-aryen; pk =
prakrit; sk = Sanskrit.
TEXTES ET OUVRAGES DE REFERENCE
AiG = Wackernagel (-Debrunner), Altindische Grammatik, Göt
ti ngen 1896- (volume et page).
Äyär = Äyäranga-sutta, references aux editions suivantes:
PTS = The Aydramga Sutta ..._, edited by Hermann Jacobi,
London 1882 (PTS), renvois aux chapitres, legon et para-
graphe; JÄS 2.1 = Äyärahga-suttam3 editor Moni Jambüvi-
jaya, Bombay 1977 (renvois au paragraphe); Ayär 1,
references ä Walther Schubring, Acärdhga-Sütra ...3
Leipzig 1910 (AKM 12.h) (renvois aux page et ligne).
93
BHSD et BHSG = Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit Dictionary3 Buddhist
Hybrid Sanskrit Grammar by Franklin Edgerton, Yale Univ.
Press, New Haven 1953, respectivement Vol. II, Vol. I
(William Dwight Whitney Linguistic Series).
Cu = Cunni = Cürni; ici, essentiellement, celle d'Agastya
simha (cf. infra p.82, n.5); Mles Cu" signifie la Cu
d ’Agastyasimha + le "V^ddha-vivarana"; ici, les
renvois sont aux citations de Cu par Pu (dans JAS; cf.
JÄS 15, Introduction, p.89).
Dasak = Sayyambhava's Dasakäliyasuttam with Bhadrabähu's
Niryukti and Agastyasimha*s Cürni edited by ... Punya-
vijaya ..., Varanasi-Ahmedabad 1973 (Prakrit Text
Society Series, 17).
Dasav = Dasav-su - Dasaveyäliya-sutta, references conjointe-
ment ä JAS (infra) et a E (infra). Le signe = note
l ’identite des deux textes (compte non tenu des quantite
vocalique, nasalite ... finales).
E = edition E(uropeenne) du Dasav, Dasavaikälika-sütra und
-niryukti nach dem ErZahlungsgehalt untersucht und her
ausgegeben von Ernst Leumann, ZDMG h6 (l892), pp.58l-663
(texte pp. 613-63); renvois aux chapitre et stance pour
les portions versifiees, aux page et ligne pour les
portions en prose.
EWA - Manfred Mayrhofer, Kurzgefasstes etymologisches Wörter
buch des Altindischen Heidelberg 1953-1980 (indo
germanische Bibliothek ..., Zweite Reihe. Wörterbücher).
Geiger - Wilhelm Geiger, Bäli Literatur und Sprache, Strass
burg 1916 (GIAPhA 1.7), renvois au paragraphe.
GLV - Louis Renou, Grammaire de la langue vedique3 Lyon 1952
(Collection nLes Langues du monde"), renvois au para
graphe .
GS - Louis Renou, Grammaire Sanscrite , Paris 1930 (reed. 1975),
renvois au paragraphe.
He = Hemacandra; renvois ä Hemacandra*s Grammatik der Prdkrit-
sprachen (Siddhahemacandram Adhyaya VIII) ... herausge
geben von Richard Pischel, I. Theil. Text und Wortver
zeichniss, II. Theil. Übersetzung und Erläuterungen,
Halle, 2 vols., l877-l880 (reimpr. Osnabrück 1969).
94
IAL = R.L. Turner, A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan
Languages3 London 1962-6 (School of Oriental and African
Studies, University of London).
J s ms de Jesalmer utilise par Punyavijaya (voir JAS 19, p.4o),
date V.S. 1289 = 1232 ap. J.C.
JAS = edition du Dasav dans JÄS 15; renvois ä la numerotation
continue des stances (avec indication des päda) et des
paragraphes en prose.
JÄS = Jaina Ägama Series, Bombay 1968-(Shri Mahävlra Vidyäla-
ya). 1, Nandisuttam, Ed. Muni Punyavijaya, Pt. Dalsukh
Mälvaniä, Pt. Amritläl Bhojak, 1§68; 2.1, Äyärahga-
suttaih, Ed. Muni Jambüvijaya, 1977; 2.2 Süyagadamga-
suttam, Ed. Muni Jambüvijaya1 1978; 15' Dasaveyäliya-
suttam Uttarajjhayanäim and Avassayasuttarn, Ed. Late
Muni Shri Punyavijayaji and Pt. Amritläl M. Bhojak, 1977-
Kh = mss de Cambaye (Khambät 1,2,3,4) utilises par JAS (cf.
JAS 15, pp. 39-1+0).
Pi = R. Pischel, Grammatik der Prakrit-Sprachen3 Strassburg
1900 (GIAPhA 1.8), renvois au paragraphe.
Pu = Punyavijaya, editeur de Dasav JAS.
PSM = Hargovind Das T. Sheth, Paia-sadda-mahannavo, Varanasi,
1963 Prakrit Text Society Series, 7).
su = sutta, sütra.
Süy = Süyagadanga-sutta, ed. Jambüvijaya, cf. JÄS 2.2.
T = tikä; ici, specialement la T du Dasaveyäliya-sutta par
Haribhadra.
Schubring = renvois ä la traduction en anglais, aux notes et
introduction, dans The Dasaveyäliya Sutta> edited by
Ernst Leumann and translated, with Introduction and Notes,
by Walther Schubring, Ahmedabad 1932 (= Kleine Schriften,
herausgegeben von Klaus Bruhn, Wiesbaden 1977 (Glasenapp-
Stiftung 13), pp. 109-248).
Vr = Vrddhavivarana; ici, renvois aux citations de ce
texte par Pu, dans JAS (cf. JAS 15, introduction, p.89).
95
LA "VISITE AUX LABOUREURS" ET LA "MEDITATION SOUS L ’ ARBRE JAMBU"
DANS LES BIOGRAPHIES SANSKRITES ET CHINOISES DU BUDDHA
T e n t a t i v e de c l a s s e m e n t d e s e p i s o d e s n a r r a t i f s
H u b e r t DURT (EFEQ* K yoto)
Dans l e t i s s u de p i e u s e s l e g e n d e s q u i f o rm e l a b i o g r a p h i e du
Buddha " h i s t o r i q u e " , e t p a r t i c u l i e r e m e n t l e r e c i t de s a j e u n e s s e ,
i l e s t un e p i s o d e m o n t r a n t une r e m a r q u a b l e c o m t i n a i s o n d e s deux
a s p e c t s p r i n c i p a u x de l a c a r r i e r e du f u t u r Buddha Säkyam uni:
s a f o r m a t i o n de B o d h i s a t t v a e t s a f o r m a t i o n de P r i n c e h e r i t i e r
(kum ära). Au g r e d e s t r a d i t i o n s , c e t i n c i d e n t b i o g r a p h i q u e
f l o t t e , s e l o n l ' e x p r e s s i o n d ' A l f r e d F o u c h e r , 1 e n t r e l ’ a g e de
q u e l q u e s m ois e t c e l u i de v i n g t - n e u f a n s .
I I s ’ a g i t de c e q u i d a n s l e s t e x t e s c a n o n i q u e s a p p a r a i t
comme l a p r e m i e r e m e d i t a t i o n du B o d h i s a t t v a , p r e f i g u r a t i o n
l o i n t a i n e de c e l l e q u i l e c o n d u i r a ä l a su p re m e e t p a r f a i t e
illu m in a tio n . T r e s r a p i d e m e n t , a u th e m e n a r r a t i f de c e t t e
p r e m i e r e m e d i t a t i o n , s o n t v e n u s s ' a j o u t e r d eux th e m e s q u i s o n t
devenus i n s e p a r a b l e s : d 'u n e p a r t , 1 ' ep reu v e q u i a m o tiv e c e t t e
m e d i t a t i o n , d ' a u t r e p a r t , l e m i r a c l e q u i a accom pagne c e t t e
m e d ita tio n .
Examinons d ' a b o r d c e t t e e p r e u v e q u i s e s i t u e a u c o u r s
d ’u n e t o u r n e e aux t e r r e s de l a b o u r du ro y a u m e . Ce en q u o i
e i l e a c o n s i s t e : s p e c t a c l e d e s s o u f f r a n c e s du monde a n i m a l
ou l e m e u r t r e e s t l a s e u l e l o i , s p e c t a c l e d e s s o u f f r a n c e s
im p o s e e s p a r l e t r a v a i l a u x l a b o u r e u r s e t aux b o e u f s de t r a i t ,
a t t i r e r a s p e c i a l e m e n t n o t r e a t t e n t i o n au c o u r s de c e t t e e t u d e .
Comme i l s ' a g i t d ' u n e e p r e u v e , sa " r e s o n a n c e " d a n s l a s t r u c t u r e
l e g e n d a i r e se m b le a v o i r e t e ä 1 ' o r i g i n e d e s v a r i a t i o n s de l a
p o s i t i o n c h r o n o l o g i q u e de c e t e v e n e m e n t: p l u t o t q u 'u n e p i s o d e
p r i m o r d i a l , a n n o n c i a t e u r l e p l u s p r e c o c e m e n t p o s s i b l e de l a
b o d k i , i l e s t d e v e n u un e p i s o d e u l t i m e d ' e p r e u v e , une r e n c o n t r e
de l a d o u l e u r " e n a c t e " , v e n a n t s ’ a j o u t e r a u x r e n c o n t r e s de l a
d o u leu r " p a s s iv e " , r e p r e s e n te e p ar l a v i e i l l e s s e , l a m alad ie
e t l a m o rt, l e s t r o i s r e n c o n tr e s c l a s s i q u e s q u i ont larg em en t
c o n t r i b u e a l a p o p u l a r i t y de l a l e g e n d e du B uddha, meme en
d e h o r s d e s z o n e s de d i f f u s i o n du b o u d d h i s m e . 2
96
Le miracle, d 'autre part, qui a accompagne la premiere
meditation du Bodhisattva, situee, comme il se doit, au pied
d'un arbre, ici, un jambu, est un miracle solaire, l'un des
plus celebres de la legende bouddhique, qui, pour ne citer
qu’un exemple, avait frappe Flaubert qui en fait etat dans
La Tentation de Saint Antoine. II s’agit de 1'ombre de 1'arbre
jambu qui ne tourne pas afin de proteger la meditation du
Bodhisattva.
Ces trois phases d'un meme evenement: spectacle du labou-
rage,compassion se developpant en meditation, "transfiguration"
grace au miracle de 1*ombre immobile, sont indissolublement
liees dans toute la tradition posterieure aux textes canoniques.
Ce lien est d'autant plus remarquable qu'autour de ce triple
evenement se sont articules une multitude d'episodes secondaires qu:
varient de texte ä texte et se retrouvent parfois dans des traditior
apparemment tres eloignees l'une de 1 ’autre. En outre, la soli-
dite du lien reunissant ce triple evenement apparait comme egale-
ment tres remarquable quand on se rappelle combien sa position
chronologique fut variable: soit au debut de la formation du
futur Buddha, voire peu de temps apres sa naissance, soit a
1'extreme fin de sa vie profane, voire apres son "grand depart".
Tout cela temoigne de l'etat de developpement tres ample
et, pourrait-on dire, anarchique qu'avait atteint la legende
du Buddha a l'epoque des premieres biographies systematiques.
Pour beaucoup de details, les biographes semblent avoir puise
un peu au hasard dans une tradition qu'on pourrait comparer a
un magma ou a un puzzle. Encore faut-il noter que ce magma
legendaire n'appartient pas en propre au Buddha Säkyamuni.
Quantite de themes proviennent de ce qu’on ne peut pas encore
appeler, car il n ’existe pas encore, le "repertoire hagiogra-
phique indien". On pourrait meme souvent parier de cliches
hagiographiques universels. Pour ne pas entrer dans le domaine
un peu rabache du comparatisme bouddhico-chretien, nous signa-
lerons ä titre d'exemple, qu'une assez semblable decouverte de
la loi du meurtre chez les animaux (et les etres humains)
apparait aussi, avec un sens different, dans la vie de Tchouang-
tseu.3 Si eile apparait aussi dans la vie de Shötoku Taishi,4
c 'est probablement dans ce dernier cas par suite d ’une conta
mination exercee par la legende de Säkyamuni.
Cependant, dans ce magma legendaire que sont les biographies
du Buddha, il est possible de proceder ä certains classements.
Rappeions 1'importance des cycles locaux, mise en evidence par
Foucher.5 L'evenement qui nous concerne ici fait partie du
cycle de Kapilavastu et faisait meme, nous rapporte Hiuan-tsang,6
l'objet d ’un lieu-dit ä ^0 ti au Nord-Est de Kapilavastu. Selon
1'A^okävadäna^7 Asoka s’y serait rendu en pelerinage.
97
Parmi les cycles centres sur des comparses, on notera
que l'evenement etudie ici est absolument etranger au cycle
du cousin du Buddha, Devadatta; qu'il n'est lie que marginale-
ment au cycle des epouses du Bodhisattva mais plus directement
au cycle du pere du Prince heritier, le roi Suddhodana. Dans
la tradition, abondamment representee dans la litterature, des
trois prosternations8 que, contre l'ordre etabli, le roi adressa
a. son fils^ la deuxieme prosternation est censee avoir eu lieu
apres que Suddhodana, cherchant son fils, l ’eut retrouve grace
ä 1 ’ombre immobile qui protegeait sa meditation. Rappelons que
le premier de ces saluts est lie ä 1 Tepisode d'Asita dont le
recit, dans les differentes versions du Lal'ltaV'istara3 a jadis
fait 1 ’objet d'une etude du Professeur J.W. de Jong.9
Plus intimement, plusieurs des episodes greffes sur l'eve
nement qui nous interesse semblent relever de ce courant sou-
terrain qui, beaucoup plus - nous semble-t-il - que la mytho-
logie solaire, traverse toute 1'hagiographie du Buddha: sa
carriere amorcee puis avortee de souverain universel, de roi
Cakpavartin. 10
Nous voudrions tenter une approche des ressorts et de la
structure narrative de ce qui nous semble etre un evenement
typique de ce "Bildungsroman" qu'est la biographie du Buddha.
C ’est ä ce titre que 1'episode jumele "visite aux laboureurs"
et "meditation a 1'ombre immobile du jambu" nous a semble signi-
ficatif. En effet, il illustre deux continuites de la jeunesse
du Buddha: celle de la pratique meditative et celle des epreuves
qui doivent le degoüter du monde. Comme nous le verrons, les
experiences de degoüt se doublent parfois de tentations qui
contribuent egalement ä degoüter du monde notre heros, quand
il realise que la seduction n'est qu'un degoüt inverse. En
donnant ä la visite aux laboureurs, a priori consideree comme
plaisante, et ä ses suites le caractere d'une epreuve de degoüt,
nous croyons nous etre conformes ä la resonance qu'eut cet epi
sode dans la tradition chinoise, notamment chez Tao Siuan.11
Remarquons cependant que cette repulsion, meme si eile a pris
parfois un caractere social, semble differente du rejet du
travail agricole que, conformement ä une tradition indienne,
Foucher12 a voulu reconnaitre dans les recits purement indiens
de cet episode.
Nous avons privilegie dans la presente etude la tradition
septentrionale des biographies du Buddha, c'est-a-dire quelques
recits en Sanskrit, classique et bouddhique, et une riche litte
rature en chinois. Vu cette limitation, nous esquisserons ici
une breve description de la documentation assez vaste existant
sur 1'episode en question mais qui n ’a pu etre etudiee en detail
98
dans notre article: les textes canoniques, la tradition meri-
dionale en päli, les representations figurees.
A. Pour les textes canoniques au sens strict, nous bene-
ficions deja de l ’analyse d'A. Bareau dans La jeunesse du
Buddha dans les Sütrapitaka et les Vinayapipaka aneiens. 13
Une des conclusions de sa recherche est que 1'episode de la
premiere meditatxon et celui des rencontres avec un vieillard,
un malade et un mort s’excluent mutuellement. Selon 1'intuition
de Foucher,14 les rencontres ont "remplace" la premiere medi
tation. Du cote des sütra, on voit rapportee dans certains
d'entre eux la premiere meditation, mais sans qu’il y ait
necessairement allusion ä l ’arbre jambu, ä son ombre miracu-
leuse ou au contexte agricole. Ce serait de maniere toute
speculative que le Bodhisattva se serait penche sur la question
de la vieillesse, de la maladie et de la mort. Dans d ’autres
sütra canoniques, notamment ceux qui traitent de la carriere
du Buddha Vipasyin, doublet de celle du Buddha Säkyamuni, la
premiere meditation est absente mais on peut lire le recit,
plus parlant ä 1*imagination, des trois fameuses rencontres.
Du cote du Vinaya3 15 les biographies du Buddha de certains des
Vinaya ’’aneiens” se partagent ä leur tour entre speculation
”en un lieu de retraite" sur la vieillesse, la maladie et la
mort, sans allusion aux trois rencontres (Vinaya des Dharma-
guptaka16) et recit des trois sorties (la troisieme, par la
porte occidentale de Kapilavastu, comprenant la rencontre
d ’abord avec un mort, ensuite avec un religieux), sans allusion
ä la premiere meditation (Vinaya des Mahi&äsaka*-7 ).
B. La tradition meridionale en päli situe la premiere
meditation dans le cadre enigmatique d ’une "Fete des semailles”
(vappa-mahgala), au cours de laquelle 1000 charrues, dont 108
precieuses, etaient disposees. Le roi tragait ses sillons avec
une charrue d ’or, les ministres tragaient les leurs avec les
107 precieuses charrues d'argent restantes, et les laboureurs
faisaient de meme avec les autres charrues. Contrairement ä
ce que laisseraient croire certains travaux modernes,10 rien
ne semble avoir ete transmis dans la tradition septentrionale19
sur cette fete des semailles. Ce detail aurait cependant ete
fort evocateur dans le monde chinois. Selon un recit suivi,
celui de la Nidänakathä,20 le Bodhisatta etait alors dans sa
prime enfance et dormait ä 1 ’ombre d'un arbre jambu sous la
garde de servantes. Celles-ci allerent voir le spectacle du
roi labourant. C ’est l’epreuve du reveil dans la solitude qui
aurait emmene le Bodhisatta ä se plonger dans sa premiere medi
tation qui lui fit atteindre le premier niveau d'extase, patha-
majjhänaj theme qui se retrouve souvent dans la tradition sep-
tentrionale, de meme que la suite du recit: retrouvailles,
99
apres le repas, du Prince heritier, moment anement egare, grace
au prodige de l ’ombre de l ’arbre restee immobile; prosternation,
la seconde, du roi devant son fils.
C. La representation plastique dans le monde indien de
la scene de la visite aux laboureurs et de la meditation sous
le jambu a fait l'objet d'un premier examen par Foucher.21
Bornons-nous ici, malgre 1'importance capitale du domaine des
representations figurees pour la biographie du Buddha, ä ne
signaler que deux exemples typiques, provenant de deux extre-
mites du monde bouddhique: une statue du Gandhära, que Foucher
ne semble pas avoir connue, et une peinture japonaise archaique
(VIIIe s i e d e ) illustrant l'une des plus populaires biographies
du Buddha, le Kouo-k'iu hien-tsai yin-kcuo king (T. 189 ).
La statue de Gandhära22 montre le Bodhisattva comme un
jeune adulte princier et non un enfant ou un adolescent. II
est assis sous un arbre formant parasol, les jambes croisees
dans la position dite populairement du "lotus", au dessus d ’une
jonchee d'herbes. Sur le socle, en dehors des deux donateurs
figurant au centre, 1'image, ä droite, d ’un laboureur avec son
boeuf, e t , ä gauche, de ce qui semble etre un roi saluant,
permet d'identifier la scene. II ne peut s’agir ni du Bodhi
sattva sur le point d ’acceder ä 1*Illumination, ni d ’un autre
Bodhisattva comme, par exemple, Maitreya.
L Timage consacree ä la visite aux laboureurs et ä ses
suites dans le rouleau illustre, appele de maniere abregee
en japonais: E-ingakyö I*] J L ^ , 23 montre, en regard du
texte, deux scenes distinctes: la premiere est coupee en dia
gonale par un monticule devant lequel un paysan laboure avec
son boeuf et derriere lequel deux personnages de la suite du
Bodhisattva avec leurs chevaux semblent tourner le dos ä la
scene. A 1'avant-plan, un personnage descendu de cheval se
prosterne devant le Bodhisattva. Plutot que le roi ou un
ministre, il s ’agit sans doute d ’un personnage de la suite
prenant conge. Dans la seconde scene, est representee 1 ’epi
sode propre ä ce texte oü, comme nous le verrons,24 le roi,
accompagne ici de trois ministres, prend la main de son fils.
A la difference de la position de la main gauche, soutenant
le visage pensif dans la premiere scene, tendue vers la main
du roi dans la seconde, la position du corps du Bodhisattva
adolescent est idehtique dans les deux scenes. II est vu de
trois quarts, et s ’il est clair q u ’il n ’est pas assis dans
la position du "lotus", il est difficile de determiner s'il
est assis "a 1'occidentale" ou dans une position mixte, avec
une jambe "ä 1 ’occidentale", 1 ’autre "en lotus" supportant le
bras sur lequel le Bodhisattva s’appuye la tete. Ni la posi
tion "occidentale", ni la position mixte ne serait en confor-
too
mite avec la tradition litteraire qui, sans exception, decrit
le Bodhisattva comme assis avec les jambes croisees horizon-
talement (paryahkena Sjk, ). Cette ma.rque d ’indepen-
dance par rapport ä la tradition litteraire est probablement
le reflet iconographique d ’une distinction entre la meditation
de notre heros avant et apres son illumination, distinction
que nous observerons dans un passage du Lalitavistara.25 Dans
les nombreuses representations de meditation dans 1 'E-ingakyö,
on peut observer que le futur Öäkyamuni se tient pour mediter
en position "mixte" ( sfc , position popularisee ä
cette epoque par les multiples representations du Bodhisattva
Maitreya meditatif26) jusqu’a ce qu’il s’installe dans la
meditation preliminaire ä la hodhi et prenne des lors la posi
tion complete "en lotus".
k k k
Dans la tradition litteraire septentrionale, nous avons
reparti les textes selon la place qu’y occupe 1 *episode de la
visite aux laboureurs et de la meditation consecutive: au
debut ou ä la fin de la carriere profane du Bodhisattva.
Au premier groupe situant la meditation sous le jambu
consecutive ä la visite aux laboureurs comme episode de
1 ’adolescence du Bodhisattva, appartiennent:
i_. le Mahävastu, cite ici selon 1' edition Senart, II, Paris
1890.
ii. le Lalitavistara, cite ici selon 1'edition Vaidya,
Darbhanga 1958, comprenant un recit en prose entremelee
de vers et un recit en vers seulement, et ses deux tra
ductions chinoises et une traduction connexe:
T. Ill l86 (iiie k. ) P'ou yao king , traduit par
Dharmaraksa (Tchou Fa-hou ii) ) en 308,
- T. Ill 187 (ive k. ) Fang kouang ta tchcuang yen king'^'ß#
£ 32, »traduit par Diväkara en 683,
- T. Ill 190 (xiie k. ) Fo pen-hing tsi king ,
traduit par Jnänagupta entre 587 et 591/592 (Compilation,
dont, pour ce passage la tradition est tres proche du
Lalitavistara en prose, tout en ayant des rapports avec
la tradition du Buddhaearita).27
iii. - T. Ill 189 (iie k . ) Kouo-k’iu hien-tsai yin-kouo king
S traduit par Gunabhadra entre
101
Ul+6 e t 1+55 (O e u v re p o p u l a i r e a s s e z i n d e p e n d a n t e q u o iq u e
a y a n t e g a le m e n t d e s r a p p o r t s avec l e B uddhaaarita ) . 28
Au d e u x ie m e g r o u p e s i t u a n t l a v i s i t e aux l a b o u r e u r s e t
l a m e d i t a t i o n s o u s l e jambu comme u n e d e s u l t i m e s e t a p e s p a r
oü p a s s e l e B o d h i s a t t v a , j e u n e a d u l t e , a v a n t ou meme a p r e s
son g ran d d e p a r t , a p p a r t i e n n e n t :
i_. T r o i s t r a d u c t i o n s a r c h a i q u e s ; l e s d e u x d e r n i e r e s p l a g a n t
l a v i s i t e aux la b o u r e u r s a p r e s l e g rand d e p a r t :
- T. I l l l8U ( i i e k . ) Sieou-hing p e n - k 'i king
t r a d u i t p a r Tchou T a - l i e t K’ ang M o n g - s ia n g jir
en 1 9 7 , *
- T. I I I 185 . ( i e r k . ) T 'a i- ts e u jo u e i- y in g p e n - k 'i king
% > t r a d u i t p a r T che K’ i e n
e n t r e 222 e t 2 2 9 , '
- T. I I I 188 Y i-tc h 'o u p 'o u -sa p e n - k 'i k i king jp | ^ i^L
^ , t r a d u i t p a r N ie T a o - t c h e n J jT £
e n t r e 280 e t 312. J ^
i i . Le B uddhaaarita , c i t e i e i d a n s 1 ' e d i t i o n E.H. J o h n s t o n ,
C a l c u t t a 1 9 3 6 , e t s a t r a d u c t i o n e t so n a d a p t a t i o n en
c h in o is:
- T. IV 192 U er k . ) Fo so-h ing tsan tra d u it
p a r Dharmaksema e n t r e UlU e t 1+21.
- T. IV 193 ( i i e k . ) Fo pen-hing king , tra d u it
p a r Pao Yun e n t r e 1+23 e t 1+1+9 •
i i i . Le Samghabhedavastu du Vinaya d e s M ü la sarvästivädin , e i t e
d a n s 1 ' e d i t i o n de R. G n o li e t T. V e n k a t a c h a r y a , Rome, I ,
1 9 7 7 , e t s e s v e r s i o n s c h i n o i s e s , l a c o m p l e t e e t 1 ' incom
p le te :
- T. XXIV ll+50 ( i i i e k . ) ZKen-pen-chouo y i - t s ' i e - y e o u pou
p ' i - n a i - y e l p 'o seng ehe Z %%%~~ J
^ tr a d u it par Y i-tsin g 3^ e n t r e 700 e t 7 1 0 ,
- T. I I I 191 ( i i i e k . ) tehong-hiu mo-ho t i king ~£jt
, t r a d u i t en 1001 p a r F a - h i e n , trad u cteu r
i n d i e n . 28
102
Pour les attributions de traducteurs et de date, nous
nous sommes limites a. reproduire les donnees admises en general
par la critique moderne suivant les ouvrages bibliographiques
et catalogues anciens. Pour un panorama du contenu des ouvrages
cites, on se reportera a. l'apergu d'E. Lamotte sur la biographie
du Buddha dans 1 'Histoire du Bouddhisme indien. 30
Nous n ’avons pas inclus dans notre enquete la traduction
chinoise (T. 19^) du "Buddhacar it a" tres original attribue ä
Samgharaksa,31 contemporain de Kaniska. Cet ouvrage, deservi
par une mediocre traduction, ne raconte pas la vie du Buddha
en suivant l'ordre chronolog\que mais en fonction d ’un choix
de topiques doctrinaux du Grand Vehicule, que cette vie a
illustre. Plus qu'aucune autre biographie du Buddha, c ’est
un ouvrage d ’edification. Nous n fy avons pas trouve de refe
rence explicite ä la visite aux laboureurs et au miracle du
jambu.
Textes plagant la visite aux laboureurs
au cours de 1'adolescence du Bodhisattva
i_. Mahävastu (II, p.^5.^ - p.U8.8). En un premier para-
graphe introductif (p. l5-^-8), la scene est situee au cours
d'une excursion du roi Suddhodana, avec sa suite et un "jeune
homme" (särdham kumärena), dans une "terre d ’agrement" (udydna-
bhümi). Le sujet des deux phrases suivantes devient le Bodhi
sattva qui arrive ä un village de laboureurs (krsi-gräma) et
qui y voit des charrues ä 1'ouvrage. Puis, les deux phrases
qui suivent ont pour sujet un serpent (dirghaka) et une gre-
nouille (mamduka) qui sont expulses (utksipta) par les charrues.
La grenouille est saisie pour etre mangee tandis que "le ser
pent est ecarte par un jeune homme" (so’pi dtrghako kumärena
ksipto). Retour au Bodhisattva par qui "ceci" a ete vu et dans
le coeur de qui une grande emotion (samvega) a ete produite par
cette vue. II prononce ensuite une stance desabusee (p. 1*5.9-12).
Ce bref paragraphe a fait l'objet d'interpretations dis-
cordantes. Selon la traduction de J.J. Jones,32 il semble que
ce soit le meme "young boy", inconnu par ailleurs, qui accompagne
le roi, qui mange la grenouille et qui ecarte le serpent. Foucher3
considere, ce qui est plus normal, que la grenouille a ete mangee
par le serpent, qui fut ensuite "depeche", c'est-a-dire non pas
seulement "mande au loin" mais "tue", par un "petit villageois".
103
Dans l a s u i t e du r e c i t , so n h e r o s p r i n c i p a l , l e f u t u r
Buddha, e s t d e s i g n e d i x f o i s comme kumära ( p . 4 7 . 3 - 7 , 1 2 ,
p . U8. 1 - 8 ) , u n e f o i s comme S id d h ä rth a ( p . l + 7 - l l ) , u n e f o i s
comme S a rv ä r th a s id d h a kumära ( p . 4 8 . 5 - 6 ) , e t t r o i s f o i s comme
b o d h is a ttv a . P o u r c e t t e d e r n i e r e a p p e l l a t i o n , i l s ’a g i t c h a q u e
f o i s d ’ o c c a s i o n s i m p o r t a n t e s d a n s un c o n t e x t e r e l i g i e u x : l o r s
q u ' i l s ' a s s i e d e n m e d i t a t i o n s o u s l e jambu ä l f ombre im m o b ile
e t a c c e d e a u I e r Dhyäna ( p . 1+5.13), l o r s q u e l e s r s i ne p e u v e n t
l e s u r v o l e r ( p . 1+5.15) e t l o r s q u e so n p e r e l e s a l u e (p .1 + 7 .1 9 ).
Le n a r r a t e u r du Mahävastu (comme d ' a i l l e u r s c e u x que n o u s c o n -
n a is s o n s p ar l e s t r a d u c tio n s c h in o is e s ) n ' u t i l i s a i t pas ces
d e sig n a tio n s au hasard. Kumära, e n c h i n o i s T (P rin ce h e r i -
t i e r ) , e s t l a d e s ig n a tio n l a p lu s c o u ra n te dans l e s ep iso d es
o r d i n a i r e s , S id d h ä rth a ou s e s e q u i v a l e n t s d o n n a i e n t un c a r a c -
t e r e de s o l e n n i t e l i m i t e a u d om aine p r o f a n e e t B o d h ts a ttv a
e t a i t r e s e r v e a u x a c t i v i t e s r e l i g i e u s e s du h e r o s .
C e t t e o b s e r v a t i o n n o u s p e r m e t de d e d u i r e que l e kumära
m entionne deux f o i s dans l e p re m ie r p a ra g ra p h e n ' e s t a u t r e
que l e P r i n c e h e r i t i e r , l e f u t u r B uddha. Dans l e c o n t e x t e
m o n d a in de s a s i t u a t i o n de s u i v a n t du r o i , son p e r e , l o r s
d ' u n e e x c u r s i o n , i l e s t n o r m a l q u ’ i l s o i t d e s i g n e comme " j e u n e
p r i n c e " ( p . 1+5.3), s u r t o u t q u ' a u s s i t o t a p r e s , l o r s q u ' i l p r o c e d e
ä un a c t e p e r s o n n e l q u i a u r a d e s c o n s e q u e n c e s r e l i g i e u s e s , i l
e s t a p p e l e B o d h is a ttv a ( p . 1+5-1+ —5 ) . De meme, l o r s q u ' i l f a i t
l e g e s t e i n s t i n c t i f de c h a s s e r ( e t p a s n e c e s s a i r e m e n t t u e r )
l e s e r p e n t ( p . 1+5.7), l e te r m e de " g a r g o n " l u i c o n v i e n t m ieux
que c e l u i de B c d h is a ttv a .
V e r s o n s c e p e n d a n t a u d o s s i e r d e 1 ' e x p l i c a t i o n de "särdham
kumärena" que d a n s l e L al'L taV 'istara ( p . 9 0 . 1 - 2 ) , i l e s t d i t que
l e p r i n c e (kumära) v a aux champs a v e c d ' a u t r e s j e u n e s g e n s ,
f i l s de m i n i s t r e s (an yaih kum ärair amäty a p u tr a ih särdham ).
P e u t - e t r e l a l e g o n au s i n g u l i e r du Mahävastu e s t - e l l e a l a
p l a c e d ' u n p l u r i e l ? T . 190 ( 7 0 5 c 2 1 , 7 0 6 a l l ) a p p e l l e c e s com-
pagnons "g arg o n s" ( ) en i n d i q u a n t i n i t i a l e m e n t q u ’ i l s
s o n t du c l a n S ä k y a , comme l e s p e c i f i e a u s s i T. l 8 7 (5oO b9).
C e t t e d i s c u s s i o n s u r un d e t a i l du I e r p a r a g r a p h e , r e n d u
p e u c l a i r p a r l a m a l a d r e s s e de l a n a r r a t i o n e t l a m e d i o c r i t e
de sa s y n ta x e , nous a d e jä perm is de s i g n a l e r l e s p r in c ip a u x
r e s s o r t s d e s p a r a g r a p h e s s u i v a n t s du r e c i t du M ahävastu : I e r
Dhyäna e t m i r a c l e de l ' o m b r e ( p . 1+5.13-14) a p p a r i t i o n d e s 5
r s i (p. 4 5 .l4 - p. 4 6 .1 8 ), q u e te , r e t r o u v a i l l e s , p r o s t e r n a t i o n ,
r e f l e x i o n e t m esures p r i s e s p a r l e r o i (p. 4 7 .3 - p . 4 8 . 7 ) .
B o r n o n s - n o u s done ä s i g n a l e r q u e l q u e s p o i n t s communs p r o p r e s
a u Mahävastu e t ä u n e p e t i t e p a r t i e s e u le m e n t du r e s t e de l a
tr a d i t i o n etu d ie e ic i:
104
1° La vision d ’un serpent devorant une grenouille
(p. 45.6-7) n'apparaitra plus que dans T. 184, la plus archa-
ique des traductions chinoises, mais il ne s'agira lä que d ’un
entre-devorement d ’animaux parmi d'autres.
2° Ce ne sera que dans le Lalitavistara et sa tradition
qu’on retrouvera 1'episode adventice des rsi arretes dans leur
vol.
3° 0n retrouvera dans la tradition du Vinaya des Müla-
sarvästivädin une certaine importance accordee au repas qui
ici (p. 47.3) rappelle au roi 1 'absence de son fils. La stance
gnomique vantant les repas entre amis (p. 47.1-2), placee "en
cheville" pour introduire ce theme, est propre au Mahävastu.
4° 0n remarque ici que la volonte du roi de faire diver-
tir le Bodhisattva par des femmes et aussi de proceder ä son
mariage avec Yasodharä (p. 48.2-8) se greffe immediatement
sur l'episode de sa prosternation, par le biais d ’une reference
ä l ’episode d ’Asita (p. 48.1-2). On retrouve ce theme dans
T. 189.
ii. Dans le Lalitavistara3 le terme de krsi-gräma (vil
lage des laboureurs), qui situait la scene dans le Mahävastu ,
est le titre du chapitre XI (p. 90-95), relatant l'evenement
qui nous interesse. A ce chapitre correspondent le chapitre
VIII: "inspection du labour, assis sous l ’arbre (
) de T. l86 (499a26-500a2) et le chapitre IX: "inspection
du "Travail des champs" ( $£$; jpL'f" ) de T. 187 (560b7-56lal2),
traduction souvent abregee mais tres conforme au Lalitavistara
en prose que nous connaissons. Dans T. 190 (705b20-707al9),
de loin la plus etendue des biographies du Buddha, reunissant
des morceaux d ’origine diverse, le chapitre XII: "Excursions
et inspections" (-5®b ) es-,: tres proche du recit
en prose du Lalitavistara.
Dans T. l86 (498a3) et T. 187 (559al3), ce chapitre suit
celui de 1'apprentissage de la lecture par le Bodhisattva age
de sept ans. Dans T. 190 (705b23), l'episode est presente
comme ayant eu lieu peu apres un des demeles du "Cycle de
Devadatta" attribue ä la huitieme annee du Bodhisattva.
Dans ces quatre recits, la visite aux laboureurs est une
Peripetie de 1 ’adolescence studieuse et sportive du Bodhisattva.
Comme dans le Mahävastu , eile a lieu au cours d'une excursion
du roi avec sa cour. Elle n'est pas mise en rapport avec les
sorties classiques, mais la meditation sous le jambu apparait
comme une prefiguration de 1'Illumination.
105
Pour bien marquer le caractere grandiose de la meditation,
la vision des horreurs du labourage n'est pas effectuee sous
l'arbre jambu (meme dans T. 186, dont le titre du chapitre
semblerait indiquer le contraire). Apres avoir vu le labourage
et s'etre emu de compassion, le Bodhisattva descend de son
cheval Kanthaka dans T. 190 (706a3-^), donnee du Buddhacavita
(chant V, verset 3), qui ne peut etre rapprochee que de la
descente du char de T. 1^50. II effectue, avant de gagner le
jambu, une marche solitaire que T. 186 (699b7) et T. 190
(706aJ+, 12) appellent comme dans le contexte de 1 ’Illu
mination.
T. l86 (U99b9) et T. 190 (706a20) n'attribuent ä cette
meditation que l'acces au Ier Dhvctna, tandis que le Lalita-
vistava (p.90.U-ll) dont Foucher^4 raille la tendance ä l ’exa-
geration, et T. 187 (560bl^-17) decrivent l ’accession aux
quatre Dhyäna. Dans ces deux derniers textes, le Bodhisattva
se rappellera de cette meditation sous l'arbre jambu peu avant
son Illumination, qui eut lieu sous un arbre pippala: T.187
(vii. 583a5-8) oppose "reflexion" ( ife- ) et Bodhi ).
Voir aussi Lalitavistava3 p. 193.5-8.
Une grande partie du recit est occupe par un episode
adventice deja Signale dans le Mdhävastu. II s'agit d'abord
d'un theme souvent atteste: des "ascetes-voyants" (vsi) au
nombre, ici, de 5 (Lalitavistava, p. 90.12, T. 187, 560bl8,
T. 190, 706a2l) ou de 500 (T. l86, i+99blO) voient leur pouvoir
surnaturel de voler par dessus tout mis en echec par une force
superieure, emanant ici de la meditation du Bodhisattva. Ils
atterrissent ä ses pieds et lui rendent hommage.
Enfin, c'est apres leur depart, que le r o i , avec l'aide
d'un ministre, retrouve son fils. T. 186 (U99c26-500a2) ter
mine le recit par un dialogue entre le roi et le Prince heritier
apres la prosternation du roi (U99c22), T. 187 (56lall-12) le
termine par une stance admirative du roi ä son fils, stance
qui, dans le Lalitavistava (p. 92.1^-15) precede immediatement
la prosternation du roi, theme absent de T. 187. Le recit en
prose du Lalitavistava (p. 92.21-25) et T. 190 (707alU-17)
terminent le recit par le meme incident: un ministre exprime
une stance d'eloge au Bodhisattva ä titre de reraontrance a
des enfants dont les jeux auraient pu troubler la meditation
du Bodhi-sattva. L'anthologie Fa yuan tchou lin ii,
des T'ang (T. LIII 2122 x 358c-359a) qui reproduit en abregeant
le recit de T. 190 de la visite aux laboureurs ajoute encore
aux stances du ministre une stance gnomique (359a27-29), d'autre
origine, prononcee cette fois par le Bodhisattva et depeignant
les aleas de la fonction royale. On notera que cette anthologie
106
classe la visite aux laboureurs et les quatre sorties sous
le titre (35Öb22) de "Degouts et souffrances" ( ) et
qu'elle remplace le long passage sur la visite des rsi par
une breve mention de la visite du dieu Sakra (358cl7-19).
Revenons ä l'examen du spectacle qui a provoque la medi
tation sous le dambu, theme auquel nous avons voulu preter
une attention pa±-ticuliere au cours de cette etude, vouee
avant tout ä la classification des episodes. Nous ne pouvons
ici que resumer le passage tres interessant que consacre ä
ce sujet l'archaique T. 186 (*+99a27-b2): apres avoir observe
les sequelles du labour: insectes deterres et devores par des
corbeaux, le Bodhisattva s’adresse aux laboureurs qui lui font
part de leurs doleances. Ces propos quelque peu subversifs,
auxquels nous consacrerons une etude particuliere, semblent
n favoir un lointain echo que dans la tradition du Vdnaya des
MüZascoPVäst'Lvödin. Apres les regrets de caractere "social"
exprimes par le Bodhisattva, le recit (^98b2-5) continue par
des reflexions melancoliques du Bodhisattva sur la precarite
de la vie humaine et sur 1 funiversalite de la souffranee dans
les cinq destinies et les trois mondes. La seule issue est
presentee comme "l*entree dans la montagne, realisation de la
voie" (^99b5) en des termes analogues ä ceux employes dans
T. 185.
Par contraste, le Lalitavistava est des plus laconiques
dans sa mention du travail des laboureurs et, de ce fait, se
situe peut-etre mieux dans la mouvance des sütva canoniques
etudies par A. Bareau dont il a ete question plus haut. 5
C ’est ä peine si la version en vers du Lalitavistara (p. 93.12-
13) signale que ce travail est douloureux. T. 187 (560blO),
traduction assez fidele dans 1*ensemble, le decrit comme
"travail dur, tache absorbante" ( )•
Enfin, dans T. 190 (705c21-706al), le passage sur les
douleurs du labourage est tres developpe, mais ses repetitions
font soupgonner qu’il est inspire de sources differentes. II
consiste en deux parties. Chacune de ces parties comprend ä la
fois la peine des hommes et des boeufs et celle des autres
animaux, decrite de part et d ’autre par le cliche des insectes
se faisant devorer par des oiseaux. Signalons que dans la
premiere sequence (705c21-27), la douleur des hommes et des
boeufs, traites ensemble, est surtout consideree sous son
aspect naturel: longues journees torrides, faim et soif, maigreur.
II est fait ensuite allusion ä la souffrance de la terre, theme
que nous retrouverons dans le Buddhaearita, et a la competition
des oiseaux et passereaux pour devorer insectes et vermine.
La deuxieme sequence (705c27-706al) indique que le Bodhisattva
107
regarde d'abord chez les boeufs les douleurs infligees par
l'homme: fatigue, fouet, joug, brides, coups, puis les labou-
reurs au dos brule par le soleil, au corps denude et rougi
(il avait dejä ete question de "corps rougi" dans la I^re
sequence: 705c22), souille de poussiere et de boue. Cette
derniere observation est suivie abruptement par la mention des
oiseaux se combattant pour manger des insectes. Ensuite est
exprime de maniere assez conventionnelle le desarroi du Bodhi-
sattva qui marche vers le lieu de meditation apres avoir licen-
cie son escorte (706alU-l6). Ce dernier theme n'est que legere-
ment esquisse dans T. l86 (^99b7) et se retrouve dans la tradi
tion du Vdnaya des Mülasarvästdväddn.
iü • T. 189 (629a22-bll), appele populairement le Sütra
des causes et des effets ( lä ), est une des biographies
les plus detaillees du Buddha sans etre cependant aussi longue
que T. 190. Sa popularite ancienne est attestee par le fait
que c'est le recit de T. 189 qui fut choisi par Seng Y e o u ^ ^
dans son Che kda fou pour rendre compte de 1'episode
de la visite aux laboureurs (T. L 20U0 i_ 20b2-19). Nous avons
vu aussi que ce texte avait prete a illustration a date ancienne
La visite aux laboureurs "aux confins du royaume" est
situee dans 1'adolescence du Bodhisattva, entre sa 10e annee
(628bl) et sa 17e annee (629bl2). Elle se situe entre son
onction de Prince heritier avec l ’eau des quatre oceans (629a8-
21), ce qui se refere a sa destinee potentielle de roi Cakca-
vavttn3 et le mariage du Bodhisattva avec Yasodharä (629bl2-c6),
avant les quatre sorties.
Comme dans T. 18^, un role de "deux ex machina" est tenu
par un dieu Suddhäväsa dont les artifices sont varies: insecte,
il se fait devorer (629a25) comme cela avait ete le cas de la
grenouille dans T. l81+, il se transforme en vieillard (629cl7)
et en malade (630al7), mais dans le cas du mort, c'est lui qui
fait expliquer au Bodhisattva le sens de la mort par Udayin
(631a2-t) qui avait ete specialement charge de divertir le
Prince (630b20-2^). Enfin, il remonte aux cieux apres son
apparition comme religieux (631cl3).
Tous ces derniers elements sont tres proches du Buddha-
car-ita. Non seulement, nous trouvons dans le Buddhacarita le
theme de la metamorphose d'un dieu Suddhädiväsa en 1'objet des
trois rencontres (Chant III, versets 26, Ho, 5*0 mais aussi
celui de 1'influence sur 1 ’esprit du cocher, nouvellement
recrute par le roi avec la consigne de ne pas parier de la
mort (ch. Ill, v. 53-59). Udäyin n'intervient que plus tard
(ch. IV, v. 62). Enfin, l'envol du dieu ayant pris l'apparence
108
d ’ un r e l i g i e u x e s t r a c o n t e im m e d ia te m e n t a p r e s l a v i s i t e aux
l a b o u r e u r s e t 1 ' a c c e s s i o n a u I e r Dhyctncc d a n s l e Buddh/zcazdtcc
( c h . V, v . 2 0 - 2 1 ) .
Comme d a n s T. l8U , 1 8 5 , 1 8 8 , l e B o d h i s a t t v a e s t a s s i s
s o u s l e jambu quand i l o b s e r v e l e m a s s a c r e d e s anim a u x d o n t
l a d e s c r i p t i o n e s t t r e s b r e v e ( 6 29a2U -26) e t se l i m i t e , comme
d a n s T. 1 8 5 , T. 186 e t T. 1 8 8 , au p r e m i e r i n c i d e n t de T. l8U:
l ’ i n s e c t e ( e n 1 ' o c c u r r e n c e i c i l e d i e u ) de l a m o tte de t e r r e
i a b o u r e e e s t d e v o r e p a r i ’o i s e a u , Le B o d h i s a t t v a c o m p a t i s s a n t
p l a i n t l e s e t r e s de s ’ e n t r e - d e v o r e r ( » 629a26).
E n s u i t e , s a m e d i t a t i o n 1 ' e m p ö rte j u s q u ' a u he Dhyäna
( 6 2 9 a 2 7 ) , comme d a n s u n e p a r t i e de l a t r a d i t i o n du L a lb ta -
v i s t a r a . S u i v e n t l a m e n tio n du m i r a c l e de 1 ’ o m bre, de l a
r e c h e r c h e du r o i q u i p r e n d l a m ain du B o d h i s a t t v a ( 6 2 9 b 3 ) .
T e l q u ’ i l e s t p r e s e n t e , un t e l g e s t e se m b le e t r e e q u i v a l e n t
ä l a p r o s t e r n a t i o n s i g n a l e e h a b i t u e l l e m e n t . Le B o d h i s a t t v a
r e v i e n t dans sa rep o n se au r o i su r l e s p e c ta c le des e t r e s
s ' e n t r e - d e v o r a n t (629b5). Le r o i q u i s e r a p p e l l e , comme d a n s
l e I4cchävastu, de l a p r o p h e t i e d ’A s i t a (6 2 9 b 8 ) s o u h a i t e m a r i e r
a u p l u s v i t e son f i l s e t , d ’ a b o r d , l u i f a i r e q u i t t e r , en s a
c o m p a g n ie , c e l i e u de m e d i t a t i o n . Le B o d h i s a t t v a y c o n s e n t
f i n a l e m e n t , d e v a n t l e c h a g r i n du r o i ( 6 2 9 b 9 - 1 0 ) . A p re s c e t t e
p r e m i e r e s o r t i e , s e l o n c e q u i d e v i e n d r a un l e i t - m o t i v de T .1 8 9
a p re s chacune des r e n c o n tre s u l t e r i e u re s , l e r o i m u l t i p l i e l e s
femmes de l a s u i t e du P r i n c e h e r i t i e r ( 6 2 9 b l 0 - l l ) . 36
II
T ex tes p la g a n t l a v i s i t e aux la b o u re u rs
ä l a f i n de l a v i e p r o f a n e d u B o d h i s a t t v a
i_. a . Dans T. l 8 U ( U 7 6 b lU - c 3 ) , l a p l u s a r c h a i q u e d e s
b i o g r a p h i e s du Buddha en c h i n o i s , d o n t E. Z ü r c h e r v i e n t de
n o u s d o n n e r l a p r e m i e r e t r a d u c t i o n commentee i n t e g r a l e , ^ 7 e t
d a n s l a p l u p a r t d e s t e x t e s ou l a v i s i t e a u x l a b o u r e u r s a l i e u
quand l e B o d h i s a t t v a n ' e s t p l u s un a d o l e s c e n t ä p e i n e s o r t i
de l ’ e n f a n c e , c e t t e v i s i t e n ’ a p l u s l i e u en m arge d ’ u n e e x c u r
s i o n r o y a l e m a is e s t l e r e s u l t a t d ’ une m a n o e u v r e , e n g e n e r a l
a t t r i b u t e ä un m i n i s t r e , p o u r d i v e r t i r l e P r i n c e h e r i t i e r .
Dans T. 1 8 U ( 4 6 7 b l 7 ) , l e f a i t que l e p r i n c e q u i t t e s o n p a l a i s
a v e c t o u t un e q u i p e m e n t , d o n t 1000 " o u t i l s " ), p o u rra it
e t r e un e cho t r e s l o i n t a i n de l a F e t e d e s s e m a i l l e s a u x 1000
c h a r r u e s de l a t r a d i t i o n en p ä l i . 38
109
Le spectacle qui suscita la meditation du Bodhisattva
consiste en ce qu’on pourrait appeler la "lutte pour la vie"
dans le monde animal. L'episode est place dans le chapitre
intitule "Promenades et inspections" ( ) apres les
quatre sorties aux portes des quatre points cardinaux. Chaque
fois, le Bodhisattva avait rencontre le meme dieu Suddhäväsa,
appele Nandlpäla (U66b5), qui se deguise successivement en
vieillard, malade, mort et religieux. Dans le spectacle du
labour (U67bl9-20), il intervient aussi: c'est le dieu qui
fait en sorte que les mottes de terre soient soulevees, ce
qui entraine la chute de petits insectes chassis de dessous
la terre et aussitot devores par des oiseaux. Le dieu se
transforme ensuite en grenouille qui mange des vers de terre
et est a. son tour avalee par un serpent (comme nous l ’avons
vu, le theme de la grenouille et du serpent est egalement
atteste dans le Mahävastu). Le serpent sera mange par un paon
qui sera ensuite attrappe par un faucon que devorera finalement
un aigle. "Le Bodhisattva est pris de pitie ä la vue de ce
processus d ’entre-devorement ( ) des especes
d'etres vivants" (U67b23). Les termes employes pour definir
cette derniere experience invitent ä la situer dans le pro-
longement des quatre rencontres "statiques" anterieures.
Les episodes successifs ne sont qu'esquisses: obtention
du Ier Dhyäna (U67b2U), miracle de 1'ombre (U67b2^+), salut du
roi (U67b29), retour du roi et du Prince heritier en ville ou
les accueillent des ovations: 1 ’apparition spontanee des sept
tresors du roi Cakravartin qui devrait orienter definitivement
le Prince vers une carriere qui n ’est pas celle du Buddha est
prevue pour le lendemain (H67c2). La visite aux laboureurs
se situe done dans ce recit comme la derniere sortie avant le
Grand Depart. La derniere epreuve aura lieu la nuit meme
lorsque le dieu Nandlpäla interviendra encore pour transformer
en cimetiere ( ) le palais et en cadavres Göpi, l ’epouse
du Bodhisattva, et les femmes de sa suite (H67cl6-17).
i_. b. T. 185 (i+75b23-cl9) et T. 188 (6l9b8-22) se res-
semblent fort quant au deroulement de la biographie du Buddha.
Les termes techniques, notamment les transcriptions, sont
differents. T. 185 presente assurement un texte plus soigne,
dont la formation se rapproche souvent du recit qui vient
d'etre passe en revue (notamment T. 185, ^05b26-27 = T. l8U,
U67b 2U et 29).
Les sorties classiques ont lieu tot: ä 10 ans dans T.l88
(6l8bl5), ä lU ans dans T. 185 (^7^b2H). Dans cette tradition,
e'est le dieu §akra qui joue le role de "deus ex machina" et
qui personnifie les differentes afflictions. Elies ont la
110
particularity de commencer non par la vieillesse, mais par la
maladie que le Bodhisattva rencontre ä la Porte Est (T. 185,
^7^t>25). T. 185 rapporte trois sorties, T. 188 en rapporte
quatre, mais la deuxieme est la fievre (6l8c2), distinguee
de la maladie au sens large, et la quatrieme est figuree par
un char funebre et son escorte plutot que directement par un
cadavre (6l9a2). Ensuite a lieu le mariage avec Gopi, puis,
dans T. 185 (675a20-2l) seulement, six ans apres le mariage,
la rencontre avec le religieux ä la porte Nord.
A propos de la fluidite, dans cette tradition, du theme
des rencontres, habituellement tres rigide, il n ’est pas sans
interet de noter qu'une anthologie, de l'epoque Yuan, le Che
Kia jou lai hing tsi song (ier K. ) ■ £ % (Z. 39
vol. 130, p. 130 verso, a) attribue ä T. 185 une premiere
rencontre tout a fait particuliere: celle d ’une femme en
train d ’accoucher. Cette anthologie fait ensuite operer,
pour les trois sorties suivantes, un retour aux normes clas-
siques. II semble done que T. 185 et T. 188 ont du, au cha-
pitre des sorties, presenter des anomalies et faire 1*objet
de normalisations maladroites.
Lors du Grand Depart, au moment duquel T 185 (U75b6)
fait allusion a l'epouse endormie et aux femmes de la suite
comme ä des poupees de bois ( )9 theme qu'on trouve
egalement dans T. 189 (632cl6) et dans le Buddhaearita (ch.V,
v. 52), le Bodhisattva va directement aux champs de son pere.
Son pere l ’y rejoint en grand arroi (lOOO vehicules, 10.000
chevaux dans T. 185, U75b2U), observe le miracle de l ’ombre
de 1 ’arbre qui n ’est appele jambu que dans T. 185 (^75a23) et
salue son fils qui lui rend son salut dans T. 188 (6l9bl3-lM.
Dans T. 185 (^75b27-c8), le Bodhisattva explique alors longue-
ment ä son pere sa decision de quitter le monde et de secourir
les etres. Apres "etre entre dans la montagne" et "avoir obtenu
la voie", il promet de revenir (i+75c8). Le roi retourne au
palais et en fait part a Gopi. Dans T. 188 (6l9blU-l6), le
Bodhisattva annonce brievement ä son pere son retour prochain
dans les memes termes que le debut de 1'explication du Bodhi
sattva dans T. 185 (l+75b28-29 ).
Le recit retourne alors aux champs ou, dans T 185 (^75cl2),
figure alors l'epreuve qui fait l ’objet principal de cet article.
Le massacre se reduit ici, comme dans la plupart des autres
recits, a la premiere partie du recit de T. l8U: insectes
extraits de la terre, oiseaux qui les devorent, sans qu'il soit
question ici d ’intervention divine. Le Bodhisattva songe alors
que tous les etres se nuisent comme des poissons dans un filet
se mordant entre eux (ij-75cH). Par leur manque d’humanite ( ),
Ill
ils se font beaucoup de tort, et, morts, sombrent dans les
mauvaises destinees, dont il est difficile de sortir. La
destinee divine, meme heureuse, est transitoire. Ces re
flexions continuent et se developpent en un examen de l'uni-
vers sans refuge du haut des 28 etages des cieux jusqu'aux
enfers. Le Bodhisattva conclut a 1 ’impossibility pour lui
de revenir aux tromperies du desir (i+75cl3-19). Dans T. 188,
le passage en revue de l'univers, des cieux Träyastrimsa aux
l6 enfers (6l9bl7-19), precede la description des insectes
"tantot blesses, tantot tues par la charrue, poursuivis et
devores par les oiseaux" (6l9bl9-20). Aussitot apres, le
Bodhisattva conclut que puisqu'on souffre sur terre et en
enfer, il ne veut plus resider dans le monde (6l9b20-22).
ii • Buddhacarita. Le recit du chant V: Abhiniskramana
(Grand Depart) du Buddhacarita (Chant V, versets 1-26) et’de
sa traduction assez fidele: T. 192 (8bl8-9a29), et du chapitre
IX, intitule nL'ombre de l'arbre jambu" , du T. 193 (66alU-
67b22), qui semble etre une adaptation tres libre du Buddha
carita , situe la visite aux laboureurs apres les quatre sorties
qui font l'objet du chant III du Buddhacarita et le chant IV,
consacre entierement au rejet des femmes, ce qui semble doubler
le fameux episode de la nuit du Grand Depart.
Le spectacle qui s’offre au Bodhisattva venu observer le
labour est decrit comme un massacre (vadha) opere dans les
differents ordres naturels (ch. V, v.U-5); la terre est fendue,
les herbes et les germes sont ecrases et eparpilles, les menus
insectes, vers et animalcules sont tues. Considerant ce mas
sacre, il en souffre comme s'il s'agissait de sa propre famille
(svajanastha-iva). Theme qui a frappe 1*imagination. S'il
n'apparait pas dans T. 192, il figure dans T. 193 (66a20):
pitie a la vue des insectes ecrases "comme un parent Iqui
verrait1 son enfant ( ) maltraite", et dans T. 190 (706al-
2), dont la narration suit le Lalitavistava mais dont la forma
tion subit 1'influence litteraire du Buddhacarita. On remarque
qu'il n'est fait aucune allusion au theme des animaux se massa-
crant entre eux, theme presque constamment atteste ailleurs.
Ensuite le Prince heritier examine avec supreme compassion
les homines et les boeufs. En Sanskrit (ch. V, v. 6), le theme
unique mis en evidence est pour les hommes leur CpeauD decoloree
(Varna) par le vent, la poussiere et les rayons du soleil; pour
les boeufs, de l'epuisante agitation de l'attelage. La descrip
tion de T. 192 (8c5-7) pour ce sujet est plus detaillee que
celle du Buddhacarita et presente plusieurs points communs avec
celle de T. 190. Il est fait etat de la decoloration de la peau
des cheveux ebouriffes, de la sueur et du corps souille de
112
poussiere et de boue. Pour les boeufs aussi, la traduction
chinoise est ici plus diserte que 1*original Sanskrit: ä la
mention de la fatigue est ajoutee celle de la langue pendante
et du haletement. Apres quelques reflexions sur les malheurs
et la stupidite du monde, le Bodhisattva licencie ses compagnons
(comme dans T. 190) et entre en meditation (ch. V, v. 7-9;
T. 192, v. 8-13).
Dans T. 193 apres 1 ’expression du desarroi du Bodhisattva
devant l ’ecrasement des insectes, on passe immediatement ä un
intermede (66a21-b7) exprime de maniere tres poetique et situe
non loin de l ’arbre jambu. II s’agit d ’une tentation de la
possession de tresors, specifies ici comme etant ceux du roi
Cakravartin, afin de retenir le Bodhisattva dans ce monde. On
peut reconnaitre ici 1'apparition des tresors, peripetie sur-
venue sur la route du village des laboureurs dans la tradition
du Vinaya des Mülasarvästivädin.
Le recit du cycle du Buddhacarita continue avec la medita
tion sous l'arbre jambu (ch. V, v. 8, T. 192, 8cl3), avec 1'omis
sion assez singuliere du miracle de 1 ’ombre, l ’obtention du Ier
dhyäna (ch. V, v. 10, T. 192, 8cl6). II est question des quatre
Dhyäna dans T. 193 comme dans le Lalitavistara.
II n'est pas question d ’apparition des rsi mais, dans le
Buddhacarita et T. 192, de 1'apparition d ’un dieu Suddhäväsa
deguise en religieux et visible seulement par le Bodhisattva.
Cet episode, qui correspond ä la quatrieme rencontre classique,
omise dans le Buddhacarita, est absent de T. 193, qui avait
anterieurement un recit de quatre rencontres. Ensuite, le roi
opere sa prosternation et, dans le Buddhacarita et T. 192, le
Bodhisattva regoit 1*ovation d'une femme, episode fameux que
nous retrouvons ä la meme place dans le Vinaya des Mülasarvästt—
vädin. Apres que le Bodhisattva a demande sans succes ä son
pere de quitter le monde, a lieu le Grand Depart.
iii. La tradition du Vinaya des Mülasarvästivädin consiste
dans le recit de la visite aux laboureurs du Samghabheda-vastu.
Le texte Sanskrit du Samghabheda-vastu, d'apres un manuscrit de
Gilgit, vient de nous avoir ete rendu accessible par 1'edition
de R. Gnoli et T. Venkatacharya. Sa traduction tibetaine servit
de base ä une partie de la Life of Buddha de Rockhill.40 II fut
deux fois traduit en chinois, une premiere fois par Yi-tsing
(T. 1^50, llUa8-bl), une seconde fois par Fa-hien (T. 191,
9^b20-c9). ' Cette traduction, tardive et incomplete, est trop
souvent negligee.
113
L ' e p i s o d e de l a v i s i t e a u x l a b o u r e u r s e s t r a n g e ä l a
s u i t e d e s a u t r e s s o r t i e s du B o d h i s a t t v a e t c o n s t i t u e u n e 5e
s o r t i e a p r e s c e l l e s q u i d o n n e r e n t l i e u aux r e n c o n t r e s du
v i e i l l a r d , du m a la d e , du m ort e t d e ^ l a d i v i n i t e d e g u i s e e en
r e l i g i e u x , q u i e s t p r e s e n t e e comme Suddhäväsa en S a n s k r i t
( p . 7 2 . 2 2 ) e t d a n s T. 1450 ( I 1 3 b l 8 ) m a is comme T u sita d a n s
T. 191 ( 9 4 4 a 2 l ) .
La v i s i t e a u x l a b o u r e u r s , en l i e u e t p l a c e du r o i , e s t
s u g g e r e e p a r u n m i n i s t r e comme un a r t i f i c e ( ) dans le s
v e r s i o n s c h i n o i s e s (T. 1 4 5 0 , 1 1 3c 27; T. 1 9 1 , 9 4 4 b l 3 ) , t e r m e
ä r a p p r o c h e r du ^ de T - 184.
Le d e r o u l e m e n t de l a v i s i t e e s t c l a s s i q u e , m is a p a r t
q u e l q u e s d e t a i l s : r e n c o n t r e avec l e s l a b o u r e u r s , s u r l a q u e l l e
n o u s r e v i e n d r o n s c i - d e s s o u s ; d e s c e n t e d u c h a r (T. 1 4 5 0 , I l 4 a l 9 ) ;
e n t r e e en Samädh'i (T. 1 9 1 , 9 4 4 b 2 6 - 2 7 ) a v e c p r e c i s i o n q u ’ i l
s ’ a g i t du I e r Dhyana en S a n s k r i t ( p . 7 6 . 2 k) e t d a n s T. 1^5 0
( l l 4 a l 9 - 2 0 ) ; m i r a c l e de 1 ' ombre S i g n a l e a v a n t ( S k . , T. l 4 5 0 )
ou s e u le m e n t a p r e s l a v e n u e du r o i (T. 1 9 1 , 9 4 4 c 2 ) ; s u i t e du
B o d h i s a t t v a r e d u i t e a a t t e n d r e (S k . p . 7 6 . 2 5 - 7 7 . 1 ; T. 1 4 5 0 ,
I l 4 a 2 0 - 2 1 ; T. 1 9 1 , 9 4 4 b 2 7 ) ; i n q u i e t u d e du r o i s u s c i t e e p a r
1 ' a b s e n c e du B o d h i s a t t v a a l ’ h e u r e du r e p a s (S k . p . 7 7 . 2 ;
T. 1 ^ 5 0 , I l 4 a 2 1 ; T. 1 9 1 , 9 4 4 b 2 8 ) ; s t a n c e s du r o i , p r o p r e s
au Sk. ( p . 7 7 ) s i g n a l a n t q u ' i l se p r o s t e r n e p o u r l a d e u x ie m e
fo is.
Ce q u i e s t p l u s o r i g i n a l , ce s o n t l e s d e u x p e r i p e t i e s
de r o u t e , l ’ une de s e d u c t i o n , q u i s e s i t u e a 1*a l l e r , e t
1 ' a u t r e de d e g o ü t , q u i s e s i t u e au r e t o u r de l a v i s i t e aux
la b o u re u rs.
La p r e m i e r e de c e s p e r i p e t i e s de r o u t e e s t u n e t e n t a t i v e
d ’ a t t a c h e r a u monde l e P r i n c e h e r i t i e r : c i n q (T . 1 9 1 , 9 4 4 b l 5 -
2 0 ) ou c i n q c e n t s ( S k . , p . 7 5 . 2 6 - 7 6 . 5 ; T. 1 U5O, l l 4 a 2 - 8 ) t r e s o r s
f a m i l i a u x s ' o f f r e n t ä l u i , m a is i l l e s l a i s s e s e p e r d r e d a n s
1 ’ocean. C e t e p i s o d e a d v e n t i c e sem ble e t r e i n s p i r e m a l a d r o i t e -
ment du th e m e b i e n connu de l ’ a p p a r i t i o n s p o n t a n e e , qu a n d l e s
te m p s s o n t m ü r s , d e s s e p t t r e s o r s du r o i C akravartin . 1+1
Au r e t o u r , p e r e e t f i l s r e v i e n n e n t ä K a p i l a v a s t u d a n s l e
meme c h a r ( S k . , p . 7 7 . 2 0 - 2 5 ; T. 1 4 5 0 , l l U b l - 3 ; T. 1 9 1 , 9 4 4 c lO -
12). A vant d ’ e n t r e r en v i l l e , i l s t r a v e r s e n t un l i e u de c r e
m ation e t , f r a p p e d 'h o r r e u r , l e B o d h is a ttv a se r e p lo n g e dans
s a m e d i t a t i o n , c e t t e f o i s dans l e c h a r meme - p r e c i s e n t l e
Samghabheda-vastu e t T. 1450. Comme d a n s T. 1 8 4 , l e s d e v i n s
a n n o n c e n t l a c o n s e c r a t i o n du r o i C akravartin d a n s l e s s e p t
j o u r s (Sk. p . 7 7 . 2 7 - 7 8 . 8 ; T. 1 4 5 0 , I l 4 b 4 - 1 2 ; T. 1 9 1 , 9 4 4 c l 3 - 1 9 ) .
114
Une diversion survient alors: c ’est l ’episode bien connu,
egalement place ici dans le Buddhacavita, de 1 ’ovation en
forme de stance de lcuange qu’adresse une jeune fille, appelee
ici Mrgajä, au prince qui lui lance son collier (Sk. p.78.9-17;
T. 1U5O, Il4bl3-21; T. 191, 944c20-29). Le recit indique un
peu plus loin que Mrgajä est comptee c o m e la 3e epouse de
Siddhärtha apr^s Yasodharä et Gopikä (Sk. p. 78.21; T. 1450,
115b24-25; T. 19-l , 945a2-3).
Remarquons ä ce propos que le cycle des cinq sorties du
Vinaya des Mülasarvästivädin est encadre par deux episodes
matrimoniaux: le mariage avec Gopikä (Sk. p.64-65; T. 1450,
112cl-9; T. 191, 943b5-10) avant la rencontre du vieillard
et l ’ovation de Mrgajä au retour de la visite aux laboureurs.
Chacune de ces rencontres matrimoniales est immediatement
precedee d'une mise en garde des devins attaches au palais:
ils annoncent que c'est dans les sept jours qui vont suivre
que, s’il ne quitte pas le monde, le prince deviendra monarque
universel. Dans la logique du recit, cette injonction est
mieux ä sa place lors de la rencontre avec Mrgajä que lors
de celle avec Gopikä, qui semble constituer un doublet. T. 191
(943b4) rend bien temoignage de l'anomalie car il fait porter
la premiere mise en garde sur une periode de sept ans et ne
garde pas les sept jours que pour celle qui precede effective-
ment le Grand Depart. C ’est en effet apres l ’episode de Mrgajä
que les mesures sont prises pour empecher le Bodhisattva de
quitter Kapilavastu (Sk. p.78 .21-79-11; T. 1450, Il4b26-115al2;
T. 191, 945a4-b26). Comme dans T. 184, la visite aux laboureurs
prend done le relief de derniere sortie avant le Grand Depart.
Comme dans la plus grande partie de la tradition, 1 ’ultime
et decisive experience de degoüt sera la contemplation du sommeil
des femmes dans le palais (Sk. p. 8l.16-82.11; T. 1450, 115b5-l4;
T. 191, 945 c 10-19). L ’episode, propre au Vinaya des tfälasarvästi-
vädin, de la traversee du charnier donne 1 ’impression d ’etre un
doublet maladroit de la scene du sommeil des femmes. Le terme
smasäna revient avec insistance sans les deux recits en Sanskrit
(p. 77-22 et p. 81 .21-22, p. 82.4) tandis que pour les correspon-
dants chinois: >§1. n'apparait que lors de la traversee du char
dans T. 1450 (ll4al), mais J * ^ 4 est repete dans T. 191
(944c11 et 945cl7). Ce nouveau doublet ne doit pas nous etonner
dans cette biographie du Buddha, tres detaillee mais souvent
verbeuse et repetitive.
Revenons ä l ’examen de 1 ’experience douloureuse qui a pro-
voque la meditation sous le jambu. Nous trouvons ici etrange-
ment un echo du passage quelque peu subversif que nous avions
Signale dans la version archaique du Lalitavistara (T. l86 ).
115
P u i s q u e n o u s c o m p to n s y c o n s a c r e r u n e e t u d e p a r t i c u l i e r e ,
nous nous b o rn e ro n s ä s i g n a l e r q u ’ i l n ' e s t p as q u e s tio n i c i
d e s s o u f f r a n c e s im p o s e e s a u x a n i m a l c u l e s o c c u p a n t l e s o l
l a b o u r e , n i de l a c r u a u t e d e s anim aux s ' e n t r e - d e v o r a n t . T o u t
1 ’ a c c e n t e s t m is s u r l a p e i n e d e s l a b o u r e u r s e t d e s b o e u f s ,
en d e s t e r m e s p l u s f o r t s que c eux que n o u s a v o n s r e l e v e s d a n s
T. 190 e t l e Buddhacapita. Le B o d h i s a t t v a q u i , d a n s c e t t e
t r a d i t i o n , n ’ e s t p l u s un a d o l e s c e n t m a is un a d u l t e , n e se
l i m i t e p a s ä e p r o u v e r u n e c o m p a s s io n " f r u i t de s e s m e r i t e s "
(S k . p . 7 6 . lU ; T. 1 U5O, l l U a l U - 1 5 ; T. 1 9 1 , 9 ^ b 2 3 ) , m a is i l
p ro ced e d * a u t o r i t e ä une e m an cip atio n a s s e z s u r p r e n a n te des
hommes e t d e s b e t e s (S k . p . 7 6 . 1 5 - 1 9 ; T. 1 ^ 5 0 , l l U a l 7 - l 8 ;
T. 1 9 1 , 9UUb2U-25).
C onclusion
Au t e r m e du d e p o u i l l e m e n t d e s d o n n e e s de l a t r a d i t i o n
b i o g r a p h i q u e a n c i e n n e s u r l a p r e m i e r e m e d i t a t i o n du f u t u r
Buddha S ä k y a m u n i, u n e c o n s t a t a t i o n s ' i m p o s e t o u t d ' a b o r d :
c e l l e de l ’ e q u i l i b r e c o n stam m ent m a i n t e n u e n t r e l e s deux
a s p e c t s d e l ' e v e n e m e n t : 1 1 ' e x p e r i e n c e d o u l o u r e u s e du B o d h i
s a t t v a a u s p e c t a c l e d e s r a v a g e s du l a b o u r , de l a c r u a u t e e n t r e
l e s a n im a u x , de l a p e i n e d e s hommes e t d e s b e t e s de t r a i t , q u i
a f a i t r a n g e r l a v i s i t e aux l a b o u r e u r s comme Ue42 o u 5e r e n
c o n t r e du B o d h i s a t t v a , e t 2 l a t r a n s f i g u r a t i o n que l a m e d i t a
t i o n a p p o r t e au B o d h i s a t t v a . Si c e r t a i n s t e x t e s comme l e
L a litc w is ta v a o n t v o u l u p r i v i l e g i e r c e d e r n i e r a s p e c t en
c r e a n t l a " d i s t a n c e " d ’ une b r e v e prom e na de s o l i t a i r e e n t r e
l a v i s i t e aux l a b o u r e u r s p r o p r e m e n t d i t e e t l a m e d i t a t i o n s o u s
l ' a r b r e jambu ä 1 ’ ombre im m o b ile , n o u s r e m a r q u o n s s u r t o u t q u 'u n
e p i s o d e q u i p o u r r a i t s e m b le r m a r g i n a l r e u s s i t ä c o n t r e b a l a n c e r
d a n s t o u s l e s t e x t e s 1 ' a s p e c t ou l a r e s o n a n c e d o l o r i s t e que
p r e n a i t de p l u s en p l u s 1 ’ e n se m b le de l ’ evenem ent d a n s l ’ e x e g e s e
b o u d d h iq u e . Cet e p i s o d e n ’ e s t p a s t e l l e m e n t l e m i r a c l e de
1 ' ombre im m o b ile que l a r e a c t i o n que s u s c i t e ce m i r a c l e c h e z
l e r o i §uddhodana. I I s e p r o s t e r n e d e v a n t s o n f i l s : g e s t e en
c o n t r a d i c t i o n ä l a f o i s avec l ' o r d r e e t a b l i e t avec 1 ' a t t i t u d e
g e n e r a l e du r o i q u i n ' a q u 'u n d e s i r : e c a r t e r son f i l s de l a
v o ie r e l i g i e u s e . S i d ' a u t r e s m a n i f e s t a t i o n s de t r a n s f i g u r a t i o n ,
comme l e p a s s a g e d e s a s c e t e s - v o y a n t s q u i o c c u p e u n e p l a c e im p o r
t a n t e d a n s l e L d litcco ista va e t l e Mahävastu , nous o n t se m b le
a d v e n t i c e s , nous c o n s i d e r o n s 1 ' a d m i r a t i o n du r o i § u d d h o d a n a ,
a t t e s t e e d a n s un sü tra c a n o n i q u e 3 comme l i e e t r e s i n tim e m e n t
ä l a l e g e n d e de l a p r e m i e r e m e d i t a t i o n .
116
Quant aux multiples details moins importants que nous
avons essaye de relever le plus completement possible, ils
attestent la diffusion et l ’etendxie du magma legendaire
qu’avait fini par former la "vie" du Buddha. Dans bien des
cas, la structure semble 1*empörter sur le contenu, par
exemple, quand le "deus ex machina" des rencontres est pre
sente selon les textes comme divinite Suddhäväsa comme divi
nite Tusita ou comme leur chef §akra (que nous voyons meme
remplacer, dans une anthologie, les cinq ascetes-voyants) ou
quand une ovation accueille le Bodhisattva ä son retour ä
Kapilavastu, ovation qui sert de support ä la prophetie des
devins ou ä la stance de Mrgajä. Bien souvent, d ’autre part,
nous trouvons dans des traditions apparemment sans rapport
entre eiles des details qui pourraient sembler anodins, comme
la recherche du Bodhisattva ä l'heure du repas (Nidänakathäj
Mahävastu et Samghabheda-vastu) ou 1'exageration absurde, qui
fait perdre ä l ’evenement une partie de son sens prefiguratif,
selon laquelle le Bodhisattva aurait atteint les quatre Dhyäna
(Lalitavistava et Sütva des causes et des effets). C'est pour-
quoi, notre classification s’est bornee ä grouper les textes
selon la place ou ils situaient l ’evenement: au debut ou ä la
fin de la carriere mondaine du Bodhisattva.
A cette conclusion desabusee, nous voudrions ajouter deux
observations: 1 le tres grand interet du Sieou hing gen k'i
king (T. 184) dont nous avons Signale la recente traduction
neerlandaise. Ce texte consider! comme la plus ancienne vie
chinoise du Buddha semble etre ä la croisee des chemins de la
litterature biographique. II presente des traits communs avec
tout le reste de cette litterature: theme de 1 ’artifice pour
attacher le Bodhisattva au monde comme dans le Samghabheda-
vastu, theme des mille outils qui est peut-etre un echo de la
fete des semailles de la Nidänakathä, theme de la grenouille
et du serpent commun avec le Mahävastu, metamorphose de divinite
en animal comme dans le Sütva des causes et des effets, theme
de 1 ’ovation populaire accompagnant la prediction des devins
comme dans le Samghabheda-vastu, formulation dont semble s'etre
inspire T. l85- D ’autre part, ce texte fait preuve d ’originalite
1 ’humour macabre de la descriptions des animaux s’entre-devorant
en succession qui rappelle, comme nous 1 'avons dit, Tchouang-tseu
la liberte de langage, d'un "archaisme bouddhique” savoureux, de
la description des etats d'ame du roi; inquiet de 1 ’absence du
prince, furieux de le savoir pratiquant la meditation aux champs
"sans difference avec la maison", incapable de resister ä la
force persuasive du miracle qui fait descendre de cheval et
saluer son fils, presse enfin de rentrer en ville.
117
2 Nous avons fait allusion ä I'etrange convergence
entre le P'ou yao king (T. 186) et la tradition du Samgha-
bheda-Vastu en ce qui coneerne 1'attitude du Bodhisattva
vis-ä-vis des laboureurs. Nous esperons pouvoir bientot
y consacrer une analyse particuliere.
Notes
1. L'art greco-bouddhique du Gandhära, I, Paris 1905, p.3^1.
Cet ouvrage sera dorenavant abrege en AgbG.
2. Voir ä ce sujet l ’apergu de J.W. de Jong dans "A Brief
History of Buddhist Studies in Europe and America” , The
Eastern Buddhist, N.S., VIII,1, 59-6l.
3. Chapitre XX CHI. Rapprochement suggere par ma collegue
Anna Seidel. Voir a ce sujet les observations de L.Wieger,
Les peres du Systeme tao’
i ste, reed. Paris 1950, p.377; de
H. Maspero, Le Taotsme et les religions ohinoises, Paris
1971, p. U6l.
h. Shötoku Taishi Denryaku ^
iie k. , 3e mois, 22e annee Suiko : spectacle de
l ’attaque d ’une biche par un chien.
5. Voir La vie du Buddha3 Paris 191*9 , pp.107-11.
6. T. (= Taishö Shinshü Daizökyö) LI 2087 vi_ 901b23-26. Voir
Watters, On Yuang Chwang’s Travels in India, II,%London
1905, pp. 7-8; Sh. Mizutani , Daito Saiikiki /p.\1bij&'f&
CJap. transl.l, Heibonsha Chügoku koten bungaku taikei,
XXII, Tokyo 1971, pp. 195-6.
7. Divyävadäna3 ed. E.B. Cowell, R.A. Neil, Cambridge 1886,
p. 391.1^-16. Traduction: E. Burnouf, Introduction ä
l ’histoire du bouddhisme indien, Paris, edition de 1876,
pp. 3^2-5. - Version chinoise: T. L 20^2 ii_ 103cll-13.
Trad. J. Przyluski, La legende de I'empereur Aqoka, Paris
1923, pp. 253-1*.
8. Voir Höbögirin V, Paris-Tokyo, 1979, s.v. Chörai, pp.375-6.
9. L*episode d ’Asita dans le Lalitavistara, Asiatica3 Fest
schrift Fr. Weller3 Leipzig 195^, pp. 312-25.
118
10. Voir E. Senart, Essai sur Za legende du Buddha, Paris
1885, pp. 3*+*+-9-
11. T. L 20*+l 90bl6-21.
12. AghG. , I, p. 34U; La vie du Buddha, p. 95-
13. BEFEO, LXI, 197*+, 219-36.
1*+. AghG., I, p. 3*+8 .
15. A. Bareau, "La legende de la jeunesse du Buddha dans les
Vinayapitaka anciens", OE, IX,1, 1962, 6-33.
16. T. XXII lU28 xxxi 779c 11-1*+.
17. T. XXII lU21 xv 101b20-102a9.
1 8 . Plusieurs biographies modernes du Buddha, en particulier
au Japon, ont tendance ä considerer comme acquis le carac-
tere de festival ( ) ou de rite ( ) du labourage
dont le Bodhisattva fut le spectateur. Cette precision
est absente de la tradition biographique sanskrite ou
chinoise et n'apparait que dans la tradition, tres diffusee,
de la Nidänakathä (cf. note 20) et de la Life or Legend of
Gaudama, The Buddha of the Burmese de P. Bigandet, London
1879, pp. 50-1. On trouvera un exemple de cette inter
pretation dans Mizutani, Bait'd Saiikiki, p. 19*+ en note.
O ’est encore la tradition meridionale qui pourrait auto
riser 1 ’interpretation psychologique de cet incident que
donne J. Moussaieff Masson, The Oceanic Feeling, Dordrecht-
Boston-London 1980, pp. 73-9.
19. Une traduction chinoise, ä 1 ’audience reduite, T. XXIV
l*+62 xvii 791al2-l*+ (Samantapäsädikä) , Signale que c ’etait
le roi lui-meme qui labourait par plaisir ( 1 ^ ),
mais eile omet de mentionner le Vappa-mahgala qui figure
cependant dans le texte päli original (ed. J. Takakusu,
M. Nagai, K. Mizuno, P I S , London 1938, p. IOO 6.II-IU).
20. Jätaka, ed. V. Fausböll, reed. PT S, London 1962, pp. 57.20-
58.12.
21. AghG, I, pp. 3*+0-8.
22. Musee de Peshawar. Voir T. Koezuka, M. Taeda, Bijutsu ni
miru Shakuson no Shogai, Tokyo 1979, pi. 17; Mizutani,
Daito Saiikiki, p. 196.
119
23. Rouleau iii appartenant au Jöbon Rendaiji, Kyoto. Voir
T. Karaeda, etc., E Ingakyd, Kadokawa Nihon Emakimono
zenshü, I, reed. Tokyo 1977, pi, hors-texte noir et
blanche No. 7 et pp. 26-27, registre inferieur.
2k. Infra, p. 108.
25. Infra, p. 105. Traduction: Ph. Ed. Foucaux,
Annates du Mu see Guimet, VI, Paris 1884, p. 227.
26. Hanka shiyui , position de reflexion
"mixte" (demi - jambes croisees) est le terme d'histoire
de l'art pour designer un type de representation de
Bodhisattva remontant peut-etre au Gandhära, atteste
en Chine et brillamment diffuse en Coree et au Japon.
Voir Fr. Berthier, Genäse de la sculpture bouddhique
japonaise, Paris 1979, pp. 313-1+1, pp. 533-1+.
27. Voir 1 Tetude comparative, centree sur les stances inserees
dans le Lalitavistara en prose de Sh. Takubo, "Bombun
Lalitavistara mokka kanri bon no kenkyü", Seigo KenkyU
CUniversite Taishö, Tokyo1, III, 1935, Ul-58.
28. D. Tokiwa in Bussho kaisetsu daijiten, reed. Tokyo 196U,
II, p. 19bc.
29. Cet ouvrage qu'E. Tuneld, (Reoherohes sur la Valeur des
traditions bouddhiques palie et non p älie, Lund 1915,
p.17) et B. Sakurabe (Otani Kanjur Catalogue, Kyoto 1930-
1932, pp. 1+05-6) avaient correctement rapproche du Vinaya
des Mülasarvästivädin, a fait 1*objet de 1 ’hypothese sans
fondement selon laquelle il s ’agirait d ’un texte traduit
du tibetain en chinois (Sh. Terasaki, in Bussho kaisetsu
daijiten, V, p. 97c-98a.
30. Louvain 1958, pp. 718-33.
31. Voir P. Demieville, "La Yogäcärabhümi de Sangharaksa",
BEFEO, XLIV, 195U, 363-5.
32. The Mahävastu, translated from the Buddhist Sanskrit,
London 1952, p. U2.
33. La vie du Buddha, p. 9H.
3k. Ibid., p. 93.
35. Supra, p. 98.
120
36. Voir N. Peri, "Les fenunes de Qäkyamuni", BEFEO , XVIII,
1918, 1I+-I5.
37- Bet leven van de Boeddha vertaald uit de vroegste Chinese
overlevering, Amsterdam 1978, pp. 78-9.
38. Supra3 p. 98.
39. Z = Manji Zokuzökyö avec la numerotation
en 150 volumes de la reedition chinoise, Taipei-Hong Kong
2511 e.b. C1967i.
1*0. London 1881+, pp. 22-3.
1+1. Sur ce theme, voir I. Armelin, Le roi d&tenteur de la roue
solaire en revolution (Cakravartin) selon le brahmanisme
et le bouddhisme3 Paris 1975, p. 19.
1+2. Dans le href recit de T. Ill 152 vii 1+lab, la visite aux
laboureurs est la l+e des rencontres, sans q u ’il soit
question de celle avec le religieux. Sakra joue le role
de divinite se metamorphosant dans les trois premieres
rencontres. II n ’est pas fait allusion aux orientations
des portes. Traduction et commentaire: E. Chavannes,
Cinq cents contes et apologues extraits du Tripitaka
chinois3 ree. Paris 1962, I, pp. 269-70; IV, pp.130-1.
1+3. T. I 26 viii l+70cl6-l+71al. Le texte päli correspondant,
Acchariyabbhutadhammä-sutta du Majjhima-nikäya, ed. R.
Chalmers, PTS , London 1899, pp. 118-23, arrete ä la nais-
sance la description des prodiges de la jeunesse du futur
Buddha. II ne contient done pas de passage correspondant
ä cette version chinoise.
121
ZUR BEURTEILUNG DER TEXTQUALITÄT
DER KANJURHANDSCHRIFT
AUS DEM PALAST IN TOG/LADAKH
Helmut EIMER (Bonn)
1. Seit dem Beginn der Erforschung des tibetischen kano
nischen Schriftgutes ist bei der Edition von einzelnen Texten
immer wieder versucht worden, durch den Vergleich mehrerer
Textzeugen die "richtige" Form des Wortlautes herzustellen.
Bei den meisten Arbeiten dieser Art konnten nur wenige Block
druckausgaben und Handschriften nebeneinander benutzt werden,
so dass bislang noch keine umfassende Beurteilung der Über
lieferung des Kanjur1 erreicht worden ist.
1.1. In seiner Bearbeitung des Catusparisatsutra teilt E.
Waldschmidt mit, dass Frank-Richard Hamm bei der Kollation von
sieben Textzeugen für das tibetische Pravrajyävastu zwei Grup
pen innerhalb der Tradition festgestellt habe: Dabei bilden
die Drucke aus Lhasa und Narthang zusammen mit der Handschrift
des British Museum die eine und der Druck aus Peking zusammen
mit der Handschrift "Beckh" und die Drucke aus Cone und Derge
die andere Gruppe.2 Diese grundlegenden Feststellungen gelten
auch heute noch,3 wie sich aus der weiteren Bearbeitung der
von Hamm nachgelassenen Materialien zur Edition und Übersetzung
des tibetischen Pravrajyävastu ergibt.4
1.2. Betrachtet man nun zwei Arbeiten von Claus Vogel, die
Bearbeitung der Astahgahrdayasamhitä - unter Benutzung des
Tanjur vorgenommen - und die Edition und Übersetzung des Ab
schnittes über die sechs Irrlehrer im tibetischen Pravrajyä-
vastu5 - nach dem Kanjur -, zeigt sich deutlich, dass die
beiden tibetischen kanonischen Sammlungen in ihrer Über
lieferung getrennt zu sehen sind. So gehen in der Tanjur-
Tradition die Drucke von Narthang und Peking meist zusammen,6
während sie in der Kanjur-Uberlieferung unterschiedlichen
Gruppen zuzurechnen sind. Eine weitere Tatsache stützt die
Feststellung der getrennten Überlieferung: Vom Tanjur waren
bisland vier Blockdruckausgaben verfügbar,7 vom Kanjur hin
gegen waren es acht Drucke8 und drei Handschriften;8
122
mindestens drei weitere Kanjurhandschriften sind bekannt,10
aber zur Zeit nicht erreichbar.11
2. Der Kreis der Textzeugen für den Kanjur wurde kürzlich
durch den Nachdruck einer Handschrift aus dem Palast in Tog12
in Ladakh erweitert. Genauere Angaben über dieses Manuskript
und seine Entstehung sind bislang nicht verfügbar, so dass man
auf die bibliographischen Daten angewiesen ist, die in der
Accessions List India veröffentlicht sind:
Kanjur. Tibetan.
The Tog Palace MS of the Tibetan Kanjur.
- Leh: Smanrtsis Shesrig Dpemzod, 1975 -
v.; 10 x 45 cm.
Added Tibetan title on boards: La dwags Tog Mkhar Bod
yig Bka'-’gyur bris ma 'phrul par zus pa bzugs.13
Ob sich in den bisher nachgedruckten und inzwischen ausgelie
ferten Bünden Angaben über die Anfertigung der Handschrift
finden - z.B. in einem dkan chag3einem bsho ba oder smon Zam -3
konnte nicht festgestellt werden.14
2.1. Es wird als die Aufgabe dieses Beitrages verstanden,
erste Beobachtungen zur Textqualitüt der Kanjurhandschrift aus
dem Palast in Tog/Ladakh (weiterhin R) mitzuteilen. Damit
folge ich zugleich einer Anregung von Herrn Prof. Dr. J.W. de
Jong: "What we need to know in the first place is how the
recently published Kanjurs relate to the others which are well
known".15 Die folgenden Feststellungen beruhen auf einer Kol
lation der verfügbaren Textzeugen für das tibetische Pravrajyä-
Vastu3 sie sind also streng genommen nur für diesen Text, der
weniger als ein halbes Prozent des Umfanges des gesamten Kanjurs
einnimmt, gültig. Da aber die tibetische Übersetzung des Vlnaya-
vastu Bestandteil aller derzeit bekannten Kanjurausgaben und
-handschriften ist, kann man wohl davon ausgehen, dass die
Beobachtungen für den gesamten Kanjur gelten - mit Ausnahme
derjenige Texte, die erst im Verlauf der Überlieferung einge
fügt wurden.
2.2 Für die Kollation standen als Textzeugen16 zur Ver
fügung:
B Handschrift Berlin 'dul ba, ka 1-I75b5
(Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin)
123
C Druck aus Cone 'dul ba, ka 1-I53a7
(Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.)
D Druck aus Derge ’dul ba, ka 1-I31a4
(Tschechoslowakische Akademie, Prag)
H Druck aus Lhasa 'dul ba, ka 1-I83a6
(Xerokopie im Indologischen Seminar, Bonn17)
K Druck aus Peking 1684/92 'dul ba, khe 1-I28b418
(Harvard-Yenching Library, Cambridge, Mass.)
L Handschrift London 'dul ba, cha 95b2-286b619
(British Library (vormals British Museum), London)
N Druck aus Narthang dul ba, ka 1-193b3
(Dr. Richard 0. Meisezahl, Bonn)
Q Druck aus Peking 1737 'dul ba, khe 1-I28b418
(Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris)
R Handschrift aus Tog 'dul ba, ka 1-I95a5
T Handschrift Tokyo 'dul ba, cha 91b8-259b519
(Toyo Bunko, Tokyo)
3. Es stellt sich die Frage, ob die Kanjurhandschrift aus
Tog (R) einer der beiden bereits von Hamm festgestellten
Uberlieferungsgruppen20 zuzuweisen ist. Die Bewertung der
Varianten richtet sich nach den Regeln der textkritischen
Methode: Zwei oder mehrere Textzeugen werden nur dann als
verwandt angesehen, wenn sie in gemeinsamen Fehlern von der
anderen Tradition abweichen.21 Die Auswahl der hier zu inter
pretierenden Varianten erfolgt danach, ob sie eine klare Ent
scheidung Uber die Einordnung der Handschrift R und Aussagen
über ihre Textqualität ermöglichen:
R 18b2 erscheinen die Namen der Länder Ahga und Magadha
in der Form ah ga dha dah ma ga dha; dem Namen Ahga ist
- wahrscheinlich in Analogie zu na ga dha - die über
flüssige Silbe dha angefügt. Der gleiche Fehler ist in
HLNT bezeugt; BCDKQ bieten die richtige Lesung ah ga dah
na ga dha.
Bei der Schilderung der Ausbildung des jungen Brahmanen
Kolita folgt R 25a2 auf das Studiengebiet rtsds das
Gebiet dbyuh ba; es fehlt wie in HLNT das Studiengebiet
124
lag rtsis. Die Reihe muss aber wie in BCDKQ lauten rtsis
dan / lag rtsis dan / dbyuh ba dan /3 dies lässt sich z.B.
aus den Parallelen R 5b7-6al (Ausbildung des Prinzen Bim-
bisara), R 14a4 (Ausbildung des Brahmanen Kosthila) und
R 21b6 (Ausbildung des Upatisya) zeigen.
4. Diese Varianten zeigen, dass R in die Gruppe HLNT gehört,
die man nach der Herkunft der Textzeugen als "zentraltibetisch"22
oder als "westtibetisch"23 bezeichnen kann. Hier können noch
weitere eindeutige Belege angeführt werden, in denen R gemein
same Fehler mit LNT aufweist - die richtigen Lesungen in H
müssen aus der Kontamination mit D 24 erklärt werden:
In der stereotypen Schilderung der Betreuung eines
kleinen Kindes durch acht Ammen folgt R 5b5 wie auch
in LNT auf die Silben ma ma brgyad die Finalpartikel
des Aussagesatzes do mit doppelter Interpunktion;
BCDHKQ überliefern hier ma ma brgyad po3 diese
richtige Lesung wird durch viele Parallelen bestätigt.
Nach dem Ausdruck mkhan po dan slob dpon fehlen R 99al
und an den entsprechenden Stellen in LNT die für das
Verständnis des Zusammenhanges erforderlichen Partikeln
dag la, die in der vorangehenden Entsprechung R 98b4
einhellig bezeugt sind.
R 131b5 lässt gemeinsam mit LNT nach de sfted kyi sems
oan die Silben dag ni sems ean aus, die aufgrund des
völlig parallelen Aufbaus der folgenden fünf formel
haften Sätze auch hier stehen müssen.
5. Ob nun R innerhalb der Uberlieferungsgruppe LNRT einem
anderen Textzeugen besonders nahe verwandt ist, kann bei dieser
ersten Bewertung der Textqualität nicht untersucht werden.25
Wir können hingegen feststellen, dass an mehreren Stellen mit
zu verwerfenden Lesarten in der Gruppe LNT (bzw. HLNT) die
Handschrift R sich der übrigen - richtigen - Überlieferung
anschliesst:
R 163bl-2 bietet den Wortlaut des in LNT gegenüber
BCDHKQ fehlenden Stückes von etwa 60 Silben Umfang,
das im Kontext unbedingt erforderlich ist: In der
Predigt über den Pratityasamutpada würde sonst die
Beziehung zwischen den Gliedern upädäna (len pa) und
trsnä (sred pa) nicht enthalten sein.
R 143a2 liest gemeinsam mit BCDHKQ 'gyur ba'o gegen
LNT 'gyur ro; die erste Lesart ist auch aufgrund des
125
vorangehenden parallel konstruierten Satzes als richtig
anzusehen.
R 126b7 und die entsprechenden Stellen in BCDKQ ent
halten den Ausdruck pha mas ma gnah ba rab tu ’byin
gegen HLNT pha mas ma gnah bar rab tu ’byin. Die
richtige Lesung in BCDKQR wird durch die einhellige
Überlieferung in den Parallelen R 126b4, R 127al und
R 127a3 gestlitzt.
6. Diese Beispiele können in zweierlei Weise interpre
tiert werden: erstens, dassR den richtigen Text aus einer
alten Vorlage - die nur die R und (H)LNT gemeinsamen Fehler
enthielt - entnommen hat, oder zweitens, das R den ihm vor
liegenden Wortlaut mit Hilfe einer zweiten Quelle aus der
anderen Überlieferung berichtigte. Wenn auch eine endgültige
Entscheidung beim derzeitigen Stand der Bearbeitung der ver
fügbaren Materialien nicht erreicht werden kann, eröffnet
doch die Besprechung einer Reihe von Varianten, die R allein
oder meist mit nur wenigen anderen Textzeugen gemeinsam hat,
Hinweise darauf, welche der beiden Deutungen wahrscheinlicher
ist.
6.1. Die Finalpartikel des Befehlssatzes26 erscheint in R
- und zugleich in H - meist in der Form, wie sie der Auslaut
der vorangehenden Silbe nach den üblichen grammatischen
Regeln27 erwarten lässt, während an sehr vielen Stellen in
den übrigen Textzeugen - zumindest aber in BKO - sig über
liefert ist. Hierfür nur einige Beispiele:
R 9a2 mit H log o i g ; R 9b3 und 13a5 mit H chug oig;
R 13a3 und 18al mit H 'zog oig; R 18a3 mit HLNT chug oi g ;
R 19a4, 28al und 28b4 mit H ’dug oig;
R 12a2 mit CH loh zig; R 17a2 mit DH loh zig;
R 31a7 mit DH sloh zig; R 34b3 mit DH byuh zig.
6.2. Man wird nun prima faoie die von R und H bezeugten
Lesungen als richtig ausweisen, weil sie dem grammatischen
Standard der tibetischen Schriftsprache entsprechen. Diese
Feststellung ist aber nicht zutreffend, wie sich z.B. aus
dem Fragment eines Vinayatextes aus Tun-huang zeigt; auf dem
einen erhaltenen Blatt, das L. de La Vallee Poussin dem Pra-
vrajyävastu zuschreibt,28 sind sechs Beispiele für die
Imperativpartikel in der Form sig^^ nach h und g zu finden:
126
recto 1. Zeile zog 'sig', recto 1. Zeile 'dug s i g ;
recto 1. Zeile phyuh sig\ recto 5. Zeile dbyuh sig\
verso 3. und 4. Zeile gnoh sig.
6.3. Wir müssen daher die vor allem in R und H enthaltenen
Angleichungen des Anlautes der Imperativpartikel an die gram
matische Norm als Veränderungen des ursprünglichen Wortlautes
im Sinne einer sprachlichen Standardisierung3® werten; sie
sind also "Fehler" gegenüber dem überlieferten Text. Diese
R und H gemeinsamen "Fehler" könnten nun herangezogen werden,
um eine enge Verwandtschaft dieser beiden Textzeugen abzu
leiten. Einer solchen Schlussfolgerung würden auch jene
beiden Fülle, in denen R allein gegen die ganze Überlieferung
die "grammatisch korrekte" Form liest,31 nicht entgegenstehen;
denn sie könnten aus der Tendenz, den Wortlaut noch weiter zu
standardisieren, erklärt werden.
6.4. Man küme also zu der Feststellung, R habe eine gemein
same direkte Vorlage mit H oder sei sogar dessen Abkömmling.
Diese letzte Möglichkeit ist auszuschliessen, weil R an einer
Reihe von Stellen mit LNT gemeinsame Fehler enthält, die H
aufgrund von D berichtigt hat.32 Ausserdem finden zieh Sonder
lesungen in H, die R nicht übernommen hat, z.B. an den R 4a4
und 7bl entsprechenden Stellen bietet H bstad statt gtad.
Da nun H im wesentlichen - wenn man von der Kontamination mit
D absieht33 - auf N zurückgeht, müsste N zugleich auch die
Vorlage für R sein; doch ist dies nicht zutreffend: R kann
keine Abschrift von N sein, da Sonderfehler von N und gemein
same Fehler von L und N nicht übernommen worden sind:
An der R 25a7/25bl entsprechenden Stelle fehlt nur in
N und H das Wort smras pa. 34
An der R 52bl entsprechenden Stelle liest N stan statt
bstan.
L und N bieten tshul anstelle von tshur in R 7a7 und
allen anderen Textzeugen.
R 55al und BCDHKQ enthalten dah / (T nur dah) , statt
dessen steht in LN dah yah.
Das Wort ri brags, das sich R 61a7 und an den entsprechen
den Stellen in BCDHKQ findet, wird in LN rig brags ge
schrieben.
127
6.5. R enthält einerseits gemeinsame Fehler mit den Text
zeugen der "west-” oder "zentraltibetischen" Uberlieferungs-
gruppe,^ andererseits aber auch Korrekturen solcher Fehler.
Da nun R an wenigen Stellen Lesarten bietet, die ausserdem
nur noch in D bezeugt sind, liegt die Vermutung nahe, dass D -
oder ein ihm sehr nahestehender Textzeuge - wie bei H die
Quelle der Veränderungen des Wortlautes in R war; als Bei
spiele können hier genannt werden:
R 20al, 20a2, 20a5, 54a6 (alle mit D) rgyah rphen gegen
rgyah pan oder rgyah phan.
R 69a7, 69b2, 69b5, 70b2, 70b4, 74al (alle mit D) fehlt
das sonst überlieferte Epithet dgra boom pa.
7. Die in R festgestellte Tendenz zur Standardisierung
zeigt sich nicht nur im Bereich der lautlichen Angleichung:
Eine einmal gegen die übrige Tradition aufgenommene Lesart
wird verschiedentlich, sofern der gleiche oder ein weitgehend
ähnlicher Wortlaut noch einmal vorkommt, auch an einer oder
weiteren Stellen wiederholt:
R 4b3 und 5a2 bieten gegen gftis aller anderen Text
zeugen das falsche hid.
R 173b6, 174a7 und 175b2 ändern gegen die restliche
Überlieferung ’dul zu gdul.
R 184b2 und 185al lesen ched du brjod do statt ohed
du brjod pa ched du brjod do; die volle Form des
Ausdruckes erscheint erst wieder R 188b7, 189b5 und
190a4.
R 69a6 lässt gegen alle anderen Zeugen dgra bcom pa
aus, und zwar in Analogie zu den folgenden Stellen,
bei denen die Auslassung auch in D bezeugt ist.^
7.1. Eine einmal in R auftretende besondere Schreibung
eines Wortes wird stets wiederholt:
R liest stets ne 'u Itahs statt ne'u Idahs37 (z.B.
R 152al, 152a2, 152a7, 152b4, 153b2, 153b5, 180a2,
180a4, 185a4 und 185a5).
Der Name des Buddha Käsyapa erscheint in R passim in
der Form 'od sruhs (meistens gegen rod sruh der anderen
Zeugen), z.B. R 136a2, 136a4, 136bl, 136b2.
128
Das Wort tsog tsog pur38 steht in R (z.B. R 76bl, 77a2,
78b4, 81b5, 83b6, 84b4, 110b5) dort, wo die anderen Text
zeugen einhellig tsog tsog por lesen.
Der Name des Mönchs Maudgalyayana wird in R - abweichend
von HLNT: m o ’u dgal gyi bu - als mo'u 'gal gyi bu ge
schrieben39 (z.B. R 112a7, 129a3, 129a7, 129bl, 129b7,
130bl, 130b2, 130b3, 131al, 141a3).
7.2. R ergänzt an einer Anzahl von Stellen Satzzeichen, wo
sie in der anderen bekannten Überlieferung nicht zu finden
sind. Eine Durchsicht der Blätter 1-100 ergab,40 dass in etwa
150 Fällen ein einfaches sad zugefügt ist. Diese Interpunktion
hilft dem Leser des Textes vornehmlich dabei, die Sätze in Teil
sätze aufzugliedern; ein solches zusätzliches sad findet sich
nach Partikeln in Verbindung mit Verbalstämmen:
nach ras an 27 Stellen,41
nach der Koordinationspartikel oih3 zih bzw. sin an
29 Stellen.42
Rechnet man noch die Belege für ergänztes sad nach anderen
Partikeln in Verbindung mit Verbalstämmen hinzu,43 ergeben
sich insgesammt mehr als 70 Fälle, in denen R das Ende eines
Teilsatzes durch Einfügung der Interpunktion bezeichnet.
7.3. Ausserdem werden in R durch einfache Trennstriche auch
nominale Ausdrücke von dem folgenden Text abgesetzt:
nach der Instrumentalpartikel, die das Subjekt des
Satzes kenntlich macht, an 26 Stellen,44
nach den Nominalpartikeln pa3 po bzw. ba3 bo an 6 Stellen;
hierzu sind noch die vier Fälle zu rechnen, an denen be
reits die Isolationspartikel ni den vorangehenden Aus
druck zusammenfasst und R ein zusätzliches sad setzt.45
8. Über die bereits an einzelnen Beispielen vorgestellten
Sonderlesungen hinaus enthält R eine Reihe weiterer Fehler;
am auffälligsten sind dabei wohl die Auslassungen, so fehlen
gegen die anderen Textzeugen z.B.:
R 57al insgesamt 158 Silben, R 69b2 sechs Silben,
R 86b2 sieben Silben, R 122al drei Silben, R 134b5
fünf Silben und die Bezeichnung des Verszeilenendes.
129
Daneben sind auch an einigen Stellen Silben oder Wortfolgen
doppelt gegeben, z.B.:
R 71b4 liest nas 'oh ba doppelt, R 105al liest dah
doppelt, R 105a2 liest dge tshul He bar gzag par bya /
doppelt, R 120b3 liest byed do zes / de dag gis bsHen
par rdzogs par doppelt, R 123b4 liest soh du soh statt
s o n R 180a4 liest che ge mo zig mo zig statt che ge
mo zig.
Von den Schreiberversehen in R sollen hier als Beispiele
genannt werden:
R 42a3 smras ste statt smras te3 R 44b4 bde statt de3
R 70a5 khyen statt mkhyen, R 70a5 skye bu statt skyes bu3
R 109a7 bcas statt bca r3 R 119al bu lo statt bu lon3
R 132bl ran statt nah, R 134a4 sis te statt si ’phos te3
R 138a3 rod gzer statt rod zer3 R l45b2 ran bzih statt
rah bzin3 R l48a2 mthoh statt mhon3 R 150a2 sä rig bu
statt sä ri 'i bu3 R 15 4a 4 rnams par statt rnam par3
R 156b5 gtsug lags statt gtsug lag3 R l60a3 dge 'dun
tsho statt dge 'dun ’tsho3 R l62a5 dge 'du 'tsho statt
dge ’dun ’tsho3 R 176hl ste ’u statt ste’ur3 R I78b4 gsoh
sbyoh statt gso sbyoh3 R 180a4 mchan statt ’phyan.
9. Diese mannigfachen Sonderfehler - seien es Auslassungen,
Doppelschreibungen oder einfache Schreibfehler, die in allen
derzeit bekannten Kanjurhandschriften anzutreffen sind - be
stimmen im wesentlichen den Wert von R als Textzeuge: Die
Handschrift aus Tog darf nicht als einzige Quelle für die
Herausgabe eines Kanjurtextes verwendet werden. Die oben
besprochene Tendenz zur Standardisierung in R ist auch - und
zwar in etwas geringerem Masse - in D und H anzutreffen; bei
der Bewertung von Lesarten dieser Textzeugen sollte dies
stets berücksichtigt werden. Ausserdem kann R nur bedingt
als Zeuge für die Überlieferung der "west-" oder "zentral
tibetischen" Gruppe angesehen werden, da eine Kontamination
mit einem der Textzeugen der anderen Tradition - vermutlich
mit D - wahrscheinlich ist.
130
Summary
The present paper alms at presenting some first observations
on the textual quality of the Kanjur manuscript from Tog
Palace in Ladakh (hereafter R) published recently. Since no
data are available concerning the origin and age of R, the
argumentation must be based on the rules of textual criticism,
which can only be applied after a thorough collation of all
accessible testimonies. Basically, R, together with the
Kanjurs printed from Narthang and Lhasa and the manuscripts
kept in London and Tokyo, forms a "Western" or "Central
Tibetan" group of tradition. But it does not represent this
group in all its variant readings, because it prefers to give
some particles and other words against the older tradition in
a standardised form. On the other hand, R has most probably
been contaminated by the Derge or a cognate Kanjur. As is
often the case with manuscripts, R contains a number of indi
vidual mistakes and scribal errors.
Anmerkungen
1. Für den Tanjur kann verwiesen werden auf C. Vogel, Väg-
bhata's Astähgahrdayasamhitä: The First Five Chapters of
its Tibetan Version3 Edited and Rendered into English
along with the Original Sanskrit, Wiesbaden 1965 , AKM,
XXXVII,2, 21-32.
2. E. Waldschmidt, Das Catusparisatsütra. Eine kanonische
Lehrsckrift über die Begründung der buddhistischen Ge
meinde3 Auf Grund von Turfan-Handschriften herausgegeben,
Teil III, Textbearbeitung: Vorgang 22-28, Berlin 1962,
ADAW, Jg. I960, Nr. 1, 375 Anm. 1.
3. Die weiteren loc.cit. gegebenen Mitteilungen über das
Verhältnis und die Bewertung der Textzeugen können nicht
bestätigt werden.
b. Der Sonderforschungsbereich 12 "Zentralasien" der Univer
sität Bonn führt die Hammschen Arbeiten weiter, die Über
setzung des Pravrajyävastu soll von Herrn Professor Dr.
Michael Hahn besorgt werden, die Edition und das Wörter
buch von mir.
131
5. C. Vogel, The Teachings of the Six Heretics3 According
to the Pravrajyävastu of the Tibetan Mülasarvästiväda
Vinaya3 Edited and Rendered into English, Wiesbaden 1970,
AKM, XXXIX,4.
6. Diese Beobachtung wird auch bestätigt durch eine Vielzahl
von Beispielen in F. Weller, Untersuchung Uber die text
geschichtliche Entwicklung des tibetischen Buddhacarita,
Berlin 1980, ASAW, Band 69, Heft 3. Die dort vorgetrage
nen Ableitungen können jedoch nicht übernommen werden,
zumal die textgeschichtlichen Aussagen von Vogel,
Astähgahrdayasamhitä (Seite 21-32), nicht berücksichtigt
worden sind.
7. Die Drucke aus Narthang, Peking, Derge und Cone.
8. Die Ausgaben aus Lhasa, Narthang, Cone, Derge, Urga,
Peking 1684/92, Peking 1717/20 und Peking 1737. Zu den
verschiedenen Pekinger Kanjurdrucken s. auch H. Eimer,
"Einige Hinweise zur Edition tibetischer kanonischer
Texte. Beobachtungen zur Überlieferung in Blockdrucken",
ZAS, l4/l (1980), 198.
9. Die Handschrift der Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kultur
besitz ("Beckh"), Berlin, die Handschrift der British
Library, London, und die Handschrift aus Gyantse, in der
Toyo Bunko, Tokyo.
10. Eine l436-l447 entstandene Prachthandschrift im Besitz
des Königshauses von Mustang Cs. M. Peissel, Mustang3
Royaume tibetain interdit3 Paris 1970 (Collection Clefs
de l'aventure), 250-1 (nach einem Hinweis von Herrn J.
Karsten)!, eine vermutlich ins 17./18. Jahrhundert zu
datierende Prachthandschrift im National Palace Museum,
Taipeh/Taiwan Cs. Select Chinese Rare Books and Histori
cal Documents in the Rational Palace Museum3 National
Palace Museum: Taipei, Taiwan 1971, Nr. 24 (nach einem
Hinweis von Herrn Professor Dr. D. Schuh)!, die aus
Gyantse stammende Them spans ma-Handschrift, die dem
l4. Jahrhundert zuzurechnen sein dürfte, in der Mongo
lischen Staatsbibliothek , Ulan Bator Cs. Lama Zundui,
"On Kanjur", Buddhists for Peace3 Journal of the Asian
Buddhist Conference for Peace, Ulan Bator, No. 1, 1980,
40!, und die Einzelbände einer Handschrift (?) im Newark
Museum Cs. H.I. Poleman, "A Survey of Tibetan Xylographs
and Manuscripts in Institutions and Private Collections
in the United States and Canada", Vervielfältigung 196l,
111 .
132
11. Als im zweiten Weltkrieg verloren gelten muss das 37 Bände
umfassende Fragment eines Pekinger Kanjurdruckes in der
einstigen Königlich Preussischen Bibliothek ("Sammlung
Pander") in Berlin, das der schwarzen Druckfarbe wegen
der Ausgabe des Kaisers Wan-li (l6o6) zuzurechnen ist
Cvgl. auch Y. Imaeda, "Mise au point concernant les
editions Chinoises du Kanjur et du Tanjur Tibetains",
Essais sur l'art du Tibet, Paris 1977, 273.
12. Auch Stog geschrieben; der Bau des Palastes wurde 1830
begonnen Cs. L. Petech, The Kingdom of Ladakh, c. 950-1842
A.D., Roma 1977, SOR, LI, 1373, dort lagert eine reich
haltige Bibliothek (s. op.cit., passim).
13. Der erste Hinweis erschien in Vol. 15, No. 5, May 1976,
316. Weitere Einträge erfolgten z.B. Vol. l6 , No. 1,
January 1977, ^5; Vol. 17, No. 7, July 1978, 701; Vol. l8,
No. 1, January 1979, 72, und Vol. 19, No. 2, February 1980,
158.
lU. Mir liegt nur Band 1 ( ’dul ba, ka) vor, den mir Herr Dr.
Dieter George, Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz,
Berlin, dankenswerterweise zur Verfügung stellte.
15. Brief vom 31. Juli 1980.
16 . Den Besitzern weiss ich mich zu tiefem Dank dafür ver
pflichtet, dass sie die für die Arbeit am tibetischen
Pravraj'yävastu benötigten Materialien - zumeist in der
Form von Mikrofilmen - zur Verfügung stellten; Herr Prof.
Dr. Lokesh Chandra, New Delhi, und Herr Prof. Dr. Claus
Vogel machten mir Mikrofilme aus ihrem Privatbesitz zu
gänglich.
17. Angefertigt nach den beiden Originalen in der Staats
bibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin, s. H.Eimer,
Die Xerokopie des Lhasa-Kanj’ur. The Xerox Copy of the
Lhasa K a n j u r Tokyo 1977, Bibliographia Philologica
Buddhica, Series Minor, I.
18 . Die Bandkennziffer khe (92) ist durch die fortlaufende
Bandzählung und die Abfolge der Abteilungen ( 'dul ba am
Ende) in den zugänglichen Pekingdrucken zu erklären.
19. Die Handschriften in London und in Tokyo sind die einzigen
bisher bekannten, die das Pravraj'yävastu im sechsten Band
(oha) enthalten. Die Anordnung der Texte stimmt weitgehend
überein, wie sich aus dem Vergleich der in der British
133
Library ausliegenden Handliste und der Liste von Köjun
Saitö C"Kawaguchi Ekai-shi Shörai Töyö Bunko-shozö
Shahon Chibetto Daizökyö Chösa Bib5", Taishö Daigaku
Kenkyü Kiyö, LXIII (Sept. 1977), Uo6( 1 )-3i+5(62)3 zeigt.
Diese Beobachtung machte gleichzeitig mit mir Herr D r .
Gregory Schopen (z . Z t . Tokyo).
20. Die zu besprechenden Beispiele können zugleich auch als
eine Bestätigung für die Aufgliederung der Kanjurtradi-
tion in zwei Hauptzweige dienen.
21. Vgl. P. Maas, Textkritik, 2. verb. u. verm. Auflage,
Leipzig 1950, 7-8.
22. Wegen des Druckes aus Lhasa und der Handschrift der
Toyo Bunko, Tokyo, die aus Gyantse stammt.
23. Hier ist der Druck aus Narthang zu nennen, dessen Druck
platten nahe von Sei dkar rdzoh geschnitzt wurden Cs. L.
Petech, China and Tibet in the Early XVIIIth Century,
2nd rev. ed., Leiden 1972, Monographies du T ’oung Pao,I,
l601, und die Handschrift der British Library, die wahr
scheinlich ebenfalls in oder bei Sei dkar rdzoh ange
fertigt wurde, wie sich aus dem Schreibervermerk am
Ende mehrerer Bände zeigt (z.B. 'dul ba, eha, 391a5:
'sei chos (s)u bzugs pa'i ma dpe bzin lan geig zus ni
zus //).
2k. Diese richtige Feststellung ist bereits in den von Hamm
nachgelassenen Materialien zum Pravrajyävastu enthalten.
Im Bande ser phyin sna tshogs, ka, des Lhasa-Kanjur
findet sich vor dem tibetischen Dharmaeakrapravartana-
sütra ein deutlicher Hinweis darauf, dass die Drucke
aus Narthang und Derge Vorlagen (fol. 268al - beim
Wechsel auf den Marginaltitel mdo ... snar than par
du mdo a pa fi gsam du kyah / sde dger gsar 'gyur mdo
rnams ser phyin du ...).
25. Es besteht eine enge Beziehung zwischen L und N; doch
darf man nicht mit Hamm (s. Waldschmidt, l o c . cit.)
L als Abschrift von N ausweisen. Diese beiden Textzeugen
sind vielmehr Abkömmlinge einer gemeinsamen Vorlage:
L liest an der R 165 b 5 entsprechenden Stelle die Silben
'gags pas rnam par ses pa 'gag doppelt; N hat dort eine
Lücke von etwa lU Buchstaben Breite, hat also einen
gemeinsamen Fehler nachträglich getilgt (L und N sind
am gleichen Ort entstanden, s. oben Anm. 23).
134
26 . Nach M. Hahn, Lehrbuch der klassischen tibetischen Schrift
sprache,, Hamburg 1971, 37; sonst auch Imperativpartikel
genannt.
27. S. z.B., op.cit., 36-7, oder J. Bacot, Grammaire du Tibe-
tain litteraire, *, Paris 1946, 17.
28. L. de La Vallee Poussin, Catalogue of the Tibetan Manuscripts
from Tun-huang in the India Office Library3 London 1962,
Nr. 4 (Signatur Ch. 73.VII, frg. A 5). Das Blatt gehört
zu einem Kompendium über die Ordensregeln; es enthält neben
anderem auch die Ausnahmeregelung, siebenjährige Knaben zur
Pravrajyä zuzulassen, wenn sie störende Krähen verjagen
können; die entsprechende Passage erscheint in abweichendem
Wortlaut und anderem Zusammenhang im Pravrajyävastu
(R 128b6-129a2).
29. Diese Form der Imperativpartikel könnte sich daraus erklären
lassen, dass die betreffenden Imperativstämme in früher Zeit
ein schliessendes s erhielten oder als mit einem s endend
empfunden wurden.
30. Einen Hinweis auf eine ähnliche Standardisierung gibt die
Umsetzung von re sig zu re zig in RDH, die sich z.B. an
folgenden Stellen findet: R 7a3, llb6, l6b5, 19a2, 24a6,
42a6, 46b3, 48a7). Ebenso dürfte die Änderung von ses
(iti) nach auslautendem s zu zes zu verstehen sein (z.B.
in RDH (R l6al, 20a6, 20b6, 24b4, 26b1, 27a7, 121a3), in
RD (R 42a5, 73a3) , in DHNR (R llal) und in DHLNR (R 74a5).
31. R 72b3 gsuh zig (gegen sig) und R 119a2 phul zig (gegen
cig)\^man kann auch noch R llla7 gsuh zig3 gegen BCDKQ
gsuh sig3 gegen HLNT gsuhs sig, hinzuziehen.
32. S. oben Ziffer 4; zusätzlich kann hier auf Sonderlesungen,
die nur in DH zu finden sind, hingewiesen werden, z.B. DH
khoh du gegen R 4a4 und 7b2 (mit allen übrigen Textzeugen)
khohs su.
33. S. auch oben Anm. 24.
34. Aus dem gleichen Grunde kann auch T kaum eine Abschrift
von N sein; in N ist an der Stelle, wo smras pa fehlt,
eine Lücke von gut vier Buchstaben Breite, die auf eine
Korrektur der Druckplatte hinweist.
35. S. oben Ziffer 4 und Anm. 22 und 23.
135
36. S. oben das letzte Beispiel zu Ziffer 6.5*
37. Der Fehler ist graphisch zu erklären, da untergeschriebenes
d und t leicht zu verwechseln sind.
38. Nur die Form tsog tsog pu(r) wird von den gängigen Wörter
büchern verzeichnet.
39- Die anderen Textzeugen lesen maud gal gyi bu\ die Lesart
in R ist aus der Verwechslung von d und ra ohuh zu erklären.
Uo. Die Belegstellen in Ziffer 7.2. und 7-3. sind diesen 100
Folien entnommen.
Ul. R Ubl, 8a3, 12a7, lUb3, 26a3, 28a 2 , 28bU, 3Ua3, U5aU,
U5bU, U5b7, 53a2, 57aU, 6lbl, 63a3, 63b2, 68al, 68a5,
38b3, 72a2, 7Ua3, 75a5, 75bU, 76b7, 78b5, 79b5, 87a5.
U2. R 5a5, 12a5, 13a7, lUa3, 22a7, 22bl, 22bU, 22b6, 23b5,
23b6, 2Ual, 2Ua3, 2Ua7, 25b2, 25b6, 26b7, 27a5, 38b7,
U2bU, 52bU, 55a5, 59bl, 60b3, 73b6, 77a6, 78a6, 87a7,
92al, 92a7.
U 3 . Nach na R 21a2, 29a3, 29a6, U9b7, 55a2, 80b6, 91a2, 9la5,
99b5, nach bas/pas R lUbU, l8a3, 21b2, U8b7, 62a3, 83bl,
87a2, 98b3.
UU. R 7b5, 8b5, 12b3, 13a2, 17b3, 17b7, l8a2, l8a7, 19b2,
29bl, 30b7, 33al, U2b7, U5al, U8b3, 51b2, 57bl, 60b 6 ,
66a6, 66b2, 66b7, 70al, 8Ubl, 86a5, 100a7, 100b3 (hier
ist zu kyis zu emendieren).
U 5 . Nach Nominalpartikeln R 12bU, l6a5, 21b2, 22b7, 25bl,
25bl Csicl, nach Isolationspartikel R Ua3, Ulb5, 51aU,
56a3.
Abkür zungen
ADAW - Abhandlungen der Deutschen Akademie der Wissen
schaften zu Berlin, Klasse für Sprachen, Literatur
und Kunst
AKM - Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, hrsg.
von der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft.
A SAW - Abhandlungen der Sächsischen Akademie der Wissen
schaften zu Leipzig, phil.-hist. Klasse.
136
SOR - Serie Orientale Roma.
ZAS - Zentralasiatische Studien.
Nachtrag
Der Freundlichkeit von Herrn Dr. Paul M. Harrison (Auckland,
Neuseeland) verdanke ich eine Kopie des Bka' 'gyur ro cog gi
dkar ohag yid kyi 'dod 'jo3 eines Kanjur-Kataloges, der zu
der Handschrift aus dem Palast in Tog gehören soll, obwohl
das graphische Bild völlig anders ist. Dieser dkar ohag gibt
(fol. 2 b 3 - M einen Hinweis auf die Vorlage der entsprechenden
Kanj urhand schrift
... / fti ma mam par rgyal b a ’i sku'i rin la /
/ lugs gfiis gnas la mkhyen pa'i dkyil ’khor rgyas /
/ bka' yi 'phrul blon bsod nams Ihm grub pas /
/ dbus phyogs lho bo 'brug bstan chos slon nas /
/ thub pa'i bka' 'gyur gdan drahs rim pa lags / ...
Zur Lebenszeit des Königs Ni ma rnam rgyal (Regierung seit
1691, Abdankung 1729, Tod 1738; Petech, Kingdom of Ladakh3
8l, 95-96) wurde also unter dem Minister Bsod nams lhun grub
(erwähnt in Urkunden zwischen 1697 und 1735; op.oit. , 93-9^
und 82 Anm. l) ein Kanjur aus Bhutan nach Ladakh gebracht.
Es wird im dkar ohag nicht berichtet, wann die Abschrift in
Ladakh erfolgte.
Unter der Voraussetzung, dass das Bka' 'gyur ro 0 0 g gi
dkar ohag yid kyi- 'dod 'jo zu der jetzt im Nachdruck zugäng
lichen Kanjurhandschrift aus Tog gehört, wäre die Frage einer
eventuellen Kontamination mit dem 1733 entstandenen Derge-
Druck erneut zu prüfen: Eine solche Beeinflussung ist unwahr
scheinlich, falls die erste Abschrift in Ladakh sofort nach
dem Eintreffen des Originals aus Bhutan erfolgte.
Die Verwechslung von s und p, wie sie bei der Umsetzung
aus der Kursivschrift angetroffen wird, pu (für su ) ga ta
als Entsprechung von bde bar gsegs pa im ausführlichen
Initialtitel des dkar ohag (fol. lbl) könnte darauf hindeuten,
dass Zwischenabschriften erfolgten.
137
KHOTANESE NUVATA
R.E. EMMERICK (Hamburg)
Bailey’s Diet, contains an entry 'nveer- "bring out, utter"’,
which is based on three passages, one from a lyrical poem
and two from the Siddhasära.
The lyrical poem is attested in several manuscripts which
only partially overlap. The verse containing nvär- is found
in two manuscripts only. The two versions are printed syn-
optically as verse (82) in M.J. Dresden, ’A lyrical poem in
Khotanese, Part I: Text’, p. 92 (Beiträge zur Indienforschung3
Ernst Waldsehmidt zum 80. Geburtstag gewidmet, Veröffent
lichungen des Museums für indische Kunst Berlin, Band k ).
According to Bailey nväkaka nvärtda means ’they sing songs’,
which seems plausible. Khotanese nvär- he derives from
'ni-bär- "bring out" (jests, jokes, songs)'. The jests and
jokes are from the preceding verse, (8l) in Dresden's edition,
which appears to have no verb of its own. Whether Bailey
considers that they 'bring out’ also the hairs, cheeks, and
laughter which he attributes to the same verse he does not say.
Indeed, the immediately preceding word is according to Bailey
’distortions of the face' {Diet. s.v. vatäkye).
In isolation nväkaka nvärtda 'they sing songs' looks
plausible enough but as long as no convincing interpretation
has been found for the passage in which the phrase occurs it
is unsafe to make use of it.
The next two passages cited by Bailey are from the Siddha-
sara. As this is not only a text for which we have the Sans
krit original and its Tibetan version but is a down-to-earth
medical text, we should expect to be able to obtain solid
results. According to Bailey the first passage contains
'nväri 3 variant nvärri "deficiency" from "bringing down"
(hardly from *nväta-tara- "slower")’. The passage is quoted
by Bailey thus: ’Sid. 8rl-2 utvadare jsa ... hamarngamfti jsa3
ttaramdarü dai nvärri jsa viys'ä (for viysam) teo-padya home
"bodily-heat is fourfold, with excess, with equality, with
deficiency, uneven".
138
If one considers Bailey’s fourfold classification it is
apparent that the items ’excess’, ’equality’, and ’deficiency'
already exhaust all the possibilities so that the last item
’uneven’ is meaningless. Moreover, it is striking that the
Tibetan has sftoms-pa ’even’ as the last item, not 'uneven'.
The four items in the Sanskrit text (Si 1.1+8) are rnanda,
tikswa3 visama, and sama. They recur in the reverse order in
the following sloka (Si 1.1+9), where the methods of treating
the conditions concerned are explained. The four items in
Si 1.1+9 correspond in the three formulations as follows:
(1+) hamamgä samasya shorns
(3) viysamye visame ma-snoms-pa
(2) strihj. tiksne sas che-ba
(1) nvä mande (sas) chun-ba.
It is accordingly clear that in Si 1.1+8 the correspondence is:
(1) nvä manda- sas chun-ba
(2) rrijsai -tiksne sas che-ba
(3) viysä visamah ma-snoms-pa
(1+)---- samas sfioms-pa.
In other words hamamgä has been omitted after viysä in
Si 1.U8 and nvä mijsai is to be read by redividing the syllables
m i jsai and stviha are synonymous. Khotanese misoya renders
Sanskrit tiksna- (Tibetan mo-ha) also in Si 3.21+.3 (l9vl KT
1.30) and m i jscorn renders Sanskrit tiksna- (Tibetan mo-ha) in
Si lU.l (10 WI+ KT 1.1+2) while strihä renders Sanskrit ttksna-
(Tibetan mon-po) in Si lU.7 (l05vl KT 1.1+2). Both stveha and
m e jsai are found for Sanskrit tiksna- (Tibetan mo-ha) in
Si 3.21+.7 (I9v3 KT 1.30).
Consider now the Sanskrit text of Si 1.1+8-1+9:
manda-tlksne ’tha visamah samas ceti catur-vidhah
kapha-pittänilädhikyät tat-sämyäj jätharo 'nalah
samasya pälanam käryam.visame väta-nigrahah
tiksne pitta-pratlkäro mande slesma-visodhanam.
This has been interpreted very accurately by the Tibetan
version as follows:
139
1 . bö k h o n -n a y o d - p a h i m ehi d r o d n i b a d -k a n dan / m k h r is - p a
d an / r lu n - r n a m s r e - r e - n a s s a s c h e - b a r g y u r - p a dan / s a s
m nam -par g y u r - p a h d i b z i - l a s m ehi d ro d k y a n ( l ) s a s c h u n -b a
dan / ( 2 ) s a s c h e - b a dan / ( 3 ) d r o d m a-sfio m s-p a d an / (1+)
d ro d sfiom s-pa d an / rn a m -p a b z i r h g y u r - t e / g o - r im b z i n - d u
so -so r sb y a r-ro / /
1 • ^9 d e - l a (U ) m ehi d ro d sflo m s-n a n i d e - l a s m i- h g y u r - b a r
b s r u h - b a h i c h o - g a b y a h o / / (3 ) d ro d m a - s h o m s -p a -la n i r l u n
b s a l - b a r b y a h o / / (2 ) m ehi d ro d s a s c h e - b a - l a n i m k h r is - p a
b s a l - b a h i c h o - g a b y a h o / / ( l ) d ro d c h u n - b a - l a n i b a d - k a n
s b y a n -b a r byaho / /
1 .^ 8 As f o r t h e h e a t o f t h e ( d i g e s t i v e ) f i r e (analah), w h ic h
i s i n t h e sto m ach ( jä th a r o ) , s i n c e phleg m (kaph a-), b i l e
( p i t t a - ) , a n d w in d ( a n ila -) may e a c h d o m in a te (-ä d h ik y ä t)
an d may b e i n e q u a l p r o p o r t i o n s (ta t-sä m yä j ) , i n a c c o r d a n c e
w ith th e s e fo u r ( p o s s i b i l i t i e s ) , th e h e a t o f th e ( d ig e s tiv e )
f i r e may a l s o o c c u r i n f o u r ways (c a tu r -v id h a h ) : ( l ) t h e
am ount ( o f h e a t ) i s s m a ll (manda-)-, ( 2 ) t h e am ount ( o f h e a t )
i s g r e a t ( - t t k s n e ) ; ( 3 ) t h e h e a t i s i r r e g u l a r (visam ah ) ; an d
(b) t h e h e a t i s r e g u l a r (sam as). They c o r r e s p o n d s e v e r a l l y
in o rd e r.
1 .^ 9 In t h a t ( c o n n e c t i o n ) , (h) i f t h e h e a t o f t h e ( d i g e s t i v e )
f i r e i s r e g u l a r (samasya)3 a m eth o d ( o f t r e a t m e n t ) s h o u ld b e
a d m i n i s t e r e d (käryam) t o e n s u r e (pälanam) t h a t t h e r e i s no
c h a n g e fro m t h a t . ( 3 ) I f t h e h e a t i s i r r e g u l a r (visam e),
w in d m u st b e rem o v ed (vä ta -n ig ra h a h ). (2 ) I f t h e am ount o f
h e a t o f t h e ( d i g e s t i v e ) f i r e i s g r e a t ( t l k s n e ) , a m eth o d ( o f
t r e a t m e n t ) m ust b e a d m i n i s t e r e d t o rem ove b i l e (p itta - p v a t ik a r o ).
( l ) I f t h e (am o u n t o f ) h e a t i s s m a ll (mande) , t h e p h leg m m ust
b e p u r i f i e d (&lesma-vi&odhanam ) .
I f we co m p are t h e K h o ta n e s e v e r s i o n w ith t h e S a n s k r i t and
t h e T i b e t a n , i t i s n o t i c e a b l e t h a t t h e K h o ta n e se i s e v i d e n t l y
d e p e n d e n t upon b o th t h e S a n s k r i t an d t h e T i b e t a n . I t i s un
l i k e l y t h a t t h e K h o ta n e s e t r a n s l a t o r w o u ld h av e u s e d n vä, t h e
r e g u l a r c o u n t e r p a r t o f S a n s k r i t manda, i f he h a d b e f o r e him
o n ly T i b e ta n sas ohuh-ba ’ a s m a ll a m o u n t '. 1 S i m i l a r l y , t h e
u s e o f r r i j s a i an d strih p. f o r S a n s k r i t ttk s n a c a n h a r d l y b e
b a s e d on T i b e t a n sa s ohe-ba 'a l a r g e a m o u n t' a l o n e . On t h e
o t h e r h a n d , t h e a d d i t i o n o f t h e p h r a s e nva paoadä hva hva
hampkiGpfl'd c o r r e s p o n d in g e x a c t l y t o t h e T ib e ta n go-vim b£in-du
s o -s o v s b y a v -r o , w h ic h h a s no c o u n t e r p a r t i n t h e S a n s k r i t , c a n
h a rd ly be f o r tu ito u s .
IAO
The a d d i t i o n o f t h i s l a s t p h r a s e ' t h e y c o r r e s p o n d s e v e r
a l l y i n o r d e r ' adds f u r t h e r c o n f ir m a tio n t h a t t h e fo u r ite m s
i n t h e K h o ta n e s e v e r s i o n o f S i l.^t-8 m u st h a v e b e e n a s I h a v e
s u g g e s t e d , a s t h e r e w o u ld o t h e r w i s e b e no c o r r e s p o n d e n c e . I n
f a c t th e c o n d itio n o f th e f i r e corresp o n d s w ith th e c o n d itio n
o f t h e humours a s f o l l o w s : when t h e r e i s p r e p o n d e r a n c e o f
phlegm t h e f i r e i s manda\ when t h e r e i s p r e p o n d e r a n c e o f b i l e
t h e f i r e i s tik s n a \ when t h e r e i s p r e p o n d e r a n c e o f w in d t h e
f i r e i s visam a ; a n d when t h e humours a r e e q u a l t h e f i r e i s
sama. Hence t h e m e th o d s o f t r e a t m e n t i n S i 1.U 9: f o r rmnda
p u r i f i c a t i o n o f t h e phle gm , f o r tik s n a r e m o v a l o f b i l e , f o r
visama r e m o v a l o f w in d , and f o r sama p r e v e n t i o n o f c h a n g e .
The K h o ta n e s e may now b e r e a d a n d t r a n s l a t e d a s f o l l o w s :
1. A8 c u t t a r a m d a r ü d a i h l y a g r a u t t ä . s i ' s ilj! s a m u t t a v a d y e
u b e t a h i y e u t v a d a r e j s a . hamamgäni j s a . t t a r a m d a r ü d a i ( l )
nvä (2 ) r r i j s a i ( 3 ) * v iy sa m (U) *hamamgä . t c a u - p a d y a hame .
nva p a c a d ä h v a h v a ham phisjinä. .
I.U 9 khu v a r a d a i hamamgä hame : t t a t t a khu n i k h a u y s d e .
k f 'm e v a s k a i k r r a t c a i r a i . ( 3 ) v iy sa m y e d a i b i t a n i h a ' j j m a
t c e r a i . ( 2 ) s t r i h ^ . d a i tta v a m d y e k r r a t c e r a i . ( l ) n v ä d a i
s i l l s ä m v a su j|im a t c e r a i .
1 . A8 As f o r t h e h e a t o f t h e ( d i g e s t i v e ) f i r e (analah) o f
t h e body (jä th a r o ) , i t (may b e ) due t o p r e p o n d e r a n c e ( -ä d h ik y ä t)
o f phlegm (kapha-) a n d b i l e ( p i t t a - ) a n d w in d (a n ila -) ( o r i t
may b e ) due t o e q u a l i t y (sämyäj) ( o f t h e h u m o u r s ) . The ( h e a t
o f t h e d i g e s t i v e ) f i r e o f t h e b o d y , ( b e i n g ) ( l ) r e d u c e d (manda) ,
( 2 ) s h a r p ( - t i k s n e ) , ( 3 ) i r r e g u l a r (visamah ) , (A) * r e g u l a r
(samaS), b e c o m e s * f o u r f o l d (o a tu r-v id h a h ). (The f o u r v a r i e t i e s
o f h e a t ) a r e t o b e c om bined s e v e r a l l y i n o r d e r ( w i t h t h e f o u r
abo v e-m en tio n ed c o n d itio n s o f th e hum ours).
1 . A9 (4) I f i n t h a t ( c o n n e c tio n , t h e h e a t o f t h e d i g e s t i v e )
f i r e becom es r e g u l a r (samasya ) , a (m ethod o f ) t r e a t m e n t i s t o
b e a p p l i e d (käryam) f o r i t s p r o t e c t i o n so t h a t i t d o e s n o t
move (pälanam ) . ( 3 ) The ( h e a t o f t h e d i g e s t i v e ) f i r e ( b e i n g )
i r r e g u l a r (visam e ) , s u p p r e s s i o n ( -nigrahah) o f w in d (v ä ta -)
m u st b e a p p l i e d . ( 2 ) The ( h e a t o f t h e d i g e s t i v e ) f i r e ( b e i n g )
s e v e r e ( tik s n e ) , a (m ethod o f ) t r e a t m e n t (p ra tik ä ro ) f o r ( r e
m oving) b i l e ( p i t t a - ) i s t o b e a p p l i e d . ( l ) The h e a t o f t h e
d i g e s t i v e ) f i r e ( b e i n g ) r e d u c e d (mande)3 p u r i f i c a t i o n ( - v is o -
dhanam) o f t h e phlegm (ilesm a-) i s t o b e a p p l i e d .
The K h o ta n e s e t e x t g i v e n f o l l o w s Ch i i . 0 0 2 . 8 r l - 3 KT 1 . 1 2 ,
t o w h ic h m in o r s p e l l i n g v a r i a n t s a r e f o u n d i n P 2 8 9 2 .3 8 -U 2 KT
141
5 .317. viysam f o r MSS viysa i n 1 . 4 8 i s an e m e n d a tio n s u g g e s t e d
by B a ile y , hamamgä i s a b s e n t from b o t h MSS b u t h a s b e e n i n
s e r t e d by e m e n d a tio n a s e x p l a i n e d a b o v e . The w ords tt y e tc o -
padya i n Ch i i . 0 0 2 = tty e tcau-padya i n P 2892 p r e c e d e t h e word
hamamgg.ft'i. They seem t o b e a n i n t r u s i o n due t o a n t i c i p a t i n g
t h e f o l l o w i n g tcau-padya ham-. Such i n t r u s i o n s a r e f o u n d e l s e
w here i n t h i s t e x t .
Of s i g n i f i c a n c e f o r t h e u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e t e x t u a l
t r a n s m i s s i o n i s t h e f a c t t h a t i n 1 . 4 8 hamamgä h a s b e e n o m i t t e d
b y b o t h Ch i i . 0 0 2 and b y P 2 8 9 2 , a l t h o u g h t h e r e c a n n o t b e t h e
s l i g h t e s t doubt t h a t i t b elo n g s t h e r e . We a r e a c c o r d i n g l y
j u s t i f i e d in c o n s id e r in g th e p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t else w h e re a ls o
a w ord may h a v e b e e n o m i t t e d from b o t h Ch i i . 0 0 2 a n d P. 2892.
I n e f f e c t , t h i s means m e r e l y t h a t t h e w ord c o n c e r n e d was a l
r e a d y m i s s i n g i n t h e a r c h e t y p e on w h ic h Ch i i . 0 0 2 and P 2892
w e r e b a s e d , s i n c e i t i s n o t p o s s i b l e t h a t Ch i i . 0 0 2 c o u l d h a v e
b e e n c o p i e d from P 2892 o r t h e r e v e r s e . Thus, t h e r e a r e e r r o r s
i n Ch i i . 0 0 2 w h e re t h e t e x t i s c o r r e c t i n P 2892 b u t t h e r e a r e
a l s o e r r o r s i n P 2892 w h e re t h e t e x t i s c o r r e c t i n Ch i i . 0 0 2 .
T h u s , i n S i 1 .3 3 P 2 8 9 2 .1 4 h a s t h e r e q u i r e d arva w h e r e a s Ch
i i . 0 0 2 h a s puvva. On t h e o t h e r h a n d , i n S i 2 . 6 Ch i i . 0 0 2 . 1 1 r 2
c o n t a i n s t h e it e m karamja dva t h a t i s a b s e n t from P 2 8 9 2 . 9 4 - 5 ,
w h ic h h a s a b l a n k s p a c e a t t h a t p l a c e . The o m i s s i o n i s n o t
n o ted by B a ile y .
I n t h e f i r s t e d i t i o n o f KT 1 B a i l e y n o t e d two l a r g e o m is
s i o n s i n P 2892 com pared w i t h Ch i i . 0 0 2 , one i n S i 2 . 6 a t Ch
i i .0 0 2 .H r 1-2 i n d i c a t e d by * l 4 - 1 4p om>* and one i n S i 2 .2 4
a t Ch i i . 0 0 2 . 13v 3-4 i n d i c a t e d l i k e w i s e b y o m .' . In
th e second e d i t i o n o n ly th e second o f t h e s e l a r g e o m issio n s
is re ta in e d . H owever, i n n e i t h e r c a s e i s a n y t h i n g a t a l l
o m i t t e d b y P 2892 ( a p a r t from karamja d va , t h e o m i s s i o n o f
w h ic h i s n o t n o t e d ) , a s a g l a n c e a t P 2 8 9 2 . 9 2 - 6 KT 5 .3 2 0 and
P 2 8 9 2 .1 4 4 - 1 4 9 KT 5 - 3 2 3 w i l l show.
K h o ta n e s e r r i j s a i r e n d e r s S a n s k r i t ttk sn a ( T i b e t a n m o -h a ) ,
t h e antonym o f K h o ta n e s e nvä (= S a n s k r i t mancia), a s we h a v e s e e n .
Now nvä , Old K h o ta n e s e n (u )v ä ta - , i s u s e d w i t h dndrtya ’ s e n s e s ’
t o mean ’ r e s t r i c t e d , r e s t r a i n e d ’ . Thus we h a v e hüfla dndrdya
nväta (Z 4 . 2 1 ) ’ t h e s e n s e s r e s t r a i n e d i n a d r e a m ’ ; in d riye nväte
duspäta 'fta v o 'tä h ver (Z 7 - 2 6 ) ’ ( i f ) h i s s e n s e s a r e r e s t r a i n e d
( o r ) p o w e r l e s s , a man becom es f a i n t . ’ ; aysmüna u in d riyo nuväta
(Z 1 4 . 7 5 ) ’ r e s t r a i n e d i n m ind a n d s e n s e s ’ , nuväta i s u s e d
a lw a y s i n a p e j o r a t i v e s e n s e a s i n t h i s l a s t p a s s a g e , w h e re
i t i s s a i d t h a t t h o s e who a r e r e s t r a i n e d i n m ind a n d s e n s e s
’h a v e v e r y l i t t l e c o m p a s s io n a n d a r e f r i g h t e n e d o f s a m s ä r a ' .
S i m i l a r l y we h a v e i n Z 2 .7 4 idryau js a nväta u murkha’ ’ r e
s t r i c t e d and s i m p l e i n s e n s e s ’ . I n t h i s p a s s a g e s u c h p e o p l e
142
a r e c o n t r a s t e d w i t h t h o s e who a r e m ydnd-indriya ’ o f m i d l i n g
s e n s e s * and t h o s e who a r e trsn a indryau j s a ’ t h i r s t y i n s e n s e s ’ .
T h e se a r e e v i d e n t l y t h e t h r e e B u d d h i s t S a n s k r i t c a t e g o r i e s
m rdv-in driya3 madhyendriya3 ttk sn e n d riy a (M ahävyutp a t t i 1 2 5 7 - 9 ) .
Of t h e l a s t c a t e g o r y , ’ t h e t h i r s t y i n s e n s e s ’ i t i s s a i d i n
Z 2 .7 5 t h a t t h e i r u n d e r s t a n d i n g i s s h a r p (bvdmata rrd.sea ) .
I n S i I . U 5 o c c u r s imdrräm j s a (7vU KT 1 . 1 2 ) w h e r e t h e
T i b e t a n h a s sems rno-ba a n d t h e S a n s k r i t budhah. imdrräm j s a
i s p r e c e d e d b y y s u r r j ’d and B a i l e y (D iet. s . v . chdmga- ) t r a n s
l a t e s y s u r r jd imdrvam js a a s ' s h a r p i n s e n s e s ' , y s u r r j ’d i s a n
a d j e c t i v e from y s u r ra - ’ a n g e r ' and n o r m a l l y m eans ’ a n g r y ’ n o t
’ s h a r p ’ . I t i s m ore p r o b a b l e t h a t y s u r r j’d h e r e a l s o means
’ a n g r y ' a nd r e n d e r s S a n s k r i t kopano.2 T h a t a d m i t t e d l y l e a v e s
chdmga w i t h o u t a c o u n t e r p a r t i n t h e S a n s k r i t a n d T i b e t a n u n l e s s
i t i s u s e d d y a d i c a l l y w i t h y s u r r jä . N e v e r t h e l e s s , i t i s p r o b a b l e
t h a t imdrräm j s a r r i j s a i s h o u l d b e r e a d c o r r e s p o n d i n g t o T i b e t a n
sems m o -b a ’ s h a r p i n m in d ’ and S a n s k r i t budhah.
Not o n l y c a n t h e s e n s e s b e r e s t r i c t e d i n t h e i r p r o p e r
f u n c t i o n , t h e y c a n a l s o b e r e s t r a i n e d from f u n c t i o n i n g im
p ro p erly . I n t h i s s e n s e t h e t e r m danda ' t a m e d ' i s u s e d : k s ’a t a ’
mä in d riy a kn.de danda (Z 6 . 2 0 ) ’my s i x s e n s e s r e s t r a i n e d g r e a t l y ’ .
I n a p o s i t i v e s e n s e we f i n d v d ta u s e d i n t h e same v e r s e : k sd ta ’
driydm ate v d ta ’t h e s i x s a m r a n j a n i y a - d h a r m a s h a v e b e e n g r a s p e d ' .
T h i s p o i n t s t o t h e c o r r e c t e ty m o lo g y o f nuvdta- a s b e i n g t h e
p a s t p a r t i c i p l e from * n i-v d j- ’ h o l d down, r e s t r i c t , s u p p r e s s ' .
H aving e s t a b l i s h e d t h e n o n - e x i s t e n c e o f ’n v d r i , v a r i a n t
n v d rri " d e f i c i e n c y ” w h ic h i s b a s e d s im p l y on f a l s e d i v i s i o n
o f s y lla b le s , i t is necessary to tu rn to th e th ir d passage
q u o te d b y B a i l e y s . v . n vdr- i n s u p p o r t o f 'nvdra- " r e d u c t i o n " ’ .
B a i l e y e x p l a i n s t h e c r u c i a l word garkha-nvdrerd a s : ’ com
p a r a t i v e *garkha-nvdratara- > nvdrerd w i t h nvdra- " r e d u c t i o n " ' .
He r e n d e r s t h e b e g i n n i n g o f S i 3 . 2 6 . 2 : ’What i s b u f f a l o ' s m i l k ,
t h a t i s somewhat o f h e a v i e r p r o d u c t i o n a n d f a t t y ’ . 3 The r e l a t i o n
s h i p b e tw e e n ’ r e d u c t i o n ' and ' p r o d u c t i o n ' and t h e m e a n in g ( i f a n y )
o f e ith e r i s not ex p la in e d .
The S a n s k r i t t e x t i s s t r a i g h t f o r w a r d :
gav y ä d g u r u t a r a m snigdha m m ähisam v a h n i - n ä s a n a m
' B u f f a l o m i l k i s h e a v i e r t h a n cow m i l k , i s f a t t y , and d e s tro y s
th e (d ig e s tiv e ) f i r e . ’
The c o r r e s p o n d i n g T i b e t a n h a s :
143
ma-hehi ho-ma ni bahi ho-ma-*lasLf lci-zin snum-pa yin-te /
bye-brag-tu drod hbri-bar byed-do //
’Buffalo milk is heavier than cow milk, is fatty, and especially
makes the (digestive) fire decrease.’
The Khotanese version has:
cu mahair?I'nä svidä se’ gvlhä svidä jsa dilakä garkha-
nvärerä u tcärbä ttaramdarü dai jinäkä
'As for buffalo milk, it is somewhat garkha-nvärerä than cow
milk and (is) fatty, (and is) a diminisher of the body fire.’
Sanskrit gurutara occurs only once in Si, here at 3.26.2,
but its antonym laghutara also occurs once: at Si 3.20.14.
There the ablativus comparationis is missing in the Khotanese,
which has dilaka rraysga-gväche to render Sanskrit laghutarah.
We cannot be sure therefore that rraysga-gväche is comparative
since rraysga-gvächa ’light to digest' renders laghu alone
(Tibetan yah) in 3.9; 3.25.4; 3.25.8. For Sanskrit guru (Ti
betan lei) we find in the Khotanese twelve times garkha-gvächa
'heavy to digest' (Si 3.8; 3.20.1,2,9,16; 3.21.12; 3.22.11;
3.24.5; 3.26.1,11; 24.1; 25.34).
To correspond to Sanskrit gurutara in Si 3-26.2 we expect
accordingly either the comparative of garkha ’heavy’ or of
garkha-gvächa 'heavy to digest', garkha-nvärerä could be a
mistake for *garkhattara or *garkha-gvächattarä. However, it
is possible that the Khotanese translator has made an addition
of his own. Such additions are attested elsewhere in the
Siddhasära.
If we look at the medical tradition concerning buffalo
milk we find that according to Susruta, ££.45.55 buffalo milk
is 'mahSbhisyandi ', which has been rendered ’tends to impair
digestion’.^ Now nvä does refer to restricted digestive fire
as we have seen, so that some attempt should perhaps be made
after all to account for nvärerä. nvä applies to the digestive
fire and cannot therefore apply to the milk. Some such con
struction as ’making more sluggish’ will be required. This
would be *nuväta-tara-kara~. The comparative of the adjective
should be *nvättara-, which is why Bailey rightly says that
nväri ’deficiency’ can be ’hardly from *nväta-tara- ’’slower’” .
nvätta3 the Late Khotanese reduction of *nvättara-, is in fact
attested in Si 2.40 (l5r5 KT 1.22), where it corresponds to
Sanskrit mrdur. It is translated ’slower’ by Bailey, Diet.
s.v. nvätta. The Tibetan translation shows what is meant:
144
öhos-pa-ftid-du mi-bya-ste ’it is not to be brought to the state
of having been boiled'. That is, the fire is more restricted
than in the case of the paste to be smeared on the body (kharo
'bhyahge). What is to be poured into the ear cannot be very
hot.
From *nuväta-tara-kara- we can proceed therefore only to
*nvattarara. Compounds with final element in *-kara- > -gara-3
-tara- in Old Khotanese > -ra- in Late Khotanese are common,
but I know of none based on a comparative adjective. In any
case even if we persist with nvärerä in this way it will need
to be treated as a miswriting of nvälttalrerä. However, further
objections can be raised. Why is the second item comparative
but not the first ? What does *nvättarer’d express that is not
already implied by garkhal On the whole therefore it seems to
me wisest to regard garkha-nvärerä as a mistake for *gavkha-
gvächattarä. There are after all numerous mistakes in the
transmitted text. But in any case I see neither necessity nor
desirability of positing a word *nvära- ’reduction’, and even
if one does posit it I do not see how it enables the text to be
interpreted convincingly.
There is a similarity of structure between two of the
passages from the Siddhasära we have been discussing. Both
in 2.hO and in 3 .26.2 we have the subject followed by the item
with which it is compared in the (instrumental-)ablative case,
followed by dilakä ’somewhat' and the comparative of an adjective.
Another such instance is found in Si 3.^: cu §i’ rrtysu
cu ksastyä hadäm jsa daide’ cuai kamga haryäsa home uskätta
bise raysa jsa u gvcuchg u hauvi jsa ditaka ftada 'As for that
rice which ripens in sixty days whose husk becomes black
(asitas), it is a little (kiftcid) inferior (htno) to the taste
(rasa-) and digestion (päka-) and potency (*virya) in (white-
husked rice described) above (in 3.3).’
This corresponds closely with the Tibetan version: hbras
zag drug-aus smin-pa sun-lpags nag-po ni / sha-ma-las ro dan /
zu-bahi mthu cuh-zad cam-gyis chuh-ho // 'Black-husked rice
that ripens in sixty days (asitas) has a little (kiftcid) less
(htno) strength of taste (rasa-) and digestion (päka.-) than
the foregoing (tasmäd aparo). ’
Either the Khotanese translator read zu-ba dan mthu in
stead of zu-bahi mthu or he added the third item 'potency'
from elsewhere where the three items occur as in Si 1.25*
145
I n a n y c a s e t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f b o t h v e r s i o n s w ould
seem c l e a r . Yet B a i l e y [ d i e t . s . v . flada ' s m a l l ’ ) r e n d e r s
hauvi j s a d ila k ä flatfa a s ' w i t h l i t t l e , s m a l l s t r e n g t h ' . 6 He
w i s h e s t o s e e i n flada , n o t t h e c o m p a r a t i v e a d j e c t i v e s t a n d i n g
f o r ftadara ( a t t e s t e d i n S i 3 - 2 4 . 4 1 9 v l KT 1 . 3 0 ) a s d i d n v ä tta
a b o v e f o r * n v ä tta ra 3 b u t t h e p o s i t i v e fta$a ' s m a l l ' , w h ic h he
d e r i v e s im p r o b a b l y from * n i-a r ta - 'g r o u n d d o w n '.
I n t h e c a s e o f S i 3 - 4 B a i l e y r e t a i n s i n t h e D ie t, h i s
o r i g i n a l r e a d i n g o f t h e S a n s k r i t t e x t w i t h k ih e id - v in ä s ita -
( ’a l i t t l e d e s t r o y e d '? ) . H ow ever, a s I h a v e a l r e a d y shown
i n BSOAS, XXXIV.1 , 1 9 7 1 , 98 (on A 7 r l ) and BSOAS, XXXVII.3 ,
1 9 7 4 , 6 4 6 7 , S i 3 . 4 m u st b e r e a d a s f o l l o w s :
k i n c i d d h l n o ' s i t a s ta s m ä d a p a r o r a s a - p ä k a - t a h .
The c o r r e c t n e s s o f t h i s r e a d i n g i s c o n f i r m e d n o t o n l y by t h e
f a c t t h a t i n t h i s fo rm i t makes s e n s e and i s i n a g r e e m e n t w i t h
t h e T i b e t a n a n d K h o ta n e s e v e r s i o n s a s w e l l a s w i t h m e d i c a l
t e a c h i n g b u t a l s o by t h e f a c t t h a t t h e v e r s e i s a t t e s t e d i n
V a n g a se n a i n t h e v a r i a n t fo rm :
k i n c i d dh in o ' s i t a s p aro 'yam r a s a - p ä k a - t a h .
flada(va)- c a n be t r a c e d t o a p o s i t i v e *hara- j u s t a s
bu da(ra) - 'm o r e ' i s b a s e d on bura- ( s e e D ie t. s . v . bu dara).
*hara- r e p r e s e n t s * n ita r a - and c a n b e com pared w i t h Old
I n d i a n n ita r a - ' v e r y d e e p ' . * n ita r a - ( i n s t e a d o f * n i-a r ta -
'g r o u n d down.', a s p r o p o s e d b y B a i l e y ) i s o f some i n t e r e s t as
we h a v e o t h e r w i s e i n I r a n i a n o n l y t h e s u p e r l a t i v e *nitama-
( A v e s ta n n itd m a -). ftada(va)- i s f o r m a l l y a d o u b l e c o m p a ra
tiv e .
B e f o r e l e a v i n g t h e s u b j e c t o f nväta i t r e m a i n s t o m e n tio n
t h e a b s t r a c t noun nvätämHa ' s l a c k n e s s ' ( s o D i e t . ) . As B a i l e y
p o i n t s o u t , i t o c c u r s i n t h e p h r a s e nvätgfla padimäkä i n S i
1 . 2 4 ( 3 ) ( 5 v l KT 1 . 8 ) c o r r e s p o n d i n g t o S a n s k r i t s i t h i l a t v a - k r t
( s i t h i l a - k r t i n D ie t, i s p r e s u m a b l y a m i s p r i n t ) and T i b e t a n
sa s to -b a v byed-do. The D e rg e and N a r th a n g e d i t i o n s b o t h h a v e
s to and i n t h e P e k in g e d i t i o n t h e -o and t h e t o p o f t h e s -
are v is ib le . The r e a d i n g i s t h e r e f o r e n o t i n d o u b t .
The S a n s k r i t S i th il a tv a - k r t c o r r e s p o n d s t o s a ith ily a - k r d
u s e d i n t h e same c o n t e x t i n S u s r u t a , SÜ. 4 2 . 1 0 . 3 . What i s
a c t u a l l y m eant b y ' c a u s i n g l o o s e n e s s ' becomes c l e a r by com
p a r in g t h e f o r m u la tio n in C arak a, S w .2 6 .4 3 .6 : stambha-bandha-
sai^hätavidhamanah ' c u r a t i v e o f s t i f f n e s s , o b s t r u c t i o n s a n d
a c c u m u l a t i o n s ' . V ä g b h a t a , Ah. SÜ.1 0 . 2 h a s s i m i l a r l y :
146
lavanah stambha-sahghäta-handha-vidhmäpano 'gni-krt.
The Tibetan sa slo-bar byed means accordingly ’makes the flesh
loose’ in the sense of ’not stiff’. The use of nväta- in this
connection derives from its use as noted above in the sense of
Sanskrit mrdu 'soft, gentle'.
Since nväta- corresponds to Sanskrit manda one might have
expected the abstract nvätqfta to represent Sanskrit mändya.
According to Bailey, Diet. s.v. nuväta-, in Si 14.21 (l07v2 KT
1.U6) nvävai amga hamäre {hamäre in the Diet, is a misprint)
means 'his limbs become weak' and corresponds to Sanskrit
mändya-krt and Tibetan sgyid lug-pa. In fact, as I pointed out
in BSOAS, XXXIV.1, 1971, 100 (ad A 63r3), Tibetan sgyid lug-pa
corresponds regularly in the Siddhasära to Sanskrit säda- (Si
5.8 14.21 21.19). The Khotanese nvävai amga hamäre corresponds
to Sanskrit säda- in Si ll+.21, not to mändya-krt. Sanskrit säda
in this meaning is the same as ahga-säda} which Meulenbeld8
renders 'adynamia of the parts of the body' (p.l63, n.82).
Notes
1. It may be of interest to compare the Tibetan rendering of
these terms in Vägbhata, &3.3.7^, where
samo 'gnir visamas tiksno mandas caivam catur-vidhah
is rendered in Tibetan as:
me-drod mnam dan mi-mfiam rno
chun dan de-ltar rnam bzi yin (Pek. 90bl),
giving the correspondences:
(1) mandas = chun
(2) tiksno = rno
(3) visamas = mi-mnam
(M samo = mftam.
2. Khotanese ysaurrjä in Si 20.3 (l25v3 KT 1.56) renders
Sanskrit kopa (Tibetan khro-ba).
3. A slightly different rendering is found in Diet. s.v.
dilaka-: 'so much more heavy-bearing (buffalo than cow's
milk)'.
147
4. las by emendation for the graphically similar has found
in DNP. las occurs in Si 3.20.14 (referred to below):
de-las euh-zad cam-gyis yah ’a little lighter than that'
(= Sanskrit tasmäl laghutarah kifteid).
5. K.K. Bhishagratna, An English translation of the Sushruta
Samhita (Chowkhamba Sanskrit Series XXX), ed.2, Varanasi
1963, vol. 1, p. 432.
6. Bailey, Diet. s.v. flada, similarly renders dilakai hauta
fladara in Si 3.24.4 (= Sanskrit anu tasmat; Tibetan -las
euh-zad cam-gyis mthu ehuh) as 'his strength little,
smaller', but the Khotanese corresponds much more closely
and means: 'its strength is a little inferior'. In the
Siddhasära dilaka is adverbial and modifies an adjective
in 2.40 3.4 3.20.14 3-24.4 3.26.2 14.21 26.45. The only
other occurrences of dilaka in Si are at 3.18 (l6vl-2 KT
1.24) and 22.10 (l34r5 KT 1.68). Neither passage can be
used in support of Bailey's interpretation.
7. The corrections made in those articles to the Sanskrit
text of the Siddhasära as printed by Bailey in KT 1 have
been almost entirely disregarded by Bailey with the conse
quence that information found in the Diet, concerning the
Siddhasära, which is quoted several times on virtually
every page of the Diet. , is highly unreliable.
8. G.J. Meulenbeld, The Mädhavanidäna and its chief commentary
chapters 1-10, Leiden 1974.
Abbreviations
Diet. H.W. Bailey, Dictionary of Khotan Saka3 CUP 1979
KT H.W. Bailey, Khotanese texts I-V, CUP 1945-63
(vols I-III also in ed.2 CUP 1969)
Si R.E. Emmerick, The Siddhasära of Eavigupta3
vol.l: The Sanskrit text3 (Verzeichnis der
orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland,
Suppl.-Bd. 23,l), Wiesbaden 1980.
Z R.E. Emmerick, The Book of Zamhasta3 OUP 1968
N.B. References to Sanskrit medical texts are in accordance
with Si.
149
THE DOCTRINAL CHARACTERISTICS OF KARMAN
IN EARLY BUDDHISM
Kotatsu FUJITA (Sapporo)
The doctrine of karman is regarded as of great importance in
Early Buddhism. What, we may therefore ask, are the points
by which it is characterised doctrinally ? In order to throw
light on these points, it is necessary to consider what differ
ence there is between the Buddhist doctrine of karman and
Indian thinking in those days. In this regard, an important
clue can be found in the following "three grounds of the
sectarian tenets" (tini titthäyatanäni) which are expounded
in the Ahguttara-Nikäya, III. 61.1
There are, monks, certain recluses and brahmins
who speak thus, who hold this view: "Whatsoever pleasure
(sukha), pain (dukkha) or neither-pain-nor-pleasure
(adukkhamasukha) this person experiences, all that is
due to previous action (pubbekatahetu) T h e r e are,
monks, certain recluses and brahmins who speak thus,
who hold this view: "Whatsoever pleasure, pain or
neither-pain-nor-pleasure this person experiences,
all that is due to the creation of a supreme deity
(issaranirmanahetu) ." There are, monks, certain recluses
and brahmins who speak thus, who hold this view: "What
soever pleasure, pain or neither-pain-nor-pleasure this
person experiences, all that is without cause, without
condition (ahetu-appaceaya)."
In the Chinese version2 corresponding to this text, the
first view pubbekatahetu is translated as being "caused by
one's fate which^is decided by one's previous existence" (yin
su ming tsao Ö l ö dap ) • the second view issaranirmanahetu
as being "caused by the creation of a supreme deity" (yin tsun
yu tsao LÜ the third view ahetu-appaooayä as being
"without cause and without condition" (wu yin wu yüan$&> lE) );
and these are in complete agreement with the Pali text.
150
Now, the first view can be called fatalism and regarded
as a doctrine of Jainism, according to the Devadaha-sutta^of
the Majjh'ima-Ni-käya and the Chinese version1* which corresponds
to it. Though there is room for doubt as to whether Jainism
really insisted on fatalism of this kind, it is indubitable
that Jainism attached much importance to past karman. The
Devadaha-sutta states that there were two other views in
those days besides this fatalistic attitude to pleasure and
pain which sentient beings experience: one of these views is
that pleasure and pain are "due to one’s lot and nature"
(sahgatibhävahetu) and the other is that both are "due to
one’s class" (abh'ijatihetu). These two views are considered
to be Makkhali Gosala’s, according to the Sämaflflaphalasutta5
of the Dtgha-Ntkjaya3 and can be judged to be a kind of fatalism
as well.
As for the second view, its advocates are not designated
by name in the Early Buddhist texts, but it may be assumed to
be the assertion of the orthodox brahmins of those days be
cause it states that all depends on the creative will of the
supreme deity. Brahmanism, however, already recognised the
concept of karman in the oldest Upanisads, so that it cannot
be claimed that this view asserts the doctrine of divine
creation instead of that of karman.
The third view seems to be equivalent to an assertion of
Makkhali Gosala or that of Purana Kassapa with reference to
the statements in some other Early Buddhist texts .6 It is
because a few legends tell us that both of them adhered to
the view of being "without cause and without condition".
Such a view is based upon the idea that all comes about
accidentally, not out of the causality of karman. It might
therefore be regarded as equivalent to the view which insists
on what has "arisen by chance" (adhiocasamuppanna), to which
we shall refer later - so-called accidentalism. There is,
however, no legend which tells us that Makkhali Gosala and
Pürana Kassapa insisted on the view of adhiocasamuppanna.
When we investigate these assertions of the "three grounds
of the sectarian tenets", the issue is whether or not they
convey faithfully contemporary Indian ideas; nevertheless they
are worth noticing in any case because they characteristically
summarise the ideas other than those of Buddhism. From the
viewpoint of the doctrine of karman, a most noteworthy point
is the Buddha’s criticism of the first type of fatalism. The
doctrine of karman is apt to be tinged with fatalism as far
as it asserts that past karman causes present effects, but
the teaching of the Buddha is distinguished by his asserting
151
a doctrine which excludes such an implication. In the above-
mentioned Ahguttara-Nikäya, III. 61, this becomes clear in the
Buddha's criticism of the first view:
Then I say to them: "So then, venerables, due to
previous action, men will become murderers .... thieves
.... unchaste .... liars .... slanderers .... abusive
.... babblers .... covetous .... malicious .... And,
due to previous action, men will become perverse in view."
And now, monks, for those who fall back on previous action
as the essential reason, there is neither desire (ohanda)
nor effort (väyäma) to the effect that 'this ought to be
done, or this ought not to be done'. Thus, what ought to
be done and what ought not to be done being found to exist
in truth and verity, the term 'recluse' cannot reasonably
be applied to themselves, since they live in a state of
bewilderment with faculties unguarded. Such, monks, is
my first reasonable rebuke to those recluses and brahmins
who speak thus, who hold this view.
In the succeeding part of these sentences, both the second
and the third views are refuted with just the same amount of
rebuke; that is, in effect, by taking up fatalism and the other
two views, people come to commit the so-called ten evils and
lose their desire and give up the effort to do away with evil
and lead a virtuous life - in other words, such views deny
man's free will and effort, and this is criticised by the
Buddha. Accordingly, it is obvious that the Buddha adopted
the general doctrine of karman in those days but did not support
its fatalistic bias. That is, though the Buddhist doctrine of
karman cannot erase a tinge of fatalism in maintaining that
past karman brings present results, it admits man's free will
by maintaining that present karman brings future results; more
over, it attributes profound moral significance to effort and
diligence based on man's free will. That, it may be said, is
the reason why the Buddha calls himself the man who is not only
"holding the doctrine of karman" (kammaväda) and "holding the
doctrine of the efficacy of actions" (kdriyaväda) but also
"holding the doctrine of energy to do" (v'irdyaväda) in the
Ahguttara-Nikäya, III. 135.^ This is the first characteristic
which distinguishes the doctrine of karman in Buddhism from
fatalism.
There is another criticism by the Buddha of fatalism which
is viewed from a different angle. It is expressed in the words
by which the Buddha answered the wanderer Sivaka of the top-
knot when he asked the Buddha's opinion on fatalism, as found
in the Samyutta-Nikäya3 XXXVI. 21:8
152
Some things which are experienced (ekacoani vedayi-
täni) here, Sivaka, arise originating in the bile; and
this is to be understood for oneself, Sivaka, that some
things which are experienced here arise originating in
the bile. And this too, Sivaka, is agreed upon by the
world as the truth, that some things which are experienced
here arise originating in the bile. As to this, Sivaka,
those recluses and brahmins who speak thus, who hold this
view: "Whatsoever pleasure, pain or neither-pain-nor-
pleasure this person experiences, all that is due to pre
vious action (pubbekatahetu)" , go beyond their personal
knowledge and they go beyond what is agreed upon by the
world as the truth. Therefore I say it is wrong in these
recluses and brahmins. And, Sivaka, some things which are
experienced here arise originating in the phlegm .... in
the winds (of the body) .... from a union of the humours
of the body .... born of a change of season .... born of
the stress of circumstances .... from sudden attacks ....
and some things which are experienced here, Sivaka, arise
born of the result of karman (kammavipakaja) ; and this is
to be understood for oneself, Sivaka, that some things
which are experienced here arise born of the result of
karman ..... Therefore I say it is wrong in these recluses
and brahmins.
The terms and expressions of the two Chinese versions9
which correspond to this text differ a little from those quoted
above, but the purport is the same as that of the quotation.
These sentences show that bodily experiences which we experience
as pains arise not only from a disease caused by the result of
karman but also from diseases due to other causes,10 so as to
illustrate that the pleasure, pain or neither-pain-nor-pleasure
which we experience is not only due to past karman. In other
words, it is definitely agreed that the causality of past
karman should be admitted, but, when looked at from the present
point of time, it is only one of various causalities, and that
all that happens does not depend upon past karman alone. This
argument is used by later Abhidharma Buddhism11 as a criticism
of fatalism, and can be said to be the second characteristic
that distinguishes the doctrine of karman in Buddhism from
fatalism.
II
As well as these characteristics of the doctrine of karman
in Early Buddhism distinguishing it from fatalism, there are
153
other statements which show the basic characteristic of the
Buddha’s doctrine of karman. According to the Samyutta-Nikäya,
XII. 2 5 , 12 a monk, Bhumija, says to Slriputta as follows:
There are, friend Slriputta, certain recluses and
brahmins, holding the doctrine of karman (kammaväda)3
who declare that pleasure and pain (sukhadukkha ) are
caused by oneself (sayamkata). And there are, friend
Siriputta, certain recluses and brahmins, holding the
doctrine of karman , who declare that pleasure and pain
are caused by another (paramkata) . And there are, friend
Säriputta, certain recluses and brahmins, holding the
doctrine of karman , who declare that pleasure and pain
are caused both by oneself and by another (sayamkataft
ca paramkatah c a ) . And there are, friend Slriputta,
certain recluses and brahmins, holding the doctrine of
karman , who declare that pleasure and pain are not acts
caused by oneself, nor by another, but have arisen by
chance (asayamkäram aparamkäram adhiccasamuppannam ) .
In both the Sanskrit text13 and the Chinese version14
which corresponds to this text, the meaning is much the same,
and yet there is no word equivalent to kammaväda of the Pali
text. Furthermore, the fourth of the so-called four alter
native propositions15 in the Sanskrit text is defined by the
sentence, "pleasure and pain are not acts caused by oneself,
nor by another, nor have arisen by cause" (asvayamkärapara-
kärahetusamutpannam sukhaduhkham )3 and in the Chinese version
it is defined by the sentence, "pain and pleasure are not
caused by oneself, nor caused by another, but are without
cause" (k'u lo fei tsu fei t ’a wu yin tso 43
iS ) • There is no term which corresponds to ddhiccasam-
uppanna in the Pali text.
Now, according to the Pali text, the Buddha does not admit
any of these four alternative propositions - which are "unex
plained" (ccoyakrta, wu chi ) in both the Sanskrit text
and the Chinese version - and so Säriputta answers Bhumija as
follows:
The Exalted One has said, friend, that pleasure and
pain have arisen by reason of dependent origination
(patiocasamuppanna) . Dependent on what? Dependent on
contact (phassa) . He who so spoke would be repeating the
views of the Exalted One, and would not be misrepresenting
the Exalted One by what is not real, but would be explaining
the dhamma in conformity with his dharmay and no one who
is of the same dhamma _, a follower of his views, would render
himself open to blame.
154
And this answer of Sariputta is later praised by the
Buddha. In brief, the Buddha does not agree with those people
who declare that pleasure and pain are "caused by oneself" or
"caused by another" and so forth, even if those people are
called kcovmavctdas, though only in the Pali text, and he preaches
that it is right that pleasure and pain have arisen due to the
law of "depend^r>t origination" and are dependent on "contact"
because they should be experienced.
The statements similar to this can be found in several
texts of the Sam yutta-N ikäya . First of all, two texts, XII.
2415 and XII. 2617 expound much the same teaching on "pain"
as in XII. 25 quoted above, though there is no mention of
kcomvaväda in XII. 26. Moreover, as in XII. 25, the four alter
native propositions on "pain" are expounded in XII. 1718 with
the following addition:
Whoever says, Kassapa, "One acts and the same one
experiences (the result)" (so k a ro ti so p a tisc a w ed iya ti) 3
is thereby saying that the pain one experiences from
its very beginning of one’s existence is caused by one
self - this amounts to the view of eternity (sa ssa ta ) .
Whoever says, Kassapa, "One acts and another experiences
(the result)" (aftflo k a r o ti aflflo p a tisa m v e d iy a ti) , is
thereby saying that when a being is smitten by pain this
is caused by another - this amounts to the view of anni
hilation (uccheda) . Avoiding both these extremes, Kassapa,
the Tathagata teaches the dhamma according to the middle
way (m ajjhena) : conditioned by ignorance are volitional
activities, conditioned by volitional activities is con
sciousness, .... Such is the origin of this whole mass
of suffering. But from the utter ceasing of ignorance
with absence of desire comes the ceasing of volitional
activities, from the ceasing of volitional activities
comes the ceasing of consciousness, .... Such is the
cessation of this whole mass of suffering.
In both the Sanskrit text19 and the two Chinese versions20
which correspond to this text, the expressions are a little
different from those quoted above, but the general purport is
nearly the same as that of the quotation. The Pali text, in
short, makes it clear that in the four alternative propositions
the theory of being "caused by oneself" amounts to eternalism
and the theory of being "caused by another" amounts to annihi-
lationism, and it expounds the middle way, which comprises the
twelve links of dependent origination, and which stands apart
from these two extremes. In XII. 18,21 which follows immediate
ly after this text, the four alternative propositions on "pleasure
155
and p a i n " and s i m i l a r t e a c h i n g s a r e a l s o e x p o u n d e d . I n X I I .
4 6 , 22 t h e r e i s no m e n t i o n o f t h e f o u r a l t e r n a t i v e p r o p o s i t i o n s ,
h u t t h e m i d d l e way i s e x p l a i n e d i n t h e same m anner a s a b o v e .
F u r t h e r m o r e , i n X I I . 6 7 , 23 t h e same f o u r a l t e r n a t i v e p r o p o s i
t i o n s a r e expounded w i t h r e g a r d t o e a c h o f t e n l i n k s o f d e p e n
d e n t o r i g i n a t i o n fro m o l d a g e and d e a t h (jarämarana) t o c o n
s c i o u s n e s s (viflftäna ) .
The f o r e g o i n g i s t h e a r g u m e n t i n t h e Sarnyutta-Nikäya ; t h e
f o u r a l t e r n a t i v e p r o p o s i t i o n s on " p l e a s u r e and p a i n " and " t h e
s e l f and t h e w o r l d " a r e expounded i n t h e same way i n t h e Dt-gha-
Ndkäya2^ and t h e Udana. 25 C o n s e q u e n t l y , t h i s s o r t o f a r g u m e n t
c a n b e assum ed t o h a v e b e e n w i d e l y known i n t h e p e r i o d o f E a r l y
Buddhism.
I t i s , h o w e v e r , n o t a lw a y s o b v i o u s w h e t h e r o r n o t s u c h
a s s e r tio n s as a re seen in th e fo u r a l t e r n a t i v e p ro p o s itio n s
a c tu a lly e x ist. The t e r m adhiccasamuppanna,2^ w h ic h i s an
e x p r e s s i o n p e c u l i a r t o P a l i , i s m e n tio n e d i n t h e s i x t y - t w o
h e r e t i c a l v i e w s 2^7 and i s known a s one o f t h e t r a d i t i o n a l
t h e o r i e s o f " t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h i n g s " (aggaftfla) . 28 B u t , a s t o
t h e i d e a s of " c a u s e d by o n e s e l f " , " c a u s e d by a n o t h e r " and so
f o r t h , t h e i r p r o p o n e n t s a r e n o t s p e c i f i e d by name i n t h e E a r l y
B u d d h i s t t e x t s . I f one c o l l a t e s them w i t h t h e " t h r e e g r o u n d s
of th e s e c t a r i a n t e n e t s " , th e th e o r y o f b e in g "cau sed by one
s e l f " seems t o b e e q u i v a l e n t t o t h e f i r s t pubbekatahetu , t h e
t h e o r y o f b e i n g " c a u s e d by a n o t h e r " seems e q u i v a l e n t t o t h e
se c o n d issaranirrmdnahetu ( o r i t may be r e g a r d e d a s a p a r t o f
t h e t h e o r y ) , and t h e t h e o r y o f h a v i n g " a r i s e n by c h a n c e " seems
e q u i v a l e n t t o t h e t h i r d ahetu-appaecayä; th o u g h t h e r e a r e no
d e f i n i t e p r o o f s of t h i s . I t can r i g h t l y be s a id t h a t th e s e
t h e o r i e s a r e n o t m e n tio n e d j u s t a s t h e y w e re a c t u a l l y a c c e p t e d
i n t h o s e d a y s , b u t u n d e r t h e form o f t h e f o u r a l t e r n a t i v e p r o
p o s i t i o n s , i n w h ic h t h e v a r i o u s v ie w s a t t h a t ti m e w e re a r r a n g e d .
What, t h e n , d o e s t h e B uddha’ s c r i t i c i s m o f t h e s e f o u r a l
t e r n a t i v e p r o p o s i t i o n s mean? As we s e e fro m t h e a s s e r t i o n i n
th e ab o v e-q u o ted P a l i t e x t t h a t e v e ry p ro p o n e n t of th e fo u r
a l t e r n a t i v e p r o p o s i t i o n s i s kammaväda, we c a n c o n s i d e r t h a t
s e v e r a l d o c t r i n e s t o u c h i n g upon kcacman i n c o n t e m p o r a r y I n d i a n
t h o u g h t a r e c r i t i c i s e d en b l o c and t h e b a s i s o f t h e B u d d h a 's
th o u g h t i s d e f in e d . F i r s t of a l l , as r e g a rd s b e in g "caused
by o n e s e l f " and " c a u s e d by a n o t h e r " , ' t h e f o r m e r i s r e g a r d e d
as e te rn a lis m , w h ile th e l a t t e r is reg ard ed as a n n ih ila tio n is m ,
and f o r t h e s e r e a s o n s b o t h v ie w s a r e c r i t i c i s e d . T h is i s ex
p l i c i t l y th e c r i t i c i s m of th e th e o ry t h a t d e f in e s th e sub
s t a n t i a l s o u l (ätman / a tta n ) a s a bond b e tw e e n " o n e who p e r
f o r m s karman" and "o n e who e x p e r i e n c e s t h e r e s u l t o f karman."
156
T h a t i s t o s a y , t h e t h e o r y o f b e i n g " c a u s e d by o n e s e l f " i s
c r i t i c i s e d b e c a u s e i t r e g a r d s t h e s o u l a s e t e r n a l , and t h e
t h e o r y o f b e i n g " c a u s e d by a n o t h e r " , b e c a u s e i t r e g a r d s t h e
s o u l a s c a p a b l e o f b e i n g a n n i h i l a t e d , w h ic h l e a d s t o a d e n i a l
o f t h e d o c t r i n e o f karman. I f b o t h t h e o r i e s a r e t h u s c r i t i c i s e d ,
t h e n t h e t h e o r y o f b e i n g " c a u s e d b o t h by o n e s e l f and by a n o t h e r "
w i l l s u b s e q u e n t l y be c r i t i c i s e d . As f o r t h e t h e o r y o f h a v i n g
" a r i s e n by c h a n c e " , i t i s n e e d l e s s t o s a y t h a t t h i s t h e o r y i s
i n c o n f l i c t w i t h t h e B u d d h is t d o c t r i n e of karman and i s t h e r e
f o r e d en ied .
The q u e s t i o n may a r i s e h e r e , h o w e v e r , o f how t h e B u d d h i s t
d o c t r i n e o f karman d i f f e r s from t h e t h e o r y o f b e i n g " c a u s e d by
o n e s e l f " , i n s o f a r a s t h e f o r m e r ’ s p r i n c i p l e i s c o n s i d e r e d to
be " t h e n a t u r a l c o n s e q u e n c e of o n e ’ s d e e d s " . I n E a r l y Buddhism
i t i s p o s i t i v e l y a s s e r t e d t h a t t h e r e s u l t o f karman i s e x p e r i e n
ced o n ly by one who p e r f o r m s i t , 2 9 and so " t h e n a t u r a l c o n s e
q u e n c e of o n e ’ s d e e d s " s h o u l d b e an i n v a r i a b l e p r i n c i p l e . But
i n t h i s c a s e th e co n cep t of th e s u b s t a n t i a l s o u l i s d e n ie d in
any se n s e . The d e n i a l i s n o t open t o q u e s t i o n fro m t h e s t a n d
p o i n t of t h e B u d d h i s t d o c t r i n e o f n o n - s e l f (anätman / a n a tta n ) .
T h e r e f o r e , t h e B u d d h is t d o c t r i n e o f karman i s u t t e r l y d i f f e r e n t
i n m eaning fro m t h e t h e o r y o f b e i n g " c a u s e d by o n e s e l f " . A l s o ,
why i s t h e n o t i o n o f " t h e n a t u r a l c o n s e q u e n c e o f o n e ’ s d e e d s "
p o s s i b l e w i t h o u t a d m i t t i n g t h e e x i s t e n c e of any s o u l a s t h e
s u b j e c t o f t r a n s m i g r a t i o n ? The E a r l y B u d d h i s t t e x t s a l s o t e l l
u s t h a t i n t h o s e d a y s a c e r t a i n monk had a q u e s t i o n : "Then
w hat s e l f do karman s a f f e c t w h ic h a r e done by n o n - s e l f ? "
(a n a tta k a tä n i kanvmni kam attänam p h u s is s a n ti) . 30 The Buddha
do es not g iv e a d i r e c t answ er t o t h i s , bu t o n ly p re a c h e s th e
form al d o c tr in e of n o n - s e lf . What r e a s o n i s t h e r e f o r i t ? I t
i s p r o b a b l y b e c a u s e i n E a r l y Buddhism t h e d o c t r i n e o f karman
i s a c c e p t e d a s t h a t o f t h e mundane w o r ld and i s e xpounded as
t h e s t a g e p r e c e d i n g t h e e n t r y i n t o t h e s u p ra m u n d a n e w o r ld w hich
i s a n e s s e n t i a l p o s i t i o n o f Buddhism. The c a u s a l i t y of karman
i s a d o c t r i n e w h ic h i m p l i e s a law o f m o r a l c a u s a t i o n s u p p o r t e d
by t h e b e l i e f a b o u t t r a n s m i g r a t i o n p r e v a l e n t i n I n d i a i n t h o s e
days. H ence, t h i s d o c t r i n e i s on a d i f f e r e n t l e v e l fro m t h e
e s s e n t i a l c o n c e p t s o f B uddhism , su c h a s t h e c o n c e p t o f d e p e n d e n t
o r i g i n a t i o n o r t h a t o f n o n - s e l f , and c a n n o t be p r e a c h e d when i t
comes i n t o c o n f l i c t w i t h t h e s e B u d d h i s t c o n c e p t s . For t h a t
r e a s o n , i f one t r i e s t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e d o c t r i n e o f karman i n
c o n n e c t i o n w i t h s u c h a t h e o r y o f ätman a s i s p r e a c h e d i n Brahma
n is m , one i s f o r c e d t o d i s m i s s t h e d o c t r i n e . In t h i s c a se ,
t h e r e i s no n e c e s s i t y t o g i v e any a n s w e r , and i t i s o n l y n e c e s s a r y
to p o in t a t th e d o c tr in e of n o n -s e lf.
157
Similarly, it is said from the standpoint of the mundane
world that the pleasure and pain which we experience are the
results of karman; from the essential position of Buddhism,
pleasure and pain have arisen by reason of dependent origina
tion and are dependent on contact, as we see in the above—cited
text. This shows that the doctrine of karman in Early Buddhism
adopts the doctrine of a mundane world and yet is preached in
relation to that of a supramundane world. If the doctrine of
karman is understood as in conflict with that of a supramundane
world, it must be excluded. It is for the same reason that the
Buddha criticises the four alternative propositions and preaches
the doctrine of the middle way which is related to dependent ori
gination, as we mentioned above. Considering that the concept of
dependent origination most aptly defines the position innate in
the Buddha himself, we can say that the basic characteristic of
the doctrine of karman in Early Buddhism is based on the concept
of dependent origination.
Notes
1. AN. I, pp. 173-5. The translated sentences which are
quoted hereafter are from F.L. Woodward's translation
(The Book of the Gradual Sayings, I, London 1932, pp.l57ff)
with some revisions by myself.
2. Chung-a-han-ohing 4? pcT/^ v°l-3 (Taishö Tripipxka,
vol. 1, p.435ab).
3. MN. II, p.214: santi bhikkhave eke samanabrdhmand evam-
vadino evamditthino: yam kiflodyam purisapuggalo patisam-
vedeti sukham vd dukkham vd adukkhamasukham vd sabbam tarri
pubbekatahetu..... evamvddino bhikkhave Niganthd.
4. Chung-a-han-ching3 vol. 4 (Taishö, vol. 1, p.442c). This
yin pen tso © ^ (= pubbekatahetu) is regarded as an
assertion of Ni ch'ien fcj (= Nigantha) here, as well as
in the Pali passage of note 3.
5. DN. I, p.53: evam vutte bhante Makkhali Gosdlo mam etad
avooa: .... sabbe sattd sabbe pdnd sabbe bnütä sabbe jivd
avasd abald aviriyd niyatisahgatibhdvaparinatd ohass'
evdbhijdtisu sukhadukkham npatisamvedenti. But in the
Ch ’ang-a-han-ching ^ vol. 17 (Taishö, vol.l,
p .108c) which corresponds to it, this assertion is regarded
as Pakudha Kacclyana's.
158
6. n'atthi hetu n ’atthi paccayo sattänam samkilesäya3 ahetu-
-appaccayä sattä samkilissanti. n'atthi hetu n'atthi
pacoayo sattänarn visuddhiyä3 ahetu-ap>paccayä sattä visu-
Cchanti. As for this Pili passage, one legend has it as
an assertion of Makkhali Gosala (DN. I, p. 53), and another
legend has it as that of Purana Kassapa (SN. Ill, p.69:
T s a - a - h a n - c h i n g ^ ^ . f ^ j , No. 81: Taishö, vol.2,
p.20c; cf. SN. V, pp,126f). Moreover, there is a legend
which tells us that it is Pakudha Kaccayana's assertion.
(C h ’ang-a-han-ching3 vol.17: Taishö, vol.l, p. 108c).
7. AN. I, p. 287: aham pi bhikkhave etarahi araham sarrma-
sambuddho kammavädo kiriyavädo viriyavädo. Cf. DN.I, pp.115,
132: samano khalu bho Gotamo kammavädi kiriyavädi apäpa-
puvekkhäro brahmaflfläya pajäya.
8. SN. II, pp.38f. Quoted in Miln. pp. 137-8, and the trans
lated sentences are from I.B. Horner's translation (Milinda's
Questions3 vol.l, London 1964, pp. 191f) with some amendments
of terms by the present writer.
9. Tsa-a-han-ching3 no. 976 (Taisho3 vol.2, p. 252c) and Pieh-
i-tsa-a-han-ching Jcfh
n o * 211 (ibid., p. 452b).
10. Diseases which are affected by these eight kinds of causes,
including the result of karman, are also mentioned in AN.
II, p .87; III, p .131; V, p.110 (cf. MNd. pp. 13, 47).
11. See e.g. Miln. pp. 134ff; Ta-pi-p 'o-sha-lun ^
vol. 198 (Taisho, vol. 27, p. 993a).
12. SN, II, pp. 38f.
13. Nidänasamyukta (C. Tripathi, Fünfundzwanzig Sütras des
Nidänasamyukta, Berlin 1962), no. 22 (pp. 179f).
14. Tsa-a-han-ching3 no. 343 (Taishö, vol. 2, p. 93c).
15. In Pali Buddhism, these are called "four [wrong] views"
(catasso ditthiyo) (Vibh. p. 376).
16. SN. II, pp. 32ff.
17. Ibid., pp. 41f.
18. Ibid., pp. 19f.
19. Nidänasamyukta, no. 20 (pp. 17^f). Here the theory of
159
being "caused by oneself" and that of being "caused by
another" is as follows: sä eva Käsyapa vedanä sa vetttti
yasyaivam syät svayamkrtam duhkham evam al'iarp na vaddmi / anyä
vedanä anyo vetttti. yasyaivam syät parakrtam duhkham evam
ahcort na vadämi /
20. Tsa-a-han-ching3 no.302 (Taishd, vol.2, p. 86a) and Fu-
wei-a-chih-lo-chia-yeh-tsu-hua-tso-k ’u-ching faj
Ü (Taishd , vol. 14, p. 768b). The
views of both Chinese versions are almost the same as that
given in the Sanskrit text of note 19.
21. SN. II, pp. 22f; Nidänasamyukta, no. 21 (p. 178); Tsa-a-
han-ching 3 no. 303 (Taishd, vol. 2 , p. 86b).
22. SN. II, pp. 75f; Nidänasamyukta, no. 18 (p. 165); Tsa-a-
han-ching, no. 300 (Taishb , vol. 2, p. 85c). Cf. Abhidha-
makosavyäkhyä (ed. U. Wogihara), p. U65.
23. SN. II, pp. 112ff; Nidänasamyukta, no. 6 (p. 106); Tsa-a-
han-ching 3 no. 288 (Taishd, vol. 2 , p. 8la).
2h. DN. Ill, pp. 137ff; C h rang-a-han-ching3 vol. 12 (Taishd.
vol. 1, p. 76a).
25. Ud. pp. 69f.
26. adhiccasamuppanna is annotated as akäranasamuppanna
according to Buddhaghosa (DNA . p. 118) and yadicchäya
samuppanno3 kenaci käranena vinä upparmo according to
Dhammapäla (UdA. p.3^5; cf. Vism. p. 209 = KhA. p. 107).
This term is probably modelled on paticcasamuppanna3 and
is therefore to be referred to adhi and the root i (E.H.
Johnston, "Notes on Some Pali Words", JRAS , 1931, pp.
566-8; cf. CPD , s.v. adhicca).
27. DN. I, pp. 28f; Ch'ang-a-han-ching3 vol. 14 (Taishd , vol.l,
p. 92a); Fan-wang-liu-shih-erh-chien-ching
(ibid., p. 267a).
28. DN. Ill, pp. 33f; C h ’ang-a-han-ching3 vol. 11 (Taishd,
vol. 1, p. 69c).
29. E.g. MN. Ill, p. 180: tayä v ’etam päpam kammam katam3 tvaft
fleva etassa vipäkam patisarnvedissasi.
30. MN. Ill, p. 19; SN. Ill, p. 103; Tsa-a-han-ching3 no. 58
(Taishd, vol.2, p. 15a). In his commentary upon MN, Buddha
ghosa says that a certain monk fell into the theory of
eternalism (sassatadassana) (MNA. IV, p. 79).
161
ON A NUMERICAL PROBLEM IN NAGARJUNA'S RATNAVALI*
Michael HAHN (Bonn)
1. In stanza V 2 (= 402) of his didactic poem RatnavaiZs
Nagarjuna states:
Now those faults are to be forsaken which are called
trivial matters; listen with effort while the fifty-
seven of them are being described.
Dr Siglinde Dietz, who prepared an edition of the available
part of the Sanskrit text of the fifth chapter of RatnavaVO-,
comments upon this stanza as follows:
Although Nagarjuna speaks here of some 57 moral faults
which are to be given up by a monk, there are 59 such
faults defined in verses 3 to 33. Since no lists of
exactly the same faults are known to me, one can only
assume, that either Nägärjuna himself extended a list
of 57 faults, which was handed down to him (in the
Vinaya? cf. stanza lc), to 59, or that the two addi
tional faults crept somehow into the text, for instance
by way of a marginal gloss, cf. the two inserted verses
h k k and 91A. This interpolation would have to have
taken place before the text was translated by the
Indian Pandita Jfiänagarbha and the Tibetan Lotsäba
Klu'i rgyal mtshan (8th/9th cent.), because the Tibetan
version also contains the description of 59 faults.2
When these lines were written3 we had neither the time nor
the library facilities to dwell any longer on this particular
problem. Both Dr Dietz and myself had, at that time, the
hope that a more thorough study of Nagarjuna's text and its
transmission in Tibet and China would offer a simple expla
nation for the two contradictory figures. Unfortunately, the
situation has become even more complicated, since the Chinese
version of RatnävalZ, two modern translations of its Tibetan
version, and one Tibetan commentary on the stanzas in question
were compared. We now have the choice between 53, 57, and 59
minor faults of a Bodhisattva, and for the time being there is
162
little hope of finding out with certainty the exact number of
defects Nägärjuna had in mind when he composed his text. All
that can be done here is to give an outline of the problem and
of the different positions that can be held with regard to an
interpretation of the crucial verses.
2. The textual situation of RatriävdVt V 2-33 is absolutely
clear and unequivocal. Apart from minor discrepancies in the
wording, which may be due to misreading or misunderstanding of
single words, the Tibetan translation represents the same text
as the Sanskrit original. This fact can easily be checked with
the help of Dr Dietz's critical edition of the Tibetan text.
The Tibetan translation of RatriävalZ was prepared by the Indian
scholar Jnänagarbha and the Tibetan translator Klu'i rgyal
mtshan, most probably at the beginning of the ninth century.4
Later on it was revised by the Indian Kanakavarman and the
Tibetan Pa tshab ni ma grags on the basis of three Indian
manuscripts (dpe) .
The Chinese translation of RatriavdlZ by Paramärtha8
(500-569) is earlier than the Tibetan translation by more than
two centuries. Although this rendering is less literal and
also less precise in comparison with its Tibetan counterpart,
it is quite obvious that the text translated by Paramärtha was
basically identical with that of the Sanskrit manuscript published
by Dr Dietz. The Chinese version of chapter V of RatnaVaVi
corroborates two things:
a) The authentic stanzas of this chapter are exactly those
100 verses regarded as genuine by Dr Dietz,7 which means
that stanzas 2 to 33 in particular belong to the original
text of Nagarjuna.
b) The figure 57 in stanza 2 is confirmed not only by the
Tibetan translation of RatnävalZ but also by its Chinese
translation.
Hereby two possible explanations of the contradiction
between the figure in stanza 2 and the actual number of faults
described in stanzas 3 to 33 are excluded:
a) It is not possible to assume that the figure saptapaflcä§at
in stanza 2 is merely a mistake for (correct) *navapaücäsat.
b) We cannot regard as spurious one of those stanzas in which
two faults are defined.8
163
Both assumptions, a) and b), would have conveniently removed
the existing difficulty. However, we now have to look for a
different solution.
3. At this point the following question should be asked:
things being as they were described above, how can we be sure
that our interpretation of stanzas 3 to 33 (on which the total
of 59 faults is based) is correct? The question is justified,
because Nägärjuna's definitions are sometimes very concise,
even enigmatic, so that an error on our side cannot be excluded.
If, e.g., in only two cases we had erroneously regarded as the
definition of two faults what actually is the definition of one
fault, then the mistake would be with us, not with Nägärjuna's
text. In order to make the reader familiar with the topic and
to enable him to follow our understanding of the text we will
now present the text and translation of RatnavaVl V 1-34.
The text is basically that of Dr Dietz's edition, but in a few
cases it was necessary to suggest a slightly different reading.
These cases will be discussed beforehand.
5d: samam vä (Dietz). This I have emended as *samäd vä, fol
lowing the Chinese translation ( ^ "T /X , wherein
hZna and sama are understood as being coordinated by vä (JX ) ,
not sama and adhika, as Dr Dietz's text suggests. The
meaning resulting from this alteration is far better than
that of the transmitted Sanskrit text. The Tibetan text
(mPlam pas lhag pa mflam sflam pa / / bdag ?lid) seems to
support the reading samam vä3 but as a whole it is unin
telligible and certainly not a correct translation.
19a and c: garvo rlpa° and parigarvo 'rtha° have been altered
by me to gardho rlpa° and parigardho 'rtha°. This is merely
an orthographical change already taken into consideration
by Dr Dietz in her note on the stanza. As to the Sanskrit
equivalent, cf. A. Hirakawa, Index to the Abhidharmakoia-
bhäsya, Part One, Tokyo 1973, p. 147, gardha = ehags pa3
and p. 220, parigrddha = yohs su zen pa.
19c: (a)rthakämavtham (Dietz). This I have emended to
(a)vthakämottham. The Tibetan has byuh ba3 the Chinese &
as the equivalent of the last member of the compound. Cf.
also gäträvasädottham in 28c and navahetütthä in 31a.
20b: °avyavasttam (Dietz), "not finished, decided, determined,
ascertained, known". This meaning does not suit the context.
avyavahtta, "not separated; joined with", yields the meaning
required here, and it seems to be closer to the Tibetan trans
lation Idan pa3 "endowed with".
164
27a: (par)änudayatä0 (Dietz). This is a difficult expression.
The Chinese has , "to injure", for anudayatä (analysed
as an-udaya-tä'l), which seems to be mere guessing, whereas
the Tibetan equivalent, ryes ohags3 clearly points to an
original anunaya(-tä?), "propitiation, das Geneigtmachen,
friendliness, affection; attachment" (BHSD); "attachment"
(in a very broad and general sense, without any particular
negative or positive connotation) seems to suit the context
best.
32: nZdrccrdhycon (Dietz) is difficult to understand, whereas
nidrandhyamj "darkness or blindness of sleep", is exactly
what we expect here. This interpretation is corroborated
by the Chinese A*,' , "mental darkness". The Tibetan gflZd
flid seems to go back to a misreading, nidrätvam.
4. In the following translation of RatnävalZ V 1-34 the
faults are numbered. The figures are given in brackets after
the English rendering of the Sanskrit term in question. From
fault No. 15 onwards two figures are given because it is open
to discussion whether the seven kinds of mdna, "arrogance",
are to be regarded as seven individual faults (Nos. 15-21) or
as the seven subvarieties (15a-15g) of just one fault (No. 15).
Text and Translation of RatnävalZ V 1-34
tatdh pravrajitenädau Thereafter, in the beginning the
käryah siksädarah pardh / moral commandments are to be fol
pratitmokse salvinaye lowed strictly by one who has be
bdhusrutye ’rthanirnaye //!// come a monk: the rules of expiation
together with the whole code of
monkish discipline, the great
learning as well as the complete
ascertainment of the goal.
tato dosäh prahätavyäh Now those faults are to be for
ksudravastukasamjftitäh / saken which are called 'trivial
yatnena saptapaficäsat matters'; listen with effort
kirtyamänän nibodha tdn//2// while the fifty-seven of them
are being described.
krodhas cittaprakopo Anger (l) is excitement in the
'sminn upanäho 'nuübandhakahl mind. Hatred (2) is that which
päpapracchädanarn mraksah is attached to it. Jealous ill-
pradä§ah päpasahgitä //3// will (3 ) is the concealment of
evil (intentions). Envious rival
ry (H) is the attachment to evil
(intentions).
mäyeti vaftcanä Gäthyam Deception (5 ) is fraud. Guile (6)
eittasamtänajihmatä / is twisted mental processes.
vvsyä paragunais täpo Jealousy (7 ) is pain caused by
mätsavyam tyägabhlrutä //4// the virtues of others. Selfish
ness (8) is the fear of giving.
ahrdkatänapaträpye Immodesty (9) and impertinence
svaparesäm alajjane / (10) are the lack of shame towards
asamnatikrtah stambhah oneself and others. Stubbornness
samrambhäh kopivibhramah //5// (11) is lack of complaisance.
Fury (l2) is the violence of a
man in wrath.
mado darpah pramädas tu Pride (13) is haughtiness. Care
kutalesv aprayogitä / lessness (l4) is not to make use
rnändh punah saptavidhas of what leads to salvation. Arro
tarn vaksyämi prabhedatah //6// gance (15) has seven forms, each
of which I will explain.
taträbhimanyamänasya Among them, (the first) is called
ht-näd dhlnam samät samam / (ordinary) arrogance (15 or 15a),
hZnäd vädhikam ätmänam which is the case if somebody erro
samäd vä mäna ucyate //7// neously ranks himself as 'lower
than low’, ’more equal than equal’
or superior to the low or the
middle.
166
yo 'dhamas tulycan atmanam If somebody, although low, ranks
visistdd abhimanyate /
himself equal with the superior,
so ’timäno visistebhyo this is called ’excessive arrogance’
visistam yo 'bhimanyate //8//
(l6 or 15b). If somebody erroneouly
ranks himself superior to the superior
(this is called)
mänätimäno yo 'tyc&tham ’arrogance beyond excessive arrogance’
samuoohraye samuochrayah / (IT or 15c). It is like an elevation ;
pitako vdtisarnrabdho on top of an elevation, like an in
gandopari samutthitah //9// flamed pimple on top of an abscess.
yad upädänasamjftesu The erroneous conception that the
skandhesv etesu pafloasu / five aggregates are identical with an
mohäd aham iti gvähah individual ego is called ’the arro
so ’smimccna udahvtdh //10// gance of thinking ”1 amM’(l8 or 15d).
abhdmäno yad apräpte If somebody erroneously assumes that
phale präptäbhimänitä / he has reached (his spiritual goal)
päpakcamakr-Lyä släghyä although he has not, (this is called)
mithyärrünam viduv budhäh. //ll//conceit (19 or 15e). If somebody-
regards sins as praiseworthy- deeds,
this is known to the wise as 'per
verse pride' (20 or 15f).
nisprayojana evccham If somebody reproaches himself
iti yd Itv dtmaninldand / thinking ’I am of no use at all',
so 'dhcono mdna ity ete this (is called) 'the pride of in-
saptäpy uktäh samäsatdh //12// feriority’ (21 or 15g). These are,
in brief, the seven (forms of arro-
gance).
kuhariä täbhasatkdva- Hypocrisy (22 or l6) is to control
hetor indriyasamvarah / the senses (only) for the sake of
lapand IdbhasatkJdra- goods and respectful treatment.
heto& oätupuraskriyd //13// Flattery (23 or 17) is to honour
167
somebody with pleasant words
for the sake of goods and
respect ful t reatment.
naimittikatvam tatpväptyai Hinting (2^ or l8) is to praise
paradravyaprasconsanam / the property of others so as to
naispesikatvam läbhärtham acquire it. Extortion (25 or 19)
samaksam parapamsanam //14// is to deride in public (the pro
perty) of others so as to acquire
it.
labhena lipsä läbhdnäm The desire to make one acquisi
pürvalabdhaprasamsanam / tion lead to another (26 or 20)
si9lyah prakopitasyänyais is to praise previous acquisi
tad tad yad anusiftjanam //lb// tions. The scolding by somebody
infuriated with others (27 or 21)
is repeatedly to scold at this
and that.
staimityam viklavibhavo Immobility (28 or 22) is either
'pratisamkhyänarogajah / irresolution resulting from igno
atmopaknrane Irdne rance or illness or it is propen
nidräsahgo 'lasasya vä //16// sity to drowsiness of a lazy per
son when his own means of subsis
tence are poor.
nänätvasamjftä sam/ftä yä The notion of manifoldness (29 or
rägadvesatamovrtä / 23) is that notion which is obscured
amanaskäram ähus tarn by passion, hatred and mental dark
yao oittasyänaveksanam //!?// ness. Lack of attention (30 or 2k)
they call it when the mind is unob
serving .
168
pratirüpakriyäsv ala- Disrespectful behaviour towards
syäd yä gauravahZnatä / the venerable (31 or 25) is the
gurusv abhagavadvrttir lack of reverence out of laziness
esä durjanasanmatä //18// with regard to the exemplary deeds;
it is regarded as (the behaviour)
of bad people.
gardho 'Ipaparyavasthänam (Ordinary) obsession (32 or 26) is
kämarägasamudbhavam / preoccupation with trifles, caused
parigardho 'rthakämottham by longing for love. Extensive ob-
paryuZtthälnam mahattaram//19// session (33 or 27) is preoccupation
with something very great which
arises from the longing for wealth.
lobhah svadravyasamgrddhi- Greediness (3^ or 28) is a mental
ragävyavahitam manah / disposition full of passionate lust
paradravyesv abhisvahgo for property for oneself. Intense
visamo lobha uoyate //20// attachment to the property of others
is called 'bad greed' (35 or 29).
adharmarägo varjyäsu Irreligious lust (36 or 30) is the
strZsv abhisvahgasadhuta / intense attachment to women who are !
päpecehata nirgunasya to be avoided (prostitutes). Sinful
gunavatpvakviyaoidhih //21// desire (for appreciation?) (37 or
3l) is the pretence of virtuous
behaviour on the part of one who
is without virtues.
mahecchatatipvanayah Excessive inclination to immoderate
samtosasvZvilahghanam / ness (38 or 32) is to pass over the
ioohepsuta katharn vddyuh fortune of satisfaction. The desire
sadbhütair rrnm gunair iti //$2// to he appreciated (39 or 33) is the
thought 'May they recognize me as
being endowed with really good
virtues'.
169
aksantir aparadhariam Lack of forbearance (Uo or 3*0
Lduhlkhänäm cäsahisnutä / is not to be able to endure of
anacaro ya aoärya- fences and sorrow. Impropriety
gurukäryesv anädarah //23// (Hi or 35) is lack of respect
to the deeds of teachers and
(other) venerable persons.
daurvaoasyam yad üktam sad- Abuse (H2 or 36) is speech which
dharmam nadriyate vacdh / does not honour the good law (of
vitarko jfiätisambandho the Buddha). Thinking (unduly
jflätisu snehasahgita //24// dominated) by consideration of
relatives (H3 or 37) is the
propensity for affection towards
relatives.
tatha jänapadä tLrd yald Similarly, attachment to life in
atyartham tadgunoktikä / the country-side (rural life) (HH
tathämaravitarko yan or 38) is the excessive appraisal
na mrtyubhaya§ahkita //2b// of its virtues. Similarly, thinking
(unduly dominated) by consideration
of the immortals (or: immortality?)
(H5 or 39) is not being concerned
by the fear of death.
anuvijnccptisamyukto Thinking (unduly dominated) by con
vitarkah katham eva mam / sideration of appreciation (H6 or
satadva gunajatena Ho) is the thought ’May others
gurum kuryuh parä iti //26// regard me as venerable because
of my being endowed with virtues.’
paränunayatäyuto Thinking (unduly dominated) by con
vitarko yat parän prati / sideration of (all kinds of) attach
snehavyapadas amsparsäd ment to others (H7 or Hi) is the
dhitahitavicintanam //27// thought of either benefitting or
doing harm which results from the
feeling of either affection or malice.
170
a r a t i r lu ptadh airyasya L a n g p u r (1+8 o r b2) i s t h e m e n t a l
samutkanthävilam manah / d i s p o s i t i o n o f a weak p e r s o n whose
tandrZ gatvavasadottham m ind i s d i s t r a u g h t w i t h p i n i n g .
älasyam a tarasvin ah / / 2 8 / / L a z i n e s s ( b9 o r 1+3) i s t h e i n d o l e n c e
o f an u n e n e r g e t i c p e r s o n w hich r e s u l t s
from l i m p n e s s o f t h e l i m b s .
vijrmbhZkn. kle'savasät D i s t o r t i o n ( 5 0 o r kb) i s t o d i s t o r t
käyavaktravijrmbhanam / t h e bo d y o r t h e f a c e on a c c o u n t o f
bhaktäsammadam atyä&äd a n g u i s h . Lack o f d e l i g h t i n fo o d
ähuh kccyasya müroohanam / / 2 9 / / (5 1 o r 1+5) i s t h e f a i n t i n g o f t h e
b o d y b e c a u s e o f t o o much f o o d .
cetolZnatvam uddistam D e j e c t i o n o f t h e mind ( 5 2 o r 1+6)
c itta s y a ty a r th a d Z n a ta / i s e x cessiv e d e p re ssio n o f th e
kämacehando vibhävo yah m in d . L o n g in g f o r d e s i r e ( 5 3 or 1+7)
kamanam gunapaflcake / / 3 0 / / i s t o d ev elo p o n e s e l f i n t h e f iv e
spheres of d e s ir e .
vyäpädo navdhetutthä M a lic e ( 5 I+ o r 1+8) i s t h e t h o u g h t
parasyän arthaeetan ä / o f d o in g harm t o o t h e r s , w h ic h
a tm a m itra trilp a k se su a r i s e s f o r n in e re a so n s: fro m t h e
traZkalyancaothasahkinah / / 3 1 / / e x p e c t a t i o n t o do harm t o o n e s e l f ,
o n e ’ s f r i e n d s , and e n e m i e s , i n t h e
p a s t , p r e s e n t , and f u t u r e .
s t y ancon y a t käyconanasor T o r p o r (55 o r 1+9) i s t h e s t a t e o f
gurutväd apakarmatä / i n a c t i v i t y due t o a s t a t e o f h e a v i n e s s
middhcan nidrandhyam auddhatyam o f body and m in d . D r o w s in e s s (56 o r
k ä ya eittäpraG än tatä / / 3 2 / / 50) i s t h e b l i n d n e s s o f s l e e p .
F riv o lity (57 o r 51) i s t h e l a c k
o f t r a n q u i l l i t y o f t h e b o d y and
m ind.
171
kaukrtyam kukrte Sokah Regret (58 or 52) is the grief
pa&cättäpascovudbhavah / about misdeeds which arises
vieikitsä matidvaidham from repentance. Doubt (59 or
satyaratnatrayädisu //33// 53) is uncertainty of mind with
regard to the (Four Holy) Truths,
the Three Jewels, etc.
etäni bodhisattvena All these (faults) are to be
tyajyäni yatinädhikam / given up by a Bodhisattva (who
dosair etair vimukto hi is still a householder); an
gunanam sevate sukhcon //34// ascetic (has to give up) even
more. One who is free from these
defects easily practises virtues.
5. The total number of faults contained in our translation
depends upon the standpoint held with regard to fault No. 15,
"arrogance" (mana). It is 59 if the seven kinds of arrogance
are counted individually; it is 53 if they are counted as only
one fault. Both totals, 59 and 53, contradict the total of
57 given in stanza 2. We may now attempt either to reduce
the higher total of 59 by 2 or to increase the lower total of
53 by 4 in order to reach the total of 57. It was already
stated above that a reduction of the total of 59 to 57 by way
of rejecting one of the stanzas defining two faults is not
possible because it is not supported by the textual tradition
(neither the Sanskrit, nor the Tibetan or Chinese) and because
this procedure would reduce the total number of stanzas con
tained in this chapter from 100 to 99. Likewise, it seems to
be impossible at any place to transform two or three definitions
into one definition by way of a different interpretation and
translation. The majority of the faults contained in Nagarjuna's
definitions is not only well known from other dogmatic (abhi-
dharmic) texts^ but is also linked together to form certain
standard sets (e.g. 1-4, 5-8, 9-10, 13-14, 15-21, 22-27,
48-52, 55-59), with a fixed number of elements that can be
neither -increased nor reduced. Other definitions form logical
units (e.g. 32-33, 34-35, 43-47). This leaves practically no
room for any attempt at 'reduction by condensation'.
There was, however, one serious attempt to make use of
the second possibility mentioned above: to start with a list
172
of 53 faults and to expand it to 57 by interpreting four of
the definitions of single faults in such a way that they now
describe two faults. This was done by Rgyal-tshab-rje Darma-
-rinchen (1364-1432), pupil and successor of the famous
Tibetan reformer Tsongkhapa, who wrote a commentary upon
Nägärjuna's Ratnavali. This commentary bears the title Dbu ma
rin chen rphreh ba'i sftih po'i don gsal bar byed pa, "(The
commentary) which elucidates the essential meaning of the
Precious Garland of the Middle Way".10 The interpretation of
Rgyal-tshab-rje*s commentary is reflected in the following two
modern translations of the Tibetan version of Ratnavali:
1) Nagarjuna and the Seventh Dalai Lama: The Precious
Garland and The Seng of the Four Mindfulnesses . Trans
lated and edited by Jeffrey Hopkins and Lati Rimpoche
with Anne Klein. London 1975. (The Wisdom of Tibet
Series, 2.)
This translation will henceforth be referred to as
Hopkins.
2) Yuichi Kajiyama and Ryushin Uryuzu: Ryüju Ronshü.
Tokyo 1974. (Dai jö Butten 3 14.)
The translation of Ratnavali was done by Uryuzu alone.
It can be found on pp.231-316. It will be referred
to as Uryuzu.11
[Only recently we have learnt of the existence of a third
modern translation of Ratnavali:
3) Christian Lindtner: Nägärjuna3 Juvelkaeden og andre
Skrifter. K^benhavn 1980.
If possible, we shall refer to this translation ('Lindtner')
in a post-script to this paper.]
We do not intend to discuss in detail these two translations,
their quality and the extent of their dependence on Rgyal-tshab-
-rje's commentary, because this would take us too far off the
track. For our purpose it suffices to identify those four
places where one definition of a fault was expanded into two
and then to verify whether the Tibetan text allows such an inter
pretation. Only in the affirmative case do we have to reconsider
our translation of the original Sanskrit.
6. With the help of Uryuzu, who numbers the faults in his
translation, the four definitions in question are quickly iden
tified. They are faults Nos. 28: staimityam , "immobility" (Tib.
spuhs med) ; 31: gurusv abhagavadvrttih, "disrespectful behaviour
173
towards the venerable" (Tib. bla mar boom Idem, tshul min);
47: paranunayatayuto vitarkah, "consideration of attachment"
(Tib. g£an rjes ohags Idan pa yi m a m rtog); and 48: aratih,
"langour" (Tib. mi dga’) . Hopkins puzzles the reader in that
he admittedly12 follows Rgyal-tshab-rje's interpretation but
translates fault No. 31 as only one fault - obviously by some
kind of inadvertency13 - thereby arriving at only 56 faults
instead of 57.
7. We shall now discuss the Tibetan text of the four defi
nitions in question, their renderings by Uryuzu and Hopkins,
and, finally, how they should, in our opinion, be translated.
The first stanza we have to analyse in this way is V 16 = 416.
The Tibetan text runs as follows:
/ spuhs med so sor ma brtags par /
/ nad las gyur pa ’i sloh ba ’am /
/ bdag gi yo byad nan pa la /
/ ohags nan le to oan gyi yin / 16 /
Rgyal tshab-rje's commentary upon this stanza runs as follows:
(65a5) / her ghis pa spuhs med pa ni gtan la mgu bar ma gyur
pa nad las gyur p a ’i dbah gis yid sloh (6) ba’o /
/ her gsum pa ni / rgyu sha ma gftis dan bdag gi yo byad han
pa la ohags pa ’i rgyu gsum las byuh la C/1 de ni / le lo can
gyi yin /
Let us now consider Uryuzu*s and Hopkins’ interpretation of
these two texts:
Fear (in brackets:J&: [.= spuhs med! M.H.l (22) is
a confusion which arises from lack of understanding
or on account of illness. Bad attachment (23) (is that
which arises) towards one's own bad possessions; it
can be found with negligent persons.111
[Uryuzu] (16)
Non-collectedness is selfish excitement
That is inconsiderate of others,
Clinging is the attachment of
The lazy to their bad possessions. (416) [Hopkins]
spuhs med3 "'being without a heap', non-collectedness'. I do
not see the slightest possibility of a semantic or palaeogra-
phic explanation to account for the choice of spuhs med as an
equivalent of staimityam, "immobility". Unfortunately, this
reading is confirmed not only by Rgyal-tshab-rje (see above)
174
but also by the Tibetan version of Ajitaraitra's Ratnävalitika;
cf. Tibetan Tripitaka, text No. 5659, Vol. fie (94),, fol.l95bl-2.
so sor ma brtag par3 "in an inconsiderate manner, when one is
inconsiderate". The first member of the compound (a)prati-
samkhyänarogajah of the original Sanskrit has been translated
adverbially.
T
sloh ba, "excitement" (?), for viklavibhävah3 "irresolution",
is a strange rendering if we carefully distinguish between
the connotation of "(joyful) excitement" of sloh ba and that
of "(fearful) excitement" of viklava3 viklavZbhäva. The only
sensible explanation seems to be that of Rgyal-tshab-rje:
sloh ba = yid sloh ba3 which we have to take as a variant
spelling of yid bloh ba. yid bloh ba is explained as "to be
afraid, full of anxiety (?)" in Jäschke's Tibetan-English
Dictionary. Chos grags defines it as sems gnam gyi smug pa
Ita bur mi gsal ba'am yid chad pa yi mug kyah (~ "to be dizzy
in the mind; to despair"), which is an exact rendering of the
primary meaning of viklavibhävah. Rgyal-tshab-rje1s interpre
tation obviously goes back to Ajitamitra*s paraphrase, sloh
ba ni sems so (< sems kyi’o ?). If this explanation is correct,
then Uryuzu's "confusion" is to be preferred to Hopkins'
"excitement".
’am. This particle connects sloh ba and chags nan. It clearly
proves that there is an alternative explanation on the defi-
niendum (spuhs med).
chags han3 "bad longing, bad attachment". The translators
obviously read *nicasahgo instead of nidräsahgo. However,
nidrä is confirmed by the Chinese translation , "idleness".
I suggest translating the Tibetan stanza in the following way:
'Non-collectedness' (= Lack of concentration?) is a
dizziness (of the mind) that comes from illness, when
one is inconsiderate, or it is the bad attachment of
the lazy to their own bad possessions.
The next stanza we have to deal with is V 18 = 418.
/ mthun par bya ba rnams la ni /
/ le los bkur sti flams pa gah /
/ bla mar beam Idan tshul min te /
/ skye bo nan pa yin par 'dod / 18 /
Rgyal-tshab-rje's commentary upon this stanza runs as follows:
175
(65bl) / ahos mthun par bya ba mams la ni le los bkur sti
flams pa gah yin pa de ni tier drug p a ’o /
/ bla mar byas pa na beam Idan (2) rdas kyi tshul dan Idem
pas bya ba min te / de Itar byed pa ni her bdun pa skye bo
nan pa yin par 'dod C/l
This is how Uryuzu and Hopkins understood the two texts:
Because one does not properly endeavour with regard
to one’s own behaviour, there is lack of reverence (26).
If deception of the teacher occurs, this is shameless
ness (lack of respect) (27); such people are called
bad people.15 (18)
[Uryuzu]
One who through laziness loses respect and reverence
For those doing practices that are similar
Is a spiritual guide who follows not the ways
Of the Blessed One; he is regarded as bad. (418)
[Hopkins]
The main problem of this stanza is a semantic one: what
is meant by mthun par bya ba3 "(things) to be done in a
harmonious way (?)", the translation of the equally ambiguous
term pratirupakriya, "exemplary deed (?)". The feminine
ending °kriyasu does not allow the Sanskrit compound to be
translated as a Bahuvrihi: "they who act in an exemplary
manner". In Tibetan, the necessitative stem bya ba does not
allow Hopkins’ translation. Here Prof. Emmerick suggests
the following interpretation: "acts that are in conformity
(with being a guru)". - The Chinese translation of pratirupa-
kriyasu is jF ^ , which also occurs in the translation of
stanza 23. There it is the equivalent of °kärya.
As to the syntax of the stanza, it is more or less in
conformity with the Sanskrit original. The interpretations
viz. translations of Rgyal-tshab-rje, Uryuzu, and Hopkins
violate the rules of Tibetan syntax (a full sentence ending
in gah) and could have been vindicated only in the case of
a Sanskrit original of the same meaning as their interpreta
tions. Neither Uryuzu nor Hopkins seems to have properly
understood Rgyal-tshab-rje's (incorrect) interpretation of
line c): "If somebody acts as a teacher this should not be
done in the manner of the Blessed One; he who acts in this
way, the twenty-seventh (of the sinners), is regarded as a
bad man."
We suggest translating the Tibetan stanza in the following way:
176
That homage of things to be done in a harmonious way
[or: in conformity (with being a guru)] which is spoilt
by laziness is not the behaviour of a holy one towards
his teacher; it is regarded as (that of) a bad man.
The next stanza to be discussed in V 27 = 427.
/ gzan rjes ohags dah Idan pa yi /
/ m a m rtog gah yin g%an dag la /
/ ohags dah gnod sems reg pa yis /
/ phan dah mi phan m a m sems pa 'o / 27 /
(66a3) / ze gsum pa gzan la rjes su ohags pa dah Idan pa'i
m a m rtog Zgah?l yin pa (4) ni skyes p a ’am bud med g&an dag
la ohags pa dah /
ze b£i pa gnod sems Zkyis?~\ reg pa ni de yis phan pa dah mi
phan pa sems pa ro /
This is how Uryuzu and Hopkins understood these two texts:
The thought of attachment to others (1+3) is the longing
for others (men or women); to harbour hatred in the
heart (44) is to think about advantage and disadvantage.16
[Uryuzu] (27)
Intention endowed with desire is a wish
To help others motivated by desire.
To be affected with harmful intent
Implies that one wishes toharm others. (427)
[Hopkins]
The translations of Uryuzu and Hopkins are both entirely
dependent on the interpretation of Rgyal-tshab-rje, whose
splitting up of the stanza into two halves is ingenious but
nevertheless wrong. In conformity with the original Sanskrit,
the Tibetan translation defines only one fault: gzan rjes ohags
dah Idan pa yi m a m rtog. The only thing which one could criti
cize in the Tibetan version in the light ofits Sanskrit origi
nal is the slightly misleading rendering of the adverbial con
junction yat as gah yin pa. We suggest translating the Tibetan
stanza in the following way:
Reflexion (unduly dominated) by attachment to others
is to think of benefit or harm (to others) because one
is touched by (the feeling of) attachment or malice
towards others.
177
The last (half) stanza to be discussed is V 28ab = 428ab.
/ mi dga ’ brtan pa med pa yi /
/ phrag dog rftogs pa 'i yid yin no / 28ab /
Rgyal-tshab-rje’s commentary upon these lines is as follows:
(66a4) / ze lha pa mi dga’ bas bvtan pa med pa’i yid do /
/ drug pa 'dod pas bvPlogs pa ri yid yin no /
These are the translations of Uryuzu and Hopkins:
Displeasure (45) (is a heart) which has no place to
settle down. Jealousy (46) is a heart turbid (with
desire).17 [Uryuzu] (28ab)
Dislike is a mind that is unsteady,
Desiring union is a dirtied mind (428ab)
[Hopkins]
Rgyal-tshab-rje’s way of interpreting the Tibetan text,
which is followed by Uryuzu and Hopkins, is not absolutely
impossible, but it is, at any rate, the ’interpretatio
difficilior'. If we translate these lines according to the
rules of ordinary Tibetan syntax, the result will not sub
stantially differ from a translation of the Sanskrit original,
see below. The only discrepancy is the unusual equivalent
phrag dog "jealousy" for samutkanthd "pining". To our mind
there can be little doubt that phrag dog is merely a corruption
of phrad rdod3 which is attested as equivalent to utkanthita
and utsuka in the Tibetan version of Haribhatta’s Jätakamälä
(V 7 and XI 47). Hopkins’ translation ’desiring union’, shows
that he had access to a correct Tibetan text.1®
We suggest translating the Tibetan stanza in the follow
ing way:
Displeasure (or: joylessness) is a weak person’s mental
disposition which is turbid with jealousy (or: pining).
8. The result of the above investigation is unequivocal:
in none of the stanzas discussed did the interpretation of
Rgyal-tshab-rje and his modern followers prove to be con
vincing; in each case the breaking up of one definition of
a moral fault into two was contradicted by the rules of clas
sical Tibetan syntax, by the meaning resulting from this inter
pretation, and, last but not least, by the Sanskrit original
178
of th e fo u r s ta n z a s . T h is means t h a t t h e a t t e m p t t o r e a c h
t h e e x p e c t e d t o t a l o f 57 f a u l t s i n N a g i r j u n a ' s t e x t by e x p a n d
i n g 53, t h e lo w e r o f t h e two f i g u r e s p r o p o s e d f o r t h e t o t a l
number o f f a u l t s i n p a r a g r a p h 5, t o 57 h a s f a i l e d . I t c a n n o t
be done i n t h e way R g y a l - t s h a b - r j e t r i e d t o do , and we d o u b t
w h e t h e r t h e r e w ould b e more s u c c e s s s h o u l d t h i s p r o c e d u r e be
ap p lie d to o th ^r v e rs e s . The o n l y p o s i t i v e r e s u l t we g a i n
from an a n a l y s i s o f R g y a l - t s h a b - r j e ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f
RatnävalZ V 1-34 i s t h e c e r t a i n t y t h a t t h i s famous T i b e t a n
s c h o l a r a l s o r e a l i s e d t h e d i s c r e p a n c y b e tw e e n t h e f i g u r e
g i v e n i n s t a n z a 2 and t h e a c t u a l number o f f a u l t s .
As t o t h e q u e s t i o n o f p r i n c i p l e w h e t h e r " a r r o g a n c e " (mäna) 3
e t c . a s f a r a s t h e " p r i d e o f i n f e r i o r i t y " (adhcovo mänäh)' h a v e
t o be t a k e n a s one o r a s s e v e n f a u l t s , t h e r e s u l t o f o u r i n
v e s t i g a t i o n seem s t o f a v o u r s l i g h t l y t h e se c o n d p o s s i b i l i t y -
i f o n ly b e c a u s e 59 i s n e a r e r t o 57 t h a n 53.
Our m ain q u e s t i o n - w h a t was t h e number o f f a u l t s N l g l r -
j u n a h i m s e l f h ad i n mind when h e composed h i s RatnävalZ -
rem ain s unansw ered. I n our o p i n i o n , a l l t h e l o g i c a l p o s s i b i
l i t i e s t o e x p l a i n ( i . e . t o rem ove) t h e d i s c r e p a n c y a r e
ex h au sted :
a) The f i g u r e 57 i n s t a n z a 2 c a n n o t be a l t e r e d ( t o e i t h e r
53 o r 5 9 ) .
b) None o f t h e s t a n z a s 3-33 c a n b e r e j e c t e d a s u n a u t h e n t i c .
c) I t i s n o t p o s s i b l e t o r e d u c e t h e t o t a l o f 59 t o 57 by a
d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and t r a n s l a t i o n o f any o f t h e
sta n z a s.
d) I t i s n o t p o s s i b l e t o exp a n d t h e t o t a l o f 53 t o 57 by a
d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n and t r a n s l a t i o n o f any o f t h e
stan zas.
We f e e l r e l u c t a n t t o s u g g e s t e ) amanaskärah , " l a c k of
a t t e n t i o n " , on t h e p a r t o f N ä g ä r ju n a a s a n o t h e r p o s s i b l e
e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h i s t r i v i a l (ksudra) n u m e r i c a l p r o b le m . We
w o u ld l i k e t o i n v i t e s p e c i a l i s t s i n t h e f i e l d o f A bhidharm a
t o t r a c e some o f t h e r a r e r f a u l t s o f N l g a r j u n a ’ s l i s t i n
o th er te x ts . T h is w i l l c e r t a i n l y h e l p u s to w a r d s a b e t t e r
u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h o s e d e f i n i t i o n s w h ic h a r e d i f f i c u l t e v e n
i n t h e i r o r i g i n a l S a n s k r i t and w h ic h w i l l become f u l l y c l e a r
o n l y when an e x a c t d e s c r i p t i o n i s a v a i l a b l e o f t h e s i t u a t i o n
N a g i r j u n a had i n mind when h e c o i n e d a p a r t i c u l a r t e r m . T h i s
m ig h t o f f e r new and i n t e r e s t i n g i n s i g h t s i n t o B u d d h i s t p s y c h o
l o g y - a t o p i c w h ic h c o u l d n o t b e t o u c h e d upon h e r e a t a l l .
179
Notes
* Prof. Dr. R.E. Emmerick (Hamburg) was kind enough to
correct the English of this paper and to make several
valuable suggestions towards a more precise rendering
of certain Tibetan terms, for both of which I wish to
express my sincere gratitude to him.
1. "The Fifth Chapter of Nägärjuna’s Ratnävali, Journal of
the Nepal Research Centre (JNRC), No. 4 (Humanities)
1980, pp. 189-220.
2. p. 213.
3. During a two months’ stay in Kathmandu from June to
August 1979, besides official work for the Nepal-German
Manuscript Preservation Project.
4. Cf. JNRC, 4 (1980), p.212, and Jean Naudou, Les Bouddhistes
ka&miriens au moyen age, Paris 1968, p. 87.
5. Cf. JNRC, 4 (1980), p.212. Kanakavarman and Pa tshab hi
ma grags collaborated in the eleventh century; cf. Naudou,
op.cit., pp. 171-4. The fact that the revision of the
Tibetan translation was done on the basis of three Sanskrit
manuscripts was taken as an excuse by J. Hopkins to stick
strictly to the wording of the Tibetan even if it clearly
contradicts the extant Sanskrit text; cf. The Precious
Garland_, p. 110, note 3. It goes without saying that such
a procedure is scientifically unsound. It has already
been criticised by J.W. de Jong in his review of Hopkins'
book; cf. Indo-Iranian Journal 20 (1978), pp. 136-40.
6. Taisho Tripitaka No. 1656. The text of the fifth chapter
can be found in Vol. XXXII, pp. 502c3-505a29.
7. The transmitted Sanskrit text contains three passages
which were rejected by Dr Dietz as unauthentic:
44A: The Tibetan translates the last two lines.
48bc: The Tibetan does not translate these two lines.
91A: The Tibetan translates the complete stanza.
Paramartha's Chinese version contains none of these
spurious stanzas or lines.
180
8. S t a n z a s 1 3 - 1 5 , 17 , 1 9 - 2 5 , 2 8 - 3 0 , 33.
9. E . g . M ah ävyu tpatti^ Abhidharm akosabhäsya> H a r iv a r in a n ’ s
S a ty a s id d h is ä s tr a s e t c .
10. The t e x t o f t h e com m entary w h ic h b e l o n g s t o v o l . 1 (ka)
o f R g y a l - t s h a b - r j e ' s c o l l e c t e d w o rk s was a c c e s s i b l e to
us t h r o u g h t h e M i c r o f i l m E d i t i o n o f t h e YAB SEAS GSUNS
'BUM o f t h e I n s t i t u t e f o r Advanced S t u d i e s o f World
R e l i g i o n s , LMpj 0 2 1 , 0 3 1 , 8 / 1 7 - 1 1 / 1 7 .
11. I h a v e t o t h a n k my c o l l e a g u e s D r. V. Blllmmel, J a p a n o l o g i s c h e s
S e m in a r d e r U n i v e r s i t ä t Bonn, and D r. A. Yuyama, D i r e c t o r ,
The R e i y u k a i L i b r a r y , Tokyo, who e n a b l e d me t o u n d e r s t a n d
U r y u z u 's J a p a n e s e r e n d e r i n g o f R a tn ä v a lt V 16, 18, 27 and
28.
12. The P re c io u s G arland 3 pp. 15, 9 4 - 1 0 9 .
13. The ’ f a u l t ' may h a v e c r e p t i n t o t h e t e x t d u r i n g t h e p r o c e s s
o f r e v i s i n g t h e E n g l i s h ; c f . The P re c io u s G arlan d , p . 1 5 .
14. (22) Kyöfu (M u b u tsu ) t o w a, r i k a i ga n a i ta m e n i , a r u i w a
y am ai no ta m e n i s h ö j i t a w a k u ra n de a r i m a s u . ( 2 3 ) Akudon wa
j i k o no y o k u n a i s h i g u n i t a i s h i t e ( s h ö j i r u mono d e ) ,
k e t a i no a r u h i t o n i a r i m a s u . (l6 )
15 . Okonai n i t a d a s h i k u d o r y o k u s h i n a i ta m e n i , ( 2 6 ) s o n k e i no
k e t s u j o g a a r i , s h i n i t a i s h i t e i t s u w a r i no a r u no g a ,
( 2 7 ) h a r e n c h i ( f u k u g y ö ) de a r i m a s u . Kono yo na h i t o wa
a k u n i n de a r u t o iw a r e m a s u . (l 8 )
1 6 . ( 4 3 ) T a n in n i d o n j a k u s u r u omoi t o w a , ( o t o k o de a r e ,
o n n a de a r e ) t a no h i t o b i t o n i a i j a k u s u r u k o t o de a r i ,
( 4 4 ) n i k u s h i m i no k o k o r o o i d a k u k o t o t o w a, son t o k u o
k a n g a e r u k o t o de a r i m a s u . (27)
17 . ( 4 5 ) F u k a i t o w a, o c h i t s u k u t o k o r o no n a i ( k o k o r o de a r i ) ,
( 4 6 ) u r a y a m i t o wa, ( y o k u n i ) n i g o t t e i r u k o k o ro d e s u .
( 28)
18. The e d i t i o n u s e d b y H opkins was p r i n t e d i n t h e P o - t a - l a ’i
zol spar-khan. C f . L okesh C h a n d r a , T i b e t a n w orks p r i n t e d
b y t h e S h o p a r k h a n g o f t h e P o t a l a , Jflän am uktävalij F e s t s c h r i f t
N obel (New D e l h i 1 9 5 9 ) , p . 1 2 4 , n o . l 4 .
181
Appendix
Trilingual list of the minor faults to be
given up by a Bodhisattva
Number Sanskrit Tibetan English
1 kvodhah khro ba Anger
2 upanähah khon du ’d z i n Hatred
3 mvaksah 'chab pa Jealous ill-will
k p r a d d sah 'tshig p a Envious rivalry
5 mäyä g- yo Deception
6 säthyam sgyu Guile
7 Z vsyä p h r a g dog Jealousy
8 mätsavyam ser sna Selfishness
9 ahvZkatä ho tsha m e d Immodesty
10 anapatväpya kh v e l m e d pa Impertinence
11 stambhah khehs p a Stubbornness
12 samrambhdh ftes v t s o m Fury
13 madah r g y a g s pa Pride
lh pvamadah b a g m e d pa Carelessness
15(l5a) m a n a h h a v gyal (Ordinary) arrogance
l6(l5b) a t Z m ä n a h lhag pa 'i ha Excessive arrogance
vgyal
17(15c ) m ä n ä t Z m ä n a h ha v g y a l las kyah Arrogance beyond
ha vg y a l excessive arrogance
l8(l5d) a s m i m ä n a h ha 'o sham pa Arrogance of thinking
’I am'
19(15 e ) a b h Z m a n a h m h o n p a ’i ha Conceit
vgyal
20(l5f) m Z t h y a m ä n a h log p a ' l ha v g y a l Perverse pride
21 (15g) a d h a m o m ä n a h d m a n p a ' i ha Pride of inferiority
vgyal
22 (l6) k u h a n a tshul ’ohos Hypocrisy
23 (17) lapana kha g s a g Flattery
182
Number S an sk rit T ib e ta n E n g lish
24 ( 1 8 ) naim ittikatvam g£ogs sloh H in tin g
25 (19) naispesikatvam thob k yis rjaZ ba E x t o r t i o n
26 (20) läbhena Zip sä rfled pas rfted pa D e s i r e t o make one
läbhänäm rnams 'dod pa a c q u is itio n lead to
an o th er
27 (21) sindah skyon z lo s S co ld in g
28 (22) staim ityam spuhs med Im m o b ility
29 (23) nänätvasamj ftä tha dad 'du te s N o tio n o f m a n i f o l d n e s s
30 (24) amanaskärah y id Za mi byed Lack o f a t t e n t i o n
31 (25) gurusv abhaga- bla mar boom Zdan D i s r e s p e c t f u l b e h a v i o u r
v a d v r ttih tshuZ min tow ards t h e v e n e ra b le
32 (26) gardhah £en pa (O rd in a ry ) o b s e s s io n
33 (27) parigardhah yohs äen E x ten siv e o b se ssio n
3b (28) lobhah chags pa G reed in ess
35 (29) visarno lobhah mi r ig s chags pa Bad g r e e d
36 (30) adharmaragah chags pa ma yin Irre lig io u s lu st
'dod chags
37 (31) päpecchatä sd ig 'dod S in fu l d e sire
38 (32) mdheoohata 'dod chen E x cessiv e i n c l i n a t i o n
39 (33) icchepsuta thob 'dod D esire to be a p p re c ia te d
HO ( 3b) aksäntih mi bzod Lack o f f o r b e a r a n c e
bl (35) anäeärah tsh u l med Im p ro p riety
b2 (36) daurvacasyam bka ’ bZo bde ba Abuse
ma yin
b3 (37) j Hätisambandho ne 'du dah 'breZ C o n sid eratio n o f
vitarkah mam rto g re la tiv e s
bb (38) jänapada t r t yuZ sred A tta c h m e n t t o t h e l i f e
in th e c o u n try -sid e
(rural lif e )
45 (39) amaravitarkah mi 'chi rtogZs 1 C o n sid eratio n o f th e
pa i m m o r ta ls ( o r : im m o rta
lity )
46 (Ho) anuvijnaptisam - r je s rnam r ig dan C o n s i d e r a t i o n o f a p p r e -
yukto vitarkah Ideen rto g c ia tio n
183
Number S an sk rit T ib etan E n g lish
1+7 ( 41 ) paränunayatä- gzan r j e s ohags C o n sid e ra tio n of
yuto v ita rka h dan Idan pa y i a ttach m en t
rnam rto g
48 ( 4 2 ) a ra tih mi dga' L anguor
49 ( 4 3 ) tandri shams pa L azin ess
50 ( 4 4 ) vijrm bhika 'gyup ba D isto rtio n
51 ( 4 5 ) bhaktasarmadah za ma mi ’dod Lack o f d e l i g h t i n
fo o d
52 ( 4 6 ) ceto iZnatvam sems zum y in pa D ejectio n in th e
h id m ind
53 ( 4 7 ) kcbvacchandah ’dod 'dun L on g in g f o r d e s i r e
54 ( 4 8 ) vyäpädah gnod sems M alice
55 ( 4 9 ) s ty äncon vmi ba T orpor
56 ( 5 0 ) middham ghid D r o w s in e s s
57 ( 5 1 ) auddhatyam vgod pa F riv o lity
58 ( 5 2 ) kaukrtyam ’gyod pa R egret
59 ( 53) v ic ik its a the tshom Doubt
P o stsc rip t
E a r l i e r th a n ex p ected th e p r e s e n t p ap er re c e iv e d th e
a t t e n t i o n o f a s p e c i a l i s t b o t h i n N ä g ä r j u n a and A bhidharm a
t e x t s : w h i l e p r e p a r i n g a new e d i t i o n o f t h e a v a i l a b l e p o r t i o n s
of R a t n a v a l l ( S a n s k r i t and T i b e t a n ) , a c o r r e s p o n d e n c e was
s t a r t e d w i t h C h r i s t i a n L i n d t n e r , M .A ., fr o m t h e I n s t i t u t f o r
I n d i s k F i l o l o g i , U n i v e r s i t y o f C o penhagen, Denmark. The
s t i m u l a t i n g d i s c u s s i o n w i t h Mr L i n d t n e r a s w e l l a s my own
e d i t o r i a l w ork h a v e l e d t o s e v e r a l c h a n g e s c o n c e r n i n g m in o r
d e t a i l s of my p a p e r w h ic h c o u l d n o t b e i n c o r p o r a t e d i n t o t h e
m ain t e x t i n t i m e ; t h e y w i l l b e r e p o r t e d b e lo w . The m ain
a r g u m e n t o f my a r t i c l e , h o w e v e r, r e m a i n s u n c h a n g e d - t h a t
t h e r e i s a n u m e r i c a l p r o b le m i n R a t n ä v a l i V 3 - 3 3 , a c o n v i n c i n g
s o l u t i o n o f w h ic h i s s t i l l t o be f o u n d .
184
Alterations in the text of the stanzas quoted
3b :instead of 'nu[band.ha.kah] read 'nu [bandhakrt}
15c siftjah Sihguh
20b rägävyavahitam rägävyavasitarn (However,
ovyavahdtam is suggested
in the foot-notes)
25a jänapadä t[vd ya]d jänapadas ta[d ya]d
(jänapadas: sc. vitarkah)
25b tadgunoktikä tadgunoktttä
27a paränunayatäyuto paränudayatäyu[k]to
29c bhaktäsamriadam bhaktasammadam
There are also good reasons to regard anuvi-jftapt'i0 (26a) as an
early corruption of anavaj?lapti° .
Alterations in the translation of the stanzas quoted
3b Hatred (2) is to stick continuously to it (sc. excitement
in the mind).
25ab Similarly, (thinking unduly dominated by) consideration
of living in the country-side (rural life) is the excessive
appraisal of its virtues.
26a [if the text is changed] Thinking (unduly dominated) by
consideration of not being surpassed (46 or 40) is the
thought ...
27a Thinking (unduly dominated) by sympathy with others ...
29c ’Drunkenness with food' (51 or 45) is ...
As to the numbering of the moral faults, Lindtner's Danish
translation of Ratnävall (based on the Tibetan and Chinese
versions only) follows Hopkins except one innovation: V 28cd
is translated as describing two faults, dvaskhed (= sfloms pa)
and fortvivelse (= sgytd tug). This was obviously done in
order to fill up Hopkins’ incomplete list in which one of
Rgyal tshab rje’s faults is missing; see the main part of
the present paper. After having received the article of
S. Dietz in JNRC 4 and a xeroxcopy of the manuscript of this
paper, C. Lindtner has informed me (in a letter dated 4.3.1981)
about his new attempt to identify the 57 faults of Nägärjuna’s
Ratnävatt. According to his latest interpretation there are 3
faults defined in V 27 and 4 in V 28:
185
paränudayatäpratisamyukto vitarkah (l+l)
sneha(-scansparsah)3 m . c . f o r kämavitarkah (1+2)
vyäpädasamsparsah3 m. c . f o r vyäpädavitarkah (1+3)
aratih (1+4)
samutkanthä (1+5)
tandrt (1+6)
älasyam (1+7)
Only in V 28ab Lindtner agrees with Rgyal tshab rje, Uryüzu,
and Hopkins. The rest is his own and original solution.
Lindtner’s explanation, together with his references, will
be accessible in his forthcoming book Nägärjundana3 Copen
hagen 1982. I am still doubtful whether this is the final
solution of the numerical problem, but I gratefully acknow
ledge the profit I gained from the exchange of opinions with
Lindtner, especially from his hints of the parallels in the
(Pali) Vibhahga and in the invaluable Abhddharmadtpa.
187
QUOTATIONS FOUND IN THE Ratnatlka OF BHÄ8ARVAJNA
Minoru HARA (Tokyo)*
More than half a century ago, in the year 1920, the text of
the Ratnatlkä was published by C.D. Dalai in the Gaekwad's
Oriental Series (GOS) as a commentary on the Ganakärikä of
Haradattacarya.1 This is a Päsupata treatise, the author of
which is considered to be Bhäsarvajna, a well-known master of
Nyaya. It was from this Ratnatlkä that Mädhava in the twelfth
century quoted many passages when he composed the sixth chapter
of his Sarvadarsanasamgraha. However, the Ratnatlka as we now
have it is itself full of quotations from other texts. This
testifies to the fact that the author, Bhäsarvajna, owed much
to the writings of his predecessors when he wrote this treatise
on Päsupata Saivism. He explicitly mentions a sutra and bhäsya3
and holds the bhasyakrt in high regard.
Two decades after the publication of the Ratnatlka , the
Päsupata-sütra^ together with the Paftoävthabhäsya, a commentary
by Kaundinya, was published in the Trivandrum Sanskrit Series
(TSS) in 1943.3 No comparative study of these Päsupata Saiva
texts has as yet been made.
In this paper I have collected seventy passages from the
Ratnatlkä, where the author quotes from Srrrrti literature, or
refers expressly to writings of his predecessors. Occasionally,
he seems to refer to writings of his own, which apparently are
now lost. Some of these quotations are traced back to Smrtl
literature and to earlier Päsupata treatises, but the others
remain unidentified.
In the pages which follow, I shall list the quotations
in order of their appearance in the Ratnatlkä. Each passage
is followed by the page and line numbers of the Ratnatlkä
text (GOS 15) and is furnished with an English translation.
When quotations are identified, the original reference is
given; otherwise they are simply noted as "not identified"
or "not traceable". The list will be concluded with a brief
analysis and discussion from the textual point of view.
188
1. tath a ca yajh avalkyah
y a ti-p a tr c m i irrrä-venu-därv- a läbu-mayäni ca
s a l i l a i h suddh ir etesäm g o -v ä la is ca nigharsanam
(p .5 , 11. ^-6 )
"An a s c e t i c ' s bow l i s made o f e a r t h , bam boo, w ood, o r
gourd. I t i s p u r i f i e d w ith w a te r and rubbed (d ry )
w ith c o w -h a ir."
- Y ä j n a v a l k y a s m r t i 3 . 6 0 w i t h d i f f e r e n t r e a d i n g s i n cd.
(sa lila m suddhir etesäm g o -v ä la is cävadharsanam).
2. manur apy aha
a ta ija s ä n i p ä trä n i ta sy a syu r n irvran än i ca
tesdm adbhih smrtam saucam camasänäm ivädh vare
(p .5 , 11. 7-9)
" H is bow l m ust n o t b e made o f m e t a l and m u st be
w ith o u t b lem ish . I t i s to be p u r if ie d w ith w a te r
j u s t l i k e s a c r i f i c i a l c u p s."
= M anusm rti 6 . 5 ^ .
3. säpannam ca salepam ca vibhinnam c a p i yad bhavet
ta tr a bnuktvä ca p i tv ä ca y a t i s cändräyanarn c a r e t
i t i yamah ( p . 5 , i l . 1 0 - 1 1 ) .
" i f he e a t s and d r i n k s fro m h i s bow l when i t i s
l e a k i n g , d i r t y o r c r a c k e d , t h e a s c e t i c m ust p e r f o r m
a Cändräyana . "
= Not i d e n t i f i e d . No v e r s e w h ic h c o r r e s p o n d s t o t h i s i s
found i n t h e Brhadyamasmrti a n d Yamasmrti (ASS H8,
SmrtZnäm Samuccayah, p p . * 9 9 - 1 0 7 and pp. 1 1 2 - 1 6 ) .
4. tath ä coktam / "qurur devo quruh svami" i t u ä d i
(p* 5 , 1 . 2 9 - p . 6 , 1 . 1 )
"For i t i s s a i d , 't h e m a s te r i s god, t h e m a s te r i s
t h e l o r d ' and s o f o r t h . "
- K ad PS 1 . 9 ( p . 2 8 , 1 1 . _ l - 2 )
gurur devo guruh svami gurur mata guruh p i t a
yasyaivam n i s c i t o bhävah sre y a s ta sy a na düratah
5. ta th ä coktam / "gran th ärth a-vidu sah ” i t y a d i ( p . 6 , 11.1+-5)
" F o r i t i s s a i d , ' t o him who knows t h e m e a n in g o f t h e
t e x t ’ a n d so f o r t h . "
= K ad PS 1 . 9 ( p . 2 8 , 1 1 . 1 5 - 1 6 ) , w h ic h h a s -v id u se i n s t e a d o f
-vidusah
g ra n th ä rth a -v id u se nityam yoga-märgänudarsine
sa rvä rth en ä p i kartavyah p a r ito s o v ijä n a tä .
189
6. bhäsya-virodho 'pi nästi / yato balom astähgam brahma-earyam
ity'asyäyam arthah Cp.6, 11. 8-9)
"Furthermore, there is no contradiction with the
Commentary. For this is his intention, when he says
'the power (of an aspirant in the first stage) is
brahmaearya consisting of eight parts'."
= K ad PS 5-30 (p.129, 1.10): balam astähgam brahmaoaryam.
7. tathä ca "balam akalusatvam" iti bhäsyam (p.6, l.lU)
"For it is said in the Commentary: 'the power (of an
aspirant in the second stage) is purity'."
= K ad PS 5-30 (p.129, 1 .13 ): balam akalusatvam.
8. bhäsya-krta tu param eva go-mrga-dharmatvam vyakhyatam
(p.6, il. 28-9)
"But, it is the higher sort (of endurance) that is
referred to by the author of the Commentary, as 'the
way of the ox and deer'."
: K ad PS 5-30 (p.129, l.l6): balam go-mrgayoh sahadharmitvam.
9. tatha ca bhäsyam "asya tu jftänam asti yasmäd ähäpramädz"
iti * (p.7, 11. 6-7)
"Thus the Commentary says: but he has knowledge, since
the Scripture says 'being constantly cautious'."
= K ad PS 5-^0 (p.lUO, 11. 13-15)
asya tu jftänam asti / yasmäd äha}
apramädi gacehet duhkhänäm antam Zsa-prasädät (PS 5-^0)
10. atra punar moksa-sästre vita-rägasya nisparigrahasya
satrava eva na vidyante kutdh tat-ksaya ity ato 'tra
bala-cintänupapanneti (p.7, 11. 10-11)
"But here in a book on final liberation {moksa-’s ästra) ,
which is intended for a man who is free from passions
and possession, there can be no enemies. How could
there be the defeat of enemies ? Thus it is impossible
to conceive of power."
= The moksa-sästra may here mean simply a common noun
instead of a proper noun. At any rate, there is no reference
to such a sästra either in K, or in the rest of RT.
11. lihgadhärity upadesäd iti (p.8, 1.3)
"Because the scriptures teach that he should bear a
sectarian mark."
= PS 1.6: lihga-dhavi.
190
12. avyakta-lihgitvopade&äd vidyädi-gopanopadeSäo oeti (p.8,
11. 4-5)
"Because the scriptures teach that he should give up
sectarian marks and hide the (sectarian) knowledge,
etc."
= PS 3.1: avyakta-lihgi and PS 4.1: gudha-vidya tapa
änantyäya prakätate.
13. devanityatvärthatve 'py asyä indriyajayärthataiva
prädhänyenoktä sütränäm sambandha-kathana-dvärenäcärya-
bhäsyakrteti (p.8, li. 6-7)
"Although this stage (the third stage) aims also at
constant association with God (devanityatva) , its
aim at victory over the sense-organs (indriyajaya)
is more important and it is accordingly so called
in the course of discussing the connection of the
sütras by the Teacher who wrote the Commentary."
= Cf. K ad PS 5-30 (p.129, 11. 17-18): labhas tu deva-
nityata jitendriyatvam oeti. Cf. also PS 5.10 and
11 and K ad loc. (p. il6, 11. 13-l4, 20 and p.117,
1. 5).
14. uktam hi-
purvam darbhäh punar bhasma candanam sutram eva oa
puspani oa punar dhupam mantra esa kramah smrtah
(p*.8,‘ll. 26-7)
"For it is said,
First darbha-grass, then ashes, sandalwood and
string, flowers and then incense and spells. Thus
the order is taught in Smrti."
= Not identified.
15. ittham vyakhyana-karanad upakaranader api samgraha ity
ato na samskärakärikä-virodhah (p.8, 11. 28-9)
"By explaining the term thus it may be taken to
include the physical paraphernalia (of initiation);
hence there is no contradiction with the Samskara-
kärikä ."
- Not traceable.
16. tat-kramas oa samskärakärikayäm drastavyah (p.9, l.l)
"The order of this ritual is to be understood from
the Samskörakärikä. "
= Not traceable. Samskärakarikä seems to be a title of
a lost work.
191
17. murti-sabdena yad upahara-sutrejmhadevejya-sthanam
ürdhva-lihgadi-laksanam vyakhyätam .
, tat-samipa-daksina-
bhuprade§ah kutyady-avyavahito 'trabhipretah (p.9 ,
11. 1-3)
"By the word image is meant a spot of ground to the
south of, and not separated by, an ascetic's hut,
etc., near the seat of worship of God which should
be (an image) characterised by an erect phallus,
etc., as described in the sütra of presentation."
= By upahara-sutra here is meant PS 1.8: hasita-gZta-
nrtta-duirdumkara-namaskara-japyopaharenopatisthet.
Cf. al*so PS 1.9 (mahädevasya daksinä-murteh) and
K ad loc. (p.15, 11. 6-7): yad rüpam upalabhyate
vrsadhvaja-sülapäni nandi-mahäkälordhvalingädi-
laksanam ... )
18 . Sästränuge pracäre yo 'bhinivistah prakrsta-dhlh kuäalah
sa bhavati matah kila satam äcäryo jfiäna-hetus ca
(p.9, 11. 5-6) *
'He who is devoted to conduct which is in accordance
with scripture, who is of outstanding intellect and
skillful, may be considered indeed a teacher of good
men and a cause of their knowledge."
= Not identified.
19. äcärarn sthäpayan sisyän yasmäd äcarati svayam
äcinoii ca sästrärtnän äcäryas tena ktvtyate (p.9 , 11 .8-9 )
"Since he established his pupils in good conduct and
practises good conduct himself, since he gathers the
meanings of scripture, therefore he is called teacher."
= Cf. Lihgapürana 1.10.16,
svayam dearäte yasmäd äeäre sthäpayaty api
äcinoti ca sästrärthän äcäryas tena cocyate
Cf. also Lihgapürana 2.20.20, Väyupuräna 59-30, my
paper, "Hindu Concepts of Teacher", Sanskrit and
Indian Studies3 D.H.H. Ingalls Volume (Dordrecht,
1979), p.105, note 2, and P. Olivelle, Väsudevä&rarra
latidharmaprakäsa , Part One 60.U1-U2 (p.92 ) (Vienna,
1976), and Part 2 (1977), p.173.
20 . tesäm samäsädlnäm svarüpam yady api srlmatäcäryena
bhäsyävasäne prakatitam tathäpi lesatas tad-bhäsya-
vivaranärtham asmäbhir apy ucyate (p.9 , 11 . 19-21 )
"Although the nature of these modes has been
explained by the glorious teacher at the end of
192
his Commentary, we shall furnish a few remarks here
which may serve to elucidate his work."
= K ad PS 5.47 (p.l46, 1.17 to the end of the Commentary):
evam ete paftca padärthäh kärya-kärana-yoga-vidhi-
duhkhäntäh samäsa-vistara-vibhäga-visesopasamhära-
nigamanataS ca v y ä k h y ä t ä h ....
21. yadä gunair yukta ity-ädi-bhäsya-virodhäc ca (p.10, 11.
10-11 )
"Because (that interpretation) contradicts the state
ment of the Commentary, ’when he becomes connected
with the qualities’."
= K ad PS 1.28 (p.U7 , 11. 5-6): yadä gunair yuktah
präptaisvaryah siddhas tadä sarvesäm Sakter avasyo
bhavatity arthaki
For the phrase yadä gunair yukta..., cf. also TSS
143, p.48, 1.3, 11.13-14, p.U9, 11. 1-2, p.51,
1.10 (K ad PS 1.38), and p.l48, 11. 16-17.
22. satkärya-vicäre cäyam vistärito mayäs teneha na pratanyate
(p.10, 11. 14-15)
"I have treated this matter at length in my
Satkärya-vicära and so need not do so here."
= Not identified. Title of a lost work ?
23. anayor bhedas tikäntare mayä darsita iti neha pradarsyate
(p.10, 11. 27-8)
"The difference between these two types has been
explained by me in another Commentary [tika) and
so is not explained here."
= Not identified. Title unknown.
24. daivam astavidham jfteyam tairyag-yonam ca paftcadhä
parvom ekam tu manusyam etat samsära-mandalam (p.ll,
11. 3-4)
"Divine beings are of eight kinds, animals of five.
But there is only one human category (parva?). These
compose the cycle of the transmigration."
= The verse itself is not identified, but a verse with a
similar purport appears in the Sämkhya-Kärikä 53,
asta-vikalpo daivas tairyag-yonas ca paflcadhä bhavati
mänusas caikavidhah samäsato ’yam tridhä sargah
Cf. also K ad PS 2.23 (p.73, 11.5-11): sthänäni tu ..
... brähnam präjäpatyam saumyam aindram gändharvam
yäksam räksasam paisäcam iti / .... tathä mänusa-
pa§u-mrga-paksi-sarisrpa-sthävarädinäm grahanam ..../
193
evam sthänatas oaturdaSakah samsära ity upacaryate}
and Väyupuräna 15.1 (oaturdasa-vtdham ... samsära-
mandalam).
25. nityänägantukai§varya-yukte parama-kärane
yatra väoo nivartante väg-vi§uddhah sa kZrtitah (p.ll,
11. 26-7)
"The ultimate cause is connected with eternal and
unacquired sovereignty since that from which words
turn back is called ’free from all designation’..."
= The verse itself is not identified, but for yato (in
stead of yatra) väoo n i v a r t a n t e cf. Taittirlya
Upanisad 2.1|.l and 2.9.1. Reference is also to be
made to PS 5.27 {väg-visuddhah).
26 . ksanaikam apt yas tatra präpnoty ekägratäm yatih
sa dagdhvä sarva-karmäni siva-säyujyam äpnuyät (p.ll,
11. 28- 9 )
"An ascetic, if he can pinpoint his consciousness
on this for just one moment, burns thereby all his
karma and attains equality with Siva."
= The verse itself is not identified, but reference
should be made to PS 5-33 (labhate rudra-säyuyyam).
27. dharma-ksetram param hy etad yac chiväyatanaqi bhuvi
vidhi-btjasya sä bhümis tatra vaptam mahä-phalam (p.12,
11 . 19- 20 )
"A temple of Siva is the highest field of virtue
on this earth. It is the ground for the seed of
prescribed action, and there the great reward is
sown."
= Not identified. If the text is right, vapta must be an
irregular form for upta. One is also tempted to read
taträväptam.
28 . lihgädd h.asta-'satam sägram §iva-ksetram samantatah
jantünäm tatra patioat vam stva-säyujya-käranam (p.i_2,
11. 21-2 )
"For a hundred cubits about the lihga all is holy
ground: The death of creatures in that place is
the cause of their attaining equality with Siva."
= The verse itself is not identified. For comparison
note Saurapuräna 65.77-78:
194
krosa-mätram tiva-ksetram samantät paramesthinah
dehinäm tatra paflcatvam siva-säyiyjya-kärannm
29. gräme vä yadi vety-ädi (p.12 , line 23 )
"Either in a village or in ..."
= K ad PS 1.7 (p.13, 11. 1-2):
gräme va yadi väranye punya-sthänam hi iülinäh
äväso dharma-trptänäm siadhi-ksetram hi tat param
30. pränäyämair dahed dosän dhäranäbhis ea kilbisam
praiyähärena visayän dhyänenähisvarän gunän tp.12, 11 .
28-9)
"By breath-control one should burn one’s faults,
by concentration of the mind one should burn one’s
sins. By withdrawal of the senses one should burn
the objects of sense and by meditation one should
burn those qualities which are not of God."
r Väyupuräna 10.93 and Manusmrti 6.72, which reads
samsargän for visayän in c. For comparison note
Lihga Puräna 18 .76 :
pätakam dhäranäbhis tu pratyähärena nirdahet
visayän visavad dhyätvä dhyänenänisvarän gunän
31. pränäyämena yuktasya viprasya niyatätmanah
sarve dosäh prana§yanti sattvasthaS caiva jäyate
(p.12, line 30, p.13, line l)
"By breath-control a disciplined and self-
controlled Brahmin destroys all his faults and
becomes firmly based on sattva."
- Väyupuräna 10.90.
32. jala-bindu-kusägrena mäse mäse ca yah pibet
samvatsara-satam sägram pränäyämaikatat-samam (p.13,
11* 2-3)
"He who would drink only a drop of water a month
for a full hundred years from a spike of Kusa
grass, would do no more than equal a simple per
formance of breath-control."
= Cf. Väyupuräna 10.92:
ab-bindum yah ku'sägrena mäsi mäsi samasnute
samvatsara-satam sägram pränäyämam ca tat samam
For the first half of this verse, cf. Linga Puräna
1 .89.19 ab and for its variation (mäse mäse kusä-
grena ...), cf. Dhammapada 70 and Udänavarga 2^.20.
See also F.Bernhard, Udänavarga3 Band 1 (Göttingen
1965), pp.302ff.
195
33. pränäyäma-visuddhätmä yasmät pasyati tat param
tasmät kimcit param nästi pränäyämäd iti %rutih (p.13,
11. U-5)
"Because the man whose soul is purified by breath-
control sees the highest, there is nothing higher
than that breath-control. Such is the teaching
of Scripture."
= Not identified.
3^. uktam ca "hriyate budhyamäno 'pi" ity ädi (p.13, 1 . 12)
"And it is said, 'even a wise man is carried away'
and so forth."
= K ad PS 2. lU (p.67, 11. 10-12),
uktam hi
hriyate buddhir mano 'pi narasya dehendriyaih
amüdha-samjflo durdäntair dustäsvair iva särathih
The printed text of K is to be corrected by the RT
reading (budhyamäno for buddhir mano). Cf. also Mahä-
bhärata 3 .2 .62.
35. ahnä rätryä ca yctft jantün nihanty ajhänato yatih
tesäm snätvä visuddhy-artham pränäyämän sad äcaret (p.13,
11. lU-15)
"The ascetic kills creatures in ignorance by day
and by night. To purify himself of their (death)
he must bathe and perform breath-control six times."
= Manusmrti 6 .69, which has hinasty for nihanty in b.
36. bhäsyasyäpi tathaiva srutatvän nädrstärtham adrsta-suddhes
cäniscayät trikänuparama-prasahgah syät3 tasmät kalusa-
nivrttau pürva-krtädharmaksapanärtham api vidhy-äcaranam
eva kartavyam / tathä ca sütram "bhüyas tapas caret" iti
(p.13, 11. 17-20)
Since just this use is clearly stated by the Commen
tary, they should not (be performed) for an unsanction
ed purpose. Furthermore, since there is no defining of
an unsanctioned purification there would be no end of
the application of these three. Accordingly, just as
one destroys the demerit that was incurred prior to
the removal of impurity (by these three rituals), one
should perform (specifically) prescribed action in
order to remove the demerit incurred by (other) trans
gressions. In this connection the Sütra says "one
must practise further austerity."
196
= K ad PS 1.15 (p.37, 11. lUff)
drste oäbhibhäsite oopahatena nirghätanam kim
kartavyam / tad uoyate upasparsanam / .... /
abhyupagamanena kalusa-matinety arthah
K ad PS 1.16 (p. 38, 11. Iff)
äha3 upasprsya yadi kalusam na kstnam syät3 tato
nirghätanam kim kartavyam? / tad uoyate3 sä-
kähksatvän nisthä-sabdasya pränäyämah kartavyah
K ad PS 1.17 (p. 39, 11. 5ff)
ähä3 atha krte pränäyäme yadi kalusam na kstnam
syät tato 'nena kim kartavyam? / tad ucyate3
japyam.
PS 2.19 (bhüyas tapas caret).
37- manur apy äha3
yat kiH cid enah kurvanti väh-mano-mürtibhir janäh
tat sarvam nirnudanty äsu tapasaiva tapodhanäh
(p.13, 11* 21-2)
"Manu also says,
Persons of great austerity dispel whatever sin
they commit in word, mind or body by means of
their austerity."
= Manusmrti 11.2^1, which has mano-väh-rnürtibhir for
väh-mana-mürtibhir in b and nirdahanty for nir
nudanty in c.
38. maJiäpätakinas oaiva sesas oäkärya-kärinah
tapasaiva sutaptena mucyante kilbisät tatah (p.13,
11. 23-h)
"Persons who commit major sins, and others, who
do what they should not do are released from
their sin solely by rigorous austerity."
- Manusmrti 11.239.
39. tathä Srtmad-bhäsyakrtäpi jftäpakam uktam -
tapobhir äryä ninudanti päpam
dhyänopayogät ksapayanti punyam
te nirmaläs tattvavido visuddhä
gaoohanti moksam hy ubhayor abhävät (p.i3 5 xi. 25-27 )
"Proof thereof is also furnished by the reverend
Commentator,
Good men drive out evil by austerity, and by the
practice of meditation destroy the merit. Being
197
free from the impurities, conversant with truth
and pure, they attain release by their lack of
both."
= Not identified. There is no such verse in the printed
text of K ad PS.
^0. yatah tatraiva jhäpakäntaram uktam -
sarvam ddhati dhyänena punya-päpa-kriyäsrayam
punya-päpa-phale dagdhe svämt tasya na vidyate iti
(p*.13, 1. 28 - p.lU, 1. 2)
"For proof is furnished by another passage in the same
work.
By means of the meditation, one burns the whole
substratum of good and evil. When the fruit of
both good and evil is burnt, there is no longer
any owner of the fruit."
= Not identified.
4l. tathä. oänyaträpy uktam
dharmah prayatnatah käryo yoginä tu visesatah
nästi (tharmäd rte yoga iti yogavido viduh iti
(p.lU, 11. 6-7*)
"This has been said elsewhere too,
Virtue should be practised zealously, especially
by a yogin. There is no yoga without virtue. All
knowers of yoga know this."
= Not identified.
(Note) Since we have a lacuna in the printed text of K
ad PS 2. l6 (p.69), where tapas is discussed,
these passages (39-^1) may refer to the original
which is now lost.
h2. evam tarhy anarthakam vidhy-anusthänam iti oen nänena
vidhinä rudrasamipam gatveti pravaoanäd.... (p.lU,
11. 3-U)
"(Objection) At this rate, (if meditation and yoga
are sufficient to bring about release,) the per
formance of prescribed actions would be useless.
(Answer) No. (The sütra) says "By this prescribed
action one goes into God’s presence."
= PS ^.19: anena vidhinä rudra-samipam gatvä.
198
b3. atra oa paHca-vidha-bhaiksäbhidhäyakam väkyam "oaren
mädhukarim" ity-ädy-avirodhena vyäkhyeyam (p.lA, 11.
20- 21 )
"Also in this connection, the statement referring
to the five sorts of food obtained by begging,
"one should follow the practice of the bee" etc.,
is to be explained as not hindering (the perfor
mance) ."
= K ad PS 1.9 (p. 31, 11. 8-9):
oaren mädhukarim vrttim vaZmika-nioayopamäm
akruddhas oäprahrstas oa tapas tadd hi sanätanam
K ad PS 1.9 (p. 31, 11. 18-19):
mädhükarcon asamkalpam präk-pravrttam ayäcitam
tat-tat-kälopapannam oa bhaiksyam paflca-vidham
smrtam
bh. yati-dharmasya sadbhävah srüyatäm guna-dosatah
apramädät parä siddhih pramädän narakam dhruvam
(p.lU, 11. 23-U)
"Mark well what the presence of ascetic virtue
means for good and evil. From carefulness comes
the highest perfection, from carelessness comes
certain hell."
= Not identified.
^5. kriyopavama-laksano 'py atigaty-ädi-sabda-väcya iti
(p.lfc, 1. 28)
"That (yoga) which is characterised by the
cessation of activity is denoted by the words
atigati, etc."
= Reference may be made to PS 2.17 (atyägatim gamaya
te) and K ad loc. (p.69, 1. 20: atigatir iti
yoga-paryäyah)
U6. padärthänäiri samäptir upasamhäras tatra duhkhänta-
kärya-kärana-vidhinäm iti sabdena samäptir uktä /
yogasya tu tvä-sabdeneti (p.15, ll. h-6)
"Summing up is equivalent to the completion of
the categories. (Thus) in the present case, the
end of suffering, effect, cause and prescribed
action are completed by the word iti. While
the union (of God and man) is expressed by the
word ä ."
= Despite some obscurity, reference may be made to
PS 2.6 (särva-kämika ity äoaksate) and K ad loo.
199
(p.6o, 11. 16-20). Cf. also K ad PS 5.^7 (p. 1U 7 ,
11. 10-11 and p. li+8, 1. b). The text should he
emended: (tu tvä-sabdena to tv ä-sabdena).
47. tad-vicäras ca satkärya-vicäre krta iti neha kriyate
(p.15, 1.17)
"I have discussed this in my Satkäryavicära and
therefore do not do so here.”
= Title of a lost work?
bQ. linga-kartety-ädi-jftäpakäd upacäräd vä maflca-sabdavat
(p.l6, 11. 22-3)
"The (indirect) word being used because we have
a proof thereof 'the giver of the sectarian mark'
and so forth, or the word is used by metonymy
like the word 'chairs’.”
= K ad PS 1.9 (p. 28, 11. 19-20):
lihga-kartri yathä mätä sästra-kartä yathä pitä
prabodha-krd gurus tesäm tad eväyatanam mdhat
bg. yady apy äyatana-sütre pratisedhdh srüyate tathäpi
de§a-prastäve gurur abhipreta eväcäryo loka ity-ädi-
jftäpakäbhyanujltänät (p.l6, 11. 23-U)
"Granted that this interpretation seems to contra
dict the Temple Sütra, still, in speaking of place
it is the master who is meant, for we admit a
proof thereof in the form (of series): teacher,
world, etc."
= l) äyatana-sütra refers to PS 1.7 (äyatana-väst).
2) desa-prastäva refers to K ad PS 5.30 (p.130, 11.
12-13):
väsärtho lokas ca sünyägäram tathä smasänam ca
rudraS ca paflca de§ä niyatam siddhy-artham äkhyätäh
Possibly a manuscript of K, which the RT had, might
read äcäryo for väsärtho in a, because väsärtha
here does not fit the context. K is also confused
on p.129, 1. 13, because äyatane vasaty-arthah
should be lohe or jane vasatyarthah. See the next
quotation.
50. ata eva güdha-vratopadesäd äyatane väsa ity aträyatana-
sabdo yane vivaksito .... (p.16 , 11 . 2U— 5 ).
200
"Similarly after the instruction in regard to
the hidden vov, the word temple in the passage
teaching that one dwells in a temple must be
taken to mean the world of men...."
= l) güdha-vratopade&a here refers to PS h.2 (güdha-
vratah)
2) It is clear from the context that äyatane vasaty-
arthah in K ad PS 5.30 (p.129, 1. 13) must be
jane (or loke) vasaty-arthah. A manuscript which
RT had seems to read here just the same as we
have it now. It might be simply an error of
Kaundinya, for he himself mentions loka when
enumerating the five places (paftca desä, p. 130,
11. 12-13). The author of the RT, consequently,
was compelled to authorise the error of K by
explaining it in his own way.
51. guhä-grahanam süträrthopalaksanärtham atah sünyägära-
guhayor anyataram vyäsahgädi-dosa-varjitam yat präpyate
tatra vastavyam (p.l6, 1. 28 - p.17, 1. 2).
"The word ’guhä’ (in the Ganakärikä) implies by
extension the (full) meaning of the Sütra. That
is to say, the aspirant may dwell in an empty
building or hidden retreat, whichever he happens
to obtain, as long as this place is free of faults
such as distractions."
= The sütra here refers to PS 5-9: sünyägära-guhä-väst.
52. tathä eoktams
pÜ2*vottarävirodhena väkyävtham hy avivälitam
yas tarkenänusandhatte sa dharmam veda netarah
(p. 17, 11*. 23-5)
"Only he who by reason can determine the firm
meaning of a sentence (of scripture) so as not
to contain any contradiction between the things
said first and those said later knows dharma."
= Not identified.
53. dharmasyopäyah caryä / bhasma-snänädir müdhäntah
kriyä-samühas caryety ucyate / sä ca try-ahgä däna-
yäga-täpähgeti (p .17, U . 26-7 ).
"Conduct is the means of obtaining merit. All the
(prescribed) activities from bathing in ashes to
acting the fool are called conduct. It consists
of three parts: giving, sacrifice and austerity."
: K ad PS 1.2 (p. 8, 11. l6-l8):
201
tad ucyate - bhasmanädyo nindä-madhyo müdhäntas
ca vidhih / sa ca try-ahgo däna-yajana-taporhga iti.
5U. apamäna-paribhava-pariväda-nispädana-dvärena pürvotpan-
nayor dharmädharmayor äya-vyaya-nimittatvä’d iti kramah
svarüpam caisäm bhäsya eva prapaflcitam (p.l8, 11. 6-8)
"The indirect practices are so called because it
is only indirectly by their giving rise to scorn,
contempt and reproach from others that they cause
an increase of the merit and a diminution of the
demerit which a man has already acquired. The
nature of each of these is set forth in order and
at length in the Commentary."
= It may refer to K ad PS 3.3 (avamatah), 3.5 (pari-
bhüyamänas caret) and 3-7 (paresäm parivädät ).
As for the phrase dharmädharmayor äya-vyaya, cf.
also K ad PS 2.l6 (p.69, 1. 12: dharmasyäyo
adharmasya vyayo bhavati).
55- vayam tu pasyämo 'bhigamya ca yat pürvam japatity-ädi
bhäsyasyärtho yadi vicäryate tadävasyam gatvä samyatätma-
nottaräbhimukhena praty-ähära-visesärtham japtavyam
(p.18, 11. 23-5)
"But our view is that if one examines closely the
sense of the Commentary where it says "having gone
(there) he prays as he has been praying before" etc.,
one will see that it follows of necessity that the
worshipper must go and facing north with self-
control pray for complete withdrawal of his senses."
- K ad PS 1.8 (p.13, 11. 10-11): abhigamya ca yat pürvam
japati tat pratyähärärtham japyam orp om om
56. ... ity aha bhagavän äcäryah svämt mama yenäham ajflänärna-
väd uttäritah (p.19, 11. 2-3)
"The reverend teacher, my master, by whom I was
rescued from the ocean of ignorance, says..."
= It is not specified here, who the teacher of Bhäsarva-
jna is.
57. tikä-käräs tu sarvam ä paritosät kartavyam ity evam
pratipannäh (p.19, 11. 3-b)
"But the Commentators understand that one should
perform them until one is satisfied."
202
= The plural here could he honorific and could refer
to a single person. But it is not likely that
he is Kaundinya,
58. tato ’vabhrtha-snänam krtvä bhagaväml-lakulisädin räsi-
karäntämd oa tirthakärän anukramena yathävad bhaktyä
namas-kuryät... (p.19 , 11 . 7- 8 )
"Then, alter performing the purificatory ablution,
he must pay homage to the teacher of the sect,
beginning with the Blessed Lakulfsa and ending
with Räsfkara in the proper order and with
devotion..."
= Lakulfsa is the founder and Räsfkara is Kaundinya.
Cf. my note lUU Nakulisa-päsupata-darsanam3 IIJ3
2, p.30).
59- kim tv apamänädi-nispädakatvam yena paribhavam gacched
ity upade§äd ___ (p.19, 11. 23-M
"Censure etc. is brought about on account of
the instruction 'by this one should win contempt..."
= PS 3 .18 : yena paribhavam gaochet
60. tayä dhäranayä nirmali-krtam oittam rudra-tattve
sthäpitam sitdirghakälam na eyavata ity anenaiva
visesena pürva-dhyänäpeksayedam dhäranä-sahitam
dhyänam param ity uktam srimad-bhäsya-krtä parama-
yoginä (p.20, 11 . 10-13)
"By this yoga-retention the thought is purified,
placed on the truth of Rudra, and does not depart
therefrom for a long time. By this distinction
the meditation which is accompanied by yoga-
retention is superior to the former sort of
meditation (that accompanied by prayer) and is
called the higher sort by the Commentator, a
master yogin."
= K ad PS 5.25 (p. 126, 1. 13): tad-dhäranähitam param
dhyänam. Here the reading of K is emended with
the help of the RT reading. Instead of tad
dhäranähitam, one must read tad dhäranä-sahitam.
61. The verses from p. 20, line l6 to p. 21, line l8 are
not yet identified.
62. deva-nityatvam eva sadä-smrtir ity ucyate (p.21, 11.
23-*0
"What is called constant mindfulness (of Rudra)
is nothing more than the state of being constantly
associated with God."
203
= This may refer to K ad PS 5-10 (p.ll6, 11. 18-19) and
PS 5.31+ (p. 132, 11. 5-6): smrtis tu deva-nityatety
arthah
63. sahgädi-nivrtter upäyäntaram indr iya-jay a ity eke / tan
na paflcopäyatva-virodhätj tyägädäna-sütra-bhäsya-virodhäe
aa (p.21, 11. 28-9 )
"Some interpreters say that victory over the senses
is a separate means for turning one away from at
tachment, etc. But this is wrong, for it contra
dicts the fact that there are (just) five means and
it contradicts the scripture and commentary on
giving and taking."
= Though not quite clear, this tyägädäna-sütra may refer
to a verse quoted in K ad PS 5-7 (p.llU, 11.21-2),
which gives a Volksetymologie of indriya3
ädänäd grahanät tyägäd rahganäd gamanät tathä
ihganäd ravanäo eaiva tasmäd indriyam uoyate
The wrong interpretation may also derive from K ad
PS 5.7 (p.115, 11. 2-3): asahgädi-janma-nimittatvät
paftcami drastavyä?
6h. deva-nityatvendriya-jayayor abheda ity anye 'pi / tad
api na / laksana-bhedäd indriyotsarga-grahayoh prabhutvam
indriyajaydh / deve bhäväbhyäsataratvam devanityatvam iti
(p.21, line'29 - p.22, line 2)
"Others say that there is no difference between the
state of being constantly associated with God and
victory over the senses. This also is wrong, for
the definitions of the two are different. Victory
over the senses is being master of the givings and
takings of the senses. The state of being constant
ly associated with God is a continuous attitude of
devotion to God."
= One may refer to K ad PS 5.11 (p.117, line 2: atva
jitendriyatvam noma utsarga-nigraha-yogyatvam)
and PS 5.10 (p.ll6, 11. 17-18: adhyayana-dhyänä-
bhyäm deve ’dhikrtasya prädhänyena nisoalatä
vavtate / svalpatara-vyavadhäne 'pi atiyogäbhyäsa-
nirantara-präptih)
This wrong interpretation may have originated from
K ad PS 5.11 (p.117, 11. 3-5: täni yadä akusalebhyo
vyävartayitvä kämatah kusale yojitäni hata-visadar-
204
vikaravad avasthitäni bhavanti3 tadä devanityo
gitendriya ity arthah) and K ad PS 5*7 (p. 11**,
1. 2h - p. 115, 1. l).
65. sästräntarebhyo 'pi tarhi samsayädi-nivrtter avisesa-
prasahga iti cen na sästrän tara-pranetrndm api vipar-
yayänivrtti-pratipädanäd äoärya-vai§esya-prakarane
(p. 22,’ll. 12-1*0
"But it may be objected that even from other
scriptures doubt may be dispelled and that there
is therefore no particular advantage (in the
Päsupata system). This objection does not hold,
for it has been shown under the topic of the
superiority of the (Päsupata) teacher that the
authors of other scriptures do not dispel error."
= K has no independent prakarana for äoärya-vaisesya.
The prakarana may have been lost in our printed
edition of K. However, K contains passages where
it is said "atah sarväcärya-visisto ’yam äoärya
iti” (p. 3, 1. 3). Comparing RT with K, the
former is more conscious of the problem of äoärya
than the latter.
66. saktih sahqah visayäsakti-laksana-sukham bhäsye sukhä-
bhdmäna ity anenoktam (p. 22, 11. 20-21)
"By attachment or clinging is meant the pleasure
of clinging to the objects of the senses; this
is spoken of in the Commentary as ’false pleasure’."
= Not identified. The passage of K which contains
sukhäbhimäna may have been lost.
67. tasyaiva laksanärtham bhä§yam3 ”avivecana-misrana
prerana-laksano vana-gajavat" iti (p. 22, 11.' 21-22)
"To define it the Commentary uses the phrase
"characterised by non-discrimination, confusion
and urgency like a wild elephant."
= K ad PS 5.1 (p- 110, 11. 13-1*0: drstänta-sravana-
preksana-laksano vana-gajavat traikälyam ity arthah
The printed text of K here seems to be corrupt and
the RT quotation gives a better reading. Reference
may also be made to RT p. l6, 1. 6.
68. atra bhäsya-virodhän na mithyäjHäna-kalusa-päpma-sahga-
oyutayah purusasya bhävät oitta-vidyayor vä (p. 22,
11. 27-28)
"The impurity of false knowledge, as also sin,
attachment and deviation are not to be taken as
205
affectations of the soul or of the thought or
knowledge, for this would contradict the
Commentary."
= This passage is for the RT to introduce and reject
a view held by teachers of other schools, and
therefore there is no explicit statement as such
in the printed text of K.
69. tatha ca satkaryaviaare prapafloitam etad iti
(p. 23, 1. 2)
"I have explained this in detail in the Satkärya-
vicära."
= Title of a lost work?
TO. tantre saksan mahesvara-pranitam atha-sabdädi siväntam
sästram tantram tasminn ete pratipäditä ity arthah
(p. 23*, 11. 9-11)
"The system means the scripture composed by God
himself which begins with the word atha and ends
with the word §iva."
= This tantra is nothing but the Päsupata Sutras, which
begins with atha... (PS l.l) and ends with sivah
(PS 5.U7).
From the above list of quotations found in the Ratna-
ttka (RT) of Bhäsarvajha, the following points become clear.
206
1) The quotations from Smrti literature, Manu and
Yäjflavalkya, are identifiable (with occasional slight
variations) when the names of the Smrt'L writers are mention
ed (our list nos. 1, 2, 30, 35, 37, 38).
2) The author apparently wrote another treatise on
Päsupata Saivism, which was entitled Satkäryavicära. Three
times (nos. 22, 1*7, 69) he refers to this work and leaves
further details of discussion to it. Once (no. 23) he does
not specify the name of the treatise hut calls it simply
tikäntara (another commentary), which may he a work other
than the Satkäryavioära. Twice he mentions the name Sarpskära-
kärtkä (nos. 15-16), hut this is apparently not a work of his
own; he esteems it highly. The Samskärakärikä, then, which
is now lost, seems to have heen written hy his predecessor.
3) Bhäsarvajna was well acquainted with the Päsupata-
sütra (PS). It is remarkable that the PS which he knew is
almost the same as that which we have now in printed form
(TSS ll*3), for our text has the same beginning and ending
as Bhäsarvajna specifically mentions (no.70).4 He styles
the PS as a whole sästra or tantra (no. JO), hut when he
refers to particular passages (upahära-sütra no.17, äyatana-
sütra no.l*9/l5 or quotes them (nos. 36, 51, 63), he calls
them sütras. He also uses the terms upadesa (nos. 11, 12,
50, 59) and pvavaoana (no. 1*2) for the PS when he quotes in
full, or truncates the particular sütras. The use of these
appellations, sütra3 upadesa and pravaoana3 6 indicates that
Bhäsarvajßa considered the PS as the fundamental text of
Päsupata Saivism.7
However, above all, the most noteworthy fact is the
author’s strong reliance upon the Pafloärthabhä§ya, the com
mentary of Kaundinya on the PS. Bhäsarvajna not only refers
to Kaundinya by such honorific titles as srnmad bhäsyakrt
(no. 39), srtmad äeärya (no. 20), äcärya-bhäsyakrt ’(no. 13)
and srZmad-bhäsyakrt paramayogin (no. 6o), but aiso quotes
the words of Kaundinya under the name of jftäpaka ("authori
tative statement: nos. 39-^0, 1*8—1+9) - He uses a number of
Kaundinya’s passages in order to substantiate his argument
(bhasye nos. 5^, 66, bhäsyam no. 67, tathä aa bhäsyam no. 9,
bhäsyasyäpi tathaiva sruiatvät no. 36), and adheres faith
fully to the view held by Kaundinya, whenever teachers of
other schools of Päsupata Saivism deviate from him. He not
only rejects these heretical views (tty eke3 no. 63,
207
ity anye no. 64) 8 on the authority of Kaundinya’s state
ments (bhäsya-virodhät nos. 6 , 7 , 21, 63,*68), but also
considers it his task to develop the view advocated by him
(bhäsya-vivaranärtha no. 20). It is also evident that the
text of the Pakoärthabhäsya which Bhäsarvajna had is almost
the same as that which we have now, for what he specifically
mentions "(at) the end of the Commentary (bhäsyävasäne
no. 20)" is actually the last portion of our printed text
(TSS 1U3 ).
From the text-critical point of view, the following
observations are worthy of note.
Bhäsarvajna faithfully relies upon the wordings of
Kaundinya to such an extent that we are in a position to
make the following inference: when Bhäsarvajfla’s references
to the Pakoärthabhäsya do not have an equivalent in our
printed text, this absence means that our text contains
a lacuna. That is to say, in these cases, Bhäsarvajfla's
quotations can be used to fill the gaps in the printed
text. This is the case with our list nos. 39, 40, 4l, 65,
66. Occasionally, RT quotations have a better reading than
those found in our printed text, and consequently we can
emend it in accordance with them. This is the case with
our list nos. 34, 60 and 67.
A brief discussion of our list nos. 1*1-50 leads to
something curious. In one place Kaundinya made a careless
mistake, which can be easily rectified by other passages
found in similar contexts. Critical scholarship in the
twentieth century is able to emend the wrong wordings of
Kaundinya, but his mistakes cause trouble for Bhäsarvajna,
because the latter had to authorise this error by explaining
it in his own way. This is another indication that Bhäsarva
jna had the same reading of Kaundinya as we have now in the
printed form. In other words, Kaundinya’s careless error as
we have it now was already there at the time of Bhäsarvajfla.
Another curious fact concerning textual transmission
is found in the RT p.22, 11.25-7 (GOS 15), though not mention
ed in our list above. A careful reader of Kaundinya’s commen
tary will notice that a passage üsmavad avasthitasya karmanas
oyuti-hetor ksapanärtham satatam anusmartavyah ... (TSS 14*3,
p.132, 11. 4-5) should be read süksmavad avasthitasya...
(one should keep CRudrai in mind in order to consume the
least bit of karma, which remains and may cause one to fall).
This emendation is authorised by two passages which appear in
208
close contexts (kim süksmavad avasthite karmani ksine...3
p.132, line 10, and süksmavad avasthitasya karmanah ksa-
yärtham...3 p.132, line l4). Nov, in the RT ve have a pas
sage which corresponds to these passages of Kaundinya. Thus,
RT p.22, 11. 25-7 reads: yathä mithyäjflänasya svabijena saha
malatvam3 adharma-sahgakarayos oa savikärena3 tathä cyuter
apy üsmavad avasthitädharmäkhyena svabijena saha malatvam
iti. Here we note that the corrupt reading üsmavad for
süksmavad is still preserved in the RT, and if we trust the
reading given in the printed text of RT we may infer that
the text of Kaundinya, which Bhäsarvajna used, was already
as corrupt as our printed text of Kaundinya’s commentary
is now.
So much results from our investigation of quotations
found in the RT,9 despite the presence of a number which
remain still unidentified. As our research advances, these
untraced passages may yet he located in sources other than
those utilised here, or they may continue to resist identi
fication as verses originally composed by the author himself,
Bhäsarvajna.
Notes
* This is a revised edition of an Excursus originally
attached to my thesis submitted to Harvard University
in 1966. I would like to express my thanks to my friend,
Dr. Richard F. Young, who kindly took the trouble to
read through my original manuscript and correct my
English.
1. Gana-kärikä, edited by the late Mr. C.D. Dalai, Gaekwad’s
Oriental Series3 No. 15. Baroda 1920.
2. Cf. M. Hara, "Nakulisa-päsupata-darsanam”, JJJ, 2 (1958),
pp. 9ff.
3. Vä'supata-sütra with Paflchärtha-bhäsya of Kaundinya,
edited by R.A. Sastri, Trivandrum Sanskrit Series, No.
1^3, Travancore, 19^0.
209
U. F o r a th a-'sabda, c f . a l s o RT p . 9 , 11 . 2 1 - 2 (so 'th a -
%a b d ä d ib h ir duhkhäntädinärn a b h ih ita h ) .
5. C f. a l s o ty ä g ä d ä n a -sü tra i n o u r l i s t n o . 6 3 , w h ic h i s
n o t f o u n d i n t h e p r i n t e d t e x t o f PS.
6. The w ord sabda a l s o seems t o h e u s e d by B h ä s a r v a j n a i n
t h e s e n s e o f a s c r i p t u r a l p a s s a g e o f t h e PS ( n o s . U 5 - 4 6 ) .
7. B h ä s a r v a j f i a o c c a s i o n n a l y u s e s p a flca rth a - a s a g e n e r i c
d e s i g n a t i o n o f t h e P ä s u p a t a s y s te m : p a flcä rth a -jflä n a -
(p . 2 , l i n e 5 and p . 9 , l i n e H ), p a flc ä rth o k ta - ( p . 2 ,
l i n e 6 ) , p a flcä v th a -'sä stva - ( p . 2 , l i n e l M , p a flca rth a -
dar§ana ( p . 8 , l i n e 1 5 )» jftäna paP loärtha-laksan a ( p . 2 3 ,
l i n e 2 0 ) , paflcärthäbdhb ( p . 2 3 , l i n e 2 8 ) .
8. These, r e f e r e n c e s a r e i m p o r t a n t i n d i c a t i o n s o f t h e
e x is te n c e o f o th e r s c h o o ls o f P ä s u p a ta S a iv ism . C f.
a l s o o u r l i s t n o . 21 and tik ä - k ä r a i n RT p . 1 9 , l i n e 3.
9. One may a l s o n o t e t h a t B h ä s a r v a j n a r e f e r s t o a v a r i a n t
r e a d i n g , w h i l e w r i t i n g a com m entary on Ganakärikä
( . . . i t i v5 p ä th a s ta tr ä p y ayam a r th a h , p . 2 3 , l i n e l M .
T h is i n d i c a t e s t h a t h e was i n p o s s e s s i o n o f more t h a n
a s i n g l e m a n u s c r i p t o f t h e Ganakärdkä.
A b b rev iatio n s
ASS Ä nandäsram a S a n s k r i t S e r i e s
GOS Gaekwad’ s O r i e n t a l S e r i e s
IIJ In d o -Iran ian Jo u rn al
K K aundinya
PS P ä su p ata-sü tra
RT R atn atik ä
TSS T r iv a n d r u m S a n s k r i t S e r i e s
211
SANSKRIT FRAGMENTS OF A LOKOTTARAVADIN TRADITION1
Paul HARRISON (Auckland)
INTRODUCTION
Among the dozen Chinese translations of Mahäyäna sütras attri
buted to the Indo-Scythian sramana Loujiächän
(Lokaksema), active in the Han capital of Luoyang during the
latter half of the 2nd century A.D., is to be found a short
text entitled Fo shud n£i sang bai bao jtng
, the Sutra of the Hundred Gems of the Inner Treasury
as Expounded by the Buddha. ^ A comparison of the style and
terminology of this work with those of the best-authenticated
translation by Lokaksema (his version of the Astasähasrikä-
prajfläpäramitä, Taishö No. 224, dated A.D. 179) reveals that
the attribution is fully justified; we can therefore be sure
that we have here one of the oldest extant examples of Buddhist
literature^translated into Chinese. A Sanskrit title for the
Net sang bai b^o jtng, viz. (Ärya)Lokänuvartana(nämamahäyctna)-
sütra, has been preserved for us by the only other known trans
lation, the Tibetan, done by Jinamitra, Dänasila and Ye ses sde
around the beginning of the 9th century and entitled 'Phags pa
'jig rten gyi rjes su 'thun par Tjug pa ses bya ba theg pa ohen
po'i mdo.3 It is not surprising that, separated as they are
by some six hundred years, the Chinese and Tibetan versions
of the Lokänuvartanasütra display certain differences. The
fundamental identity of the work, however, is beyond question.
To begin with, the most salient characteristic of the
Tibetan translation is its form: it is entirely in verse -
113 four-line stanzas with seven syllables to the line, except
for a hypermetrical first line, the hallowed formula rdi shad
bdag gis thos pa dus goig na - yet it has the conventional
opening and ending of a sutra: the Buddha is staying on an
unspecified mountain with an unspecified number of bodhisattvas
and_brävakas\ Manjughosa (i.e. Manjusrl) requests him to expound
a sutra describing the qualities of the Buddhas; the Buddha does
so, after which the assembled company praises his words with
rejoicing. In the Chinese version, on the other hand, there
is no equivalent for the opening formula evam mayä srutam (not
unusual in the earlier translations); the Buddha is staying on
the Grdhrakuta near Rajagrha, attended upon by 12,000 bhiksus
212
and 72,000 (variant: 102,000) bodhisattvas; and Manjusri is
described as a bodhisattva (in the Tib. version he is merely
rrikhas pa, 'the wise'). Apart from this addition of further
detail, the most notable difference is that the Chinese version
is entirely in prose. However, it appears that it was not until
the beginning of the 3rd century that the technique of render
ing Sanskrit gäthäs in unrhymed Chinese verse was developed.
Certainly, in those translations which can definitely be con
sidered as Lokaksema's, gäthäs are always done in prose, and
therefore it is more than probable that the text of the Lokänu-
Vartana (hereafter LAn ) which he had before him was in verse,
except perhaps for the opening and closing passages.
Turning now to the body of the sutra, the actual exposition
delivered by the Buddha, we find a repetitive structure which is
in fact highly suited to expression in verse. The text falls,
very roughly, into two halves. The first half deals with the
Buddha's person, working item by item through the major events
of his life (e.g. the birth of Rahula) as well as its recurrent
day-to-day activities (e.g. cleaning the teeth) to show that
all these are part of a deliberately fostered illusion of
humanity - that the true nature of the Buddha's being and his
real attributes are quite different from those which he projects
among men in order to further their salvation. Despite all
appearances to the contrary, the Buddha remains above this
world - he is 'supramundane' or 'transcendent' (lokottara).
The second half of the sütra addresses itself by and large
to the Buddha's teaching, and once again, the truth about
phenomena is contrasted with what the Buddha actually pro
claimed during his ministry. The Buddha's teaching, like
his person, is far more than it appears to be. It is in this
'ontological' section of the LAn that one finds expressed a
doctrinal standpoint very similar to that of the early Prajnä-
päramitä as set forth in the Astasähasrikäj a standpoint which
insists upon the 'emptiness' of all dharmas, their non-arising
(the term anutpattikadharmaksänti occurs) and lack of own-being
(svabhäva), the merely conventional validity of verbal distinct
ions as opposed to the true undifferentiated nature of the
dharmadhätu , and so on.
The procedure throughout the work, in both its 'Buddho-
logical' and 'ontological' sections, is the same: each verse
contrasts a particular aspect of the 'show' with the reality
behind it, after which comes the refrain (in the Chinese version)
'it is in conformity with the ways of the world that he makes
such a show', or (in the Tibetan) 'di ni 'jig rten 'thun 'jug
yin> 'jig rten 'thun (par) 'jug (pa) being the lokanuvartana
('conformity with the world') of the title.
213
Now, the central theme of the LAn - that the Buddha,
while appearing to share our lot, in reality transcends all
earthly limitations - is nothing more than the cardinal
doctrine of the Lokottaravädins, that subsect of the Mahä-
samghikas whose Buddhology has so often been compared to
Christian docetism.14 We possess very few sources for the
tenets of the Lokottaravädins, as indeed is the case for
many other Buddhist sects. Of these the most significant
is the MahRvastUj a massive 'biography' of the Buddha which
served as the introduction to their Vinaya6. Yet even the
Mdhavastu (henceforth Mv) has no more than a sprinkling of
passages which make explicit reference to the docetic ideas
which are regarded as the hallmark of the sect; and only one
of these is of any length. When we examine this passage,
which is in effect the loous classious for Lokottaravadin
Buddhology (Senart's edition, Vol. I, 167.15-170.10), we find
that it displays so many close correspondences with the text
of the LAn that there can be no doubt that the two are some
how related. This connection was first discovered and demon
strated by Takahara Shinichi in his article 'Mahävastu ni
mirareru fukutokuron', in Fukuoka daigaku sanjügoshünen
kinen vonbunshüj Jinbunhen (1969), pp. 117-141, and subse
quently commented upon by Shizutani Masao in his Shoki- datgö
bukkyö no seivitsukatei (Kyoto, 1974), pp. 282, 315-18.
However, a proper comparison of the two texts has not yet
been possible because of the unsatisfactory nature of Senart's
edition, a magnificent achievement for its time but now very
much in need of replacement, in view both of the advances in
the study of Buddhist Sanskrit which have since been achieved
and of the number of other mss. of the Mv. which have come to
light.
This paper will therefore present a new 'edition' of that
portion of the Mo relevant to the LAn, and then illustrate the
correspondences and connections between the two works.6
THE TEXT: PRELIMINARY REMARKS
Thanks to the researches in 'Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit'
pioneered by Franklin Edgerton, it is now possible to improve
much of Senart's edition of the Mv merely by reference to its
excellent critical apparatus - such improvements being in most
cases simply the reversal of Senart's own efforts to arrive at
a text better - i.e. more in line with classical Sanskrit -
than that which he found in his mss., which were admittedly
of rather indifferent quality. In addition, a number of other
mss. of the Mv have since been discovered, some of which give
214
co n sid erab ly b e tte r read in g s. A new c r i t i c a l e d i t i o n o f t h e
e n t i r e work on t h e b a s i s o f t h e s e m ss. - an u r g e n t d e s i d e r a t u m
f o r B u d d h i s t and S a n s k r i t s t u d i e s - n a t u r a l l y p r e s u p p o s e s a
thorough i n v e s t i g a t i o n of th e lan g u ag e of th e t e x t in o rd e r
to d eterm in e i t s p a r t i c u l a r f e a t u r e s . U n t i l t h i s i s done we
h a v e no p r o p e r s t a n d a r d a c c o r d i n g t o w h ic h a n y p a r t o f t h e
w ork c a n be t a c k l e d . I n v ie w o f t h i s , t h e e d i t i o n o f t h e Mv
p a s s a g e w h ic h f o l l o w s b e lo w i s i n no s e n s e i n t e n d e d t o b e
c r i t i c a l : I h a v e a d o p t e d t h e t e x t o f t h e b e s t ms. (P) w henever
no d e m o n s t r a b l y b e t t e r r e a d i n g i s f o u n d e l s e w h e r e , and I have
made e m e n d a tio n s o n l y w h e re no ms. y i e l d s s e n s e ( t h e few c a s e s
o f t h i s a r e c l e a r l y m a r k e d ) , t h u s a l l o w i n g t o s t a n d many i n
s t a n c e s of i r r e g u l a r s p e l l i n g and samdh'iy v i o l a t i o n s o f m e t r e ,
and so on ( s e e e s p e c i a l l y w . 2 , 3 , 8 a , 14 c , 1 5 a , 26c) . The e s t a
b l i s h m e n t o f a ' p e r f e c t t e x t ’ , w h a t e v e r one m ig h t c o n s i d e r
t h a t to b e , i s o u ts id e th e scope of t h i s p a p e r, f o r th e p u r
p o s e s of w h ic h t h e s e n s e o f t h e p a s s a g e i s o f p r i m a r y i m p o r t a n c e ;
and t h e s e n s e i s g e n e r a l l y c l e a r en o u g h . F o r t h e s a k e of b r e v i t y
a f u l l ap p a ra tu s has been o m itted .
I n a d d i t i o n t o S e n a r t ' s own c r i t i c a l a p p a r a t u s , t h e f o l l o w
in g f o u r m ss. h a v e b e e n c o n s u l t e d ( a r r a n g e d i n d e s c e n d i n g o r d e r
of q u a l i t y , in a sm u c h a s t h i s c a n b e d e t e r m i n e d on t h e b a s i s o f
su c h a s m a l l p a s s a g e ) :
P = P h o to c o p y h e l d by t h e S t a a t s b i b l i o t h e k P r e u s s i s c h e r
K u l t u r b e s i t z , B e r l i n , of a p a l m l e a f ms. (427 l e a v e s ,
6 l i n e s , 57 x 5 . 5 cm .) of t h e Mo i n p r i v a t e p o s s e s s i o n ,
N e p a l: Hs. o r . sim . 1 1 7 6 . 7 I t s e x a c t d a t e i s n o t known to
me, b u t a c c o r d i n g t o i n f o r m a t i o n r e c e i v e d i t i s many
c e n t u r i e s o l d e r t h a n t h e o l d e s t ms. u s e d by S e n a r t ;
i t i s c e r t a i n l y f a r s u p e r i o r t o any o f h i s i n i t s
read in g s. Our p a s s a g e o c c u r s a t f f . 4 6 a 6 -4 7 a 2 ( a =
re c to , b = verso).
X = M i c r o f i l m made by t h e N e p a l-G e rm an M a n u s c r i p t P r e s e r
v a tio n P ro je c t of a p a p e r ms. (446 l e a v e s , 10 l i n e s ,
2 9 .5 x 16 cm .) o f t h e Mv i n N e p a l: R unning No. D919
( R e e l No. D 4 3 /3 ) . Our p a s s a g e o c c u r s a t f . 4 5 a 4 - 4 5 b 6 .
Y = M i c r o f i l m made by t h e N .G .M .P .P . o f a p a p e r ms. (256
l e a v e s , 12 l i n e s , 43 x 11 cm .) o f t h e Mv i n N e p a l:
No. 4-127 ( R e e l No. B 9 8 / 1 4 ) . P a s s a g e o c c u r s a t
f. 2 7 a l2 -2 7 b 8 .
Z = M i c r o f i l m made by t h e N .G .M .P .P . o f a p a p e r ms. (264
l e a v e s , 14 l i n e s , 47 x 2 0 .5 cm .) o f t h e Mv i n N e p a l:
No. 3 -2 3 6 ( R e e l No. B 9 9 / 3 ) . P a s s a g e o c c u r s a t f . 3 5 a 3 -
3 5b 3 . 8
The t e x t i s f o l l o w e d by a t r a n s l a t i o n . 8
215
TEXT
bahudhä bahuprakäram caksum bhavate visuddhacaksünäm /
jarämaranamardanänäm buddhänäm adäntadamakänäm / / 1
lokottarä bhagavato caryä lokottaram kutalamülam /
gatam sthitam nisannam 'sayitam lokottaram munino / / 2
yat ta t sugatomar trarg bhccoate . . . lobandhanaksayakaranäm /
lokottaram tad api bho i t y atra na samtayak käryo / / 3
civaradharanam munino lokottaram atra sarnsayo n ä sti /
ähäräharanam atho lokottaram eva sugatasya / / 4
de&anä naranägänäm sarvalokottarä matä /
yathätathä pravaksyämi mähätmyam varabuddhinäm / / 5
detakälavatam präpya paripäkam oa karmanah. /
sadyam vä äbhinirvrttam dharmam de'senti näyäkäh / / 6
lokänuvarttanä buddhä anuvarttanti laukikim /
prajflaptim anuvarttanti yathä lokottaram api / / 7
iryäpatham1'1 dar&enti catvärah purusottamäh /
no oet parisramas tesäm jä ya te subhakarminäm / / 8
pädäm oa näma dhovanti na caisäm sag a te rajah /
pädäh kamalapaträbhä esä lokänuvarttanä / / 9
snäyanti näma sambuddhä na caisäm v id y a te malo /
bimbe kanakabimbäbhe esä lokänuvarttanä / / 10
dantaponam ca sevanti mukkam cotpalagandhikam / / 11
nivasanam n iväsenti prävaramti ca dvaram /
vairambhä p i ca vätäna12 viko p en ti na dehakam /
vastram purusasimhänäm esä lokänuvarttanä / / 12
chäyäyäm ca n is td a n ti ätapa§ ca na bädhati /
buddhänäm äubhanisyamdäm esä lokänuvarttanä / / 13
ausadkam p ra tise v a n ti vyädhit caisäm na vidyate /
däyakänäm phalam bhavatu esä lokänuvarttanä / / 14
prabkuS ca karma dhärayitum karmam dar'senti ca jin ä /
ai'svaryam vinigühanti esä lokänuvarttanä / / 15
216
karonti näma ähäram na caisäm bädhate ksudhä /
janatäyänukampärtham esä lokänuvarttanä / / 16
p ibanti näma päniyam pipäsä ca na bädhate /
tad adbhutarn maharsinäm esä lokänuvarttanä / / 17
d v a rä n i ca bädheti 13 sadä ca prävrtä jin ä /
yathä rüpyabhave devä 14 esä lokänuvarttanä / / 18
kesäm ca orupäyanti na caisäm chindate ksurdh /
kesä nllämjananibhä esä lokänuvarttanä / / 19
jaräm ca upadarsenti na caisäm vidyate ja rä /
jin ä gunaganopetä esä lokänuvarttanä / / 20
kalpakotlm asamkhyeyam puny esu päram-imgato /
älabdhi upadarsenti esä lokänuvarttanä / / 21
na ca maithunasambhütam sugatasya samuckrayam /
mätäpitrh ca darsenti esä lokänuvarttanä / / 22
dipamkaram upädäya vitarägas tathägatah /
räkulam putra darsenti esä lokänuvarttanä / / 23
kalpakotim asamkhyeyam prajhäyä päramimgatä /
bälabhävam ca darsenti esä lokänuvarttanä / / 24
aham agrä t i bhäsitvä ( ? ) 15 asrrtim loke sadevake /
puna paryesanti tir th e esä lokänuvarttanä / / 25
budhyitvä-m-atuläm bodhim sarvasatväna käranä /
alpotsukatvam pradarsent'i esä lokänuvarttanä / / 26
TRANSLATION
1. Manifold in many ways is the vision of those whose vision
is purified,
The Buddhas, destroyers of old age and death, and tamers
of the untamed.
2. The conduct of the Lord is supramundane, his root of
goodness is supramundane,
The walking, standing, sitting and lying down of the Sage
are supramundane.
217
3. As for the Sugata’s body, which causes the destruction of
the fetters,
Even that is supramundane, sirs; there ought to be no doubt
about this.
4. The Sage's wearing of robes is supramundane; there is no
doubt about this.
The Sugata’s eating of food is likewise purely supramundane.
5. The teaching of the Elephants-among-men is held to be
above all worlds;
In accordance with truth I shall describe the majesty of
those of excellent intelligence.
6. Having acquired control over place and time, and the
fruition of karma3
The Leaders teach the Dharma, as if it had just come into
existence.
7. The Buddhas conform to a mundane conformity with the world
In such a way that they also conform to the designation of
supramundane (?).
8. The Supreme Men display the four modes of deportment,
Although fatigue does not arise in them, whose karma is
good.
9. They do indeed wash their feet, but no dust sticks to them;
Their feet resemble lotus-leaves; this is conformity with
the world.
10. The Fully Awakened Ones do indeed bathe, but no dirt is
seen on them;
Their forms resemble golden images; this is conformity
with the world.
11. They use a toothbrush, yet their mouth is redolent of blue
lotuses.
12. They put on an undergarment and don the robe,
Yet among winds, even the Vairambhas (extremely violent)
do not disturb their body;
As for the clothing of the Lions-among-men, this is con
formity with the world.
13. They sit down in the shade, yet the sun's heat does not
trouble
The Buddhas, for whom the outcome (of karma) is good;
this is conformity with the world.
218
14. They make use of medicine, yet there is no sickness in
them.
The fruit (of the act of giving the medicine) is to accrue
to the givers. This is conformity with the world.
15. Although able to suppress karma, the Victors make a show
of karma:
They conceal their sovereign power; this is conformity
with the world.
16. They do indeed eat, although hunger does not trouble them,
Because of compassion for mankind; this is conformity with
the world.
17. They do indeed drink water, yet thirst does not trouble
them.
That is a marvel of the Great Seers. This is conformity
with the world.
18. He puts on (?) robes, yet the Victors are always clothed.
Like the gods in the Realm of Form; this is conformity
with the world.
19. They cut off their hair, yet no razor cuts them;
Their hair is like blue-black pigment; this is conformity
with the world.
20. They make a show of old age, but there is no old age for
them;
The Victors are endowed with a host of good qualities;
this is conformity with the world.
21. Having attained perfection in merits for incalculable kotis
of kalpas,
They make a show of not getting things; this is conformity
with the world.
22. Although the body of the Sugatas is not produced by sexual
intercourse,
They make a show of mother and father; this is conformity
with the world.
23. Since the time of Dipamkara the Tathagata is free of passion;
He shows Rahula as his son; this is conformity with the world.
24. Having attained perfection in wisdom for incalculable kot'ls
of kalpasj
They yet make a show of (foolish) childhood; this is con
formity with the world.
219
25. Having announced 'I am supreme in this world with its
gods' (?) ,
They yet seek out (heretical) teachers; this is conformity
with the world.
26. Having awakened to peerless awakening for the sake of all
beings,
They show a state of indifference; this is conformity
with the world.
TEXTUAL PARALLELS
Before presenting the parallels between this section of
the Mv and the Chinese and Tibetan versions of the LAn> a few
words concerning the passage as a whole are in order. To begin
with, the first four verses, which are written in Aryä metre,
act as a kind of introduction to the 22 Slokas which follow
them, and anticipate much of their content, mentioning e.g.
in v. 2 the four 'modes of deportment' subsequently taken up
in v. 8, or in v. 4 the wearing of robes, later dealt with
by w . 12 and 18. It is likely that they were composed for
that purpose when the Slokas were first set in their present
position in the text of the Mo, between a eulogy of the Buddha
delivered by one Vaglsa (163.12ff) and a description of the
qualities of the Buddha's voice (170.11ff). The patchwork
nature of the Mv is fairly evident here, but although our
passage has little to do with its immediate surroundings, v. 1
does in fact connect it with certain material introduced
earlier (pp. 158ff) concerning the five 'eyes' or modes of
vision of the Buddha. There, in the course of setting forth
the marvellous powers of his 'physical eye', the text asserts
(159.3-4): 'For there is nothing about the Perfectly Awakened
Ones which is like the world. Now then, everything about the
Great Seers is supramundane. In the same way the attainment
of the Perfectly Awakened Ones is also supramundane.'^ Thus,
despite its present position, our passage may be seen as an
elaboration on this statement which has possibly been displaced
by even later interpolations.
The Aryä stanzas are of little interest for our present
purposes, it being the Slokas which take us back to the LAn,
with the lost Sanskrit text of which they share rather more
than the same refrain and the same metre (see below). Not all
the Mv verses have their equivalents in the Tibetan and Chinese
220
versions of the LAn, nor are those correspondences which do
exist always verbatim. The following list is not exhaustive:
there are also several instances where a thematic connection
can be discerned even though the wording of the two texts differs.
Mo, v.9 = LAn(C) , §25 (751c28-752al):
The Buddha’s 17 feet, like lotus flowers, do not
get dirty. The Buddha washes his feet. It is in
conformity with the ways of the world that he
makes such a show
= LAn(T) , v. 29:
Although their feet are like lotus-leaves
In that dust does not soil them,
They wash their feet;
This is conformity with the world.
Mo, v.10 = LAn( C), §26 (752a2-3):
The Buddha's body, like gold, does not get dirty.
The Buddha makes a show of taking a bath. It is
in conformity with the ways of the world that he
makes such a show.
= LAn{ T), v. 30:
Even though they are free of dirt
And their bodies are like the colour of gold,
The Fully Awakened Ones wash;
This is conformity with the world.
Mo, v.ll = LAn(C) , §27 (752a4-5):
The Buddha’s mouth is fundamentally clean, with
a fragrance like that of kuhkuma. Nevertheless
the Buddha cleans his mouth with poplar twigs.
It is in conformity with the ways of the world
that he makes such a show.
= LAn( T), v. 31:
Their mouths have the fragrance of a lotus,
And their teeth are spotless like pearls,
Yet they use a toothbrush;
This is conformity with the world.
Mo, v .14 LAn(C), §31 (752al2-13):
The Buddha’s body has never suffered illness, yet
221
he m a n i f e s t s i l l n e s s , summons d o c t o r s and t a k e s
m e d i c i n e . The g i v e r o f t h e m e d i c i n e o b t a i n s im
m easu rab le b l e s s i n g s . I t i s in c o n fo rm ity w ith
t h e ways o f t h e w o r ld t h a t h e makes s u c h a show.
= LA n(T ) , v . 34:
Even th o u g h t h e y a r e f r e e o f i l l n e s s ,
I n o r d e r t o b r i n g t h e Sahgha t o g e t h e r 18
They e v e n t a k e m e d i c i n e ;
T h is i s c o n f o r m i t y w i t h t h e w o r l d .
Mo, v . 16 = L A n ( C ) , §28 ( 7 5 2 a 6 - 7 ) :
The Buddha h a s n e v e r b e e n h u n g r y . B e c a u se o f com
p a s s i o n f o r t h e men o f t h e t e n d i r e c t i o n s 19 he
m a n i f e s t s h u n g e r t o them . I t i s in c o n fo rm ity
w i t h t h e w ays o f t h e w o r ld t h a t he makes s u c h a
show.
= L A n (T ) , v . 32:
Even th o u g h t h e y a r e f r e e o f h u n g e r ( ? ) ,
They t a k e f o o d ,
And f o r t h e d o n o r t h e f r u i t i s g r e a t ;
T h is i s c o n fo rm ity w ith th e w o rld .
Mo, v . 18 = L A n ( C ) , §38 ( 7 5 2 a 2 6 - 2 7 ) :
The Buddha i s l i k e empty s p a c e . He makes a show
t o o t h e r s o f a lw a y s w e a r i n g c l o t h e s w i t h o u t e v e r
t a k i n g them o f f , j u s t a s t h e men o f t h e Brahma-
h e a v e n ( s ) a lw a y s w e a r c l o t h e s . I t i s in con fo rm ity
w i t h t h e ways o f t h e w o r ld t h a t he makes s u c h a
show.
= L A n (T ) , v. 41:
L ik e Brahma i n B rahm a’ s h o u s e ,
The J i n a s a lw a y s w e a r c l o t h e s ,
Yet t h e y a c c e p t c l o t h e s ;
T h i s i s c o n f o r m i t y w i t h t h e w o r l d . 28
Mo, v . 19 = L A n ( C ) , §39 ( 7 5 2 a 2 8 - 2 9 ) :
The B u d d h a 's h ead h a s n e v e r had i t s h a i r s h a v e d o f f .
He s i m p l y shows i t t o o t h e r s , y e t nobody s e e s i t
b e i n g removed w i t h a r a z o r . I t i s in c o n fo rm ity
w i t h t h e ways o f t h e w o r ld t h a t h e makes su c h a
show.
222
= LAn(T), v. 42:
Even though there is nothing which a razor can cut,
Because the crown of the head cannot be looked upon,
They make a show of shaving the head;
This is conformity with the world.
Mo, v.20 = LAn(C), §30 (752al0-ll):
The Buddha's body never grows decrepit with age. He
is only endowed with all virtues, yet he manifests
a body which grows decrepit with age. It is in con
formity with the ways of the world that he makes
such a show.
= LAn(T), v. 35:
Even though the Buddhas are endowed with all qualities
And their bodies are free of change,
They manifest old age;
This is conformity with the world.
Mo, v.21 = LAn(C ) , §42 (752b6-7):
The blessings of the Buddha's merits are inexhaustible,
and no-one can surpass them. The Buddha enters the city
for pindapäta, and leaves with an empty p&tra. It is
in conformity with the ways of the world that he makes
such a show.
= LAn(T), v. 45:
The Buddhas are exalted above all
By virtue of all their inexhaustible merits,
Yet they make a show of the unobtained;
This is conformity with the world.
Mo, v. 22 = LAn(C), §12 (751c2-3):
The bodhisattva is not born from the sexual union of
father and mother. His body is magically produced,
like an illusion. He makes a show of father and mother.
It is in conformity with the ways of the world that he
makes such a show.
= LAn(T), v. 15:
Although the bodies of the Sugatas
Are not produced from sexual intercourse,
They yet manifest father and mother;
This is conformity with the world.
223
Mo, v.23 = LAn( C), §16 (751clO-ll):
The Buddha illuminated the men of the ten directions
in the blindness of lust.21 It is in conformity
with the ways of the world that he makes a show of
wife and child.
= LAn( T), v. 20:
Ever since Dipamkara
The Tathagata has been free of desire;
Rahula is called 'son';
This is conformity with the world.
Mo, v.24 = LAn(C) , §15 (751c8-9):
Since many thousand myriad kotis of asamkhyeyakalpas
ago the Buddha has realised prajfläpäramitä. It is
in conformity with the ways of the world that he
makes a show of (being) a small boy.
= LAn( T), v. 16:
Since incalculable kotis of kalpas
He has arisen from the perfection of wisdom,
Yet he manifests childhood;
This is conformity with the world.
Mo, v .25 = L A M C), §17 (751cl2-13):
When the bodhisattva was born and dropped to the
ground he himself uttered the words: 'In the whole
world no-one surpasses me! I shall deliver the men
of the ten directions!' It is in conformity with
the ways of the world that he still asks questions.
= LAn( T), v. 21:
Having said "I am foremost
In the world with its gods !'
He afterwards seeks the Dharma;
This is conformity with the world.
Mo, v.26 = LAn(C) , §20 (751al8-19):
Because it has become equal to all (?), the Buddha's
wisdom cannot be surpassed. It is in conformity
with the ways of the world that, having obtained
Buddhahood, he sits in peaceful seclusion, and makes
a show of this to the world.
224
= LAn( T ) , v . 24:
Even th o u g h h e , h a v i n g aw akened t o in c o m p a r a b l e
a w a k e n in g ,
I s th e te a c h e r of th e w o rld w ith i t s gods,
He m a n i f e s t s a s t a t e o f l i t t l e m e n t a l a c t i v i t y 2 2 ;
T h is i s c o n fo rm ity w ith th e w o rld .
As s t a t e d a b o v e , t h e LAn f a l l s r o u g h l y i n t o two p a r t s ,
t h e f i r s t (up t o v . 55 i n t h e T i b . ) d e a l i n g w i t h t h e p e r s o n
and l i f e o f t h e Buddha, t h e s e c o n d ( v . 56 o n w a rd s) c o n c e r n i n g
i t s e l f p r im a r ily w ith h is te a c h in g . A l l t h e 14 v e r s e s w i t h
p a r a l l e l s i n t h e Mv j u s t c i t e d a r e t o b e found i n t h e f i r s t
p a r t , a l t h o u g h t h e o r d e r i n w h ic h t h e y a p p e a r i s n o t t h e same
f o r b o th t e x t s . The LAn i s r a t h e r more l o g i c a l i n d e a l i n g
f i r s t w i t h s p e c i f i c e v e n t s i n t h e l i f e o f Säkyamuni and t h e n
w ith r e c u r r e n t a c t i v i t i e s . Not o n l y i s t h i s p r o c e d u r e r e v e r s e d
i n t h e Mv, b u t one v e r s e i s d e f i n i t e l y o u t o f o r d e r : v . 23, i n
w h ic h t h e f u t u r e Buddha d i s p l a y s R ä h u la a s h i s c h i l d , s h o u l d
come a ft e r v . 24, i n w h ic h he makes a show o f b e i n g a c h i l d
h im se lf. H e re and e l s e w h e r e t h e Mv b e t r a y s i t s e l f a s a
p a s t i c h e - and a c lu m sy one a t t h a t - i n w h ic h v e r s e s h a v e
b e e n t a k e n f r o m , o r b a s e d on t h e LAn, e i t h e r i n t h e fo rm i n
w h ic h we now h a v e i t , o r , more p r o b a b l y , i n a n e a r l i e r r e d a c t i o n .
OTHER RELATED TEXTS
T h e r e we w ould h a v e t o l e a v e t h e p r o b le m , w e re i t n o t f o r
t h e f a c t t h a t p a r a l l e l s t o t h e LAn a p p e a r i n o t h e r w o rk s b e s i d e s
t h e Mv. F i r s t o f a l l , t h e r e a r e d i s t i n c t e c h o e s o f t h e t e x t i n
N ä g ä r j u n a ' s Ntraupamyastava^^ , w h ic h i n d e e d a d d r e s s e s i t s e l f
to t h e same theme a s t h e LAn. Vv. 19 and 20 a r e e s p e c i a l l y
good i n s t a n c e s o f t h i s :
nämayo näsucih käye ksuttrsnäsambhavo na ca /
tvayä lokänuvrttycoctham d a r s itä la u k ik t kriyä / /
harrnävaranadosaS ca sarvathönagha n ä s ti te /
tvayä lokhnuknmpär thron karm aplutih24 p ra d a rsitä / /
T hese and o t h e r ' e c h o e s ' make i t a s t r o n g p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t
N a g a r ju n a ( c . 2nd c e n t u r y A .D .) was f a m i l i a r w i t h some form
of t h e LAn t r a d i t i o n ; b e i n g a c o m p e te n t p o e t , h o w e v e r, he
225
has not incorporated chunks of the text wholesale in his own
work - as is the case with the Mv - in a way which enables
us to establish a certain connection. It is otherwise with
Candrakirti (late 6th or early 7th century), who, in his com
mentary on Nägärjuna's Mülamadhyamakakärikäs, cites two Slokas
{ad MKK XXVI.2) which are of particular interest, in that they
provide independent evidence of the original form of our sütra
In his edition of the text2"* Louis de La Vallee Poussin, faced
with the corruptions of his mediocre mss., converted the two
verses into Sanskrit (see p. 548). However, J.W. de Jong’s
’Textcritical Notes on the Prasannapadä' (IIJ 20 (1978), pp.25
59, 217-252), which presents readings of a ms. of the work
superior to those which La Vallee Poussin utilised, shows
clearly (p. 247) that Candrakirti has deliberately enshrined
the verses in his commentary in their original Prakrit form.
It is of course impossible to ’edit’ such a tiny fragment of
text, but on the basis of de Jong's ’Notes' and La Vallee
Poussin’s transcriptions of his mss. (p. 548, nn. 3 and 4),
it appears that the two verses ought to read something like
this:
ägamasütresu /
na vinasta (or: vinattha’l) na uppanna (?)
dharrrmadhäusamam jag am /
sattadhäurn oa darntesi esä loänuvattanä /'/
tisu adhväsu sattänarn pakati nopalambhatt /
sattadhäurn oa damsesi esä loänuvattanety ädi //
Not destroyed (?), not produced, the world is the same
as the dharmadhätu,
Yet he taught the sattvadhätu; this is conformity to the
world.
He does not apprehend the nature of beings in the three
times,
Yet he taught the sattvadhätu; this is conformity with
the world.26
Unfortunately the Tibetan translation of the Prasannapadä has
a lacuna at this point, but, as La Vallee Poussin himself
pointed out, the same two verses also appear at the end of a
series of seven quoted in Candrakirti’s Madhyamakäoatära3 of
which only the Tibetan version has survived. 7 There they run:
%ig pa med oih skye med la /
ohos dbyihs dan m?lam par gyur kyah /
sreg p a ’i bskal pa brjod mdzad pa /
'di ni 'jig rten mthun 'jug yin //
226
dus gswn dag tu sems can g y i /
rah b%in dmigs pa ma y in la /
sems can khams kyah stc n mdzad pa /
'd i n i 'gig r te n mthun 'gug y in / /
The m ain d i f f e r e n c e s from t h e S a n s k r i t a r e i n t h e f i r s t v e r s e ,
w here t h e r e i s no e q u i v a l e n t f o r gagam, and t h e p h r a s e sreg
p a ri bska l pa, ' t h e kalpa o f b u r n in g * , o c c u r s i n s t e a d o f sems
can khams. On t h e b a s i s o f t h i s La V a l l e e P o u s s i n ( Prasanna-
padä, p . 5 4 8 , n . 3 ) s u g g e s t e d t h a t t h e s c r i b e s may h a v e i n a d
v e r t e n t l y c o p i e d t h e t h i r d päda o f t h e f o l l o w i n g v e r s e , and
p r o p o s e d t h e a l t e r n a t i v e r e a d i n g tegahkalpam ca. Kalpoddaham
ca i s p e r h a p s m ore l i k e l y ; c f . R uegg, o p . c i t . , p. 4 60, n n . 50
a nd 54.
Now t h e s e s e v e n v e r s e s i n t h e Ptadhyamakävatära, w h ic h a r e
i n t r o d u c e d w i t h t h e w ords 'A s i s s t a t e d a t l e n g t h i n t h e V e r s e s
a c c o r d in g t o th e P ü r v a s a i l a s . . . ' 28 , a r e a l l to be found i n th e
LAn, a l t h o u g h n o t i n t h e o r d e r i n w h ic h C a n d r a k i r t i h a s q u o te d
t h e m . 25 In m o st c a s e s t h e two T i b e t a n t r a n s l a t i o n s a g r e e
verb a tim , w h ic h s u g g e s t s t h a t one o f them h a s b e e n b a s e d on
or r e v is e d a g a i n s t th e o th e r . As f a r a s c o n c e r n s t h e two
v e r s e s w h ic h a l s o a p p e a r i n t h e Prasannapadä , t h e w o r d in g
o f t h e s e c o n d i n t h e L4n(T) i s e x a c t l y t h e same a s i n t h e
Madhyamakävatära, b u t t h a t o f t h e f i r s t d i f f e r s s l i g h t l y :
£ig pa med ein skye (2 e d s . : sky es) med la /
chos k y i dbyihs dan mham gyur kyah /
sreg (3 e d s . : bsreg) p a 'i b ska l pa ston mdzad pa /
'd i n i 'j i g r te n rthun 'gug yin / / (LAn(T) , v.9^+)
I n t h e C h i n e s e v e r s i o n of t h e LAn t h e two v e r s e s a r e t r a n s l a t e d
as fo llo w s:
§86 ( 7 5 3 b l 8 - 1 9 )
F u n d a m e n t a l l y n o t h i n g i s p r o d u c e d and n o t h i n g i s d e s t r o y e d .
The o r i g i n a l r e a l m o f t h e dharmas (gingbenjib )
is a ll-p e rv a s iv e .
The Buddha shows men t h e tim e o f t h e d e s t r u c t i o n o f t h e
w o r l d . 30 I t i s i n c o n f o r m i t y w i t h t h e ways o f t h e w o r ld
t h a t h e makes s u c h a show.
§58 ( 7 5 2 c l 3 - 1 4 )
F u n d a m e n t a l l y t h e r e a r e no men, p a s t , f u t u r e o r p r e s e n t .
The Buddha shows men w i t h i n t h e F i v e Ways (wudäo =
paflcagati) o f d e a t h - a n d - b i r t h . I t i s i n c o n f o r m i t y w i t h
t h e ways o f t h e w o r ld t h a t h e makes su c h a show.
227
Before attempting an explanation of the connection between
the LAn and the quotations in the Prasannapadä and the Madhya-
makävatära, we must first adduce one further piece of evidence.
In the Tibetan translation of Candrakirti’s Sünyatäsaptat'lvvtt't
two more verses are cited.31 The first of these, introduced
with the words luh las kyah gsuhs pa3 corresponds to LAn(T) ,
v. 13; the second, introduced with the words de Vtid kyt na
'gig vten mthun ’jug mdor gsuhs pa3 corresponds - with certain
discrepancies - to LAn(T), v. 87.32
If we now put our findings together, we have Candrakirti
(late 6th, early 7th century) citing in various works of his
a total of eight different verses - three of which appear more
than once - from a sutra, apparently in Prakrit, which he at
one point names as the ’Jig vten mthun rjug mdo (= Lokänuvarta-
nasutra)3 twice refers to as ägama or luh, and which he also
ascribes to the Pürvasailas. These same verses are found in
the LAn, a Mahäyäna sütra translated into Chinese towards the
end of the 2nd century A.D. It seems probable, therefore,
that Candrakirti had access to a version of this LAn, although
what its exact form or extent was we cannot know. The fact
that, with the exception of (T) v.13, all the verses he cites
fall in the ’ontological’ part of the sütra is, in my view,
a reflection of Candrakirti’s own philosophical pre-occupations
rather than an indication that he had before him a LAn sub
stantially different from the one which has come down to us.
What is intriguing, however, is that he refers to it not as
a Mahäyäna sütra but as a canonical text (ägama) of the Pürva
sailas, who, like the Lokottaravädins, were an offshoot of the
Hlnayäna Mahäsämghika school.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
To return now to the Mv. It also has a series of verses
which were in all likelihood based on, or taken from some version
or other of the LAn, and which were introduced into the text to
give expression to those ideas about the nature of the Buddha
which we regard as characteristically ’Lokottaravidin’. However,
as Bareau has pointed out, ideas of this kind were by no means
exclusive to that particular subsect of the Mahäsämghikas known
as the Lokottaravädins (to whom the Mv belongs), but were the
common property of the Mahäsämghikas in general.33 Since this
is the case, they were no doubt also held by those southern
branches of the school which, being located in the Andhra region,
228
in such centres as Nägärjunikonda, Amarävati and Dhanyakataka,
were known collectively as the Andhakas, and of which the most
important appears in fact to have been the Pürvasailas.34 Such
Buddhological notions, as well as certain ontological theories
of the Mahäsämghikas and their subsects, closely resemble those
of the Mahäyäna. For this and other reasons it has long been
held that it was amongst the Mahäsämghikas that the Mahäyäna
originated,35 a view suggested and supported by several later
Buddhist traditions. Paramirtha, for example, ascribes early
splits within the Mahäsämghikas to differences of opinion over
the authenticity of Mahäyäna sütras such as the Avatcavsaka and
the Prajfläpäranritä-,^^ it is impossible to determine the validity
of this assertion, but the affinities between certain theses
attributed to the Mahäsämghikas and various ideas propounded
in the Prajhäpäramitä literature suggest that it contains at
least a grain of truth. Other late traditions of some relevance
to the discussion are those recorded by Bu ston, who in his
History states that the language of the Mahäsämghika canon
was Prakrit,37 and by Avalokitavrata, whose Praj Pläpradipatikä
ascribes a Prajfläpäramitäsütra in Prakrit to the Pürvasailas
and the Aparasailas.38 Finally, we need hardly mention the
very old tradition of the pradaksina of the Prajnäpäramitä
which appears in many Prajfldpäram itäsütras ^ the earliest
occurrence being in Lokaksema's translation of the A stasähas-
r ik ä . 39 Whatever the historical value of this piece of lore,
it does emphasise two regions: the south, where the Prajnä
päramitä was first practised on a large scale, and the north,
where it subsequently enjoyed considerable successes.
As far as the LAn is concerned, such geographical con
siderations may be of some importance. Both Nägärjuna and
Candraklrti were southerners, and it is to be expected that
they would have been familiar with the literature of southern
branches of the Mahäsämghikas like the Pürvasailas, especially
if that literature represented a doctrinal standpoint close to
or identical with their own. On the other hand, the Lokottara-
vädins, as far as we know, had one of their main centres in the
north-west: the Chinese pilgrim Xuän Zäng records a large con
centration of them in Bämiyän, in present-day Afghanistan, at
the beginning of the 7th century, while the early presence of
Mahäsämghikas in that region is attested by an interesting in
scription on a reliquary vase found at Wardak (30 miles west
of Kabul), which is dated in the 51st year of Kaniska, i.e.
around the middle of the 2nd century A.D., according to some
scholars.48 It is quite possible that the Kusän §ramccna Loka-
ksema acquired - or memorised - his text of the LAn in this
area before setting out on the hazardous journey to China.
229
Such problems as the evolution of Buddhist sects and the
origins of the Mahäyäna are too complex to be gone into here.
At this stage all I wish to propose for general consideration
and comment is that the LAn in its several manifestations could
be an important piece in the puzzle of Buddhist history - a
'missing link', as it were - that it could be a relic, albeit
in a fragmentary or reworked form, of a Prakrit proto-Mahäyäna
tradition current among various subsects of the Mahäsämghikas
in different parts of India. The purpose of this paper has
been to present the Sanskrit fragments of this tradition and
to demonstrate their relation to each other in the light of
the complete text which has come down to us in Chinese and
Tibetan translation. At a later date, in the context of a
full study of the LAn, I hope to return to the historical
implications of the subject in more detail, and to discuss
the philosophical standpoint of the sütra in relation to the
Prajhäpäramitä and to such later developments in Buddhological
theory as the trikaya doctrine.
NOTES
1. This paper presents some of the results of a programme of
research carried out during 1980 both in Japan, where I
spent three months as Visiting Research Fellow at the
Reiyükai Library, Tokyo, and in Germany, where a Deutscher
Akademischer Austauschdienst grant enabled me to work for
eight months in the Seminar für Kultur und Geschichte
Indiens of the University of Hamburg. My first vote of
thanks goes therefore to these institutions and their
personnel for their generous hospitality. Secondly, I
should like to express my gratitude to Dr Akira Yuyama,
Director of the Reiyükai Library, and to Prof. Dr Lambert
Schmithausen of the University of Hamburg for their kind
encouragement and assistance in matters both scholarly and
personal at various stages of the project, and to Dr Gregory
Schopen (concurrently Reiyükai Visiting Research Fellow),
who also gave me the benefit of his friendly advice on
various aspects of the work. Needless to say, the responsi
bility for any errors which remain rests entirely with me.
Last but not least, I should like to thank my teacher,
Prof. J.W. de Jong, for first directing my attention to
the ratnäkara of Lokaksema's translations. Since this paper
embodies one of my first discoveries therein, I am very
pleased to be able to dedicate it to Prof, de Jong on the
occasion of his sixtieth birthday.
230
2. Taishö Shinshü Daizökyö , Vol. XVII, No. 807, 751b-753c.
Note that the pin-yin system for transliterating Chinese
is used in this paper.
3. Derge, Mdo Tsa 303a6-308a7; Narthang, Mdo Ba 475b2-483a5;
Peking, Mdo Mu 304b2-309a6 (Peking Edition of the Tibetan
Tripitaka , Vol. XXXIV, No. 866, 250-1-2 to 251-5-6); Lhasa,
Mdo Ba 478b3-486a3 (The Xerox-Copy of the Lhasa Kanjur 3
Vol. LXI, pp. 238-43). All these editions except Derge
give the Sanskrit title as Lokänusamänävatära , which is
clearly a spurious re-Sanskritisation of the Tibetan.
4. On the Lokottaravadins see esp. A. Bareau, Les sectes
bouddhiques du petit v&hicule (Saigon, 1955), pp. 75-7,
and E. Lamotte, Histoire du bouddhisme indien (Louvain,
1958), pp. 690-93.
5. E. Senart, ed. Le Mahävastu , 3 vols. (Paris, 1882-1890-
1897). See also the complete English translation by J.J.
Jones, The Mahävastu , 3 vols. (Sacred Books of the Buddhists
XVI, XVIII, XIX) (London, 1949-1952-1956), and a useful
survey of the literature in A. Yuyama, 'A Bibliography of
the Mahävastu-Avadäna' 3 Indo-Iranian Journal > XI,1 (1968),
pp. 11-23. Possibly completed by the 5th century, the
Mahävastu incorporates much old material, and was no doubt
many centuries in the making.
6. It is my intention to publish in the near future a complete
study of the LAn, including: a critical edition of the
Tibetan version based on nine editions of the Kanjur (which
raises many problems of general application in the editing
of Kanjur texts); English translations of both Tibetan and
Chinese versions; an examination of parallels to and quota
tions from the LAn in works by Nägärjuna, Candrakirti and
others, as well as in the Mv; and a general evaluation of
the doctrinal and historical significance of the text. The
present paper constitutes a preliminary to this larger work.
7. The photocopy was made available to me through the kindness
of Prof. B. KBlver of the University of Kiel.
8. For copies of X, Y and Z I am indebted to Dr D. George and
Dr Feistel of the Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbe
sitz, Berlin.
9. There are several translations already in existence, all
of them more or less misleading, based as they are on
Senart's edition: J.J. Jones, The Mahävastu 3 Vol. I, pp.
231
132-4; E. Leumann and Shiraishi (Fujita) Shindo, 'Maha-
vastu, ein buddhistischer Sanskrittext', Heft III, Pro
ceedings of the Faculty of Liberal Arts and Education,
Yamanashi University 3 No. 3 (1962), pp. 118-21; E.J.
Thomas, The Quest of Enlightenment, A Selection of the
Buddhist Scriptures Translated from the Sanskrit (London,
1950), pp. 85-6 (only w . 5-26). There is also a partial
translation in E. Lamotte, Histoire, p. 691.
10. Four morae lacking. Senart conjectures bhavasya.
11. Original reading probably iriyäpatha.
12. I construe a partitive genitive; cf. Buddhist Hybrid
Sanskrit Dictionary, s.v. vairambha. All mss. consulted
read vairambha si ca.
13. The text is unsatisfactory. Senart’s mss. read bädhanti,
as does Z, but P, X and Y all have bädheti, which, if
correct at all, is more likely to be the causative of
bandh- than of bädh- (on the confusion of these two roots
in Pali, see PTSD, s.v. bädhati) . The sense is not certain
- 'to bind on', 'to put on oneself', or perhaps even 'to
piece together' (the d v a r a from rags) may be suggested,
but I can find no parallel passages to support these inter
pretations. Senart emends to niväsenti, but in his note
(p. 513) suggests the alternative possibility dhärenti,
which, in view of v. 4 (cZvaradharanam) , is much more
likely.
14. Rüpyabhave probably to be taken as an alternative form of
rüpabhave. Such an interpretation is supported by the
Tibetan and Chinese versions of the verse (see below),
which both refer to the Brahma Deva(s); this term was
generally applied to all the gods of the Realm of Form
(see BHSD, s.v. deva, and Hobögirin, s.v. Bon).
15. Ms. P has ahamanträ vibhäyitvä, X, Y and Z have aham manträ
vibhäsitvä , with which Senart's mss. are in general agree
ment. My very tentative emendation is suggested by the
Chinese and Tibetan versions (see below), but an orthograph
ical confusion of gra and tra is a definite possibility,
since in v. 3 P has agra where the other mss. read atra.
For nom. sg. masc. ending in -a see BHSG , §8.24.
16. Na hi kimcit samyaksambuddhänäm lokena samam / atha khalu
sarvam eva maharsinäm lokottaram / tathä hi samyaksam
buddhänäm samudägamah so pi lokottaro.
232
17. The Chinese version is not specific as to number, whereas
in many verses in the Tibetan the Buddhas are explicitly
plural, as they are in the Sanskrit of the Mo. Although
I have translated the Chinese in the singular and the
Tibetan in the plural (except where the context makes
this sound peculiar), not too much weight should be placed
upon this: in BHS distinction of number seems not to have
been of such great moment (see BHSG, §5.1-5), and in any
case what our sütra is saying applies to Buddhas in general.
18. The päda concerning the rewards accruing to the Buddha’s
benefactors has slipped out of place in the Tibetan text,
and appears in its version of Mo, v. 16.
19. Commonly used by Lokaksema to render sarvasattva, ’all
sentient beings'.
20. Although the Sanskrit text is uncertain, the antithesis
it seems to be presenting is that although the Buddha is
in reality always decked out in divine splendour, he ap
pears to don the humble civava. While the wording of the
Tibetan is close, the sense is obscured. Lokaksema, how
ever, has read something quite different into the verse:
since the Buddha does not possess a material body, he has
no real need to wear clothes, even though he pretends to
do so.
21. Perhaps this translation is based on a misreading of the
phrase dtpamkaram upädäya.
22. Thugs las ohuh hu hid, a literal rendering of alpotsukatva3
the meaning of which in this context is the ’apathy’ or
'disinclination* of the Buddha to teach the Dharma.
23. G. Tucci, ’Two Hymns of the Catuh-stava of Naglrjuna’,
JRAS (1932), pp. 309-25.
24. Read karmaplotihl Cf. LAn(T), v. 77: sdig pa thams cad
yohs zad de / hsod nams kun gyis rrfhon 'phags kyah / las
kyi vgyud ni ston mdzad pa / ’di ni 'jig rten 'thun 'jug
yin //. See also BHSD, s.v. ploti.
25. Mülarnadhyarnikakärikäs (Mädhyamikasütras) de Nägärjuna
avec le Prasannapadä Commentaire de Candrakirti (Biblio
theca Buddhica IV) (St. Petersburg, 1903-1913).
26. Sattvadhätu: ’element’, ’sphere' or ’mass' of sentient
beings. See also the translations by Jacques May, Candva-
233
kZrti Prasannapadä Madhyamakavrtti (Paris, 1959), pp.
256-7, and D. Seyfort Ruegg, 'Le Dharmadhätustava de
Nägärjuna’, Etudes Tibetaines dediees a la memoire de
Marcelle Lalou (Paris, 1971), pp. 459-60).
27. See La Vallee Poussin, ed. Madhyamakävatära par CandrakZrti:
Traduction Tibetaine (Bibliotheca Buddhica IX) (St. Peters
burg, 1912), pp. 134-5.
28. Ji skad du &ar gyi ri b o ’i sde pa dan mthun p a ’i tshigs
su bead pa dag las ... £es rgya eher gsuhs pa Ita bu ’o.
29. They correspond to LAn( T), w . 13, 62, 57, 73 (with con
siderable differences), 72, 94 and 63, and to LAn(C),
§§ 10(7), 57, 51, 68(7), 67(7), 86 and 58.
30. This bears out La Vallee Poussin’s suggestion of scribal
error (see above): it may well have been a loose trans
lation of kalpoddjaha. Such free renderings are character
istic of Lokaksema, who often found it necessary to alter
or amplify his text in order to make it comprehensible to
an audience almost totally unfamiliar with Indian social
or religious life.
31. Stoh hid bdun cu p a ’i ’grel pa3 Peking Edition} Vol. 99
(No. 5268), 15-3-8 to 15-4-1 (309b8-310al) and 36-3-3 to
3-4 (362a3-4). For this information I am indebted to
Mr Felix Erb, Hamburg.
32. The discrepancies between the two Tibetan translations are
such that at first sight they appear unrelated, even though
the correspondence is perfectly clear in the Chinese version
of the LAn (§79). What is interesting, however, is that in
the Derge edition of the Stoh hid bdun cu p a ’i ’grel pa (and
therefore in Cone as well) the verse is preceded simply by
the words de hid kyis na gsuhs pa. Clearly the editors of
Derge, unable themselves to trace the verse in their copy
of the LAn( T), have deleted what they therefore assumed to
be an erroneous reference - a fine example of both editorial
meticulousness and its dangers!
33. See Bareau, Les sectes bouddhiques 3 pp. 57-9, 76, 301-2.
34. Ibid., pp. 89-103.
35. For a particularly cogent statement of the problem of the
origins of the Mahayana and its probable solution, see
Bareau’s Appendice III, 'Les origines du Mahayäna’, pp.
296-305.
234
36. See P. Demieville, ’L ’origine des sectes bouddhiques
d'apres Paramärtha', Melanges chinois et bouddhiques,
t. I (Brussels, 1932), pp. 41, 43.
37. E. Obermiller, transl. History of Buddhism (Chos-hbyung)
by Bu-ston (Heidelberg, 1931), p. 100; also Bareau, p.56.
A good deal of research on the Prakritic features of the
language used by the Lokottaravidins has been done by
Dr G. Roth; see especially his article ’Particular Features
of the Language of the Arya-MahSsimghika-Lokottaravädins
and their Importance for Early Buddhist Tradition' in
H. Bechert, ed. Die Sprache der ältesten buddhistischen
Überlieferung (Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften
in Güttingen, Philologisch-Historische Klasse, Dritte Folge,
Nr. 117) (Göttingen, 1980), pp. 78-135.
38. According to Shizutani, Shoki daijö bukkyö no seiritsukatei,
p. 282. I have not had the opportunity to verify this my
self .
39. See E. Lamotte, Le traits de la grande vertu de sagesse,
t. I (Louvain, 1949), p. 25, n. 1.
40. See Shizutani, Shojö bukkyöshi no kenkyü (Ky5to, 1978),
pp. 64-5. On the vexed question of Kusäna chronology, see
A.L. Basham, ed. Papers on the Date of Kaniska (Leiden,
1968).
235
THE DREAM SIMILE IN VIJNANAVADA TREATISES
Masaaki HATTORI (Kyoto)
In Mahäyäna sütras and sästras, the unreality of phenomenal
existences is often explained by the similes of mäyä, mirage
(mariei), and the like. I shall cite below a few examples
from the sütras composed in the early period of the Mahäyäna
movement.
... äyusmän Subhütis tön devaputrän etad avocat:
mäyopamäs te devaputräh sattväh svapnopamäs te deva
puträh sattväh — sarvadharmä api devaputrä mäyopamäh
svapnopamäh __ nirvänam api devaputrä mäyopamam
svapnopamam iti vadämi kirn punar anyam dharmam ...
(Astasähasrikä Prajftäpäramitä3 Chap. II)1
yas ea dharmän vijänäti lmyäsvapnasvabhävakän
kadaltskandhanihsärän pratisrutkäsamänakän
... sa vijänäti nirvrtim. (Saddharrrnpuruiarikasütra,
Chap. V)2
yo 'yarn ... bodhisattvah ... saptamtm bodhisattvabhümim
äkramatij sa daäabhir upäyapraj?läjflänäbhinirhrtair
märgäntarärambhavisesair äkramati. katamair dasabhih?
yad uta ... mäyämaricisvapnapratibhäsapratisrutkodaka-
candrapratibvnbanirrnänab häväbhävas vab hävädvayänuga tas
ea bhavatiy ... (Dasabhümikasütra3 VIIth Bhümift)3
In the Mülamadhyamakakärikä (abbrev.: M M K ) , Chapter VII
(Samskrta-pariksä), Nägärjuna discusses the unreality of the
three characteristic features (laksana) of conditioned
elements fsamskrtadharrra) , i.e. origination (utpäda) ,
duration (sthiti) , and destruction (bhanga) , and he states
in conclusion:
yathä mäyä yathä svapno gandharvanagaram yathä
tathotpädas tathä sthänam tathä bhahga udährtam (VII.3^)
This verse is explained by Candraklrti as follows: "Just as
mäyä and the like, although they are unoriginated and non
existent, are, for ordinary people, denotable by the words
'm ä y ä f, etc., and apprehensible by the cognition of mäyä , etc.,
236
even so these 'origination* etc., although essentially non
existent, are indicated, merely on account of their being
commonly accepted (lokaprasiddha), by the Blessed One who is
keen to confer benefits upon the people to be educated in
that manner."4 In MMK3 these similes are employed also in
XVII (Karma-pariksa), k. 33 and XXIII (Viparyaya-p°), k. 8.5
Äryadeva also uses the same similes in the following
verse in his Catuh&ataka, and it is cited by Candrakirti in
his commentary on MMK, VII.32.
alätaoakranirmänasvccpnarnäyämbucandrakaih
dhümikäntahprati&rutkärratäcyc&hraih samo bhavah (XII.25)6
Ten similes which serve to explain the voidness (sünyatä)
of phenomenal existences are enumerated in the *Mahäpraj?lä-
päram'Ltopade&a (Ta-chih-tu-lun), Chapter XI.7 They are:
mäyäj mirage (marZci) , the moon in the water (udakaoandra) 3
space (5kä§a)3 echo (pratiSrutkä)3 fata morgana (gandharva-
nagara)3 dream (svapna)3 shadow (chäyä)3 the reflection in a
mirror (pvattbimba) and metamorphosis (nirrräna). Each of
these is explained there in detail, but there is no essential
difference in the use of them. All of them are equally intended
to explain that the phenomenal elements are not really existent,
that they are essentially void (Sünya).
These similes are found employed also in the Vijhänaväda
treatises. Excepting space and fata morgana, the other eight
similes are mentioned in the Mahäyänasüträlamkära (abbrev.:
MSA), XI (Dharmaparyesty-adhikära), k. 30, and it is shown
there for which element each of these similes stands.8 It is
the six internal bases of cognition (ädhyätmikäyatana), viz.,
the sense-organs and the mind, that are compared with mäyä,
because they appear as a self (ätman) despite the fact that
there is in reality no such entity apart from them. The mind
(cdtta) and mental states (ca.itasika) are likened to a mirage,
since they produce false notions (bkränti) . In this manner
the elements which have a likeness to a shadow, echo, etc.,
are specified one by one.
Among these eight similes, dream and mäyä are those most
frequently used by the Vijnanavadins, and they differ from
Nägärjuna and his followers in their application of these
two similes. I shall examine in this paper the simile of a
dream as used by the Vijhänavädins.
In the above-mentioned passage of MSA3 XI, the simile of
a dream is expl.ained as pertaining to the six external bases
237
o f c o g n i t i o n (bähuäyatana ) . v i z . , t h e o b j e c t s g r a s p e d b y t h e
s e n s e - o r g a n s a nd t h e m ind f o r t h e r e a s o n t h a t t h e e n jo y m e n t
o f th e m i s n o t b a s e d on r e a l i t y . 9 The same e i g h t s i m i l e s
a r e e n u m e r a te d a l s o i n t h e Mahäyänasarr.graha ( a b b r e v . : MS) ,
I I I ( J f i e y a l a k s a n a ) , 10 and a c c o r d i n g t o t h e re m a r k made t h e r e
by t h e a u t h o r , t h e s i m i l e o f a dream i s i n t e n d e d t o show how
t h e d i v e r s i t y o f e x p e r i e n c e c a n b e e x p l a i n e d from t h e V i j n ä -
n a v ä d a s t a n d p o i n t . I t i s g e n e r a l l y a d m i t t e d t h a t man h a s
a g re e a b le o r d is a g re e a b le ex p e rie n c e in accordance w ith th e
d i f f e r e n c e o f t h e o b j e c t e x p e r ie n c e d , b u t t h e V ijflän av äd in s
who deny t h e r e a l i t y o f e x t e r n a l o b j e c t s m u st b e a s k e d t o
e x p l a i n how o u r e x p e r i e n c e i s d i v e r s i f i e d . The a n sw e r t o
t h i s q u e s t i o n i s g i v e n b y t h e s i m i l e o f a d ream . The i m p l i
c a t i o n o f t h i s s i m i l e i s e l u c i d a t e d c l e a r l y b y V a suba ndhu i n
h i s com m entary on MS: J u s t a s we h a v e a g r e e a b l e o r d i s a g r e e
a b l e e x p e r i e n c e i n a dream d e s p i t e t h e f a c t t h a t t h e r e i s no
r e a l o b j e c t , e v e n so we h a v e d i v e r s i f i e d e x p e r i e n c e a l t h o u g h
t h e r e i s no r e a l o b j e c t t o b e e x p e r i e n c e d . 11
The s i m i l e o f a dream i s f o u n d a l s o i n V a s u b a n d h u 's
com m entary on MSA, X V III ( B o d h i p a k s ä d h i k ä r a ) , k k . U 3-l+^.12
I t i s s t a t e d t h e r e t h a t t h e s e n s a t i o n (vedanä ) , w h ic h i s
c a u s e d b y t h e c o n t a c t o f a s e n s e - o r g a n w i t h an e x t e r n a l
o b j e c t , i s c o m p a r a b le t o a d re a m , b e c a u s e i t i s n o t h i n g
o t h e r t h a n a f a l s e e x p e r i e n c e (miihyänubhava) l i k e t h e
e x p e r i e n c e i n a d ream .
T hus t h e s i m i l e o f a dream i s , i n t h e V i j n ä n a v ä d a
t r e a t i s e s , m eant f o r e l u c i d a t i n g t h a t t h e r e i s i n r e a l i t y
no e x t e r n a l o b j e c t and t h a t o u r d a i l y e x p e r i e n c e , w h e t h e r
i t i s p l e a s u r a b l e o r p a i n f u l , i s u n t r u e in a sm u c h a s i t i s
b a s e d on t h e c o n t a c t w i t h an u n r e a l o b j e c t . No su c h r e s t r i c t
i o n r e g a r d i n g t h e u s a g e o f t h i s s i m i l e i s n o t i c e d i n t h e w o rk s
e x p o u n d in g t h e d o c t r i n e o f v o i d n e s s . As s e e n a b o v e , i n t h e
i n s t a n c e s i n MMK3 n o t m e r e l y t h e o b j e c t s p e r c e i v e d b y t h e
s e n s e - o r g a n s ( X X I I I . 8 ) , b u t a l s o m a n 's m e n t a l a n d p h y s i c a l
a c t i v i t i e s ( k le s a 3 karman X V I I .3 3 ) , and t h e e l e m e n t s w h ic h
do n o t accom pany t h e mind (citta vip ra yu kta sa m skccp a ) , s u c h a s
' o r i g i n a t i o n ' e t c . ( V I I . 3 ^ ) , a r e l i k e n e d t o a dream . F o r
N ä g ä r j u n a a n d t h o s e who f o l l o w h i s p h i l o s o p h i c a l t e n e t , a l l
th e elem en ts, s u b je c tiv e as w e ll as o b je c tiv e , c o n s t i t u t i n g
th e e m p i r i c a l w o rld a r e u n r e a l w ith o u t e x c e p tio n . The s i m i l e
o f a d re a m i s u s e d t o e x p l a i n t h e u n r e a l i t y o f t h e s e e l e m e n t s ,
and in t h a t r e s p e c t i t does n o t e s s e n t i a l l y d i f f e r in u sag e
from t h e o t h e r s i m i l e s .
On t h e o t h e r h a n d , f o r t h e V ij n ä n a v ä d i n s t h e s i m i l e o f
a dream h a s a n i m p o r t a n t i m p l i c a t i o n . I t i s h e l d b y th e m
t h a t w hat a p p e a r s a s a n e x t e r n a l o b j e c t i s n o t h i n g o t h e r t h a n
238
t h e i d e a p r o d u c e d by c o n s c i o u s n e s s (vijftä n a ) . T h i s c o n s c i o u s
n e s s i s e x a c t l y t h e same a s t h e c o n s c i o u s n e s s i n a dream w h ic h
c r e a t e s v a r i o u s o b j e c t s p e r c e i v e d i n a d re a m . T h e se o b j e c t s
v a n i s h a s soon a s man aw akes from s l e e p , b u t t h e f a c t t h a t
t h e r e was d u r i n g t h e dream a c o n s c i o u s n e s s w h ic h p r o d u c e d t h e
o b j e c t s t o be ap prehended rem ain s t r u e . The o b j e c t s s e e n i n
a dream a r e u n r e a l , a n d t h e p l e a s u r e a n d t h e p a i n e x p e r i e n c e d
i n a dream a r e u n t r u e , b u t t h e c o n s c i o u s n e s s i n a dream i s u n
d en iab ly r e a l . L ik ew ise, a c c o rd in g t o t h e V ijfiä n a v ä d in s, t h e
e x t e r n a l o b j e c t s a r e u n r e a l , b u t t h e c o n s c i o u s n e s s w h ic h p r o
d u c e s e x t e r n a l o b j e c t s a n d g r a s p s them r e a l l y e x i s t s .
At t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e Virpiatikä V ijflaptim ätratäsiddhih
th e fo llo w in g fo u r q u e stio n s a re d ir e c te d to th e V ijn ä n a v ä d in s,
who deny t h e e x i s t e n c e o f e x t e r n a l o b j e c t s a n d m a i n t a i n t h a t
a c o g n i t i o n a r i s e s by i t s e l f fro m t h e i m p r e s s i o n s o f p a s t
e x p e r i e n c e s a c c u m u l a t e d i n c o n s c i o u s n e s s : ( l ) Why d o e s t h e
c o g n i t i o n o f a n o b j e c t a r i s e a t a c e r t a i n p l a c e ( 2 ) and a t
a c e r t a i n t i m e , a n d n o t a r b i t r a r i l y a t a n y p l a c e and a t any
t i m e ? ( 3 ) The i l l u s i v e c o g n i t i o n o f a n u n r e a l o b j e c t , s u c h
a s t h a t o f a d o u b l e moon, o c c u r s o n l y t o a p e r s o n whose e y e s
are d ise a se d . On t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e c o g n i t i o n o f a p o t and
t h e l i k e i s commonly s h a r e d by a l l p e r s o n s who a r e p r e s e n t
a t t h e same p l a c e . How c a n t h i s f a c t b e e x p l a i n e d w i t h o u t
presu p p o sin g th e r e a l i t y of th e e x te r n a l o b je c t? (U) What
i s e x p e r i e n c e d i n a dream d o e s n o t p r o d u c e a r e a l e f f e c t . F o r
e x a m p le , a man who i s b i t t e n b y a s n a k e i n a dre a m d o e s n o t
s u f f e r fro m i t s p o i s o n when he a w a k e s. But t h e o b j e c t a p p r e
hended i n t h e w a k in g s t a t e p r o d u c e s a r e a l e f f e c t . What i s
t h e e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h i s f a c t fro m t h e V i j h ä n a v ä d a s t a n d p o i n t ?
To a n sw e r t h e q u e s t i o n s ( l ) , ( 2) and ( U) , V a su b a n d h u t a k e s
r e c o u r s e t o t h e s i m i l e o f a d ream . I n a dream we p e r c e i v e ,
f o r e x a m p le , a v i l l a g e , g r o v e , man a n d woman a t a c e r t a i n
p l a c e and a t a c e r t a i n t i m e , b u t n o t a t a n y p l a c e and a t any
tim e . I t i s a l s o a f a c t o f e x p e r i e n c e t h a t an o b j e c t s e e n i n
a dream d o e s p r o d u c e a r e a l e f f e c t : f o r e x a m p le , s e m i n a l
e m i s s i o n i s c a u s e d i n a man who h a s i n t e r c o u r s e w i t h a woman
a p p e a r i n g i n a d r e a m . 13
The s i m i l e o f a dream h e r e i s n o t i n t e n d e d t o p r o v e t h e
u n r e a l i t y o f phe n o m e n a l e x i s t e n c e s . As a m a t t e r o f c o u r s e
t h e o b j e c t w h ic h i s p e r c e i v e d o r p r o d u c e s a r e a l e f f e c t i n a
dream i s u n r e a l , b u t i t a p p e a r s a s i f i t w e re r e a l . T h is
o b j e c t i s c r e a t e d by t h e c o n s c i o u s n e s s i n a d re a m . L ik e w ise ,
th e o b je c t p e r c e iv e d as r e a l i n t h e w a k in g s t a t e i s i n f a c t
c r e a t e d by t h e c o n s c i o u s n e s s i n w h ic h t h e i m p r e s s i o n s o f t h e
e x p e r i e n c e s fro m b e g i n n i n g l e s s t i m e a r e a c c u m u l a t e d . T his i s
t h e p o i n t t h a t V asubandhu a t t e m p t e d t o p r o v e by c i t i n g t h e
s i m i l e o f a d ream . S t h i r a m a t i c l o s e l y f o l l o w s V asubandhu
239
when he c o m p a r e s , i n h i s T rim S ik ä vijfla p tib h ä sya , t h e c o n
s c i o u s n e s s w h ic h t a k e s t h e f o r m o f a n o b j e c t (arthäkäram
vijftänam) w i t h t h e c o n s c i o u s n e s s i n a d re a m (svapnavijfläna).11*
T h a t t h e ab o v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e s i m i l e o f a dream
was r e g a r d e d a s p e c u l i a r t o t h e V i j h ä n a v ä d i n s i s known fro m
t h e f a c t t h a t t h e i r use o f t h i s s i m i l e i s r e p u d i a t e d by th e
M ädhyam ikas. B h ä v a v i v e k a , who made a k e e n l y c r i t i c a l e x a m i
n a tio n of th e d o c trin e o f th e V ijn än av äd in s in th e f i f t h
c h a p t e r o f h i s Madhyamakahrdaya, d i s a p p r o v e d o f t h e i r v ie w
t h a t t h e c o n s c i o u s n e s s i n a d re a m f u n c t i o n s by i t s e l f i n d e
p en d en tly o f th e o b je c t. A c c o r d i n g t o him when a man l i e s
a s l e e p h i s b o d i l y e y e s c e a s e t o f u n c t i o n , b u t he p e r c e i v e s
w i t h h i s m e n t a l e y e s (jftänaaaksus) t h e o b j e c t s t h a t h a v e
been brought to e x p e rie n c e b e f o r e . T h e r e f o r e , he m a i n t a i n s ,
t h e c o n s c i o u s n e s s i n a d re a m i s c o n d i t i o n e d by t h e e x t e r n a l
o b j e c t . 15 On t h e o t h e r h a n d , C a n d r a k l r t i a s s e r t s t h a t t h e r e
i s i n r e a l i t y no c o n s c i o u s n e s s i n a d re a m . He f o r e s t a l l s
t h e V ijf f ä n a v ä d a a rg u m e n t t h a t , s i n c e we remember t h e e x p e
r i e n c e i n a d re a m a f t e r we a w a k e , i t i s known t h a t t h e r e was
a c o n s c i o u s n e s s i n a d r e a m , and r e j e c t s t h i s a r g u m e n t w i t h
th e rem ark t h a t , i f t h a t i s t h e c a s e , t h e r e a l i t y o f t h e
o b j e c t i n a dream i s a l s o t o be a d m i t t e d , s i n c e i t i s remem
b e r e d a f t e r w a r d s . 16
The V ijf f ä n a v ä d a d o c t r i n e i s c r i t i c i s e d i n some p h i l o s o p h i
c a l w orks o f n o n - B u d d h i s t i c s y s t e m s , a n d i n t h e p a s s a g e i n
w h ic h t h e c r i t i c a l d i s c u s s i o n i s m a d e , i t i s o f t e n fo u n d t h a t
m e n tio n i s made t o t h e dream s i m i l e . For in s ta n c e , in th e
V r t t i k ä r a g r a n t h a q u o te d by S a b a r a s v ä m i n i n h i s com m entary on
t h e Mtrnärnsäsütra> l . l . U - 5 , t h e V i j n ä n a v ä d a v i e w , w h ic h i s t o
b e s e t a s i d e , i s su m m a rise d a s f o l l o w s : " E v e r y c o n c e p t (pratyaya)
i s d e v o i d o f an o b j e c t , j u s t l i k e a d r e a m . B e c a u se t h e o b j e c t
l e s s n e s s (nirätam banatä) i s o b s e r v e d a s t h e n a t u r e o f a c o n c e p t
i n t h e c a s e o f a dream . A ls o f o r a man who i s a w a k e , ’ p o s t ’
o r ’w a l l ' i s in d e e d a c o n c e p t. T h e r e f o r e , i t i s a l s o o b j e c t
l e s s . " 17 S a n k a r a a l s o p r e s e n t s w i t h s i m i l a r p h r a s e s t h e V i j f i ä -
n a v ä d a a r g u m e n ts i n h i s Bvahmasütrabhäsya , 2 . 2 . 2 8 . 18 I t i s
t h u s known t h a t t h e s i m i l e o f a dre a m was c o n s i d e r e d t o be
q u i t e s u i t e d f o r t h e e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h e V ijf iä n a v ä d a d o c t r i n e
o f c o n sc io u sn e ss-o n ly .
240
N o te s
1. Ed. P .L . V a i d y a , B u d d h i s t S a n s k r i t T e x t s No. b, D a rb h a n g a
I9 6 0 , p . 20.
2. Ed. H. Kern a n d B. N a n j i o , B i b l i o t h e c a B u d d h ic a X, S t.
P e t e r s b o u r g 1 9 0 9 - 1 2 , p. lU 2 .
3. Ed. P .L . V a i d y a , B u d d h i s t S a n s k r i t T e x t s No. 7 , D a rb h a n g a
1 9 6 7 , p . 36.
1+. Prasannapadä , e d . L. de La V a l l e e P o u s s i n (Mülamadhyamaka-
kärlkäs de Nägärjuna avee la Prasannapadä Cormentaire de
C a n d ra k trti) , B i b l i o t h e c a B u d d h ic a IV , S t . P e t e r s b o u r g
1 9 1 3 , p . 1 7 7 . 6 - 8 : yathä mäyädayah svabhävenänutpannä
avidyaZmänäl mäyädisabdaoäcyä mäyädivijHänagconyäs ca
lokasya3 evam e te 'p i lokaprasiddhimätrenotpädZädalyah
svabhävenävidyamänä api bhagavatä tathävZdhavineyajanänu-
grahaciktrsunä n ir d is tä i t i .
5. kle&äh karmäni deha's ca kartäva's ca phaläni ca
gandharvanagaräkärä martcisvapnasarmibhäh ( X V I I .3 3 )
vüpa'sabdarasaspav'sä gandhä dharmäS ca kevaläh
gandharvanagaräkärä martclsvapnasamnibhäh ( X X I I I . 8)
6. C a tu h ta tikä by Arya Deva3 e d . by H a r a p r a s ä d S h ä s t r I
(Memoirs o f t h e A s i a t i c S o c i e t y o f B e n g a l , V o l. I l l ,
No. 8 ) , The A s i a t i c S o c i e t y , C a l c u t t a 191^+, p . 5 0 3 . 4 - 5 .
C f . Prasannapadä , p . 1 7 3 . 3-Ü .
7. T. V o l. 2 5 , No. 1 5 0 9 , p . l O l c f f . C f. E t i e n n e L a m o tte ,
Le t r a i t s de la grande v e rtu de sagesse de Nägärjuna3
Tome 1 ( B i b l i o t h e q u e du Museon 1 9 ) , L o u v a in 1 9 ^ 9 , p p . 3 5 7 f f .
8. MSA, e d . S y l v a i n L e v i (Asahga3 Mahäyäna-süträlamkära3
expose de la d o c trin e du grand veh icu le selon le Systeme
Yogäcära. Tome I — T e x t e ) , P a r i s 1 9 0 7 , p . 62:
mäyäsvapnamartcibimbasadrsäh prodbhäsasrutkopamä
vljheyodakacandrabimbasadrsä nirm änatulyah pundh /
sa t s a t dvau ca puna's ca s a t dvayamatä ekaikasas ca trayah
samskäräh khalu ta tr a ta tr a k a th itä buddhair vibuddhottam aih /,
9. I b i d . , p . 6 2 .1 2 (Comm, on k . 3 0 ) : svapnopamäh sa t bähyäny
äyatanäni tadupabhogasyävastukatvät .
10 . T. V o l . 3 1 , No. 159 J+, p . 1 ^ 0 b - c . C f. E. L a m o tte , La scmme
241
du grand vehicule d'Asahga (Mahäyänasamgraha ) 3 L o u v a in
1 938. Tome I : V e r s i o n s T i b e t a i n e e t C h i n o i s e ( H i u a n - t s a n g ) ,
p . 38 ; Tome I I : T r a d u c t i o n e t Commenta i r e , p . 123.
1 1 . T. V o l. 3 1 , No. 1 5 9 7 , p . 3 4 4 b . 2 1 - 2 3 .
12. MSA, p . l U l . 6 .
13 . Vimsatikä , e d . Sy 1 v a i n L e v i (Vijftaptim ätratäsiddhi. Deux
tr a itä s de Vasubandhu: Vimsatikä e t Trim'sikä) 3 P a r i s 1 9 2 5 ,
PP. 3 - 4 .
14 . Trimsikävijftaptibhä§ya3 e d . S y l v a i n L evi (Vijflaptim ätratä-
siddhi3 Deux tr a ite s . . . ) 3 P a r i s 1 9 2 5 , p . 1 7 . 2 - 3 (on k . l c )
evam bähyärthäbhäväd vigflönam evärthäkäram utpadyate3
svapnavijflänavad i t y abhyupeyam.
1 5 . C f. Tarkagvälä Madhyamakahrdayavrttih3 P e k in g e d . , Mdo-
h g r e l , D s a , f o l . 2 5 2 . 2 f f . ( R e p r i n t , V o l. 96 : Dbu-ma, I I ,
p. 9 2 - 3 - 2 f f .)
16 . C f. Madhyamakävatära par Candrakrrti3 T r a d u c t i o n T i b e t a i n e ,
p a r L. d e La V a l l e e P o u s s i n , S t . P e t e r s b o u r g 1 9 0 7 -1 2 ( B i b .
Bud. I X ) , p p . l 4 0 f f .
17. Säbarabhäsya ad Mtmämsäsütra3 1 . 1 . 4 - 5 . B ib . I n d . e d . ,
(E. F r a u w a l l n e r , M aterialien zur ä lte s te n
p. 8 .2 1 -2 4
Erkenntnislehre der Karrnamimämsä3 p . 2 6 . 2 2 - 2 4 ) : nanu
sarva eva nirälambanah svapnavat pratyayah3 pratyayasya
hi nirälambanatä svabhäva upalaksitah svapne. jägrato
rp i stambha i t i vä kudyam i t i vä pratyaya eva bhavati.
tasmät so rp i nirälambanah.
18 . Brahmasütrasähkarabhäsya3 2 . 2 . 2 8 ( N i r n a y a S a g a r e d . ,
p . 5 4 4 ) : svapnädivae cedam Isarvaml drastavyam. yathä hi
svapnamäyämarieyudakagandharvanagarädipratyayä vinaiva
bähyenärthena grähyagrähakäkärä bhavanti3 evam jä g a rita -
gocarä api stambhädipratyayä bhavitum arhantity avagamyate.
243
UPALI’S VERSES IN THE MAJJHIMANIKAYA
AND THE MADHYAMÄGAMA
Oskar v. HINÜBER (Mainz)
The ten äryä-verses concluding the Upalisutta of the Majjhi-
manikäya (M I 371,25-387,6) have been transmitted by scribes
ignorant of the metre. Their correct metrical form, however,
has been restored by L. Alsdorf recently ("Die Aryä-Strophen
des Pali-Kanons", Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Litera
tur, Mainz. Abhandlungen der Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaft
lichen Klasse, Jg. 1964, Nr. 4, pp. 19ff). Thanks to the
efforts of E. Waldschmidt ("The Varnasatam: An Eulogy of One
Hundred Epitheta of Lord Buddha Spoken by the Grhapati Upali(n)",
Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen. I.
Phil.-Hist. Klasse. Jg. 1979, Nr. 1), the Sanskrit parallel
to the Upäligathäs is accessible now in a careful edition com
mented upon thoroughly and extensively. The numbering of the
attributes used here is Waldschmidt's . By using two Turfan
fragments, No. 412 from Sorcuq and No. 872 from Qizil, Wald-
schmidt was able to achieve considerable progress in the re
construction of this text from the Madhyamagama. This becomes
very obvious by a comparison with the earlier edition by A.F.R.
Hoernle (Manuscript Remains of Buddhist Literature Found in
Eastern Turkestan, Oxford 1916 [repr. Amsterdam 1970], pp.28-35).
The Sanskrit text, immediately recognised as a recast
Middle Indie version in the very first verse, where the initial
clusters of neither prahinakhilasya nor srävako make position,
confirms emendations of the Pali text, as suggested by Alsdorf
on metrical grounds, such as antimasarira<dhara>ssa.3 M I 386,7*
for -sarirassa (17) or rucirassa( 86) for ruoira\Ldhamna~\ssa3
M I 386.10*, where -dhammassa intruded into the text because
of the commentary ruciraldhammalssä ti suoidhammassa3 Ps III
97,7 at a date later than the subcommentary, which still had
rucirassa in its text: viftftünam rucim räti treti ti vä ruciro.
yv äyam assa rueirabhävo kusalatäyä ti aha suaidhammassa3
Ps-pt Be 1956 III 41,29ff. A third emendation by Alsdorf:
katasämanassa3 M I 386,7*, i.e. -samaPMassa against -samanassa
in the manuscripts, is confirmed now by [srälmanyasya{15). At
the same time Eastern Middle Indie sdmana for Päli sämaPlfta,
which should be read in spite of the uniform tradition sdmaPlfla
in the slokapäda b avyattena ca sämanam, S I 7,13*, provides
244
a linguistic clue for a very early origin of these verses,
what is well in accordance with the use of the äryä-metre.
The reading vedassa, M I 386,13* corresponding to vedino
(36) - the Chinese translation 'who is brave, energetic'
seems strange at first - again is due to the commentary: vedo
vuccati ftärvam tena samannägatassa3 Ps III 97,15, from which
veda slipped into the text. The Sanskrit proves vedissa to
be the original reading, which agrees with tena samannägata
in the Pali commentary. Therefore, Alsdorfs emendation of
vedassa into devassa following some Oriental editions of the
Majjhimanikaya misses the point. Moreover miswritings such
as veda/deva are also common in Sanskrit texts (e.g. M. Witzel,
WZKSO 24, 1980, 28).
In Pali the meaning of appahinassa, M I 386,25* has
caused some difficulties to modern and ancient scholars alike,
as the variant readings quoted in the Critical Plli Dictionary
s.v. appabhita show. This variant, up to now known only from
the Siamese tradition, is also found now in Sanskrit aprabhi-
tasya{56). Therefore, the statement by Alsdorf (Arya-Strophen,
p. 20): 'singhal. h in bh , n in t verlesen !' must be reversed.
The Siamese variant proved to be original by the Sanskrit pro
bably reflects the text of the eighth council in Siamese reckon
ing held by Tilaka Räja in the fifteenth century in Chieng Mai.
This is one of the rare instances, where the Siamese tradition
has preserved old readings superior to both the Sinhalese and
the Burmese traditions.
A second 'emendation' found in some Oriental Pali editions
of the Majjhimanikaya quoted by Alsdorf is visamantarassa} M I
386,5* deduced again from the text of the commentary: vessan-
tarassä ti rägädi visamam taritvä thitassa_, Ps III 96,18, where
visama is an equivalent for vissa also used elsewhere: vissan
ti visamam, Dhp-a III 393,2 (cf. 0. v. Hinüber: "Die Entwicklung
der Lautgruppen -tm- , -dm- und -sm- im Mittel- und Neuindischen"
MSS 40, 1981, in print). This explanation shows that the meaning
of vessantara 'who gives away everything' (H. Jacobi in L. Als
dorf, "Bemerkungen zum Vessantara-Jitaka", WZKSO 1, 1957, p.3,
n. 8 = Kleine Schriften, Wiesbaden 1974, p. 272, but K.R. Norman
in: "Studien zum Jainismus und Buddhismus". Gedenkschrift für
Ludwig Alsdorf, Wiesbaden 1981, pp.l63ff) was no longer known
either to the Theravadins or^to the Northern Buddhists, where
the Chinese translation : ksema seems to point to a text
having *visamatara (cf. vissam, Dhp 266 with the parallel
visamam, Mvu III 422,13*) understood as visamam tarati3 and
where vi§Vottarasya(9) may be a Sanskritisation of a *vis(s)u(m)
tara (for -am- : -u- cf. CPD s.v. accanta; suppattam/sampattam,
245
A I I 4 4 ,6 * t o g e t h e r w i t h Mp I I I 8 4 ,8 a nd kupitä/kam pitä, ThI
504; f u r t h e r : 0. v . H i n ü b e r , ’Namen i n S c h u t z z a u b e r n a u s G i l -
g i t ’ , S t i l 7, 1980, p . 169, n . 13, and t h e h y p e r s a n s k r i t i s a t i o n
a§vaka f o r a§oka i n t h e B h a d r a k a l p i k a s ü t r a - f r a g m e n t No. 81+0a
i n Sanskrithandschriften aus den Tupfanfunden, T e i l 3, W ie s
baden 1971?).
But t h e S a n s k r i t t e x t o f t h e U p ä l i g ä t h ä s does n o t o n l y
p r o v e t o be h e l p f u l so m e tim e s f o r a b e t t e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f
th e P a li. At t h e same ti m e i t s h e d s some l i g h t on t h e t r a n s
m i s s i o n o f t h e Madhyamägama in C e n tra l A sia, as i t is pos
s i b l e now t o i n f e r t h e l a n g u a g e o f t h e t e x t u s e d f o r h i s t r a n s
l a t i o n i n t o C h in e s e by Gautama Sam ghadeva, who w orked b e tw e e n
383 and 398 ( H o b o g i r i n . F a s c i c u l e A nnexe: R epertoire du Canon
Bouddhique Sino-Japonais , Tokyo2 1 9 7 8 , s . v . Kudon S ö g y a d a i b a
and P.V . B a p a t , Buddhist Stu dies CBukkyö K enkyüi 7 , 1 9 7 9 ,
p p . 1 39, l W .
The t h i r d a t t r i b u t e o f t h e Buddha i s pabhinnakhilassa ,
M I 3 8 6 ,3 * c o r r e s p o n d i n g t o prah tn akhilasya( 3 ) . O b v io u s ly
P a l i h a s t h e c o r r e c t and o l d r e a d i n g a s shown by p a b h ijja
kh ilan ij Th 1242 and s i m i l a r p a s s a g e s ( f o r f u r t h e r e x a m p le s s e e :
P a l i T i p i t a k a C o n c o rd a n c e s . v . k h ila ) . T h e r e f o r e , prahtna i s
due t o a w rong S a n s k r i t i s a t i o n o f M id d le I n d i e *pahinna. T h i s
c o u l d h a p p e n o n ly i f an i n t e r m e d i a t e t e x t o f t h i s v e r s e w r i t t e n
i n K h a r o s t h i and c o n s e q u e n t l y i n G ä n d h ä r i P r a k r i t i s a ssu m e d .
H ere *pdhinna was w r i t t e n *p(r)ahina w i t h -n - and -h - due t o
t h e u n d e r l y i n g E a s t e r n M id d le I n d i e , a l l o w i n g t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n
- i - / - i - a n d -n-/-nn~. I t was p r o b a b l y t h e -h- t h a t l e a d a s t r a y
t h e t r a n s l a t o r who c r e a t e d t h e S a n s k r i t v e r s i o n . The e q u a t i o n
prabhinnakhila : prah ln akhila , h o w e v e r , seem s t o h a v e b e e n
w i d e l y u s e d i n C e n t r a l A s i a , a s shown b y t h e B h a d r a k a l p i k a s ü t r a -
f r a g m e n t q u o te d a b o v e , w h e re prahinakhila i s a name o f one o f
t h e B uddhas.
S t a r t i n g from a G ä n d h ä r i o r i g i n a l , vipa§yasya[ 26) c o n f i r m e d
by t h e T u r f a n f r a g m e n t s and by t h e m a n u s c r i p t a v a i l a b l e t o
H o e r n l e a g a i n s t P ä l i v ip a s s is s a 3 M I 3 8 6 , 2 2 * , o b v i o u s l y i s due
t o t h e n o t t o o i n f r e q u e n t o m i s s i o n o f - i - and -e - i n p a l a t a l
s u r r o u n d i n g s i n G ä n d h ä r i ( J . B ro u g h , The Gändhäri Dharmapada,
London 1 962, § 23; c i t e d h e n c e f o r t h a s GDhp). F o r t h e r e c a n n o t
b e any r e a s o n a b l e d o u b t a b o u t vipa&yin- a s t h e c o r r e c t fo rm .
A n o th e r h i n t a t G ä n d h ä r i m ig h t b e r e c e i v e d fro m t h e c o r r e s
p o n d e n c e o f ved in o ( 36) t o C h in e s e ’b r a v e , e n e r g e t i c ’ . T h e r e i s
s o m e tim e s an i n t e r c h a n g e b e tw e e n - r - a n d -d - (GDhp § 43b) and
*verino c o u l d h a v e b e e n u n d e r s t o o d a s *v!rino (GDhp § 21) b y
th e t r a n s l a t o r . T h is a s s u m p tio n , how ever, rem ain s h i g h l y c o n -
j e c tu ra l.
246
A f u r t h e r and f i n a l p r o o f t h a t b o t h t h e S a n s k r i t and t h e
C h in e s e v e r s i o n s a r e t o b e d e r i v e d fro m a G a n d h a r i o r i g i n a l
w r i t t e n i n K h a r o s t h i i s p r o v i d e d b y t h e e n i g m a t i c a l parn aja-
h a s y a (b l) , w hich seems t o be r a t h e r r e m o te from pannadhajassa.j
M I 3 8 6 ,1 6 * . Once i t i s w r i t t e n i n K h a r o s t i , *pana, m i s u n d e r
s t o o d b y t h e t r a n s l a t o r i n t o S a n s k r i t a s panna : parna , t h i s
word c o n c u r s w i t h P a l i panna . Gautama Samghadeva e v i d e n t l y
i n t e r p r e t e d *pana a s prajflä , a n i n t e r p r e t a t i o n w h ic h m ig h t
h a v e b e e n r o o t e d i n an e a r l i e r t r a d i t i o n .
The T h e r a v a d i n s , on t h e o t h e r h a n d , w e r e o f a d i f f e r e n t
o p i n i o n : pannaddhajo t i patitam änaddhajo , Ps I I 1 1 6 ,7 ; c f .
Mp I I I 2 6 4 ,9 e t c . As K.R. Norman ( 'M i d d l e I n d o - A r y a n S t u d i e s
X V JOIB 29, 1 9 7 9 / 8 0 , p p . 4 7 f f ) h a s shown, panna i n t h e s e
c o n t e x t s i s t h e p a s t p a r t i c i p l e o f t h e V e d ic r o o t pad , ' t o f a l l ' ,
w h ic h chan g e d i t s m e a n in g i n p o s t - V e d i c t i m e s i n t o ' t o g o ' ,
a t t e s t e d from t h e M a h ä b h ä r a ta o n w a r d s . T h is p a s t p a r t i c i p l e
i s g l o s s e d r e g u l a r l y by t h e p o s t - V e d i c p a t i t a , ' f a l l e n ' , i n
th e P a l i com m entaries. T h e re c a n n o t b e any s e r i o u s d o u b t a b o u t
t h e c o r r e c t n e s s o f t h i s e x p l a n a t i o n o f panna a s p a t i t a i n w o rd s
su c h a s pannaloma o r pannabhära.
H ere a g a i n t h e k n o w le d g e o f t h e T h e r a v a d i n s was n o t s h a r e d
by t h e B u d d h i s t s i n t h e n o r t h . F o r pannabhära, a n a t t r i b u t e o f
t h e Buddha n o t m e n tio n e d i n t h e U p ä l i g ä t h ä s , h a s b e e n u t t e r l y
m i s u n d e r s t o o d i n a s i m i l a r way, a s i s am ply d e m o n s t r a t e d by
s t r a n g e S a n s k r i t i s a t i o n s . The r e l e v a n t v e r s e , a n äryä fo u n d i n
t h e T h e r a v a d a c a n o n and i n B u d d h i s t S a n s k r i t t e x t s , h a s b e e n
t r e a t e d e x t e n s i v e l y by A l s d o r f (Ä ryä-Strophen , pp . 5 2 - 6 ) . Be
s i d e s pannabhära ananä , S I 2 3 3 ,3 1 * , t h e r e i s ]m ä lo p ä n ig h a ,
C a t u s p a r i s a t s ü t r a 1 . 7 , p . ^ 3 ^ s w i t h t h e p a r a l l e l parna- i n t h e
S am g h a b h e d a v a stu I 1 2 1 ,2 2 * ( e d . R. G n o l i , 1 9 7 7 , w i t h t h e n o t e :
' p e r h a p s m i s t a k e f o r g a rva -' ! ) , pürnabhära anrno _, Mvu I I I 3 1 5 ,1 4 * ,
and f i n a l l y pr ad häkär änrno , L a l i t a v i s t a r a 3 9 7 ,1 * ( c f . a l s o GDhp
§ 45). The s i m i l a r i t y t o t h e U p ä l i g ä t h ä s i s s t r i k i n g : E a r l y
B u d d h is t M id d le I n d i e *panna h a s b e e n m i s u n d e r s t o o d v i a *paxba
as prajftä i n t h e S a n s k r i t v e r s i o n o f t h e L a l i t a v i s t a r a and by
Gautama Samghadeva. On t h e o t h e r h a n d , pürna v i a parna, w h ic h
m ig h t h a v e b e e n w r i t t e n t h u s i n G a n d h a r i t o show t h a t -n - h e r e
s to o d f o r - y p i - (GDhp § 4 5 ) , c o r r e s p o n d s t o t h e S a n s k r i t i s a t i o n
parn a(jah a). A l l t h e s e a t t e m p t s t o s o l v e somehow o r o t h e r t h e
o b v io u s p r o b le m s c r e a t e d by *panna p r o v e t h a t t h e m eaning
' f a l l e n ' n e i t h e r d i d , n o t c o u l d , o c c u r t o any r e d a c t o r o r t r a n s
l a t o r i n t h e n o r t h , a s t h e y w e r e no l o n g e r c o n v e r s a n t w i t h t h e
V e d ic l a n g u a g e . The more c o n s e r v a t i v e T h e r a v a d a t r a d i t i o n , on
t h e o t h e r h a n d , had p r e s e r v e d t h e r e l e v a n t k n o w le d g e ( c f . 0. v .
H in ü b e r , "The G h o st Word dvZhit'ika and t h e D e s c r i p t i o n o f Fam ines
i n E a r l y B u d d h is t L i t e r a t u r e ' , JPTS, 9, 1981, p. 8 3 ) .
247
The guess (or the tradition) *pana : prajftä as found in
the Lalitavistara brings this text very near to the Chinese
translation of the Upäligithäs. This is certainly not a mere
coincidence. For, as J. Brough ('The Arapacana Syllabary in
the Old Lalitavistara', BSOAS, 40, 1977, pp.85-95) has shown,
this text or parts of it passed through a Gändhäri version in
the course of its development, from which it was translated
into Chinese by Dharmaraksa in A.D. 308.
The equivalence *pana : prajftä, however, does not neces
sarily presuppose a Gändhäri text, as panna- with a shortened
-5. in composition (cf. 0. v. Hinüber, Erasmus 31, 1979, p.272
and OLZ 1976, p.h99) could be changed into prajftä from any
Middle Indie language, whereas parna can be explained in Gin-
dhari only. As parnabhära was felt to he meaningless, it was
reinterpreted as pürnabhära 'who bears the full burden'- , which
is exactly opposite to the original meaning of this word. All
these different renderings of *panna point to a conscious
change of parva into pürna rather than to a phonetic develop
ment leading to a labialisation of -a- after p- as assumed
earlier (0. v. Hinüber, 'On the Tradition of Pili Texts in
India, Ceylon and Burma' in Buddhism in Ceylon and Studies
on Religious Syncretism in Buddhist Countries. Abhandlungen
der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen. Phil.-Hist.
Klasse. Dritte Folge. Nr. 108, 1978, p. 55, n. 28). The Gin-
dharl origin of parna is confirmed further by the second part
of the compound parnajaha . Gautama Samghadeva, although a
north-western Indian himself, perhaps misunderstood *panajaha
in his Gändhäri text when he translated this word as jj?, :
*praj?läjäta erroneously taking -jaha as -jäta with a hiatus
bridging -h-. Anyway, his translation and the Lalitavistara
show an awareness of the fact that *pana could correspond to
oragflä, and this tradition can be traced back beyond Gändhäri
because in this Prakrit prajflä did not develop into *pana but
into p(r)afla. Thus the knowledge of the equivalence *pana :
prajflä must have been inherited as an existing possibility in
other Prakrits such as the Early Eastern Buddhist Middle Indie
The interpretation of pannadhaja as prajftädhvaja 'whose
banner is wisdom' is not to be ruled out in Pali either, as
seen by Hoernle long ago. The äryä: patimantakassa dhotassa
pannadhajassa vttarägassa, M I 386,16* in which dhonassa:
[dhauta]sya(U6) in the European and some Oriental editions is
a mere misreading of the Sinhalese script by the respective
editors, is to be scanned as w w - / w - w / - - / « , - w /
w w - / w, - w / - - / v . Here metrics prove that pannadhuva-
Cassa has to be read. The svarabhakti vowel in dhuvaja again
points to an Eastern original of these verses, as also does
samanassa, quoted above.
248
A n o th e r form p r o b a b l y o f E a s t e r n o r i g i n i s a l s o r e v e a l e d
by t h e m e t r e o n l y : ähüniyassa yakkhassa , M I 3 8 6 ,3 1 * i n t h e
o p e n in g o f a n äryä s c a n n e d a s - - / « - « / - - / « , w hich
c o n f i r m s ahüniya <*dhavanya/*ähavanika i n s t e a d o f ahuneyya
i n t h e m a n u s c r i p t s a s p o s t u l a t e d by V. T r e n c k n e r i n J a t a k a V
2 2 1 ,2 9 * ( 0 . v . H i n ü b e r , ’ Bemerkungen zum C r i t i c a l P a l i D i c t i o n
a r y I I , KZ 9 4 , 1980, p . 15 s . v . ) .
Thus t h e way i s p a v e d f o r u n d e r s t a n d i n g panna i n P a l i a s
c o r r e s p o n d i n g t o a n E a s t e r n form d e v e l o p e d from prajflä w i t h a
s h o r t e n e d -ä i n c o m p o s i t i o n . The compound pannadhaja , t h e r e
f o r e , may mean 'w h o se b a n n e r i s w isdom ' t o w hich s i m i l a r com
pou n d s s u c h a s dhammaddhaja o r dhammaketu, A I 1 0 9 ,2 5 e t c .
'w h o se b a n n e r i s t h e dhamma' , a n d t h e name o f a Buddha i n t h e
B h a d r a k a l p i k a s ü t r a ( S a n sk rith a n d sch rifte n aus den Turfanfunden3
T e i l 3 , 197 1 , Nr. 8 4 0 , p . 81, n. 33) dbhijfläketu may b e com
pared .
I f t h i s c o u l d be a c c e p t e d , t h e f o r m u l a bhikkhu a r iy o
pannaddhajo pannabhäro v isa m y u tto , M I 1 3 9 ,3 5 m ig h t c o n t a i n
a pun ' t h e n o b l e monk, w hose b a n n e r i s wisdom (prajPlä) , w hose
b u r d e n h a s f a l l e n down (panna) 3 who i s f r e e d ' . W hether t h i s
i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s c o r r e c t a g a i n s t t h a t o f t h e atth a k a th ä o r
n o t - d e f i n i t e p r o o f seem s t o b e l a c k i n g i n e i t h e r d i r e c t i o n -
i t i s s u r e t h a t t h e G ä n d h ä r l e q u i v a l e n t , *pana, c o u l d h a v e
b e e n and a c t u a l l y was u n d e r s t o o d o r m i s u n d e r s t o o d a s pvajftä.
S t i l l t h e e n i g m a t i c jaha and i t s r e l a t i o n t o P i l i dhaja
n e e d s e x p l a n a t i o n , and t h i s c a n b e fo u n d e a s i l y on t h e a s s u m p t i o n
t h a t i t i s a G ä n d h ä r l w o rd . I n P r a k r i t t h e r e i s a r a r e , th o u g h
o l d ( Aupapät-ikasütra ) a n d w e l l a t t e s t e d word f o r ' b a n n e r , f l a g ' ,
nam ely jh aya ( c f . L. S c h w a r z s c h i l d , 'Some Forms o f t h e A b s o lu -
t i v e i n M id d le I n d o - A r y a n ' , JAOS, 76 , 1 9 5 6 , p. 1 1 2 b ) . T h is
word r e g u l a r l y d e v e l o p s i n t o *jaa, w r i t t e n jaha (GDhp § 39)
i n t h e n o r t h - w e s t , w h e r e jh t e n d s to w a r d s d e - a s p i r a t i o n (GDhp
§ 6 ). T h is e x p l a n a t i o n o f pavnajaha may b e c o n s i d e r e d a s a
f i n a l p r o o f t h a t t h e S a n s k r i t t e x t o f t h e U p ä l i g ä t h ä s was c o n
c e i v e d s t a r t i n g f r o m , o r a t l e a s t w i t h i n t h e k now le dge o f , a
G ä n d h ä r l o r i g i n a l , a s t h e f o r m a t i o n o f parnajaha c a n n o t b e
e x p l a i n e d s t a r t i n g from a n y o t h e r P r a k r i t . At t h e same t i m e ,
parriajaha b r i d g e s t h e g a p b e tw e e n P ä l i pannadhaja on t h e one
hand and t h e C h in e s e t r a n s l a t i o n on t h e o t h e r , i f t h i s G ä n d h ä r l
word was i n Gautama S a m g h a d e v a 's t e x t a n d he d i d n o t u n d e r s t a n d
i t c o r r e c t l y everyw here. And a g a i n a p a r t o f t h e s e m i s t a k e s
c o u ld a r i s e o n ly from a wrong i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f a G ä n d h ä r l
o rig in a l.
249
The attribute ]cittasya (6) corresponding to Pali susama-
cittassa3 M I 386,4*, was translated by , ’who
is of subtle thinking’ (Waldschmidt); that is, Gautama Samgha-
deva connected *susama to süksma. Probably he could do so
because the intermediate state of süksma > susma > *sumha
(0. Hinüber, ’Die Entwicklung...’, as above) was attested in
Gandhari as evinced by the Niya Prakrit susmela < süksmelä
'small cardamoms' (T. Burrow, The Language of the Kharosthi
Documents From Chinese Turkestan, Cambridge 1938, § 48, p.19).
A similar mistake due to a possibility offered by the
Kharosthi script and erroneously chosen by Gautama Samghadeva
is the translation of asitasya(55) : asitassa3 M I 386,25*,
’unattached', by , 'smiling constantly'. Starting from
Gandhari *asida, he probably took this word as equivalent to
*asita; cf. Pali mhita3 sita < smita3 'smiling', with a prefix
a- meaning 'completely' (cf. Monier Williams s.v. ä 4, at the
end, and CPD s.v. 2ä [a]).
The explanation of ^ *(anuttara)caksus : yaksasya
(76) : yakkhassa, M I 386,31*, as originating from a confusion
of the Kharosthi aksaras ya- and a- and leading to *aksasa
interpreted as 'eye' is far from certain, especially as some
times no reason can be found for the deviations of the Chinese
translation from the Pali and Sanskrit texts.
In different instances, however, Gautama Samghadeva was
well aware of the correct and sometimes old tradition, not
shared by the Sanskrit text, when he translates 'the seventh
rsi'(61), corresponding to Vipassiädayo aha isayo upädäya
sattamassa3 Ps III 97,26, but conflicting with the Sanskrit
[rsi]sattamasya(61), 'best of the rsis ' (cf. CPD s.v. isisattama).
Similarly, the Chinese version agrees with the Pali in inter
preting bhüriprajftasya (72) as 'with wisdom like the earth' ,
just as the atthakathä explains bhüri vuccati puthuvi, Ps III
98,18.
Not only the interpretation but even the wording of Gau
tama Samghadeva's text was sometimes nearer to Pali than to
Sanskrit: vigatakroldhasyal(i'k) : vitalobhassa3 M I 386,27*,
where vita : vigata does not necessarily reflect a different
word employed in different versions. It is not impossible
that vita developed via *viyata (cf. vi-ati- > *viyati- >
viti- in Pali) with an Eastern loss of -g- between vowels
(H. Lüders, Beobachtungen über die Sprache des buddhistischen
UrkanonSj Berlin 1953, § 101, p.85). The Chinese here agrees
with Pali lobha: ^ , and^ not with Sanskrit krodha3 which
corresponds to Chinese or , neither of them being
employed in this verse. The same holds good for mänacchidassa3
250
M I 386,11*: mäyächido(89), where the Chinese version has
mdna (? but cf. J. Nobel, Erklärendes Wörterbuch zum chinesischen
Buddhismus, Leiden 1951-1954 s.v. man, p. 338), agreeing only
with the Pali version. Here the divergence mäyä : mäna might
go back to an early non-Kharosthl tradition, as the aksaras na
and ya may be mixed up easily in a rather early stage of the
development of °*ahmi script. There are instances in the in
scriptions of Asoka (K.R. Norman, 'Notes on the Asokan Rock
Edicts', IIJ, 10, 1967, pp. l60ff), but of course the same
mistake could occur also very much later than Asoka's times.
If this assumption is correct, the Sanskrit version cannot
depend on the Gändhärl version used by Gautama Samghadeva alone.
Further instances may be cited to confirm that the Sanskrit
version represents a mixed tradition, when the wording deviates
slightly from both Pali and Chinese. The difference between
amamasya(98) and asamassa3 M I 386,28* : ^ > 'peerless',
may again have arisen by mixing up the aksaras ma and sa in
Brähml, but Päli akuhassa3 M I 386,18*: manuscript No. 412
from Sorcuq akuhasya(62) against manuscript No. 872 from Qizil
adruhasya(62) show that the Sanskrit version is not wholly
consistent in itself.
The interpretation of anupaliptasya(94): anupalittassa3
M I 386,30*, uniting Pali and Sanskrit against the Chinese
translation 'without flame', is deceptive, as the forms of
the roots dip and li(m)p are confused here as in Pali (CFD
s.v. älimpati) without necessarily presupposing a difference
in the wording. When preparing his translation, Gautama Sam
ghadeva most probably was guided by the preceding vigat&dhümasya
(93), but his text did not differ from Pali or Sanskrit.
Generally, the wording, and even the interpretation, of the
Buddha's attributes by Gautama Samghadeva is close to, but not
always identical with, the Theraväda tradition. Where his
translation differs from Pill this seems mostly due to a mis
interpretation of a Gandhari text, which offered a much wider
range of possible interpretations than any Prakrit written in
Brahmx. Therefore, mistakes were liable to occur whenever the
tradition about a certain word had been lost.
It cannot, however, be established beyond any doubt that
Gautama Samghadeva actually used an original in Gändhärl when
translating the Uplliglthis into Chinese. As L- Schmithausen
suggests in a letter, it may have been rather a provisional
Sanskritisation of a GändhärT text that may have been available
to him. If there has been a Gändhärl text of the Upäligäthäs,
it does not seem to be too far fetched an assumption that the
whole text of the Madhyamagama passed through a stage of develop
ment when it was written in this language once widely used in
251
Central Asia (J. Brough, 'Comments on third-century Shan-Shan
and the history of Buddhism, BSOAS 28, 1965, pp.607ff; GDhp
p.50, and E. Lamotte, Histoire du Bouddhisme Indien. Louvain
1958, pp.628ff).
This once again raises the question as to which school
the Chinese Madhyamlgama belongs. It has been attributed
recently to the Sarvastivädins by E. Waldschmidt following the
investigations done by Japanese scholars ('Central Asian Sütra
Fragments and their Relation to the Chinese Ägamas', in The
Language of the Earliest Buddhist Tradition. Abhandlungen der
Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen. Phil.-hist. Klasse.
Dritte Folge. Nr. 117, 1980, p.136, n.3). If, on the other hand,
the whole text was transmitted in Gändhärl once, this might
point to the school of the Dharmaguptakas rather than to the
Sarvastivädins (F. Bernhard, 'Gändhärl and the Buddhist Mission
in Central Asia' in Afljali. Papers on Indology and Buddhism.
A Felicitation Volume Presented to O.H. de Aluis Wijesekera.
Peradeniya 1970, 55-62). It should be kept in mind, however,
that both recensions of the Udänavarga belonging to the Sarvästi-
vada and Mülasarvästiväda schools respectively passed through
various stages of Sanskritisation starting perhans even from
a Gändhärl original as shown by L. Schmithausen ('Zu den Rezen
sionen des Udänavargah', WZKSO 14, 1970, 47-124, esp. p. 80).
At present this question must be left open, but a reconsideration
seems to be both useful and necessary.
A second problem is the date of the Sanskrit version of the
Upäligäthäs. As shown above, the assumption of a Gändhäri ori
ginal for the Sanskrit version, if not for the Chinese translation
seems to be inevitable. Therefore, the origin of the Sanskrit
text of the Upäligäthäs should not be dated much later than the
year 400 A.D., when Gändhärl finally dropped out of use not too
long after it had been the authoritative basis for a first
Sanskritisation or even for the Chinese translation.
The change in the language also could point to a break
within the tradition and to the transfer of the text to a differ
ent school, which again would account for the deviations and
errors in the Sanskrit version at places, where Gautama Samgha-
deva still had at hand an older tradition as shown by comparing
the Päli version. As the Turfan fragments are written in a script,
which can be dated roughly in the late fifth and sixth centuries
(script 't' in L. Sander, Paldographisches zu den Sanskrithand
schriften der Berliner Turfansammlung3 Wiesbaden, 1968, p. 47,
n. 201), they do not seem to be remote in time from the period
in which Sanskrit finally succeeded to Gändhärl.
253
ON THE MEANINGS OF THE WORDS BODHISATTVA
AND MAHÄSATTVA IN PRAJn X p Xr AMITA LITERATURE*
Yuichi KAJIYAMA (Kyoto)
I - Har Dayal
Among the many studies on the meanings of the Pali word bodhi-
satta and the Sanskrit word bodhisattva, I would like here to
refer particularly to Har Dayal's arguments in his illustrious
book The Bodhisattva Doctrine in Buddhist Sanskrit Literature3
a classical work published in 1932. As is well known, Dayal
enumerates seven interpretations of the word bodhisattva made
by scholars - ancient as well as modern. The first member of
this compound word, bodhi, is unanimously understood to mean
'enlightenment' or 'perfect wisdom'; thus, differences between
the seven interpretations depend solely on how the second member,
sattva (Pali satta), is understood. The interpretations intro
duced by Dayal are, briefly, as follows:1
(1) Sattva may mean 'essence'. Monier-Williams translates
the compound as 'one who has bodhi or perfect wisdom as his
essence'. (Dayal gives examples of many translations from works
of many scholars and from dictionaries, most of which are omit
ted in this paper).
(2) Sattva (masculine), as well as the Pali word satta,
may mean 'any living or sentient being'. Most modern scholars
adopt this interpretation. T.W. Rhys Davids and others trans
late bodhisattva as 'a being destined to attain fullest enlighten
ment', 'a being seeking bodhi', etc. Dayal in this section refers
to, and almost ridicules, P. Ghosa, who "analyses the whole word
in a peculiar way: bodhih sa cäsau mahäkrpäsayena sattvälambanät
sattvas eeti bodhisattvah" .2 Dayal comments: "This would mean
that the person is both bodhi and sattva". I will come back to
this point in II, below.
(3) Sattva may mean 'spirit, mind, sense, consciousness',
and the Pali word satta may also mean 'soul'. According to
L. de La Vallee Poussin, the Indian lexicographers also explain
sattva as a synonym for citta (thought) or vyavasäya (decision,
determination). Prajhäkaramati, commenting on the Bodhioaryä-
254
vatära3 says: tatra(bodhau) sattvam abhipräyo 'syeti bodhi
sattvah. 3 P. Ghosa cites an old commentator who also inter
prets sattva as meaning abhipräya (intention, purpose): bodhau
sattvam abhipräyo yesäm te bodhisattväh .4 Thus the word would
mean ’one whose mind, intentions, thoughts or wishes are fixed
on bodhi 1.
(4) Sattva may mean 'embryo'. H.S. Gour translates: 'In
whom knowledge is latent and undeveloped'.
(5) According to Senart and G. Jha, sattva has the same
meaning as it has in the Yoga-sütras, where it is opposed to
purusa and means 'mind, intelligence'. H. Kern is of the
opinion that the first word, bodhi, may be related to the
buddhi of the Yoga system, especially as the word buddhisattva
is found in the literature of Yoga. A bodhisattva would thus
be a personification of potential intelligence.
(6) Sattva may be a wrongly Sanskritised form of the Pali
word satta y which may correspond to Skt. sakta. Thus Pali
bodhisatta, from which the Sanskrit word is derived, would
mean bodhi-sakta, 'one who is devoted or attached to bodhi1.8
The Pali word satta may correspond to several Sanskrit words:
sattva3 sapta3 sakta3 and §apta. It may plausibly be argued
that Skt. bodhisakta is a possible equivalent of Pali bodhi
satta.
(7) Sattva may mean 'strength, energy, vigour, power,
courage'. The word bodhisattva would then mean, 'one whose
energy and power is directed towards bodhi1. Sattva in this
sense occurs frequently in Ksemendra's Avadänakalpatatä :
kumärah sattvasägarah3 bodhisattvah sattvavibhüsitah, etc.6
The word also seems to have the same signification in the
Buddhaoarita3 IX, 30: bodhisattvah paripürnasattvah. 7 The
Tibetan lexicographers translate bodhisattva as byah chub
sems d p a r. In this compound byah chub means bodhi3 sems
means 'mind' or 'heart', and dpa' signifies 'hero, strong
man' (Skt. %ura3 viva). This interpretation seems to combine
two meanings of sattva, that is, 'mind' and 'courage'. But it
does not make the etymology of the compound word in any way
clearer or more intelligible.
After listing these seven meanings with his own comments,
Dayal dismisses all interpretations other than the second and
the sixth, and he concludes:8
One is tempted to believe that Pali satta may
really be rendered by Skt. sakta, as this inter-
255
pretation seems to define the chief quality of
an aspirant for bodhi. But the safest way is
always to go back to the Pali without attaching
much importance to the later lexicographers and
philosophers. Now bodhisatta in the Pali texts
seems to mean ’a bodhi-being'. But satta here
does not denote a mere ordinary creature. It is
almost certainly related to the Vedic word satvan3
which means ’Krieger’, 'a strong or valiant man,
hero, warrior'. In this way, we can also under
stand the final dpa' in the Tibetan equivalent.
Satta in Pali bodhisatta should be interpreted as
'heroic being, spiritual warrior’. The word
suggests the two ideas of existence and struggle,
and not merely the notion of simple existence.
II - Remarks on Dayal's Arguments
A few remarks are necessary with regard to Dayal's argu
ments described above. Under (2), Dayal ridicules Ghosa's note
that a bodhisattva is [one aiming both at] enlightenment and a
sentient being [as his object]. However, Ghosa can be proved
to be completely right, since he refers here to Haribhadra’s
work, which is most authoritative. The whole passage of Hari
bhadra’s interpretation is found in the AbhisamayälamkäräZokä
Prayhäpöramitävyäkhyä (AAA).9
PrayhäbaZena bodhyäZambanäd bodhis cäsau mahäkrpäsayena
sattväZarrhanät sattvas oeti bodhisattva ity üktah3 yathä
'%ubhäZambanasamädhir asübheti.
(He is enlightenment because he aims at enlightenment
by means of wisdom, and is a sentient being because he
takes up a being by means of his great compassionate
mind. Thus he is called a bodhisattva, just as the
meditation whose object is impurity is called impurity.)
According to this interpretation, a bodhisattva is one whose
objects are enlightenment and sentient beings.
Under (3) Dayal refers to Prajhäkaramati, who understands
sattva to mean ’intention’ (dbhipräya); furthermore, Dayal
refers to an old commentator, who is cited by Ghosa as inter
preting sattva as meaning abhipräya. This 'old commentator'
is in fact none other than Haribhadra (eighth century). Prajffä-
kararaati simply followed the latter in his interpretation of
the word bodhisattva. Dayal published his work in 1932, exactly
256
the same year in which Wogihara brought out his edition of AAA,
and Dayal had not seen AAA. I will deal with this interpretation
of Haribhadra's in VII, below.
Under (7) Dayal says that the Tibetan translation of bodhi-
sattva (byah chub sems d p a ’)3 seems to combine two meanings of
sattva 'mind* and 'courage'. The word dp a ' , however, is used
as an adjective; thus sems d p a ’ means 'a brave mind' or 'one
possessed of a brave mind, a warrior' when the word is understood
as a possessive compound. In any case, the whole compound, byah
chub sems dpa', is to be analysed as a possessive compound meaning
'one whose brave mind is fixed on bodhi1 . Although not mentioned
by Dayal, this Tibetan translation can be grouped under (3).
After listing the seven interpretations, Dayal says:10
I may suggest that sattva cannot be accurately rendered
by 'essence', or 'mind', or 'intention', or 'courage',
or 'embryo', or 'the sattva of the Yoga-sütras' (Nos. 1, 3,
4, 5, 7 above) ... sattva3 interpreted as 'intention', or
'mind', or 'embryo', does not yield a simple and natural
sense: these renderings appear to be too scholastic and
far-fetched.
I agree with Dayal that Nos. 1, 4, 5 and 7 (excepting the
Tibetan translation) do not yield a simple and natural sense.
However, we cannot disregard No. 3, which identifies sattva
with abhipräya3 citta3 especially in view of the meaning of
the word bodhisattva in Mahäyäna Buddhism, for this interpre
tation is unanimously recognised and asserted by Mahayana sutras
as well as great commentators. I will clarify the Mahäyäna inter
pretation with supporting passages later.
Ill - Buddhaghosa
Before introducing Mahäyäna interpretations, however, I
wish to reconfirm two meanings of the word bodhisatta , which
Dayal listed as No. 2 and No. 6. No. 2, the meaning of bodht-
satta as 'a being destined to attain fullest enlightenment',
'a being seeking bodhi' , is accepted by Mahäyäna Buddhists as
one of the two most important etymologies, the second being
No. 3, 'one whose [courageous] mind is fixed on enlightenment'.
Mahayana sütras as well as commentators seem to have been well
aware of interpretation No. 6, 'one who is devoted or attached
to b o d h d \ in which satta means Skt. sakta ; but they refused
to accept this interpretation because of a historical reason.
257
They were in a position to demonstrate the theory of emptiness
(sünyatä) which is synonymous with asaktatä (non-attachment).
In Päli Nikäyas we often come across the expression ana-
bhisambuddhassa bodhisattassa..., e.g., MN I, p. 17 (I. 4 Bha-
yabheravasutta): mayham pi kho bvähmana pubbe va sambodhä ana-
bhisambuddhassa bodhisattass ’eva sato etad ahosi ... (Oh,
Brahmana, it occurred to me, when I was, before full enlighten
ment, a bodhisatta who was not yet fully enlightened...). The
expression anabhisambuddhassa bodhisattassa suggests, without
needing any comments, that a bodhisatta is one who is destined
to attain fullest enlightenment, but has not yet done so.
Buddhaghosa, commenting on the above passage in his Pa-
pahoasüdanij gives two etymologies:11
(1) bodhisattass’eva sato ti budjhanakasattass’eva3
sammäsambodhim adhigantvm arahantass’eva sato. (’ ... to
Crnel who was still a bodhisatta' means ’to Crnel who still
was an awakening being’, 'to Eme3 who deserved understand
ing perfect knowledge’).
(2) bodhiyä vä sattass’eva laggass’eva sato. Dipahkarassa
hi bhagavato pädarnüle aföhadhammasamodhänena abhinihära-
samiddhito 12 pabhuti tathägato bodhiyam satto3 laggo,
pattabbä esa mayä ti tadadhigamäya parakkamam amuftcanto
yeva ägato3 tasmä bodhisatto ti vuooati. (...to CmeU who
was clinging, attached to enlightenment. The Tathägata,
from the moment he, at the foot of Dlpankara the Blessed
One, had Cvowedl the realisation of his resolution Cto
become a buddhal by means of the joint action of eight
factors, had been clinging, attached to enlightenment,
and he had undergone his incarnations without lessening
his exertion in order to attain enlightenment, thinking
that he had had to attain it. This is why he is called
a bodhisatta. )
In the Säratthappakäsini , too, Buddhaghosa interprets
bodhisatta in three ways:1^
(3) bodhiyä satto bodhisatto. ftänavä patthavä pandito
ti attho. piwimabuddhänam hi pädarnüle abhinihärato
patthäya pandito va so satto3 na andhabälo ti3 bodhisatto.
(A bodhisatta is connected with knowledge, the meaning
being an intelligent man, man of insight, wise man.
Since he had made his resolution at the foot of former
Buddhas, this man had been a wise man, not a foolish man.
Thus he is called a bodhisatta.)
258
(4) yathä vä udakato uggantvä thitarp paripähagatarn
padumam suriyarasmisamphassena avassam bugjhissati
ti bugjhanakapaduman ti vuccati3 evam buddhänam
santike byäkaranassa laddhattä avassam anantaräyena
päramiyo püretvä bug ghissati ti bug'g'hanakasatto ti pi3
bodhisatto. (Just as a lotus flower, arisen above water
and well /* ened, is called an awakening lotus, because
it inevitably will awake when touched by rays of the sun,
just so this being is also called an awakening being,
because he, having obtained a prophecy in the presence
of Buddhas, will awake inevitably, without obstructions,
after fulfilling perfections. He is a bodhisattva .)
(5) yä o 'esä catumaggaflänasankhätä bodhi3 tarn
patthayamäno pavattatt ti3 bodhiyam satto äsatto
ti pi3 bodhisatto . (A bodhisatta is one who is devoted,
attached to bodhi , because he continues to exist
desiring that bodhi which is named the knowledge
of four paths.)
Buddhaghosa's etymological interpretations (1) and (4)
are identical, both construing bodhisatta as bug'ghanaka-satta,
or 'an awakening being', which is the same as Dayal's No. 2:
'a being destined to attain fullest enlightenment'. Buddha
ghosa' s (2) and (5) are also identical, both interpreting
bodhisatta as bodhiyam satto_ (Skt. sakta)3 laggo. This inter
pretation is the same as Dayal's no. 6: 'one who is devoted or
attached to bodhi1. Buddhaghosa's (3), in which bodhisatta is
understood to be bodhiyd satto = Pldnavant3 can be regarded as
a special case of (2) and (5) insofar as satta means sakta.
Dayal seems not to have looked into Buddhaghosa's commentaries.
It is not certain that Buddhaghosa's interpretations are autho
ritative ones inherited from the early Buddhists of Pili Nikäyas,
which themselves do not make clear any etymological meaning of
the word bodhisatta. For all that, it is quite likely that Dayal
made a successful attempt at interpreting the word, so far as
Pali literature is concerned. In so doing, however, he missed
the meanings most important to Mahäyäna Buddhists, who under
stood sattva as oitta or abhipräya3 and who emphasised the
non-attachment (asaktatä) of a bodhisattva instead of construing
bodhisatta as bodhi-sakta. This is ironic, because Dayal was
writing a book on the idea of bodhisattva in Mahäyäna Buddhism.
259
IV - Bodhisattva
The Mahayäna idea of bodhisattva certainly connotes an
image of ’one who is possessed of a brave mind’ or ’a heroic
warrior’. The Astasähasrikäprajftäpäramitäsütra (AS) often
describes a bodhisattva as being ’well-armed with great armour'
(mahäsarmähasamnaddha) . The sütra explains why he is said to
be well-armed with great armour: 1 ^
’’Suppose, Subhüti, that a skilful magician or a magi
cian's apprentice conjures up at a crossroad a great
crowd of people, and having conjured them up, he makes
the same great crowd of people vanish. What do you
think, Subhüti, has anyone been killed by anyone, or
murdered, or destroyed, or made to vanish?” Subhüti
replies: ’’Not so, indeed, Blessed One”. The Blessed
One continues: "Just so, Subhüti, a bodhisattva 3 a
mahäsattva, leads countless, innumerable beings to
nirvana, and yet there is not any being that has entered
into nirvana, nor that has led others to nirvana. If a
bodhisattva 3 a mahäsattva , having heard this teaching
being exposed in this way, does not fear, tremble, or
fall in terror, Subhüti, this bodhisattva3 mahäsattva ,
can be known to that extent as well-armed with great
armour."
In this context,a bodhisattva who is devoted to leading
all sentient beings to final deliverance, and who, in so doing,
is not afraid of the truth that everything is unreal and empty
like a dream or phantom, is compared to a heroic warrior well-
armed with great armour. In AS the idea of a bodhisattva is
associated with that of a brave warrior, and this seems to
have been one of the reasons why Tibetan translators preferred
byah chub sems dpa ’ (one whose brave mind is directed towards
enlightenment) for the word bodhisattva, whereas they used
sems can (a conscious being) for sattva as simply meaning a
sentient being. Although the Pali word satta is associated
with Vedic satvan , the philosophy of heroism of a bodhisattva
was well established already in early Praj?läpäramitäsütras',
and the Tibetan translation may have been derived from this
philosophy rather than the etymological association of Pali
satta and Vedic satvan.
Before I deal with the problem of sattva meaning citta3
abhipväya 3 I wish to discuss briefly why Mahayinists rejected
the etymology of bodhisattva as 'one who is attached to en
lightenment’ (bodhisakta) , which, as we have seen in the pre
ceding section, was probably recognised in Pali tradition.
260
In AS, Subhuti asks the Blessed One; "Blessed One, a bodhi-
sattva3 a mahäsattva is talked about. Here, Blessed One, what
is the meaning of the word bodhisattval" The Blessed One
replies:15
The import of the word bodhisattva is not the object
of a word. Why? Because, Subhuti, a bodhisattva3 a
mahäsattva, trains himself in non-attachment (asaktatä)
to all things. The bodhisattva3 the mahäsattva, awakes,
through non-attachment which is the same as the under
standing of all things, to supreme and perfect enlighten
ment. He is called a bodhisattva, a mahäsattva, because
he has enlightenment as his purpose.
In the Paüoavim§atisähasrikä-prajfl5päramitäsütra (PVS)
the portion corresponding to the above passage of AS is greatly
expanded. The core of the Blessed One’s teaching, however,
remains the same. The Blessed One says in reply to Subhuti’s
question regarding the meaning of the word bodhisattva: 18
The import of the word bodhisattva is not the object
of a word. Why is it so? Because, Subhuti, the origi
nation of enlightenment is neither existent nor non
existent; its existence and non-existence are both
uncognisable. This is why, Subhuti, the import of the
word bodhisattva is not the object of a word. Just
as in space the track of a bird does not exist and
cannot be cognised, just so, Subhuti, the object of
the word bodhisattva does not exist and cannot be
cognised ... (Then the previous lines are repeated,
replacing the example of a bird by examples of a
dream, an illusion, a mirage, an echo, an apparition,
a reflected image, the city of Gandharvas, magical
creation, the reality-limit, suchness, and so forth).
The Blessed One admonishes that a bodhisattva3 a maha-
sattva3 should train himself in the non-reality (asadbhutata)
of all things,17 that a bodhisattva, a mahäsattva must not
have attachment (sakti) to things which are empty of their
own marks (svalaksana)3 and that he should understand every
thing in accordance with non-duality (advaya). 18
The Blessed One, when asked by Subhuti the meaning of
the word bodhisattva, only lays stress on non-attachment
(asakti3 asaktatä) without giving any etymological explanation.
There seems to exist only one way to understand this peculiar
situation. We can infer that in the years of the compilation
of Pvajhäpäramitäsütras the word bodhisatta and its Sanskritised
261
form bodhisattva usually associated themselves with bodhisakta
(attached to bodhi), whether or not bodhisakta was actually
current among Buddhists of the age as an etymology. The authors
of Prajfläpäramitäsütras were in a position to defy such an
association of ideas, because they wanted to stress the Mahä-
yina tenets of non-attachment, non-cognition (anupa'labdhi )y
and emptiness (%ünyatä). This must be the reason why they
talked of non-attachment when discussing the meaning of the
word bodhisattva.
Considering the fact that Buddhaghosa interpreted the word
bodhisatta as meaning ’attached to bodhi', we can imagine that
some of the Buddhists around the beginning of the Christian era
actually understood the word bodhisattva as bodhisakta. However,
there is another possibility: that there were religionists
antagonistic to Buddhism who blamed Buddhists for their attach
ment to the so-called enlightenment which Buddhism advocated.
And Mahayana Buddhists tried to defend themselves by negating
the etymology of bodhisattva identified with bodhisakta and by
stressing the Mahayana attitude of non-attachment.
V - Mahasattva
In continuation of the above-mentioned dialogue regarding
the meaning of the word bodhisattva, AS and the PVS both deal
with the interpretations of the word mahasattva. In AS, Su-
bhüti asks the Blessed One, "For what reason is a bodhisattva
called a mahasattva?" and the latter replies:19
mahatah sattvaräser mahatah sattvanikäyasyägratäm
kärayisyatij tenärthena bodhisattvo mahäsattva ity
ucyate. (He will attain the highest state among a
great mass of beings, a great collection of beings;
this is why a bodhisattva is called a mahäsattva.)
As KumärajIva, Hsüan-tsang, and also the Tibetan translators
of AS correctly understand, the verb kävayisyati here is used
without a causal signification.29 In his comments on this passage,
however, Haribhadra takes the verb in both a simple and a causa
tive sense:21
agvatam kRvayisyatiti sarvasattvägratäoittamahattvam
taduddesena pravrttatväd adhigamya paicät tatpräptu-
kämänäm sattvänäm agvatäm dharmadesanädinä nispäda-
yisyati — bodhisattvo mahat sattvam oittam asyeti
mahäsattva iti. (’He will attain the highest state’ is
262
to be understood as follows. He first obtains the great
ness of mind which aims at becoming the highest of all
beings because he has set out with that plan‘d in mind,
and then, by teaching doctrines to beings who wish to
achieve the same, and by other means, causes them to
accomplish the highest state.... A bodhisattva , having
a great sattva or mind, is called a mahäsattva.)
In the corresponding section of PVS,23 the Blessed One
explains that 'a great mass and collection of beings’ refers
to those who have reached the stage of becoming one of the
clan (g otrabhümi )3 to those who have reached the eighth-lowest
stage (aspmakabhümi) 3 to srotäpanna3 sakrdägämin3 anägöonin3
arhat3 pratyekabuddha 3 and bodhisattvas from those who have
had the first thought of enlightenment (prathamacittotpäda)
to those who stand on the irreversible state (avinivartanvya).
And then he says that a bodhisattva3 a mahäsattva 3 should at
tain the highest state among this great mass and collection
of beings after he has produced an adamantine thought (bodhi-
sattvena mahäsattvena vajropamam oittam utpädya mahatah sattva-
räter mahatah sattvanikäyasyägratä kärayitavyäK 2^ An adaman
tine thought is produced by a bodhisattva, a mahäsattva,
thinking: "After I have in the measureless streams of trans
migrations put on the armour, I should become one who never
abandons any beings. Towards all beings should I adopt the
same attitude of mind. All beings should I lead to nirvana,
by means of the three vehicles. And even when I lead all
beings to nirvana, no beings at all are led to nirvana. And
why? I should look through to the nonproduction (anutpäda)
of all dharmas..."25
The sutra here stresses that a mahäsattva' s mind is al
ways directed towards seeking the benefit and happiness of
all other beings at the cost of his own life. This shows
the sütra's intention to interpret the word mahäsattva to
mean a bodhisattva devoted to altruism (parärtha). The sutra
goes on to say that a mahäsattva should have a sublime thought
(udäracitta) , an unshaken thought (akampyaoitta) , a thought
directed towards the benefit and ease of all beings (hita-
sukhaoitta) 3 etc., as exemplifications of a great mind.26
Säriputra and Subhüti also present their own interpreta
tions. In AS Säriputra says that a bodhisattva is called a
mahäsattva because he will demonstrate dharmas in order to
forsake great erroneous views such as the assumption of a self,
a being, a living soul, a person, of existence, of non-existence,
of annihilation, of eternity, of individuality and others
(mahatyä ätmadrstyäh sattvadrstyäh jivadrstyäh pudgaladrstyäh
263
bhavadr§tyäh vibhavadrstyäh ucchedadrstyäh §äsvatadrstyäfy
svakäyadrstyähj etäsäm evamadyänäm d v ^ tnäm prahänäya dharmam
de&ayisyati.1^ According to Subhüti, a bodhisattva is called
a mahäsattva because he remains unattached to, and uninvolved
in: the thought of enlightenment, the thought of omniscience,
the thought without impurity, the unequalled thought, and the
supreme thought, all of which are not shared by srävakas and
pratyeka-buddhas (yad . . . bodhicittam sarvajHatäcittam anäsra-
vam ait tarn asamam oittam asamasamam cittern asädhärariarp sarva-
srävakapratyekabuddhaih taträpi citte asakto aparyäpannah).28
PVS,29 as usual, enlarges this portion, adding many other
minds, but there is no need to go into them in detail here,
as the essentials remain unchanged.
Now, the meanings given in the above passages of AS and
PVS are clear. In the Blessed One's interpretation, the word
mahäsattva is first understood to mean 'one who is possessed
of a great mind', as Haribhadra comments, and then, the 'great
mind' is paraphrased to be identical with 'the mind aiming at
becoming the highest among a great mass of beings', although
agratä (the highest state) cannot be derived directly from
the word mahäsattva. Säriputra understands the word mahäsattva
as meaning 'one whose mind intends to forsake great erroneous
views', and Subhuti, 'one who is not attached even to great
minds such as the thought of enlightenment, etc.' The latter
three are not etymological but dogmatic interpretations.
Through all the interpretations the consistent idea is
that mahäsattva means 'a great mind' or 'one who is possessed
of a great mind', sattva being construed as citta or 'mind'.
Although neither AS nor PVS interprets sattva to mean citta
in the case of the word bodhisattva^ the application can be
easily inferred. As will be shown below, Kumarajiva and Hari
bhadra identified both terms.
In IV above, the following sentence from AS was given:
"He is called a bodhisattva, a mahäsattva, because he has
enlightenment as his purpose" (bodhyajethena tu subhüte bodhi-
sattvo mahäsattva ity ucyate).30 This suggests that AS inter
prets the word bodhisattva also as a being seeking bodhi.
To sum up, both AS and PVS seem to adopt two kinds of etymo
logies of the word bodhisattva: (a) 'one whose mind is fixed
on bodhi\ and (b) 'a being seeking bodhi' - i.e. Nos. 3 and
2 in Dayal's list.
264
VI - Kumarajiva
I have no intention here to enter into the vexed problem
regarding the author of the Mahäprwjfiäpärarnitääästra (MPPS).
It seems to be unlikely that the entire MPPS was written by
Nlgarjuna and faithfully translated into Chinese by Kumärajiva.
Some portions may be ascribed to the former, some to the latter
By Kumärajiva here I mean the author-interpolator-translator of
the MPPS.
In many places in the MPPS, Kumarajiva gives etymological
interpretations of the words bodhdsattva and mahäsattva. A
study of interpretations of the two words as they appear in
the MPPS was made by Saigusa,31 and a French translation of
the MPPS by E. Lamotte is also partly available. Hence, a
few illustrations from the MPPS will suffice for our purpose.
(1) Question - What is meant by the word bodhi, and what
is meant by the word sattval
Answer - Bodht means the ways of Buddhas, sattva means
either a sentient being or a great mind. This man wishes
to obtain the merits of the ways of Buddhas, and his
mind is indestructible and unbreakable, like a diamond
mountain. This is called a great mind. The verses read:
All qualities of Buddhas, namely, wisdom, precepts,
and concentration which are profitable for all are
named bodhi.
A mind unshakable, indestructible and unbreakable
is able to accomplish the way with patience; this
mind is named sattva. 32
(2) Question - What is the meaning of the word bodhisattva?
Answer - In the Indian language many syllables are
joined together to form a word, and many words are
joined together to form a compound, e.g. bo is one
syllable, and dhi is another. No word is formed
unless these two are connected together; when connected
together they form the word bodht, which means 'supreme
wisdom' in Chinese. Sattva means either 'a sentient
being' or 'a great mind'. A bodhtsattva is 'one who
develops a great mind'.33
(3) Sattva is called 'a being' in Chinese. This being
produces a thought to attain the supreme way and trains
himself. Again, sattva means 'a great mind'. This man
265
produces a great mind seeking supreme enlightenment,
but has not yet achieved it. This is why he is called
a bodhisattva. A Buddha, who has achieved this enlight
enment, is not called a bodktsattva, because his great
mind has been fulfilled.34
(4) Question - What is meant by the word mahäsattva'l
Answer - Mahat means ’great’ and sattva either *a being’
or ’a brave mind*. This man's mind, capable of accom
plishing a great task, never retreats, nor reverses.
Because of this great, brave mind he is called a rndha-
sattva. Again, a mdhäsattva becomes the highest; this
is why he is called a mdhäsattva.35
More passages interpreting the two words are available
in the MPPS, but additional quotations seem unnecessary. It
is quite clear that Kumärajiva understands sattva in both
bodktsattva and mdhäsattva to mean either 'a sentient being’
or ’a mind*. When he explains a bodhisattva as one who,
seeking enlightenment with a great mind, has not yet attained
it, he probably inherits the Pali tradition of a bodhisatta
as a being who, destined to attain enlightenment, has not yet
obtained it. Also note that ’a great mind' in Kumarajlva's
interpretation connotes ’a brave mind', as sems d p a ’ does in
the Tibetan translation.
VII - Haribhadra on ’Bodhisattvo Mahasattvah’
As explained in II above, Haribhadra interprets a bödhi-
sattva as ’one whose objects are both enlightenment and sentient
beings’, and, as described in V, he explains the word sattva as
meaning citta (mind). However, of all his comments on the words
of concern to us, I single out the following passage as being
the most important:36
bodhau sarvadharmäsaktatäyäm svärthasampadi sattvam
abhipräyo yesärn te bodhisattvdh. §rävakä api syur evam
ity aha mdhäsattva iti. mdhatyäm parärthasampadi sattvam
yesärn te mahäsattväh. mahäsattvam cänyathäpi tirthika-
sädhujanavat syäd iti bodhisattvagrahanam. (Bodhisattvas
are those whose sattva, or intentions, are directed to
wards the completion of their own interests, namely, en
lightenment as non-attachment to all things. One may
contend that even srävakas can be like that. Thus, the
word mdhäsattva is added.37 Those whose minds are directed
266
towards the completion of great benefit for others are
called mdhäsattvas. An objection may be raised that a
mahäsattva or a great altruistic mind can be found else
where, as in the case of a good non-Buddhist. Thus, the
word bodhisattva is used as well.)
Srävakas and pratyekabuddhas, who also seek enlightenment,
can be called boanisattvas too, but they do not strive for the
benefit and happiness of others, unlike Mahäyäna bodkisattvas ,
in whom the quality of altruism is essential. Mahäyäna bodhi-
sattvas must be more than mere bodkisattvas . This is why they
are named mahasattvas . There are non-Buddhist religionists who
devote themselves to other people's interests and thus can be
called mdhäsattvas. As distinct from them, Buddhist mahasattvas ,
when they pursue non-attachment as Mahayana enlightenment, are
to be called bodkisattvas. Thus, Mahäyäna Buddhists who are
devoted to the perfect wisdom of emptiness as well as the
interest of others are bodhisattva-mahäsattvas . I regard the
above comment of Haribhadra's as a perfect definition of an
ideal Mahäyäna Buddhist.
Abbreviations
AS - Astasähasrikä Prajftäpäramitä3 ed. by P.L. Vaidya,
Buddhist Sanskrit Texts No. 4, 1960.
AAA - Abhisamayälamkärälokä PragHäpäramitävyakkyä3 ed. by
U. Wogihara, Tokyo 1932.
PVS - Pamcavim^atisähasrikä Prajfläpäramitä3 e d . b y N. Dutt,
Calcutta Oriental Series, No. 28, 1934.
MPPS - Mahäprajhäpäramitäsästra , TaishS Vol. XXV, no.1509.
Notes
* I would like to express my gratitude to my colleague, Fumio
Enomoto, for helping me find references in Päli literature.
1. Har Dayal, The Bodhisattva Doctrine in Buddhist Sanskrit
Literature3 1932. Reprint by Motilal Banarsidass, 1970,
pp. 4-9.
267
2. Dayal, op.cit., p.6 and p.320, n.9; P. Ghosa, Satasähasrikä-
prajhäpäramitä3 Bibliotheca Indica, 1902, p.2, n.2. Dayal,
citing Ghosa’s note, omits the first portion, prajhabalena
bodhyälambanät3 which precedes bodhih sa... In the same
note Ghosa quotes Haribhadra’s definition of 'bodhisattvo
mahäsattvah' in AAA 22, 13-16 without mentioning the origi
nal text. This definition is discussed in section VII.
3. Bodhiearyävatärapahjikäy Bibliotheca Indica, p.^21; Buddhist
Sanskrit Texts No. 12, ed. by P.L. Vaidya, 200, 29.
U. See Ghosa's note referred to in n.2 above.
5. Dayal, op.cit., p. 320, n.17, refers to K.E. Neumann,
Majjh. tr., Vol. 1, p. 620, n.5. According to Dayal, Neu
mann cites other words like manosatto3 manasatto, bhava-
satt.Oy etc. However, so far I have not located this note
in Neumann's work.
6. Dayal refers to Avadänakalpalatä, Bibliotheca Indica, II,
p. 723, v.21; II, p. 9^5, v. 21, etc.
7. Cf. Johnston, ed., The Buddhaearita, Part I, p. 98.
Johnston renders the word by 'fulfilled in resolution'
(Part II, p. 129). But M. Hara translates it as 'having
courage for bodhi', in his Japanese translation (Buddha
Carita3 Chüö Köronsha, Tokyo 197^, pp. 18U-5). Another
example of a sattva in the sense of 'Cone having! a
courageous mind' is found in Buddhaearita XVIII, v. 6b:
dus su snod la don ni rnam par gtoh ba dah3 dpa' dan ha
rgyal las ni de b£in yyul rgyed par3 sems d p a ' lhag pa
hid kyis &es te g&an gyis min3 sems dpa ’ yis ni sbyin
pa hid dan yyul 'gyed do (Sometimes, only one who has
uncommon courage knows that giving wealth to a worthy
person and fighting with courage and pride Care of equal
value!; but not others. A brave-minded man alone gives
alms and fights a battle). Here sems dpar lhag pa (adhi-
sattva ?) and sems dpa' (sattva) mean nothing else but
a brave-minded man.
8. Dayal, op.cit., p. 8.
9. Wogihara's edition, 31, 11-1^; Vaidya's edition, 287, 29-30.
10. Dayal, op.cit., p . 8.
11. PTS, Papaheasüdani, Part I, p. 113.
268
12 . C f. V. F a u s t e n , Jätaka I , p p . lb and bb: manussattam
lih g a sa m p a tti hetu satthäradassanam 3 pab b a jjä gunasam-
p a t t i adhikäro ca chandatä3 atthadhammasamodhänä a b h in i -
häro s a m ijjh a ti.
13- PTS, S ä ra tth a -p p a k ä sin i 3 V o l. I I , p . 21 ( X l l . i . U ) .
lb . AS Chap. I , 1 0 ,2 9 - 1 1 , U; c f . C o n z e , The P e r fe c tio n o f
Wisdom in E ight Thousand Lines & i t s Verse Summary,
B o l i n a s 1 9 7 3 , p . 90.
15. AS Chap. I , 9 , 2 2 - 7 ; c f . C o n z e , o p . c i t . , p . 8 9 .
16. PVS l 6 0 . 1 5 - 2 0 ; c f . C onze, The Large Sütra on P e r fe c t
Wisdom3 U n i v e r s i t y o f C a l i f o r n i a P r e s s 1 9 7 5 , p . I l 8 .
17. PVS l6h . 9 - 1 0 ; c f . C onze, The Large S ü tr a , p . 1 2 0 .
18. PVS 1 6 9 .. 1 - 2 ; c f . C o n z e , The Large S ü tra , p . 1 2 3 .
19. AS 9 , 2 8 - 9 ; c f . C o n z e , E ight Thousand L ines , p . 8 9 .
20. C f . T a i s h ö V o l . V I I I , n o . 2 2 7 , 5 3 8 , c l 9 ; V o l. V I I , n o .
2 2 0 , 7 6 6 , b 9 - 1 0 ; t h e T i b e t a n t r a n s l a t i o n o f AS, P e k in g
e d . , 1 1 , ab: sems can g y i phuh po chen po dan sems can
g y i r i s chen p o ’i mchog h id du b y a ’o. F o r t h e c o r r e s p o n d
i n g p a s s a g e i n PVS s e e T a i s h ö V o l. V I I I , n o . 2 2 3 , 2^+3,
b l 2 - 1 3 ; V o l. V I I , n o . 2 2 0 , 6 0 , a l 0 - l l . O b erm iller
(A n alysis o f the Abhisamayälamkära3 F a s e . 1 , p . IOO) t r a n s
l a t e s t h e p a s s a g e i n AS: "He a t t a i n s t h e s t a t e o f p r e d o m i
nance o v e r a g r e a t m u ltitu d e o f l i v i n g b e i n g s . In t h i s
se n se t h e B o d h is a ttv a i s c a l l e d t h e M a h ä sa ttv a , t h e G reat
B ein g ". C onze, h o w e v e r , c o n s t r u e s k ä r a y is y a ti a s a c a u s a
t i v e and t r a n s l a t e s ( E ight Thousand L in e s , p . 8 9 ): "A
B o d h isattv a i s c a lle d ’a g re a t b e in g ’ in th e sense t h a t
he w i l l c a u s e a g r e a t mass a n d c o l l e c t i o n o f b e i n g s t o
a c h i e v e t h e h i g h e s t " . Ratnagunasamcayagäthä , I , v . l 7 a b
r u n s (Yuyama, Prajftäpäramitäratnagunasam cayagäthä , 1 9 7 6 ,
pp . 1 2 - 1 3 ) : maha s a ttv a so ath a k in o c y a ti käranena3
mahäya agru ayu b h e § y a ti s a tt v a - r a t e . And C onze, E ight
Thousand L in es3 p . 1 1 ) t r a n s l a t e s t h e v e r s e : "What i s t h e
r e a s o n why ’ G r e a t B e i n g s ’ a r e so c a l l e d ? They r i s e t o
t h e h i g h e s t p l a c e a b o v e a g r e a t number o f p e o p l e . " I be
l i e v e , i n s p i t e o f H a r i b h a d r a ’ s comment, t h a t k ä r a y is y a ti
i n t h e p a s s a g e i n AS a s w e l l a s i n PVS s h o u l d b e u n d e r s t o o d
a s e q u i v a l e n t t o k a r is y a t i.
21. AAA, 8 0 , 8 - 1 2 .
269
22 . C f . Abhisamayälamkära I , v . 4 2 : s a r v a s a ttv ä g r a tä e itta - p r a -
hänädhigamatraye3 t r i b h i r m a h a ttva ir udde§o v ijfle y o 'yarn
svayambhuväm. ( l ) The g r e a t n e s s o f i n t e l l e c t u a l power
w h ic h makes one s u p e r i o r t o a l l l i v i n g b e i n g s (sa rva -
s a ttv ä g r a tc c c itta ) , ( 2 ) t h e g r e a t n e s s i n t h e f o r s a k i n g
o f a l l f a l s e v ie w s (prahänamahattva) a n d ( 3 ) t h e g r e a t n e s s
i n t h e a c h i e v e m e n t o f t h e t h o u g h t o f a l l - k n o w l e d g e w h ic h
i s q u i t e p u r e and t r a n s c e n d e n t (adhigamamahattva) form
t h e u l t i m a t e g o a l (uddesa) w h ic h a b o d h is a ttv a i s t o
a t t a i n by h is a c t i v i t y . C f. O b e r m i l l e r , o p . c i t . , p . 1 0 0 ;
C o n z e , Abhisamayälamkära3 Rome O r i e n t a l S e r i e s , V I , p . 1 9 .
Conze a n d P e n s a (L 'A bhisam ayälam käravrtti d i Ä rya-V im ukti-
sena3 SOR XXXVII, 1 9 6 7 , p . 8 0 ) c a l l t h e udde&a o f t h e
b o d h is a ttv a ’p r o g r a m * .
23. S ee PVS 1 6 9 « 4 - l 4 ; C onze, The Large S ü tr a , p p . 1 2 3 - 5 .
2 4 . I n PVS t h e l a s t tw o w ords o f t h i s p a s s a g e r e a d : agratäh
k ä r a y ita v y ä h , b u t V i m u k t i s e n a c i t e s t h e same p a s s a g e
r e a d i n g t h e tw o w o r d s a s a g ra tä kä va yita vyä ( c f . P e n s a ,
o p . c i t . , p. 8 l,6 ) . The l a t t e r r e a d i n g seems t o b e b e t t e r .
2 5 . FVS 1 6 9 . 1 6 - 1 7 0 , 2 ; s e e C o n z e , The Large S ü tr a , p . 1 2 4 .
2 6 . PVS 1 7 0 . 2 0 - 1 7 1 , 1 0 ; s e e C onze, The Large S ü tr a , p . 1 2 5 .
27 . AS 9 . 3 2 - 1 0 , 2 . A c c o r d in g t o t h e Abhisamayätamkjära t h i s
i n t e r p r e t a t i o n b y S ä r i p u t r a fo rm s prahänamahattva3 t h e
s e c o n d o f t h e b o d h is a ttv a ' s t h r e e g o a l s . See n . 22 a b o v e .
28 . AS 1 0 , 5 - 9 . T h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f S ü b h ü t i ' s fo rm s adhigama
m ahattva.
2 9 . FVS 1 7 2 . 6 f f .
30. AS 9 . 2 6 - 7 .
31. M i t s u y o s h i S a i g u s a , Stu dien zum Mahäprajfläpäramitä(upade§a) -
S ä s tr a , H o k u s e id o V e r l a g T okyo, 1 9 6 9 , S. 1 7 4 - 1 8 2 .
32. MPPS 8 6 , a l 3 - 2 0 ; c f . L a m o tte , Le T r a i tt de la grande v e rtu
de sa g e sse 3 Tome I , 1 9 4 9 , p . 2 4 l ; S a i g u s a , o p . c i t . , S. 1 74.
33. MPPS 380, b29-c5; c f . S a i g u s a , o p . c i t . , S. 1 7 6 .
3 4 . MPPS 4 3 6 , b 9 - 1 3 ; c f . S a i g u s a , o p . c i t . , S. 176.
35. MPPS 9 4 , a l 6 - 2 0 ; c f . L a m o tte , o p . c i t . , I , p .3 0 9 ; S a ig u sa ,
o p . c i t . , S. 178.
270
36. AAA 2 2 , 1 3 - 1 6 .
37- C f. L a m o t t e , o p . c i t . , p . 2 ^ 1 , n . 2 . The Bi^dhabhürndsästra ,
( T a is h S V o l. XXVI, No. 1 5 3 0 , 3 0 0 , a l 9 - 2 0 ) g i v e s a s i m i l a r
e x p l a n a t i o n : Many b e i n g s s e e k e n l i g h t e n m e n t , a n d t h i s much
i s common t o a l l t h e t h r e e v e h i c l e s . T herefore, d is tin g u is h
i n g CMahäyäna fro m t h e o t h e r two v e h i c l e s , a Mahäyäna bodh i-
s a t t v a l s h o u l d b e c a l l e d a m ahasattva.
271
BUDDHISTISCHE ARGUMENTATION
GEGEN EINEN PERSÖNLICHEN GOTTESBEGRIFF
IN TIBETISCHEN BODKICARYXv ATÄRA-KOMMENTAREN
Rudolf KASCHEWSKY (Bonn)
Einen beträchtlichen Teil des 9. Kapitels des Bodhicaryäva-
tära, des Kapitels über die "Weisheit" (p ra jflä ) , nimmt die
Widerlegung entgegenstehender Auffassungen ein, als deren
gewichtigste das "Festhalten an einer Substanz" (va stu sa d -
gväha j1 bekämpft wird, wobei zunächst darüber gehandelt wird,
dass diese schon "hinsichtlich ihrer Verursachung als leer
erwiesen" sei.2
Hinsichtlich einer Verursachung der Substanz kommt ent
weder eine Entstehung ohne jegliche Ursache oder eine Ent
stehung aus einer ewigen Ursache in Betracht.
"Ewige Ursache" (nityo ... hetuh) können sein
1. ein "Herrgott" (tsvara J 3 - Verse 119-126,
2. kleinste Materieteilchen (anu) - Vers 127ab und
3. die Urmaterie (pradhäna) - Verse 127cd-ll*l.
Im folgenden sollen tibetische Kommentare zu Punkt 1
vorgestellt werden, da die betreffenden Argumentationen gegen
die Annahme eines persönlichen Gottesbegriffes von grundsätz
licher Bedeutung sein dürften. Insofern sind die hier vorzu
stellenden Texte den entsprechenden Partien von Säntiraksitas
Bhävanäkrama (i) und Tattvasangraha sowie der Tsvarakartrtva-
niräkrti, die Nägärjuna zugeschrieben wird (Tibetan Tripitaka,
Nr. 5905) zuzuordnen.
Um Autoren verschiedener Epochen und Schulen, aber den
noch von einer gewissen Einheitlichkeit hier zu Wort kommen
zu lassen, haben wir vier Kommentatoren, die alle "nicht-
reformierten" tibetischen Schulen angehören, ausgewählt1*:
272
T = rGyal-sras Thogs-med bzan-po5 Sa-skya-pa
(1295 - 1369)
C = dPa'-bo gCug-lag phren-ba8 b K a 1-brgyud-pa
(150U - 1566)
7
M = Mi - pham - pa rNin-ma-pa
(1846 - 1 9 1 2 )
£ = g^an-phan snah-ba8 rNih-ma-pa
(1871 - 1927)
Für die weitere Unterteilung übernehmen wir die Gliederung
von T:
1. Einen "Herrgott" kann es nicht geben Verse 119-121
2. Es gibt nichts, das er hervorgebracht
hätte Verse 122-123ab
3. Es ist auch gar nicht möglich, dass
er etwas erschafft Verse 123cd-126.
Der letztgenannte Unterabschnitt ist noch einmal in zwei
Abschnitte unterteilt, nämlich Verse 123cd-124a und 124b-126.
1. Unterabschnitt: Einen "Herrgott" kann es nicht geben
119 Wenn ein Herrgott Ursache der Welt9 sein soll, sagt,
wer soll denn (tävat) dieser "Herrgott sein? Wenn
man sagt "die Elemente", so mag dies zutreffen. Doch
was soll dann der Eifer um einer blossen Bezeichnung
willen?
120 Aber: "Erde" usw. (ksmädayo) (d.h. die Elemente) sind
doch vielfältig, nicht ewig, ohne eigene Aktivität
(niscesta), sie sind keine Gottheiten (na ... devatah)3
man kann sogar auf sie treten (Zarnghya_, tib. 'gom J,
und sie sind unrein: deshalb können sie doch nicht
jener Herrgott sein .’
121 Auch der Himmelsraum kann nicht der Herrgott sein,
denn er ist ohne eigene Aktivität (acesta); auch der
Ätman kann es nicht sein, das wurde schon widerlegt.
Dass aber einer, der gar nicht gedacht werden kann
(acintya), Schöpfer sei, ist selbst etwas, was nicht
gedacht werden kann: Wie kann man solches also be
haupten? 10
273
Die Kommentare:
T Die hier zu widerlegende Auffassung wird als die der Nai-
yäyikas und der Vaisesikas vorgestellt, wohl in Anlehnung
an PrajHäkaramati.11 Sodann präzisiert T, was unter dem
Begriff "Herrgott" zu verstehen sei, in fünf Charakteristi
ka (ehos Ina):
1. Göttlichkeit (Ihar gtogs pa)3
2. Reinheit (gcah) und
Verehrungswürdigkeit (mehod par 'os pa)3
3. Ewigkeit (rtag pa)3
1*. Einheit bzw. Einzigkeit (geig pu) und
5. Schöpfer von allem sein (kun gyi byed pa po yin).
Wenn damit die Elemente gemeint seien, die ja die Ursache
alles Gewordenen seien, so bedeute dies, dass man diesen
"nur die Bezeichnung ’Herrgott’ zulege" (de dag la dbah
phyug tu ’dogs)! Den Ausdruck gyo med umschreibt T mit
gyo ba’i sems med pa "sie (die Elemente) verfügen nicht
über einen aktiven (lebendigen) Geist", bsam min wird -
dem Gerundivum des Sanskrit genau entsprechend - mit nus
pa verdeutlicht: "... nicht gedacht werden kann".
C Auch C betrachtet diese Verse zusammen. Zunächst wird
kurz das Gesamtthema umrissen: Die beiden ersten Verse
weisen auf, dass die vier Elemente nicht der Herrgott
sein können; der letzte weist nach, dass weder der Himmels
raum noch etwas Undenkbares der Herrgott sein können. Auf
schlussreich ist, wie die Attribute, die dem Begriff "Herr
gott" zukommen, den tatsächlichen Eigenschaften der Elemente
gegenübergestellt werden:
Herrgott Elemente
einzig vielfach
ewig vergänglich
geistig (sems beas) ohne Aktivität und somit
ohne Geist (gyo ba min pas
sems med)
göttlich und verehrungs- ungöttlich und mit Füssen
würdig tretbar
rein von Unreinheit durchdrungen
274
Der Himmelsraum kann nicht der Herrgott sein, da er ohne
eigene Aktivität ist. Und ein Herrgott als Schöpfer, der
undenkbar ist, kann eben dann, wenn er undenkbar ist, auch
nicht augesprochen werden - wie kann man da aber bezüglich
seiner die Bezeichnung "Herrgott” aussprechen ?
M nennt die Vertreter der zu widerlegenden Ansicht ganz all
gemein dbah phyug pa sogs "die, die einen Herrgott annehmen,
usw.", und er führt ebenfalls Kriterien für den Gottesbe
griff an, ausser "ewig" (rtag pa) noch
"aus sich selbst entstanden" (rah byuh),
"allwissend" (thams cad mkhyen pa),
um dann ebenfalls festzustellen, dass - falls die Elemente
mit dem Begriff des Schöpfers gemeint seien - diese ja nicht
die besonderen Charakteristika (khyad par) des "Herrgotts"
besässen; der Ausdruck gyo med wird hier mit blo yi gyo ba
med pa, d.h. also ähnlich wie bei T mit "geistigem Leben,
geistiger Aktivität" umschrieben.
Auch hier wird betont, dass die Elemente ja auch nicht
"Gegenstand der Verehrung" sind (gus pa’i yul min pa), wie
bei T, wenn auch mit anderen Worten. Dass auch der Himmels
raum nicht für den Gottesbegriff in Frage kommt, da er ohne
"eigene Aktivität" ist, spezifiziert M deutlicher "ohne
eigene Aktivität, die Wirkungen aus sich hervorrufen/ent
falten könnte" ( ’bras bu skyed pa'i byed root gyi gyo ba
med pa).
Ferner: Etwas aussagen muss doch bedeuten: über etwas
nachdenken, es schliesslich wissen und dann aussprechen.
Wenn man aber nicht weiss, wie oder was etwas ist - wer
könnte von dem aussagen, es sei der Schöpfer ?12
Eine Aussage kann13 man nur machen, wenn man sowohl
das Objekt als auch den Vorgang des Erzeugens je einzeln
kennt und sich über Ursache und Wirkung im klaren ist !
£ räumt gegenüber denen, die die Elemente als Ursachen an
nehmen, ein: "Auch wir sind der Auffassung, dass jene in
der Weise Ursache der Welt sind, wie aus dem jeweils Früheren
das Spätere als Wirkung (entsteht)".14 Wenn man dann aber die
Bezeichnung "Schöpfer" ins Spiel bringt, so handelt es sich
wirklich "nur um eine leere Bezeichnung" (stoh ba’i min cam).
Die Elemente aber sind ja "dem Werden und Vergehen"
(skye ba dan 'gig pa) unterworfen, sie "haben keine eigene
275
geistige Aktivität (blo’i gyo ba med pa) usw., und "sie
sind keine Götter, deren Wesen ja darin besteht, dass man
ihnen seine Aufwartung macht".16
Bei der Widerlegung des Himmelsraumes (als Gott) wird
hier die Bedeutung von gyo med i.S.v. "ohne eigene Aktivi
tät" ganz deutlich gemacht: "ohnen geistige Bewegung, das
heisst Aktivität".16 Die Annahme des Ätman schliesslich
wird als "Horn eines Hasen" (ri boh gi rva) ad absurdum
geführt.
Und: der "Auffassung, dann sei der Herrgott mit dem
Denken nicht erreichbar",17 wird entgegengehalten: "Wie
kann man denn etwas aussprechen, was man nicht denken
kann?"18
2. Unterabschnitt: Es gibt nichts, das er hervorgebracht hätte
122. Was wünschte er denn überhaupt zu schaffen (sra$pum)?
Sind nicht der Ätman und die Erde und all die anderen
(Elemente) und auch der Herrgott ihrem eigenen Wesen
nach ewig (d.h. ungeschaffen)? Und das Wissen (entsteht
immer wieder) aus den Objekten des Wissens, ist also
anfanglos.18
123. Glück und Leid entstehen aus den Taten (karma). Sagt
ab also: Was hat er denn geschaffen (nimrttam)'l
T Es wird die Frage aufgeworfen, was die Frucht, das Ergebnis,
die Wirkung (’bras bu) der Schöpfung sei. Der Ätman, die
kleinsten Materieteilchen (rdul) der Elemente und das
weitere Fortbestehen des Herrgotts selber20 kommen als
Objekte des Schöpfungsaktes nicht in Betracht, weil diese
ja als "ihrem Wesen nach ewig" (ho bo rtag pa) gelten,
was eindeutig einem Geschaffensein widerspricht.
C "Welches sind denn nun die von ihm geschaffenen Daseins
faktoren (ohos)?" Wenn der Ätman alles hervorgebracht
(sprül) hat und also der Ätman der Herrgott sein soll, so
ist zu sagen: Wenn der Herrgott einzig ist und wenn er
ewig-ist, dann müsste er entweder die Elemente und alle
übrigen Dinge gleichzeitig und ewig hervorbringen oder
aber sie überhaupt niemals hervorgebracht haben - beides
wären Extreme .' Und das Wissen und die Wissensobjekte
276
e rz e u g e n e in a n d e r r e z ip r o k ; f e r n e r : G lück und L e id , d ie
b e i d e k e i n e n A n fan g h a b e n , e n t s t e h e n a u s d en J e e ig e n e n
T a t e n . Was a l s o h a t d e r H e r r g o t t , d e r s i c h i n e i n e r b l o s s e n
B e z e ic h n u n g e r s c h ö p f t , denn nun g e s c h a f f e n ? S a g t e s u n s !
M D er A tm an, d i e E le m e n te u n d d e r H e r r g o t t s e l b s t kommen a l s
" g e s c h a f f e n e O b je k te " n i c h t i n B e t r a c h t . S ie s i n d doch
e w ig . Wenn a b e r U rs a c h e u n d W irkung b e i d e ew ig s i n d , w ie
k a n n e s d a a n g e h e n , von E rz e u g tw e rd e n und E rz e u g e n zu
s p r e c h e n ? D ie U rs a c h e h a t n i c h t s , w as s i e e r z e u g e n k ö n n te ,
und d i e W irk u n g h a t e b e n f a l l s n i c h t a l s C h a r a k t e r i s t i k u m
d a s E r z e u g t s e i n . 21 K u rz: Das Ewige h a t k e in e U rsa c h e
( n ö t i g ) , d a s N ic h t-E w ig e a b e r e n t s t e h t a u s s e i n e r j e w e i l i g e n
U r s a c h e . A ls o k an n d e r H e r r g o t t ü b e r h a u p t n i c h t s g e s c h a f f e n
haben.
Es f o l g t e i n Z i t a t a u s D h a r m a k ir tis P r a m ä n a v ä r t t i k a . 22
d i e a n d e r e n ( E le m e n te ) " g e m e in t i s t
a n g e fü h rt:
sa " E rd e "
ch u "W a sse r"
me " F e u e r"
rlu h "W ind"
nam m kha' "H iram elsraum , Ä th e r"
du s " Z e it"
phyogs " H im m e ls r ic h tu n g e n " .
Den A u sd ru ck svabhäva (ho bo) "dem e ig e n e n Wesen n a c h " z i e h t
£ n u r zu dem l e t z t e n G l i e d d e r A u fz ä h lu n g (A tm an, E le m e n te ,
H e r r g o t t ) , a l s o zu dem B e g r i f f " H e r r g o t t " ( d e r se in e m Wesen
n a c h ew ig s e i ) , w äh re n d T d i e s e n A u sd ru ck e i n d e u t i g a u f a l l e
d r e i G l i e d e r b e z i e h t (de dag gx ho bo).
Und a l l e s , was an G lü ck und L e id s e i t a n f a n g lo s e n Z e i t e n
kam ( n i c h t : e n t s t a n d o d e r h e r v o r g e b r a c h t w u r d e ! ) , e x i s t i e r t
a u f g r u n d g u t e r b zw . s c h l e c h t e r T a t e n . 23
277
3. Unterabschnitt: Es ist auch gar nicht möglich, dass er
etwas erschafft
I. Teil
123 Wenn die Ursache anfanglos sein soll,
cd wie können dann die Wirkungen einen
Anfang haben ?
124a Warum sollte er sie nicht immer (sadä)
erschaffen ?
T Wenn die Ursache, der Herrgott also, der Ewige, der die
Wirkungen hervorgebracht hat, anfanglos sein soll, wie
können dann die Wirkungen wie Glück usw. einen Anfang
haben ? Sie können natürlich keinen Anfang haben ! Und
weil er in gleicher Weise auch kein Ende haben kann,
wieso sollte er dann Glück, Leid usw. nicht immer (ewig)
schaffen ? Das bedeutet, dass sie ewig da sind. -
Hingegen ist aber doch klar, dass es sie nur von Zeit
zu Zeit gibt !
C Weiter nun: Wenn die Ursache, der Herrgott also, keinen
allerersten Anfang als Begrenzung hat, wieso sollte man
dann bei den aus ihr hervorgegangenen Wirkungen einen An
fang annehmen ? Wenn der Herrgott der Schöpfer von
allem ist, wieso sollte er dann Wasserholen, Feuerzünden
usw. nicht ständig, also ewig, schaffen ? Und man
brauchte sich keine anderen Diener zu halten !
M Da die (Schöpfer-)Macht der Ursache selbst anfanglos ist,
wie sollten da die Wirkungen einen Anfang haben ? Man
kann also auch nicht behaupten, eine Wirkung, die jetzt
gerade hier vorliegt, sei davor nicht gewesen. Also muss
sie ohne Anfang dagewesen sein. Aber gerade dies trifft
nicht zu: sie treten nämlich jeweils von Zeit zu Zeit auf.
So ist es doch falsch, zu sagen, Mann und Frau, die jetzt
da sind, wären auch früher ohne Anfang dagewesen. Dabei
soll doch der Herrgott Gefäss und Inhalt nacheinander ge
schaffen haben, als er also die einen Wirkungen schuf,
gab es eine Zeit, wo er die anderen noch nicht schuf. -
Wieso aber sollte er die Wirkungen nicht die ganze Zeit,
also ewig, schaffen ? Daraus aber ergibt sich die Frage:
Wie kann dann aber der Herrgott überhaupt selbst die
Ursache aller Wirkungen sein ?
Z Wenn die Ursache, also der Schöpfer (byed pa po) ewig sein
soll, also anfanglos, wie kann es dann einen Anfang der
(aus dieser Ursache hervorgehenden) Wirkungen geben ?
Wenn man das nämlich annimmt, bedeutet das, dass er ewig
nicht schafft und daraufhin dann schafft - aber: wieso
hätte er die Wirkungen dann nicht doch ewig geschaffen ?
278
II. Teil (des 3. Unterabschnittes)
12Ub Er aber bedarf keines anderen, dann nichts
anderes gibt es als das, was er geschaffen
hat. Wessen also sollte er wohl bedürfen ?
125 Wenn er etwa einer bestimmten Ansammlung
bedürfte, dann wäre diese die Ursache, nicht
aber der Herrgott ! Und wenn diese Ansammlung
vorhanden wäre, hätte er nicht die Macht, nichts
hervorzubringen. Wenn sie aber nicht vorhanden
wäre, hätte er nicht die Macht, etwas hervorzu
bringen.
126 Und wenn der Herrgott etwas schafft, ohne es
selbst zu wünschen, wäre er einer von ihm
verschiedenen Macht unterstellt. Ja, selbst
wenn er es wünscht, würde er in Abhängigkeit
von diesen seinen Wünschen geraten. Und wenn
er so etwas schafft - wie könnte er dann der
Herrgott sein ?
T Der Einwand lautet: "Wenn auch der Herrgott ewig ist, so
bedarf sein Hervorbringen von Wirkungen doch gewisser aus
lösender Momente (rkyen) 21+ und deshalb kann man nicht
sagen, dass er ewig Wirkungen hervorbringt !" - Ein
Herrgott kann aber nicht irgendeiner anderen Sache bedürfen,
denn es gibt kein Ding, das nicht von ihm geschaffen wäre. -
Wenn er etwa einer Ansammlung von auslösenden Momenten
bedürfte, wäre diese Ansammlung die Ursache. Und wenn
dann das Zusammenspiel von Primärursache und auslösenden
Momenten vorhanden wäre, hätte der Herrgott nicht die Macht,
keine Wirkungen hervorzubringen. - Wenn er also in Abhängig
keit Wirkungen schafft, wie kann er da der Herrgott sein ?
Denn er hat dann über sich eine andere Macht, eben jene
unbeständigen Wünsche.
C Dass die Daseinsfaktoren einer von ihnen selbst verschiedenen
Ursache bedürfen, ist in der Welt allenthalben klar zu sehen:
Wenn man Feuer haben will, braucht man Holz. Was aber soll
der Herrgott machen ? Wenn es nichts anderes gibt, was der
Herrgott nicht geschaffen hat, so müsste man auf die Frage,
welcher anderen Ursachen bzw. auslösenden Momente etwa
Töpferwaren oder Lampen bedürfen, antworten, dass sie
eigentlich nichts bedürfen. Aber Töpferwaren sind doch
nicht von einem Herrgott gemacht, sondern von einem Töpfer,
279
und auch Lampen sind nicht vom Herrgott gemacht, sondern
aus 01, Docht, Ölbehälter und Feuer gebildet, wie jeder
mann sieht. -
Des weiteren wird gefragt: Schafft der Herrgott die Dinge,
ohne es zu wünschen, oder schafft er sie aufgrund seines
Wünschens ?
Wenn man sagt, er schafft aufgrund seines Wünschens, so
ist er ja von diesem seinem Wunsche abhängig, ihm folgt
er nach: Infolgedessen gerät er unter die Macht von etwas
anderem, nämlich des Wunsches. In beiden Fällen wäre seine
Unabhängigkeit beeinträchtigt. Wie kann er dann aber der
Herrgott sein, der doch über Unabhängigkeit verfügen muss ?
M Wenn der Herrgott überhaupt keines anderen auslösenden
Momentes bedarf, wieso sollte er dann nicht als alle
Wirkungen hervorbringende Ursache zu allen Zeiten voll
ständig Ursachen hervorbringen ? (Dazu folgt ein Zitat
aus Dharmakirtis Pramänavärttika II 22h ab). Wenn man
aber sagt: Er bedarf des auslösenden Momentes zum gleich
zeitigen Erschaffen, wie könnte es geschehen, dass diese
auslösenden Momente nicht zu allen Zeiten vollständig
vorhanden sind ? -
Wie man also sieht, entsteht alles aus der Ursache und
auslösenden Momenten, und so ist es sinnlos, einen Herr
gott als Ursache anzunehmen, denn in diesem Falle würde
die UrSache(nkette) unendlich weit zurückgeführt. (Dazu
wieder ein Zitat aus Dharmakirtis Pramänavärttika. II 2h). -
Weiter nun: Wenn dieser Herrgott Wirkungen schafft, kommt
es dazu, dass er der Ansammlung (von Voraussetzungen)
bedarf. Aber durch die Macht dieser Ansammlung schafft
er in einer Weise, die er selbst gar nicht wünscht, wie
z.B. Leiden für andere l - Aber auch, wenn er entsprechend
seinen Wünschen Wirkungen schafft, so geschieht es ja durch
die Macht dieses Wünschens, und dann hat er doch wieder
eine andere Macht über sich, indem er nämlich vom Eisenhaken
dieses Wünschens gepackt wird. -
Wenn also dem Herrgott, den ihr euch vorstellt 25, das
Schaffen von Wirkungen eigen ist, so kann er nicht ewig
(unveränderlich) sein. Da aber die Ewigkeit gerade seine
Bedeutung ausmacht, ist er in Wirklichkeit leer.
280
Z Wenn die Ursachen vollständig und ungehindert vorhanden
sind, hätte er gar nicht die Macht, keine Wirkungen her
vor zubringen. - Wenn also die Ansammlung (der Voraus
setzungen) vorhanden ist, würde er dadurch dazu gebracht,
Schöpfer zu sein. Und dann würde er auch dann, wenn er es
selbst gar nicht wollte, dazu angehalten und er würde etwas
schaffen.
Er bedarf jedenfalls einer anderen Sache. Wie kann er
daher, wenn er Wirkungen vollbringt, also etwas schafft,
Herrgott sein ? Das würde ja mit seiner eigenen Charakte
ristik in Widerspruch stehen.26
281
ffl’
ÖS
fmti
•:J-C
'p>‘»S F^S-
P^ig^F1
isrp*
t'lfW
% 'S
w a-a _
1ffcgfjr
filfe
|r
>»3
Faksimile des unter dem Siglum MZn vorgestellten
Textes (vgl. Anm. 8).
283
Anmerkungen
1. tib. dhos (por) 'jin. So in der Überschrift des betreffen
den Abschnittes bei T. Der Sanskritausdruck findet sich
u.a. in Prajhäkaramatis Banfikä (ed. Vaidya, 197).
^Qyu phyogs nas stoh bar sgrub pa: So die Gesamtüberschrift
für die Verse 117 bis 1U 5 bei T (p. 237).
3. t i b .^dban phyug. In diesem Ausdruck ist das "Herrschen"
die Macht betont, daher die Übersetzung "Herrgott” .
U. Der Vollständigkeit wegen bieten wir auch die entsprechenden
Verse des Bodhicaryävatära selbst. Um Wiederholungen nach
Möglichkeit zu vermeiden, werden nur die Partien aus den
Kommentaren vorgestellt, die über die blosse Paraphrase des
Grundtextes hinaus Eigenständiges enthalten.
5* Titel des Werkes: Ozean der Guten Aussprüche" (Legs peer
bsad pa'i rgya mcho). Nachdruck: A Commentary on Skonti
Leva's Bodhisattva-charyavatara. Sarnath 1974. Der Text
liegt auch der Kommentierung des 9. Kapitels bei Batchelor,
A Guide to the Bodhisattva's Way of Life3 (Dharamsala 1979)
zugrunde. - Text: Ind. Nachdruck pp. 238-240. Benutzt
wurde des weiteren ein Originalmanuskript des gleichen
Textes aus Osttibet (63 fol.; Privatbesitz, Nepal), das
sich jedoch nur unwesentlich vom indischen Nachdruck
unterscheidet (orthograph. Varianten).
6 . Autor der^bekannten Chronik Lho brag chos 'byuh alias
mKhos pa'i dga' ston. Vgl. Vostrikow, Istoriceskaja
literatura (Moskwa 1962 ), 94 und Anm. 432. Der hier
vorgestellte Text findet sich pp. 893—6 des in Indien
erstellten Nachdruckes: Delhi 1975.
7. Mi-pham rgya-mcho alias Mi-pham rnam-par rgyal-ba. Vgl.
Khetsun Sangpo, Biographical Dictionary IV (Dharamsala
1973), 531-47. Tarthang Tulku in: Crystal Mirror V
(l977), 293 f. u. ö. - Es handelt sich um einen Kommentar
nur zum 9. Kapitel. Titel: "Das Ketaka-Juwel" (Bor bu ke
ta ko). Indischer Nachdruck: Edited by 'Phrin-las-rnam-
rgyal. Gangtok 1979. Der hier vorgestellte Text findet
sich pp. 135-l40.
284
8. gZan-phan chos-kyi snah-ba. Vgl. Gene Smith, Tibetan
Catalogue 11^(1969), B2-10, 12.
Titel: Byan chub sems dpa'i spyod pa la ’Jug pa zes bya
b a ’i mchan ’grel. Blockdruck (Privatbesitz, Nepal).
113 fol. Der hier vorgestellte Text findet sich fol.
99r - 100r. Da eine Edition des Textes nicht verfügbar
ist, geben wir den Text in Faksimile wieder.
9. jagat. - Weder die Übersetzung tib. 'gro ba noch die Hinzu
fügung von kun "alle” in T darf dazu verleiten, hier ’’Lebe
wesen” zu übersetzen, jagat bedeutet ’’Welt", und 'gro ba
kun meint ’’die ganze Welt” , das "Weltall", und entspricht
somit Ausdrücken wie in jagato visvasya hetuh {Pafljikä^
ed. Vaidya, 25*0-
10. Vgl. die Erläuterung in der Pafljikä: kartrtvam apy asya
aeintyatvän na vaktum uoitam "Dass er Schöpfer sei, kann
man nicht sagen, eben weil es nicht gedacht werden kann".
11. Die dortige Angabe naiyäyikädi "Naiyäyikas usw." ist nach
der üblichen Zusammennennung dieser beiden Systeme ver
vollständigt; sie sind auch in der Pafljikä selbst zusammen
aufgeführt (ed. Vaidya, 213).
12. brjod pa ni bsams zih ses nas brjod dgos kyi ji Ita bu
yin pa ci 'an ma ses par byed por su zig gis brjod.
13. wtl. "muss". Lies dgos für gos.
14. kho bo cag kyah de rnams la sna ma sha ma las phyi ma 'bras
bu'i ohul gyis 'gro ba'i rgyu flid du 'dod.
15. brten par bya entspricht hier wohl skt. pari-upa-äs (so
auch in der Pafljikä (ed. Vaidya), 255)-
16 . blo yi gyo ba dah bya ba med pa.
17 . dbah phyug de bsam gyis mi khyab par yin no zes 'dod pa.
18. bsam par bya ba min pa de flid brjod pas ci zig bya.
19. Vgl. Pafljikä zu dieser Stelle: jflänam api jfleyäd utpadya-
mänam anädi ca.
20. dbah phyug flid kyi rigs rgyun phyi ma.
21 . rgyu bskyed pa'i bya ba dah bral zih. 'bras bu skye b a ’i
khyad par dah 'bral ba.
285
22. Vgl. Steinkellner, Verse-Index of Dharmakbrtb's Works
(Wien 1977) s.v. mehon dah.
23. thog med pa’b dus nas ’oh ba'b bde sdug thams cad ni dge
ba dah mb dge ba ’b las las ybn.
2h. rkyen (skt. pratyaya), im Gegensatz zu rgyu ("Primär
ursache"), ist hier als "Begleitursache, sekundäre
Ursache" und von daher als "auslösendes Moment" zu
verstehen.
25. khyod ’dod pa'b dbah phyug.
26 . ran gb mahan flbd dah ’gal ba.
287
TEXT-CRITICAL NOTES ON THE GOPÄLAKELICANDRIKÄ
Part I (Acts I-III)
F.B.J. KUIPER (Leiden)
The Leiden manuscript of the GopaZakelicandrikä (siglum L)
was bought by H. Kern during the time he was a professor at
Queens College, Benares (1863-1865). After he had given his
manuscripts to the Leiden University Library, W. Caland was
asked to describe the collection. His discovery of the
uniqueness of the manuscript and of the particular character
of the play, which resulted in the publication of a text
edition with introduction in 1917, are too well-known to be
retold here.
The following critical (and sometimes exegetical) comment
is based on a collation of the manuscript which I made exactly
40 years ago, in 1940, and on notes made at that time. It is
presented to a friend and colleague who has contributed so
much to the critical study of Buddhist and philosophical texts.
I hope that the somewhat different method required when one is
working on a text of which only a single corrupt manuscript is
available may interest him and that it may show him that even
in such an unfavourable situation, when no help can be expected
from better manuscripts or translations, there is still some
scope for text-critical work.
Since on almost every page of Caland’s text one or more
corrections can be made, I should like to stress that from the
moment I started comparing Caland's edition with the manuscript
I have been filled with deep respect for his acumen and the way
in which he has performed a very arduous task, the more so as
this text lay outside the field in which he was a specialist
of international repute. This respect has only grown as I
became more closely acquainted with the text and the many pro
blems it presents. In view of some criticisms voiced by Hertel
when the book appeared it may not be superfluous to recall that
Caland gave his text edition only as an Appendix to a general
survey of the contents of the play (see his Introduction, p.2).
288
This is not the place to enter into a discussion of the
many particularities of the vocabulary, the morphology and
especially the syntax of the text. This may be reserved for
a new edition of the Gopalakeldcandrikn, which is to appear
after completion of the second part of the notes.
In the manuscript from which L has (directly or indirect
ly) been copied the stanzas of each act seem to have been
numbered. Only a few traces of this system have been pre
served in L. Thus the first five stanzas of Act I are number
ed, the sixth has no number, the seventh again bears number 5,
after which the copyist gave up. The beginning of the other
acts has no traces left, but the stanza on p. 113, 25-28 is
numbered 33. From this it may be inferred that the first
stanza after the gap caused by the loss of folios 65-67 is
st. 13. Since the preceding stanza must be counted as III.135,
it is now certain that Act IV began on the missing folios (as
Caland rightly assumed) and that the whole work actually con
sisted of six acts. As the average number of stanzas on one
side of a folio is seven, Act IV may have begun somewhere at
the top of folio 66a, and Act III must have ended there, its
total number of stanzas having been about 144. In future
editions, accordingly, the numbering of acts and stanzas can
be made the basis for references (according to Lanman's system),
even though it may never be possible to fill the gap between
III.135 and IV.13. In the following notes, therefore, the
references are to act and stanza as well as to page and line
of Caland’s edition.
In this connection it should be noted that three stanzas
have not been recognised by Caland, namely 1.27 (48,6-8), 1.95
(61,2-3) and 11.35 (77,32-35). Other passages, where Caland
was in doubt whether they were metrical or not, are (as far as
I can see) in prose: 11.32.2-3 (77,12-13), II.65.2-3 (83,2-3),
II.110.7-8 (90,12-13), IV.38.2-3 (114,32-33). It must be
admitted, however, that sometimes the prosodical analysis
presents difficulties. One of the particularities of the
author, apart from his sardUtavikrZditas of six lines (III. 75),
is the use of lines of double length (especially towards the
end of the work). Thus he has two stanzas with lines of eight
anapaests instead of four (totaka). Cf. VI.29 (147,34-37) and
VI.31 (148,5-12). That Caland was right in assuming such long
lines is apparent from (a) the sandhi, which marks the end of
the lines; (b) the double dandas which are written in L after
b and d (in VI.31); (c) the rhyme, which marks four lines;
(d) the occurrence of a variant, whose lines consist of 8 ana
paests plus a long syllable: VI.8a (144,26-27), VI.33abc
(148,19-24) and VI.38ac (149,2-3 and 6-7). Here the addition
289
of a long syllable at the end of eight anapaests, the rhyme
and the fact that in line VI.33b the first half of four ana
paests ends in the middle of the word sukhä-ya prove that in
VI.29 and 31 we are concerned with rhyming lines of 24 syl
lables. From this, again, we may infer that I.Ill (64,7-15)
is actually one stanza of four lines (the end of each of
which is marked in L by a double danda), with semi-rhyme
(-vrndaküjite, -ganapüjite, -parirüsite, -karabhüsite), just
as in VI.8 and VI.29. It is based upon a trochaic scheme,
which is maintained in b (the first half^of which is in the
cttva metre) but replaced by a variant of the timaka in the
two halves of a and o3 whereas in d the 2nd, 4th, 6th, 8th,
10th and 12th trochees are replaced by two short syllables.
Although the numbers of syllables (31, 30, 31, 31) and morae
(42, 44, 41, 41) of the four lines slightly differ among
themselves, it cannot be doubted that this is a stanza. The
same is true of 11.87 (85,32-39), with four rhyming lines of
eight dactyls (24 syllables) each.
On the other hand, there are two passages with rhyme but
not fitting into any prosodical scheme. They are:
A) 1.15.1 (45,35ff)
morae
(a) ayam tu säksät tvailokya-__ -vieaksanena 25
(b) bhagavatä .... -mandalena // } 76
51
(c) caladamala- ... -sajoZvena 36
(d) caranavinyäsa- ... -vrndeva // } 76
40
(e) mataya- ... -vaibhavena // 47
(f) mavakata- ... -prasarena // 49
The double dandas are those found in L.
B) II.34.4 (77,27ff).
(a) (iha khalu) sakala- ... vaibhavasya (4+) 51
(b) ganya- ... -vittasya 41
(c) samasta- ... -parivvdhasya 27
(d) nandamahäräjasya 11
There are no dandas in L.
This is.rhyming prose kävya, which in some respects is quite
near to_poetry. With A(c) calad-amala-kamala-vilocana- cf.,
e.g., Gitagovinda 1.21 amala-kamala-dala-looana-. B(a) begins
with 20 short syllables and ends with - - / - - w w / - - w w /
- w - - w w / - w - - / , whereas B(b) begins with 12 trochees.
290
A closer study of these curiosities must be left to
specialists of the classical metre. On the whole it would
seem that the numbering of the stanzas will not need much
correction in the future.
As Caland saw after the text had been printed, combina
tion of two or more different metres in one stanza, rare in
classical poetry, often occurs in the Gopälakelioandrikä .
The following combinations occur:
mandäkräntä and sragdharä: 1.117 (65,15-18), 1.142 (71,
26-29), 1.145 (72,9-12), 1.146 (72,13-16), III.127 (108,3-6),
IV.33 (113,25-28).
citralekhä and sragdharä: 1.102 (62,9-12). See note.
mandäkräntä3 citralekhä and sragdharä: VI.45 (150,11-14).
vam&asthabila and upendravajrä: 1.3 (43,11-14), IV. 75
(124,20-23), IV.76 (124,25-28).
aupacchandasika and vaitäliya : 1.4 (43,17-20) (against
Caland,p.153), I.11 (45,11-14), 11.97 (87,18-21), III.39
(98,14-17), III.59 (102,6-9), III.60 (102,10-13).
puspitägrä and aparavakträ: II.Ill (90,15-18).
puspitägrä and lines longer by two syllables (14 syl
lables)*^ a and c: III.2 (92,22-25), III.37 (97,32-35), in
b and a: VI.2 (142,29-32), or in b and d: VI.1 (142,25-28).
praharsim and a similar lengthening by 2 syllables in
b and d: V.40*(140,17-20). Not clear is IV.80a (125,12).
rathoddhatä and svägatä: IV.27 (112,2-5), IV.35 (114,
3-6), IV.59 (120,16-19).
lines of 8 anapaests plus one long syllable and mayura-
gati: VI.8 (144,26-29), VI.33 (148,19-26), VI.38 (149,2-9).
Lines that are actually defective are I.95a (61,2) and
II.118b (91,30). Owing to a curious coincidence in three
%ärdülavikr'idita-stanzas something is missing in the line b
or c: in I.25b (47,26) a syllable has been skipped at the
end of a line, in II.113c (90,31) two aksaras have inadver
tently been left out, and in II.27c (76,14) a word like
vZksya must have been omitted.
291
The Manuscript.
As for the manuscript little can be added to Caland’s
remarks on p. 2 of his Introduction. He there also explains
why he thinks it must have been copied from a grantha manus
cript. Since Rämakrsna, as a Gurjara, was a Northerner, he
can hardly have written his autograph in grantha characters.
A curious problem, therefore, arises from the fact that there
is a double tradition for the first line of I.100_(61,33)._
The copyist first wrote the first line of an upagiti (premah-
kuraih prarohair ävirbhütair babhau krsnah) but in the margin
the prima manus gives a variant which turns the stanza into
an äryä strophe: krsnasya gätvayastih premärüdhais tanüruhair
bhäti. Where did the copyist find this line, which is here
given as a sort of afterthought, apparently considered an im
provement on the original text ? If Rämakrsna had changed
this line in his autograph, it is difficult to understand why
the two versions should have been handed down in the manus
cripts .
Quotations from older works.
Bhagavata Purina.
This is by far the most important source for Rämakrsna.
Caland has recognised the following quotations:
1.18.1 (46,19) = BhägP. III.33.6
VI.27, 28, 30, 32, 35, 36, 37, 39, 41, 43, 44 (pp.
147-150) from BhagP. X.29.18-39.
VI.42 (p. 149,33-34) from BhagP. X.22.26 (note the intro
ductory words kvsno väoayati : he reads a written
text.
To these passages should be added
1.18.3-4 (46,21-22) na hi bhagavann aghatitam idam tvad-
darSanän nvnäm akhilo päpaksayah / yannämasakro-
chravanät puskasako 'pi vimuoyate safnsäräd iti
bhdgavatam 3 which is (apart from puskasako for
pulkasako ) a literal quotation of BhägP. VI.16.44.
Whereas these are direct_quotations (the last one with the
express reference iti bhdgavatam) , it is hardly possible to
trace the origin of the many paraphrases and allusions that
occur in the stanzas and even in the prose text. Thus I.18ab
(46,15-16)
sadyo bhämini bhäratäjirajanäh kahkäh pulindäh khasä
äbhirä yavanäh kuvindatabarä lokam punänä yatah /
seems to be a paraphrase of BhägP. II.4.18 kiräta-hünä-’ndhra-
pulinda-pulkasä äbhZra-kahkä yavanäh khasädayah . . . %udhyanti.
In the long sequence of slokas on pp. 105-7 the last päda of
III.81b (105,13) tadvase däruyantravat is a variation of
BhägP. X.11.7 tadvaäo däruyantravat3 whereas in the next line
(III.82a: 105,14) säksän (man)mathamanmathah stems from BhägP.
X.32.2b. As for 1.82.1 (58,15) vayasyeha vatsä apah pitvä
trnäni oarantu3 this simple prose line is a paraphrase of
BhägP. X.13.6 vatsäh samZpe ’pah pZtvä oarantu sanakais trnam.
Such allusions may occur on every page. Thus I.132d (69,21)
vZksyäntah may possibly be a reminiscence of BhägP. X.6.9
vZksyä ’ntarä 'en voyant sous leur toit'.
Bhagavadgitä and Brhadäranyaka Upanisad.
In IV.72-73 (124,1-4) there is a literal quotation from
Bhagavadgitä 11,53-54 (Caland). As for I.70a (55,14) ätmana§
oeha kämäya priyam sarvam iti srutih, it clearly refers to
Brhadäranyaka Upanisad 2.4.5 ätmanas tu kämäya sarvam priyam
bhavati.
Prabodhacandrodaya.
For Gop. 1.36.1 (49,34) atah sväminafn pranamyä 'pasaranam
evä rsmäkam itah sreyah, IV.99.5 (131,14-15) ata ito ’pasaranam
eva sreyo bhavatZnäm cf. Prab. I.10.1 tad apasaranam evä
’smäkam itah sreyah
Brahmavaivarta Purina.
According to Rai Bahadur Yogesh Chandra the Brahmavaivarta
Purina was composed in West Bengal in the sixteenth century
(see S.K. Chatterji, BSOS 8, 1936, p. 462). Note the word
bhaktänugrahakätara 'frightened by the kindness of the devotees
(IV.16.27; 16.43; 20.34; 69.23), which has not so far been re
corded from other works but which occurs twice in Gop. (II.102a
88,9; III.120b: 107,15). With many other works BvP and Gop.
have in common the name Rädhä for Krsna's beloved (who in the
Bhägavata Purina bears a different name). However, Ridhi's
mother is called Kalivatl in the BvP, but Kirti in the Gop.
293
The latter name is also given (as Kirat) by Growse, Mathura2 ,
p. 81 (quoted by Caland, p. 38, n.3).
Gitagovinda, etc.
Imitations of the Gg in the Gop. are questionable.
The linguistic usage of the two texts differs in many
characteristic details. Whereas uvu- 'much' in compounds is
characteristic of Gop., dara- ?a b i t ’ is of the Gg. Of some
interest are two cases:
Gop. 1.7b (44,14) väcah pallavayanti : Gg. 1,4 väcafy palla-
vayati
Gop. I.117d (65,18) pulakayati (intrans.) : Gg. 6.10 (idem)
Most similarities, however, more likely stem from the old
common stock of kavya phraseology. Cf.
Gop. 1.25a (47,25) parägapatalZ : Gg. 11.26 parägapatala.
Gop. 1.30c (48,23) vilola-vatamsa : Gg. 11.9 (idem).
Gop. 1.15.4 (45,38) maflju-rnaftjZra-sirijita- : Gg. 11.23
si?ljäna-maflju-manytva.
Gop. II.Id (72,27) käkuvyäkula : Gg. 6.10 (idem)
Gop. 1.15.3 (45,37) oalad-amala-kamala-vilooana- : Gg.1.21
amala-kamala-dala-looana.
Gop. III.2c (92,24), IV.31.1 (113.7) tvapa-bhara- Gg.12.1
(idem)
Gop. III.34d (97,17) lajjä pväyo lagjiteva prayäti : Gg, 11.33
salajjä lajjä 'pi vyagamad iva düvafn mvgadvsah.
A common source for the last two instances may be seen in
Kädambarl (Uttarabhlgah), p. 240,17 Peterson na dadäti
tavalatä-lajjitä lajjaiva davsanam.
Some instances of more current kavya compounds are the following:
Gop. II.79a (84,27), V.33a (138,18) bälamvnälakomalabhuja :
Bhartrhari 616 Kosambi bäle bälamvnälakomalabhuje (and
67 bälamrnälatantiibhiv), Bhäratamanjarl 1.1086 mvnäla-
komalabhuja, Kälid. Vikr. III. 13a mvnälakomala (gätvam).
Gop. 1.15.5 (45,39) manda-mccvutä-'ndolita- : Dasak. (Pürvap.)
26.12 rnanda-märutä-'ndolitä lateva3 Väsavadattä, p.256
(Hall) manda-mävutä- 'ndolita-kusuma, etc.
294
Gop. IV.30b (112,35) svacchandocchalad- : Kathäs. 25.8
(idem).
Gop. IV.53a (118,29) ahgabhahga : Kädambari 85.9 (vividhä-)3
Harsacarita 156,4 (from the bottom), Bhämini Vilasa
2.88 (131) ahgabhahgabhdgyam. See ad II.49c.
Gop. IV.30c (112,36) -tarahga-bhahga- : Haracaritacintä-
mani 32.19 tarahgabhahgä gahgä.
It is hoped that these random notes may induce others to
undertake more profound explorations in this field.
FIRST ACT
I.lb (43,2) d u mirikso L: similarly I.35a (49,25). Incorrect
spelling for durnirZksyo. Cf. Mhbh. 12.321.12 durnirZk§au
surair api (but Harivamsa 87.35 dumirZ k s y ä m surair api)3
14 App. 4.627 dumirZksam duräsadam (but*7.1431*.1
dumirZkqyam duräsadam)3 as against Mhbh. 2.22.24, 2
App.21.535; 39.118, 7.1431*.1, 8.56.51, 8.63.66, 13.14.
113, 13 App.15.1214, Hariv. 31.99, 31.124, 87.35, Räm.
1.48.13, 1.48.16, 1.73.17, 5.655*.3, 5.58.6. But in
most passages durnirZksa is attested as a variant reading.
1.2b (43,7) -pramukhitä: L. has pramu at the end of a line
and khi added secunda manu in the margin of the following
line.
Read: -pramusita3 see Indian Linguistics 16 (1955), p.88.
I.5b (43,22) marälavallZkalitam: L. has maralaskalitam and in
the margin val'i.
Read: marälävalikjalitam (as demanded by the metre).
I.6d (b3,29) mahah (udgZyatäm iti tesah): interpolated margi
nal gloss (Caland), like III.38d (98,9) premabhävah
(tadeti sesah), VI.33d (148,26) abhirämah (bhavatZti
sesah).
1.5.1 (43,23) atah katamam prakaranam asvityo ’patisthämahe:
Read atah katamat prakaranam ... Cf. Sak. 1.4.2 tad
idänZfn katamat prakaranam asrityai 'nam ärädhayävah.
The reading of L (katamam) is quite clear, but the
grammatical error must probably be corrected.
I.7b (44,14) bhagavatsatkZrtivarnojjvala: thus L. Read
-varnojjvalah.
295
1 . 8a ( h h , 2 2 ) nijantargatam : s e e a d I I . 3 5 c .
I . 8 d (1+4,25) vrndätavZm . . . muralZnädämrtam bibhratZ ( L ) :
Read bibhratZm ’t h e V rn d ä f o r e s t f i l l e d w i t h t h e s o u n d
o f th e f l u t e ’ . For th e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c id io m a tic use o f
bibhratZ c f . I I . 119c ( 9 2 , 4 ) sahkabharam bibhratZ 3
1 1 1 .7 1 h ( 1 0 3 ,2 7 tZvradahanajvälävalZrn bibhratZ3 1 1 1 .5 4 c
( 1 0 1 , 5 ) tava virahakathäm bibhratä mädhavena3 and
I I I . 3 h ( 9 2 , 2 8 ) bibhräne '’sat pändimänam kapole.
I . 9 d ( UU, 3 5 ) samyujyate h i puruso 'numatah prabhünäm ( L ? ) :
R ead sampüjyate hi . . . ’F o r a man who i s a f a v o u r i t e
o f k i n g s i s g e n e r a l l y r e s p e c t e d ' . C f. V .1 5 a ( 1 3 5 , 9 )
sampüjayantZva sä.
1.10.2 (1+5,8) apürvagopälakelioandrikäbhidham nätakam ( L):
Read apürvam gopälakelicandrikabhidham näpakam. C f.
Sak. 1 . 1 . 7 navenä rbhijhäna§akuntaläkhyena nätakena3
Mudr. 1.2.1+ abhinavam mudräräksasam nätakam3 e t c .
I . 12 c (1+5,19) N ote srZdevajZti = srZdevajZ + i t i ( K e i t h ) .
I . 1 3 b (1+5,21+) kavarZbhära- : Read kabarZbhära- (L h a s va f o r
va a n d ba) . S i m i l a r l y V .9 a ( 1 3 3 , 5 ) .
The u s e o f bhära i s h e r e n e a r l y i d e n t i c a l w i t h t h a t o f
bhara , c f . G i t a g o v . 3 . lU kabaribhara : 1 2 . 2 5 kabarZbhara.
L a s s e n was t h e f i r s t t o n o t e i n 1836 t h e u s e o f bhara
a t t h e end o f compounds i n t h e s e n s e ’ i n g e n s , p r a e m a g n u s ,
a b u n d a n s ' ( a d G i t a g o v . 1 . 3 9 ) . A p a r t from some c a s e s l i k e
1 1 . 1 1 9 c (92,1+) sahkabharam bibhratZ3 bhara means a tisa ya 3
a s t h e c o m m e n ta to r s m o s t l y p a r a p h r a s e i t ( a d Y a s a s t i l .
l . l l l + . l O , P r a b o d h . 2 . 3I+) - As su c h i t c a n s e r v e a s a
p l u r a l m a r k e r i n compounds ( s e e S a n d a h l - F o r g u e , Le GZta-
govinda3 p . 3 l ) . T h is c a n b e t r a c e d b a c k t o c . A.D. 6 0 0 ,
c f . Käd. 11+1+.13 bäspabhara- (comm, samüha), 2l+0,9 kädam-
barZ-rasabharena (: ädhikyena)3 V ik ra m ä h k a d . 18.81+
kävyämrta-rasabharäsväda and 1 8 . 9 3 . As s u c h i t c a n
s t a n d a f t e r bhära3 bhärabhara m e a n in g 'h e a v y w e i g h t ' .
C f . P ra b o d h 2. 3I+ sronZ-bhärdbharä- ' lasä w i t h Meghad. 79
&ronZ-bhara3 b u t a l s o , w i t h a w eakened m e a n in g ( a c c o r d i n g
t o Mrs S a n d a h l - F o r g u e , p . 3 2 ) :
Gg. 1.1+0 pZna-payodhara-bhära-bharena ' a v e c l e f a r d e a u d e s
s e i n s g o n f l e s ' , 1 1 . 3 ghana-jaghana-stana-bhärabhare.
I n bhara , h o w e v e r , a s i m i l a r t e n d e n c y c a n b e o b s e r v e d
e v e r s i n c e Meghad. 53 camarZ-väla-bhära (: samüha) a n d
i n c l a s s , l i t e r a t u r e c o m m e n ta to r s a s s i g n t h e m e a n in g
samuha3 pracaya t o i t . Hence t h e p a r a l l e l u s e o f t h e
two w o rd s i n , e . g . G o p .1 1 1 .1 2 6 a ( 1 0 7 , 2 8 ) vigglitakaeabhära
296
TV. 22a CllO, 3l) vigalitakaeabhara; Caurap. 18, lajjäbharärta ,
Gop. IV. 32a (113,19) lajjäbharena: IV.l+5d (117,21) lajjä-
bhärair; (but only bhara in Gg. 12.1, Gop. IV.31.1: 113,7
trapabhara, III.2c: 92,2l+ trapäbharärtä ).
I.ll+a (1+5,26) bhäti javä sakapoto: Read bhäti javäsakapoto.
For javäsaka 'Alhagi Maurorum' cf. Ind.Spr .2 22l4
ghanodaye susyati yaj javäsako (-where Böhtlingk emends
to yad yaväsako), yaväsaka in Susruta (see PW) and
KäthS. 30.1 (l8l,9), KapKS.U 6 .U (2 327,l6) tau visa's oa
yaväsas cabhavatcim3 tasmät tau varsesu susyato> ’dbhir
hi hatau 'These two, Vrsa and Yaväsa came into being,
therefore they wither during the rains, for they have
been slain with water.'
See also Turner, CDIAL lOM+O. In the dictionaries this
word has been confounded with the Vedic name of a 'worm':
yeväsa (ASÖ. V. 23.7-8, ASP XIX. 29.1+) or yaväsa (ASP. VII.
2.8-9).
1.15.3 (1+5,37) Read battavZ, as it is rightly spelled in
II.39b (78,18), VI.l+6c (150,20). Cf. II. 3I+.6 (77,29).
I.l6b (1+6,5) dosädosah (l ): Read dosädosäh.
1.17.2 (1+6,12) katham idam pranünam ä v e d y a t ä m __ Read:
katham idam / pramänam ävedyatäm /
I.l8b (1+6,16 ): kuvindasavarä: better kuvindasabarä. Paraphrase
of BhägP. II.I+.I8 , see above, p. 292.
1.18.1 (1+6 ,19- 20 ) svädo 'pi sadyah savanäya kalpate: literal
quotation of BhägP. 111.33.6.
1.18.3-1+ (1+6,21-22) na hi bhagavann apart from puskasako
(L) for pulkasako a literal quotation of BhägP.VI.l 6 .1+1+.
Hence the danda after ksayah. Since puskasako is equally
correct (see Kirfel Festschrift 111955*1, p.l 6l, Kratylos
TV/ 2 [19591, p.l 66f ) the text may have been quoted from
memory and puskasako need not be emended.
1.18.7 (1+6,25) präyo dr&yate 'rthavädo hy äptaväkyesu 'Among
such authoritative words there is as a rule a certain
amount of idle praise.' arthaväda (I.19d, 1 .20.1 and 1+):
Vedäntic term for passages of the second rank, which only
contain eulogiums. Cf. Uttararäm. 1.39.6 arthaväda esah
'Ceci est un compliment' (Stchoupak, see her note, p.23
n.l), Haracaritacintämani 17-91 arthavädasahkayä (: Gop.
1.20.1+ nä 'rthavädafn sänke ),
297
1 .19b (46,28) Read dharanam.
1 .19.1 (46,31) mukhyayavrttya: or rather mukhyaya vrttyä ?
’Since all these utterances are realised, particularly
materialising with regard to the Lord, devotees recognise
their reality'.
1 .20.6 (47,5): From -mpZ bhagavcm to 47,19 ksonZ ksoda the
text occurs once more on fol. 99h.
1 .23a (47,16): L. has ästZr(n)nanayanäflaalaih. Read: astZimä
nayanähealaih. Cf. III.& 5b (1 0 5 ,21) vartate nayanähoale3
Bhäm. Vil. 2.17 mayi bätä nayanähcalam eakära , Gop.III.
133a (108 ,31 ) -neträHcalarrij etc.
I.23c (47,18) soktamdeyamasese sekhavamane svätmänam äkähksati:
on fol. 99b (line 5) L reads satkantheyamasesa- . Read:
sotkanthe ’yam asesasekharamane svätmänam äkähksati.
I. 24a (47,21) smaranäd eva pä?ioäl^ seems to refer to Mhbh.
2 .543*.8 ity anusmrtya krsnam sä.
I. 24b (bg3 22) mälikam kuru bhäsitam : Read mä 'IZkam (l ), 'Do
not belie my words in the presence of this actress'.
1.2b.2 (47,24): See ad 1.74.37.
I.25a (47,25) parägapatalZ samyukta-: Read (with L) pavaga-
patalZ-sampvkta-. Cf. VI. 7a (144,19) renusamprkta.
I. 25b (47,26) -mahendranZlaSakala (- - ~)dürvähkuraih. L has
at the end of the line sakala(cchä) and in the margin
of the next line ta (prima manu). Read: -mahendranZla-
£akala-cchä(yop)tadürvähkuraih. Cf. III.30b (96,25 )
-mahendranilaSakala- oehäyollasaecandrakah , IV.89c
(127,33) dalitendranZlasakala- echäyäbhirämä tanuh
Varadämbikäparinayacampü 28,1 unmZlita-nZlamani-oehäyä
(ind.Ling. l 6 , p. 87, n. 6 ), and Meghad. 35 ratnaechäyä-
khaoita etc. For upta -, cf. IV.lOOd (131,22) vyuptä ,
111.31c (96,34) nirvyuptam hasitanirZksanair3 III.46b
(99,26 ) -kusumabhai'air väpayantZ (ex coni.), Dasak. 62,2
Agashe and Kädambarl 219,22 Peterson ratna-pratyupta.
1.26b (47,36) drävitamadhunä hrdayam: Read drävitam adhunä
hrdayam. Cf. Uttararäm. III.13 dravZbhütam pvemnä tava
hgdayam3 III.32 bhäväh paridravayanti mäm3 Mahävlrac.
VII.34 dravZbhavati me mandh3 Bälaräm. IV .26 dravati ’va
mano bäspaih (see IIJ I, p.*237, n.3).
298
1.27 (1+8,6-8) Udglti ! Read (with L, which marks the lines
by double dandas):
ahkuritam mama cittam naidäghZ bhür ivä ’mbhobhih /
nepathye kalarävaih sumukhi vasantena mädhavZlatikä //
For iva la ' ing in the second simile cf. I.50a (51,37),
I.52a-c (52,8-10), 1.100b (61,31+), II.22b (75,32).
I.28d (1+8,13) Read -dhammilta- (L). With mallZ-militaparimalo
cf. 1.97c (6l,20) mälä-militaparimato.
1.32b (1+8,30) gunasamkhyaih: Read gunasamghaih (L).
1.32.1 (1+8.33)-änaya ... sädhanam iti. In contrast with the
typical use of iti discussed ad 11.65.3 (83.3), no rule
can be detected for passages such as this one and V.l+8.5
(ll+2,ll) ägaocha sadmani ’ti3 VI. 1+1.3 (ll+9,28) evam
uktam syäd iti3 IV.85.11+ (126,21+) mätaram vijftäpyä
’gatä (/) iti3 V.3.2. (132,13) kva .. samviGati ..
k a m a y o r iti.
1.32.2 (1+8.3l+) yathä nirdiiati tathä karoti : note the ellipsis
of natah. A similar ellipsis in V.l+7.2 (ll+2,2).
1 .3 3 . 2 (1+9 ,5 ) ay am säksät pavapadanäyako bhaktänugrahärtham
ävirbhüto mayo 'pasthäpito L . : Read mayo ’pasthäpitah /.
Cf. VI. 15.2 (ll+6,ll) .. säksät parapadanäyakam ..
bhaktävanäyä 'virbhütam. Quotation ?
1.33.6-7 (1+9,9-10) nati nZräjanamudräm daräayati / n a t o
vaimayati. In L natZ is crossed with red pigment, not
nata. Read: n a t I / nZräjanamudräm dar&ayati / nata
laksaye ’ti (?). L seems to have laksayiti and has
double dandas before natZ and nata and after laksayiti.
I. 3I+.I (1+9,13) kusumair abhivarsya: cf. IV.98 .3 (131,3),
BhägP.VTII. 7.15 samabhivarsya3 as against Raghuv. 10.1+9
abhivrsya. Causative in Mhbh. and BhägP.
I.31+.3 (1+9,15) äh päpa durätman tailüsäpasada: apparently
a combination of two types of expression common in the
classical drama: Prabodh. 1.21.1 äh päpa durätman and,
on the other hand, Prabodh. III.13.5 äh päpa päkhandäpa-
sada3 MalatIm. III.31.1 äh durätman ksatriyäpasada3
V. 18.I äh durätman nairrtäpasada.
299
1 -3 4 .1 0 (4 9 ,2 2 ) lambakaccho . . . l a m b ä l a k o gopälah:
Read: lambälako g o p ä l a h . H is name i s G o p ä la o r ’
G o p ä la k a ( 1 . 5 1 . 2 : 5 2 , 5 ) . F o r lambälaka ’h a v i n g p e n d u l o u s
c u r l s ’ c f . Meghad. 2 . 2 1 , D a s a r ü p a k a 4 . 6 5 , V ik r a m ä h k a d e v a c .
9 .112, e tc .
1 .3 5 a (1+9,25) durnirZkso 3 s e e ad I . l b .
gopadandävaghätabhiyä punar gantum api na sakto
1 . 3 6 . 2 (1+9,35)
bhavisyämi: 'H o w e v e r , f o r f e a r o f b e i n g t h r a s h e d b y t h e
h erdsm an, I w i l l n o t even b e a b l e t o g o ' ( C a la n d 's t r a n s
l a t i o n , p . 13 a t t h e b o t t o m , w o u ld h a v e demanded punar
ägantum).
1 . 3 6 . 3 (1+9,36) Zty uktvä ubhau: f o r s a n d h i a f t e r a g e r u n d s e e
ad 1 . 7 4 . 3 7 ( 5 7 , 1 2 ) and I I I . 2 9 . 1 ( 9 6 , 2 3 ) .
1 .3 6 .5 ( 50, 1 ) are durvinZtagopätmaja : Read are durvinZta
gopätmaja. C f. 1 . 1 2 7 . 8 ( 6 8 , 8 ) durvinZtair gopätmajaih3
a n d ^ I . 7 4 . 1 2 ( 5 6 , 1 9 ) re re durvinZta 3 I . 75a ( 5 7 , 1 8 ) dur
vinZta.
mätä hanta mukundakalpalatikä: Read mätä(3)
1 .3 8 b ( 5 0 , 9 )
hanta mukunda(3 ) kalpalatZkä . . .
I .3 9 a (5 0 ,1 3 ) navanZtamätram: R ead navanZtam ättam ( l ) .
1.1+Ob ( 5 0 , 1 9 ) ta t phalänäm: Read tatphalänäm.
1.1+2a ( 5 0 , 2 8 ) kanyä vrataparäyanäh: a g a i n s t C a l a n d , p . ll+,
t h i s may p e r h a p s b e t t e r b e ’ t a k e n a s t h e o b j e c t o f samu-
pähvaye.
1.1+2.2 ( 5 0 , 3 1 ) ta th o ced : c f . I . 5^ a ( 5 2 , 1 9 ) na ta th o me . . .
yathä. V e ry r a r e (SB, tä th o evä3 ta th o ha3 s e e V . 2 . 3 . 5
and c f . D e l b r ü c k , A ltin d . S y n t. 3 p . 51U). U n l i k e atho
( e . g . , I V . 98a : 1 3 0 , 3 1 ) , i t s u s e i s n o t r e q u i r e d b y t h e
m e t r e . H a r d ly a m i s t a k e f o r ta th ä ( l e c t i o d i f f i c i l i o r ! ) .
I.l+5a ( 5 1 , 5 ) äryamätar: Read ayi mätar ( l ) . C f. I I . 3 2 . 2
( 7 7 , 1 2 ) , I V . 3 9 ,2 1 ( 1 1 5 , 2 8 ) , V . 1 0 . 5 ( 1 3 3 , 1 8 ) .
1 . 4 7 . 1 (-51,24) vihrZtäyäs: v ijjitä y ä s L. Read: v i( la ) jjitä y ä s .
1 . 4 8 . 1 ( 5 1 , 2 8 ) bhojanam apähäya ( l ) : r . apahäya. I n t h e e p i c
apahaya i s o n l y u s e d f o r m e t r i c a l r e a s o n s a t t h e end o f
t h e odd p ä d a s a a n d c: Mhbh. 1 . 1 1 8 . 1 5 , 3 . 1 6 3 , 4 5 , 4 . 4 2 . 1 3
( v . l . ) , 1 4 . 9 4 . 1 9 0 * , H a r i v . 8 . 2 2 ( s e e FW. V I I . 1 5 9 1 ) .
300
1 .4 8 .2 (5 1 ,2 9 ) mukundah: L h a s a d o t a b o v e e a c h a k s a r a o f t h e
w o rd .
I . 5 3 a ( 5 2 , 1 3 ) purasthä L: f o r purassthä. Read purahsthä. C f.
I V .3 3 c ( 1 1 3 , 2 7 ) , a s a g a i n s t I I L 7 5 d ( 1 0 4 , 2 5 ) purahsthä.
C f . I V . 9 6 . 1 ( 1 3 0 , 2 3 ) vaksa-sthala- ( l ) and 1 . 6 6 a *(54,11)
tamasa(s) stomadhäräm^ 1 . 1 0 2 a ( 6 2 , 9 ) (ta)ma(s)stoma-,
I V . 8 5 .9 ( 1 2 6 , 1 9 ) präptä(s) smah, IV .8 9 d ( 1 2 7 , 3 4 )
apähgai(S) s r i t ä , I V .9 4 d ( 1 2 8 , 3 4 ) d rsta (s) steya->
V I . 8 . 1 ( l 4 4 , 3 l ) p ra vistä (s) svagrhakäryarrij V I . 36 b
( l 4 8 , 34) pat-i(s) strZbhir 3 e t c . a s a g a i n s t 1 . 4 6 . 9
( 51 , 18 ) anabhihatas syäm.
1 .5 7 .9 (5 5 ,3 -4 ): In sert (nepathye).
1 .5 8 a (5 3 ,4 )-ra visa rin - nZrävatömbarä. Read: -r a v is a r it-
tZrävatädambarä ( l ). C f. I V .3 0 c ( 1 1 2 , 3 6 ) - tir ä v a tä r ti-
pradä a n d f u r t h e r I I I . 5 3 a ( 1 0 0 , 3 2 ) sulalitayamunäyäs
tzrajnandärakuflj e .
dhväntakränta ( L ) : n e e d n o t b e emended t o
1 .5 8 b ( 5 3 , 5 )
dhväntäkränta. N ote t h e a s s o n a n c e a n d I I I . 6 6 c ( 1 0 2 , 3 8 )
-amalakaea-kräntäcchagandasthalam ( a m b ig u o u s : I I . 4 2 a :
7 9 , 2 kaealatä-kräntavakträravinde and V .3 2 c : 1 3 8 ,1 1
räkäkränto) . F o r äkränta, c f . , e . g . , M a la v ik j 4 . 4 . 4 2
ätapäkränta a nd 1 . 1 2 7 . 8 ( 6 8 , 8 ) , I V . 3 5 .1 ( l l 4 , 7 ) .
1 .5 8 c ( 5 3 , 6 ) karäle hztä: Read karälehitä ( C a l a n d , n o t e ) .
C f. I I . 3 6 d ( 7 8 , 6 ) .
I . 5 9 c ( 5 3 , 1 0 ) : N ote nidräyzto 'd r o w s y ’ ( n o t ' s c h l a f e n d ' o r
's c h l u m m e r n d ' , R. S c h m i d t , N a c h t r ä g e zum pw, p p . 2 3 1 c ,
2 l 8 b ) . C f. SB. I I I . 9 . 3 . 1 1 yädi nidräyad ' i f he f a l l
a s l e e p ' , M ä l a v i k . I V . 1 2 . 1 2 nidräyate ' d o z e s o f f ,
M rcch. I I I . 7 .4 avi niddäadi bhavarn 'A re you d o z i n g
o f f ? ' , V I I I . 11 nidräyate gokulam ' t h e c a t t l e a r e d o z i n g ' ,
Käd. 8 9 , l 4 P e t e r s o n , atisisiraeandanavitapieehäyänisanna-
-nidräyamänagrhasärasam 'w h e r e t h e c r a n e s a r e d o z i n g i n
t h e s h a d e o f c o o l s a n d a l t r e e s ' , H a r i v . App. IF 517
nidräyamäne bhagavaty upendre.
drohzbhütatanur nate hi s ir a s i dronaudanarn
I . 59d ( 53 , 1 1 )
bibhratah: c f . I . 6 4 c d ( 5 4 , 3 - 4 ) dronaudanam mastake
bibkrat. Hence bibhratah m ust b e c o n s t r u e d w i t h -tanur.
T h e r e f o r e , a l t h o u g h compounds o f t h e t y p e 1 . 6 3 . 2 ( 5 3 , 3 5 )
khafljibhütapäda a r e f r e q u e n t i n t h i s w o rk , h e r e dronz-
bhütatanur m ust g r a m m a t i c a l l y s t a n d f o r dronZbhütä tanur.
See Ind.Ling. 1 6 , p . 1 0 4 a n d c f . I I . 6 4 d ( 8 2 , 2 2 ) .
301
I . 6l a ( 5 3 ,ll+ ) äpyäyati: a l s o 1 . 62b ( 5 3 , 2 9 ) , f o r äpyäy-ayati
(c a u s.). The same h a p l o l o g y ( i n s p i t e o f PW IV , 736)
i n Mhbh. V . 1 6 . 2 I+ äpyäyadhvam ( f o r äpyäyayadhvam) .
I.61.1+ ( 5 3 , 1 9 ) p ttv ä gacchati : Read p itv ä ’gaachati.
1 .6 1 .5 ( 5 3 , 2 0 ) sarve vaftcitä bhaveyuh: c f . M rcch. I I . 1 7 .1 3
vaflcidä rs i jäe . . . na d itth o , P ä d a t ä d i t a k a 3 3 .1 tirtham
idam atikräman vaflcitah syäm, P a d m a p r a b h r t a k a 9 . 8 * a ti-
kräman ( o r *atikramya ? atikramitum Mss) vaflcitam ivä
'tmänam manye, U bhayäbh i s ä r i k ä 2 7 . 2 cärusobhafn te vapur
yo na pasyati sa khalu vaflcitah syät.
1 . 6 1 .7 ( 5 3 , 2 2 ) s u b
a l a s tathaiva karoti / are re . . . :
L r e a d s subalah
/ / tathaiva karoti are re . . . Read:
8 u b a l a h / tathaiva karoti / are re . . . C a la n d
h a s i g n o r e d t h e common d i s t i n c t i o n ( i n L i n d i c a t e d by
d o u b le d a n d a s a n d / o r s a n d h i ) b e tw e e n s t a g e d i r e c t i o n s
f o l l o w e d b y a s p o k e n t e x t and m ere d e s c r i p t i o n s . F o r t h e
la tte r c a t e g o r y c f . 1 . 8 9 . 7 ( 5 9 , 3 1 ) krsnas tathaiva
karoti / tadänim t u . . . , I I . 1 0 6 . I ( 8 9 , 6 ) krsnas tathä
kartum upasasarpa / tathä hi / . . . samgato* 'bhüt
(I.1 2 U .3 : 6 7 . I i s i n c o r r e c t ) and s ta g e d i r e c t i o n s o f
t h e t y p e Sak. I V . 1 1 . 1 (sarve savismayam äkarnayanti),
M rcch. V I . U . 1 0 (äryakas tathä k a ro ti), V I . 1 6 . 8 (cetas
tathä k a ro ti J , 1 1 . 1 3 . 2 3 (mäthuro darduram tä d a ya ti ) ,
e t c . ( G o d b o l e 's p r a c t i c e o f w r i t i n g äryakah ‘/ tathä
karoti, e t c . i s c e r t a i n l y i n c o r r e c t ) . When, h o w e v e r,
a s t a g e d i r e c t i o n i s f o l l o w e d b y a sp o k e n t e x t , t h e r e
i s (even i f t h e s t a g e d i r e c t i o n i s a s e n te n c e ) a b r e a k
b e tw e e n t h e name o f t h e s p e a k e r and t h e s t a g e d i r e c t i o n
( c f . , e . g . , Sak. V .8 .5 r ä j ä / äruhya parijanäfnsäva-
Iambi tis t h a t i / v etra v a ti! . . . ) . Thus L r e a d s i n Gop.
1 . 1 0 3 . 3 ((>2,21) särikä / / säsram / / ksanam __ ,
I . 1 1 8 .8 ( 6 5 , 3 0 ) jayantah nandoktim pa^hati / / gatvä
'dyaiva . . . (jayanto C a i a n d J , 1 . 1 3 5 . 2 ( 7 0 ,U ) jayantah / /
netrafn ghürnayan sphutam asphutam vä vyäharati / / a t i -
kastenä 'nitasya . . . \jayanto C a l a n d ) , I . l U l . U (71,21+)
krsnah / / tarn (p)ratäryä ’nyasmai prayacchati / / evam
------, I . 1 U3 . 3 ( 7 2 , 3 ) makarandah tathä krtvä / / etäs
samänavayaso — (makarandas C a l a n d ) . F o r t h i s r e a s o n
I I . 7 8 . I ( 8 U ,2 6 ) m ust b e r e a d l a l i t ä (/) tathaiva
la litä vänya ujjagära / re re . . . Som etim es C a la n d h a s
not a lte r e d th e san d h i, e .g . I . I 3 I+.I (69,31+)
k r s n a h dvitiyabhändam udghätya svayam vam ayati /
vatakän älokya / kalahkam vibhräntäh . . . . (R ead
k r s n a h /). In c o rre c t, e . g . , IV .6 3 .1 0 (1 2 1 ,2 7 ).
1 . 6 1 . 8 ( 5 3 , 2 3 ) : R ead ihä rgaccha / .
302
varnayati: t h e t e x t from h e r e t o 1 .6 4 b ( 5 4 , 2 )
1 . 6 1 .1 1 ( 5 3 , 2 6 )
sväsaträsitasajjan as oa a l s o o c c u r s on f o l . 100a .
1 . 63a ( 5 3 , 3 2 ) premätivesena: a p p a r e n t l y f o r -aty-ävesena. C f .
e . g . IV .2 0 b ( 1 1 0 , 1 8 ) premävista a n d n o t e t h e f r e q u e n t u s e
o f a t i - i n t h i s w ork.
1.63.2 (53,35): N ote tatah pravisto ( a l s o IV.16.5: 109*32), a s
a g a i n s t 1.34 .9 ( 4 9 , 2 i ) , V.33*.4 (138,25), e t c . tatah pra-
vi& ati. S im ila rly I.6 4 d ’bhavat.
pädanyäsasamuocataddadhikanä-: Read pädanyäsa-
1 .6 4 a (5 4 ,1 )
samucohataddadhikanä- ( l ) . C f. I . l 4 6 b ( 7 2 , 1 4 ) vätändo-
toochatitakusuma- a n d TV.30b ( 1 1 2 , 3 5 ) svaochandocchatad-
( a s i n K a t h ä s a r i t s ä g a r a 2 5 . 9 ) . The m e a n in g i s h e r e
’ s p l a s h i n g ' , n o t ' d r i p p i n g ' ( C a l a n d , p . l 6 , who h a s
o f t e n s u b s t i t u t e d uo-oat- f o r uo-ohat-). F o r -n irgata-
sväsa- c f . Kad. 1 4 2 , 1 P e t e r s o n nirZyuh sväsamarutah.
I . 6 4 d ( 5 4 , 4 ) samoatito: Read samoatito (L ) 'e n c u m b e r e d w i t h
p a r c e l s ' . Thus W i n t e r n i t z , ZDMG 74 ( 1 9 2 0 ) , p p . l 3 7 f f .
F o r v a c i l l a t i o n b e tw e e n v a t- a n d oat- i n t h e G i t a g o v i n d a
s e e S a n d a h l - F o r g u e , Lo O.Ztagpvinda, p . 50 n . 1 2 4 .
1 . 6 6 . 6 ( 5 4 , 2 1 ) bhogyafn vastu : Read bhogyam vastu ( L ) , c f .
1 . 7 2 a ( 5 5 ,2 * 0 vastukatäpah3 1 . 7 2 .2 ( 5 5 , 2 7 ) , e t c .
1 .6 6 .1 0 (5 4 ,2 5 ) bhavisyati / ( L ) : n o t e t h e p a u s e .
I . 6 6 . I 3 ( 5*+,2 7 ) i t i drstyä mäträ bhojanäyä äkäritena mayä:
L h a s drstyä o r dastyä. Read i t i drstvä. F o r t h e a s a n d h i
bhojanäyä äkäritena (= bhojanäyä 'käritena) s e e a d 1 . 7*+- 37
( 5 7 , 1 2 ) a n d c f . M ä la v ik . V.15.4 yajflasamdarsanäya
ägantavyam.
1.66.19 (54,35) (tadä mayä sarvarn nttvä tatah prasthitam)
atahrabho 'T h e r e u p o n I s e t o u t from t h e r e w i t h a l l t h e
lu g g a g e . T h e r e f o r e .......... ' . L seems t o h a v e a t (t )ah^bho
o r a t (t )ahrabho. S i n c e atah3 when i n t r o d u c i n g a s t a n z a ,
i s o f t e n f o l l o w e d b y a v o c a t i v e , and s i n c e t h e v i s a r g a
p o i n t s t o a f o l l o w i n g s u r d , t h e c o r r e c t r e a d i n g may b e
atah prabho. C f. I . 7 7 b ( 5 7 , 2 5 ) prabho3 a n d t h e u s e o f
devah ( V I . 4 . 8 : 1 4 3 , 2 1 ; 21: 1 4 3 , 3 4 ) , bhartah, e t c .
1 . 6 7 . 2 ( 5 5 , 6 ) parärtham avasädanam: Read parärtham avasidanam.
( L ) . C f. V .42d ( 1 1 6 , 2 8 ) präyah sZdati sajjanah parakrte3
dharmo ’yam ädyah smrtah. L a t e f o r m a t i o n f o r c o r r e c t
*avasadana ( c f . Ved. nisädana), l i k e nisidana ( M a l l i n a t h a
303
ad M e g h a d ü ta 78 ( l l . l 8 ) ) a n d Mhbh. 1 . 1 1 9 . 1 6 n illya n a
( W a c k e r n a g e l - D e b r u n n e r , A ltin d . Gramm. I I / 2 , p . 9 3 4 ) .
See a l s o W a c k e r n a g e l , K leine S c h rifte n , p . 409.
I . 7 0 a ( 5 5 , 1 4 ) ätmanas ceha kämäya priyafn sarvam i t i sru tih :
c f . B r h a d ä r a n y a k a U p a n i s a d 2 . 4 . 5 ätmanas tu kämäya
sarvam priyafn bhavati.
I . 7 3 b ( 5 5 , 3 0 ) yaträha nrpater vadhüh L ( w i t h c l e a r ha). I n
v ie w , h o w e v e r , o f t h e o c c a s i o n a l c o n f u s i o n o f da a n d ha
i n L, t h i s may b e r e a d (satyafn väruni sarvesäm) ya trä
’dan n rpater vadhüh ’ I n d e e d , when t h e k i n g ’ s c o n s o r t
h a s t a s t e d t h e l i q u o r , e v e r y one i s a l l o w e d t o d r i n k i t ’ .
See 1 .8 6 c ( 5 9 , 4 ) näham (= nä ’dam) a n d I I . 6 l c ( 8 1 , 3 4 )
sudhädhäräm . . . ädat. F o r ädat s e e P ä n i n i 7 . 3 . 1 0 0 .
1 . 7 3 . 1 ( 5 5 , 3 l ) aho 'yam ( L ) : i n c o r r e c t s a n d h i . Read aho ayam
and c f . e . g . I . 6 5 . I ( 5 4 , 1 0 ) aho ayam, V I . 6 . 2 ( ll+U, 1 8 )
aho / atiramanlyam idam, w h e r e L h a s t h r e e d a n d a s a f t e r
aho.
1 . 7 3 . 3 ( 5 5 , 3 3 ) katham anyäyyam jayanta asmäkam __ ( l ) . Read
katham anyäyyam jayanta / asmäkam . . . F o r p a u s e a f t e r
a v o c a t i v e s e e India Antiqua (l9*+7), p . 2 1 0 , Shortening
o f Final Vowels in S an skrit ( P r o c e e d i n g s D u tc h Academy
1 9 5 5 ) , p . 1 ( 2 5 3 ) n . l , Die Sprache 7 ( 1 9 6 1 ) , p p . 1 8 - 2 0 ,
R e nou, Grammaire s a n s c r ite , p . 30. A pause i s in d ic a te d
b y a ( d o u b l e ) d a n d a o r m e r e l y by a b s e n c e o f s a n d h i i n ,
e .g .:
I . 3.^.8 ( 4 9 , 2 0 ) p riye / ayam k o 'p i . . .
I I . 9 4 . 3 ( 8 7 , 6 ) kva gacchasi varänane / ad a ttvä . . .
( in c o r r e c t C alan d ).
I V . 3 6 .7 ( l l 4 , 2 2 ) adya mätah / jayantena saha . . .
I V . 3 8 .7 ( 1 1 5 , 2 ) mätah / Isvarah . . .
I V . 4 1 . 4 ( 1 1 6 , 1 7 ) bhrätah / godohane . . .
I V . 6 2 . 1 4 ( 1 2 1 , 1 2 ) va tsa / aham . . .
I V . 6 3 . 4 ( 1 2 1 , 2 1 ) mätah / vrajajanäs . . .
a n d ( w i t h a p a u s e a f t e r a w ord g r o u p )
I V . 3 9 .2 1 ( 1 1 5 , 2 8 ) a y i mätar yasode / ksanäntare . . .
Cf. a l s o I V . 4 4 . 1 a n d 4, I V . 5 3 . 4 , I V . 6 8 . 6 , e t c .
The s a n d h i m ust t h e r e f o r e b e c o r r e c t e d i n , e . g . :
304
1.80.1 (58,8) aho subaläycon (Read aho subala / ayam)
1.82.1 (58,15) vayasyeha (Read vayasya / iha)
II.98.2 (87,29) aye visäkhe 'yam atilobhZ... (Read aye
viääkhe / ayam atilobhZ. )
IV. 39.5 (115,12) mätar naimittikZ 'yam (mätah / naim.
Caland).
V. 36.2 (139,18) mätar netrayoh (mätah / netrayoh Caland)
V. 38.3 (139,36) mätar asyä eva (mätah / asyä eva Caland)
V.43.2 (l4l,2) mätar yasodäpi (mätah / yasodäpi Caland).
1.74b (56,7 ) kastatobhatah L: Read kastato bhartah.
1.74,1 (56,8 ) Read ato 'rdham jayantasya / neti bruvato
'nyäyyam. See also Caland, note.
1.74.7 (56,l4) krsnät tävad utthäpito gopaih sarvesäm vastv
äsannZkrtya: Read kastät tävad utthäpito gopaih sarvesäm
vastv äsanikrtya (L) 'sitting down on the property of
them all'. Cf. Kädambari l44,l6 Peterson tasminn eva
'sanikrte pundarike 'on that very lotus which they had
made their seat’.
1.74.20 (56,26) Read svarnin.
1.74.30 (57,5) oailä’h caläbaddhäni : cailäflcalo baddhäni L.
Read cailäVicale baddhäni. Cf. 1.76a (57,22) baddhvä
cailähcale.
1.74.37 (57,12) bhuktväpakväni: L reads (with two irregular
sandhis) dugdhaphalakäni svayam bhuktvä (3) apakväni
visatindukäni (3 ) audumbaraphaläni mahyam dattäni. The
hiatus after bhuktvä seems to be typical. It need not
be pointed out that the sandhi rules "durch den Sinn
und die Zusammengehörigkeit der Worte reguliert werden,
zumal beim Sprechen im Gegensatz zur Schrift, in der der
Sandhi Sache der Orthographie ist, und ausserhalb der
gebundenen Rede, in der die Rücksicht auf das Metrum
überwiegt" (B. Liebich, Zur Einführung in die indische
einheimische Sprachwissenschaft I (1915), p.l6). In
Vedic prose the use of ätha or ta- after a gerund
(Delbrück, Altind. Syntax 3 p. 409) proves that there
was a break in this position (Shortening of final vowels
in Vedic Sanskrit 3 p. 10). It is not surprising, there
fore, that the sandhi occasionally (though much less
305
frequently than in the case of vocatives) points to
hiatus after gerunds, e.g. Tantropäkhyäna p.25 te susthu
vimrsya (3 ) ägatafn garudam üouh. Instances of this so-
called asandhi in L are the following:
1.36.3 (49,36) ity uktva ubhau
III.29.1 (96,23) netram udghätya / sarvatah samälokya (3)
Zsad utthäya (L, note the danda. samälokyesad Caland).
A different case is 1 .74.39 (57,1*0 / potalZm unmuoyäpa-
sada3 where L ignores the pause even after a stage direct
ion and where Caland rightly reads / potalZm unmuoya /
apasada ... In the other passages the hiatus reflects a
linguistic reality of the spoken language. In written
prose texts (in contrast with stanzas, cf. I.53c: 52,15,
I.57a: 52,32) sandhi is ’a matter of spelling' (as Lie-
bich puts it), hut spelling conventions differ in this
respect. In prose inscriptions sandhi is not applied
'where we would use a comma or semi-colon' (Wackernagel,
AltZnd. Gramm. I, p. 208). So the choice is between nor
malising the asandhi after gerunds (in view of their low
frequency) or maintaining it in these cases as a trace
of an authentic usage. A similar case is, e.g. 1.66.10
or Pädatäd. 26.5 sarvathä - Zdr§a evästu bhavän (Schokker,
The Pädatäditaka, p.35). An instance where in case of
application of the sandhi rules "die Deutlichkeit darunter
leiden würde", Wackernagel, p. 208) may be 1.24.2 (**7,24)
nivartaya ito vatsän3 but 1.66.13 (54,27) bhojanäyä
äkäritena (different from Malavik. V.15.4'.) is obviously
due to an afterthought of the copyist, and 1.74.12 (56,19 )
kirn vadasi // aya§abdena // (L), II.78.1 (84,26) vän-
yojjagära (l ) and 1.74.39 (57,14) unmucyäpasada (see
above) are simply mistakes. Cf. also 1.14.2.
As for visa-tindukäni audumbaraphaläni , this is a pause
in an enumeration, cf. 1.74.13-14 (56,19f) sikharinZ3
odanam and parpatah3 vatakah . See further 1.73.3 (a
pause after a vocative) and III.31.2 (97,2) (after loca-
tivus absolutus).
1 .76a (57,22) mätrbhis ca samänlya baddhvä cailäfteale tathä:
in the light of the context baddhvä seems to be correct.
If so, samänZya must be a mistake for samänltam. Cf.
1.66.14 (54,28) mäträ 'nltafn pathi bhogäya.
1 .77.2 (57,27) mamäpi tu kirn api vaiparZtyam tu näcaritam
anena: probably to be read mamä rpi nu kirn api ... ?
vaiparZtyam tu nä ’earitam anena. An instance of vakkelZ
according to the definition of Dasarüpaka 3.17, see S.Levi,
306
Le th eatre 'Indien , p . 115 and N. S tc h o u p a k a d U t t a r a r ä -
m a c a r i t a I I I . 26 .
I . T 9 a ( 5 8 , 2 ) -kanikä . . . candranirmuktä L: Read -kanikäh . . .
candranirmuktäh. C f. Mhbh. 1 . 2 1 8 . 2 ( v . l . ) präcchädayad
ameyätmä nZhärene rva candramäh ( t h e ’moon’ s dew ’ ) .
I . 7 9 h ( 5 8 , 3 ) prositam atikän: R ead p ro sita p a tik ä ( t h e r e a d i n g
o f L i s n o t c l e a r , b u t s e e I V . 36 . 4 ( 1 1 4 , 1 9 ) sarrmrati
L f o r safnprati, e t c . ) . C f . V .1 9 d ( 1 3 6 , 4 ) prositabhartrkä..
1 . 8 0 . 1 ( 58 , 8 ) aho subaläyam L: Read aho subala / ayam . . .
C f. 1 . 7 3 . 3 ( 5 5 , 3 3 ) katham anyäyyafn jayanta ( /) asmäkam
. . . and s e e ad 1 .7 4 .3 7 .
1 . 8 2 . 1 ( 58 , 1 5 ) vayasyeha vatsä . . . carantu L: Read vayasya /
iha vatsä . . . carantu /
-------- vayam api cetahsamZpe . . . (cetassamtpe L ) : R ead vayam
apt ce ’tah saimpe . . . T h i s i s a p a r a p h r a s e o f BhägP.
X . 13.6 vatsäh samtpe rpah p ttv ä carantu §anakais trnam.
1 . 8 3 a ( 5 8 , 2 0 ) räjyam aklstam L: i h a s l a t e r p r im a manu b e e n
i n s e r t e d , a p p a r e n t l y m i s r e a d f o r <2. Read: räjyam äkrstam
( C a l a n d , n o t e ; c f . Mhbh. 1 . 1 5 4 . 2 1 ( v . l . ) tasmäd akrsya
tad räjyam).
1 .8 3 b ( 58 , 2 1 ) Read dhyayamah.
1 . 8 4 . 1 ( 58 , 28 ) navakisalayaklptaparamäsane: k lp ta 3 c o n j e c t u r e d
by C a l a n d , m ust b e c o r r e c t , c f . D a sa k . 2 9 ,2 Agashe
palloraku su m akdlpitatalpatala- a n d Gop. I V . 5 4 .4 ( 1 1 9 , 8 )
mäträ kalpitam talpam3 BhägP. X .3 2 .1 4 yogesvarantar
hvdi kalpitäsanah.
1 . 85 a ( 58 , 29 ) marakatabhahgäbhiräme picchäni i s a g a i n s t t h e
m e t r e . L. h a s räma-. Read marakatabhahgäbhirämapicchän'l.
See f u r t h e r Ind.Ling. 16 , p . 86 f, f o r bhanga- .
I . 86 c ( 5 9 , 4 ) näham vam'sZninäddmrtam idam: näham L. b u t c f .
da f o r ha i n I V . 36.6 ( 1 1 4 , 2 2 ) saday ha f o r da i n I . 88b
(5 9 ,1 3 ) and perh ap s in I.7 3 b (5 5 ,3 0 ).
Read: nä 'dam vam&tninädnmrtam idam ( n o t e t h e a s s o n a n c e
nädam. . .nädäm) and c f . I I . 6 l c ( 8 1 , 3 4 ) -locanasudhädhäräm
ivä ’d a t , I . 96 d ( 87 , 16 ) attum.
I.8 8 b ( 5 9 , 1 3 ) tatheyam: tatheham (?) L. I n view o f subahur
307
eva 'yam i n t h e i n t r o d u c t o r y w o rd s i n p r o s e , a n d s i n c e
särikä kä 'pi cä ’nyä i s i n a n y c a s e p a r e n t h e s i s , r e a d :
p a rip a th a ti tath e 'dam - särikä kä 'pi cä 'nyä -
See a d I . 8 6 c f o r ha: da.
I . 8 9 . 7 ( 5 9 , 3 l ) krsnas ta th a iva k a ro ti: s e e a d 1 . 6 1 . 7 - From
h e r e t o 1 . 9 1 . 1 t h e t e x t i s i n any c a s e s p o k e n b y t h e
sue a k a .
1 . 9 3a ( 6 0 , lU ) Read niinarn (L ).
1 . 9 3 . 1 0 ( 6 0 , 2 7 ) virahänalakalitäm : c o r r e c t , b u t L h a s - k a l i t o f ?).
1 . 9 3 . 1 1 ( 6 0 , 2 8 ) sähaivägatah (sahevägatah L ) : f o r sahaiva gatah
' I l e f t a t t h e same t i m e ' ?
1 . 9 3 . 1 2 ( 6 0 , 2 9 ) svayam scätpas samjätah L. Read svayam paseät
samjätah. Of. l i n e 33 pa&eät svayam eva. I n v e r t e d s e
q u e n c e o f a k s a r a s a s i n 1 .9 0 c ( 5 9 , 31+) vasvatsävadana f o r
vatsäsvavadana, 1 . 1 3 5 - 3 ( 7 0 , 5 ) idäfrmi f o r idänim, I V . 8 3 .5
( 1 2 6 , 1 ) svidhärä f o r srtvädhä., VLUd ( 1 ^ 3 , 1 3 ) äääjagäm f o r
ä&ägajam; c f . a l s o V I . 8 a (lU l*,27) vanadane f o r vadane.
F o r pa'scät c f . P a n c a t . I , p . 1+4,25 (Bomb. S k t . S e r . ) kifn-
n im itta s tvam pa'seäd äyätah.
1.93.11+ ( 6 o , 3 l ) ycudy dham samgamsyäfn (yady dham sahga. syäm L ) :
Read yady dham samgato syäm. C f. I I . 1 0 7 b ( 8 9 , 8 ) samgato
'bhütj I V . 8 5 .8 ( 1 2 6 , 1 8 ) gato bhavets e t c .
1 .9 5 ( 6 l , 2 - 3 ) : U p a g i t i ( n o t e s a n d h i mukhatah m arutä) . Read:
p ra tib o d h ita sya mäträ ta lp ä d utthäya (tan)mukhatah /
marutä pattram iv a i 'tad vapur iha ra tyä samänitam / /
L r e a d s marutä ( t o fte n w r itte n lik e t t ) .
1 . 9 6 a ( 6 l , 6 ) karnakalpitarasälapallavam ( l ): p r o b a b l y t o be
r e a d karn ak a lp ita ra sä la p a lla va ( §) sväsa-,
1 . 98c ( 6 1 , 2 6 ) pahkeruharueiram netrasya i s a g a i n s t t h e m e t r e .
L h a s -ru civa. netrasya ( w i t h a d o t i n d i c a t i n g a h o l e i n
t h e p a lm l e a f o r i g i n a l ) . Read pahkeruharuciranetrasya .
1 . 9 9 . 1 ( 6 l , 3 2 ) : I n s p i t e o f t h e s t a g e d i r e c t i o n , I . 100 i s i n
f a c t t o be p r o n o u n c e d b y t h e s ü c a k a .
I . 1 0 0 a ( 6 l , 3 3 ) : t h e m a r g i n a l g l o s s , w h ic h t u r n s t h e u p a g x t i
i n t o a n a r y ä s t r o p h e , i s o f t h e same h a n d w r i t i n g a s a t
1+3,29, a p p a r e n t l y p r im a m a nus. The g l o s s seems t o be
308
intended as an improvement on premähknraih prarohatr
ävirbhütair babhau krsnah. See above, p. 291.
I.100b (6l,34): for iva lacking in the second simile see ad
I.2Tb (H8,8).
1.102a (62 ,9 ) oandräyoge ga - - hanatimira(ta)ma(h)stoma-
vidhoastabodhe: Caland's emendation tamah- is no doubt
correct. Cf. 1.66a (54,11) tamasa(h) stomadhäräm and
Vikramähkadevacar. 4.107 tamahstomair3 Prabodh. V.32
tamastoma-j Vrsabhänujä 2.2c tamasäm stomam3 Varadämbi-
käparinayacampü, p. 67,6 tamastomam. No other plausible
explanation for -timira-ma-stoma- seems possible. In
that case, however, a sragdharä line would only be con
ceivable if hana- were a separate word, which it is not.
On the other hand, combination of sragdharä with mandä-
kräntä (1.117, l42, 1U 5 , l46, III.127, IV.33) or citra
lekhä (VI.43: 150,12) does occur. In that case oandräyoge
must be followed by five short syllables (mandäkräntä),
or six (in the case of a citralekhä). This, again, ex
cludes gahanatimiratamah-3 for a verse of the type
(4) + 8 + (7) syllables is unknown. Apart from that,
gahana- in combination with a word for ’darkness' seems
to be rare; cf. e.g. Kadambarl 206,4 Peterson atigaha-
nam tamo. Much more common in such a context is ghana3
which often occurs in the expression ghana-timira (Sisup.
4,67, Bhartrhari 153 Kosambi, Paßcatantra I .189 Koseg.
CI.184 ed. Benares 19303, SähD. 305,17, Brhatkathä-
manjarf 9 II 1250). So we must apparently read:
oandräyoge ghanatimiratamah- stomavidhvastabodhe
which is a regular citralekhä line. This raises, however,
the question as to how the mistake gahana for ghana may
have crept into the text: pädapüranärtham after loss of
ta- ?
I.102b (62,10) marutaksepaviksepitah syät: probably to be read
marutä ksepaviksepitah syät3 cf. ksepa ’das Hinundherbe-
wegen’, as against 1.74.5 (56,12 ): hastäksepa ’laying of
hands on’, viksepayati is not attested (PW), but see
Turner, CDIAL} no. 11656.
1.103a (62 ,17 ) udayanti tärakänäm tsata&o: for tatdni!
1.103.1 (62,19) hrdäpahlädakärt yatah särike tvam apart
from samhlädin the only compounds recorded in the PW are
ä-hlädayati and pra-hlädayati. L. reads krda'hlddakart
309
with pa or ya (secunda manu) in the margin.
Read: hrdayählädakäri / atah särike tvam ... The corrector
has put the käkapada (v ) in the wrong place. For hrdaya
as prior member of compounds, see Wackernagel, Altind.
Gramm. Il/l, p. 57. For atah see Caland, note.
1.104.3 (62,29): Note mätuleno 'pasthitä for upasthäpitä.
Similarly 1.103.4 (62,30) pratibudhya for pratibodhya
(cf. I.95a: 6l,2 pratibodhitasya mäträ)2
1.105.4 (63,8 ) Read: ambä 'tikastam präptä / kathaya ...
Question. Cf. IV.97a (130,25) gatä 'tikastam.
1.105.5 (63,9) yaSodäväkyam avatärayati (’quotes’): cf.
IV.91.6 (128,24) priyä(vä)kyam (priyä kim CalandJ ava
tärayati.
1.106a (63,10 ) Read: svayafnbhuvä.
1.106.8 (63,19) prätarasanäm akrtvaiva: Probably to be read
prätaraSanam akrtvaiva. The Gopälakelicandrikä has 1.54.2
(52,22 ) prätara&anäya by the side of 1.43a (50,35)
prätardsa Tin dattam tävat prätaräsäya mäträ3 cf. BhägP.
III.2.2 mäträ prätaräsäya yäoitdh) , and 1.34.3 (49,15)
prätarabhyavdharana. prätaraSanä is not attested, but
prätarasana is a Vedic reminiscence (Maitr. Samh. III. 6 .6 :
67,3). Cf. äsana3 n. (AS MS TS, etc.). In Vedic asanä
is only used in the sense of asanäyä ’hunger’, cf. AB.
7.15.6 aSanayä paritam , Ait. Är. II.3.2; 4.2, JB. 1.255
line 5 aSanayä marisyasi (haplology).
1.109c (63,36): Read dhammillam (L).
1.110.1 (64,5) tävad /: tävadidam L. Read udesyati /. But see
1.125.3.
I.111c (64,11) bakülakadamba L: Read bakulakadamba (metre!).
Cf. V.ll.l (133,34) bakulakadamba-. For the rhyme -rüsite
and -bhüsite in cd, cf. GItagovinda 7.24.
1.111.1 (64,15) evam pratibodhito rpi: words of the sücaka as
such, the speech of the särikä being ended. Read, there
fore, 1. l8 n a n d a h, line 25 y a s o d ä, and
p. 65, line 1 n a n d a h. For samupasthitavayasyair
gata eva may be conjectured samam upasthitavayasyair gate,
eva.
1,111.2 (64,l6): Is tadvirahäkrstahrdayäyäh correct ? One may
310
conjecture tadvirahaklistahrdayäyäh (with i for 5, cf.
I.loUb: 62,23 anta.h klistä)\ but note 1.120.3 (66,l6)
bhayäkrstährdayäh, and ill.42.6 (99*3).
1.112c (6U,22) dustaravatsa : Read durd(d)amavatsa (L). dust&ra
for austarcr is restricted to Vedic (in the brähmanas only
once in a quotation of VS. 9 .37 ).
1.113c (61*, 28) himsair: Read himsrair (L).
1.113d (6 U ,29) säntah L: Read sräntah. Cf. IV.39b (115,5).
----- äsiHyati L: the last word of fol.23a. The rest of the
stanza is omitted on fol. 23b. Does it stand for äsihcati
or for äsioya ni(vesyatäm)?
I.llUa (6U,30) he vr>idävana.derate bhagavati: secunda manu in
the margin.
I.llUd (61*,33) puspaprabälädibhih : Read puspapravälädibhih
(L has va for Va and h a ). Similarly TII.22b (99,23) and
III.75a (10U,22).
I.111*.!* and 7 (65,1 and 1*) mayä nitäni: Read mayä ’nitäni.
Cf., e.g., 1.63a (53,32) änttarn madhu, I.66.1U (5U,28)
mätvä ’nttam3 1 .76a (57 ,22 ) mätrbhis ca samäniya.
I.ill+a (6U,30) - I.lll*.7 (65,1*): fol. 23b has only four lines
followed by five times a (double) danda.
1.115.2 (65 ,1 0 ) dhanyo ’si suhähn: dhanyo ’si re subaho 2(L).
Read dhanyo 'si re subaho dhanyo 'si. Cf. 1.123.2 (66,31)
/ dhanyo ’si / 2 / (l ).
I.117b (65 ,1 6 ) mandä^räntä, in combination with sragdharä.
I.Il8a (65 ,21 ) phalikämadhusirsakäh: Read pülikämadhusirsakäh
(L). Cf. 1 .65b (5^,9) prapülikäkhandam. I.7 I+.13 (56 ,1 9 )
pülikä. pü resembles pha.
1.118.1 (65,23) mayä nitam: Read mayä ’nitam. See ad I.111*.4.
1.118.8 (65,30) jayanto nandoktim pathati /: Read gayantah (/)
nandoktim pathati / (L). See ad’I.61 .7 .
I.119c (65,33) gunagane nähe vimoksye (L): Read gunaganän nä ’ham
vimoksye (-gone due to preceding nijähgane ).
311
1 . 1 1 9 . 2 ( 65 , 3 6 ) t o 1 . 119-8 ( 66 , 6 ) must p r o b a b ly b e r e a d as
f o l l o w s : kim ay am anuvadati ja y a n t ah / p i t r ä kusvmdni
guPijavalayani samyak p r e s z tä n i tubhyam dhartum ä k ä h ksati
.jarathoh / subähunä p r o ty a r p itä n i guflj abhor andni bahu-
manapurahsaram sv tk ja ro ti / (K r s n a h) bhrdtdh
subäho ..........
I . 1 2 0 a ( 66 , 9 ) bhrhgdvalzsam skrtam : Read bhrhgdvalzjhdmkrtam
(L ).
I . 1 2 0 d ( 6 6 , 1 2 ) labdhä : Read labdho ( L ) .
1 . 1 2 0 . 3 ( 66 , 1 6 ) n o t e yüyafn bhayäkrstakrdayäh f o r yuvam bha-
ydkrstahrdoyau. Of. ad 1.111*2*.
I .1 2 1 b ( 6 6 , 1 9 ) : f o r v ä ty ä - n ttc c f . B r . v a i v . P u r . 4 . 1 5 . 3 f f ,
and f o r v ä ty ä ’ s t r o n g w ind, g a l e , s t o r m ’ s e e b e lo w
TV.9 5a ( 1 3 0 , 1 3 ) v d ty d g a ta ir .
1 .1 2 2 c ( 6 6 ,2 * 0 m ütrenatre ? L may a l s o b e r e a d asuranamm
tren a.tre ( o r p re n a tre 3 bu t rnütreyyz i s so f a r t h e o n ly
rea so n a b le g n e s s .)
1 .1 2 3 a ( 66 , 26 ) so 'yam: i s c o r r e c t , a g a i n s t C a la n d ’ s d o u b t s .
Cf 20 y o , 21 yena and 25 yo 'yam.
1 . 1 2 3 . 2 ( 66 , 31 ) krsn ätattvam L: Read krsn atattvam .
1 . 1 2 4 . 3 ( 67 , 1 ) ksanatkam: a l s o I I . 7 .2 ( 7 3 , 2 5 ) , I V . 63 .1 ( 1 2 1 ,
l 8 ) . I V . 8 5 . i o ( 1 2 6 , 2 0 ) . Not r e c o r d e d i n PW, pw and
N achträge- For subahvh / r e a d subahur , s e e ad I . 61 . 7 .
1 . 1 2 4 . 4 ( 67 , 2 ) muditanayanas: Read mudritanayana.s ( l ) . C f.
I V . 63 d ( 1 2 1 , 1 7 ) nzd(r)äm udrämudritatvam.
1 . 1 2 4 . 6 ( 6 7 , 4 ) alau kiko 'yam ramah : Read a lau kiko 'yam rasah.
C f . IV. 5 1 . 1 ( l l 8 , 21 ) apürvarasam äsvädayan3 I I I . 97a
( 106 , 6 ) mamä 'nandarasdtmanah.
I . 125ab ( 6 7 , 5 - 6 )
krtveyam munimandalz g ir ita .ttk ü le kutZm p a tla v a t
ruddhvä n etrapu tim patun v id a d k a tz azrdfloala.zr akoztdm
Read-
k r tv e 'yam munzmandalz gzrzn adzku le kutzm p a lla v a z r
ürdhväm netraputzm patzm vzdadh atz e z ra k e a la z r afloztdm
(kastäm kystapzstam u stzgh atztäm v rttzfn §zloftch ädzbh zs?)
312
For ürdhvärh cf. IV..50b (118,13) ürdhvadrstyä.
1 .126b (67 ,32)U t a h (L): Read kila.
1.126c (67,33) Read durdaivacandätapais.
1.127.2 (68,2) gopdkanyä äyäsyanti: Read gopakanyäs oä ryäs-
yanti (L ).
1.127.5 (68,6 ) Read drsyatäm.
I.128a (68,10) hitvä khädyam: L seems to read hitväsvädyam.
Read: hitvä ’svädyam. Note: khädya is only attested in
the meaning ’eatable’, cf. Mhbh. II.^1*.2 (mafnsaih).
But Bhartrhari 107 Kosambi has kirn svädyesu for kim
khädyesu (PW, I.7 von Bohlen), and Paffcat. I, p.53,15»
BSS has svädv-ähära- for khädy-ähära- (Kosegarten).
I.128d (68,13) gopyägatam: Read gopyägamam (l ).
1.128.3 (68 ,16 ) diyatäm : Read dlyatäm dzyatäm (dtyatäm2 L).
1.129.2 (68,25) rriä bhavatu : Read mä bhavatu vä?
---- presitastokam api: Read pvesitam stokam api (L).
I.130b (69,3 ) -badarZ: Read -badarZ-.
1.130c (69 ,^) -sarala-: Read -saralä- (L).
1.130.2 (69,7) bho bho krsna: More correct bho bhoh krsna.
I.130.U (69,9) matprasädäkhädinah: Read matprasädäsvädinah
(l ). prasäda = ucchista (line 7 ) ’remnants of food left
by a spiritual teacher’. Cf. Hindi prasäd. A verb
ä-khäd 'to eat' does not exist. For RS. VI.61.1, SB.
111.6.2.12 a cakhäda see Wackernagel, Kleine Schriften
i+09 ('mosane'y cf. 1.93.^ ämusnZtam). Hence ä-sväd- must
everywhere be read for ä-khäd-, cf. I.132b (69,19)
dürvähkuräsvädinah (cf. Kumäras. III.32 cütähkuräsväda-
kasäyakantha3 Paffcat. IV.10,11 BSS. -dürvähkurän krcchräd
äsvädayan drstah), Gop. 1.137.2 (70,30) svayam äsvädya
varnayati3 and I.128a (68,10), see above. But Caland
reads sväd- at I.Ula (50,2U) äsaväsvädanair, I.115d
(65 ,8 ) äsväditäm ädarät3 I.131d (69 ,1^) samäsväditä3
11.63a (82,15), IV.69.H (123,13) -äsvädanäya3 VI.13c
(lU5,27) -phaläsvädäya. Cf. also Mudr. 1.8 äsväditadviva-
313
dasonitasonasobham 3 Dasak. 57,5 Agashe madhug andüs am
äsvädam äsvädam 3 Käd. 6l,23 Peterson amrtäsvädasukha - 3
6 2 ,1 1 amrtasvädasukha- (v.l. -äsväda).
In view of IV.51.1 (ll8,2l) apürvarasam äsvädayan the
use of ä-sväd- with rasa should particularly^be noted:
Jätakam. 6 0 ,6 märgaparikhedarasam anäsvädya 3 Sak. II.
10(8)h and Bhartrh. 203 Kosambi madhu navam anäsvädita-
rasam 3 Mrcch. IV.28.21+ aneaphala-rasässäda 3 Harsac. 1 8 8 .9
Bombay2 madhurasäsväda 3 Bhattik. 7-1+0 svädayantah phala-
rasam 3 Hitop. 1.117 Peterson (= 1 5 I+) kävyämrtarasäsväda
Prabodh. 1.2.10 -vividhavisamavisaya-rasäsväda-düsitäh 3
Vikramänkad. 1 8 .8 I+ kävyämrhzrasabharäsväda 3 18.93
karnämrtarasabharäsväda 3 Varadämbikäp. 152,h äsvädya
kelisarasäm sarasämbupüram. In the 1 6 th century, however,
sväd- must already have been misread as khäd- , as is
shown by Brahmavaivarta Pur. 1+.15.11+2 cakhäda susmitä
rädhä haridattarn sudhärasam.
I.131a (69,11) bakZ payodharaghatZ: Read bakZ-payodharaghatZ.
I.132b (69,19) dürvähkuräkhädinah 3 see ad I.130.1+.
I.132d (69,21) vZksyäntah 3 cf. BhägP. X.6 . 9 vZksyä ’ntarä
'en voyant sous leur toit'.
I.13^b (69,31) tu hinäfnsu-: Read tühinäfnsu-. Cf. 1.80.2 (5 8 ,9 )
tuhinäm$u3 I.21d (1+7,9) tuhinarasmi.
I.1 3 I+C (69,32) harsayatphalam uras oährädayaty: Read harsayat
phalam uras oä 'hlädayaty (L), cf. 1.103.1 krdayähläda-
kärZ3 etc.
I.1 3 I+.I (69,31+) k r s n a h dvitZyabhändam udghätya: Read
k r s n a h / dvitZyabhändam udghätya... See ad I.6 1 .7 .
I.135a (69,35) kavayati: pw only refers to Ind.Spr. 7 6 9 0 (?).
1.135c (70,1) samaksam pasyantu mrabhavati bilafn... Read:
samaksam pasyantu prabhavati bilafn (naiva hrdaye). Cf.
1.33.1+ (1+9,7) pasyantu bhavanto 'pi as against V. 1+7.2
(ll+2,2) sävadhänä bhavantu 3 and for p misread as m see
1.79b -matikä. prabhavati = ’appears’. Caland’s note
is'not clear, since va stands for both va and ba.
I.135d (70,2) vataka misato : Read vatakamisato.
1.135.1 (70,1+) Read: j a y a n t a h / netram .. asphutafn...
314
1.135*3 (TO,5) atikrstenänitasya svaycan idäntm dätä sampannah:
Read atikastenä ’nZtasya tv (?) ayam idäntfn ... (L).
Cf. 1.74b (56,7) änttam k/zstatoJ IV.97a (130,25) gatä
'tikastam. See ad 1.105.4 *(63,8).
1.135-7 (70,9) Read j a y a n t a h / sapranämam /
1.136c (70,19) aattaprahäraksamäh: Read dantaprahäraksamäh.
1.136.2 (70,22) Read: vayasya kathaya / katharn api ...
1.137.2 (7 0 ,3 0 ) äkhädya: see ad 1.130.4.
1 .1 3 8 a (7 0 ,3 1 ) samkucitapäninäbhimrstä: safnkuoitäpäninänyrstä
(?) L. Upagiti. Read samkuoitä päninä sprstä.
1.138.5 (71,2) nähi nähi: Probably corrupt, like 1.10.4 (45,10)
riätt. Neither pluti (Jacobi, Rämäyana, p. 112, Wacker
nagel, Altind. Gramm. I, p. 2 9 8 ), nor archaic(as in the
Brhatkathäslokasamgraha, see Renou, Histoire de la tangue
sanskrite, p. 147, n.l). Cf. III.7 6 . 1 (105,1) äho L.
1.138.6 (71,3) Sübahuh / (L): Read Snbalah /.
I.139b (71,6) etäbhiraftjitam: Caland apparently took it as
elä'bhiraftjitarn ’coloured with cardamom seeds'. Cf. IV.
75a (124,20) nisänäthakaräbhiraftjita and Ram. 1.36.21
Bar. tejobhir abhiraftjitam (for Räm. 4.50.12 Gorresio
see ad 4.49.8 Bar.). It is, however, possible to read
Subala's description of the rice-milk as phalitam
sitäbkir3 eläbhir aftjitam 'richly sweetened with sugar
and sprinkled with cardamom seeds', aftjayati is attested
in the sense 'to smear, apply collyrium to the eyes'
(Manu 4.44). The plural of ela also occurs in Raghuv.
4.47 asvaksunnänäm elänäm ... pha1arenavah3 where it
refers to the plant (comm.: elälatänäm).
1.139c (71,7): äjyejyam = ?
I.l4l.4 (71,24) krsnah tamtratärpyäny asmai prayaochati / (L):
Read k r s n ’a h / tarn pratäryä ’nyasmai prayaochati /
... See *ad i.6l!7 (53,22) and cf. V.12.5 (134,15) na
mafn pratärayati.
I.l42a (7 1 ,2 6 ) mandäkräntä.
I.l42c (71,28) niravadhi paramanandnsamdohaknri: Rather
niravadhi-paramänanda-samdohakäri.
315
I.ll*2d (71,29) vidhvastakäZZ: L unclear (-käZi or -käZo?).
Probably to be read vidhvastakäZo (Caland, note); cf.
II.39c (78 ,19 ) sarpo nira sto madät.
I.ll*3.ll* (72,3) makarandas tathä krtva: Read m a k a r a n-
d a h / tathä krtvä / (L). See ad I.61.7 (53,22).
I.1^ 5c (72 ,11 ) mandäkräntä.
I.ll*6a (72,13): Read ghanavanaZatä-.
I.lU6c^(72,15): sragdharä. For tädnätahkacüdä read tan-
vltätahkacüdä (L). For tätahka- tanvi see IV.83b-d
(125,31-33) tätahkaratnakiranävaZidipitäsä . . . tanvl
and cf. V.3l*a *(138,26).
I.ll*6d (72,l6 ) -sahgisamyä viZäsam : Read -sahgisamyäviZäsam.
I.ll*6.1* (72,20) bhavatv evam /: L reads bhavatv evam i t i //
\ t i niskräntä(h) sarve //, but cf. IV.100.1-2 and 5. For
iti, see ad 1.32.1 (1*8 ,33 ). bhavatv evam is to be dis
tinguished from III.70.3 (103,23) bhavatu / evam eva /
(see note a.l.). For bhavatu "all right, well, very well;
d ’accord" (PW: "gut, schon gut, genug, wozu die vielen
Worte?" etc.) cf. I.7^.25 (56,32). K r s n a h / tarhi
gopakänäm api däyam yathäruei dehi / J a y a n t a h /
bhavatu / bhavataiva maddattafn cüyatäm ädau subaZäya'
"K.: 'Then give also the cowherds their share according
to their liking.1 J.: ’All right. (But then) you must
first give to Subala what I have brought with m e ’,
IV.5^.1 (119,5-6). Y a s o d ä / goparäja / äkäryatäm
N a n d a h / bhavatv äkärayämi (read bhavatu /
äkärayämi) "Y.: '0 head of the herdsmen, call him.’
N.: ’All right, I will call h i m ’, IV.87 .5 (127,23).
S r i r ä d h ä / gacchämy aham ita h . L a 1 i t ä /
bhavatu priye / ...gaecha vä tis th a v5 "§rir.: 'I am
now going (from here).' L . : 'Very well, dear.... you may
go or stay', I. 6.5 (l+l+,5 ), 1 .127.6 (68 ,6 ) bhavatv evam
(also evam bhavatu, evam hodu, e.g. Ratnäv. II. 5 .76 ),
I-71*. 5 (56,12), IV.39.25 (115,32), IV.U 5 .2 (117,23)
bhavatu ta th ä , VI.3.3 (11*3,8) bhavatu tathaiva } but
1.1*2.2 (50,31) bhavatu (/) tadä kirn vivähena, II. 1*1*.2
(79,15) bhavatu (/) tadä , VI. 7 .1 (lUU,23) bhavatu (/)
tävad euam . .. safnmanayämi 'Well, I shall first revere
her', cf. Uttararämac. VI.30.5 bhavatu (/) tävad antara-
yami 'Well, I will dissemble', Padmapräbhrtaka 3I+.2
bhavatu (/) tävat samchaptäh smah 'All right, we are
now wholly informed'. For the break after bhavatu
316
(bhavatv evam) cf. Padmapräbhrtaka 19,5-6 bhavatu /
zdänzfn nzspannaGzsyäh smah (where one ms. reads bhavatv ),
Pädatäditaka 76,2 bhavatu / atom aftjalzriä (thus Moti-
chandra; bhavatv Schokker), Ubhayäbhisärikä 21.7-8
bhavatu / anabhzbhdsyaz 'riafn ... atzkramzsyämas tävat /
I.1U6.6 (72,22): Note prathamo rhkah instead of the common
phrase ztz prathamo 'hkah . ztz is also missing at
11.120.4 (92,1*0 dvztzyo 'hkah samäptzm agät. On pp.
131,28 and 1*12,19 Caland has added the words ztz oaturtho
(pahcamo) ’hkah.
SECOND ACT
II.lb (72,25) udvzkszta: bahuvrihi (= unnayana).
II.Id (72,27) Read -bhäsanah. (käkuvyäkula also Gltagov. 6.10).
II.1.2 (72,29) parzvestitavidhulekheva : Read parzvesztavzdhu-
lekhe ’va (L). Note parzveszta = parzvzsta ’surrounded
by a halo’.
11.2.1 (72,3*+) tad zdanzm eva ... pravzstä L: obviously to be
read tadänzm eva ..., cf. IV. 38 .7 (115 ,2 ) tadänzm eva ...
sampräptahj 1.89.7 (59,31) tadänzm tu3 III.133.1 (109,1)
tadänzm ... äha3 IV. 65 .I (122,13).
II.Ua (73,9) vzlalztasäkhäSayapräntazh: Read vzlulztaSäkhäsraya-
präntazh. After lalzte L has in the margin (sec.m. or
tertia m . ) vzlulzta (not vzlalzta3 note of Caland).
L seems to read äsaya. For säkhä&raya ’rows of boughs’
cf. Mhbh. 3.282.7 kathä&rayazh ('zusammenhängende Menge,
Kette' pw).
II.7b (73,21) dzpzkä: dZpzkäh L may be correct.
11 .8.2 (7*+,2 ) upavztyatärn kenäpz bhuktä bhavet kirn na /
ramanzyo ’yafn bhümzbhägah / : Caland has rightly emended
nah (l ) to na. The curious idiom (for yadz vä kenä Tpz
bhuktä bhaven na vä) is noteworthy. Read upavzsyatäm /:
'Sit down. Whether or not some one else has been lying
(on the ground), this is a lovely spot’.
317
II. 9a (7^,10 (Read mafljari- ).
II.10.U (7^,1^) kä sä priya (priyah L ) : Read kä sä priyä.
Cf. IV.86.7 (127,5) priyä. Only the gopls address each
other with priye (7^,7; 75,5, etc.) and Lalitä uses
priya in addressing Krsna (IV.91.2: 128,20). The gopas,
however, only use such terms as vayasya3 bhrätah3 svämin3
prabho3 etc.
II.11a (7^,1 6 ) -pelaveyam: L. has -pelavä (new line) yam3
with gt or sri (Caland) sec.m. added before yam. Read
-pelavä hi 'yam (metre!)
II.12b (7^,18): from riruddhä to line 32 äka (sec. m. ?) in
the margin.
II.lU.2 (7^,25) bhavatä präptä kimiti samgopyate: Read
bhavatä 'tmä kimiti samgopyate. For the asandhi of
bhavatä ätmä (L) cf. 1.66.13. Cf. Käd. 26l,9 Peterson
kvä 'tmä mayä gopayitavyah ?
II. 15a (7^,29) sakrd api drstä na karsati sväntam: Read
sakrd api drstä nu karsati for 'nukarsati?) sväntam.
II.15b (7^,30) kirn punar apeksate yo bhüyo bhüyo hy ayam
skämtam: Read
kifn punar apeksate ryo (L) bhüyo bhüyo hy ayaskäntam.
Cf. Uttararäm. IV.21d ayodhätum yadvat parilaghur
ayaskäntaäakalah. Similarly already Kern (communication
to Caland).
II.15-1+-5 (lh,3b - 7 5 ,l) sücaka!
II.I6.3 and 17 (75,6 and 12): Read S r i r ä d h ä / .
II.l8a (75,13): text from hnaih to 20,6 (75,2b)gopä in margin.
II.19b (75,l6) trasitakurahgim iva vyädhät: Read vyägkrät (L)
for vyädhät. A similar early misreading is Mrcch. I.17d
vyädhänusäracakitä harini rva for Cärudatta I.9d vyä-
ghränusäracakitä harini ’va (see Morgenstierne, Über
das Verhältnis zwischen Cärudatta und Mrcchakatika
(Leipzig, 1921), p. 3l). Cf. Ubhayäbhisärikä 11.5
vyäghränusäravitrastamrgapotike ’v a , and further Räm.
III.26.20 vyäghratrastä mrgä iva (cf. 11.10.30 vyäghrifn
drstvä yathä mrgah3 I.56.52, etc.), Mhbh. VII.68.3
te sma bhitäh paläyanta vyägkrät ksudramrgä iva3
318
V idagdhamädhavam V.5^t> 3 atilavyägh rieakitä tr s i t ä rädhä(-)
kurahgt 'yarn.
1 1 . 2 0 .1 ( 7 5 , 1 9 ) eetaseahealäfnmävaha: Read c e ta t(3) caPtcaläm ma
vaha ( a n d -vrttäntänäm ) .
1 1 .2 0 .5 (7 5 ,2 3 ) latämäläm ...oänye: L h a s latämälam3 (new l i n e )
v y a (t)is ta t(v )ih a i 1at(l)a§eän ye . . .gopäh. Read latäm älambya
tis th a ti (vi)hara(n)tas oä 'nye..gopäh. C f . I . l o U c ( 6 2 ,2 * 0
äste dharanitalam älambya ' i s s i t t i n g on t h e g r o u n d ' ,
V .1 7 a ( 1 3 5 , 2 3 ) körn äsäm avalambya tis th a ti p itu r grämas
tava " i n w h ic h d i r e c t i o n d o e s y o u r f a t h e r ’ s v i l l a g e l i e ? " .
I n t h e c l a s s i c a l dram a avalambya was s t i l l u s e d i n i t s
l i t e r a l m e a n in g , c f . S a k . I I . 0 . 9 dandakästham avalambya
tis th a ti "h e i s ( o r s t a n d s ) l e a n i n g on h i s s t a f f " , V . 8 . 5
prajanämsävalambi tis th a ti "h e i s l e a n i n g on t h e s h o u l d e r s
o f h i s a t t e n d a n t s " . N ote viharantas ( p a r t i c i p l e i n s t e a d
o f f i n i t e v erb form , or e l l i p s i s ? ) . See I I I . 5 2 a .
II.2 1 b ( 75, 27) v a llic ä le sv -: Read v a llijä le s v .
I I .2 3 a (7 5 ,3 5 ) purato: c f . 1 . 1 2 5 .1 6 {6rJ92h) vvsabhänupurapradesäd.
I I .2 U b ( 7 5 , 3 8 ) kr&odari: o n l y L a l i t ä i s a d d r e s s e d .
I I . 2 7 c (76,11*): l a c u n a ( a s i n I I . 1 1 3 c : 9 0 ,3 l) . S o m e th in g l i k e
viksya m u st b e l a c k i n g .
I I . 2 7 d ( 7 6 , 1 5 ) sänukülavidhinä . . . abhyägatam: s y n t a c t i c a l l y
c f . V . 2 0 . 2 ( 1 3 6 , 1 0 ) mayä . . . ihä 'gatam " I h a v e a r r i v e d
h e r e " a n d f o r sänüküla c f . P a h c a t . I I , p . l 6 , 2 5 BSS ( e t c . )
bhoh sänukülo me vidh ih , a s a g a i n s t P ü r n a b h a d r a 1 3 9 , 1 ,
E d g e r t o n anukülo me vidhih 3 M rcch. 1 . 5 0 .1 1 devvarn anuülams
e tc . N ote I I . U 6 d ( 7 9 , 2 7 ) p ra iik ü la vid h i(prahitä) .
II.2 9 b ( 7 6 , 2 3 ): L seems i n f a c t t o r e a d pvasabham3
II.3 0 b (76, 28) atyantakhinnäruvä L: R ead atyantakhinnä rucä.
1 1 . 3 1 .5 (7 7 * 5 ) anum utthäya (anum utthäyä L ) . Read ( w i t h C a la n d ,
n o t e ) dandam utthä(p)ya. C f . I I . 9 6 . I ( 8 7 , 1 7 ) capetäm
utthä(p)ya and 1 . 6 1 .1 0 ( 5 3 , 2 5 ) .
1 1 .3 2 ( 7 7 , 7 f f ) : N ote t h e rhyme ( a a b b , a s i n IV. 131*: 1 0 9 , 2 - 5 ) .
1 1 . 3 2 .1 ( 7 7 , 1 1 ) Read s a r v ä h / n etvän i . S i m i l a r l y l i n e 5
s a r v e /.
319
II.32.2 (.77,12): prose !
II.3^a (77,20) rüpävesa-: 'your beauty is your army’?
11.34.4 (77,27)- rhythmic prose (see above, p. 289).
11.34.7 (77,30) parivrdhasya, read: paribrdhasya. Cf.
Wackernagel, Altind. Gramm. I, p.32.
11.35 (77, 31-35) Read: tenä ’tra vayafn niyojitäh /
vikretum dadhi gopikä yadi pathä niryänti vä 'yönti vä
pädanyäsavighattanair vasumattm samksobhayantyo hi nah. /
etäS co ’pavanasya pallavacayaih sammandayantyo nijam
gatvä räjakulocito 'yam adhunä bhägah samänZyatäm // iti
Note participle for indicative (in e), as often, and
nijam used as a reflexive pronoun. Cf. I.8a (44,22)
nijäntargatam (= sväntahstha BhägP. I.13.10). L reads
-opavanasyapa and repeats in the next line (vanasyapa)-
llavacayaih. It further reads kul- for kul- (cf. I.lllc:
64,11 bakula-). But the ductus of u is not always clear.
11.36b (78,4) (go)kulesu vrsabhänur tribhah: Read (go)kulesu
vrsabhänur Zritah. Cf. Mhbh. 3.54.27 (Nala) vismitair
iritah sabdah prasamsadbhir nalam nrpam.
II.36d (78,6) priye hitah: Read priyehitah (Caland, note).
Cf. 1.58c (53,6) kälikarälehitä.
II.37b (78,9)tälZntarumastakeseh: L had mastakev (e/a) ,which
was altered into something like mastakese. Read:
täZZtamanastake§v eva (L tälttaru- but ta- not clear).
Cf. Hariv. App. IF 489 tarumastakesu, Räm. 4.13.295*
vrksah ... dhümasamsaktamastakäh.
11.38b (78,12) nata iva (na)reSah prabhavati (L): Read
(pralubdho visrabdhais) tata Zva khagesah prabhavati.
Cf. 1.135c (70,1) prabhavati.
II.39a (78,17) citram yena bakZ nipZtagaralä-bhZtä padam
säsvatam L: seems to be corrupt for citram yena bakZ
nipitagaralä nitä padam Säsvatam, cf. II.102a (88,9)
and for Bakl (= Pütanä) I.131a (69,11).
II.4lab (78.30f.) Read phalitabhir (l ), sukhayaty {-tty L ) .
320
II.li2b (79,3) layana-jalaruha-: Read nayana-jalaruha- (L).
II.ii2c (79, M vrndävanaruci(ta)latä: Read -ruoi(ra)latä~. The
word vueita means ’glowing’ in the Veda (MS TÄ ioB, also
ASP XV.21.7d cittam ruoitam rocanam ?) but its meaning
is ’pleasing’ in the classical language. Cf. 1.98c (6l,26).
II. 1+3b (79,8) satanuh: Read sa tu nah (L).
II.UUb (79,11) dadhnä oiram stobhitah: probably correct. L is
very unclear but seems to read dadhna. Cf. II.72b (83,37)
samstobhayami ’refresh' (Caland, p.25).
Il.UUd (79,13) saiva?
----- sajjtbhavat / : Read sajjZbhavan (Caland, note).
II.ii2.2 (79,15): probably to be read bhavatu / tada /. See ad
I.1U6.U and cf., e.g. II.30.2 (76,32) sakhe / tadä vayam
api ...
II.i+7b (79,3l) hitä mallddalaih sesdtä: Read hitä mailt dalath
§esitä
II.ii7d (79,33) me janayato (nidraiva dürafn gatä): Read me
nayanato (L).
II.48d (80,ii) tad apanayanatah: Read tadapanayanatah (?)
II.ii9b (80,7) punyabhavatah: According to Caland's guess it may
be a genitive of punyabharat- = Yamuna. In that case it
would be a parallel to III.52d (100,10) dhüma-muftean =
dhümafn muhcan. Elsewhere Gop. has as the final member of
compounds -bhrt (tigmadhäräfnsubhrt3 änandabhrt). A more
natural interpretation of na tavai ’va punyabharatah is
’not on account of your many religious merits’, with
bhara as a plural marker (see ad 1 .13b : ii5 ,2U).
II.ii9c (80 ,8 ) bhahgair ahkagatair: Read bhahgair ahgagatair?
Cf. IV.53a (118,29).
II.51a (80,15) na hi: Read no hi (L), required by the metre.
II.51b (80,l6) gamito 'si: Read gamitä rsti (?).
11.51c (80,17) khidyati maddhrdayam: mah(?)r>
dayam L. Read
me kpdayam.
321
II.52d (80,23) paribarhya: L reads parivardhya (?) (pari-
barhayati does not seem to he attested. See P W ).
II.52.1-2 (80,2^-25) srirädhä / sakhi (fern.!): L reads
sidrädhäsakhi. Cf. V.17.1 (135,27) sri(rädhä)sakhi and
e.g. Brahmavaivartapur. U.69,57 Rädhäsakhi Ratnamälä.
See next note.
II.5^-1 (8l,l) vasantakah /: Caland's emendation of vasantaka /
L seems to he correct. For the sake of variation the poet
inserts stanzas spoken hy friends of the hero and the
heroine, who are less inhibited in their utterances. But
Vasantaka is only once mentioned, just as Harinaksi and
Sumukhl of II. 1+3 and hh .
11.56b (81,5) natya bhttyä neyam: Read natyä bhttyä ( ’)neyam
(L),
II.57.5 (81 ,1 5 ) (datum na sakyate) bhavatäm: Read bhavatä (L)
’y°u cannot pay the price'.
II. 59a (81 ,26 ) adharapute varnsikämodät : adharapute vamsikämo-
kät L. *ämoka in the sense of ämocana, dmoksana ’putting
or tying on' is given in Täranätha Tarkaväcaspati's
dictionary (see Monier-Williams). Since ä-rrtuc- is used
in the meaning of nivesayati (Meghadüta 1 .35d nä 'moksyan-
te tvayi ... katäksän ) 3 ämoka may here refer to the flute,
like nivesa in 1 .138b (70 ,32 ) -adharanivese. vamsikä
seems only to he recorded hy lexicographers.
II.6 la (8l,32) §u§kakotaranatü-jjvälävalim udbha£a: Read
-nataj-3 välävaltm (Caland) and udbhata- (?).
II.63h (82,l6) -vargo bhyamaträgatah: Read -vargo 'yam aträ
'gatah. The Avagraha has been misread as bh. Cf. 11.7b
(73,21) te 'yam.
II.61+a (82,19) me eakatano: Read mecakatano.
II.61+d (82 ,22 ) sarali-bhütä manovrttayah: metri causa for
saralibhüta-manovrttayah ? (Compounds of the type
khahjibhütapäda are frequent in Gop.). The opposite case
is -met with in I. 59d (53,1 1 ) d r o n i b h ü t a t a n u r if equiva
lent _to dronibhütä tanurs and perhaps in I.102b (62,10)
bodhaya 'nitadipo.
II.61+.5 (82,27) grahttä aed asi 3 satyam vadasi: corruption of
the last word may he due to 82,33 vadasi. Read vadämi.
322
1 1 .6 5 b ( 8 2 , 3 2 ) säpi samsammocitä: f i r s t sam a t t h e end o f a
l i n e , r e p e a t e d a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e n e x t o n e . sä 'pi
sammocitä ' s t i may b e c o n j e c t u r e d , sammocitä ’l i b e r a t e d *
seems h e r e t o be u s e d i n t h e s e n s e o f tya k ta .
I I . 65 * ( 8 2 , 3 3 ) kimcid any a t tyajyatäm i t i vadasi c e t: a p r o s e
l i n e i n s e r t e d b e tw e e n ab and cd o f a s ä l i n i v e r s e .
I I . 6 5 d ( 8 2 , 3 5 ) nänyad gavyam yady atom syäd g rh ttä : Read
nä 'nyad väcyafn yady alam syäd grdh itä ( L ) . C f . 1 1 . 6 4 . 5 .
1 1 . 65.2 ( 8 3 , 2 - 3 ) : p r o s e t e x t , l i k e 8 2 ,3 3 t o w h ic h i t r e f e r s .
anyat tyajyatäm i t i ced räjabhäga eva dtyatäm i t i : i t i
ced may b e e x p l a i n e d from i t i vadasi c e t ( s e e a b o v e ) ,
b u t f o r t h e second i t i t h e p a r t i c u l a r id io m a tic usag e
o f Gop. s h o u l d b e n o t e d . C f . :
III. 7 . 2 ( 9 3 , 1 7 ) püjanam vidhiyatäm i t i /
IV . 4 U . l - 2 ( 1 1 7 , 6 - 7 ) na mantavyam i t i /
I V . 6 3 .9 ( 1 2 1 , 2 6 ) idam . . . vastu niyatäm i t i /
I V . 6 8 . 2 ( 1 2 2 , 3 3 ) ta rh i va strä n i paridhtyantäm i t i /
I V . 8 6 . 5 ( 1 2 7 , 3 ) srotavyam i t i /
I V . 9 9 - 9 ( 1 3 1 , 1 8 ) tathä vidheyam i t i /
I V . 1 0 0 . 1 ( 1 3 1 ,2 3 ) tathä kartavyam i t i /
V. 8 . 3 ( 1 3 2 , 3 4 ) ta tr a gamyatäm i t i /
V . 1 3 . 2 ( 1 3 4 , 2 1 ) tath ä kartavyam i t i /
V . 4 8 . 2 ( 1 4 2 , 8 ) mayä katham gantavyam i t i /
V I . 9 . 2 ( l 4 5 , 2 ) avalokyatäm i t i / .
Only I I . 3 5 d (vayam n iy o jitä h ) ayam adhunä bhägdh samä-
ntyatäm / / (L) i t i i s t h e n o rm a l u s e .
I I . 65.5 ( 8 3 , 5 ) ta k tä smah: f o r Saktäs smah, s e e ad I . 5 3 a .
I I . 6 6 b ( 83 , 8 ) rmtarn vinä: Read rnülyam vinä ( C a l a n d , n o t e ) .
11 . 67b ( 8 3 , 1 1 ) toko bhavati sa vidvän: Read loke f o r toko.
C f. l i n e 13 ( l l . 6 8 a ) yesäm dänaraso loke3 a n d I . 8 8 d ( 5 9 , 1 5 ) .
1 1 . 6 8 . 2 ( 83 , 1 6 ) d evi ja ta jä ta lo ca n e 'yarn: Read d e v i / ja la jä ta -
locano (L ) 'yarn. C f . I I . 6 l c ( 8 1 , 3 4 ) jalajätalocanasudhä-
dhäräm and I . l l l d ( 6 4 , 1 3 ) ja la jä ta d a la p eä a la ä a rira .
323
1 1 . 6 9 b ( 8 3 , 2 4 ) [Read nihsahkaml.
I I . 6 9 d ( 8 3 , 2 6 ) mama vaoah sakhyo yadä rooatäm: R ead rooate.
The r e a d i n g rooatäm i s a p p a r e n t l y due t o niyatäm and
nive§yatäm.
I I . 7 3 b ( 8U, 3 ) nese parityaktum: u n g r a m m a t i c a l i n t h e s e n s e
o f na sakyä parityaktum . O t h e r w i s e V I .4 2 b ( 1 4 9 , 3 4 ) =
BhägP. X . 2 2 . 2 6 präyo b tjä y a negate.
I I . 7 7 a ( 8 4 , 1 7 ) sakhi tu s tä : Read sa k h itu stä ? But s e e P ä n i n i
V I . 3 .4 3 a n d W a c k e r n a g e l , Altind.Gramm. I l / l , p . 1 34.
On t h e o t h e r h a n d , K r s n a d o e s n o t a d d r e s s t h e g o p l s a s
sa k h i.
I I . 7 7 d ( 8 4 , 2 0 ) kukaläpurato hi guror: Read kukalä purato hi
guror.
I I . 7 8 . I ( 8 4 , 2 6 ) 1 a 1 i t ä ta th a iva l a l i t ä vänyojjagära:
L. n o t c l e a r (vonyäjjagära?). R ead: l a l i t ä /
tath aiva l a l i t ä vänya ujjagära / A s s o n a n c e i n s t a g e
d i r e c t i o n s i s not r a r e , c f . 1 .7 4 .4 2 ( 57, 1 7 ) s t o k a h
/ saSokah / . F o r s a n d h i s e e ad 1 . 6 1 . 7 ( 5 3 , 2 2 ) .
1 1 . 7 9b ( 8 4 , 2 8 ) märgamsmuHca na kaPlcavajvaya manag ( L ) : Read
märgam rrrunca na kam ca vor ja y a manag. The o r i g i n a l may
h a v e h a d märgarrmu?lca. F o r varjaya c f . I I . 3 1 .3 ( 7 7 , 3 )
purato niväryatäm.
I I . 7 9 c ( 8 4 , 2 9 ) kirn krtvä (vayam a tr a ) : u n c e r t a i n . C f . I . 7 7 d
( 5 7 , 2 5 ) kirn kurmo 'tra vayam prabho. väsah purä 'trä
'bhavan i s a l s o u n c e r t a i n . P e r h a p s t o b e r e a d (kirn tu
bhavatäfn) väsah purä nä ’bhavan (= ’bhavat) (L ?)
II.7 9 d ( 8 4 , 3 0 ) n ä y ä tä sti kadäpi karnaphalake dänäksa(-)
vyäh rtih: Read dänäksaravyährtih. F o r compounds w i t h
a s u b s t a n t i v e c f . 1 . 2 5 . 5 ( 4 7 ,3 3 ^ premäksaray S a k . V .2 4 .
1 - 2 dosäksara3 M ä la v ik . V .1 9 . 1 4 sabhäjanäksaräniy
V idagdhamädhavam V I .2 4 b -nämäksarapadam.
I I . 8l b ( 8 5 , 3 ) däsyämi naiva caranam p w a to datum vinä dänam
( l ): R ead . . . purato dhätum vinä dänam. C f . I I I . 1 2 c
( 9 4 , 1 1 ) dadhati padäniy I I I . 1 2 8 a ( 1 0 8 , 9 ) caranam
vidhehi purato, I I . 3 2 c ( 7 7 , 9 ) drak padam na purato
nidhiyatäm. A l l i t e r a t i o n o f dhä a n d da i s f r e q u e n t ,
324
cf. III.128a (108,9 ) oaranam vidhehi purato3 hastafn no
dehi rädhike nibhrtam, III.132bc (108,26-27) dhäsye...
däsye. See also Sandahl-Forgue, Le Gttagovinda p.27 on
Gg 3-8 vidadhäsi : dadäsi.
pascäd atra vicitya: Read pascäd atra vicintya
II.83c (8 5 ,1 1 )
(vicittya Lj.
II.8^a (85,16) mauliratnamatanu-: Read maüliratnam atanu-.
II.84b (85,17) närrmah ... näkärniviksnävalih: cf. I.37a (50,5),
IV.40a (ll6,2) -nämävali. L. seems to read näkarsi-
viksnävalih with ni for si sec.m. in the margin. The
meaning is apparently nä ’karnitä - ävalih ? ’haven’t you
heard Perhaps no karnavi$tä rvalih ? Cf. V.3.2.
(132,12) safnoi'sati rädheti varnävalZ karruzyor iti.
II.84d (85,19) (godoharäväpagä)-yüräpürita ’: Read -püräpürita-
(L).
11.84.1 (85,20) ato 'yam: apparently ato ’yam ... (lacuna) /
(not atoyam).
II.86d (85,30) sthänabhrastah kirn nu datto vibhäti: for datto
must apparently be read danto (as at IV.13b)): 'Is a tusk
still an ornament for an elephant when it is no longer in
its right place?’
11.8 7 .1 (86,l) madhumahgalah (Caland): although the last word
of fol. 45a is srZ3 SrZmadhurnahgalah is excluded: §rZ
only occurs before krsnah (e.g. 1.120.1: 66,13; 11.45.1:
79,20; IV.23.1: 111,14; IV.77.1: 124,34), very often and
right from the beginning before rädhä, further in srZ-
klrtih (pp. 138-139). As for V.17.1 (135,27 ) srtsakhZ3
it must obviously be read srträdhäsakht3 whereas II.6l.12
(82.10) srZdaman is a proper name. Since madhumahgalah
never has the honorific prefix (see pp. 74-79, 86-88, 109,
113, 125, 127), srZ must be due to the preceding names
srZdämä3 Srlkrsnah and srträdhä.
II.92c (86,27) drstvä 'patahkä bharafn: Read drstvä ’pafsahkä-
bharafn 'seeing that he was fearless’, pw only gives
apasahkam ’furchtlos’, but cf. II.119c (92,4) sahkäbharam
bibhratZ. Hence apa-§ahkäbhara 'fearless'. For -bhara
see ad I.13b (45,24), for apa-: Wackernagel, Altind. Gramm.
Il/l, p. 282 and Oertel, Zur Kapisthala-Katha-Safnhitä3 p.22.
325
11.94b (87,3) (jivitam) hartärunäpähgä: L. has -äpähgai.
Read: hartä 'runäpähgaih. Cf. Dasak. 74,9 Agashe
jivaya mään jZvanausadhair ivä 'pähgaih3 Santi sat. 4.16
apähgaiv äkarsadbhih kim api hrdayam and for apähga =
apähgavZksita (= katäksah3 see Deslnämamälä 1.15),
cf. Gop. i.l (43,1) apängdhatahj IV.89d (127,34)
apähgai(s) sritä.
II.94.3 (87,6 ) kva gacohasi varänane ’dattvd vadanam ävrtya /
Caland has normalised the sandhi, for L. reads kva
gaochast varänane // adatvä vadanam ävrtya. The spelling
reflects the pause after a vocative (see ad 1 .73.3: 55,33).
II.95a (87,8 ): In kalahä mätä mamä ’tiva hi the first word is
used as an adjective.
II.95c (87,10) sprhayasi prestham yadi (>) pre(-)täm: L.
seems to have read prohyatäm (prima manu), which a later
hand has altered into something like pre(o)vyatäm or
pvooyatdm. Read: pvooyatäm.
II.96h (87,l4) no gavyäya bhavati yena vidusäm: the second
syllable of bhavati must be long. L has clearly bhavanti.
11.96.1 (87,17) evam capetämutthäya pravrttäyä häram harir
jagräha. Although pravrtta is often preceded by a dative
(111.42.5: 99,2 puspäharanäya3 IV.39.10: 115,17 prati-
küladaivopa'samanäya, IV.46d: 117,30 dohanäya3 V.10.7:
133,20 anvesanäya), as pointed out by Caland (note 6 ),
the correct reading seems here to be capetäm utthä(p)ya3
cf. II. 31.5 (77,5) *dandam utthä(p)ya (utthäya L ) .
11.99.1 (87,35) nedain takyam: Read nedam tahkyam (L).
11.103c (88,16) kjandali-data(na)-: L reads dalana-.
11.105.4 (88,33)ucitam avindam eva: Read uoitam tv idam eva
(L).
11.106.1 (89,6 ) krsnas tathä kartum upasasarpa: sandhi of
krsnas is correct (description, no stage direction).
Cf*. *ad 1.61.7.
II.IO9.6 (89,32) ouZuke: L has cutake3 which may possibly be
a variant, just as caluke. Cf. Turner, CDIAL 4875.
326
II.110a (90,2) munipate välekasyeva : Read munipater balakasyeva
(L).
11.110.7- 8 (90,12-13): not metrical.
Il.lllbd (90,l6-l8) aparavakträ.
11.112.5 (90,27) krsnarn upättaye : Read krsnam upähvaye (L?).
Cf. I.U 2b (50,29) samupähvaye and Mhbh. i 2 .lU7 .i7 and 18.
11.113c (90,31) nitamba(- ~)vikalo: Read nitccmbabimbavikalo.
Defective särdülavikrfdita, as I.25"b (U7,26), II.27c
(76 ,lU). For nitambabimba see, e.g., Bhäratamarljari 12.91.
11.113.8- 12 (91 ,U-8 ) Srutafn na bhavata / (krsnah) bhana kim /
... Probably to be read: §rutarn na bhavatä bhanitam /
srüyatäfn Srüyatäfn vayasya /
II.llU.l (91,11) atah sarvä asyah (atah sarvväsväsyäs L):
Read: atah sarväs oä 'syäh.
II.115.1 (91,lU-15) evarn kridaty ä k ä s e: L has evarn
kridati äkäse. Read:
Zsücakahl evarn kridati /
(äkäSe)
bho gopätmajäh /
II.115.3 (91,l6) kva gatä iti na jhäyante: Read kva gatä iti
na jftäyate (l ). Cf. IV.Ul .6 (ll6,19) na pvtnayantt 'ti
vig hayate.
II.ll6d (91,20) nauvairunägradürvä : nauvai(h)änägradürvä L?
Read: no vaihärägvadürvä. vaihära a d j . of vihära 'pasturage',
rather than name of a mountain in Magadha.
---- Sävanih ... ; Sävanih is the last word of fol. U7b. The
last aksaras of II.II6 have been left out on fol. U8a.
II.117b (91 ,27 ) jatatim gata: possible to be read jadatäfn gatä.
---- nitänta: Read nitäntafn.
II.Il8a (91,29) manogha smara-: L has smaira- but ai has partly
been covered with ink. The metre demands smera-. Read
327
manogPla-smera-. dadhind sec.m. for dadhand (see Wacker-
nagel-Debrunner , Altdnd. Grarrm.III, p.303).
II.ll8b (91,30) nayane(- -)na or (- -)nayanena? Upaglti.
II.120a (92,7) devdyäträtpralena: L has cha
(sec. m . ) in the margin. Read: devtyäträchalena.
II.120d (92,10) tadvdyogaprasahgah (L): Read tvadviyogapva-
sahgah (Caland).
THIRD ACT
III.3a (92,27) lajjä&dlä: L has lajjälo (new line) cane. Read
lajjäloClä to)cane. Cf. 111.38c (98,8) lagjäloläksdpad-
mcan3 V.13d (134,19) lolavdlocanadr (cf. Bhäm. Vil*. 2.55),
GItagov. 11.23 lolalooanä, 1.4l vdlolavdlocana-. See
also III.23a (95,28).
III.3c (92,29) bhüyo bhüyas: Read bhüyo bhüydh (l ).
III.4a (92,31) kadä: L may have tadä (also Caland, note).
III.4d (92,34) (abhüt ...) na sarnjalpe saktä vardtvm abhddhä-
nam madhupateh: L unclear: va(r)dtum? Read vaddtum.
Cf. line 25 (ill.2d) vadati na ... sakhtbhyah.
III.9a (93,29) kekdpdcohaochatä( ’pdda-): Readkekipicohaccha-
dä('pdda-). Cf. Ill.Uia (98,26) uttuhgäpdda-pdcohaoohada-s
V.38b (139,31) kekdochadapatala-. ta and da are very
similar.
III.9c (93,32) (Read kurahga-).
III.11.2 (94,7) sakhyo: Read sakhyah /
III. 15a (94,23) gopdkä durvaoobhdh: Read gopdkädurvaoobhdh.
III.15d (94,26) romarandhresu vdddhä: vddvä L. Read: vdddhvä.
328
III.l 8d (95,5) (kadä) loke 'ham kam api kisoram aHjanobham:
seemingly rhyming with -sobham in b 3 hut read aPljanäbham.
Cf. I.39b (U9.26), III.66a (102,36) and 111.43b (99,6).
For loke 'ham ’I see’, see also III.73d (104,8) and cf.
jane 'ham: aham is added to disyllabic forms of the 1 st
p.sg. of the middle present. As for kam api ki§orams it
is correct (against Caland’s suggestion), cf. II.20.5
(75,23) ko 'pi navakisoro3 1.47a (51,22), V. 6a (132,25)
kä 'pi kisorZ.
III.19d (95,10) nipatati ksullakavZthikäjalesu: L has nipäta-
ti k s u l l a k a but a as well as ks are against the metre
(puspitägrä). ksullaka- must stand for the name of a
kind of tree, cf. III.42.5 (99,2) mandära-vZthikäyäm.
The correct reading may be conjectured to be sallaka-
vtthikäjalesUj sallaka being the name for the Bignonia.
III.20b (95,13) (Read ädhümitä L ) .
III.21b (95,18) krsno 'pi vanadalamäläm api tu ya h : cannot be
correct since a finite verb form is lacking, since the
line has twice api, and since dala is mostly preceded by
a word for lotus, cf. II.106b (89,3) nalini-dala- (also
GItagov. 4.3, 7.25, 9.26), II.119a (92,2) utpala-dala-
(cf. Jätakam. 11,4; 12,20 ntlotpaladala-), III.25a (96 ,1 )
jalaja-dalas also 111.43a (99 ,5 ) druma-dala.
L reads (krto'pi) vadanalamälämapituyah, which a reader
has separated into the following words: vad'analamäläm'api'
t u 'yah'. Read (with L) *krsno 'pibad analamäläm api tu yah.
Cf. d: -davadävänalatatih.
111 .21c (95,19) udvrtta: uncertain .
’
III.22b (95,23) padmapifläbälopconam: Read padmapravälopamam.
Similarly III.75a (104,22) bale prabälädhare. For praväla
(from Dravidian) see Mayrhofer, Etym. Wb. New Indo-Aryan
is no help in the decision between pvabäla and praväla
(Turner, CDIAL 88OO).
111.22c (95,24) sikhi(ma)ndamandita-: Caland’s emendation is
probably correct. In spite of 111.43d (99,8) varaSikhi-
mandali, manda does not stand here for mandala but is
a Sanskritisation of Guj . Mar. mad and means ’ornament’
(Turner, CDIAL 9736).
329
111.22c (95,21+) vamsininädähkura: Read vamsdninädähkura (L).
III.22d (95,25) pranayint pränätyayam: Read pvanxxyintpvänät-
yayafn. Cf. III.30d (96,29) pramxyinZ-edttäpahärZ havdh.
III.23d (95,31) cittasthevä- : Read oitrasthevä- (L). For
citrastha (= citragata) 'portrayed’, cf. Harivamsa App.I,
No. 29A, 1+08, etc. Cf. III.66d (102,39).
111.27.1 (96,9) caranajalam locanabhyäm märjayantZ: L has
caranatalam. Read nayanajatom locanäbhyäfn märjayantZ.
The reading carana(j)alam is due to line 11 carana-jala-
jäta. Cf. IV.15cd (109,21-22) samsravantyah ... ntram
looanebhyo and IV.52d (118,26) nayanajala3 ill.126b
(107,29) nayanaja-jalo.
111.29.1 (96,23) Note the pause after the gerunds in L:
netram udghätya / sarvatah samälokya (3) tsad utthäya /.
See ad I.7U.37.
III.30d (9 6 ,2 9 ) vdlokya te: Read vdlokyate (Caland, note).
III. 31.2 (97,2) vijfläte roge (3) ausadham: note the pause
after the loc. abs. See ad I.7^.37«
III.3l+d (97,17) Zajjä präyo tajjiteva prayäti3 reminiscent
of Gitagov. 11.33 salajjä Zajjä 'pi vyagamad. See above
p. 293.
III.37b (97,33) muraZt(~)vikjanena: Read muraZtviküjanena (L).
ü misread as viräma. Cf. III.65c (102,31+) yadd te vadane
vdküjatd3 IV.77c (124 332)venuvdmugdhäküjdtadh.
III.38d (98,9) bhavatyäh (Caland), correct for bhavatyä (L).
111.38.2 (98,11) vrksavdsmrtasärdkä: Read vrksavdsmrtä (L)
särdkä.
111.1+2.6-7 (99,3-1+) kautukasamäkrstakpdayädattanayanäbhüvam:
Read kautukasamäkrstahrdayä dattanayanä ’bhüvam. Cf.
II. 15.1+ (7^,31+) dattakarnanetrau tdsthatah.
III.1+3.1 (99,9) bhavattbhds (Caland, p.158) tävat puspaZobhe-
nädhitam: L. -Zobhenärdtam (prima manu), in the margin
correction dhd. But is ädhdtam correct ? The girl friends,
not heeding the peacocks, passed by: atZtam or atdkräntam
may have been the correct reading.
330
I I I . H 4 . 3 ( 9 9 , 1 1 ) pullamallikävalaye: Read phullamallikävalaye.
C f . I . 1 1 3 a phulläravindänane (pulläravinda- Lj a n d s e e
I I I . 68c ( 1 0 3 , 8 ) .
I I I .U 5 .3 (9 9 ,2 3 ) upavZya . . . älokase: L ( p r im a manu) h a s
pZtämbaräücaleno ’pavestya ( b u t n o t e t h e a c c u s a t i v e i n
IV . 46b pZtnrn väso v e s ta y itv ä ). S e c . m. upavZ(st?)yya3
w i t h yya r e p e a t e d . Read upavZjya a n d f o r älokase r e a d
älokyase ( C a l a n d , n o t e ) .
I I I .l * 6 b ( 9 9 , 2 6 ) -kusumabharair väpayantZ dharitrtm: t h u s L
p r . m. ( s e c . m. repay antZ) .
I I I .l+ 8 c ( 9 9 , 3 7 ) dhccrrmila-: Read dharnmZlla- ( l ).
I I I . l * 9 c (100,1+) anvesayantyo, s e e ad I I I . 5 2 a .
I I I . 5 0 d ( 1 0 0 , 1 0 ) ueohvasane dhümamuPlean: a p p a r e n t l y m e t r i
c a u s a f o r dhümafn muftcan. B ut I I .l+ 9 b ( 8 0 , 7 ) punyabhara(t)-
is d iffe re n t.
I I I . 5 0 .2 ( 1 0 0 , 1 2 ) käpi tadZyä la tä n ta ritä : Read ko’p i tadZyo
la tä n ta rito ( L ) .
I I I . 50.1* ( I O O J L I + ) na käpi drSyate: Read na ko’p i drsyate ( L ) .
I I I . 5 2 a ( 1 0 0 , 2 3 ) samudayati ta&ähkah vyäghravaktrZ ( a g a i n s t
s a n d h i ) : samudayati 6asähkavyäghravaktrZ L. R ead samuda
y a ti Satahkn ( o r kel). C f . M rcch. 1 . 5 9 udayati hi tasähkah.
Note vyäghravaktrZ f o r vyäghravakträ (PW sub vaktra) and i n d
repayantr f o r f i n i t e v e r b fo rm ( c f . I I I . ^ c : 1 0 0 ,4
anvesayantyo).
I I I . 5 3 .2 ( 1 0 1 , 2 ) tathäpi ( L ) : Read tathä hi.
I I I . 5 9 a b , 6 0 c , 6 4 , 65 : v a i t ä l i y a .
III.6 6 d ( 1 0 2 , 3 8 ) e ittZ k rtya krpäciram rueikaram netram
oakorZkrtam: Read citrZ krtya (?) mayä ’eiram rucikaram
netram cakorZkrtam ’ a f t e r h a v i n g c h a n g e d (h im ) i n t o a
p i c t u r e , I h a v e so o n made my e y e , w h ic h c a u s e s p l e a s u r e ,
a c a k o r a . ’ C f. I I I . 2 3 d ( 9 5 , 3 1 ) .
I I I . 6 7 c d ( 1 0 3 , 3 - 4 ) Read:
anayä tu litotpalärayä
bahir(3) antar visagarbhalZlayä
331
III.68b (103,7) krtakotano (L): Read krtaketano. Cf. Ram.
1 .7 ^ . 8 mahendrakrtaketanah.
III.68c (103,8) te na madhunä safnphullavalltmilad-: Read
tena madhunä (safnsphulla- or sammphulla- L, is samphulla-
with secondarily added anusvära).
III.68d (103,9) kämo dharmam skandati (kämo 'yamämskandati
or kä m o 'parmamskandati L): Read kämo 'yam äskandati.
III. 69.5 (103,IT) na phalotpädakam pratibhäti: Read nah (L)
for na.
III.70.3 (103,23) bhavatv evam eva (L): Read bhavatu / evam
eva. Same faulty sandhi in L at 1.57*7 (81,17)
bhavatüvyatäm tävat for bhavatu / uoyatäm tävat. Cf. on
the one hand, e.g. IV.31.12 (113,18) vayasya / evam eva3
on the other hand Sak. I.l8(2l).9 bhavatu / evam tävad
abhidhäsye3 Mrcch. III.15.20-21 bhavatu / evam tävat
(which is often wrongly written bhavatv evam tävat3 cf.
Godbole at Mrcch. V.15.1, V.3^.1, etc. Telang at Mudr.
V.7.2, Prabodh. III.I6 .6).
III.7 0 .h (l03,2U) atho tathaiva: Read aho tathaiva (L).
III.71a (103,26) pahkeruhä-: Read pahkeruha- (L). I s bibhrati
(L) a thematic form for bibharti ("the wind which has
embraced her glowing heart carries the flames of a
fiercely burning fire, even though it has been cooled
by its bath in the waters filled with lotuses")?
III.71cd (103,28-29) paträni ... Saiväläni: %aivdla seems
here to be an adjective.
111.72.1 (10U,1) samjfläm abhigamya: Read samjfläm adhigamya
(L).
111.73c (10*1,7) samttrtvä: metri causa for samttvya (Mhbh.
Ram.). See in general Renou, Grammaire sanscrite, pp.l2Uf.
111.73.1 (10U,9) sarväh: viz. patäntare (103,16).
III. 75 (lOU,22-27): särdülavikridita of six pädas?
332
III.75a (l0k,22) bäte prabälädhare : Read bäte pravälädhare.
Cf. III.22b. Assonance of bäta and praväla is a cliche,
cf. Ratnävall I.20d, BharatamaKjarl lU.127 bälapraväla-3
Vikramänkadevacarita 9.2, 9.121, etc.
III.75f (10U,27) (devyä vy ähr tarn... sarmiya mudrikrtam... )
näghvätayanti ksanät: Read nodghätayanti ksanät (viz.
mudräm3 cf. Mudräräksasa V.9.11 and 39).
III. 8 0 (105,10-11) (rädhäpremalatä... srikrsnapädaparn hitvä
katham anyatra) vartate : Read vardhate (L).
111.81b (105,13) tadvase däruyantravat3 cf. BhägP. X.11.9
tadva'so däruyantravat and Mhbh. V.1 5 6 .1 U asvatantro hi
purusah käryate däruyantravat.
III.82a (l05,lk) säksän matharnanmathah: Read säksän manmatha-
manmathah (= BhägP. X.32.2).
III.82b (105,15) ato: Read ato (L).
III.8 8 a (105,26) rädhäfn prema vinä nästi3 prema laulyam vinä
na hi: Read rädhä (L).
III.93a (105,36) lilärasamayi yatra (...äsväditä ): Read
lilä rasamayi yatra. Cf. III.9kb Htäsvädah.
---- devänäm eti durlabhä: Read devänäm atidurlabhä (l ).
III.93b (105,37) yatra nästi kälakrto 'vyayah (L): Read
vyayah and tatra (’there decay caused by Time does not
exist’).
III.9ka (105,38) Read jtväh. L seems to read manmärgiyäh (cf.
111.98b matpärsadäh ?). But cf. BhägP. X.86.59 sanmärga-.
III.9kb (105,39) (Hläsvädah katham tesäm bhaved) evänayäyatah:
Read evä ’napäyatäh (Caland, note). Cf. III.77a nityä
’napäyini saktih.
III.102a (1 0 6 ,1 6 ) samsaranti bhatämbhodhau: Read samsaranti
bhavämbhodhau (L ).
III. 103a (1 0 6 ,1 8 ) nityamukhätmakam: Read nityasukhätmaham.
Ill.loUb (l06,2l) naiva muktä bhavanttha prakrter matkrtpäm
vinä: matkayäm or matkapäm L. Read matkrpäm vinä.
333
III.105a (106,22) tadvärakatayä sthitah (L): perhaps to be
read taddvärakatayä sthitah ? Or taddhärakatayä ?
III.105b (1 0 6 ,2 3 ) tadbhogyabhuktayesäfmä-tmatätvenc sthito
'bhavam (L):? Is tadbhogyabhuktaye 'py ätmä 'tmanä tv
eva sthito 'bhavam meant ?
III.107b (1 0 6 ,2 7 ) ...... tathä bhavitum ätmanä
iochcbni yena baddhä§ ca muktä bhütäpradhänatah.
A participle seems to stand for a finite verb form. Read:
muktä bhütäh pradhänatah.
III.Il6a (107,5) sarvadärasaliläyärn: Read sarvadä vasalfläyäm.
III.123b (l07,2l) Read kätyäyanim (L).
III.1 2 6 .7 (1 0 8 ,2 ) tätapurah: mätah (?) purah L. Read mätuh
purah.
III.127a (1 0 8 ,3 ) käkalikäpi: Read käkalt kä 'pi.
III.127b (108,1+) mandäkräntä. Read siro me.
III.127d (108,6) samsrstä bandhuvargaih: Read sarhprstä bandhu-
vargaih.
III. 132a (l08,25) gatä bimbädhavam : Read gatäfn bimbädharam.
111.132c (108,27) däsye 'smänapadafn: däsye 'syänapadafn L.
Read däsye ’syä 'nayadäm ?
334
ADDENDA ET CORRIGENDA
Introduction: To the quotations from the Bhägavata Parana
should be added IV.69.8 (123,17), pointed out by Caland.
He also noted the beginning of a särdütavikridita line in
IV.56.5 (120,5), apparently unintentional.
1.14a (45,26): Indische Sprüche2 221*+ (= Subhäsitärnava 123)
reads ghanodaye susyati yaj jaläsayo (javäsako in two
MSS). In view of Ind. Spr.2 3936 (= Subhäsitärnava 13*+)
yaväsako na kirn susyed väri vyayati väride "verdorrt
etwa nicht die Mannapflanze, wenn die Wolke ihr Wasser
spendet?" Böhtlingk-Garbe, Chrestomathie3, p. 202 (line
29) and *+08 emended this to ghanodaye Susyati yad yavä
sako.
1.33.7 (*+9,10) laksaye ' ti: laksayati ’bemerken, wahrnehmen,
erblicken’ is rare in Gop. (as against varnayati ’be
trachten’, for which PW only quotes Kathäs. 67.15), but
cf., e.g., II.l6b (75,3) samlaksyate, 11.38.2 (98,11)
alaksita.
I.3*+.10 (*+9,22) gopäla(ka)h is of course no proper name but
a general designation. Cf. VI. *+.3 (l*+3,l6).
I.*+2.2 (50,31) tatho: this is a Yajurvedism, just as I.5*+.2
(52,22) prätarasana (: Maitr. Samh. III.6.6: 67,3) and
IV. 52d (118,26) snühan (: ÄpSS. 10.1*+.l). Note also
the curious line I.123c (66,28) bhltyä väto väti yasyä
'mdlätman (cf. Caland, Introd., p. 21 n.7), which in
the original version in Taitt.Up. 2.8 referred to the
brahman. A general Vedism is IV.100b (131,20) änitä
'poured out' (conjectured by Caland).
I.*+8.1 (51,28) apahäya: this occurs indeed in verse and in
prose, cf. IV.90d (128,8) and IV.90,2 (128,10a).
1.6*+d (5*+,*+): cf. II.ll*+b (91,10) -valita.
1.67.2 (55,6) avastdana: nisldana also occurs in Buddhist
Hybrid Sanskrit.
I.7*+. 37 (57,12): the asandhi in I.2*+.2 (*+7,2*+) nivartaya ito
vatsän is due to mere inadvertency, cf. 1 .82.1 (58,15),
IV.56.2 (120,2), IV.85 .8 (126,18). Note also the asandhi
in II.7*+. 2 (7*+,25) bhavatä ätmä3 IV. 69 .*+ (123,13)
-opadesena äryärädhanäya, V.10.1 (133,1*+) lalitä äräd
(cf. IV.69 .9: 123,18).
335
I.90b (59,33) kisalaya: for kisalayas e.g. 1 .82.2 (58 ,16 ),
1.84.1 (58,28), II.9b (74,5).
1.93.12 (60,29): delete idafnnt.
1.103.1 (62,19) hvdayählädakctrin: also attested in the bhäna
Säradätilaka 6.1. Cf. Ratnäv. 1.4.8: hrdayählädin and
Ind. Spr.2 3^3 (= Kavitämrtaküpa 8 ) ählädakärin.
1.123.2 (66,31) avagatam krsnatattvam: cf. VI.12.4 (145,23)
*bhavattattvafn no jänanti.
1.136c (70,19) datta for danta: also II.86d (85,30), IV.13b
(109,10 ).
I. 139b (71,8) ävtjita: ä-vtj- only recorded from Harivamsa
70.23 (v.l. ).
II. 27d (75,15) sänuküla: cf. III.3c (92,29) sähkurtkrta.
II.31b (76,35) netram lälayan trotrasimni: a well-known
cliche, cf. II.23a (95,23) äkarnäntair looanaih3 11.42b
(79,2) karnänta-bhränta-netra3 etc. The verb may be
the same as found in Harivamsa App. 29E.81 kaumodakirn
... lälayan fraising(?) his mace’. Of. Turner, CDIAL
2373 *ullälayatd 'raises’.
II.31.1 (77,l) Insert: k: r s n a h /
11.31.5 (77,5) dandam utthäpya: cf. 1.34.9 (49,21) udyata-
dando ... gopäldh.
II. 49c (80,8) bhahgair ahkagatair: delete the note, bhahgair
must of course stand for bhrhgair (Caland, note), cf.
TV.63c (l21,l6): bhrahgadr L), 65b (122,10) bhrahgaih3
VI.26c (l47,26: bhrahga L). As for ahkagatair, cf. the
parallel passage (quoted in the Enoyol. Skt. Diet.
p. 507b) Sundarlsataka 98 ahkagatas tava kumudini matto
madkupah prasupta iti manye. But for the meaning ('being
within one's reach, being in the grip, gained' according
to the ESD ) cf. ahkam (up)ägata 'seeking protection'
(op.c., p. 505a), that is 'in the lap'.
III. l8d (95,5) jäne 'ham: but also jänämy aham3 e.g. 1.123.2
(66,31), II.53a (80,26), IV.85.1 (126 ,2 ).
337
ADHIMUKTI IN THE SADDHARMAFUNDARIKASUTRA
Yenshu KURUMIYA (Tokyo)
The term adhimukti is one of the most important words in
Buddhist texts. The Saddharmapundarikasütra (= SP) contains
the chapter titled 'adhimukti-parivarta'. Adhimukti is a
feminine noun, derived from a verb adhi-muo-. Recently
Professor K. Mochizuki published a work entitled Hokekyd
ni okeru shin no kenkyü josetsu (Tokyo 1980 ), in which he
discussed the terms §raddhä3 adhimukti and prasäda which he
found in the Sanskrit text of the SP. Subsequently Professor
K. Tsukamoto wrote an article concerning the same three terms
in the SP.1 From their works it seems that they view these
three terms as all having equally the meaning of ’faith’.
Their view-point may be underscored by that of Professor K.
Fujita.2 In his careful and detailed article these terms -
saddha, pasdda and adhimutti in Pali - are treated as words
implying a sense of ’faith’ in early Buddhism. It seems that
Professor Tsukamoto and Professor Mochizuki might think adhi
mukti has a sense of ’trust’ or 'confidence', rather than
’faith'. It goes without saying that, for Professor Fujita,
Professor K. Sakurabe3 and others, adhimukti is one of the
oaittas in accordance with the Northern Buddhist tradition.
Of course the term adhimukti used in the SP should be regarded
as a oaitta.
The following are all passages that include the word
adhimukti in the Sanskrit text of the SP.
1-1
ye ca tesu buddhaksetresu bhiksubhiksunyupäsakopäsikä
yogino yogäcäräh präptaphaläs cäpräptaphaläs ca te ’pi sarve
samdrsyante sma / ye ca tesu buddhaksetresu bodhisattvä mahä-
sattvä anekavividhäsravanärambanäii/ziww/ctihetukäranair CI-13
upäyakausalyair bodhisattvacaryäm caranti te ’pi sarve sam
drsyante sma / (Kern 6.11-7.1)
338
1 -2
p r a k ä s i t ä me i y a d h a r m a n e tr i
ä c a k s i t o d h a rm a sv a b h ä v a y ä d r s a h /
n i r v ä n a k ä l o mama ad y a b h ik s a v o
r ä t r i y a yäm asm i h a madhyam a sm in / / 79 / /
bhava. h ä p r a m a ttä a d h im u k ti s ä r ä C I-23
a b h i y u j y a t h ä m ahya im asm i s ä s a n e /
s u d u r la b h ä b h o n t i j i n ä m a h a rsa y a h /
k a l p ä n a k o t l n a y u t ä n a a t y a y ä t / / 80 / /
2 5 .1 3 -1 6 )
1 1 -1
n a t a d d a r s a y itu m sakyam v y ä h ä ro ’ sy a n a v i d y a t e /
n ä p y a s a u t ä d r s a h k a s c i t s a t t v o lo k e s m i v i d y a t e / / 6 / /
y a s y a tarn d e s a y e d dharmam d e s i t a m c ä p i j ä n i y ä t /
a n y a t r a b o d h i s a t t v e b h y o adhim uktäu C II-1 3 ye s t h i t ä h / / 7 / /
(Kern 3 1 .3 -6 )
1 1 -2
g a m b h ira d h a rm ä sa k h a rm ä p i b u d d h ä
a ta rk ik ä h s a r v i a n ä sra v ä s ca /
aham c a jä n S m i h a y ä d r s ä h i t e
y e v ä j i n ä l o k i d a s a d d i s ä s u / / 18 / /
yarn s ä r i p u t r a s u g a ta h p r a b h ä s a t e
adhimuktissLm'pa.nna. CI 1 -2 3 b h a v ä h i t a t r a /
a n a n y a th ä v ä d i j i n o m a h a r s i
c i r e n a p i b h ä s a t i u tta m ä r th a m / / 19 / /
(Kern 3 2 .1 3 -1 6 )
11-3
y e ' p i t e s ä r i p u t r ä t l t e 'd h v a n y ab h ü v a n d a s a s u d i k s v a p ra m e -
y e s v a sa m k h y e y e su l o k a d h ä t u s u t a t h ä g a t ä a r h a n t a h sam yaksam -
b u d d h ä b a h u j a n a h i t ä y a b a h u ja n a s u k h ä y a lo k ä n u k a m p ä y a i m ah ato
j a n a k ä y a s y ä r t h ä y a h i t ä y a su k h ä y a devänäm c a m anusyänäm c a /
ye n ä n ä b h in irh ä ra n ird e s a v iv id h a h e tu k ä ra n a n id a rs a n ä ra m b a n a -
n i r u k t y u p ä y a k a u s a l y a i r n ä n ädhimuktänörn C1 1 -3 3 s a ttv ä n ä m
n ä n ä d h ä tv ä s a y ä n ä m äsayam v i d i t v ä dharmam d e s i t a v a n t a h / t e
' p i s a r v e s ä r i p u t r a b u d d h ä b h a g a v a n ta ekam e v a yänam ä ra b h y a
s a ttv ä n ä m dharmam d e s i t a v a n t o y ad idam buddhayänam s a r v a j h a -
tä p a r y a v a s ä n a m y ad idam ta th ä g a ta jh ä n a d a r s a n a s a m ä d ä p a n a m ev a
s a ttv ä n ä m t a t h ä g a ta jM n a d a r s a n a s a m d a r s a n a m e v a t a t h ä g a t a j h ä n a -
339
d a r s a n ä v a tä r a n a m e v a t a t h ä g a t a j h ä n a d a r s a n a p r a t i b o d h a n a m ev a
ta th ä g a ta jh ä n a d a r s a n a m ä r g ä v a tä r a n a m e v a s a ttv ä n ä m dharmam
d e s i t a v a n ta h /
(Kern 4 0 .1 5 -4 1 .7 )
II-U
ye ' p i t e s ä r i p u t r ä n ä g a t e 'd h v a n i b h a v i s y a n t i d a s a s u d i k s v . . . /
ye c a n ä n ä b h i n i r h ä r a n i r d e s a v i v i d h a h e t u k ä r a n a n i d a r s a n ä r a m b a n a -
n i r u k t y u p ä y a k a u s a l y a i r n än ädhirm ktänäm C II-U 3 s a ttv ä n ä m n ä n ä
d h ä tv ä s a y ä n ä m äsayam v i d i t v ä dharmam d e s a y i s y a n t i / . . .
(Kern 4 1 .1 0 -1 8 )
II-5
ye ’p i t e s ä r i p u t r a i t a r h i p r a ty u tp a n n e 'd h v a n i d a s a s u d ik s v
. . . / ye n ä n ä b h i n i r h ä r a n i r d e s a v i v i d h a h e t u k ä r a n a n i d a r s a n ä r a m -
b a n a n i r u k t y u p ä y a k a u s a l y a i r n än ädhim uktänäm C li- 5 3 s a ttv ä n ä m
n ä n ä d h ä tv ä s a y ä n ä m äsayam v i d i t v ä dharmam d e s a y a n t i / . . .
(Kern 4 2 .1 -9 )
1 1 -6
aham a p i s ä r i p u t r a i t a r h i t a t h ä g a t o 'r h a n sam yaksam buddho b a h u -
j a n a h i t ä y a b a h u ja n a s u k h ä y a lo k ä n u k a m p ä y a i m a h a to j a n a k ä y a s y ä r -
t h ä y a h i t ä y a s u k h ä y a devänäm c a m anusyänäm c a n ä n ä b h i n i r h ä r a -
n i r d e ^ a v i v i d h a h e t u k ä r a n a n i d a r s a n ä r a m b a n a n ir u k ty u p ä y a k a u s a ly a ir
n ä n ädhvrruktanÖJTi C1 1 -6 3 s a ttv ä n ä m n ä n ä d h ä tv ä s a y ä n ä m äsayam
v i d i t v ä dharmam d e sa y ä m i / aham a p i s ä r i p u t r a i k a m e v a yänam
ä ra b h y a s a ttv ä n ä m dharmam d esay äm i y a d idam buddhayänam s a r v a -
jß a tä p a r y a v a s ä n a m y a d idam ta th ä g a ta jf lä n a d a r s a n a s a m ä d ä p a n a m
ev a s a ttv ä n ä m ta th ä g a ta jf lä n a d a r s a n a s a m d a r s a n a m e v a t a t h ä g a t a -
j h ä n a d a r s a n ä v a tä r a n a m ev a t a t h ä g a t a j h ä n a d a r s a n a p r a t ibodhanam
e v a ta th ä g a ta jh ä n a d a r s a n a m ä r g ä v a tä r a n a m e v a s a ttv ä n ä m dharmam
d e sa y ä m i / ye ’p i t e s ä r i p u t r a s a t t v ä e t a r h i mamemam dharmam
s r n v a n t i t e ' p i s a r v e 'n u t t a r ä y ä h sam yak sam bodher l ä b h in o
b h a v i s y a n t i / t a d a n e n ä p i s ä r i p u t r a p a ry ä y e n a iv a m v e d ita v y a m
y a th ä n ä s t i d v i t i y a s y a y ä n a s y a k v a c id d a s a s u d ik s u lo k e
p r a j h a p t i h k u ta h p u n a s t r t T y a s y a / / (Kern 4 2 .1 2 -4 3 . 3)
II-7
s r n o h i me s ä r i s u t ä y a t h a i s a
sam buddha dharm ah p u r u s o tta m e h i /
y a th ä ca buddhä k a th a y a n ti y äy ak ä /
u p ä y a k a u s a l y a s a t a i r a n e k a ih / / h2 / /
340
y a th ä s a y a m j ä n i y a t e c a r im c a
n ä n ädh u n u ktä n C1 1 -7 3 ih a p r ä n ik o tin ä m /
c i t r ä n i k a rm ä n i v i d i t v a te s ä m
p u r ä k r ta m y a t k u s a la m c a t e h i / / 43 / /
n ä n ä n iru k tih i ca k ä ra n e h i
sam p räp ay äm i im a t e s a p rä n in ä m /
h e t ü h i d r s t ä n t a s a t e h i cäham
t a t h ä t a t h ä t o s a y i s a r v a s a t t v ä n / / UU / /
(Kern 4 5 .1 -6 )
II-8
a n y e u p ä y ä v i v i d h ä jin ä n ä m
y e h i p r a k ä s e n t i m amägradharmam /
j f i ä t vädhim uktim Z1 1 -8 3 t a t h a äsayam c a
t a t h ä g a t o l o k i sa d e v a k a sm in / / //
(Kern 4 9 .9 -1 0 )
1 1 - 9 ,1 0 ,1 1
c a r i t am c a t e j ä n i y a sa rv a d e h in ä q i
y a th ä s a y a m y a c c a p u r ä n i s e v i t a m /
v iry a m c a sthäm am c a v i d i t v a te s ä m
SR&tvädhimukt'im C II-9 3 c a p r a k ä s a y a n t i / / 106 / /
d rs tä n ta h e tü n hahu d a rs a y a n ti
h a h u k ä ra n ä n j n ä n a h a le n a n ä y a k ä h /
n ä n ädhim uktäm s C II-1 0 3 c a v i d i t v a s a t t v ä n
n ä n ä h h i n i r h ä r u p a d a r s a y a n t i / / 107 / /
aham p i c a i t a r h i j in e n d r a n ä y a k o
u tp a n n a s a t t v ä n a su k h ä p a n ä rth a m /
sa m d a rsa y ä m i im a huddhahodhim
n ä n ä b h i n i r h ä r a s a h a s r a k o t i h h i h / / 108 / /
d e se m i dharmam c a h a h ü p ra k ä ra m
a dhim uktim C II-1 1 3 a d h y ä s a y a j n ä t v a p rä n in ä m /
sa m h a rsa y ä m i v i v i d h a i r u p ä y a ih
p ra ty ä tm ik a m jn ä n a b a la m m a m a ita t / / 109 / /
(Kern 5 5 .1 5 -5 4 .6 )
1 1 -1 2 s ä d h ü mune lo k a v in ä y a k ä g r a
a n u t t a r a m jh än arn ih ä d h ig a m y a /
u p ä y a k a u s a ly a v i c i n t a y a n t o
a n u s i k s a s e lo k a v in ä y a k ä n ä m / / 120 / /
341
vayam p i b u d d h ä y a p aram t a d ä padam
t r d h ä c a k r t v ä n a p ra k ä s a y ä m a h /
h i n ä d h im uktä C1 1 -1 2 3 h i a v id v a s ü n a r ä
b h a v i s y a t h ä b u d d h a n a s ra d d a d h e y u h / / 121 / /
t a t o vayam k ä ra n a s a m g ra h e n a
u p ä y a k a u s a ly a n is e v a m ä n ä h /
p h a lä b h ilä s a m p a r i k l r t a y a n t a h
samädapemo b a h u b o d h i s a t t v ä n / / 122 / /
(Kern 5 5 .1 3 -5 6 .4 )
1 1 1 -1
b h a g a v ä n äyusm antam s ä r i p u t r a m e t a d a v o c a t / n anu t e mayä
s ä r i p u t r a pürvam e v ä k h y ä ta m y a t h ä n ä n ä b h i n i r h ä r a n i r d e s a v i v i d h a -
h e tu k ä r a n a n i d a r s a n ä r a m b a n a n i r i i k t y u p ä y a k a u s a ly a ir n än ä d h im u k tä -
nöm C I I I - 1 3 s a ttv ä n ä m n ä n ä d h ä tv ä s a y ä n ä m äsayam v i d i t v ä t a t h ä -
g a to ’r h a n sam yaksam buddho dharmam d e s a y a t i / (Kern 71. 6-9 )
111-2
s a c a p u r u s a s te s ä m kum ärakänäm ä s a y a j n o b h a v e d adhim uktim
C I I I - 2 1 c a v i j ä n i y ä t / (Kern 7 3 .1 4 -1 5 )
III-3
adh'imukt'isBxo.s C I I I - 3 1 t u v a s ä r i p u t r a
kim v ä p u n a r m ahya im e ’ n y a s r ä v a k ä h /
e te f p i s ra d d h ä y a m am aiva y ä n t i
p ra ty ä tm ik a m jilä n u n a c a i v a v i d y a t e / / 110 / /
(Kevn 9 3 .9 -1 0 )
IV -1
j ä n ä t i s a g r h a p a t i s t a s y a d a r i d r a p u r u s a s y a h i n ä d h im u ktika tö m
IIIV -13 ä tm a n a s c o d ä ra s th ä m a tä m j ä n l t e c a m am aisa p u t r a i t i / /
(Kern 1 0 5 .1 -2 )
IV -2
vayaon c a bhag av am s t i s r b h i r d tih k h a tä b h ih s a m p ld itä abhüma /
k a ta m ä b h is t i s r b h i r y a d u t a d u h k h a d u h k h a ta y ä s a m s k ä ra d u h k h a -
t a y ä v in a r in ä m a d u h k h a ta y ä s a s a m s ä re c a h i n ä d h im u k tik a h C IV -2] /
(Kern 1 0 8 .1 7 -1 0 9 .2 )
342
IV -3
p r a j ä n ä t i c a t a t h ä g a t o 'sm äkarn h in ädh im u ktikatöm CIV-33 t a t a s
c a b h a g a v ä n asm än u p e k s a t e n a s a m b h i n a t t i n ä c a s t e yo 'yajji
t a t h ä g a t a s y a jn ä n a k o s a e s a e v a yusmäkam b h a v i s y a t l t i /
(Kern 1 0 9 .6 -7 )
rv-4,5,6,7,8
t e vayam b h a g a v a n b o d h is a ttv ä n ä m m a h ä sa ttv ä n ä m t a t h ä g a t a j h ä n a -
d a rs a n a m ä ra b h y o d ä rä m dharm adesanäm kurm as ta th ä g a ta jr lä n a m
v iv a rä m o d a rs a y ä m a u p a d a rs a y ä m o vayam bhagavam s t a t o n ih s p r h ä h
sam änäh / t a t k a s y a h e to h / u p ä y a k a u s a ly e n a t a t h ä g a t o 'smäkarn
adhim uktim LTV-hl p r a j ä n ä t i / t a c c a vayam n a jä n lm o n a
budhyäm ahe y a d idam b h a g a v a t a i t a r h i k a t h i t a m y a th ä vayam
b h a g a v a to b h ü tä h p u t r ä b h ag av äm s cäsm äkam s m ä r a y a ti t a t h ä g a t a -
jn ä n a d ä y ä d ä n / t a t k a s y a h e t o h / y a t h ä p i näma vayam t a t h ä g a t a s y a
b h ü tä h p u t r ä i t i / a p i t u k h a l u p u n a r h ln ädhim uktäk CIV-53 /
s a c e d b h a g a v ä n asmükam p a s y e d a d h irm k tib d la m CIV-63 b o d h i-
s a ttv a s a b d a m b h a g a v ä n asmäkam u d ä h a re d vayam p u n a r b h a g a v a tä
dve k ä r y e k ä r ä p i t ä b o d h is a ttv ä n ä m c ä g r a t o fon ädh im u ktikä CIV-73
i t y u k t ä s t e c o d ä rä y ä m b u d d h a b o d h au s a m ä d ä p itä h / asmäkam
c e d ä n im b h a g a v ä n adhirnuktibaZam CIV-83 jn ä tv e d a m u d ä h r ta v ä n
a n e n a vayam b h a g a v a n p a ry ä y e n a iv a m vadäm ah / s a h a s a iv ä s m ä b h ir
n i h s p r h a i r a n ä k ä h k s ita m a m ä rg ita m a p a r y e s ita m a c i n t i t a m
a p r ä r t h i t a m s a r v a j n a t ä r a t n a m p r a t i l a b d h a m y a th ä p ld a m t a t h ä
g a t a s y a p u t r a i h / / (Kern 1 0 9 .1 0 -1 1 0 .1 0 )
IV - 9
d r s t v ä c a so p a n d i t u tarn m a h äd h an l
hinädhim ukto CIV-93 ay u b ä l a d u r m a tih /
n a s r a d d a d h l mahyam imäm v ib h ü s itä m
p i t ä mamäyam t i n a c ä p i s r a d d a d h i t / / 20 / /
(Kern 1 1 3 .9 -1 0 )
IV - 1 0
so c ä d h a n i tarn p u ru sam n i r l k s e d
g a v ä k s a o lo k a n a k e h i n ity a m /
hinädhim ukto CIV-103 ayu mahya p u t r a h
sam k ärad h än am su c ik a m k a r o t i / / 2h / /
(Kern 1 1 4 . 3 - 4 )
IV -1 1 ,1 2
ä s c a r y a p r ä p t a s c a b h a v e n n a ro 's a u
d a r id r a b h ä v a m p u r imam s m a r itv ä /
343
htnädhi-nruktirn CIV-1 1 3 c a p i t u s c a t a n gunäm l
la b d h v ä kutum bam s u k h i t o ' sm i a d y a / / 35 / /
t a t h a i v a cäsm äka v in ä y a k e n a
h tn ä d h im u k titv a CIV-123 v i j ä n i y ä n a /
na s rä v ita m buddha b h a v is y a th e ti
yüyam k i l a s r ä v a k a mahya p u t r ä h / / 36 / /
(Kern 1 1 5 .1 1 -1 1 6 .2 )
IV -13,1U ,15
tarn cäsm a l o k ä c a r i y a h sv ay am b h ü r
u p e k s a te k ä la m av ek sam än ah /
n a b h ä s a t e b h ü ta p a d ä rth a s a m d h im
a d h im uktim CIV-133 asm äka g av esam än ah / / 1+7 / /
u p ä y a k a u s a ly a y a t h a i v a t a s y a
m ah äd h a n a sy a p u r u s a s y a k a l e /
htnädhdmuktarp C IV -lU l s a t a t a m d a m e ti
d am iy än a c ä s m a i p r a d a d ä t i v i t t a m / / 1+8 / /
su d u sk u ra m k u r v a t i l o k a n ä th o
u p ä y a k a u s a ly a p r a k ä s a y a n t a h /
htnädhvrnuktän CIV-15 3 d a m a y a n tu p u t r ä n
d am etv a c a jn än am idam d a d ä t i / / 1+9 / /
(Kern 1 1 8 .1 -6 )
IV-16
p r a t i p a t t i d a r s e t i b a h u p ra k ä ra m
s a t t v ä n a s t h ä n ä n i p ra jä n a m ä n a h /
nänädhim uktirn CIV-163 c a v i d i t v a te s ä m
h e t ü s a h a s r e h i b r a v i t i dharmam / / 6 l / /
(Kern 1 2 0 .5 -6 )
V -l
s o 'harn k ä s y a p a ik a ra s a d h a rm a m v i d i t v ä y a d u t a v im u k tir a s a m
n i r v r t i r a s a m n ir v ä n a p a r y a v a s ä n a m n i t y a p a r i n i r v r t a m ek a b h ü m i-
kam ä k ä s a g a tik a m adhirrrukt'Lm CV-13 s a ttv ä n ä m a n u ra k sa m ä n o n a
s a h a s a i v a s a r v a j r l a jn än am sa m p ra k ä sa y ä m i / (K ern 1 2 4 .1 0 -1 2 5 .1 )
V-2
d h a r m a r ä jä aharn lo k a u tp a n n o b h a v a m a rd a n ah /
dharmam b h ä sä m i s a ttv ä n ä m adhim uktim CV-23 v i j ä n i y a / / 1 / /
(Kern 1 2 5 .7 -8 )
344
V-3
evam e v a k ä s y a p a t a t h ä g a t ä n ä m a rh a tä m sam yaksam buddhänäm
s a r v a j f f a j f i ä n a e i t t a p r a b h ä s a r v e s u p a ß c a g a ty u p a p a n n e s u s a t t v e s u
yathädhi-m uktdm CV-33 m a h ä y ä n ik a p r a ty e k a b u d d h a y ä n ik a s r ä v a k a -
y ä n i k e s u s a d d h a rm a d e s a n ä samam p r a v a r t a t e / (Kern 1 3 1 .1 5 -
1 3 2 .1 ) '
v-4
äyusm än m ah äk äsy ap o b h a g a v a n ta m e t a d a v o c a t / y ad y a p i b h a g a v a n
s a t t v ä nänädhdm uktayo CV-43 y e t r a i d h ä t u k ä n n i h s r t ä h kirn te s ä m
ekam n irv ä n a m u t a dve t r i n i v ä / / (Kern 1 3 2 .1 2 -1 3 )
V-5
s a s a rv a d h a rm ä n a n u tp a n n ä n a n ir u d d h ä n a b a d d h ä n am uktän atam o
' n d h a k ä r ä n a p r a k ä s ä n p a s y a t i / y a evam g a m b h lrä n dharm än
p a s y a t i s a p a s y a t y a p a s y a n a y ä s a r v a t r a i d h ä t u k a m p a rip ü rn a m
a.nyonya.sa.ttväsayädhim uktam CV-53 / / (Kern 1 3 7 .1 1 -1 3 )
V II-1
c ary äm c a jn än am p i c a s a r v a j ä n a s i
ad h y äsay am p ü r v a k rta m c a punyam /
a d h im u k ti C V II-ID j ä n ä s i c a s a r v a p r ä n in ä m
p r a v a r t a y ä c a k ra v a ra m a n u tta r a m i t i / / 17 / /
(Kern 1 6 3 .3 -4 )
V II-2
t a s y a k h a l u p u n a r b h ik s a v o m a h ä b h ijn ä jn ä n ä b h ib h u v a s t a t h ä g a t a -
s y ä r h a t a h sam yaksam buddhasyem am sa d d h a rm a p u n d a rik am d h arm a-
p a ry ä y a m b h ä s a m ä n a s y a s r ä v a k ä s c ä d h im u k ta v a n ta s C V II-23 t e c a
s o d a s a s rä m a n e r ä b a h ü n i c a p r ä n i k o t i n a y u t a s a t a s a h a s r ä n i v i c i -
k i t s ä p r ä p t ä n y ab h ü v a n / / (Kern 1 8 1 .1 1 -1 4 )
V II-3
e ^ a iv a is ä m ä n u p ü rv y a n u t t a r ä y ä h sam yaksam bodher a b h is a m b o d h a -
n ä y a / t a t k a s y a h e to h / evara duradhimocyam C V II-33 h i b h i k s a v a s
t a t h ä g a t a j n ä n a m / k a ta m e c a t e b h ik s a v a h s a t t v ä y e mayä b o d h i-
s a t t v e n a t a s y a b h a g a v a ta h s ä s a n e ap ram ey än y a sa m k h y e y ä n i g a n -
g ä n a d f v ä lu k ä s a m ä n i s a t t v a k o t l n a y u t a s a t a s a h a s r ä n i s a r v a j n a t ä -
dharmam a n u s r ä v i t ä n i / (Kern 1 8 5 .8 -1 8 6 . 2)
345
vn-U
e t a d b h ik s a v a u p ä y a k a u s a ly a m v e d ita v y a m d h a r m a d e s a n ä b h in ir -
h ä r a s c a / y a sm in b h ik s a v a h sam aye t a t h ä g a t a h p a r i n i r v ä n a -
k älasam ay am ätm an ah s a m a n u p a s y a ti p a ris u d d h ä m c a par$ ad am
p a s y a t y a d h im u ktisä rä m CVII-U3 s ü n y a d h a rm a g a tim g a tä m d h y ä n a -
v a tim m a h ä d h y ä n a v atlin / (Kern 1 8 6 .8 -1 0 )
V II-5
u p ä y a k a u s a ly a m k h a l v idam b h i k s a v a s ta t b ä g a tä n ä m a rh a tä m
d ü r a p r a n a s ta m s a ttv a d h ä tu m v i d i t v ä h l n ä b h i r a t ä n k ä m ap an k a-
magnäms t a t a esäm b h ik s a v a s t a t h ä g a t a s t a n n irv ä n a m b h ä s a t e
y ad ad h im u o ya n te C V II-53 / / (Kern 1 8 7 .1 -3 )
V I I I - 1 ,2
s r n o t h a me b h ik s a v a e ta m a rth a m
y a t h ä c a r i mahya s u t e n a c i r n ä /
u p ä y a k a u s a ly a s u s ik s ite n a y a th ä
c a c ir n ä iy a b o d h ic a ry ä / / 1 / /
htnädh'im uktä C V III-1 3 im a s a t v a j f iä tv ä
u d ä ray än e c a s a m u ttr a s a n ti /
t a t u s r ä v a k ä b h o n tim i b o d h i s a t t v ä h
p r a ty e k a b o d h im c a n i d a r s a y a n t i / / 2 / /
u p ä y a k a u s a l y a s a t a i r a n e k a ih
p a r ip ä c a y a n ti b a h u b o d h is a ttv ä n /
evam c a b h ä s a n t i vayam h i s r ä v a k ä
d ü r e vayam u ttam am a g r a b o d h iy ä / / 3 //
etäm c a r im te s a n u s ik s a m ä n ä h
p a r ip ä k u g a c c h a n t i h i s a t t v a k o t y a h /
h tn ä d h im u ktä § C V III-2D c a k u s i d a r ü p ä
a n u p ü rv a t e s a r v i b h a v a n t i b u d d h äh / / b / /
(Kern 2 0 3 .4 -1 1 )
X -l
. . . na t ä v a t t e b h a i s a j y a r ä j a b o d h is a ttv a c a ry ä y ä m k u s a lä
b h a v a n t i y ä v a n nemarp d h arm ap ary äy am s r n v a n t i / y e t v imam
dh arm ap ary äy am s r n v a n t i s r u t v ä cädhim uayanty CX-1D a v a t a r a n t i
v i j ä n a n t i p a r i g r h n a n t i ta s m in sam aye t a ä s a n n a s th ä y in o
b h a v i s y a n t y a n u tta r ä y ä m sam yaksam bodhäv a b h y ä s ib h ü tä h / /
(Kern 232. 7-10)
346
X-2
lly a n ä m s a r v a v a r j i t v ä s r n u y ä t s ü tra m Id rs a m /
d u r la b h o v a i s r a v o h y a s y a adhirrruktt CX-23 p i d u r la b h ä / / l6 / /
(Keim 2 3 5 .9 -1 0 )
X I-1
n a h y etam d u sk a ra m b h o t i ta s m in k ä la s m i b h ik su n ä m /
v in a y e c c h r ä v a k ä n mahyam p a f lc ä b h ijn ä s u s t h ä p a y e t / / 30 / /
ta s y e d a m d u s k a r a ta r a m idam s ü tr a m c a d h ä r a y e t /
s ra d d a d h e d adhim uoyed CXI-13 v ä b h ä s e d v ä p i p u nah p\m ah / / 31 / /
(Keim 2 5 4 .1 3 -2 5 5 .2 )
X I-2
a t h a k h a lu b h a g a v ä n p u n a r e v a b h ik su sam g h am ä m a n tr a y a te sma /
y ah k a s c i d b h ik s a v o ’ n ä g a te ’ d h v a n i k u l a p u t r o v ä k u l a d u h i t ä
vedam sa d d h a rm a p u n d a rlk a m s ü t r a p a r i p a r i v a r t a m s r o s y a t i s r u t v ä
c a n a k ä h k s i s y a t i n a v i c i k i t s i s y a t i v i s u d d h i c i t t a s c ä d h i-
m o ksya te CXI-23 / t e n a t i s r n ä m d u r g a tln ä m dväram p i t h i t a m
b h a v i s y a t i / . . . (Keim 2 6 0 .6 -9 )
X I I - 1 ,2
kirn c ä p i b h a g a v a n s a th a k ä h s a t t v ä s ta s m in k ä l e b h a v i s y a n t i
p a r i t t a k u s a l a m ü l ä a d h im ä n ik ä l ä b h a s a t k ä r a s a m n i s r i t ä a k u s a l a -
m ü la p r a tip a n n ä diardamä a d h -im u ktivd ra h d tä C X II-11 a n a d h d m u kti-
b a h u lä h d l 1 - 2 1 / (Kern 2 6 7 .4 -6 )
X II-3
s a rv e ca lo k a p ra d y o tä ä g a tä ye d is o d a sa /
sa ty ä m väcam p ra b h ä sä m o adh im u ktim C X II-33 v i j ä n a s i / / 21 / /
(K eim '274. 9 -1 0 )
X III-1
m a h ä d u s p r a j h a j ä t i y ä b a te m e s a t t v ä y e ta th ä g a ta s y o p ä y a k a u s a ly a m
sa m d h ä b h ä sita m n a s r n v a n t i n a j ä n a n t i n a b u d h y a n te n a p r c c h a n t i
na s r a d d a d h a n t i n ä d h vn u c ya n te C X III-3 3 / (K ein 2 8 8 .1 -3 )
X IV -1
m am aiva hy e t e k u l a p u t r ä h s a t t v ä h p a u r v a k e s u sam yaksam buddhesu
k r t a p a r i k a r m ä n o d a r s a n ä d 'e v a h i k u l a p u t r ä h s r a v a n ä c c a
347
mairizdhvvueyante [XIV-13 buddhajhänam avataranty avagähante /
yatra ye ’pi srävakabhümau vä pratyekabuddhabhümau vä krta-
paricaryä abhüvams te fpi mayaivaitarhi buddhadharmajnänam
avatäritä samsrävitäs ca paramärtham // (Kern 301.11-302.2)
XIV-2
ye cedam jnäna gambhlram srnvanti tava näyaka /
srutvä ca adhimuoyante CXIV-2D uttaranti ca näyaka // k //
(Kern 302.6-7)
XTV-3
navayänasamprasthitäh khalu punar bhagavan bodhisattvä mahä-
sattvä vicikitsäm äpadyante / atra sthäne parinirvrte tathä-
gata imam dharmaparyäyam srutvä na pattiyisyanti na sraddhäsy-
anti nädhimoksyanti CXIV-33/tatas te bhagavan dharmavyasana-
samvartatiyena karmäbhisamskärena samanvägatä bhavisyanti /
(Kern 312.8-10)
XV-1
api tu khalu punah kulaputräs tathägata ägatägatänäm sattvänäm
indriyaparäparajhatäm vlryärabdhimätratäm vyavalokya tasminn
ätmano näma vyäharati tasmims tasmims cätmanah parinirvänam
vyäharati tathä tathä ca sattvän paritosayati nänävidhair
dharmaparyäyaih / tatra kulaputräs tathägato nänädhimuktänäm
[XV-13 sattvänäm alpakusalamülänäm bähüpaklesänam evam vadati /
dahare ’harn asmi bhiksavo jätyäbhiniskränto fciräbhisambuddho
'smi bhiksavo anuttaräm samyaksambodhim / (Kern 317.13-318. 3)
XVI-1
yair ajitäsmims tathägatäyuspramänanirdesadharmaparyäye nir-
disyamäne sattvair ekacittotpädikäpy adhimuktir [XVI-13 utpä-
ditäbhisraddadhänatä vä krtä kiyante kulaputrä vä kuladuhitaro
vä punyam prasavantlti / (Kern 332.6-8)
XVI-2
tadyatha dänapäramitäyäm silapäramitäyägi ksäntipäramitäyäm
viryapäramitäyäm dhyänapäramitäyäm virahitah prajhäpäramitayä /
yena cäjita kulaputrena vä kuladuhiträ vemam tathägatäyuspra-
mänanirdesam dharmaparyäyam srutvaikacittotpädikäpy adhimuktzr
[XVI-23 utpäditäbhisraddadhänatä vä krtä / (Kern 332.11-333.3)
348
XVI-3
üyum ca mama yo srutvä stri väpi puruso 'pi vä /
ekaksanam pi sraddhäti idam punyam anantakam // 30 //
vicikitsäm ca varjitvä injitä manyitäni ca /
adhimucyen CXVI-33 muhürtam pi phalam tasyedam Tdrsam // 31 //
(Kern 336.1-4)
xvi-4
punar aparam ajita ya imam tathägatäyuspramänanirdesam dharma-
paryäyam srutvävatared a<i?z^muci/etä(XVI-U]vagähetävabudhyeta so
’smäd aprameyataram punyäbhisamskäram prasaved buddhajnänasam-
vartaniyam / (Kern 337.3-4)
XVI-5,6,7
yadä cäjita sa kulaputro vä kuladuhitä vemam tathägatäyuspra
mänanirdesam dharmaparyäyam srutvädhyäsayenä^/zimwct/czte CXVI-53
tadä tasyedam adhyäsayalaksanam veditavyam yad uta grdhraküta-
parvatagatam mäm dharmam nirdesayantam draksyati bodhisattva-
ganaparivrtam bodhisattvaganapuraskrtam srävakasamghamadhya-
gatam / idam ca me buddhaksetram sahäm lokadhätum vaidüryamayim
samaprastaräm draksyati suvarnasüträstäpadavinaddhäm ratna-
vrksair vicitritäm / kütägäraparibhogesu cätra bodhisattvän
nivasato draksyati / idam a(j±tädhyäsayenädhimuktasya CXVI-63
kulaputrasya vä kuladuhitur vädhyäsayalaksanam veditavyam /
api tu khalu punar ajita tän apy aham adhyä§ayädhimuktän
CXVI-73 kulaputrän vadämi ye tathägatasya parinirvrtasyemam
dharmaparyäyam srutvä na pratiksepsyanty uttari cäbhyanumo-
dayisyanti / (Kern 337.9-338.3)
XVI-8
samghasya vividhä püjä krtä me tena sammukham /
ya idam dhärayet sütram nirvrtasmin vinäyake // hj 11
adhvmuktisäro CXVI-83 yo syäd ato bahutaram hi sah /
punyam labheta yo etat sütram väcel likheta vä // 48 //
(Kern 342.1-4)
Adhimukti, a feminine noun, is found in II-l, 8, 9, 11;
III-2; IV-4, 13; V-l, 2; VII-1; X-2; XII-3; and XVI-1, 2. The
following compounds with adhimukti occur: anekavividhä§ravanä-
rarnbamdhiirnktihetukärana 1-1; adhimuktisccra 1-2, III-3,
VII-4; adhimuktisampanna II-2; hinädhirrruktikatä IV-1, 3;
349
hinädhimuktika I V - 2 , 7 ; adhim uktibala I V - 6 , 8; hinädhimukti
IV- 1 1 ; hinädhimukti t v a I V - 1 2 ; nänädhimukti I V - l 6 , V-U;
yathädhim ukti V -3 ; a d h im u k tivira h itä X I I - 1 ; anadhim ukti-
bahula X I I - 2 .
I n I I - l i t i s s t a t e d t h a t t h e B o d h i s a t t v a s who a r e f i r m
i n adhim ukti can e x p l a i n a n d u n d e r s t a n d t h e law o f t h e B uddhas.
I I - 8 a s w e l l as I I - 9 and 11 s t a t e t h a t , h a v i n g p e r c e i v e d t h e
adhim uktis and äsayas o f t h e s a t t v a s , t h e Buddhas show t h e
suprem e dha rm a s w i t h t h e a i d o f upäyas. A s i m i l a r c o n t e x t i s
found i n I I I - 2 , V - l , 2 and V I I - 1 . I n V - l , 2 , h o w e v e r , äsaya
i s t r e a t e d e l l i p t i c a l l y , and i n V I I - 1 adhyä&aya a p p e a r s f o r
ä§aya. Adh'imukt'i i n TV-h and IV -13 i s r e g a r d e d a s hinädhi
m ukti b y K u m ä r a jiv a ( s e e Taishö v o l . IX , p p . 1 7 c l - 2 a n d l 8 c 9 ) .
I n X -2 , i t i s s a i d t h a t adhim ukti i s n o t r e a d i l y h e a r d o f n o r
o b t a i n e d , b u t t h a t i t d oes f i g u r e i n a s ü t r a , i . e . t h e SP.
X-2 g i v e s t h e p a r a b l e o f t h e d i g g i n g o f a w e l l i n a n a r i d
t r a c t o f l a n d ( v s s . 1 7 - 1 9 ) . 4 The u s e o f n i s t h ä i n t h i s
p a r a b l e may b e assum ed t o c o r r e s p o n d t o t h a t o f adh'imukt'i.
N i s t h ä h e r e means " c o m p r e h e n s io n o f a s s u r a n c e o r c o n v i c t i o n
t h r o u g h p e n e t r a t i o n " . Adhimukti i n X I I - 3 i s o f t h e B o d h i
s a t t v a s a n d i s t h a t w h ic h i s known b y t h e T a t h ä g a t a . The u s e
o f adhim ukti i n X V I-1, 2 i s d i f f e r e n t fro m t h a t m e n tio n e d
above. The adhim ukti i n t h e l a t t e r i s known b y t h e Buddha
t a t h ä g a t a , a n d t h a t i n t h e f o r m e r a r i s e s i n t h e s a t t v a s who
h e a r t h e tathägatäyuspramänanirde^adharmaparyäya . Each o f
t h e s e r e p r e s e n t s a d i f f e r e n t a s p e c t o f adhim ukti.
Compounds w i t h adhim ukti a r e a l s o f o u n d i n t h e t e x t o f
t h e SP. When t h e T a t h ä g a t a e n t e r s n i r v ä n a , he p r e a c h e s h i s
t e a c h i n g s f o r t h o s e who a r e adhim uktisära C I - 1 ; I I I - 3 ; V I I - 4 3 .
The s a t t v a s s h o u l d b e adhimuktisampanna, when t h e S u g a t a u t t e r s
C1 1 - 2 3 . The s a t t v a s i n whom t h e b h a g a v a t s e e s t h o s e ad h i
m uktibala a r e c a l l e d t h e B o d h i s a t t v a s CIV-63, a n d t o t h e s e whose
adhim u ktibala i s known, t h e b h a g a v a t t e a c h e s h i s d o c t r i n e
CIV -83. Nänädhimukti CIV-163 and yathädhim ukti show t h a t
e a c h s a t t v a h a s r e s p e c t i v e l y a d i f f e r e n t adhim ukti. The
Buddha t a t h ä g a t a p r o c l a i m s s u i t a b l e t e a c h i n g s w i t h t h e h e l p
o f upäya o r hetu, a f t e r h a v i n g o b s e r v e d t h e r e s p e c t i v e adh i
m ukti o f e a c h s a t t v a .
I n t h e S r ä v a k a b h ü m i , htnädhimukti i s one o f t h e l i n g a s
o f rägaca rita p u d g a la and m ohaoaritapudgala. 5 I n t h e r e f e r e n c e
t o m ohaearitapudgala, 6 t h e r e i s t h e p h r a s e : hinädhimuktikah . .
. . . . subhäsitadurbhäsitänäm artham äjftätum pratyapahäya § { ?)
oa b h a va ti . . . ( T i b . dman pa la mos pa dan / .......... le g s par
gsuhs pa dan / ties par b§ad pa ' i ohos rnams k y i don kun “se s
pa mi nus pa dan / , P e k in g e d . 8 6 b 5 - 6 ) . Here i t i s s a i d , on
t h e w h o l e , t h a t one who h a s hinädhimukti i s n o t a b l e t o u n d e r -
350
stand the meaning of either that which is spoken well or that
which is badly uttered. Is this why, in the SP, the house
holder did not reveal the truth to the poor man who had htnä-
dhimuktikatä CIV-13, though the householder knew the poor man
to be his own son ? Those who have hinädhimukti are in samsära
CIV-21. The tathägata knows their hinädhimuktikatä CIV-31,
so he does not show them the truth. We can see that those
who are htnädhimukta are avidvasu or ignorant CII-121 (see
BHSD p. 77b).
The verb with which adhimukti is associated is adhi-mucya-
te3 °ti (see BHSD p. 1*0 and is found in the SP as follows:
Pres, adhinrueyate XVI-5, adhimuoyante VII-5, XIII-1, XIV-1,
XIV-2, adhimueyanti X-l; Opt. adhimucyeta XVI-U, adhirrruoyet
XI-1; Fut.adhimoksyate XI-2, adhimoksyanti XIV-3. We easily
perceive that these verb forms are used in two stereotyped
phrases: (a) adhimucyate3 °ti is placed after srnoti3 srnute:
XVI-5, XIII-1, XIV-2, X-l, XVI-U, XI-2, and (b)"sraddadhäti 3
°dhatte stands before adhimucyate3 °ti: XIII-1, XI-1, (XI-2,
XVI-7). Therefore, adhirrrucyate3 °ti is the function to act
after hearing the dharmaparyäya of the SP and is subject to
sraddadhäti. XIII-1 shows that neither sraddadhäti nor adhi-
muayate is without srnoti.
The derivative forms of adhi-muc- and their compounds
are: adhimukta V-5, XVI-6, XVI-7; adhimuktavat VII-2; nänädhi-
mukta II-3, U, 5, 6, 7, 10, III-l, XV-1; hinädhimukta 11-12,
IV-9, 10, 1**, 15, VIII-1, 2; duradhimoeya VII-3. Adhimukta
appears with ä&aya in V-5 and with adhyä&aya in XVI-6, 7, as
well as adhimukti with äsaya II-8, adhyäsaya VII-1 and äsaya-
jfta III-2. Nänädhimukta is mainly used in the stereotyped
phrase °upäyakausalyair nänädhimuktänäm nänädhätväsayänäm
ä£ayam viditvä dhavmam desayati (see II-3, *+, 5, 6, III-l).
Nänädhimukta is used in almost the same way. As mentioned
above, hinädhimuktä(h) are ignorant people (avidvasü narä(h)
who are unable to believe (na sraddadheyuh) (11-12). IV-9
also explains that the stupid ones without understanding are
hinädhimukta.
Finally, VII-2 and XI-2 show that adhimuktavat and viei-
kitsäpräpta as well as adhimoksaye and kähksisyati or vici-
kitsisyati are respectively antonymous. On the other hand,
we know from X-l, XIV-1, 2 and XVI-U that adhimueyate3 °ti
appears together with avatavati3 vijänäti3 parigrhnäti3 ava-
gähate3 uttarati (see BHSD p. 123a) and avabudhyate as syno
nyms. Moreover, when we recall the above-mentioned nisthä
(Chap. X, Kern 235.10) - in spite of the appearance of
niskähksa and nirvieikitea in prose (Kern 233. 5-6) - we may
351
assume a sense of adhi-mukt'i meaning "understanding", or
"assuring or convincing oneself through penetration";
"understanding, comprehending expectantly" in the SP.
Notes
1. K. Tsukamoto, ’HokekyS ni arawareru shin’, Bukkydgakus
Vols. 9-10 (1980), pp. 79-110.
2. K. Fujita, ’Genshibukkyo ni okeru shin no keitai' ,
Hokkaidödaigaku bungakubu kiyo, Vol. 6 (1957), pp.65-110.
3. K. Sakurabe, Bukkydgo no kenkyü (Kyoto 1975), pp.3^-9.
4. udakärthi yathä kascit khänayet küpa jangale /
suskam ca pämsu pasyeta khänyamäne punah punah //17//
so drstvä cintayet tatra düre väri ito bhavet /
idam nimittam düre syät suskapämsur itocchrtah //l8//
tadä tu ärdam pasyeta pämsum snigdham punah punah /
nisthä tasya bhavet tatra nästi düre jalam iha //19//
5. Svävakabhümi of Aoävya Asahga, deciphered and edited by
Karunesha Shukla (Patna 1973), p. l85 and p. l86.
6. ibid., p. 187.8-10. Cf. Taislfö, vol. 30, p. 426al3-15.
353
LE COMMENTAIRE DE MI PHAM SUR LE
JNAN AS ARAS AMU CCAYA *
Katsumi MIMAKI (Kyoto)
Le Jnänasärasamuccaya 1 (abr. JSS) de l'Äryadeva tantrique2
est un des siddhänta indiens qui ont servi de modele ä la
litterature tibetaine des grub m t h a ’. On sait que dans le
bsTan 'gyur il y a un commentaire de Bodhibhadra, le Jfläna-
särasamuacaya-nibandhana (abr. JSSN )3; et nous avons eu
l'occasion d'editer et traduire une portion du JSS (kk°20-28)
et du JSSN . 4 A notre connaissance il n'y a aucun commentaire
sur le JSS dans la litterature non-canonique tibetaine, sauf
un petit commentaire ecrit par Mi pham (CW 11 pp.297-323).
On trouvera done ci-dessous une petite notice sur ce
commentaire de Mi pham, comme preambule de notre prochaine
edition et traduction de tous ces trois textes integraux.
Mi pham, mieux connu avec son titre comme 'Jam mgon 'Ju
mi pham rgya mtsho, est un fameux auteur rNin ma pa du 19e-20e
siede (181+6-1912),8 et est aussi connu comme partisan du
mouvement "eclectique" {ris med) , ä la succession des trois
grandes figures de ce mouvement, Kon sprul Bio gros mtha' yas
(1813-99), 'Jam dbyans mKhyen brtse'i dban po (1820-92) et
mChog 'gyur glin pa (1829-70).6 II est par ailleurs connu
sous diverses epithetes: Mi pham phyogs las rnam par rgyal ba,
- rNam par rgyal ba, - 'Jam dpal dgyes pa'i rdo rje,7 - 'Jam
dbyans rgya mtsho, - 'Jam dbyans rnam rgyal rgya mtsho, -
Bio gros dri med, - 'Jam dpal dgyes pa, '0d gsal rdo rje,
A dzi ta bi dza ya.8
La liste des oeuvres completes de Mi pham imprimees en
dix-neuf volumes au monastere de sDe dge par le roi de sDe dge,
Tshe dban bdud 'dul (1915-^2) est pübliee par Lokesh Chandra
dans Materials for a History of Tibetan Literature (3 parts,
Sata-pitaka Series vol. 28-30), New Delhi 1963, part 1, pp.
155-72 (abr. MHTL) . Depuis lors, la plupart de ses oeuvres
sont devenues disponibles grace aux reproductions indiennes,
y compris meme celles qui ne sont pas enregistrees dans cette
liste.8
354
En reproduction indienne recente, nous avons ä notre dis
position les ouvrages suivants de Mi pham:6
10
*
1. Collected Writings of 'Jam-mgon 'Ju Mi-pham-rgya-mtsho3
comprising a collection of the works of the scholar-saint selected
for their rarity from recently unpublished xylographic prints and
manuscripts from the libraries of Dudjom Rimpoche, Luding Khen
Rimpoche, and other religious leaders and laymen, by Sonam Topgay
Kazi, Gangtok, Ngagyur Nyingmay Sungrab vol. 60-7*+ (15 volumes)
Cvol.U: 1972; vol.5, 1*+: 1973; vol. 6, 15: 197*+; vol. 2, 9, 11.
13: 1975; vol. 3, 7, 8, 10, 12: 1976; vol. 1: 19793 (abr.CV).1*
2. Mi-pham on the Kälacakra Tantra. A reproduction of the
two volumes from the collected works of ’Jam-mgon ’Ju Mi-pham-
rgya-mtsho dealing with the Cycle of the Wheel of Time, repro
duced from Texts from the Library of Dudjom Rimpoche by Sonam
Topgay Kazi, Gangtok, Ngagyur Nyingmay Sungrab vol. 58-59 (2
volumes) Cvol. 1: 1971; vol. 2: 19723.12
3. gZhan gyis brtsad pa'i lan mdor bsdus pa rigs lam rab
gsal de nyid snang byed3 An answer to Blo-bzang-rab-gsal's
refutation of the author's 'Sher le nor bu ke ta k a ’ and its
defence, the Brgal lan nyin byed snang ba, By ’Jam-mgon Mi-pham-
rgya-mtsho of ’Ju, Reproduced photographically from an original
Tibetan manuscript by Sonam T. Kazi, With an English introduction
by E. Gene Smith, Gangtok 1969 CTitre de couverture: Jamgon
Mipham’s Rablan3.13
*+. Kun gzigs dbyangs char chen po shel gyi me long dang
Nam m k h a ’i go la'i tshul la dpyad pa bcas3 A detailed commentary
on the Svarodaya (Yuddhavijaya) Tantra, the fundamental text for
comprehending Tibetan astronomical, astrological and calendrical
Theory, By Jam-mgon Mi-pham-rgya-mtsho, Reproduced from an ori
ginal Tibetan manuscript by Getse Tulku Kunga Lodoy of Kathok,
Kham Kathok Tibetan Society, Sataun, Dist. Sirmur, H. P . , 1969.14
5. gNug sems skor gsum3 Notes on ’Jam-mgon Mi-pham-rgya-
mtsho’s Lectures on the Nature of the Primordial Mind in the
Context of Dzogchen Psychology, As transcribed by his disciple
£e-chen Rgyal-tshab Padma-rnam-rgyal, Reproduced from a manus
cript copy of the Ze-chen xylographic print by Sonam Topgay Kazi,
Gangtok 1972.15
6. Skad gflis §an sbyar rab gsal nor bu'i me lon3 a detailed
dictionary of Sanskrit terms and their Tibetan renderings by ’Jam-
mgon ’Ju Mi-pham-rgya mtsho, Reproduced from a set of tracings
from a print from the Kah-thog Monastery, Smanrtsis Shesrig
Spendzod vol. 92, Leh 1979.16
355
7 . Dam p a 'i ohos mhon pa mdzod k yi mchan 'g rel r in po
c h e 'i do s a l bla g sa l dgyes p a 'i mgul rgyan , D eh rad u n 1 9 7 1 .17
8 . mKhas p a 'i tsh u l la 'jug p a 'i sgo zes bya b a 'i bstan
bcos, Ka sb u g (= K a lim p o n g ), gSun r a b flams g s o rg y u n s p e l p a r
k h a n , 1 9 6 3 . 18
9 . rGal po ' i lugs k yi bstan boos sa g z i sky oh b a 'i
rgyan, D h a ra m sa la 1 9 7 0 .19
1 0 . Rare W ritings o f 'Jam-mgon 'Ju Mi-pham-rgya-mtsho,
R e p ro d u c e d fro m a m a n u s c r ip t c o l l e c t i o n fro m D a r j e e l i n g ,
P u b lis h e d b y Lama D odrup S angyay on b e h a l f o f t h e V en. C h h e n tse
R im p o ch e, P a ro 1 9 7 7 - 20
1 1 . Las sna tshogs p a 'i shags k yi be'u bum dgos 'dod kun
'byuh g te r g y i bum pa bzah po, A r a r e c o l l e c t i o n o f s e c r e t
s p e l l s an d i n c a n t a t i o n s t o a c c o m p lis h v a r i o u s d e s i r e d r e s u l t s ,
by ’ Jam -m gon ’J u M i-p h a m -rg y a -m ts h o , R e p ro d u c e d from a MS
b e lo n g in g t o B. Jam yang N o rb u , New D e lh i 1 9 7 2 .21
1 2 . Sgyu m a'i be bum (Rdzu 'phrul sgyu ma'i be bum ho
mtshar stoh Idan) and Shags k yi be bum (Las sna tshogs p a 'i
shags k yi be bum dgos 'dod kun 'byuh g te r g y i bum bzah), tw o
c o l l e c t i o n s o f s e c r e t s p e l l s an d i n c a n t a t i o n s t o a c c o m p lis h
v a r i o u s d e s i r e d r e s u l t s , b y 'Jam -m gon *Ju M i-p h a m -rg y a -m ts h o ,
R e p ro d u c e d fro m o r i g i n a l MSS b e lo n g in g t o Lama Jurm e D ra k p a ,
New D e lh i 1 9 7 4 .22
1 3 . Ne sras brgyad kyi sgrub pa r in ohen g te r bum, C o l
l e c t e d s ä d h a n a s o f M i-pham r i n - p o - c h e , Thim phu 1 9 7 5 .
1 4 . Fundamentals o f Tibetan Medical P ra ctice, L h a -s a
S m a n - r t s i s - k h a n p r i n t s o f w o rk s o f M k h y e n - r a b - n o r - b u , 'J u
M i-pham , C h o s - g r a g s - r g y a - m ts h o , an d ’ Jam -m gon K o n - s p r u l,
S m a n r ts is S h e s r i g S p endzod v o l . 4 9 , Leh 1 9 7 4 .23
1 5 . Snyan ngag me long g i g re l pa dbyangs can r o l mtsho,
a com m en tary on D a n d in ’ s K ä v y ä d a rs a , b y ’Jam -m gon M i-pham -
r g y a - m ts h o , E d ite d an d p u b l i s h e d b y G e t s e t u l k u K u n g alo d o y ,
New D e lh i I 9 6 9 . 24
O n-ne p e u t p a s d i r e que l e s r e c h e r c h e s s u r l e s o e u v re s
de Mi pham s o n t t r e s a v a n c e e s , m a is n o u s a v o n s t o u t de meme
l e s t r a v a u x de H.V. G u e n t h e r ,25 de T a r th a n g T u l k u ,25 d e L.
Kawamura27 e t de G.H. M u llin e t L obsang R a b g a y .28
356
Avant d ' e n t r e r d a n s so n c o m m e n ta ir e s u r l e JSS , nous
a l l o n s j e t e r r a p i d e m e n t un c o u p d ' o e i l s u r s e s a u t r e s o u v r a g e s .
I I e x i s t e d e u x d e s c r i p t i o n s g e n e r a l e s de s e s o e u v r e s c o m p l e t e s :
u n e sommaire de L okesh C h a n d r a 29 e t une d e t a i l l e e de E. Gene
S m i t h . 30 Nous n o u s b o r n e r o n s done p r i n c i p a l e m e n t ä p r e s e n t e r
q u e l q u e s r e m a r q u e s s u r c e u x d e s e s c o m m e n ta ir e s d e s t r a i t e s
in d ie n s qui I n te r e s s e n t p a r tic u lie re m e n t n o tre t r a v a i l .
Parm i l e s t r a i t e s V i j n ä n a v ä d i n , Mi pham a compose l e s
c o m m e n ta ir e s s u r t o u s l e s c i n q t r a i t e s de M a i t r e y a t e l s que
l e s enum ere l a t r a d i t i o n t i b e t a i n e : l ) M ahäyänasüträlahkära
(MHTL n o . 3 1 8 8 , CW v o l . 2 ) , 2) Abhisarnayälahkära (MHTL no.
319 0 , CW v o l . 3 ) , 3) U tta r a ta n tr a (MHTL no. 3191, CW v o l . 3 ) ,
h) Dharmadharmatävibhäga (MHTL n o . 3193, CW v o l . 3 ) ,
5) M adhyäntavibhäga (MHTL n o . 319**, CW v o l . 3 ) . II a aussi
e c r i t des c o m m e n ta ir e s s u r l a VdmSatikä (MHTL n o . 3366, CW
v o l . 11) e t l a Trimädkä (MHTL n o . 3 367, CW v o l . 11) de V a su -
b a n d h u , l e Mahäyänasamgraha d ’ Asanga (MHTL n o . 3371, CW v o l .
11) e t l a H astavälaprakaran a-kä rt-kä de D i g n ä g a . 31
En c e q u i c o n c e r n e l e s t r a i t e s Mädhyamika, i l a compose
d e s c o m m e n ta ir e s s u r l a Mülamadhyamaka-kärikä de N ä g ä r j u n a
(MHTL n o . 3l8U , CW v o l . l ) , l e Madhyamakävatära de C a n d r a k i r t i
(MHTL n o . 3 1 8 5 , CW v o l . l ) , l e Madhyamakätahkära de S ä n t a r a k s i t a
(MHTL n o . 3 3 7 8 , JCW v o l . 12) e t l e n e u v ie m e c h a p i t r e d u B odhi-
c a r y ä v a tä r a de S ä n t i d e v a ( MHTL n o . 3 387, CW v o l . 1 3 ) .
C om m e n ta ire s s u r d e s t r a i t e s du pramäna: u n c o m m e n ta ir e
s u r l e Pramdnasamuaoaya de D ig n ä g a (MHTL n o . 3327, CW v o l . 7 ) ,
e t un s u r l e Pram änavärtt'ika de D h a r m a k l r t i . 32 - C om m e nta ire s
s u r d e s t r a i t e s d*A bhidharm a: un c o m m e n ta ir e s u r l'Abhddharm a-
samucoaya d ’ A sahga {MHTL n o . 3 3 6 9 , CW v o l . 1 1 ) , e t un s u r
1 *Abhidharmakosa de V a s u b a n d h u . 33 - C om m e n ta ire s s u r d i v e r s
s u J e t s : s i g n a l o n s a u m o in s l e s c o m m e n ta ir e s s u r l e Prätdm oksa-
s ü tr a (MHTL n o . 3 3 1 7 , CW v o l . 7 ) , l e S u h rllek h a de N ä g ä r ju n a
(MHTL n o . 332 1 , CW v o l . 7 ) , 34 l e Dohäko§a de S a r a h a (MHTL n o .
3 3 7 5 , CW v o l . 1 1 ) e t l e K ävyädarsa de D a n d in (MHTL n o . 3333,
CW v o l . 8 , c f . a u s s i su pra n o t r e l i s t e n o . 1 5 ) .
Nous n ’ e n t r e r o n s p a s d a n s s e s p r o p r e s o u v r a g e s n o n -
c a n o n i q u e s , m a is nous ne p o u r r i o n s n e a n m o in s p a s n o u s p a s s e r
de m e n t i o n n e r c e r t a i n s o u v r a g e s i m p o r t a n t s t e l s que l a s y n o p s i s
s u r l e Man hag I ta b a ' i phreh ba de Padmasambhava ( MHTL n o .
3 3 7 9 , CW v o l . 1 2 ) , 35 l e c o m m e n ta ir e s u r l e Tshad ma rd g s p a ' i
g t e r de Sa s k y a P a n d i t a 35 (MHTL n o . 3 3 5 2 , CW v o l . 1 0 ) , l e
t r a i t e s u r l a t h e o r i e du gzan s to h (MHTL n o . 3 3 6 8 , CW v o l . l l ) 37
e t l e d i c t i o n n a i r e s a n s k r i t - t i b e t a i n (MHTL n o . 3 ^ 1 0 , c f . su pra
l i s t e no. 6 ).
357
Parm i l e s c o m m e n ta ir e s de Mi pham s u r d e s t r a i t e s i n d i e n s ,
un des p l u s g r a n d s e t ^ i m p o r t a n t s e s t p r o b a b l e m e n t c e l u i s u r l e
Madhyamakala h k ä r a de S ä n t a r a k s i t a . P o u r c e d e r n i e r t r a i t e , on
s a i t q u ' i l y a d a n s l e Canon t i b e t a i n un a u t o - c o m m e n t a i r e 88 e t
u ne p a f tjik ä de K a m a l a s l l a , 88 e t d a n s l e s o e u v r e s n o n - c a n o n i q u e s
u n c o m m e n ta ir e p a r T son k h a p a 40 e t un a u t r e p a r r G y a l t s h a b
D ar ma r i n c h e n . 41 A l o r s que c e s deux d e r n i e r s s o n t t r e s c o u r t s
( l 6 e t 11 f o l i o s r e s p e c t i v e m e n t ) , c e l u i de Mi pham e s t enorme
( l 80 f o l i o s ) - e n c o r e p l u s l o n g meme que l e c o m m e n ta ir e c a n o n i q u e
de K a m a l a s l l a ( 6 0 f o l i o s e n e d i t i o n de P e k i n ) , meme s i on t i e n t
com pte du f a i t que l e c o m m e n ta ir e de K a m a l a s l l a e s t im p rim e s u r
h u i t l i g n e s e t c e l u i de Mi pham s u r s i x . I I est su rto u t in te
r e s s a n t p a r l e s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s q u ' i l donne de s e s a n t e c e d e n t s
t i b e t a i n s e t p a r so n c o t e p o le m iq u e t r e s d e v e l o p p e . A p a r t ce
c o m m e n ta ir e s u r l e M adhyam akälahkäray Mi pham a e n c o r e e c r i t
t r o i s g r a n d s c o m m e n t a i r e s , c e u x s u r l e M a h ä y ä n a sü trä la h k ä ra y
1 ' A bh idh arm akosa e t l e M a dh yam akävatära.
Les a u t r e s c o m m e n ta ir e s de Mi pham s o n t p l u s ou m oins
b r e f s e t ne s e m b l e n t g u e r e a p p o r t e r de n o u v e a u x e c l a i r c i s s e -
m en ts. I l s ne s o n t d a n s b i e n d e s c a s que d e s r e s u m e s de com
m en taires a n te r ie u r s . On p o u r r a i t s a n s d o u t e d i r e q u ' i l s s o n t
p l u t o t d e s t i n e s a u x d e b u t a n t s q u i v i e n n e n t de commencer l e u r s
e t u d e s au m o n a s t e r e . Voyons un p e u l e c a s de so n c o m m e n ta ir e
s u r l e PrconänasamuGoaya. Pour c e d e r n i e r t r a i t e , i l y a d a n s
l e bsTan *gyur d e u x t r a d u c t i o n s t i b e t a i n e s : c e l l e de Sud h a n a
r a k s i t a e t Sen r g y a l ( a b r . P S (S ) ) , 42 e t c e l l e de K anakavarman
e t Dad pa s e s r a b ( a b r . P S(K ) ) . 48 P o u r 1 ’ a u t o - c o m m e n t a i r e de
D ig n ä g a , l a P rc m ä n a sa m u o o a y a v v tti> i l y a a u s s i d e u x t r a d u c t i o n s
t i b e t a i n e s : c e l l e d e V a s u d h a r a r a k s i t a e t Sen r g y a l ( a b r . PSV(V) ) 3 44
e t c e l l e de K anakavarm an e t Dad p a s e s r a b ( a b r . PSV(K)).45 Le
nom d ’ un t r a d u c t e u r du P S ( S ) , S u d h a n a r a k s i t a , e s t f a u s s e m e n t
i n d i q u e comme V a s u d h a r a r a k s i t a d a n s l e c a t a l o g u e de T o h o k u ,48
m a is d ' a p r e s l e c o l o p h o n ( e d . sDe dge 1 3 a 5 ) 47 i l f a u t l e com-
p r e n d r e comme S u d h a n a r a k s i t a . Et l a d i f f e r e n c e e n t r e so n nom
t i b e t a i n , Nor b z a n ( s ) s r u n mdzad ( P S ( S ) 3 e d . sDe dge 1 3 a 6 ) , 48
e t c e l u i de Nor ' d z i n s r u n b a (PSV(V) , e d . sDe dge 8 5 b 6 - 7 , c f .
e d . P e k i n 9 3 b 2 ) 49 p o u r V a s u d h a r a r a k s i t a , c o n f i r m e q u ’ i l ne
s ’ a g i t p a s d ’ une f a u t e de t r a n s c r i p t i o n d ' u n nom S a n s k r i t en
c a ra c tere s tib e ta in s . C e t t e d i f f e r e n c e de t r a d u c t e u r s p o u r r a i t
e x p l i q u e r p o u r q u o i l a fo rm e d e s v e r s du PS(S) d i f f e r e p a r f o i s
de c e l l e de l a P S V ( V ) . 50 Le c o m m e n ta ir e de Mi pham, t o u t en
com m entant l e P S ( S ) , en a t t r i b u e l a t r a d u c t i o n , ä t o r t , ä
V a s u d h a r a r a k s i t a ( c f . f o l . 73a2 = p . 6 l 7 ) : c e l a , s a n s d o u t e ,
p a r c e q u ' i l a c o n s u l t e l a PSV(V) p o u r c om pose r son c o m m e n ta ir e
e t q u ' i l a t r a n s c r i t l e c o lo p h o n de l a PSV(V) a u l i e u de c e l u i
du P S ( S ) . En e f f e t , l e c o l o p h o n q u ' i l c i t e e s t c e l u i de l a
PSV(V)y 51 e t non c e l u i du P S ( S ) . 2^
358
Le commentaire de Mi pham sur le Jfiänasärasamuccaya (abr.
JSSt4ip) a ete compose ou plutot transcrit par son disciple
'Jam dbyahs bio gros rgya mtsho53 en 1920, 1'annee de fer-
singe.54 A la maniere d'une annotation (mchan ’grel) comme
l'indique son titre "Ye ses sftih po kun las btus p a ’i mchan
rgrel”3 le JSSMip insere des mots supplementaires entre des
termes du JSS3 55 ceux-ci etant marques par un petit cercle
au dessous de chaque caractere. C ’est un commentaire tres
court, comme celui du Pramänasamuccaya. La longueur n'en
est ä peu pres que la moitie du JSSN. 8 II consulte le JSSN3 57
et le resume pour ainsi dire. Pour montrer cette caracteris-
tique du JSSMip, nous en presenterons plus bas (cf. Il-a et
Il-b) le texte tibetain et la traduction de la partie consacree
ä la Philosophie des Mädhyamika, et il est interessant de voir
jusqu'ä quel point il est fidele au JSSN. 58
Ainsi done, bien que le JSSMip soit tres important ä titre
de commentaire unique du JSS parmi les oeuvres non-canoniques
tibetaines,59 il ne possede malheureusement pas tellement de
valeur comme un nouveau commentaire. Neanmoins, nous pourrions
relever au moins les trois merites suivants:
1) Comme il est habituel dans le cas d'un traite purement
tibetain, nous trouvons dans le JSSMip une synopsis complete du
JSS. Certes, une synopsis sommaire se trouve au debut du JSSN3 ^°
mais eile omet les kk 29-37 du JSS. Nous pouvons done completer
cette lacune grace au JSSMip. (Voir infra I . )
2) Naturellement, Mi pham introduit parfois une termino-
logie ou une interpretation purement tibetaine qui n'existait
pas dans le JSSN. 81
3) 0n sait maintenant que la Sugatamatavibhahga-kärikä82
(abr. SMV) de Jitäri est constitute exactement des memes vers
que les kk 21-28 du J5S'83 et que Jitäri lui-meme en a compose
un auto-commentaire, le SMV-bhasya. 84 Mais deja au debut de
notre siede, le JSSMip montre justement ce fait et suggere ä
ceux qui veulent avoir une explication plus detaillee du JSS
de consulter le SMV-bliäsya.85
Par ailleurs, les kk°26-28 sont cites dans le Subhäsita-
samgraha comme etant de Saraha.88 La strophe 28 est citee dans
le Madhyamakaratnapradlpa (abr. MRP) de Bhävaviveka,87 oü eile
est attribute ä Äryadeva. La Bodhicaryävatärapafljikä de Prajfiä-
karamati,68 la Tattvaratnävali d'Advayavajra,69 et un traitt
brahmanique, le Sarvasiddhäntasamgraha,70 citent tgalement la
strophe 28, mais sans mention de nom d'auteur. La Tarkabhäsä
de Moksäkaragupta eite aussi les kk 21, C22ab3, 23ab, 25, 26ab,
27,71 mais aussi sans nom d ’auteur, sauf la k°21 qui aurait ttt
359
prononcee par le Bouddha.72 Tout cela montre sans doute qu'il
conviendrait mieux de penser que ces vers sont comme qui dirait
un heritage commun pour expliquer ou saisir rapidement la
Philosophie des ecoles houddhiques, plutot que de chercher le
vrai auteur de ces vers, soit Saraha, soit Äryadeva, soit
Jitäri, soit le Bouddha.
Pour completer notre expose sur le JSSMip, nous presentons
ci-dessous: I. la synopsis du JSS d ’apres le JSSMip, II. le
texte tibetain (il-a) et la traduction (il-b) du passage du
JSSMip concernant les Mädhyamika, et III. le texte tibetain
(ill-a) et la traduction (ill-b) du colophon du JSSMip.
CI. Synopsis du JSS d'apres le JSSMipl
JSSMip CJSS k°]
A. Partie introductive (klad don) lb3
A.l. Titre du traite (mtshan smos pa) lb3
A.2. Hommage des traducteurs ('gyur phyag
bstan pa)7^ Ibh
B. Partie principale du traite (g&uh don) Tb 4
B.l. Exorde (bstan boos vtsom pa la 'jug
pa 'i yan lag) 2a 1
B.l.a. Hommage (mchod par brjod pa) 2a2 Cla!
B.l.b. Voeu de la composition (vtsom par dam
bca') 2b h Clb-d!
B.2. Corps du traite (bstan boos kyi lus
dhos bSad pa) 3a4
B .2.a. Explication generale de la methode pour
mediter sur la meilleure essence de la
connaissance (ye ses shin po mchog de ji
Itar bsgom pa’i tshul spyir bstan pa) 3a5
B.2.a.l. Methode exacte de 1 ’"adequation" (bsftom
tshul dhos) 3a6
B.2.a.ll. Maniere dont on medite Cla meilleure
essence del la connaissance, et merites
Cde cette meditation! (ye ses de ji Itar
bsgom pa yon tan dak boas pa) 3b1 C2-35
360
JSSMip U S S k°l
B.2.a.l2. Raisons convaincantes pour lesquelles
il est difficile de comprendre la
Cmeilleure essence de la connaissancei
(de nid rtogs dka’ ba’i rgyu mtshan
'thad pa bstan pa) 3b 6 C4-53
- - - 13. Maniere dont on elimine, par l ’enseigne-
ment du maitre, les erreurs ä prcpcs de
cette Cdifficulte3 (de bla ma’i luh gis
'khrul pa sei tshul) UaU :6 :
- - - lU. Grandeur de la nature de cette comprehen
sion (rtogs pa'i bdag nid de'i che ba bstan
pa) 4a6 C73
B.2.a.2. Position contraire ä la Cmeilleure essence
de la connaissance3 (de'i mi mthun
phyogs bstan pa) Ub2
B.2.a.21. Faute de la vue de l ’aneantissement
(chad par Ita ba'i fiespa) 4b 3 C83
- - - 22. Faute de prendre pour substance Cce qui
n'est pas en realite substance1 (dhos por
'khrul ba’i ftes pa bstanpa) 5a5 C9-103
B.2.a.3. Discerner Cla meilleure essencei intelli
gible Cdel la connaissance (rtogs bya’i
ye tes hos bzuh ba) 5b4 en:
B.2.b. Explication detaillee des positions doctri-
nales, exterieures (non-bouddhistes) et
interieures (bouddhistes) (phyi nah gi
grub mtha' bye brag tu btad pa) 5b5
B.2.b.l. Positions doctrinales des exterieurs (non-
bouddhistes) qui sont ä rejeter (span bya
phyi rol pa'i grub mtha’) 5b5
B.2.b.ll. Acceptation de la vue (Ita ba’i 'dod pa
brjod pa) 6al
B.2.b.lll. Vue de l ’eternite (rtag par Ita ba) 6al C12-lUab 3
- - - 112. Vue de l ’aneantissement (chad par
Ita ba) Ta6 ClUcdH
361
JSSMip IJSS k ° l
B. 2 b . 12, VCE u e t m e d i t a t i o n ( b r tu l Zugs dah
sgom pa bstccn pa) 7b6 :i5 -l8 a b l
- - - 1 3 . C r i t i q u e en m o n t r a n t q u e l a I v u e , l e
voeu e t l a m e d ita tio n des n o n -b o u d d h is te s l
s o n t e r r o n e e s e t f a u s s e s (de phyin ei. Zog
'khrul par b sta n nas sun dbyuh ba) 8b3 :i8 cd -1 9 3
B .2 .b .2 . P o s itio n s d o c tr in a le s des i n t e r i e u r s :
b o u d d h i s t e s (nah pa sahs rg y a s p a ' i grub
m tha’ b§ad pa) 9a2
B . 2 . b . 2 1 . Resume (mdor b sta n pa) 9a3 C203
- - - 22. E x p l i c a t i o n d e t a i l l e e (rgyas par b&ad
pa) 9al+
B .2 .b .2 2 1 . V aib h äsik a (Bye brag pa) 9a5 C2 1 -2 2 1
- - - 222. S a u t r ä n t i k a (mDo sde pa) 9b6 L23-2h3
- - - 223. Y o g ä c ä ra (rNal 'byor spyod pa) 10b3 125-261
- - - 2 2 ^ . Mädhyamika (dBu ma pa) lla 6 127-281
B .2 .c . C o n se il d ’ e t u d i e r a ssid ü m e n t l a I m e ille u r e
e s s e n c e de l a c o n n a i s s a n c e l (de la nan
tan g y is b sla b par gdams pa) 11b5
B .2 .C .I. E tu d e e lle - m e m e (dhos) 11b5 1291
- - - 2. Comment e t u d i e r ( j i I ta r b sla b p a ' i
ts h u l) 12al 130-311
- - - 3. Moyen p o u r c e t t e C e tu d e l ( d e ' i thabs
bstan pa) 12a5
B . 2 . C . 3 1 . M a n ie r e d o n t on s ' a p p u i e s u r l e m a i t r e
en t a n t que c o n d i t i o n r e g e n t e (bdag rkyen
b se s gflen b rte n ts h u l) 12a6 1321
- - - 32. Comment s ' e n t r a i n e r ä 1 ' e n s e i g n e m e n t de
c e moyen (thabs d e ' i gdams nag la goms
par bya ba) 12b2 133-361
- - - 33 . E f f e t d ’un t e l e n t r a i n e m e n t (de I ta r
goms p a ' i 'bras bu) 13al 1371
362
JSSMip ZJSS k°:
B.3. Conclusion: Inflechissement du bien qu'on
a realise (mjug yohs su grub pa'i dge ba
bsho ba) 13a3 H383
C. Partie finale (mjug gi don) 13a5
C.l. Colophon de 1*auteur CÄryadeva] (mdzad
byah) 13a 5
C.2. Colophon des traducteurs CKrsna-pa et
Chos kyises rabi ('gyur byah) 13a6
COLOPHON du JSSMip 13a6-bU
CII-a. Texte tibetain du JSSMip concernant les
Mädhyamika : fol.lla6-b5 = pp.317-8l74
bzi pa ni / shar bstan pa ltar gyi mam Ses rigs pas mi
gnod pas dam pa'i don gyi mtshan hid dan Idan pa 'am grub par
'dod pa / de yah de kho (llbl) na dpyod pa'i blo rab tu brtan
pa dBu ma pa rnam (lire rnams d'apres JSS et JSSN) mi 'dod de /
ci'i phyir na / ses de geig dah du ma'i ran b&in dah /
bral ba'i phyir° dper na nam mkha’i pa dma bzin no //
'o na dBu ma pas ci zig khas len ze na / ci yah khas mi
(llb2) len te dNos smra ltar yod pa min la rGyah phan pa ltar
med pa'ah min zih gal te de gnis dah bral ba’i bdag Hid do ze
na yod med gfiis ka min te phun gsum par 'gyur ba'i phyir ro //
de ltar na ghis ka geig par 'gyur ro (llb3) ze na gftis
ka fi bdag hid kyah min pas / de ltar mtha’ b&i las rnam par
grol ba ni dBu ma pa ste /
yod dah med dah yod med ces //
khas mi len pa gah yin pa //
de la nan tan ldan pas kyah //
cir yah klan ka bya mi nus //
(llbi+) zes so //
tshul 'di ni yah dag pa'i don la mkhas pa rnams kyi de
kho na hid yin te grub mtha' smra ba gzan gyis ni ma yin no //
dBu ma pa de dag kyah kun rdzob rnam par bzag pa gnis te /
363
p h y i don ’ dod pa s l o b dpon Bha b y a s o g s ( l l b 5 ) d a n / r N a l
'b y o r spyod p a Zi ’t s h o so g s k y i l u g s so / /
C l l - b . T r a d u c t i o n du JSSM-ip c o n c e r n a n t l e s Mädhyamika!
C l l a 6 ! Q u a trie m e m e n t ( v o i r s y n o p s i s B . 2 . b . 2 2 4 ) , l a c o n n a i s -
s a n c e t e l l e q u ' e l l e a e t e e x p l i q u e e p l u s h a u t , 75 q u i a l e
c a r a c t e r e de l a v e r i t e a b s o l u e p a r c e q u ’ e l l e n ' e s t p a s a n n u l e e
p a r l a l o g i q u e , c . - a - d . q u i e s t a d m ise d ’ e t r e e t a b l i e , meme
c e t t e C c o n n a i s s a n c e ! , l e s Mädhyamika q u i o n t 1 ’ e s p r i t t r e s
fe r m e q u i exam ine l a r e a l i t e , ne l ' a d m e t t e n t p a s non p l u s .
C l l b l ! - P o u r q u o i ? - P a r c e que c e t t e c o n n a i s s a n c e e s t
d e p o u r v u e de n a t u r e p r o p r e u n e ou m u l t i p l e , comme l e l o t u s
du c i e l p a r e x e m p le .
C l l b l ! - A l o r s q u ’ e s t - c e que l e s Mädhyamika a d m e t t e n t ?
- I I s n 'a d m e tte n t r i e n . L’ e x i s t e n c e Cde l a c o n n a i s s a n c e !
t e l l e que C l ’ a d m e t t e n t 3 l e s s u b s t a n t i a l i s t e s (dNos s m r a ,
B h ä v a - v ä d i n = Y o g ä c ä r a ) n ’ e s t p a s C a d m ise 3; n i 1 ’ i n e x i s t e n c e
t e l l e que C l ’ a d m e t t e n t 3 l e s L o k ä y a ta (rG y a n p h a n p a ) n ’ e s t
p a s C a d m is e ! . - I I e x i s t e Cune e n t i t e ! q u i a u r a i t p o u r n a t u r e
d ' e t r e d e p o u r v u e d e s deux. - CCe q u i e s t d e p o u r v u e d e s 3 d e u x
C c . - a - d . c e q u i n ’ e s t n i3 e x i s t e n c e Cni3 i n e x i s t e n c e n ' e s t
p a s Cadm is3; c a r C, s i c e l a e t a i t a d m i s , 3 i l s ’ e n s u i v r a i t
q u ’ i l y a u r a i t une tr o i s i e m e c a t e g o r i e .
C llb 2 3 - S ’ i l en e s t a i n s i , i l e x i s t e r a i t l e s deux
e n s e m b le . - CNon,3 c a r C il e s t d i t : 3
"Ce q u i a l a n a t u r e d e s de u x n ’ e s t p a s Cadm is!
non p l u s " . {JSS k ° 28b )
C llb 3 3 A i n s i c e u x qui s e n t l i b e r e s d e s q u a t r e e x t r e m e s
s o n t l e s M ädhyamika. Comire i l e s t d i t :
"On ne p e u t j a m a is c r i t i q u e r , meme l o r s q u ' o n
s ’y e v e r t u e , ceux q u i n ' a d m e t t e n t n i 1 ’ e x i s t e n c e ,
ni 1 'in e x is te n c e , ni 1 'e x iste n c e et 1 ’in e x iste n c e
ä l a f o i s " . 76
CllbU3 C e t t e m a n ie r e e s t en C v e r i t e ! a b s o l u e l a r e a l i t e
d e s s a v a n t s (= M ädhyam iks), e t l e s a u t r e s f a i s e u r s de t h e o r i e
(grub m th a ' smra ba3 sidchcZ nta-vadin) ne C l ' e x p r i m e n t 3 . 77
Cllbl+3 P a rm i l e s Mädhyamika a u s s i i l y a deux p o s i t i o n s
364
Cen v e r i t e ! c o n v e n t i o n n e l l e : C c e l l e d u ! m a i t r e Bhavya e t tide
son e c o l e ! , q u i a d m e t t e n t l e s o b j e t s e x t e r i e u r s e t c e l l e du
C r n a itr e ! S ä n t a r a k s i t a e t Cde son e c o l e ! q u i s o n t Y o g ä c ä r a . 78
CI 1 1 - a . T e x te t i b e t a i n du c o l o p h o n du JSSMip
f o l . l 3 a 6 - b 4 = p p . 321-23
' j i g r t e n ' d i na h i ma j i b z i n du / /
yons l a g s a l ( l 3 b l ) b a zab mo l t a b a ’ i g z u n s ( l i r e g z u n ) / /
rnam p a r 'b y e d p a 'p h a g s p a ' i b z e d gzun mchog /
'Ja m mgon b l a mas mchan g y i s g s a l b a r mdzad / /
de n i d mchog t u d g a ' d an dwans p a ' i b i o s / /
l e g s p a r b s u s l a s b s o d ( I 3 b 2 ) nams gan t h o b p a / /
de y i s ' g r o k u n z a b mo de kho na / /
l e g s r t o g s th a m s c a d mkhyen p a h i d g y u r c i g / /
Ye s e s s h i n po kun l a s b t u s p a ' i mchan ' g r e l g a n s can
smra b a ' i s e n ge 'Ja m d p a l d g y e s p a ' i r d o r j e ' i ( l 3 b 3 ) phyag
b r i s l a s / l c a g s s p r e l l o r Ze c h e n r i k h r o d du gus 'b a n s 'Ja m
dbyans b io g ro s rg y a m t s h o 'i ( l i r e m tsh o s) z a l b s u s b g y is s i n
s l o b dpon Byan c h u b b z a n p o ' i ' g r e l p a dan b s t u n t e z u s dag
b g y i s p a ' o / / ' d i ' i g r u b m t h a ' r g y a s p a r s e s (l3 b U ) 'd o d na
s l o b dpon dGra l a s rnam r g y a l g y i s mdzad p a ' i bDe b a r g s e g s
p a ' i gzun rnam p a r 'b y e d p a ' i b s a d p a l a s r t o g s p a r b y a ’ o / / / /
C I I I - b . T r a d u c t i o n du c o l o p h o n !
Le v e n e r a b l e m a i t r e c o m p a t i s s a n t ( 'J a m mgon b l a ma =
Mi pham) a e c l a i r c i p a r son a n n o t a t i o n (mchan) l e m e i l l e u r
t e x t e h o n o r a b l e (bzed gzun) du s a i n t ( 'phags pa = 'P h a g s p a
l h a , Ä r y a d e v a ) q u i e x p l i q u e l a p r o f o n d e d o c t r i n e (zab mo l t a
b a ' t gäun) q u i r e s p l e n d i t p o u r t o u s comme l e s o l e i l d a n s c e
m onde.
P a r l e m e r i t e que C j ' 3 o b t i e n s p a r C l ' a c t e de3 c o p i e r
p r o p r e m e n t c e C t e x t e 3 lu i-m e m e a v e c un e s p r i t e x tre m e m e n t h e u r e u x
e t p u r , que t o u t l e m onde, a y a n t b i e n c o m p r is l a v e r i t e p r o f o n d e ,
d ev ien n e 1 ' o m n i s c i e n t .
A p a r t i r du m a n u s c r i t (phyag b v i s ) du Ye s e s sftin po kun
la s b tu s pa*i mchan 1g r e l , C e c r i t ! p a r 'J a m d p a l d g y e s p a ' i
r d o r j e (= Mi p h a m ), l i o n d e s d i s e u r s du T i b e t , l e d i s c i p l e
f i d e l e 'J a m d b y a n s b i o g r o s r g y a m tsh o c o p i a Cce t e x t e ! ä
l ' a n n e e d e f e r - s i n g e (= 19 2 0 ) ä l ' e r m i t a g e de Ze c h e n , e t f i t
l a c o r r e c t i o n c o n fo rm e m e n t au c o m m e n ta ir e du m a i t r e B o d h ib h a d r a .
S i l ' o n v e u t s a v o i r p l u s en d e t a i l l a p o s i t i o n d o c t r i n a l e de
365
ce Ljyiänasärasamuoaayal, il faut la comprendre dans le Sugata-
matavibhahga-bhäsya compose par le maitre Jitäri.
Notes
* Je voudrais exprimer ma reconnaissance ä Messieurs L. Kawa-
mura et E. Bastian pour m ’avoir fourni quelques materiaux
necessaires, et ä Monsieur J. May pour avoir pris la peine
de relire le present article et pour y avoir apporte des
corrections utiles.
1. Co ne tsha 26aU-27b6, sDe dge (3851) tsha 26b2-28a3, sNar
than tsha 25a6-26b6, Pekin (95) 5251 tsha 29a5-31a3.
2. Sa date n'est pas bien determinee. Mais eile ne remonte
en tout cas pas avant le 8e s i e d e oü la maniere d ’expliquer
les quatre grandes ecoles bouddhiques commence ä etre stabi-
lisee. D'apres les Annates Bleues (tr. G.N. Roerich,
pp. 359-60), Äryadeva est un des eleves de Nägärjuna, qui
est lui-meme eleve de Saraha. Et comme ce dernier est con-
temporain du roi Dharmapäla (769-809), acceptons pour le
moment la premiere moitie du 9e s i e d e pour la date de
1'Äryadeva tantrique. Cf. A. Wayman, Yoga of the Guhya-
s a m ä c a t a n t r a Delhi 1977, p. 96. Une recherche encore plus
detaillee et systematique reste ä faire.
3. Co ne tsha 27b6-l5bl, sDe dge (3852) tsha 28a3-^5bU, sNar
than tsha 26b6-UUbU, Pekin (95) 5252 tsha 31a3-53b3.
4. K. Mimaki, , La refutation bouddhique de la permanence des
choses (sthirasiddhidüsana) et la preuve de la momentaneite
des choses (ksanabhahgasiddhi), Paris 1976, pp. 183-207.
Pour le JSS, il y a aussi un travail de pionnier de Yamaguchi
qui consiste en texte tibetain et traduction japonaise du
JSS accompagnee d ’une interpretation fondee sur le JSSN.
Cf. S. Yamaguchi, Chukan Bukkyö Ronköy Kyoto 1 9 ^ (reimp.
Tokyo 1965 et 1975), pp. 263-3^5-
5. La date 18^6-191^ pour Mi pham est donnee, mais avec point
d'interrogation pour 191^, dans R.A. Stein, Becherches sur
l'&popee et le borde au Tibet, Paris 1959, p. 226 (cf. p.38:
1846-debut xxe siede), et est aussi signalee dans Lokesh
Chandra, Materials for a History of Tibetan Literature3
366
New Delhi 1963, part I, p. 33. Guenther (cf. infra n.25)
et Tarthang Tulku (cf. infra n. 26) semblent suivre cette
date. Mais la date 1846-1912 est maintenant determinee
par Gene Smith (cf. infra notre liste no. 3, p.5) suivant
le rNih m a ’i chos ’byuh de bDud ’joms Rin po ehe.
6. Cf. Lokesh Chandra (ed.), Kongtrul's Encyclopaedia of
Indo-Tibetan Culture} 3 parts, Sata-pitaka series vol. 80,
New Delhi 1970, Introduction (par E. Gene Smith) p. 73:
Quelques traditions tibetaines appellent ces trois per-
sonnes ’Jam dbyans sprul pa rnam gsum (trois incarnations
de Manjughosa). Pour la date de mChog 'gyur glin pa, voir
Eva M. Dargyay, The Rise of Esoteric Buddhism in Tibet,
Delhi, 1977, p. 190.
7. Lokesh Chandra, Materials ..., I, p. 33.
8. Cf. colophons des ouvrages de Mi pham reproduits en Inde
et mentionnes ci-dessous.
9. Dans MHTL il y a de fausses numerotations telles que par
exemple celle pour no. 3187, mais pour raison de commodite
nous ne les avons pas corrigees et les avons suivies telles
quelles dans le present travail. En ce qui concerne les
textes qui, bien que dejä publies, ne sont pas enregistres
dans MHTLS voir infra n. 11.
10. Dans la liste suivante, nous avons suivi la transcription
des caracteres tibetains telle qu’elle se trouve dans ces
publications. Dans le cas ou il n'y a que les caracteres
tibetains, nous les avons transcrits selon notre Systeme.
Nous n 1avons pas Signale toutes les publications populaires
mineures qui ne sont d'ailleurs que des doubles de celles
que nous avons signalees.
11. Si l ’on veut etablir tout d'abord la concordance entre
MHTL et C W , eile se presentera ainsi:
MHTL CW
vol. 1 Com3 n o . 3182-7 - vol. 1
2 Ca3 no. 3188 = 2
3 Cra3 no. 3189 (omis)
k Cpa3 no. 3190-6 = 3
5 Ctsal no. 3197-321*1 = 4
6 Cna3 no. 321*2-83 = 5
7 Cdhih3 nc1. 3281+-3316 6
8 Chüm3 no. 3317-28 = 7
MHTL CW
vol. 9 Csrlhi no. 3329-3^- zz vol. 8
10 Ckal'no. 3 3 3 5 - ^ = 9
11 Ckhai no. 33^5-56 = 10
12 Cgal no. 3357-77 = 11
13 Cnal no. 3378-86 =r 12
14 Ccal no. 3387-92 = 13
(omis) 1A
15 C-l no. 3393-b = 15
16 C-l no. 3395-9
17 Cel no. 3^00-3
18 Cvaml no. 3^0A-6
19 C-l*no. 3l+07-31+26
MHTL vol. 3 n'est pas publie dans CW, mais ailleurs (cf.
notre liste no. 7); MHTL vol. l6-l8 sont dans le meme cas
(cf. liste no. 2). Quelques textes de MHTL vol. 19 sont
aussi dans le meme cas: no. 3^07 (cf. liste no. 5), no.3^10
(cf. liste no. 6) et no. 3^13 (cf. liste no. 8). Les autres
textes de MHTL vol. 19 ne semblent pas avoir ete publies
jusqu'ici. Les textes suivants des autres volumes de MHTL
ne sont pas publies non plus dans CW, mais ailleurs: no.
3182 (cf. liste no. 9), no. 3316 (cf. liste no. b) et no.
3389 (cf. liste no. 3). Inversement, il y a des textes
qui sont publies dans CW, mais qui ne sont pas notes dans
MHTL: le rGyud lugs kyi bzlas dmigs (CW vol. 4), le Zal
gdams lam vim ye Ses snin pori bsdus don (CW vol. 7) et les
deux textes formant CW vol. lA. II y a aussi bien des
textes qui ne sont pas enregistres dans MHTL, mais publies
ailleurs: voir notre liste no. 10, 11, 12 et infra n. 25,
n. 26. La raison pour laquelle il y a tant de livres qui
ne sont pas enregistres dans la liste des oeuvres completes
de Mi pham publiee dans MHTL semble etre que cette liste
de MHTL elle-meme n'est pas complete, comme l'indique une
petite notice qui se trouve entre MHTL no. 3 A 06 et no.3^07,
c.-a-d. au debut de MHTL vol. 19: chos mdzod 'di'i khoh du
ma gtogs pa'i mtshan byah %es tshod bkod na "Si j'etablis,
tant que je sache, la liste des titres qui ne sont pas con-
tenus dans ce compendium de la Loi (= liste des ouvrages de
Mi pham jusqu'au vol.l8), Cvoici no. 3^07 etc.l" C'est ä
dire que MHTL vol. 19 n'est pas comme un volume normal.
L'auteur y a enumere les titres d'ouvrage dans la mesure
oü il les connaissait. Il est done naturel qu'il y avait
des titres qui lui echappaient. Ajoutons qu'il y a aussi
le cas d'un texte comme son commentaire sur la Hastaväla-
prakarana-kärikä de Dignäga qui est publie dans CW vol.11,
mais qui n'est mentionne ni dans MHTL, ni meme dans la table
des matieres de CW. Cf. infra n. 31.
368
12 . = MHTL vol. l 6-l 8 (no. 3395-3*^0*0,
13. = MHTL no. 3389.
lU. = MHTL no. 3316. Cf. D. Schuh, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte
der tibetischen Kalenderrechnung, Wiesbaden 1973, p.19. Les
autres travaux astronomiques tels que MHTL no. 3353(?), 3358,
3359 etc, sont aussi utilises dans cet ouvrage de Schuh (cf.
pp. *0 - 5 , *+8 , 60 ).
15. = MHTL no. 3**07-
16. = MHTL no. 3**10.
17. = MHTL no. 3189.
18 . = MHTL no. 3*+13. Le mKhas pa m a m s 'jug pa'i sgo de Sa skya
Pandita (cf. Sa skya pa'i b k a 1 'burn, Tokyo 1968, vol. 5,
pp. 8 1 - i n ) est Signale par Gene Smith comme le meme genre
d ’ouvrage, cf. Lokesh Chandra ^ed.), A 15th Century Tibetan
Compendium of Knowledge, The bSad mdzod yid bzhin nor bu by
Don-dam-snira-ba’i-senge, Sata-pitaka series vol. 78 , New
Delhi 1969, Introduction, p. 6 . Pour le mKhas 'jug de
Mi pham, il y a un travail (ä paraitre) de L. Kawamura:
An Analysis of Yäna-kausalya in Mi-pham's mKhas-'jug. Je
remercie L. Kawamura de m'avoir envoye le manuscrit de son
article. II Signale que Mi pham lui-meme a compose la liste
des topiques (sdom byah) et la synopsis (sa bead) pour son
ouvrage, et qu’il y a un commentaire par mKhan po Nus ldan.
19. = MHTL no. 3182.
20. Ce volume contient cinq textes: l) dPal sGrub pa chen po
bKa ' brgyad kyi spyi don rnam par b§ad pa dhos grub shin po,
2) Dregs pa rgyu thabs kyi gnad byah zab mo dus kyi me Ion
rab gsal, 3 ) Thod brtag nor bu lag ster, *0 He bar mkho
ba 'i rdzas sna tshogs kyi sbyar thabs lag len ci rigs bstan
pa sei gyi phreh ba, 5) mKhyud spyad sna tshogs phyogs bsdu
tsinta ma ni. Les deux derniers sont identiques respective-
ment ä MHTL no. 3356 et no. 33*+9. Les autres trois textes
ne sont pas enregistres dans MHTL.
21. Texte non enregistre dans MHTL. Voir aussi la note suivante.
22. Textes non enregistres dans MHTL. Le deuxieme texte est le
meme que celui de notre liste no. 11, mais le manuscrit en
est different.
369
23 . Q u a tr e t e x t e s m e d ic a u x s o n t p u b l i e s , d o n t un e s t de Mi Pham
(= MHTL n o . 3 3 ^ , CW v o l . 9 ) .
2h. = MHTL n o . 3333, CW v o l . 8 .
25. C f. H.Vw' G u e n t h e r , Buddhist P hilosophy in Theory and
P r a c tic e 3 P e l i c a n Books A 1 3 9 2 , B e r k e l e y ( C a l i f o r n i a )
1 9 7 2 , o u v r a g e q u i c o n s i s t e en l a t r a d u c t i o n du Grub mtha'
mam b£ag r in chen phreh ba de dKon mchog ’ j i g s med dban p o ,
e t du Yid b zin mdzod k y i grub m tha’ bsdus pa d e Mi pham.
Ce d e r n i e r t r a i t e de Mi pham e s t un r e s u m e d e s douz ie m e
e t d i x - h u i t i e m e c h a p i t r e s du Y id b£in mdzod rah 'g r e l de
Klon c h e n r a b 'byam s p a ( 1 3 0 8 - 6 3 ) , e t on en c o n n a i t
j u s q u ’ i c i deux e d i t i o n s p o p u l a i r e s i n d i e n n e s : l ) p u b l i e
p a r D ar t h a n s p r u l s k u , V a r a n a s i , s a n s d a t e , 39 f o l i o s ,
2) V a r a n a s i , s a n s d a t e , 38 f o l i o s . Ce t e x t e de Mi pham
n ’ e s t p a s n o t e d a n s MHTL.
26. C f. T a r t h a n g T u l k u , Calm and C lear3 E m e r y v i l l e ( C a l i f o r n i a )
1 9 7 3 , o u v r a g e q u i c o n s i s t e en l a t r a d u c t i o n de d e u x t e x t e s
de Mi pham: l ) l e Sems k y i dpyod pa mam par sbyoh ba so
so r b r ta g p a ’i dpyad sgom rkhor lo ma, 2) l e dBu m a'i I ta
klrrid zab mo: n i l ’un n i l ’ a u t r e n ’ e s t n o t e d a n s MHTL\ l e
p re m ie r t e x t e e s t p u b l i e en f a c - s i m i l e ä l a f i n de 1 ' o u v rag e.
27. C f. L. Kawamura, Golden Zephyr3 E m e r y v i l l e ( C a l i f o r n i a )
1 9 7 5 , t r a d u c t i o n du b'Ses sp rih g i mchan 'g r e l padma dkar
p o ' i phreh ba3 c o m m e n ta ir e de Mi pham s u r l e Suhrllekha
de N ä g ä r j u n a . V o i r a u s s i l e t r a v a i l de Kawamura s u r l e
mKhas 'jug de Mi pham, m e n t i o n n e su p ra , n . l 8 .
2 8 . C f. G.H. M u l l i n a n d L ob sa n g R a b g a y , Stan zas f o r a Novice
Monkj D h a r a m s a la 197Ö, t r a d u c t i o n d e deux t e x t e s : l ) l e
gZi thorns cad yod par smra b a ' i dge ts h u l g y i ts h ig le 'u r
byas p a ' i mchan ’g r e l nor b u 'i phreh ba (= MHTL n o . 3 1 8 3 ,
CW v o l . l ) , c o m m e n ta ir e de Mi pham s u r l a M ü la sa rv ä sti-
vädiSräm anerakärikä ( P e k . ( l 2 7 ) 5629) de N ä g ä r j u n a ; 2 ) l e
’Dul ba rgya m tsh o 'i sflih po bsdus pa de Tson k h a p a ( P e k .
( 1 5 3 ) 6065 ).
2 9 . L okesh C h a n d r a , M a teria ls . . . , o p . c i t . , I , pp. 33-35.
30. C f .-su p ra n o t r e l i s t e n o . 3 , I n t r o d u c t i o n p a r E. Gene S m ith
pp . 1 - 1 1 .
3 1 . Le c o m m e n ta ir e de Mi pham s u r c e t e x t e n ' e s t n o t e n i d a n s
MHTL n i d ans l a t a b l e d e s m a t i e r e s de CW, m a is i l e s t b i e n
p u b l i e d a n s CW v o l . 1 1 , pp . 3 2 2 -3 (= f o l . 1 3 b U - lU a 6 ) .
370
D'apres les traductions chinoises (TaishS (3l) 1620, tr.
Paramärtha; (31) 1621, tr. Yi jing), 1'auteur de la
Hastavalaprakarana-kärikä est Dignäga, mais Aryadeva
selon les traductions tibetaines (Pek. (95) 52UU, tr.
Sraddhäkaravarman etc.; (95) 52^8, tr. Dänasila etc.).
Mi pham suit naturellement la deuxieme opinion, mais il
est etabli maintenant que c ’est un traite de Dignäga.
Cf. E. Frauwallner, Dignäga, sein Werk und seine Ent
wicklung, Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde Süd- und Ost
asiens Bd. III (1959), pp. 129-30; M. Hattori, Dignäga
on Perception, Harvard University Press, 1968, p. 7.
Parmi les deux traductions tibetaines, Mi pham commente
la seconde.
32. = MHTL no. 3^09, qui ne semble pas etre publie jusqu'ici
sous une forme disponible.
33- = MHTL no. 3189. Cf. supra notre liste no. 7.
3^. Voir aussi supra n. 27.
35. Man nag Ita ba'i phreh b a ’i mchan 'grel nor bu'i bah
mdzod (2l folios). Dans le Canon tibetain, le Man nag
Zgi rgyal pol Ita ba'i Z’lphreh ba (C 1 Canon) de Padma-
sambhava ne se trouve que dans l'edition de Pekin ((83)
U726, (rgyud 'grel) s bu HlVb7-Hl9b5) et celle de sNar
than (-bu 378b6-383a5)• II y en a un autre texte publie
dans Selected Writings of Ron-zom Chos kyi bzah po (Sman-
rtsis Shesrig Spendzod vol. 73, Leh, 1 9 7 M pp. 1-18, texte
qui semble etre transmis dans la tradition de rNin ma pa
et qui montre des legons quelque peu differentes de ceiles
du Canon. II y a un commentaire de Ron zom Chos kyi bzah
po {id. pp. 19-12U) et aussi un autre par Kon sprul Bio
gros mtha’ yas. Par ailleurs Ron zom Chos kyi bzah po
est connu comme auteur de deux grub m t h a ’, le ZTa ba'i
brjed byah {id. pp. 187-2U6) et le Grub mtha'i breed byah
{id. pp. 333-^1^), qui semblent les premiers grub mtha'
tibetains de l ’epoque de phyi d a r , etant anterieurs
legerement au Grub mtha' rnam gzag de Phywa pa Chos kyi
sen ge (1109-69) et anterieurs d'un siecle au gZuh lugs
legs par btad pa de Sa skya Pandita Run dga' rgyal mtshan
(II82-I251). Je remercie E. Gene Smith de m 1avoir Signale
l'ouvrage et suis en train de preparer l'edition critique
et la traduction de ces deux grub m t h a ’ de Ron zom Chos
kyi bzah po.
36. Cf. Sa skya p a ’i b k a ' ’bum, Tokyo 1968, vol.5, pp.155-67.
37. gZan stoh khas len senge'i ha ro (21 folios).
371
38. Co ne sa 56b3-83b7, sDe dge (3885) sa 56b*+-8*+al, sNar than
sa *+8a2-79b7, Pekin (lOl) 5285 sa 52bl-8*+b7.
39. Co ne sa 83b7-133b6, sDe dge (3886) sa 8*+al-133b*+, sNar
than sa 79b7-135a*+, P6kin (lOl) 5286 sa 8*+b7-l*+3b2. D ’apres
mKhas grub rje, 1 'attribution de ce commentaire ä Kamala-
slla est fausse. Cf. F.D. Lessing and A. Wayman, Intro
duction to the Buddhist Tantric Systems, The Hague 1968
(reimp. Delhi 1978), p. 90, 11.9-10: de 'i 'grel bsad slob
dpon Ka ma la si las mdzad zer ba na rdzun ma yin no /.
ICan skya II Rol pa'i rdo rje reproduit la meme opinion
de mKhas grub rje dans son ICah skya grub mtha' (ed.
Sarnath, 1970, pp. 283.20-28*+.2). Ni l'un ni l'autre de
ces auteurs tibetains ne donne malheureusement de raison;
le probleme reste done ouvert. Par ailleurs, il y aurait
eu un commentaire de Dharmamitra sur le Madhyamakälankära
d'apres ICan skya II {id., p. 28*+, 11.5-6: dBu ma rgyan
gyi 'grel btad slob dpon Chos kyi bfses gflen gyis mdzad
pa yod do /), mais il n'est pas parvenu jusqu'ä nous.
*+0. dBu ma rgyan gyi zin bris (Pek. (153) 6l*+l; Tohoku* 5*+07;
Toyo Bunko** 67-902; ed. populaire indienne, Sarnath,
1976). Cf. * - A Catalogue of the Tohoku University
Collection of Tibetan Works on Buddhism3 Sendai 1953;
** = Provisional Title-index of the Toyo Bunko Collection
of Tibetan Works3 Tokyo 1978.
*+1. dBu ma rgyan gyi brjed byan (Tohoku 5*+09; Toyo Bunko 90*+;
ed. populaire indienne, Sarnath, 1976).
*+2. Co ne ce 1-I3a7, sDe dge (*+203) ce 1-I3a7.
1+3. sNar than 1-I3a5, Pekin (130) 5700 1-I3a5.
*+*+. Co ne ce l*+bl-85b5, sDe dge (*+20*+) ce l*+bl-85b7, sNar than
ce 13a5-96b5, Pekin (130) 5701 ce 13a6-93b*+.
*+5. sNar than ce 96b5-l80a2, Pekin (130) 5702 ce 93b*+-177a7.
Toutes ces quatre traductions tibetaines du PS et de la
PSV auraient ete faites soit ä la fin du lle siecle soit
au debut du 12e siecle. Pour la date approximative de Sen
rgyal, voir G.N. Roerich, The Blue Annals3 Calcutta 19*^9-53
(reimp. Delhi 1976), p. 220; M. Hattori, op.cit., p.13.
Pour Dad pa ses rab, voir G.N. Roerich, id.y p.71, 328;
J. Nadou, Les Bouddhistes Ka&miriens au Moyen Ages Paris
1968, p. 165, 1 8 7 . (Hattori, loc.cit. , est ä rectifier.)
*+6. A Catalogue of the Tibetan Buddhist Canons, Sendai 193*+,
372
p. 643 (no. 4203), mais voir id. n.(2) Sudana- (sic). Voir
aussi K. Mimaki, Le chapitre du Bio gsal grub m t h a ’ sur
les Sauträntika, Presentation et edition, Zinbun no. 15
(1979), p. 189 n.29, et K. Mimaki, Sur le role de 1 'antara-
tloka ou du samgrahasloka^ Indianisme et Bcuddhisme3 Melanges
offerts ä Mgr ßtienne Lamotte, Louvain-la-Neuve 19Ö0, p.236
n. 23.
^7. PS(S) sDe dge 13a5-7: Tshad ma kun las btus pa zes bya b a ’i
rab tu byed pa slob dpon Fhyogs kyi glah pos mdzad pa rdzogs
so // // rGya gar gyi mkhan po Su dha na ra ksi ta dan //
Bod kyi lo tstsha ba dge bsflen Sen rgyal (6) gyis bsgyur
ein £us p a ’o // // ’Jam p a ’i mgon p o ’i bkas bskul Phyogs
gyi glah p o ’i bstan boos rgya mtsho Itar zab ’di // Rigs
Idan rgyal p o ’i bkas bskul Nor bzahs (lire bzah) sruh
mdzad ces bye (lire bya) sde bdun bsad mkhan dan // gZus
^7) ehuh ston p a ’i bkas bskul dge bsflen Sen rgyal tes bya
Za ma lo tstshas bsgyur // dge gah bsod nams bkas bskul
’gro kun rigs lam la gnas byah ahub myur thob sog // //
48. Voir la note precedente.
49. PSV{V) sDe dge 8515-7: Tshad ma kun las btus p a ’i ’grel pa
rtsod pa pa chen po tin tu phra b a ’i thugs m h a ’ ba slob
dpon Phyogs kyi glah pos mdzad pa rdzogs so // // (6)
rGya gar gyi mkhan po Ba su dha ra ra ksi ta dan / Bod kyi
lo tsa ba dge bsflen Sen rgyal gyis bsgyur ein &us te gtan
la phab p a ’o // // ’Jam p a ’i mgon p o ’i bkas bskul Phyogs
kyi glah po ’i bstan bcos rgya mtsho Itar zab ’di // Rigs
Idan rgyal p o ’i bkas bskul Nor ’dzin (7 ) sruh ba tes bya
sde bdun bsad mkhan dan // gZus ehuh ston p a ’i bkas bskul
dge bsflen Sen rgyal zes bya Za ma lo tsäs bsgyur // dge
gem, bsod nams bkas bskul ’gro kun rigs lam la gnas byah
ehub myur thob sog // //
50. II est etabli maintenant que le PS a ete constitue apres
coup a partir de la PSV. Cf. S. Takemura, Tibetto Yaku
Jüryöron no Tekisuto Hihan (Critique du texte de la version
tibetaine du PS), Journal of Indian and Buddhist Studies
V-l (1957), pp. 94-6; M. Hattori, op.ait., pp. 17-18.
Dans ce cas, si les traducteurs du PS(S) et de la PSV(V)
sont ainsi differents l ’un de 1'autre, le PS a du etre
constitue au niveau du texte Sanskrit.
51. Cf. fol. 73a2 = p. 617: ... bsgyur ein zus te gtan la
phab p a ’o. Voir supra n. 49.
52. ... bsgyur ein zus p a ’o. Voir supra n. 47.
373
53. On n'est pas sür si c ’est la meme personne que Ze chen
rgyal tshab Padma rnam rgyal, eleve et copiste habituel
des ouvrages de Mi pham. Voir par exemple supra notre
liste no. 5 -
54. Cf. texte et traduction du colophon (infra Ill-a et Ill-b).
55. Voir la reference dans supra n. 1.
56. Voir la reference dans supra n. 3.
57. JSSMip fol. 13b3, voir infra Ill-a et Ill-b.
58. Comparer avec le texte du JSSN edite dans Mimaki (cf. supra
n. 4) pp. 202-7.
59. Si les autres auteurs tibetains n ’ont compose aucun commen-
taire sur le J S S , ils ne l'ont cependant ni ignore ni ne
glige. En effet, tous les textes tibetains du genre grub
mtha' le citent sans exception comme un des textes fonda-
mentaux.
60 . Co ne 28a3-bl, sDe dge 28a7-b4, sNar than 27a3-bl, Pekin
31a6-b6.
61. Voir un exemple dans infra n. 7 8 .
62 . Co ne a 7b6-8a5; sDe dge (3899 ) a 7b5-8a4, (115)47 ) i76bl-6;
sNar than ha 59a6-b6, gi 199b3-200a2, Ho 268a4-b4; Pekin
(101) 5296 ha 64b2-65al, (103) 5461 gi 208b8-209a8, (l46)
5867 no 283a2-b2.
63. Cf. Y. Ejima, Chükan Shisö no Tenkai (Le developpement de
la pensee Mädhyamika), Tokyo 1980, p.255, n.6o.(pp.215-226
et nn. 32-62 = son ancien article dans Shükyö-kenkyü
(Journal des etudes de la religion) no. 220 (1 9 7 M , pp.
25-^3: n.32).
6b. Co ne a 8a5-67al, sDe dge (3900) a 8aU-66b7, sNar than no
268b4-337a5, Pekin (l46) 5868 no 283b2-357a5.
65 . JSSMip fol. 13b3-4, cf. infra Ill-a et Ill-b. Du fait que
cette suggestion est exprimee dans le colophon, eile ne
pourrait pas etre 1'opinion directe de Mi pham, mais celle
de son disciple, copiste.
66. C. Bendall (ed), Subhäsita-samgraha, Le Museon 1903, p.389.
Cf. aussi Ejima ibid.
374
67. Pek. (95) 5254 tsha 342b3-4 et 345b3. La question de savoir
si ce Bhävaviveka est le meme que le fameux auteur Mädhyamika, i
auteur du Prajfläpradipa, n ’est pas encore Lien resolue. Yama-
guchi a essaye d'eliminer le MRP des oeuvres de celui-ci du
point de vue du contenu. Cf. S. Yamaguchi, Chükanha ni
okeru Chükangakusetsu no Köyösho (Recherches sur le MRP)3
Yamaguohi Susumu Bukkyögaku Bunshü (Receuil des articles
de Y.S. sur le Bouddhisme) I, Tokyo 1972, pp. 249-318
(reimp. de son ancien article dans T)tani Daigaku Kenkyü
Nenpö (Annuaire de l'Univ. Otani) II (1943) pp. 69-152);
S. Yamaguchi, Bukkyö ni okeru Mu to U tono Tairon (Conflit
concernant la non-existence et 1 ’existence dans le Bouddhisme),
Kyoto 19^1 (reimp. Tokyo 1964), pp. 54-6. Meme les auteurs
tibetains, qui ont habituellement tendance ä confondre deux
personnes historiquement differentes comme dans le cas de
Nägärjuna, distinguent deux Bhävaviveka. lCan skya II Rol
pa'i rdo rje par exemple le dit clairement en attribuant
le MRP ä un deuxieme Bhävaviveka dans son lCan skya grub
m t h a ’ (ed. Sarnath, 1970, p. 283.11-12): dBu ma rin chen
sgron ma ni Legs Idan chuh bar grags pas mdzad pa yin gyi
slob dpon 'dis mdzad pa min no // MLe MRP a ete compose
par celui qui est connu comme le petit Bhävaviveka, et non
par ce maitre (= le fameux Bhävaviveka)". Le seul probleme
est 1 ’interpretation d ’un passage qui se trouve dans le MRP
(Pek. 335b3): bdag gis bkod pa rTog ge 1bar ba .. . "... la
Tarkajvälä composee par moi-meme” . Cf. F.D. Lessing and
A. Wayman, op.cit. , p. 94 n.26; S. Yamaguchi (1972 = 1943),
id. , p. 268. II faut penser soit que la Tarkajvälä est
aussi du deuxieme Bhävaviveka, soit que 1 ’opinion q u ’il
y a deux Bhävaviveka est fausse. Nous ne sommes pas en
mesure de trancher ce probleme, et rappelons simplement
qu’il n ’est pas simple et q u ’on doit le traiter avec pru
dence. II y a deux recents ouvrages sur Bhävaviveka:
S. Iida, Reason and Emptiness, Tokyo 1980 (qui consiste
entre autres en ed. skt. et tib. de la Madhyamakahrdaya-
kärikä (ill kk*l-136) et de la Tarkajvälä, avec. tr. angl.);
Y. Ejima, op.cit. (= recueil de ses anciens articles revises
et ed. skt. et tib. de la Madhyamakahrdayakärikä (ill kk°
I- 36O), avec tr. jap.). L ’histoire des recherches concer
nant ce probleme est resume dans Iida pp.12-19 et Ejima
pp. 1-38.
68. P.L. Vaidya (ed.), Säntideva, Bodhicaryävatära3 with the
commentary Panjikä of Prajnakaramati, Darbhanga i960, p.
174.11-12 (cf. p.173.30 = JSS k° 28ab).
69. H. Ui (ed.), Shinri no Hökan (Tattvaratnävall), Nagoya
daigaku Bungakubu Kenkyüronshü (Recueil d ’articles de la
Faculte des Lettres de l'Univ. de Nagoya) III (1952),p.5.6-7
(= k°25).
375
70. Ill k 7, cf. L. de La Vallee Poussin, Le Bouddhisme,
d ’apres les sources brahmaniques, Le Ituseon 1902, p.l03
(= p .87 du tire ä part).
71. R. Iyengar (ed.), Tarkabhäsä and Vädasthäna, Mysore 1952,
pp. 61.1-2 (cf. 63.15-16),*63.19, 68.12-13, 69.1, 70.1-5;
Y. Kajiyama, An Introduction to Buddhist Philosophy,
Memoirs of the Faculty of Letters (Kyoto University) no.10
(1966), p. 5 et nn.366, 382, 109, ll2, 120; K. Mimaki,
(1976), op.oit., pp. I86-I88. La strophe 22ab se trouve
seulement dans la version tibetaine de la Tarkabhäsä. Cf.
Kajiyama, id., n . 381.
72. Ed. Iyenger, id., p.60.19: ... bhagavatä sarvaj Plena eoktam.
73. ’gyur phyag esc l ’hommage que les traducteurs rendent au
debut de leur traduction tibetaine. II est different de
celui que 1 Tauteur fait au debut de son traite Sanskrit
et remplace ce dernier dans bien des traductions. Cf., par
exemple, Bodhicaryävatära-paPljikä (skt. ed. P.L. Vaidya,
Darbhanga i960, p.l) om namo buddhäya / (tib. ed. Pek.
(lOO) 5273, la l5a7-8) 1phags pa ’Jam dpal gZon nur gyur
pa la phyag ’tshal lo // ’phags pa sPyan ras gzigs dbah
phyug la phyag ’tshal lo //; Nyäyabindu-pikä (skt. ed.
Th. Stcherbatsky, Bibl. Bud. 8, 190l, p.l) orp narnah sarva-
jftäya / (tib. ed. Th. Stcherbatsky, Bibl. Bud. 7, 1918,
p.l) ’phags pa ’Jam dpal g£on nur gyur pa la phyag ’tshal
lo //.
7l. Les mots du JSS qui sont marques par un petit cercle au
dessous dans le JSSMip sont imprimes en italique. Les mots
sous lesquels l ’editeur de la reproduction indienne a
oublie de mettre ce petit cercle sont signales par un
petit cercle en fin de syllabe dans la presente edition.
L finitiale radicale de tous les noms propres est affectee
d ’une majuscule.
75. JSSMip fol. llal (= p. 317), cf. JSSN Pek. 50a3-7 (ed.
Mimaki, p. 200).
76. Madhyamakälahkära k 68 de Säntaraksita. Cf. CatuhGataka
k lOO (= XVI k°25) d'Aryadeva, cite aussi dans la Prasanna-
padä (ed. de La Vallee Poussin) p.16.1-5. Voir aussi Mimaki
(1976), op.oit., n.lll.
77. On pourrait corriger gyis en gyi et traduire ainsi: "... la
realite des savants (= Mädhyamika), et non des autres
faiseurs de theorie". Mais Mi pham a sans doute en vue
376
JSSN Pek. 51"b6 (ed. Mimaki, p. 206): grub pa'i mtha' smra
ba sus kyah brjod du med pa’i blo dah Idan pas na mkhas
pa rnams te / "ils sont savants parce qu'ils ont la com
prehension qui ne peut etre exprimee par aucun faiseur de
theorie".
78. Ici Mi pham developpe ou simplifie 1*explication du JSSN
de Bodhibhadra, en introduisant ä la maniere tibetaine
ce qui n'existait pas litteralement dans le commentaire
de Bodhibhadra. C'est surtout l'emploi du terme Yogäcära
C-mädhyamika3 qui est ici typiquement tibetain. En effet,
le terme Yogäcära-mädhyamika, avec sa contre-partie
Sauträntika-mädhyamika, a ete invente par des auteurs
tibetains tels que Ye ses sde etc. au debut du 9e si e d e ,
et ne se trouve pas dans les textes indiens avant cette
date: cf. K. Mimaki, Le Blo gsal grub mtha\ chapitres
choisis sur le Bouddhisme edites et traduits, Kyoto 19Ö2,
Introduction (ä paraitre). Dans le passage correspondant
du JSSN (pek. 51b7-8), Bhavya etc. sont seulement decrits
comme Mceux qui ne tiennent pas compte de 1 ’apparition
Cdes donnees dans la connaissance3" (snah ba la mi ’gal ba) ,
et Säntaraksita etc. comme "ceux qui disent: les donnees
qui apparaissent Cdans la connaissanceü ne sont pas reelles,
mais c'est la connaissance interne qui apparait sous des
Cformesl diverses" (snah ba'i dhos po ji Ita ba ma yin
gyi nah gi fses pa kho na sna tshogs su snah bar smra ba).
377
THE FOUR NOBLE TRUTHS: A PROBLEM OF PALI SYNTAX
K. R. NORMAN (Cambridge)
1. The problem
1.1. I want in this paper, offered in honour of Professor
J.W. de Jong, to examine the grammar and syntax of something
which, although fundamental to Buddhist doctrine, has never
been satisfactorily explained at the linguistic level. I refer
to the statement, in Pali, of the four Noble Truths (= NTs).
1.2. This statement occurs in the Dhammaoakka-ppavattana-
sutta (Vin I 10 foil. = S V 420 foil.),1 which is traditionally
the first sermon preached by the Buddha after his enlightenment,
in the following form: idam kho pana bhikkhave dukkham aviya-
-saooam3 idam kho pana bhikkhave dukkha-samudayam aviya-saooam,
idam kho pana bhikkhave dukkha-nivodham ariya-sacoam, idam kho
pana bhikkhave dukkha-nirodha-gämini patipadä ariya-saccam.
I shall refer to this as the ’introduction’ set.2
1.3. It is clear that there is something strange about the
grammar and syntax here. The most recent statement that I have
seen made about this is that of Johansson, who says:
'Syntactically, these expressions are somewhat loosely
formulated and of different types. Note that samudaya
and nivodha are masculine and therefore must be acc.
sg., if the compounds are not of the possessive type
and therefore adjectively adapted to saooam; patipadä
can only be nom.sg. ... Probably dukkham and patipada
should be understood as nom. and translated "truth
(which is) pain" = "truth about pain";3 dukkha-samudayam
and- dukkha-nivodham are probably possessive compounds
adjectively related to saooam and therefore nom.sg.nt.,
literally "pain-originating truth", i.e. "truth about
the origin of pain", "truth about the cessation of
pain". There are other possibilities: dukkham may
also be adj., and so the same type of attribute as
378
dukkha-samudayam t a k e n a s p o s s . compound; i t may
a ls o be ta k e n as a c c .s g . of th e noun, b ecau se acc.
i s s o m e tim e s u s e d a s a " c a s e o f r e f e r e n c e " , a l t h o u g h
t h e l o c . i s more common i n t h i s f u n c t i o n ; dukkha-
samudayam and dukkha-ndrodham c o u l d a l s o be u n d e r
stood as a c c . o f r e f e r e n c e . On t h e o t h e r h a n d , p atd-
padä i s c e r t a i n l y n o m ., i f i t s h o u ld n o t s im p ly be
com bined w i t h ardya-saccam t o form one l o n g c o m p o u n d . '4
1 .4 . J o h a n s s o n d i d n o t q u o t e , and p o s s i b l y was una w a re o f ,
W e l l e r ' s s u g g e s t i o n t h a t t h e s t a t e m e n t o f t h e f o u r NTs i n P a l i
i s b a s e d upon an e a r l i e r v e r s i o n i n an E a s t e r n d i a l e c t , w h e re
t h e n o m .sg . o f b o t h m asc. and n t . n o u n s was i n -e. 5 I n t h a t
d i a l e c t , a c c o r d i n g t o W e l l e r , t h e 2nd and 3 r d NTs w ould h a v e
had t h e fo rm dukkha-samudaye ardya-sacce and dukkha-ndrodhe
a r d y a - s a c c e and by a f a u l t y p i e c e o f ' t r a n s l a t i n g ' on t h e
p a r t of t h e P a l i r e d a c t o r , -samudaye -sacce and -ndrodhe
-saece w ere c h a n g e d t o -samudayam -saccam and -ndrodham
-saccam i n s t e a d o f t h e c o r r e c t -samudayo -sacoam and -ndrodho
-saccam.
1 .5 . I t seems t h a t o t h e r s , t o o , b e l i e v e d t h a t t h e c o r r e c t
form of t h e s t a t e m e n t s h o u ld be -samudayo -saccam and -ndrodho
- saccam , f o r t h e r e i s a v . l . -samudayo a t D I I 3 0 8 ,1 and M I I I
2 5 0 ,3 2 , and a v . l . -ndrodho a t D I I 3 1 0 , 4 , w h i l e W e l l e r q u o t e s
t h e comment o f t h e e d i t o r s o f t h e S ia m e se e d i t i o n , who r e a d
-samudayo -saccam a n d -ndrodho - saccam , a g a i n s t t h e i r m a n u s c r i p t s ,
on t h e g r o u n d s t h a t sarrmdaya and ndrodha a r e m a s c u l i n e n o u n s . 6
The g e n e r a l t e n d e n c y o f t h e m a n u s c r i p t s , h o w e v e r, t o r e a d
-samudayam and -ndrodham i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h i s i s w hat t h e P a l i
t r a d i t i o n f e l t was c o r r e c t , and c o n s e q u e n t l y r e f r a i n e d fro m
'c o r r e c t i n g '.
1 .6 . N e ith e r J o h a n s s o n 's n o r W e l l e r 's e x p la n a tio n i s e n t i r e l y
sa tisfa c to ry . As we s h a l l s e e (§ 2 . 2 ) , t h e f o u r NTs a l s o o c c u r
i n P a l i i n a s e t w h e r e -samudayo and -ndrodho a r e f o u n d , and
W e l l e r ' s s u g g e s t i o n d o e s n o t e x p l a i n why t h e two compounds
s h o u ld a p p e a r t o h a v e d i f f e r e n t g e n d e r s i n d i f f e r e n t c o n t e x t s .
J o h a n s s o n 's e x p la n a tio n does n o t ta k e a cco u n t of th e f a c t t h a t
we s h o u ld e x p e c t t h e grammar and s y n t a x of e a c h o f t h e f o u r NTs
t o be t h e sam e, and t h e r e f o r e t h e e x p l a n a t i o n must be t h e same
fo r a l l four.
1 .7 . I t co u ld a l s o be s u g g e ste d t h a t in th e s ta te m e n t of
t h e f o u r NTs t h e g e n d e r o f samudaya a n d ndrodha i s g e n u i n e l y
n e u t e r , b u t t h i s d o e s n o t m eet t h e o b j e c t i o n w h ic h h a s b e e n
l e v e l l e d a g a i n s t W e l l e r ' s s o l u t i o n , t h a t i n o t h e r s e t s t h e two
w o rd s h a v e t h e e x p e c t e d m a s c u l i n e g e n d e r . I t w ould b e p o s s i b l e
379
to suggest that -samudayo and -nirodho were changed to -samu-
dayam and -nirodham on the analogy of dukkham in the 1st NT,
and then the expected form of the pronoun ay am was changed to
idam to agree with -samudayam and -nirodham. This does not,
however^ explain why we also have idam in the 4th NT, although
patipada is feminine.
2. Other statements of the four Noble Truths in Pali
2.1. Later in the Dhammacakka-ppavattana-sutta we find the
four NTs stated again in two sets (Vin I 11,1 foil. = S V 422,3
foil.): idam dukkham ariya-sacoan ti me bhikkhave ... äloko
udapädi. tarn kho p a n ' idam dukkham ariya-saooam pariftPleyyam ...
pariftftätam ... idam dukkha-samudayam ariya-sacoan ti me
bhikkhave ... äloko udapädi. tarn kho p a n ’ idam dukkha-samudayam
ariya-saooam pahätabbam ... pahtnam ... idam dukkha-nirodham
ariya-sacoan ti me bhikkhave ... äloko udapädi. tarn kho p a n ’
idam dukkha-nirodham ariya-saooam saoohikätabbam ... saochi-
katam ... idam dukkha-nirodha-gämini patipadä ariya-sacoan ti
me bhikkhave ... äloko udapädi. tarn kho pan ' idam dukkha-
-nirodha-gämini patipadä ariya-saooam bhävetabbam ... bhävitarn.
I shall call the set which is followed by ti ... äloko udapädi
the ’enlightenment* set, and that followed by pariflfleyyam3
etc., the ’gerundival’ set.
2.2. There are other statements of the four NTs in Pali
which differ from those in the Dhammaoakka-ppavattana-sutta.
One set occurs in an alternative version of the enlightenment
story at M I 23,14-17,7 where each item omits the word ariya-
-saooam and is followed by ti yathäbhütam abbhahfläsim. I shall
call this the ’basic' set. It is noteworthy that in this set
each item has the correct gender for the nouns (-samudayo,
-nirodho) and for the pronouns (idam, ayam, ayam, ay cam).
2.3. We also find in Pali various shortened forms of the
four NTs. I shall call these the ’mnemonic' sets, since they
were probably intended to remind the hearer of the full form
of the NTs. The shortest set of all is (a): cattäri ariya-
-saooäni ... dukkham samudayo nirodho maggo (Th 492).8 This
seems to be a 'short-hand' way of referring to the four NTs,
for the -1st NT is not 'Pain', but the realisation of the fact
that ’This is pain'. Another set, without the word ariya
is (b): oattäri saooäni: dukkha-saooam samudaya-saooam
nirodha-saocam magga-saccam (Pp 2,1-3). A longer version,
with ariya, is found in set (c): cattäri ariya-saooäni:
380
dukkham aviya-saccam s dukkha-samudayam ariya-saccam 3 dukkha-
-nirodham a riya-saccam 3 dukkha-nirodha-gam ini pa tip a d d a r iy a -
-saccam (D I I I 2 7 7 , 8 - 1 1 ) . The 4 t h NT a l s o o c c u r s i n t h e for m
d u k k h a -n iro d h a -g d m in i-p a tip a d d ariya-saccam (Vism 4 9 4 . 4 ) ,
w h e r e -g a m in i- p r o b a b l y r e p r e s e n t s a n a t t e m p t t o w r i t e t h e
s t e m f or m o f gam ini i n a compound.
2.4. I t wo ul d a p p e a r t h a t i n mnemonic s e t ( c ) t h e P a l i
t r a d i t i o n t a k e s dukkham_, dukkha-samudayam3 e t c . , a s b e i n g i n
a p p o s i t i o n t o aidya-saccam , so t h a t when t h e l a t t e r i s i n an
o b l i q u e c a s e , s o t o o i s t h e f o r m e r , e . g . dukkham ariya-saccam
. . . dukkha-samudayam dukkha-nirodham d u kkha-nirodha-gam ini-
-patipadam a riya -sa cca m p u cchanti (M I I 1 0 , 2 1 f o i l . ) ;
dukkhassa a r iy a -s a c c a s s a ananubodhd . . . dukkha-samudayassa . . .
a r iy a -s a c c a s s a ananubodhd . . . dukkha-nirodhassa . . . a r iy a -
s a c c a s s a ananubodhd . . . dukkha-nirodha-gam iniya patipadaya . . .
a r iy a -s a c c a s s a ananubodhd (D I I 9 0 , 1 2 f o i l . ) ; dukkhe a r iy a -
-sa c c e dukkha-samudaye a r iy a -s a c c e dukkha-nirodhe a r iy a -s a c c e
dukkha-nirodha-gam iniya patipadaya a r iy a -s a c c e (M I 1 8 4 , 3 1
foil.).
2.5. I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g to n o te t h a t in such c o n t e x t s w ith
a n o b l i q u e c a s e u s a g e , t h e P a l i t r a d i t i o n was n o t a l w a y s
c e r t a i n a b o u t t h e way i n w h i c h t o h a n d l e t h e 4 t h NT. B e s i d e s
t h e r e a d i n g - gam ini - 3 w h i c h p r o b a b l y r e p r e s e n t s an a t t e m p t t o
w r i t e a s t e m f o rm ( a s i n § 2 . 3 ) , we f i n d t h e v . l l . -g a m in i- a nd
-gaminim a t M I I 1 0 , 2 5 . B e s i d e s t h e r e a d i n g -gdm iniyd a t
D I I 3 1 2 , 2 we f i n d t h e v . l l . -g a m in i- and -g a m in i-. Not o n l y
i s t h e r e d o u b t a b o u t -g d m in iy d /-g a m in i-/-g a m in i- 3 b u t t h e r e
i s e v i d e n c e t h a t t h e r e was d o u b t a b o u t t h e c o r r e c t form of
p a tip a d d i n s u c h o b l i q u e u s a g e s . At Vi n I 2 3 0 , 3 0 f o i l , we
f i n d t h e e q u i v a l e n t o f D I I 90,12 f o i l , (see § 2 .4 ) , w ith the
4 t h NT w r i t t e n a s a compound: d u kkh a -n iro d h a -g d m in i-p a tip a d d -
-a riy a -s a c c a s s a ananubodhd. An e x a m i n a t i o n o f more e d i t i o n s
and m a n u s c r i p t s m i g h t h e l p t o s e t t l e t h e c o r r e c t for m o f t h e
4 t h NT i n o b l i q u e c a s e s , b u t any c o n c l u s i o n s r e a c h e d a r e n o t
l i k e l y t o be t o t a l l y p e r s u a s i v e , s i n c e t h e p o s s i b i l i t y of
s c r i b a l e r r o r o r e m e n d a t i o n c an n e v e r b e c o m p l e t e l y e l i m i n a t e d .
2.6. D e s p i t e t h e p r o b l e m s w h i c h t h e grammar and s y n t a x of
t h e f o u r NTs p r e s e n t , t r a n s l a t o r s h a v e shown l i t t l e d o u b t a b o u t
t h e way i n w h i c h t h e y s h o u l d b e t r a n s l a t e d . In the ' b a s i c ' s e t
( § 2 . 2 ) , w i t h o u t a riy a -sa cc a m , t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s s t r a i g h t
forw a rd: ' I un d e rsto o d p r o p e r l y "T his i s p a in , This i s th e
o r ig in of p ain", e t c . ' We c a n t r a n s l a t e mnemonic s e t ( a ) :
' T h e f o u r NTs: p a i n , ( i t s ) o r i g i n , ( i t s ) c e s s a t i o n , t h e p a t h ' .
Mnemonic s e t (b) i s n o r m a l l y t r a n s l a t e d : ' Th e f o u r t r u t h s :
381
the truth of pain, the truth of the origin, the truth of the
cessation, the truth of the path', where dukkha-saccam, etc.,
are translated as though they were dependent (tatpurusa) com
pounds. For mnemonic set (c) the same translation is given,
with the addition of 'noble’ to 'truth', as though the words
in apparent apposition to ardya-saccam were adjectives or
adjectival compounds in agreement with artya-saccam: 'The
four NTs: the NT of pain, the NT of the origin of pain, etc.'
2.7. A comparable translation is given for the 'intro
duction' set (§1,2), and the pronoun ddam which occurs in
each NT is taken as agreeing with -saccam, so that the trans
lation is usually given in the form: 'This is the NT of pain,
this is the NT of the origin of pain, etc.' No-one, to my
knowledge, has commented upon the strangeness of the fact
that, on the basis of the translation given for the 'basic'
set (§2.6), we should expect the correct translation to be:
'The NT (that) "This is pain", the NT (that) "This is the
origin of pain", etc.' I presume that the syntax has always
dissuaded translators from giving the interpretation which
reason told them was the correct one.
2.8. It is possible to translate the 1st NT in this set
as 'This pain is a NT', and in the 4th NT we might translate
'This (thing, namely) the path ... is a NT', or 'This NT (is)
the path', but such translations are not possible for the 2nd
and 3rd NTs, since -samudayam and -nirodham are not in the
nom. case, unless we assume a change of gender, which is un
likely (§1.7). In the 'gerundival' set (§2.1), it would be
possible to take the pronoun tarn, which occurs in each NT,
as agreeing with aviya-saccam, and the pronoun which follows
it as agreeing with dukkham, etc. This gives good sense for
the 1st NT: 'That truth (that) "This is pain'", but it is not
satisfactory for the other NTs because, as noted above (§1.7),
the pronoun has the form ddam which is not appropriate for the
expected masculine forms -samudayo and -nirodho, nor for the
feminine form patipadä.
3. The four NTs in other traditions
3.1. It might be thought that an investigation into the
form which the four NTs take in BHS texts might produce a
solution to this problem. In fact, such texts produce problems
of their own. I quote from the Mvu,g the Lai,10 and the CPS.11
382
3.2. Where the Pali version of the Dhammaoakka-ppavattana-
-sutta has the 'introduction* set (§1.2), Mvu and Lai have the
'mnemonic' set (c); CPS has neither the 'introduction' set nor
the 'mnemonic' set, although it includes the 'mnemonic' set
later (§3.A). The equivalent of the Pali 'enlightenment' set
(§2.1) occurs in the following versions: idam duhkham iti
bhiksavah ... alokam prädurabhüsi; ayam duhkha-samudayo ti ...
älokarn prädurabhüsi; ayam duhkha-nirodho ti ... aloko prädu
rabhüsi; iyam ca duhkha-nirodha-gämini pratipadä iti ...
äloko'prädurabhüsi (Mvu III 332,13 foil.); duhkham iti me
bhiksavah ... älokah prädurbhütah; ayam duhkha-samudaya iti ...
älokah prädurbhütah; ayam duhkha-nirodha iti ... älokah prädur
bhütah; iyam duhkha-nirodha-gämini pratipad iti ... älokah prä-
durbhutah (Lai 417,15 foil.); idam duhkham ärya-satyam iti me
bhiksavah ... buddhir udapädi; ayam duhkha-samudayo ’yam
duhkha-nirodha iyam duhkha-nirodha-gämini pratipad ärya-satyam
iti ... buddhir udapädi (CPS 12.2-3). For the omission of the
word ärya-satyam in the 2nd and 3rd NTs we can compare the
similar omission in 'mnemonic' set (c) in the same text (§3.4).
3.3. The BHS versions of the 'gerundival' set are as fol
lows: tarn khalu punar imam duhkham ärya-satyam paricheyam .. .
tena khalu punar ayam duhkha-samudayo ärya-satyo prahätavyo ...
atha khalu punar ayam duhkha-nirodho ärya-satyo säksikrto . ..
sä khalu punar iyam duhkha-nirodha-gämini pratipad arya-satyä
bhävitä (Mvu III 333,3 foil.); yat khalv idam duhkham parijfte-
yam ... sa khalv ayam duhkha-samudayah prahätavya(h) ... sa
khalv ayam duhkha-nirodhah säksätkartavya(h) ... sä khalv iyam
duhkha-nirodha-gämini pratipad bhävayitavy(ä ) ... tat khalv
idam duhkham parijftätam ... sa khalv ayam duhkha-samudayah
prahina(h) ... sa khalv ayam duhkha-nirodhah säksätkrta(h) ...
sä khalv iyam duhkha-nirodha-gämini pratipad bhävit(ä) (Lai
418,1 foil.); tat khalu duhkham ärya-satyam ... parijHätavyam
... tat khalu duhkha-samudayam ärya-satyam ... prahätavyam ...
tat khalu duhkha-nirodham ärya-satyam ... säksikartavyam ...
tat khalu duhkha-nirodha-gämini pratipad ärya-satyam ... bhäva-
yitavyä ... tat khalu duhkham ärya-satyam ... parijflätam ...
tat khalu duhkha-samudayam ärya-satyam ... prahinam ... tat
khalu duhkha-nirodham ärya-satyam ... säksikrtam ... tat khalu
duhkha-nirodha-gämini pratipad ärya-satyam ... bhävitam (CPS
12.4-11). There is a version of the 'basic' set in the intro
duction to CPS: idam duhkham ärya-satyam iti yatlnäbhütam pra-
jänäti; ayam duhkha-samudayah; ayam duhkha-nirodhah; iyam
duhkha-nirodha-gämini pratipad ärya-satyam iti yathäbhütam
prajänäti (CPS E.24). For the omission of the word ärya-satyam
in the 2nd and 3rd items we can compare the similar omission
in 'mnemonic' set (c) in CPS (§3.4).
383
3.4. Versions of the 'mnemonic’ set occur as follows:
oatväri ... ärya-satyäni seyyathidam duhkham ärya-satyam3
duhkha-samudayo ärya-satyam3 duhkha-nirodho ärya-satyam3
duhkha-nirodha-gämini pratipad ärya-satyam (Mvu III 331,17
foil.); oatväri ... ärya-satyäni — duhkham duhkha-samudayo
duhkha-nirodho dühkha-nirodha-gämint pratipat (Lai 417.2
foil.); oatväri ... ärya-satyäni — duhkham drya-satyam
duhkha-samudayo duhkha-nirodho duhkha-nirodha-gämini prati
pad ärya-satyam (CPS 14.2-3). The omission of the word firya-
-satyam in the 2nd and 3rd NTs in the CPS version has al
ready been noted in the 'enlightenment' and 'basic' sets
(§3.2-3). We find a different form of the 2nd and 3rd NTs
at Mvu II 138,4 foil.', duhkha-samudayam ärya-satyam
duhkha-nirodham ärya-satyam.
3.5. It would appear that in the 'mnemonic' set at Mvu
III 331,17 foil. (§3.4) the words duhkham3 etc., are in ap
position to ärya-satyam , although it would be possible to
take the 4th NT as a compound, since pratipad has the same
form whether it is nom.sg. or the stem form. If it is a
compound, however, we should have to regard -gämint- as an
irregularity, since it is the nom.sg.fern, form instead of
the expected stem form. We have already seen (§2.5) that
-gämini- sometimes occurs in compounds in Pali, and we find
a comparable example in BHS at Mvu III 408,17 foil. , where
the four NTs occur as the objects of a group of verbs be
ginning with äciksati 'he teaches*. The statement includes
duhkham3 duhkha-samudayam and duhkha-nirodham3 all of which
could be taken as accusative in apposition to ärya-satyam.
The 4th NT, however, is in the form duhkha-nirodha-gämini-
pratipad-ärya-satyam (äciksati)3 which can only be a compound.
3.6. The problems which the syntax of the four NTs pre
sents has led to some inconsistencies in their translation in
BHS texts. Ria Kloppenburg, in her translation of CPS,12
translates the 1st NT as 'This suffering is a noble truth'
when it occurs in the 'basic' and 'enlightenment' sets,13
as 'Suffering, that noble truth' in the 'gerundival' set,14
and as 'The noble truth of suffering' in the 'mnemonic' set.15
As we have noted (§2.8), it is possible to take the 1st NT
in Pali as 'This suffering is a noble truth', but it is not
possible to follow her in taking the 2nd and 3rd NTs as
'This origin of suffering is a noble truth' and 'This ces
sation of suffering is a noble truth' because in the Pali
version -samudayam and -nirodham cannot be nom. Nor can we
translate the Pali version of the 4th NT as 'This path lead
ing to the cessation of suffering is a noble truth', because
idam cannot be taken as agreeing with patipada.
384
3.7. Nor do the BHS versions of the 'gerundival’ set help
with the interpretation of the Pali version of that set. In
place of the pronoun tarn which introduces each item in the
Pali version (§2.1), Mvu has tam3 tena3 atha and sä. The first
three of these suggest that Pali tarn is the adverbial use of
the pronoun in the sense of ’then, therefore’, but sä in the
4th item goes against this, as do yat/tat3 sa3 sa and sä in
the Lai version. The CPS version partly agrees with Pali in
having tat in each item, but it omits the pronouns idam3 ayam ,
ayam and iyam. These differences present too great a problem
to be solved in this short paper.
4. The problem reconsidered
4.1. If we consider the form of the ’enlightenment’ set
in Pali (§2.1) and the other traditions (§3.2), we note that
Pali has aviya-saccam in each item (with -samudayam and
-nivodham in the 2nd and 3rd NTs); Mvu and Lai omit avya-
-satyam in all four items (with -sarnudayo/-nivodho and -samu-
daya(h)/-nivodha(h) respectively); CPS omits ävya-satyam from
the 2nd and 3rd items (with -sarnudayo and -nivodhaCh))■ In the
’gerundival’ set the Pali version (§2.1) has aviya-saccam in
each item (with -samudayam and -nivodham) ; Mvu (§3.3) has
Ztvya-satya in each item, but makes -satya agree with the gender
of duhkham3 -samudayo3 etc.; Lai omits ärya-satyam from each
item; CPS has ärya-satyam in each item (with -samudayam and
-nivodham). In the ’basic’ set the Pali version (§2.2) omits
aviya-saccam from each item; CPS omits ärya-satyam from the
2nd and 3rd items (with -samudayah and -nivodhah) .
4.2. If we examine the form of ’mnemonic' set (c) in Pali
(§2.3) we find aviya-saccam in each item (with -samudayam and
-nivodham) ; Mvu (§3.4) has ävya-satyam in each item (with
-sarnudayo and -nivodho in one version, and -samudayam and
-nivodham in the other); Lai omits ärya-satyam from all four
items; CPS omits ävya-satyam in the 2nd and 3rd items (with
-sarnudayo and -nivodho) .
4.3. Woodward made a very perspicacious remark about the
Pali version of the 'gerundival' set (§2.1). With reference
to the statement that the second NT should be given up (pa-
hätabham) , he noted that the word aviya-saccam should be
omitted, since what the Buddha meant was that the origin of
pain should be given up, not the truth about it.15 As we
have seen, in the Lai version (§3.3) the word ävya-satyam is
385
omitted from all four items, and consideration shows that
this must be correct. What the Buddha said was that pain
should be known, its origin given up, its cessation realised,
and the path to its cessation practised. Woodward did not,
therefore, go far enough. He should have suggested the re
moval of the word ardya-saooam from all four items in the
'gerundival' set.
4.4. Further consideration shows that in other contexts,
too, the word ardya-saooam should be omitted. Following the
statement of the ’basic' set at D II 304,26 foil., there is
a series of questions about them, e.g. katamam dukkham avdya-
-saocam3 etc. (D II 305,1 foil.). This is normally translated
'What is the NT of pain ?', but since the 'basic' set does not
include the word ardya-saooam, and since the answer is jätd
dukkham, again without ardya-saooam, it is clear that the
original form of the question must have been katamam dukkham
— 'What is pain_?'. Mvu (III 332,1 foil.) and CPD* (14.4-10)
agree with the Pali version in having drya-satyam in each
question, although in these two texts they come after a state
ment of 'mnemonic' set (c), which includes the word drya-satyam
in each item. The version in Lai (417.4 foil.) has tatra
katamad duhkham3 etc., without drya-satyam. A version of the
questions without ardya-saooam occurs in Pali at M I 48,29 foil.
5. A proposed solution
5.1. I suggest that the original form of the 'enlighten
ment' set was the 'basic' set: ddam dukkham3 ayam dukkha-
-samudayo3 ayam dukkha-ndrodho3 ayam dukkha-ndrodha-gämdnd
patdpadä (to quote it in its Pali version, without prejudice
as to the actual dialect or language in which it was first
uttered), as found at M I 23,14 foil. This is supported by
the Mvu and Lai versions. The earliest form of the 'mnemonic'
set was the four words dukkham samudayo ndrodho maggo, without
any reference to saooa, e.g. ya biiddhdnam ... dhamma-desanä
tarn pakdsesd dukkham samudayam ndrodham maggam (Vin I 16,3).
When these items became known as 'truths', they were so de
signated: cattärd ardya-sacodnd — dukkham samudayo maggo
ndrodho (Th 492).
5.2. Their designation as sacoand led to the introduction
of the word -saooa into each item: oattärd sacoand — dukkha-saocam
samudaya-saocam ndrodha-sacoam magga-saooam (Pp 2,1-3). Although
these items are usually translated as though they were dependent
386
(tatpurusa) compounds (§2.6), they should rather be taken as
descriptive (karmadhäraya ) compounds: ’The truth ’’pain” , etc.',
cf. uposatha-saddo ’The word ’’uposatha"'. They might even be
taken as abbreviated forms of syntactical compounds:17
*idamdukkha-saooam , etc., 'The truth (that) "This is pain",
etc.», cf. 'idamsacoäbhin'ivesa ’The inclination (to say) "This
is true"’, i.e. ’The inclination to dogmatise’.
5.3. When the truths became known as ariya-saocäni _, then
this word was added to the 'mnemonic' sets. It was added to
the simplest form in apposition to the four items: yä sä
buddhänäm ... dharma-desanä tadyathä duhkham samudayo nirodho
märgas oatväry ärya-satyäni ... samprakäsayati (CPS 16.13).
The introduction of the word ari.ya- into ’mnemonic’ set (b)
gave a set: *dukkha-ariya-saccam, etc. I suggest that the
hiatus between dukkha -, etc., and -ar'iya-sacoam was avoided
by the insertion of a sandhi -77?-, producing dukkha-m-ariya-
-saooam, etc. Wrong word division led to this being taken
as dukkham ariya-saooam (S V 434,9-11), and then dukkham
ar'iya-sacoam (D II 277,8-11), i.e. as two words in apposition.
This was probably helped by the fact that dukkham could be
taken as an adjective in agreement with ar'iya-sacoam. The
same wrong division of dukkha-samudaya-m-ariya-sacoam and
dukkha-nirodha-m-ariya-saccam led to the appearance of
dukkha-samudayam and dukkha-nirodham. Despite the fact that
these two words were felt to have an independent existence, °
so that they could be declined in apposition to ar'iya-sacca
(§2.4), nevertheless the Pali tradition, with the few exceptions
noted above (§1.5), recognised that these were the correct forms,
and refrained from 'correcting' them.
5.4. In the 4th NT, the replacement of magga by papipadä
produced a hiatus between -ä- and -ariya-saocam y which was
tolerated, and no sandhi -m- was inserted. Since the stem
form was identical with the nom.sg. form, it was possible to
take pat'ipadä and ar'iya-sacoam as being in apposition. It
was therefore possible to take dukkha-n'irodha-gämirit as being
a separate adjective in agreement with the nom.sg. form pat'i
padä, although it is clear from the variety of forms we find
(§2.3-5) that the tradition was not certain about this. It
is, again, possible that we have examples of abbreviated forms
of syntactical compounds here. If the original form was *ayam-
-dukkha-nirodha-gömint-patipadä-ariya-saooam, then the compound
forms we have noted (§2.5) are easily understood. To this
extent, Johansson’s suggestion of a long compound (§1.3) is
correct, although he did not realise that all four NTs can be
taken as compounds.
387
5.5. Of the BHS versions of the 'mnemonic' set, that in
Lai omits the word ärya-satyam, and so the problem of hiatus
does not arise there. At Mvu II 138,4 (§3.4) we find duhkham
ärya-satyam duhkiia-samudayam ärya-satyam duhkha-nirodham
ärya-satyam duhkha-nirodha-gänini pratipad ärya-satyam, which
in the light of the discussion in the previous paragraph can
all be taken as compounds, with sandhi -m- in the first three
items. In the 4th NT pratipad, which can be either nom.sg.
or stem form, creates no hiatus. At Mvu III 331,17 foVi.3
however, we find duhkha-samudayo ärya-satyam and duhkha-
-nirodho ärya-satyam. It would seem most likely that these
forms represent later attempts to 'correct' what was thought
to be faulty grammar when wrong word division led to the ap
pearance of the anomalous forms -samudayam and -nirodham,
just as we have seen occasionally in the Pali tradition (§1.5).
The CPS version omits ärya-satyam from the 2nd and 3rd items,
where we find -samudayo and -nirodho.
5.6. As suggested above, the word ariya-sacca is not ap
propriate in the 'enlightenment' (§5.1) or the 'gerundival'
(§4.3) sets, but its presence in the 'mnemonic' set doubtless
led to its introduction there by analogy. Theoretically, its
introduction should have led to syntactical compounds: *idam-
-dukkha-m-ariya-sacoam3 *ayam-dukkha-samudaya-m-ariya-sacoam3
*ayam-dukkha-nirodha-m-ariya-saocam3 *ayam-dukkha-nirodha-
-gämini-patipadä-ariya-sacoam3 but just as a misunderstanding
of the structure of the compounds in the 'mnemonic' set led
to a faulty word division, so another misunderstanding led to
the separation of the pronouns from the beginning of the com
pound. Since in the first item in the Pali version idam
seemed to agree with saooam, the other three pronouns were
changed to idam to agree in the same way.
5.7. Lai does not include the word ärya-satyam in either
the 'enlightenment' or the 'gerundival' set (§4.1). Mvu does
not include the word in the 'enlightenment' set, and that it
is an addition to the 'gerundival' set is clearly shown by the
fact that the syntactical problem of fitting it into each item
was solved by making -satya agree in gender with duhkham3
-samudayo, etc. The CPS version of the 'enlightenment' set
omits ärya-satyam in the 2nd and 3rd items, as it does in the
'mnemonic' set, and has -samudayo and -nirodha(h) as in the
same set-. The CPS version of the 'gerundival' set has ärya-
-satyam in each item, with -samudayam and -nirodham in the
2nd and 3rd items. It is not obvious why CPS sometimes in
cludes ärya-satyam in the 2nd and 3rd items, and sometimes
omits the word. It is, however, clear that when ärya-satyam
388
is included we find -samudayam and -nirodham; when it is
omitted we find -samudayo (-ah) and -nirodho (-ah). We do
not find -samudayo ccrya-satyam or -nirodho arya-satyam3 which
indicates that tradition felt that this combination of words
was incorrect. In the CPS versions of the 'enlightenment*
and the 'basic' sets we find idam-duhkha-m-ärya-satyam and
iyarn-duhkha-nirodha-gämini-pratipad-ärya-satyam in the 1st
and 4th items respectively, which are precisely the forms
which are expected as syntactical compounds.
5.8. The 'introduction' set, found only in the Pali version,
resembles the Pali form of the 'enlightenment' and 'gerundival'
sets, with the words kho pana bhikkhave inserted between the
pronoun and the noun. Its absence from the three BHS versions
and the fact that it is replaced in the Mvu and Lai versions by
the 'mnemonic' set suggests that it is not an original feature
of the sutta. It is possible that in the earliest version there
was no set of four NTs at the beginning of this portion of the
narrative at all. When the idea of the NTs became more wide
spread, and the word ariya-saocam was inserted into the 'basic'
set which, as suggested above (§5.1), was the original form of
the 'enlightenment' set, a statement of the four NTs was pre
fixed to the story as a heading or rubric, in some traditions.
If this was so, then it is likely that the Mvu and Lai versions
independently prefixed the 'mnemonic' set, as being a very ap
propriate introduction to what was to follow.
6. Conclusions
6.1. A number of problems remain. The precise relationship
between the different versions is not clear. The reasons for
the inconsistencies in some texts, e.g. in the form of the 2nd
and 3rd NTs in the CPS, are unknown, but in some cases they may
be due to a mixture of material from various sources. The rela
tive chronology of the changes which must be assumed to have
taken place in the form of the NTs is hazy. Nevertheless it
seems possible to come to some conclusions.
6.2. The correct form of the NTs in Pali is: i-dam dukkham_,
ayam dukkha-samudayo, ayam dukkha-nirodho3 ayam dukkha-nirodha-
-gcbnint patipada — 'This is pain, this is the origin of pain,
this is the cessation of pain, this is the path leading to the
cessation of pain'. When the word ariya-saccam is included in
the statement, we should translate: 'The NT (that) "This is
pain", etc.'
389
6.3. The grammatical form of the four NTs when the word
ariya-saccam is included is a syntactical compound. This was
not understood by the tradition, with the result that faulty
division of the compounds led to the apparent production of
nom.sg. forms -samudayam and -nirodham. The belief that in
the 1st NT idem was an independent pronoun agreeing with
-saccam led to the pronouns in the other three NTs being
changed to idam.
6.4. The earliest forms of the ’enlightenment' and ’gerund-
ival’ sets did not include the word ariya-saccam. Since the
’introduction’ set is an addition to the Dhammacakka-ppavattana-
-sutta3 we may conclude that the earliest form of this sutta
did not include the word ariya-saccam.
6.5. Nevertheless, as John Brough stated in his note on
pamädo/*pämado3 15 these readings are so well entrenched in
the Pali tradition that, even if agreement could be reached
upon the original form of the four NTs, no editor would think
of inserting an emendation of them into his text.
Notes
1. Abbreviations of titles of texts are those of the Cri-tical
Pali Dictionary; in addition: CPS = Catusparisatsutra;
BHS = Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit.
2. The names ’introduction', etc., are given merely for con
venience of reference, without prejudice as to the original
form or function of the sets to which they refer.
3. For consistency, I translate dukkha/duhkha hereafter as
’pain', except when quoting other persons' translations,
without implying that this is necessarily the best trans
lation .
4. Rune E.A. Johansson, Pali Buddhist Texts3 Lund 1973, p.24.
5. F. Weller, "Uber die Formel der vier edlen Wahrheiten",
in OLZ, XLIII/3-4 (1940), 73-9.
6. Ibid., 73 n.3.
390
7. I normally give a single reference for each Pali quotation.
Other references, if they exist, can be found in the Pali
Text Society's Pali Tipitakam Concordance.
8. At Th 492 the order of the last two items is reversed for
metrical reasons.
9. E. Senart, Le Mahävastu, I-III, Paris 1882-97. According
to the text itself (I 2,13-14), it is of the Vinaya-pitaka
according to the text (päthena) of the Lokottaravädins of
the noble Mahäsäfighikas of the Middle Country.
10. S. Lefmann, Lalita Vistara3 Halle 1902. M. Winternitz,
(History of Indian Literature, Vol. II, p. 248) quotes the
Chinese tradition that this Mahlyina text originally con
tained the life story of the Buddha for the Sarvästivädins
of the Hlnayäna.
11. E. Waldschmidt, "Das Catusparisatsutra", ADAWB3 1960,1,
Berlin 1962. The CPS is a Sarvastivadin text, but is
identical with the Sahghabhedavastu of the Mülasarvästi-
vädins, from which the Introduction in Waldschmidt's
edition of CPS was taken, if I understand the situation
correctly.
12. Ria Kloppenburg (tr.), The Sutra on the Foundation of the
Buddhist Order3 Leiden 1973.
13. Ibid., pp. 4, 24.
14. Ibid., p. 24
15. Ibid., p. 28.
16. F.L. Woodward, The Book of the Kindred Sayings_, Part V,
London 1930, p. 358 n.l.
17. For such compounds in Plli see G.V. Davane, Nominal Com
position in Middle Indo-Aryan3 Poona 1956, pp. 135-9. For
syntactical compounds in Sanskrit see Jakob Wackernagel,
Altindische Grammatik3 II.1, Göttingen 1957, §§121-4 and W.D.
Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar3 Cambridge 1889, §1314.
18. In a version of the 'mnemonic' set found in an inscription
in Brähmi characters of the second or third centuries A.D.
at Sarnath, we find the word bhikkhave inserted between
dukkham and ariya-saccam in the 1st NT. See Sten Konow,
391
"Two Buddhist inscriptions from Sarnath" in Epigraphia
Indica3 IX (1907-08), pp. 291-3.
19. John Brough, The GändhärZ Dharmapada} London 1962, p. 194.
393
LA DAKSINA DANS LE RGVEDA ET LE TRANSFERT
DE MERITE DANS LE BOUDDHISME
Boris OGUIBENINE (Paris)
En dehors des ecrits brahmaniques, alors que les speculations
de leurs auteurs ont, dans une certaine mesure, complete la
theorie de la daksinä rgvedique, cette theorie est le plus
amplement presentee precisement dans le Rgveda. II est neces-
saire, cette fois plus qu’ä d'autres occasions, de rappeler
que disant "theorie", ce qui est vise, est cet ensemble de
vues, que l'on espere toujours coherent et articule, que l'on
reussit ä constituer a partir des donnees des mantras du
Rgveda dont on connait 1'imprecision et le caractere haute-
ment allusif. Les difficultes accompagnant la reconstitution
d'une notion qui condense en eile une pratique sociale n'en
sont evidemment qu'accrues, mais c ’est lä egalement 1'interet
d'un tel travail de reconstitution puisque la notion de
daksinä releve non seulement d ’un usage caracterisant la vie
sociaie de la haute epoque du vedisme, mais tire toute sa
valeur de la portee religieuse de cet usage. Nous avons
ainsi, comme c'est souvent le cas, ä envisager les faits com
plexes, poetiques et religieux, qui font la specificite repu-
tee du Rgveda en tant que source de nos connaissances de la
religion vedique, sans oublier ä aucun moment que l'une et
1*autre composante, la poesie et la religion, sont inextrica-
blement liees entre elles et que, pour la pensee vedique pri
mitive, l ’une determine 1'autre. On ne peut pas se passer de
l'une en etudiant 1'autre et cela de telle maniere que le
moindre detail qui semblerait du, ä premiere vue, ä la licence
poetique peut en fait prendre une signification profondement
religieuse; inversement, il peut se trouver qu'un fait reli
gieux important se voie traduit par ce qui ne semblait qu’une
virtuosite de langage ou de style.
En -particulier, on sait combien la notion de daksinä a
prete ä confusion. On n ’entrera pas ici dans tous les details
des explications proposees jusqu'a ce jour (notamment, parmi
les plus connues, celles de J.C. Heesterman, de J. Gonda qui
ont suscite autant d'assentiment que de critiques).1 II im-
porte davantage de preciser, pour cerner 1*intention des
394
r e f l e x i o n s q u i s u i v e n t , que d a n s l e s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s c o u r a n t e s
de l a n o t i o n de d a k s i n ä on se m b le o m e t t r e , t o u t en en e v o q u a n t
l e r o l e e t 1 ’ i m p o r t a n c e , un f a i t ä mes y e u x c a p i t a l e t q u i
c o n f e r e une s i g n i f i c a t i o n t o u t e s p e c i a l e t a n t ä l fu sag e q u ’ ä
l a n o t i o n e t u d i e s : c e f a i t e s t 1 ' e n se m b le de d i s p o s i t i f s e t
de g e s t e s q u i c o n s t i t u e n t l ' a c t e s a c r i f i c i e l v e d i q u e e t q u i
en f o n t u n e s t ^ n ^ t u r e a r t i c u l e e de t e l l e f a g o n que t o u s l e s
e l e m e n t s e t l e s r e l a t i o n s de c e t t e s t r u c t u r e s e t r o u v e n t i n -
tim e m e n t a s s o c i e s . Chaque e le m e n t e t c h a q u e r e l a t i o n r e g o i t
a i o r s son e x p l i c a t i o n p r o p r e m a is s u b o r d o n n e e ä 1 ’ e n s e m b le .
I I ne s e r a i t p a s b e s o i n d ’ i n s i s t e r s u r c e p o i n t , s i l e s t e n -
t a t i v e s d ' e x p l i c a t i o n de l a d a k s i n ä d a n s l e R g v e d a , d o n t on
t r o u v e b e a u c o u p d 'e x a m p l e s d a n s l e s n o t e s ä l a t r a d u c t i o n de
G e ld n e r q u i f a i t a u t o r i t e , ne s u b i s s a i e n t l e s i n c o n v e n i e n t s
de c e s deux m e p r i s e s i n d i q u e e s t o u t ä l ' h e u r e : d ' u n e p a r t ,
l e s e f f e t s de l a p o e s i e v e d i q u e j u g e s comine o b s c u r c i s s a n t
l ' e s s e n t i e l d a n s une i n t e r p r e t a t i o n d e s f a i t s r e l i g i e u x , ne
s o n t p a s p r i s en co m p te a v e c l e s e r i e u x q u ’ i l s m e r i t e n t ;
d ' a u t r e p a r t , q u a n t ä u n e v i s i o n d ’ e n s e m b le , l a d a k s i n ä ,
h o n o r a i r e d e s o f f i c i a n t s v e d i q u e s , n ' e s t en f a i t c o n s i d e r e e
que d a n s l a p e r s p e c t i v e v o l o n t a i r e m e n t e t r o i t e d e 1 ' i n t e r
a c t i o n d e s p a t r o n s du s a c r i f i c e {yajamäna , t e r m e g e n e r a l ) e t
de l 1o f f i c i a n t . Q u 'e n e s t - i l a i o r s d e s d i e u x a u x q u e l s l e
s a c r if ic e e s t d e stin e ? L e u r p a r t i c i p a t i o n ne s e l i m i t e p a s
a u x s e u l s b i e n f a i t s q u ' i l s p r o c u r e n t aux p a t r o n s du s a c r i f i c e
en c o n t r e - d o n d ’ une d a k s i n ä c o n g u e comme un don f a i t a u x
o f f i c i a n t s m a i s , de f a i t , d i r i g e v e r s l e s d i e u x , c e que sem ble
e n s e i g n e r RV.1 0 . 1 0 7 . 3 d a iv i p ü n tir daksin ä devayajya " l a
d a k s i n ä e s t un don a d r e s s e aux d i e u x , c ’ e s t un s a c r i f i c e f a i t
aux d i e u x " , du m o in s s e l o n l e s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s q u i en s o n t
d o n n e e s . 2 E l l e ne s a u r a i t s e r e d u i r e non p l u s ä l a r e c e p t i o n
du don h u m a in q u ' e s t l a d a k s i n ä , c a r i l e s t e v i d e n t que l e s
d e s t i n a t a i r e s de c e l l e - c i s o n t l e s o f f i c i a n t s du c u l t e v e d i q u e
e t q u e , en c o n s e q u e n c e , 1 ’ e n s e i g n e m e n t de R V .1 0 .1 0 7 . n ’ e s t p a s
ä p r e n d r e a u p i e d de l a l e t t r e , m a is ä l i r e c om pte t e n u p r e c i -
sem ent de l a s u p e r p o s i t i o n d e s e x p r e s s i o n s p o e t i q u e s e t r e l i -
g i e u s e s d ' u n e meme r e a l i t e du c u l t e . O r, s o u s 1 ' a n g l e de vue
q u i n o u s e s t im pose p a r l e P r o b le m e d e l a d a k s i n ä , c e t t e
l e c t u r e e s t ä f a i r e en a t t a c h a n t a u x m o ts c i t e s non l a v a l e u r
d ’u n e s i m p l e f i g u r e de s t y l e s a n s f i n a l i t e , m a is b i e n p l u t o t
u n e v a l e u r i n s t r u m e n t a l e e n g a g e a n t non s e u l e m e n t 1 ' e x p r e s s i o n ,
m a i s , d a n s u n e p l u s g r a n d e m e s u r e e n c o r e , l e f o n d s meme du f a i t
r e l i g i e u x q u ’ i l s f a g o n n e n t , a u q u e l i l s com m uniquent 1 ' a p t i t u d e
ä e n t r e r d a n s un m o u le , d a n s un schem a o r g a n i s a t e u r e f f i c a c e
p o u r une s e r i e d ’ a u t r e s f a i t s . A u tre m e n t - d i t , l a p h r a s e d a iv t
p ü r tir daksinä devayajya e s t de c e l l e s q u i o b s c u r e i s s e n t a u t a n t
q u ’ e l l e s d e v o i l e n t : c a r s a c h a n t q u e , p r i s e s u r l e p l a n (q u e
395
l'on a tendance ä considerer isolement, mais ä tort) de 1'in
teraction des deux groupes humains des officiants et des
patrons du sacrifice, la daksinä est la recompense affectee
aux officiants par leur yajamäna, on y decouvre une indication
sur la vraie nature de l ’acte sacrificiel vedique. Cette
nature n'est presentee que partiellement quand on dit que
les patrons du sacrifice font beneficier les officiants de
leur prestation, mais eile trouve sa representation completee
quand on dit, comme precisement notre phrase de RV.10.107,
que les dieux sont servis par cette meme prestation, la
daksinä. Ce n'est pas tout, car la daksinä, fut-elle destinee
aux dieux selon le sens immediat de la phrase citee, ne peut
les atteindre que par les officiants interposes; mais qu'on
n'oublie pas, encore une fois, que, ä l'epoque vedique aussi
bien qu'ä l'epoque brahmanique,3 la daksinä est Offerte aux
officiants en recompense de leurs services accomplis au bene
fice des patrons du sacrifice. De cette argumentation qui
reprend les meme elements en les considerant dans une perspec
tive chaque fois differente, il resulte que (l) 1'interaction
complexe des dieux, des patrons du sacrifice et des officiants
est ce qui represente le mieux l'acte sacrificiel en sa pleni
tude; que (2) la complexity et la plenitude du processus sacri
ficiel trouvent leur expression dans la solidarity des trois
groupes de participants. Et comme cette solidarity ne peut
etre dementie sans le risque de rendre le sacrifice inefficace,
on peut en conclure que les trois groupes se presupposent l'un
l'autre et que, de surcroit, chaque groupe sert d'intermediate
ä deux autres. Ainsi la phrase daivt pärtZr däksinä devayajyä
ne consigne-t-elle pas autre chose que le fait de la mediation,
principe fondamental du sacrifice vedique. II y a, en effet,
correspondance terme ä terme qui permet d'en donner une lecture
definitive: datvt pürttr "don adresse aux dieux" n'entre dans
la presentation de la daksinä que parce que ce don ne peut
etre offert aux dieux que si les patrons du sacrifice ont
recours aux officiants auxquels ils donneront la daksinä;
devayajya resume cet autre fait essentiel que la nature de
la daksinä peut etre determinee par la reference au sacrifice
fait aux dieux, car la daksinä est partie integrante du sacri
fice et son contrecoup necessaire.4 Voici done pour la part
des dieux qu'on ne saurait negliger en evaluant 1'ensemble
des roles affectes aux groupes de participants de l'acte sacri
ficiel vedique et voici la reponse que l'on donnera a 1'inter
rogation enoncee plus haut sur la necessite d'elargir la con
ception de leur role: ce role doit etre imagine comme l'un de
ceux qui assurent la cohesion d'une structure que represente
l'acte sacrificiel au meme titre que les roles attribues aux
officiants et aux patrons du sacrifice. Les trois roles cor-
respondants aux groupes sociaux (le groupe divin et deux
396
groupes humains) ont cette distinction commune qui est la medi
ation dont la fonction est celle de transformer chaque partici
pant du sacrifice en ouvrier fournissant un effort et un fruit
de son oeuvre ä un autre participant et, par la mediation de
celui-ci, ä un tiers. Le trait saillant du sacrifice vedique
qui decoule de cette distinction est sans aucun doute son ca-
ractere integrateur qui fait que l'acte sacrificiel est arti-
cule et harmonise de faqon ä exclure toute hltrarehisation de
voles.
Qu'il en soit ainsi, diverses situations que le sacrifice
est appele ä redresser en apportant des modifications de solu
tion en temoignent. Le cas des situations de manque propres
ä chaque groupe de participants de l'acte sacrificiel (mais
elles ne sont pas les seules ä pouvoir servir d'illustration)
est probablement le plus clair. En effet, les hommes - je veux
parier ici des hommes pris dans leur ensemble, indifferencies,
alors que l'on se souvient qu'ils ne le sont pas - n'ont que
leur parole et 1'inspiration ainsi que les mets et les breu-
vages;5 tout semble indiquer, en revanche, que les dieux,
quant ä eux, en sont prives. Aux louanges humaines, les dieux
sont susceptibles de donner une triple reponse (je laisse de
cote, pour le moment, la question de savoir si les reactions
divines sont veritablement des r&iponses ou bien l'exercice de
leurs fonctions qui n'est pas obligatoirement du aux actes
humains): ils retablissent, car ils sont en possession des
dispositifs le permettant, l'ordre universel, le gta, ce qui
est l'objet des requetes incessantes de la part des hommes;
ils gratifient l'homme des biens de diverse nature que celui-
ci convoite, puisqu'ils sont generalement liberaux et que,
retablissant 1'aspect de l'univers vedique selon le gta, ils
assurent en meme temps le cadre dans lequel peut s'exercer
leur generosite (les exemples ne manquent pas, et on peut se
reporter ä H. Luders, Varuna, II, pp. 510-37, cf. mes remarques,
Structure d'un mythe vedique, pp. 150-1); enfin, les dieux con-
tribuent puissamment ä activer 1'aptitude des humains ä la pa
role laudative.6 II y a certes une identite evidente dans les
comportements des dieux ä l'egard des poetes, officiants usant
de la parole louangeuse, et des officiants qui pressent le
soma (sunvant) , mais meme si des differences peuvent etre con-,
statees, il ne semble pas qu'elles relevent de l'usage qu'en
fait le symbolisme religieux vedique, car, l'un c o m e 1'autre,
l'acte de proferer la parole laudative et l'acte de rassasier
les dieux avec le soma, sont avant tout des actes sacrificiels,
associes l'un ä 1'autre comme deux faces d'une meme realite
religieuse. On se rappelera que P. Thieme distinguait dans
le Rgveda deux intentions determinantes etroitement liees,
397
celle qui fait du Rgveda la poesie du repas sacrificiel (ndie
alte Gastmahlspoesie, angewendet auf die Verehrung der be
wirteten Gottheiten") et celle qui lui imprime le caractere
d'un discours fait pour couler dans une forme 1'enonciation
de la verite ("esoterische Wahrheitsformulierung").7 Ces
intentions sont sans doute, eiles aussi, nettement comple-
mentaires et leur complementarite s’affirme encore davantage
quand on considere l'acte sacrificiel dans son integrite.
S'il a paru necessaire de s'attarder sur ces composantes du
traitement de la liturgie vedique dans la poesie du Rgveda,
c'est parce que c'est lä que le probleme des manques eprouves
de part et d'autre et combles egalement de part et d'autre
prend un sens particulier. Car le dispositif sacrificiel
part du regiement des manques, divins et humains, pour donner
ä ceux-ci une valeur veritablement institutionnelle: loin de
n'etre qu'accessoires, le manque des hommes en biens qu'ils
demanderont aux dieux et le manque des dieux en mets et breu-
vages se correspondent de maniere ä pourvoir tout le disposi
tif d'un certain equilibre. Mais voilä qu*intervient cette
autre partie obligee du sacrifice, la parole laudative, et
eile intervient en facteur de perturbation de 1'equilibre.
Autrement dit, 1'equilibre est destabilise parce que la reci
procity n'est plus respectee comme eile l'etait: les dieux
ne restituent pas ä l'homme la parole; c'est un fait qu'il
faut reconnaitre tout en admettant en meme temps que la
parite des dieux et des hommes etablie en raison des defi-
ciences reciproques une fois perturbee, une hierarchie des
roles, autrement inexistante, risquerait de s 'introduire.
C'est precisement en ce point qu'interviennent d'autres ele
ments du dispositif sacrificiel, qui font que la hierarchie
ne s'installe pas et, plus, qui font apparaitre la daksinä
en tant que necessite d'un Systeme symbolique articule sous-
jacent au sacrifice vedique,
Dans ce Systeme symbolique, on voit, en revenant aux
groupes de participants exergant chacun son role mediateur,
que chaque groupe est oppose ä deux autres, qu'en fait, on a
une Serie d 'oppositions formelles qu'on peut noter ainsi:
officiants: dieux: patrons du sacrifice
et qui se decompose en (l) officiants : dieux, (2) dieux :
patrons du sacrifice et (3) patrons du sacrifice : officiants.
Si nous disons oppositions, c'est pour faire remarquer que
les termes opposes denotent les groupes de participants entre
lesquels, on l'a vu, il y a interaction servant ä combler
les manques propres ä chaque groupe en employant les moyens
398
appropries. II semblerait, ä premiere vue, que, une fois que
les dieux ont eu leur part du repas sacrificiel et des eloges
d'officiants, qu'ils ont comble de biens les hommes, les buts
ultimes du processus sacrificiel sont atteints. Or, ce pro
cessus ne finit pas la puisque le benefice ainsi retire du
sacrifice humain ne reste pas indivis du fait que les hommes,
c'est un fait capital qu'il faut souligner encore, ne forment
pas un ensemble homogene. Les deux groupes humains, les
patrons du sacrifice et les officiants, exercent chacun une
fonction definie et c'est ä la suite de cette division que
le benefice humain prend corps et devient realite. Pour que
le processus sacrificiel puisse etre acheve et pour qu’un
nouveau sacrifice puisse renouveler 1'interaction incessante
entre les hommes et les dieux,8 le benefice humain doit se
concretiser en benefice des patrons du sacrifice et en bene
fice des officiants, la daksinä. C'est bien ce partage,
necessaire et imperatif, comme l'est la mediation des offi
ciants grace auxquels les patrons ont acces aux dieux, qui
assure aux groupes humains la recompense de leurs depenses
initiales. Les patrons du sacrifice parachevent alors l'acte
sacrificiel en "dirigeant la daksinä" vers l'officiant (RV.
10.107.5 yah pvathamo däksinäm ävivaya.), comme on dit RV.
7.19-6 vyantu brähmäni. ..vajam "puissent mes formules de reci
tation se diriger8 vers le prix de competition" (apres avoir
insiste sur le caractere coutumier et ancien des liberalites
d'Indra: sänä ta incLva bhoßanäni. ..däsüse "anciens sont, 6
Indra, tes bienfaits pour celui qui t'honore en sacrifiant"
et, en confirmation de ce que l'on disait au sujet du lien
des trois participants de l ’acte sacrificiel, en rappelant
la vraie origine de la part du benefice des officiants, RV.
7.19.7 tava priyasah sürisu syäma "puissions-nous etre tes
chers (proteges) aupres de nos patrons du sacrifice!"). Les
deux mouvements, l'un vers celui qui regoit, 1 ’autre, ä
1'inverse, venant de celui qui espere recevoir sa daksinä,
sont ainsi denotes par le verbe ä-Vt— ou vt-: il y a certes
l ’idee de reciprocity frequente dans les hymnes vediques,
reciprocity qui implique la parite non-hierarchique des
partis engages. L*expression de la remise de la daksinä par
les patrons peut changer de perspective; le cas le plus ordi
naire est celui de la daksinä mise en mouvement vers son des-
tinataire, ou est marque ie moment meme oü eile est precipitee,
par exemple, par Indra assumant la fonction de patron genereux
(RV.6.37.^ väristho asya däksinäm iyartZndro maghonäm tuvi-
kürmitamah "Indra, le plus puissamment agissant parmi les
(patrons) genereux met en mouvement d'un geste large sa
daksinä", mais on dit tout de suite que c'est encore Indra
lui-meme, en sa qualite de dieu, qui repartit les dons genereux
399
parmi les patrons du sacrifice {yäyä vajrivah pardyäsy ahho
magha oa dhrsno dayase vt sürtn "grace ä cette daksinä, 6
porteur de foudre, tu evites la misere, tu repartis, 6 valeu-
reux, les dons genereux entre les patrons": un bei exemple
d'obscurcissement voulu, done de symbolisme procedant, comme
cela se doit, par des voies complexes, car le vers cite fait
croire que e ’est Indra qui contourne, ou trompe, la misere
humaine, alors que ses actes se reduisent ä la faire eviter
aux humains; on fait croire, de plus, que e ’est le dieu Indra
qui, tout ä la fois, gratifie les patrons du sacrifice et
fait un geste de generosite envers les destinataires de la
daksinä, mais on sait dejä que cette fagon de dire omet,
deliberement, tant les incidences de style revetent leur
propre signification, le role de mediateurs normalement at-
tribue aux patrons du sacrifice). Enfin, pour annoncer
l’achevement d'un sacrifice arrive ä son terme permettant
de repartir ä nouveau, on dit qu’a lieu "le detellement" ou
"le relächement" de la daksinä, ce qu’on peut conclure de
ce Signalement des etapes finales d'un sacrifice en l'honneur
d ’Indra et de Parvata ou d fIndra seul au cours duquel Indra
est celebre et boit du soma: une fois le sacrifice accompli,
Indra est exhorte ä regagner un lieu ou l’on detelle le char
de course et le coursier, ce qui devait s ’achever par la
distribution des daksinä (RV.3.53.6 ydträ rathasya bvhato
nidhanam vimöcanarn väjino ddksinävat "lä ou (se fait) la
remise au repos du haut char et le detellement du coursier
(conferant) la daksinä").
Ainsi, le parcours sacrificiel etant termine, chaque
groupe de participants obtient son du: les dieux les fruits
du travail de sacrifice, les chants louangeux et les repas
sacrificiels, les patrons le benefice qu’ils retirent apres
1'intervention des officiants, les officiants eux-memes,
enfin, la part du benefice general qui leur revient plus en
recompense de leur parole qu’en recompense des offrandes
materielles.
II y a done dans ce circuit de services deux moments
essentiels qui operent une rupture et qui en font non une
manifestation de pratique d ’echange ou se succedent en alter-
nance reguliere les dons avances de part et d fautre selon le
principe appele communement do-ut-des3 modifie plus recemment
en do-ut-possis-dare "je donne afin que tu puisses donner",10
mais un ensemble de gestes plus complexe: En admettant que
l’echange est un circuit de dons plutot qu’une operation
proprement commerciale, selon une formule de Benveniste qui
a etudie le vocabulaire du don et de l ’echange dans les an-
ciennes societes indo-europeennes,11 il faudra reconnaitre
400
que la saturation des rapports entre les homines, les dieux
et les patrons du sacrifice dans le sacrifice vedique ne
repose pas sur le principe d'un simple echange. Car 1'echange
peut prendre deux formes, suivant le cas: ou bien on fait cir-
culer des biens et des prestations de valeur comparable, c'est
1*echange fonde sur la reciprocite; ou bien les biens et les
prestations font partie d ’une totalite de ressources commune,
c'est l'echange fonde sur le principe de mutualite.12
Or, dans le sacrifice vedique on distingue trois mouve-
ments: (l) l'offrande aux dieux de paroles louangeuses et,
moins sensiblement pour le symbolisme vedique, de repas sacri-
ficiels; de toute maniere, la parole prime de telle sorte que
c ’est eile qui entraine la daksinä recompensant tres precise-
ment 1'effort des poetes officiants, alors qu'on peut penser
que le benefice general accorde aux hommes encore indivis
prend 1'aspect d ’une recompense des manques materiels humains
apres le sacrifice; (2) 1'octroi par les dieux des biens de-
mandes par les hommes, encore indifferencies en patrons du
sacrifice et en officiants, ce qui fait penser ä un equilibre
des rapports entre dieux et hommes; (3) cet equilibre s'avere
comme illusoire puisque les officiants obtiennent leur daksinä,
non la parole elle-meme qui ne peut pas etre restitutee par les
dieux mais seulement react ivee, stimulee ("eperonnee", selon
RV. 1.1^3.6 rendu par Renou, Et. ved. et pan. 12, p. 35) par
la stimulation des facultes de vision poetique du poete offi
ciant. (J. Gonda formule quelque peu autrement dans son
ouvrage The Vision of the Vedie Poets} p. 15*+: "the series
of events occurring in succession run a sort of circular
course: man presents an oblation to the god, who in turn
gives a ’vision’, by means of which man expects to acquire
objects of value; part of these, it may be supposed, will in
the future be set apart for the gods"; on pourrait poser la
question de savoir si les hymnes vediques attestent une cir
culation semblable de biens et de services qui s ’acheve par
une mise en reserve d ’une part des biens pour un usage ulte-
rieur au profit des dieux. Aussi est-il utile d ’insister
davantage: si en effet les poetes officiants acquierent des
objets de valeur au moyen de leur pensee poetique (dhi-,
"vision"), c'est le resultat de leur interaction avec les
dieux; et, d'autre part, cette acquisition ne peut pas etre
attribute aux hommes en general, car ils ne forment pas un
corps indivis, mais se distinguent en deux categories fonc-
tionnelles). Une fois que les trois mouvements fondant le
sacrifice sont reconnus, une autre Serie de caracteres se
degage aussi nettement: meme s'il y a trois groupes de parti
cipants, chacun des moments precis du sacrifice voit s'engager
401
d a n s un r a p p o r t d e u x g r o u p e s de p a r t e n a i r e s s e u l e m e n t , m a is
c e t t e c o o p e r a t i o n de deux g r o u p e s e s t p r o v i s o i r e e t t i e n t
n e c e s s a i r e m e n t c a m p te d ' u n t r o i s i e m e g r o u p e , t a n d i s que c e l u i -
c i e s t , a lte r n a tiv e m e n t e t com p lem en tairem en t, chacun des
g r o u p e s p recedem m ent i m p l i q u e s . De c e t t e f a g o n , l a r e p a r t i
t i o n des e f f o r t s se p r e s e n t e s e lo n une lo g iq u e b i n a i r e ä l a -
q u e l l e f a i t s u i t e une l o g i q u e t e r n a i r e : l e s deux p a r t i s e n
g a g e s ä un moment donne a g i s s e n t au b e n e f i c e d ’un t r o i s i e m e
p a rti. E s t - i l p o s s i b l e , d a n s c e s c o n d i t i o n s , de r e t e n i r l e
m o d e le de l ' e c h a n g e comme s e r v a n t de b a s e ä 1 ' a r t i c u l a t i o n
de l ’a c t e s a c r i f i c i e l v e d i q u e ? C e la a p p a r a i t comme e n c o r e
m o in s j u s t i f i e , s i l ' o n s e r a p p e l l e que l a n a t u r e d e s p r e s t a
t i o n s s e s u i v a n t d a n s l e s t r o i s te m p s du p r o c e s s u s s a c r i f i c i e l
e s t t e l l e q u ' e l l e e x c l u t a u s s i b i e n l e u r e q u i v a l e n c e que
1 ' u s a g e d ' u n f o n d s commun de r e s s o u r c e s ; r e s t e a l o r s l ' h e t e -
r o g e n e i t e m a t i e r i e l l e de l a p a r o l e d e s p o e t e s o f f i c i a n t s
v e d i q u e s c o m p a re e ä d e s b i e n s t e l s que l a p l u i e , l a p r o t e c t i o n
d e s enn e m is ou e n f i n l a l o n g e v i t e g a r a n t i e s a. l'hom m e p a r l e s
d ieu x ä l a q u e l l e s 'a j o u t e l 'h e t e r o g e n e i t e des d a k s in ä a l l o u e e s
a ux o f f i c i a n t s d o n t l e b e t a i l , l e s v e t e m e n t s , l e s femmes, e t c . ,
b r e f , un e n s e m b le de b i e n s q u i ne c o i n c i d e q u ’ en p a r t i e a vec
c e l u i q u ’ o b t i e n t l ’ homme en g e n e r a l en b e n e f i c e v e n a n t d e s
d i e u x . 13 La d a k s i n ä v e d i q u e , p o u r c o n c l u r e , e s t un b i e n
q u a l i t a t i v e m e n t d i f f e r e n t d e s b i e n s m is ä l a d i s p o s i t i o n des
hommes p a r l e s d i e u x e t que l e s p o e t e s o f f i c i a n t s f a i s a n t
f i g u r e de t i e r s o b t i e n n e n t p a r l e d e t o u r d e s p r e s t a t i o n s i n i -
t i a l e m e n t d e s t i n e e s a ux hommes en g e n e r a l . Un p a r a l l e l i s m e
n e t que l ' o n ne p e u t p a s n e g l i g e r s ’ i n s t a u r e d o n e : l a p a r o l e
d e s p o e t e s o f f i c i a n t s d e s t i n e e en a p p a r e n c e aux d i e u x e s t
p a r l e meme d e to u r n e m e n t m is e au s e r v i c e d e s p a t r o n s du s a c r i
f i c e ( a l o r s q u ’ i l s a p p a r a i s s e n t ä c e m o m e n t- la a u s s i en t i e r s )
p o u r a s s u r e r l e s b i e n s i n f i n i m e n t p l u s v a r i e s que l e s d a k s i n ä .
(N o to n s que l e s d ä n a s tu ti, l e s r e m e r c i e m e n t s a d r e s s e s aux
p a t r o n s du s a c r i f i c e p o u r c e q u i e s t p r e s e n t e comme u n e r e
com pense em anant e x c l u s i v e m e n t d ’ eux-m em es, m a is s e u l e m e n t
en a p p a r e n c e , s o n t c e t t e p a r t de l a p a r o l e de 1 ' o f f i c i a n t
d e s t i n e e d i r e c t e m e n t aux p a t r o n s du s a c r i f i c e ; c e s dänastut't
so n t d ' a i l l e u r s congues su r l'e x e m p le des lo u a n g e s des d i e u x .)
Les deux d e v i a t i o n s s e c o r r e s p o n d e n t e t f o r m e n t s t r u c t u r e :
c e l l e de l a p a r o l e , m a n i f e s t a t i o n m a t e r i e l l e du r a p p o r t e n t r e
l e s o f f i c i a n t s e t l e s d i e u x , m a is en r e a l i t e d e s t i n e e a u t a n t
aux d i e u x q u ’a u x p a t r o n s du s a c r i f i c e (done n e c e s s a i r e m e n t
v o u e e a u - p a r t a g e au p r o f i t d ' u n t i e r s ) , e t c e l l e d e s r i c h e s s e s
d e s t i n e e s a u x hommes en g e n e r a l , m a is s c i n d e e s a u moment ou
m a t e r i a l i s a n t l e r a p p o r t e n t r e l e s d i e u x e t l e s hommes e l l e s
a t t e i g n e n t c e s d e r n i e r s ; e l l e s s o n t done e g a le m e n t v o u e e s au
p a r t a g e au p r o f i t d 'u n t i e r s .
402
Si l ’on cherche un parallele illuminant l’usage de la
daksinä vedique, le bouddhisme en offre un: c'est la pratique
du transfer! de merite connu tant dans le bouddhisme ancien
que dans le bouddhisme du Mahäyäna. II y a eu rec eminent
plusieurs etudes sur la contradiction inherente au transfert
de merite dans une doctrine qui soutient vigoureusement l'idee
du salut strictOTTient personnel proportionne au karman indivi-
duel,14 et il n ’est pas de mon propos d ’apporter quelque argu
ment pour ou contre le caractere primitif ou tardif de cette
pratique; il s’agira plutot de tracer les lignes communes au
sacrifice vedique et ä l ’usage du transfert des merites accu-
mules a la suite des bonnes actions, de trouver, comme cela
semble possible, un principe general fondant l ’une et 1'autre
pratique religieuse, enfin, d ’avancer une hypothese sur les
survivances des elements de la religion vedique.
Lorsqu’un don soit au Bouddha, soit ä la communaute
bouddhique est fait, le donateur recueille les merites emanant
de cet acte, mais il ne se contente pas de les accumuler ä son
seul profit; il procede ä leur partage entre lui-meme et d'autres
personnes. Les beneficiaires de ce patttdäna ("transfert de
merite ou de benefice") sont tres differents, soit les homines
de toutes conditions sociales, soit les dieux et les nägas,
soit, enfin, les etres connus sous le nom de preta en Sanscrit,
peta en päli. Il n'est pas sans importance que, comme l’a rap
pele R. Gombrich, les deux termes signifiant "celui qui s'en
est alle, qui est parti au loin" se soient rapproches, ä cause
des correspondences phonetiques entre le päli et le Sanscrit,
de scr. pitaras "peres, manes".15 Ce rapprochement explique
que les deux termes designant en theorie le mort en general en
soient venus ä designer le parent defunt, ce qui jette de la
lumiere sur les fondements rituels de l’usage bouddhique
d ’offrir de la nourriture aux moines ayant recite les textes
sacres apres la mort d ’un parent et d ’en faire beneficier
celui-ci.
Quelles que soient les circonstances du transfert de
merite dans de nombreux recits bouddhiques, la carcasse essen
tielle est la meme: le donateur du don et le beneficiaire du
merite attribue par la suite ne sont pas entierement identiques. Le
principe s ’en degage aussitot qu'on examine les transactions
qui lient les groupes de participants, au nombre de trois ici
aussi: le donateur et le beneficiaire du don, deux d ’abord,
s'associent un troisieme partenaire qui profite de leur inter
action. Les mobiles incitant au partage du merite, comme les
textes bouddhiques les presentent, peuvent varier. Les preta
ou ceux qui deviendront preta, tel le pere souhaitant la
403
n a is s a n c e d 'u n f i l s , e s p e r e n t q u 'a p r e s l a m ort l e u r s p ro c h e s
ne m a n q u e r o n t p a s au d e v o i r de l e u r p r o c u r e r l e s moyens de
s u b s i s t a n c e e t de l e u r a t t r i b u e r u n e p a r t de l e u r s a c t e s
v e r t u e u x ( en l a i s s a n t de c o t e d e s p r o b l e m e s d o c t r i n a u x du
b o u d d h ism e e v o l u e , s u r l e s q u e l s on c o n s u l t e r a a v e c p r o f i t
1 ' e t u d e de G om brich, q u 'o n s e r e p o r t e ä D iv y ä v a d ä n a 9 9 - 6 - 8 :
j ä to me syän n ävajätah k vtyä n i me kuvyäd bhvtah
p vatibh aved däyädyam p v a tip a d y e ta kulavamso me
e iv a s th itik a h syäd asmäkam c ä ty a ttta m kälagatänäm
u ddisya dänäni d a ttv ä punyäni kvtvä nämnä daksiwxm
ä d ise d
" P u i s s e un f i l s n o u v e a u - n e n a i t r e ä m oi! I I r e m p l i r a
son d e v o i r ä mon e g a r d , e t a n t mon s e r v i t e u r , i l m ' a s -
s u r e r a ä son t o u r l a s u b s i s t a n c e , i l m’ a s s u r e r a l e s
d o n s e t l a n o u r r i t u r e ; p u i s s e ma l i g n e e a v o i r u n e
lo n g u e v i e : quand nous s e r o n t m o r t s , quand n o u s
e n t r e r o n s d a n s l ' e t a t q u i s u i t c e l u i de l a m o r t ,
l u i , f a i s a n t des d o n s, f a i s a n t des a c t e s v e r t u e u x ,
c ' e s t ä nous e t a u n o t r e nom q u ' i l a t t r i b u e r a l e
m e r i t e " ).
P u i s , i l s e p e u t que l e s p v e ta i n s i s t e n t a u p r e s d ' u n b o d h i -
s a t t v a p o u r que l e r a p p e l au d e v o i r s o i t f a i t ä l e u r s p r o c h e s
s u r v i v a n t s : l e s p v e ta s o n t a l o r s d e c r i t s comme c e u x q u i n ' o f -
f r e n t p a s de dons eux-meines, q u i s o n t meme h o s t i l e s ä t o u t
a c t e de d o n , m a is t i e n n e n t ä c e q u 'o n r a p p e l l e ä l e u r s p r o c h e s
l a n e c e s s i t e de l a c o l l e c t e d 'a u m o n e s e t ä en p r o f i t e r , p r e -
c i s e m e n t p a r l e t r a n s f e r t de m e r i t e q u i en r e s u l t e , a u moment
oü l a communaute b o u d d h iq u e s e r a n o u r r i e p a r c e s p r o c h e s
( A v a d ä n a s a t a k a 25T- 2 - 1 0 , c f . 264. 9 - l 4 ) . E n f i n , on p e u t
r a p p o r t e r un exem ple c u r i e u x du Dhammapada A t t h a k a t h ä ( v .
A g a s s e , p p . 3 2 4 - 5 ) : l e s h a b i t a n t s d ' u n e v i l l e ne p o u r r o n t
f a i r e u n e o f f r a n d e au Buddha V i p a s s i q u ' a p r e s a v o i r c o m p l e t e
c e l l e - c i du m i e l q u i e s t e n t r e l e s m a in s d ' u n p a y s a n , l e q u e l
ne c o n s e n t i r a ä l e l e u r c e d e r que s ' i l e s t a s s u r e q u 'u n e p a r t
de m e r i t e que r a p p o r t e 1 ' o f f r a n d e l u i s e r a a t t r i b u t e .
Les d e t a i l s d o n t a b o n d e n t c e s r e c i t s e t d ' a u t r e s e n c o r e
( D iv y . 1 0 . 2 6 - 2 8 , 8 5 - 2 8 - 3 0 , c f . 8 6 . 2 7 - 2 8 s q q . , 1 7 9 - 1 8 - 2 0 ,
1 9 0 . 5 - 1 0 , 2 3 9 - 2 - 3 , a i n s i que l e s r e c i t s en p ä l i r e s u m e s c h e z
l e s a u t e u r s des e tu d e s s i g n a l e e s p l u s h a u t ) s o n t - i l s purem ent
a n e c d o t i q u e s ? I l s e m b le , a u c o n t r a i r e , q u ' i l s m e t t e n t en
e v i d e n c e un f a i t i m p o r t a n t : l a p a r t du m e r i t e r e v e n a n t ä
c e l u i q u i l a s o l l i c i t e s o i t p a r s e s q u a l i t e s de d i e u ou de
p v e ta , s o i t en l a n e g o c i a n t en e c h a n g e d ' u n e p r e s t a t i o n , e s t
404
non seulement objet de marchandage (c’est peut-etre cet aspect
des transactions qui releve de 1 ’anecdote), mais d'abord et
surtout un bien alienable que le donateur ayant acquis la
totalite du merite est cense diriger vers un tiers. II est
ä ce moment essentiel de se rendre compte du fait que le tiers
profitant ainsi de l'acte de don a contracte un lien avec le
donateur et que ce lien repose sur les services rendus par ce
tiers au donateur.
Or, on peut constater que c 'est la nature du service rendu
qui traduit la mesure dans laquelle le tiers est engage par ce
lien, tantot relevant d'obligation rigoureuse imposee au dona
teur qui est en meme temps l ’acquereur du merite, tantot se
creant a la suite d'une incitation de la part du tiers qui
fait en sorte que le don sera fait et que les merites en seront
partages entre lui-meme et le donateur; 1 ’incitation peut, dans
certains cas, prendre la forme d ’une ruse employee par le tiers
pour acceder ä une part de merites. Ainsi, les pdtavas, les
manes, ont un droit permanent aux merites revenant a leurs
descendants en raison des devoirs de ceux-ci vis-ä-vis des
parents defunts, ce qu'atteste le Nätidhammasutta du Khudda-
kapätha (alors qu’en litterature bouddhique en Sanscrit on
trouve des cas oü les preta ont recours ä l ’insistance pour
obtenir leur part de merite). De meme, les divinites locales
avec lesquelles l'homme sage (pandita-jäti-ka) est tenu de
partager son merite resultant de ses dons de nourriture aux
ascetes bouddhiques, car c 'est aussi une fagon d'honorer les
divinites qui rendront egalement hommage ä celui qui les honore
(v. Mahäparinibbänasutta XVI.1.31). Selon 1'Anguttara-nikäya,
le dieu Vessavana incite une femme ä offrir de la nourriture
ä une communaute de moines pour pouvoir partager avec eile les
merites de ce bienfait. Enfin, comme les habitants d ’une ville
devant se procurer du miel contre la promesse d ’une part de
merite, un groupe de jeunes gens desirant construire un hall
pour les voyageurs se voient exposes ä la manoeuvre d'une
femme qui leur soustrait une poutre necessaire pour achever
la construction et qui ne la leur restituera que contre la
promesse de se voir attribuer une part de merite provenant de
1 ’entreprise. Ce ne serait pas la peine de rappeler ces faits,
plus amplement discutes dans les articles cites ci-dessus (no-
tamment, ceux de Gombrich et d ’Agasse), si, ä mon sens, ils ne
suggeraient un fait: les modalites de dessaisissement du dona
teur d'une fraction de ses merites revelent que le lien entre
le donateur et le beneficiaire du transfert connait des degres
et que ce lien est soumis ä des fluctuations marquant l ’asso-
ciation inegale des deux participants de l'acte de devotion
avec un tiers dans une structure d ’actions ou la contribution
de chaque participant est imperative.
405
S'il est juste de penser, suivant en cela Gombrich, que,
puisque ce sont les brahmanes qui interrogent le Bouddha sur
la realite du transfert des merites resultant de leurs dons
au cours des rites funeraires sväddha et que le Bouddha eta-
blit dans ses reponses une Sorte de hierarchie de ceux qui
sont aptes ä beneficier des effets des dons (Anguttara-nikäya
V, 269-273), les bouddhistes ont repris a leur maniere d ’an-
ciennes coutumes hindoues, il n ’est pas sans interet que l ’on
trouve dans les ecrits bouddhiques des traces de controverses
autour de la pratique de transfert. Ces controverses concer-
nent autant la possibility raerae du transfert de merite que la
question de la nature des biens transferes. En admettant que
des commentateurs tardifs s'inspiraient d'idees fort anciennes,
comme le fait entendre Gombrich, la question de la nature spi
rituelle ou materielle (merite ou vetements et nourriture?)
des bien offerts aux preta ä la suite d'un acte de don aux
moines celebrant un sväddha semble porter, meme si ce n ’est
pas la son enjeu principal, sur la diversite des dons attri-
bues ä titre de transfert distingues des offrandes attributes
a titre de don au Bouddha ou a la communaute: c ’est du moment
que les auteurs theravädin decident que les preta ne consom-
ment pas la nourriture comme le font les moines celebrant le
rite, que l ’on enonce que c ’est le merite qu'on partagera
avec les preta. La succession des dons faits aux preta ä
titre de transfert dans une legende tiree du Dhammapada Attha-
kathä (I. 103-loU) temoigne des hesitations eprouvees par la
doctrine: apres une offrande faite au Bouddha par le roi Bim-
bisära, celui-ci leur octroie d ’abord le merite et seulement
plus tard, sur leur insistance, la nourriture et les vete
ments. 16
L'attribution de la daksinä vedique et la pratique du
transfert de merite semblent done etre fondees sur les memes
principes dont il faut nommer les suivants. Les deux usages
n ’ont le sens qui est le leur que dans le cadre d ’une struc
ture d ’actions ä trois participants, mais on note aisement
que le noyau central de cette structure comprend deux parti
cipants qui cependant ne sont pas autonomes, car la nature
de leurs agissements presuppose un lien necessaire avec un
troisieme participant. A ce lien, plus ou moins lache, selon
les cas, dans l ’acte de devotion bouddhique, correspond, dans
l ’acte sacrificiel vedique, la solidarity des obligations im-
posees par la nature meme du sacerdoce vedique. Puis, quand
le tiers, initialement, et seulement en apparence, etranger
a une transaction binaire y est enfin associe, les dons qui
lui sont attribues soit en daksinä, soit en qualite de bene
fice qui lui revient dans la pratique de transfert, ont dans
406
l e s deux c a s u n e c a r a c t e r i s t i q u e commune: de p a r l e u r n a t u r e ,
i l s sont q u a lita tiv e m e n t d i f f e r e n t s des o ffra n d e s o c tro y e e s
en dons s a c r i f i c i e l s ou en dons t e m o i g n a n t de l a d e v o t i o n ,
s e l o n que 1 ' o p e r a t i o n e s t v e d i q u e ou b o u d d h i q u e , e n c o r e que
l e b ouddhism e c o n n a i s s e q u e lq u e i n c e r t i t u d e a c e s u j e t . N otons
e n f i n que l a p a r o l e e t l ’ o f f r a n d e s a c r i f i c i e l l e s m i s e s a u s e r
v i c e d e s p a t r o n s , m a is d e s t i n e e s a u x d i e u x v e d i q u e s s e l o n l e
p r o c e d e r i t u e l du R g v e d a , r e s s e m b l e n t q u a n t ä l e u r s f o n c t i o n s
aux o f f r a n d e s de d e v o t i o n b o u d d h i q u e , e l l e s a u s s i m i s e s au
s e r v i c e du t i e r s , m a is a d r e s s e e s en r e a l i t e aux p e r s o n n e s
honorees. Ce p a r a l l e l i s m e e s t i d e n t i q u e ä c e l u i du p a r t a g e
d e s b i e n s d e s t i n e s i n i t i a l e m e n t aux hommes en g e n e r a l m a is
d o n t u n e p a r t i e s e r a d e t o u r n e e p o u r e t r e r e m i s e en d a k s i n ä
e t du p a r t a g e du m e r i t e que l e d o n a t e u r b o u d d h iq u e s ’ a t t r i -
b u e r a i t ä l u i s e u l n ' e t a i t - c e l e l i e n q u ’ i l a avec l e t i e r s .
Mais i l y a n e a n m o in s q u e l q u e s d i f f e r e n c e s non n e g l i g e -
ab les. Dans l ' a c t e s a c r i f i c i e l v e d i q u e , on a pu f a i r e re m a r -
q u e r un e n s e m b le de r e l a t i o n s e n t r e l e s t r o i s g r o u p e s de p a r
t i c i p a n t s , e n se m b le q u i a s a r a i s o n d ’ e t r e d a n s l e f a i t d ' a s -
s u r e r l a c o h e s i o n q u ’ on o b s e r v e d a n s l e s a c r i f i c e v e d i q u e ä
f o r c e de c o n s t a t e r que l e s r e l a t i o n s f o n c t i o n n e l l e s s ' e t a b l i s -
se n t e n tre l e s o f f i c i a n t s e t l e s d ie u x , e n tr e l e s d ieu x e t le s
p a t r o n s de s a c r i f i c e e t , p o u r t e r m i n e r , e n t r e l e s p a t r o n s du
s a c rific e et le s o ffic ia n ts . En r e v a n c h e , l ’ a c t e de d e v o t i o n
b o u d d h iq u e r e p o s e , p l a c e d a n s c e t t e p e r s p e c t i v e , s u r l e s r e l a
t i o n s c o n g u e s q u e l q u e peu a u t r e m e n t . Le m e r i t e e t a n t a c q u i s
ä l a s u i t e d ' u n d o n , son a t t r i b u t i o n e s t s o i t un a c t e s p o n t a n e
(en f a i t , a s s u r e p a r d e s l i e n s de p a r e n t e ou d e s l i e n s q u i s e
f o r m e n t ä 1 ' o c c a s i o n ) , s o i t un a c t e s u g g e r e p a r u n e i n j o n c t i o n
v e rb a le . Dans l e s t e x t e s en S a n s c r i t b o u d d h i q u e , on e m p lo ie
p o u r d e n o t e r l ' u n d e s e x p r e s s i o n s f a i t e s s u r une e x p r e s s i o n
de b a s e daksinäm ä d i s a t i ’’a t t r i b u e r u n e d a k s i n ä ” ( daksinä
ä d is tä , D iv y . 8 6 . 26 e t 28; daksinäm ä d e & a y isy a ti , D iv y . 2.
l 6 , e t c . ) , e t p o u r d e n o t e r l ’ a u t r e , daksinädesanäm k r - (k r tv ä 3
D iv y . 1 7 9 . 2 0 , k ä r a y itv ä 3 A v a d ä n a s a t a k a 1 . 2 5 7 - 9 kärayämäsa3
Av. 2 6 4 . l l ) . La d i s t i n c t i o n e n t r e l e s deux n ' e t a i t p a s n e t t e ,
en d e p i t d e s f o r m e s c a u s a t i v e s d e s v e r b e s ä - d is - e t k r - , comme
l e m o n tr e l a j u x t a p o s i t i o n de D ivy. 9 9 - 8 e t 2 . 1 6 oü daksinäm
ä d e s a y is y a ti a p p a r a i t d a n s l e c o n t e x t e du s o u h a i t du p a r t a g e
de m e r i t e p a r l e f i l s a u p r o f i t du p e r e ä l a p l a c e de daksinäm
ä d ise d 3 v . l ’ e x t r a i t de D iv y . 9 9 . 6 - 8 p l u s h a u t . C’ e s t s a n s
d o u te ä c a u s e de c e t t e i n d i s t i n c t i o n q u 'o n a ä c o t e d e d a k s i
nädesanäm k r tv ä l e s s y n ta g m e s comme daksinäm a sru tv ä (D ivy.
8 6 . 2 6 ) oü daksinädesanäm a s r u tv ä ( D iv y . 2 3 9 . 3 ) o u , e x p l e t i v e -
m e n t, daksinädesanäm ä d i s a t i ( A v .1 . 2 6 4 . 1 2 g l o s e ä l a l i g n e
s u i v a n t e p a r dharmadesanä k r t ä ) . Dans c e t em p lo i de ä -d i§
407
du Sanscrit bouddhique se reflete la complexite du sens du
radical *deik/dek indo-europeen denotant, d'apres les re-
cherches recentes, 1'action de montrer aussi bien par la
parole que par le geste,17 alors qu’en indo-iranien c ’est
la premiere de ces acceptions qui a du prevaloir.18 II est
toutefois interessant qu’en Sanscrit bouddhique le verbe
simple ä-dis (c’est-ä-dire, non en sa forme causative) figure
dans un discours introduit par les verbes de locution, par
exemple, Divy. 85.28-29 tato Bhagavatäbhihitah mahäräja kasya
nämnä daksinäm ädi&ämi "apres cela, il fut dit ainsi par le
Bienheureux: au nom de qui, o grand roi, attribuerai-je le
merite?...”, ce qui devrait justifier l ’emploi des formes
causatives, meme en dehors du discours introductif, des
verbes ä-dis- et kr- et incliner ä interpreter le compose
daksinädesanä comme ”l'incitation ä 1*attribution d ’une
daksinä” . Cette interpretation permettrait de reconnaitre
dans le nom daksinä un trait principal qui en fait non la
designation de la recompense d'un service, mais la designation
de 1 ’action de 1 ’attribution de cette recompense (ce qui n'en
fait pas naturellement un nom d ’action); de plus, on pourrait
comprendre 1 ’expression *daksinäm sru- restituee ä partir de
daksinäm asrutvä atteste, comme presentant moins une anomalie
qu’un usage normal. Inversement, daksinädeäanäm ädisati se
revele comme une expression pleonastique traditionnelle,
similaire dans sa formation aux figures etymologiques si
frequentes en Sanscrit bouddhique du type samyaksamboddhim
abhisambuddha "eveille au parfait eveil",18
0n peut ainsi suggerer que, puisque l'incitation ä 1 ’at
tribution de merite est un acte qui suit celui de don, eile
repond, dans la structure generale de l ’acte de devotion
bouddhique, ä ce moment precis du sacrifice vedique oü les
dieux font beneficier les hommes des richesses desirees, alors
que les hommes, en se separant en deux groupes opposes, les
patrons du sacrifice et les officiants, auront 1'obligation,
en raison de la necessite de parachever l ’acte sacrificiel,
de faire beneficier les officiants de la part de ces richesses
qui leur revient, la daksinä. C ’est ainsi que le rapproche
ment du sacrifice vedique et du don bouddhique (sans cependant
pretendre que le sacrifice ne soit qu'une variete de don)
semble confirmer 1 ’analyse precedente du symbolisme vedique
de l'usage de la daksinä. Au terme de cette analyse il a ete
etabli que le fait meme que les dieux attribuent un benefice
aux hommes ä la suite des offrandes sacrificielles et des
paroles de louange implique une incitation ä l ’adresse des
hommes, c ’est-ä-dire aux patrons du sacrifice, ä se dessaisir
d ’une fraction de benefice et ä l'attribuer aux officiants.
408
On a, dans le sacrifice vedique, une suite de deux metaphores
qui se repondent: celle du service sacrificiel des officiants
et celle du benefice acquis par les homines en general. Elies
recelent une incitation aux actions particulieres contribuant
ä la creation de la veritable structure dynamique qu'est l'acte
sacrificiel vedique. Aussi, a observer les affinites et les
correspondances entre le sacrifice vedique et le don bouddhi-
que, ne dirait-on pas qu’on tient lä un chainon du traitement
de 1 ’heritage vedique dans le bouddhisme, peut-etre meme une
explication possible de la genese de l'altruisme bouddhique
reproduisant une ancienne institution rituelle?20
La continuity des deux courants de la pensee religieuse
est d ’autant moins contestable que les textes bouddhiques
sanscrits et les hymnes vediques ont recours au meme terme
souvent evoque plus haut: daksinä3 pä. dakkhinä\ ce qui serait
nouveau, c ’est l ’emploi de ces termes en regime avec les verbes
(ä-)disati3 dzssati. Le Rgveda ne connait pas cette combinai-
son, mais on peut penser que des conditions dans lesquelles
eile aurait pu apparaitre y etaient presentes. En effet, on
trouve RV.7.1+0.1-2 d ’abord 1 ’expression d'un souhait de 1* in
tegrity de 1 ’attention auditive du dieu Savitr dont les chan-
tres esperent qu'il incitera l ’affluence des richesses vers
eux pour qu’ils en aient leur part (l: 6 Srustir vidathyä
sam etu prati stomam dadhvnahi turänäm / yad adyd devah
savita suvati syämäsya ratnZno vibhäge "Que soit integre
l'ecoute divine qui mene ä la distribution des biens! Nous
voulons enoncer la louange des (dieux) forts. Si aujourd’hui
le dieu Savitr suscite (les richesses pour qu’elles viennent
vers nous), puissions-nous etre possesseurs de tresors lors
de leur) distribution !"), puis, le desir des poetes offi
ciants de se voir attribuer une part de richesses (2: ...
dyübhaktam indvo arycova dadätu didestu devy aditi rekno. ..
"que (nous) donnent le tresor distribue par le ciel Indra
et Aryaman, que la deesse Aditi nous attribue (ce qui nous
revient) en legs! ...") oü 1'expression dyübhaktam dä- est
reprise par veknas dis-. "Donner ce qui vient comme la part
attribuee par le ciel" se refere ä 1'action des dieux envoyant
des biens ä destination des homines, alors que veknas dzs-
(vzbhäge) "attribuer en tant que legs (lors de la distribu
tion)" fait allusion tres precisement ä cette part de la
richesse des patrons qu'attendent les officiants. II n ’est
pas etonnant que les deux Varietes d'attribution de biens se
suivent et se fassent echo, et l ’on a bien deux varietes,
comme elles sont esquissees plus haut, meme si les biens de-
signes par riknas (sur la racine rzo- "laisser (en heritage),
leguer"-le renvoi au partage entre les groupes humains est
409
plutot clair) doivent etre attribues par Aditi: le procede
aboutissant au cumul des fonctions assignees ici coirnne ail-
leurs aux dieux, mais en realite assumees par les patrons
du sacrifice, est des plus familiers dans le Rgveda.
Plus encore, RV.10.93.12-15 et 3.31.20-21, deux series
de dänastuti font egalement usage du verbe dis- avec des
noms de richesses tels que rais go et sünfttä pour regime,
noms traditionnellement employes pour denoter soit les
richesses en general, soit, quant aux deux derniers, speci-
fiquement la daksinä. Avec une reticence suggestive, habi
tuelle dans le style du Rgveda, la dänastuti R V .10.93.12-15
suit un schema connu: en (12) le poete exprime son espoir en
la recompense de ses services: etäm me stomam tanä na surge
... vävrdhanta nrnam "cette louange faite par moi-meme au
benefice des patrons, puissent-ils la faire croitre (par
leurs recompenses - ce complement est du ä la traduction
de Renou, Et. ved. et pan. 5» p. 6 3 ) comme fait la fille du
soleil"; sur le rapport de Süryä avec la poesie, v. K.F.
Geldner, Der Rigveda in Auswahl, II, p. lUO; en (13) il evo-
que expressement la part revenant aux officiants: vävärta
yesäm räya yuktaisäm hiranyäyl "la (daksinä) de ces (patrons
du sacrifice), (accompangee) de richesses s'est tournee (vers
les chantres), leur (daksinä) attelee, doree" - cf. encore
Renou, loc.cit. et RV. 5-1.3 ad daksinä yujyate väjayänti
"la daksinä est alors attelee, eile qui fait gagner les
prix-de-victoire"; en (lh) il proclame la generosite de ses
patrons du sacrifice en donnant leurs noms: Duhsima, Prtha-
väna, ... etc. qui ont attele au benefice des officiants
cinq cents (chevaux ?): ye yuktväya paflca satäsmayü; enfin,
en (15) vient le verbe qui nous interesse tout particuliere-
ment (di%~), son objet etant toutefois rappele dans les
strophes precedentes ce qui ne saurait etonner: saptatim ca
sapta ca sadyo didista tanvah sadyö didista pärthyäh sadyd
didista mäyayaväh f?soixante-dix et sept encore en une fois
(nous) attribua Tänva, en une fois (nous) attribua Pärthya,
en une fois (nous) attribua Mäyava". De la meme maniere,
3-31.20-21 font etat d'abord d*Indra le cocher cense repre-
senter ici le patron du sacrifice modele qui doit assurer ä
l ’homme la conquete rapide des vaches (20: indra tväm rathi-
räh pahi no riso maksu-maksu krnuhi gojito nah); nul doute
que ces vaches ne representent la daksinä d ’Indra le patron
du sacri-fice d ’abord parce que les vaches sont un Symbole
commun et general dans les transactions entre partis engages
dans le sacrifice vedique, ensuite parce que la strophe 21
evoque ä la fois le mythe des resistances abattues par Indra
le dieu et le mythe de Vala, mythe dont le point central est
410
precisement la conquete des vaches qui seront donnees en tant
que daksinä (21a: adedista vrtraha gdpatir ga "Le briseur de
resistances, maitre de vaches (nous) a attribue les vaches;
21cd: prd sünftä disdmäna rtena düras ca vidvä avrnod dpa
sväh nEn attribuant les liberalites grace au Rta, il a ou-
vert toutes ses portes").21 II semble indiscutable qu’a la
place de ga did- "attribuer les vaches" ainsi d’ailleurs
que de sünrtä dis- "attribuer les liberalites" pouvait figu-
rer *daksinärn dis-.
Une pratique et sa designation ont done ete maintenues
tout au long de l ’histoire indienne, relevant lä de 1'insti
tution sacrificielle, ici d ’un usage social et ethique.
Notes
1. Leur examen est developpe ä une autre occasion dans un
ouvrage en preparation.
2. Cf. les notes de Geldner ä 10.107 (Der Rigveda aus dem
Sanskrit ins Deutsche Übersetzt, 3. Teil, p. 326) et plus
recemment, H.-P. Schmidt, Brhaspati und Indra3 Wiesbaden
1968, p. 201.
3. Ceci est ä souligner etant donne que la daksinä vedique
est traitee quelquefois autrement que la daksinä brahma-
nique, alors que 1 ’analyse des temoignages vediques seuls
montre que la notion de la daksinä n ’a pas subi de modi
fications qui introduisent une coupure entre la religion
du Veda et celle des Brähmanas. Dans mon approche, je
suis redevable ä 1'expose de Ch. Malamoud, "Terminer le
sacrifice. Remarques sur les honoraires rituels dans le
brahmanisme", in: M. Biardeau, Ch. Malamoud, Le sacrifice
dans Vlnde ancienne, Paris 1976, pp. 154-204.
4. 0n retrouve ici la replique du concept de istäpürtd de
note dans ses parties composees et repris ä l'etat libre
(-yajya et pürtir formes sur yaj- et pr- respectivement
comme les deux membres du comnose istäpürtd). C’est done
encore une maniere d ’indiquer la nature obligatoirement
composite de l ’acte sacrificiel dans le Rgveda, oü inter-
viennent, apres les dieux, deux groupes humains, distincts
411
mais complementaires; ceux qui sacrifient et ceux qui
com!)lent de leur generosite les officiants de sacrifice.
Cf. sur istäpürtd: J. Gonda, The Savayajftas, Amsterdam
1 9 6 5 , p. 237 et Ch. Malamoud, Terminer le sacrifice,
p. 165. Aux vers souvent cites ä propos de 1 ’evocation
simultanee des deux groupes humains dans le Rgveda (qui
ne connait le mot istäpürtd que dans le contexte d ’un
adieu au mort (RV.10*. l 4 .12), RV.1.125.4 et 6.28.2, on
peut ajouter le temoignage de RV.8.46.21 ou la daksinä
est denommee pürtä- "don" que regoit (ä-dä-) Vasa Asvya,
1 ’officiant au service de Prthusravas, fils de Kanlta
(a...pürtdm ädadd ydthä cid vdso asvydh prthusravasi
känitä 'sya vyüsy ädade).
5. Le Rgveda n'est pas explicite au sujet des origines des
offrandes materielles que l ’homme offre ä ses dieux.
Comme regle generale, on n'offre que les produits du
travail humain, ceux du labourage et de l ’elevage du
betail, mais ces precisions ne se trouvent q u ’en dehors
du Rgveda (les autres Samhitä, les Brähmanas et les
Sütras domestiques, v. H. Oldenberg, La religion du Veda,
Paris 1903; pp. 301-2 et suiv.). Nul doute cependant
que la parole et les produits des travaux manuels sont
le plus souvent congus sur le meme plan lorsqu’il s ’agit
du sacrifice, acte religieux. Cf. 1 ’expression dhiya
%ami "acte poetique (et) effort rituel" (L. Renou, Et.
ved. et pan. , 5, p. 12; 4, p. 43: "dhiya sami s’opposant
comme "parole" et "acte") oü je verrais, plutot qu'une
opposition des contraires, 1 ’opposition d'elements d ?of-
frande complementaires.
6. Cf. J. Gonda, The Vision of the Vedic Poets, pp.153 et
suiv.
7- P. Thieme, "Vorzarathustrisches bei den Zarathustriern
und bei Zarathustra", ZDMG, 107, 1957, 95; v. aussi
L. Renou, Et. ved. et pan., 4, p. 7.
8. Les remarques de J. Gonda seur la valeur du chant nouveau
peuvent etre reportees sur le sacrifice, par exemple, le
sacrifice somique (RV.3.36.3 ydthäpibah pürvyah indra
s6män evä pähi pdnyo adyä ndvtyän "ainsi que tu as bu
les oblations de soma anterieures, bois (etant) digne de
devotion une nouvelle fois aujourd'hu i !", v. J. Gonda,
"Ein neues Lied", Selected Studies, IV, 1975, p. l47).
La notion du "nouvel ordonnateur du rite", ndviyo vedhds
(RV.1.131.6) ne doit pas etre etrangere ä l'idee du chant
412
renouvele par chaque poete individuel, comme d'ailleurs
sont renouveles interminablement les appels aux dieux
les invitant a. venir ou a inciter les patrons de sacrifice
ä plus de generosite.
9. Cf. une etude detaillee sur le verbe vt-\ W.P. Schmid,
"Die Wurzel vi- im Rigveda", Melanges d ’indianisme ä la
memoire de L. Renou, Paris 1968, v. surtout pp. 615 et
623. RV. 1.63.2 et 8.21.10 on evoque la daksinä que le
dieu Indra fait parvenir au poete officiant pour le re-
compenser soit pour l'arme que celui-ci lui a donnee
(RV. 1.63.2 ä yad dhari ... ver ä te vajram jaritä bahvdr
dhät "si tu diriges (vers nous) deux alezans, puisse le
chantre placer l'arme dans tes mains"), soit pour 1'avoir
c6lebre (RV.8.21.9-10: tam u...stuse; a tu nah sa vayati
gavyam dsvyam stotfibhyo maghdvä satam). Dans les deux cas,
la daksinä "dirigee" (ä-vt-) consiste en animaux objet de
recompense frequent dans le Rgveda. Cf. encore sur le
verbe (ä)-vt-s L. Renou, Et. ved. et pan., l6, p. l60.
10. II me semble que les reflexions de J. Gonda, "'Gift' and
'Giving' in the Rgveda", Selected Studies, IV, pp. 122-hb,
surtout p. 133, pourraient etre susceptibles de nuances
et de modifications.
11. E. Benveniste, Le vocabulaire des institutions indo-euro-
peennes3 1. Economies parente3 soci&tes Paris 1969, p.66.
12. C. Levi-Strauss l'a montre dans ses etudes sur les struc
tures de la parente; quelques reflexions et corrections
de 1'interpretation des structures d'echange verbal et
non-verbal sont proposees par E. Leach, C. Levi-Strauss3
New York 1970, p. 119.
13. On trouve des listes des objets et des animaux offerts
en daksinä aux officiants chez M. Patel, Vie Dänastuti’s
des Rigveda3 Marburg 1929, pp. 6l-72 et, pour les sources
post-rgvediques, dans l'essai de K. Mylius, "Daksinä.
Eine Studie über den altindischen Priesterlohn", AF, VI,
1979, pp. 1^9-70 (mais sans accepter les conclusions de
1 'auteur).
lU. G.P. Malalasekera, "Transference of Merit in Ceylonese
Buddhism",PEW, 17, 1967, 85-90; R. Gombrich, "Merit Trans
ference in Sinhalese Buddhism: a Case Study of the Inter
action Between Doctrine and Practice", History of Religions3
11, 1971, 203-19; J.P. McDermott, "Sädhlna Jätaka: A Case
413
Against the Transfer of Merit", JAOS, 94, 3, 1974, 385-7;
J.-M. Agasse, "Le transfert de merite dans le bouddhisme
päli classique", JA3 266, 1978, 311-31.
15. The Pali Text Society's Pali-English Dictionary, reimpr.
1966, p. 472; Gombrich, p. 208.
16. Cf. les interpretations assez differentes l'une de
l’autre que l'on donne de cet episode: Gombrich, pp.
213-4 et Agasse, p. 323.
17. Cf. E. Tichy, Gr. Sei6exaT0 und idg. *dekti3 dektoi,
Gtotta3 54, 1976 et B. Forssman, Homerisch 6ei6ex«tai
und Verwandtes, Die Sprache3 24,1, 1978.
18. E. Benveniste, Le vocabulaire des institutions indo-
europeennes} 2. Pouvoir3 droit3 religion3 Paris 1969,
p. 108.
19. Voir un releve d ’echantillons de ce type dans la litte-
rature bouddhique en Sanscrit: G. von Simson, Zur Diktion
einiger Lehrtexte des buddhistischen Sanskritkanons}
München 19o5, pp. 24 et suiv.
20. Et, en tout cas, que le bodhisattva bouddhique reprenne
la fonction du roi brahmanique, done du patron du sacri
fice vedique, en satisfaisant par sa charite les demandes
des etres souffrants, sans d ’ailleurs concourir ä la
bonne marche de la societe ou de 1'ordre cosmique (c’est
la la difference aisement comprehensible avec 1’institu
tion vedique du sacrifice), ne semble pas faire de doute,
v. J. Filliozat, Annuaire du Cotlbge de France, 1954-55,
p. 234. V o i d cependant ce qui doit etre note: alors
que 1'officiant vedique celebre les dieux et leur fait
des offrandes pour le compte du patron du sacrifice et
obeit ainsi ä 1 ’ensemble des contraintes regissant l'acte
sacrificiel, c'est lui qui obtient une daksinä; en re
vanche, le donateur bouddhique fait un don en raison des
liens ou des incitations qui le poussent ä ce geste et
c ’est lui qui attribue la daksinä au tiers. Dans le
sacrifice vedique, c ’est le patron du sacrifice qui se
dessaisit d ’une part des biens qu’il aura apres 1 ’achieve
ment des deux premiers mouvements de l'acte sacrificiel
(cf. ci-dessus, p. 402); il agit, rappellons-le, en in-
termediaire entre les dieux et les officiants; dans
l ’acte de devotion bouddhique, le donateur s ’assimile non au
patron du sacrifice par le fait d ’attribuer la daksinä,
414
m a is ä 1 ' o f f i c i a n t p a r c e q u ’ i l o f f r e un d o n . Dans l e s
de u x c a s , l e g e s t e d ' o f f r i r , que c e s o i t u ne o f f r a n d e
v e r b a l e ou m a t e r i e l l e , p r o f i t e a. un t i e r s . Les f o n c t i o n s
p e u v e n t s e d e p l a c e r e t f o r m e r d e s f a i s c e a u x , m a is l e
schema r e s t e l e meme.
21. C f . H .- P . S c h m id t, B r h a s p a ti und In d r a } p p . 1 6 6 - 7 5 -
A b re v ia tio n s
AF A l t o r i e n t a l i s c h e Forschungen ( B e r lin )
E t v£d. e t pan. E tu d e s v e d i q u e s e t p a n i n e e n n e s .
JA Journal a sia tiq u e
JAOS J o u r n a l o f t h e A m erican O r i e n t a l
S o c ie ty -
PEW P h i l o s o p h y E a s t a n d W est.
Z DDM
Z M Cr Z e i t s c h r i f t d e r D e u ts c h e n M orgen
län d isch en G e s e lls c h a ft.
415
DES ELEMENTS SUPPLEMENTAIRES AUX APPENDICES DE
M. J. de JONG, CONCERNANT LE TEXTE SANSKRIT
DU DHAEMA-SAMUCCAYA (ed. LIN LI-KOUANG),
Deuxieme Partie, Chapitre VI
Yutaka OJIHARA (Kyoto)
On ne saurait trop remercier M. le professeur J.W. de Jong
d'avoir assure, essentiellement ä lui seul, la publication
complete de 1'oeuvre posthume de Lin Li-Kouang en y apportant
ses Appendices etonnamment soigneux ä double reprise. Or,
dans les Appendices accompagnant la Troisieme Partie de
1 ’edition Lin (Paris, 1973), M. de Jong a bien voulu faire
allusion ä ma correspondance privee, ainsi que m'engager ä
publier ulterieurement mes observations contenues lä-dedans.
Ce qui suit est ma reponse ä son voeu ainsi exprime, reponse
d'ailleurs tardee de tant d'annees et, ä ma grande honte,
encore de nature tout ä fait partielle.*
Differemment de cet eminent bouddhologue de Canberra
dont on se reunit pour feter la soixantaine, 1'auteur de ces
lignes n'a ni connaissance du tibetain ni experience quant ä
1 'utilisation des donnees chinoises, en affichant tout au
contraire une indifference aussi totale qu'une ignorance en
toute matiere bouddhique. Ce qui me hante, pourtant, c'est
1'impression qu'une familiarite passable avec le Sanskrit
* Faisant suite ä un autre article intitule similairement
mais portant sur "Premiere Partie: Chapitres I-V", qui ne
tardera pas ä paraitre dans les Etudes Asiatiques (Suisse)
sous ma signature conjointe ä celle de M. Hideaki Nakatani,
le present article est congu en tant que remplagant totale
ment l'ancien article (en japonais) signe egalement de ces
deux noms (et que M. de Jong daignait citer dans les Appen
dices de la Troisieme Partie, p.2). Mes remerciements sont
dus ä mon collaborateur et ancien eleve susnomme, pour avoir
mis a ma disposition, ä nouveau pour cet article meme, toute
sa competence en matiere tant chinoise que tibetaine.
416
classique standard, conjoint? ä une revue attentive surtout
des aksara du manuscrit tels que Lin les presente, permet en
pas mal d ’endroits d'ameliorer le texte etabli par ce dernier
mais deplore souvent, au point de vue Sanskritiste, depuis la
parution de la Premiere Partie (Paris, 19^6).
Qu'il me soit permis de me legitimer, en profitant de
cette occasion, dans une entreprise telle que la presente,
faite ä titre purement et simplement sentimental: - Debut
1966 ici meme, j'ai fait la connaissance personnelle du
maitre sinologue P. Demieville, qui m ’a alors parle avec une
vive emotion de feu son ancien eleve extreme-oriental, Lin
Li-Kouang. Sa rentree en France a coincide a peu de temps
pres avec la disparition subite de L. Renou, ami de longue
date pour lui et maitre sans second pour moi-meme. Depuis
lors, ä la place de l'indianiste decede en quelque sorte,
ce doyen de la Sinologie mondiale n'a cesse de me faire
beneficier d'une affection tout extraordinaire, de maniere
done ä attirer mon attention ä la publication du Dharma-
SarrruccaycLy d'autant plus que, comme je l ’ai appris entre
temps, Lin avait travaille de son vivant sous la direction
de Renou en ce qui concernait le texte Sanskrit. Helas,
depuis bientot deux ans, P. Demieville n'est pas lui non
plus .'
Expedients utilises pour la presentation:
(1) Un petit tiret simple, ' - ', qui precede un chiffre
de rubrique veut dire que le vers en question se trouve dis
cute deja par M. de Jong, dans les Appendices de la Deuxieme
Partie (Paris, 1969), p. 5-10; un petit tiret double, ' = ’,
de meme, que le vers l'est (une nouvelle fois sauf 30b.) dans
les Appendices de la Troisieme Partie, p.U-5.
(2) Sauf la ou reference est faite par 1*expedient (l),
j'estime definitivement correcte (sans en rien dire) toute
remarque emanant des Appendices de M. de Jong - meme celle
qu'il a faite avec reserve (en y ajoutant un point d ’interro
gation), auquel cas je recours ä la formule: 'Leqon dJ, defi
nitive .'
(3) Pour indiquer les sources concernees, je me conforme aux
abreviations communes ä Lin et ä M. de Jong, en omettant d'ail-
leurs le point terminal pour chaque fois: - SU, Tib, DS et MS
done. Par deux asterisques, ’ * * ', est marquee une forme
sanskrite que tel ou tel traducteur, chinois ou tibetain, semble
avoir lue a tort dans le manuscrit qu'il avait sous les yeux.
417
(4) Un danda simple, ’ / ', veut dire que les legons ainsi
contrastees sont valables l ’une et 1'autre ä titre de variae
lectiones; un danda double, ’ // ', veut dire que la legon
anterieure, etant confirmee par SU et Tib, represente la
forme que le vers assumait dans le Smrty-upasthäna-Sütra
tandis que la legon ulterieure, ou semblent converger MS
et DS, a ete celle du Dharma-Samueeaya.
(5) Un point d'interrogation mis entre parentheses, ’ (?) ',
veut dire que ma reserve porte sur tout ce qui le precede,
c 'est-a-dire, et la legon et 1'interpretation que je viens
de proposer.
(5) Une rubrique raise entierement entre parentheses n ’im-
plique pas de changement textuel, tandis que tout element
mis entre guillemets a pour but soit de signaler ma propre
interpretation, soit de corriger la traduction Lin la ou
celle-ci me semble defectueuse ä outrance.
(6) ’Renou’ renvoie ä sa Grammaire sanscrite; ’Speijer’,
Sanskrit Syntax; ’Edgerton, §', BHSG; ’Edgerton, s.v.', BHSD.
(T) En presentant une forme sanskrite, je recours aux signes
* A ’ et ’ - ' aussi souvent qu'arbitrairement, mais toujours
dans 1 ’intention de faciliter 1 ’interpretation en accusant la
division, selons les cas, entre mots independants, entre
membres de compose, ou entre theme et suffixe (ou desinence).
lb. moksäya.
lc. °visa° (Lin : Tib) / °moha° (SU et DS).
l d. (Legon Lin = 136d : Mieux vaudra la retenir.)
- 6b. sarvärgh(y)akarma-satkrtäh (MS ’sa rva prä ka rma ’ )
"honores de tous actes d ’accueil respectueux” .
7a. pramäda-rato (ainsi Tib; cf. aussi 64a, 68a, 73a,
ubi alia).
- 7c. moha-vimüdha- (Lin : SU et DS) / dharma-° (dJ : Tib
et M S ).
10a. kälo 'yam : ’’c ’est ici l'occasion (non de ... ni de
...)". ’
lOcd. ... caitau mrtyukäle mahäbale (Loc. avec vy-ä^rmh-):
nCes deux-la, en effet, engendrent la stupeur (apa-
thie, insensibilite) sur le Temps-Mort (qui est seul)
puissant.”
418
- 12ab. ... pasyanti samtänäni (cf. SU) ca . . . : MA leurs
yeux, partant, les etres vivants sont dotes (chacun)
d ’une continuite ininterrompue." (?)
- 12c. tathä visaya-sammüdhä (Tib) ? / tathä ca/hi visayair
müdhä (SÜ et Ds).
- l4a. (Legon T, definitive.)
lUb. pramädo manda : ab. "Par ceux dont 1 ’esprit est
lent, la frivolite est consideree d ’abord comme
(constituant) le bonheur."
lUc. phale präpte pramädotthe.
lUd. ("On s'aff ü g e en vain de remords" : passif imper-
sonnel; 'sah expletif’, cf. Renou, §260 , a), n.2. )
15c tathä ca so ’vyatha-präyo (Tib *anya...sreyo*) :
"Ainsi est sans peine ou presque (celui qui ...)"
(?) // tathä ca/sa vrsabha-präyo (tathä3 sc. b.
:
p anditair dvstah\ rayer Lin, n.5 en entier).
16b. nisevatäm (imperatif, cf. SU).
- 17d. narake duhkhitäm iyät (MS ’duh khi tä na yah t a ’) :
"(ne) peut (jamais) aller ä l^etat d'afflige dans
1'enfer" - Cf. aussi 18, Lin, n.l, init. pour MS;
optatif, cf. l6d.
- l8ab ... deväh samam tiryai ramante ...
- 19a. (Legon dJ, definitive : cf. Tib.)
19c. (Admettre une pause avant patanam, qui commence une
nouvelle phrase.)
19d. devalokäd (Lin : Tib et DS) / svargalokäd (MS 'va la
lo kä d ')?
20d. jhäsyate sukham(Nom.) ätmanä : "On comprendra par
soi-meme ce que c ’est que le bonheur."
21b. rajyate.
- 21c. (subha - j sc. karman-j "bon(s) acte(s); karmänta-3
"fonction, office, oeuvre", cf. ci-dessous -3^d.
et 35.)
- 21d. cyavamäno (MS 'cya va nä nta?) : "... se reveille
(helas trop tard) tout en (en) retombant".(?)
- 22a. mä pramädaparä bhüta (injonctif).
22c. °vihatäs.
23c. (tasmiriy sc. pramäde : cf. b.(dJ) pramädena.)
419
23d. pratyädesena rahksyate : cd. "Plus tard, cet acces
(de frivolite) une fois passe, il rougira (de lui-
meme sous l'effet) de honte."
24a. dosodbhavam imäm bhtimim (Acc., regime de c. vt-^/car-).
24b. pramadävrta-sädvaläm : ab. "(les dieux errent ä tra
vers) la source de vices qu'est cette terre, d 1autant
que celle-ci a des gazons pleins de femmes coquettes"
- Gädvala-, rendez-vous favori des amants; pramadä-3
coquette s ’appretant ä l ’"accueil hospitalier",
d. satkrta-.
25ab. ... visayäs ... pramädät ... // ... visamäs ...
pramädäh ...
26b. kämäs tu svapnahetukäh (sc. a. narake hetuh) : "les
desirs suscites par le reve (sont autant de causes
conductrices a l'enfer)".
26c. kämän imän (pi., SU et DS).
29ab. (Admettre entre les vers une pause assez grande pour
empecher 1 'application de samdhi : "L'obscurite a
eile aussi la frivolite pour racine - car (il s'agit
ici de) 1'ignorance (qui) est (notoirement) obscur-
cissante -.")
30a. yathä mülam (cf. c. pvavaras tadvat).
30b. agnir bhänus ca kathyate ('constructio ad synesin',
cf. Speijer, §27, 3).
30c. (pravava-y "ancetre".)
31bc. manasä tad vicestyate yena ... (tad3 sc. karma si
l ’on veut) : "l'esprit fait en sorte que ..." - Cf.
Manu 7.66cd : dütas tat kurute karma bhtdyante
yena manavah.
33b. pataty ante hi jlvite / cyavamäne hi ° (MS 'ya ta nä
ntai', cf. ci-dessus 21d.) : "a mesure, en effet,
que la vie va (enfin) s'effondrant". (?)
34d. karmäntäh sarvadehinäm : "voilä (rien de plus q u ’)
autant d*offices assignes ä tous les etres vivants".
35. ("(Quant aux offices assignes, 34d,) c'est dire que,
contraints par leur karma bon ou mauvais, tous ces
etres vivants ne font que jouer, comme autant d'ac-
teurs (soumis ä la mise en scene), une piece de
theatre d'une phase ä une autre.")
39b. (Legon dJ, definitive : ab. "Un homme fut-il livre
ä la frivolite en toutes affaires, (le bonheur lui
fait defaut...)")
420
U2ab. ... sam säro 'p r a m ä d a h p a ra m ä g a t i h .
- 44d. (Legon d J , d e f i n i t i v e , e t a n t c o r r o b o r e e p a r t o u t e s
le s v e rsio n s) / (Legon a b e r r a n t e que MS se m b le
evoquer : ) s u s k ik rtä tm a k ä h , " (g e n s ) dont l'a m e e s t
( p a r ta n t) v id ee" ?
45c. a p ra m ä d e n a s u k h i n a h .
46c. d v i h p r a m ä d a - v im ü d h ä s / d v i - p r a m ä d a - ° ( L i n ; DS
* d v i j a v a d * ) / d h i k p r a m a d a - ° (MS).
49c. k ä m a - s a u k h y e n a ( a i n s i T i b ) / ° - c a r a n a i h (MS ' p a r a
n a ')?
- U9d. t e k h e - c a r ä ( S U e t DS * s a d a * ) h i d u h k h i t ä h ( a i n s i
T i b , SU e t DS) ? / s u r ä na s u k h i t ä h i c a ( d J :MS).
50a . ye k ä m a c ä r in o d e v ä h ( a i n s i t o u t e s l e s v e r s i o n s ,
r e s e r v e f a i t e de ye q u i ne s e r e f l e t e p a s d a n s SU
e t DS; MS, c o n f u s i o n avec 5 1 c , c f . L i n , n . l ) .
52d. t a s y a t a t p h a la m : " ( i l com prend q u e ) t e l l e e s t l a
consequence d 'u n t e l f a i t " .
- 53a. v isa v a t p ra n a -h r-d d rsta h ? / / v isav at-p h an a-b h r-d
(MS ’ p r ä na d bh r ä ' : " s e r p e n t v e n im e u x " , c f . L i n ,
n . l , D S ).*
55c. k ä r a n ä : c d . "La f r i v o l i t e e s t c o n s i d e r e e comme e t a n t
une t o r t u r e , c a r e i l e donne l i e u ä t o u t e s d e t r e s s e s . "
= 6oc. s a m v e g a j a n i t ä ( a i n s i MS) : " ( c h a g r i n ) p r o d u c t e u r
d 'a la r m e s " .
62a b . su -lab d h am . . . y a l l a b d h v ä . . . : "(On d i r a i t q u e )
1 ' e x i s t e n c e h u m a in e a e t e o b t e n u e comme de j u s t e s i ,
l 'a y a n t o b ten u e, . . . "
6 3 a b . d u r-lab d h am ... y a l labdhvä . . . : "o b ten u (e) in -
j u s t e m e n t" .
= 64b. n a k r t y ä y a ( SU * n a - k r t y a * ) // na k r p ä v ä n ( d J : MS).
65b. n ik rn ta ti (cf. 53d e t 1 2 0 a ) .
6 6 a b . °rüpam y a t h ä ... °rüpo y a th ä . . . ( c f . c . evam ) .
- 66c. pram äda-m -evam b h a v a t i : a b c . "De meme que l e m a l -
h e u r a l ' a i r d ' u n b o n h e u r , que l ' e n n e m i a l ' a i r d 'u n
a m i, i l en e s t de meme de l a f r i v o l i t e . "
6Tb. (anubandha(ka)-j t e r m e m e d i c a l : a b . "La f r i v o l i t e
e s t m e le e a vec l a c o n v o i t i s e ; l a p a s s i o n e n e s t l e
Symptome c o n s e c u t i f . " )
421
68ab. ye praroädaratau nityam, na ca dharmaratau, budhäh
(MS '°ra t o ’, bis) : "ceux qui sont toujours Con
naisseurs en plaisir de la frivolite, et non en
plaisir de la Loi".
68d. yamadütasya vasyakäh(SU *pasyaka*) // yamadütair
apäkrtäh (MS dü ta pa rä °’) : "enleves par ..."
70c. sukhärthl yo (ainsi SU et DS) : "(Que tu ne pretes
jamais ...d..., t o i ) qui desires le bonheur".
72c. sammohasyagranih ... : "mechant conducteur de la
stupeur".
7^a. (Legon dJ, definitive.)
75ab. ekadharma-mudä sreyah ksamayä samyutä prthu (rrrudä,
Tib. *sa-dä*; sam yutä , MS ’sa ya t a ’) : "La rejouis-
sance (nee autour") d ’une meme Loi, c ’est la un bon
heur, (qui est surtout) ample quand celle-la est
combinee avec la tolerance (a l ’egard d'autres com-
munautes)." - Mieux vaut peut-etre prendre eka-
dharma- pour un compose bahuvrZhd, soit "concitoyen,
confrere ou coreligionnaire", "gens homogenes" plus
generalement.
75cd. ksäntis capi mudä(Tib *yadä*)-yuktä dayä bhütesu
sarvatah : "La tolerance (ä l ’egard d ’etrangers),
a. son tour, quand eile est unie avec la rejouissance
(confraternelle), c ’est lä la pitie envers les etres
de toutes parts."
76a. etä (MS 'e t a ’: sc. 75 rrrudä-3 ksarrä- = k s ä n t i - et
da yä -) : "eiles sont une troupe (de renfort) en
quelque Sorte".
78a. purusärtho hi(ainsi Tib) niyato.
78d. purusärthah satäm matah : cd. "Prendre plaisir au
serieux, c ’est le but de 1 ’existence ainsi que l'es-
timent les gens de bien."
79a. bandhanam päso // bandhana-präyo (Lin).
79b. tasyapramäda-tah (ainsi MS): "C’est grace au serieux
qu’en surgit le denouement."
80a. etan (sc. laksanam, 79d; Tib *etau*) matvä : "Si l'on
en tient compte, (il s ’avere que) ...a-d..."
82a. nirihah sarvakäryesu { th ä - , pris au sens d 'ä s ä - par
SU, au sens de c e s tä - par Tib; kärya -, confirme par
Tib).
83a. nairäsyam yasya manasä/i.
422
- 83b. (Legon dJ, definitive.)
84a. ‘samsmartä (MS sa mma tä').
85ab. ... nityam avisväsas ca . . . : b. "mefiant et crain-
tif (de sa propre droiture)".
87a. sa poso ?
87c. jivitas (cf. a. mrtdh),
- 88c. mrtyum ced (sc. varjayet), varjayet posah : "S'il
faut eviter la Mort, il faut q u ’on evite (la frivo
lite ...d...)".
90a. adharmacaranam.
- 90b. moksacaryä na kapy asau (sc. a . dr§ta-’
, MS 'na yo/ä
tpa so/au').
90d. {gata-, "entendu, estime", cf. Edgerton, s.v., (l).)
91d. (na (sc. tu) : "et non ceux qui ...")
- 93c. nadharma-patitah, "tombe dans" // na dharma-“
(Lin), "tombe de".
94a. yo na vindati.
94c. sa suro ’pi samo (sg., Tib; MS 'ta su rä p i ' ).
95a. yesäm avasthitä (tib *evam-sthita*) : ab. "ceux
dont 1 ’esprit est fixe sur le domaine de la Loi
sans souillure".
95d. “vihärinah (cf. 91d, 138d, ubi alia).
96a. ("(douleur) qui a la naissance pour cause et origine
- 97c. ye nadhim yanti (ädhi-3 "souci , souffranee" : MS 'nä
rddham ja n t i ) ?
99cd. ... pramädo madya-to hi sarväpäyair ... : "De la
sorte, la frivolite 1*empörte sur la liqueur quant
ä tous les mefaits (en resultant)."
- lOOd. bhramann api : cd. "La frivolite ne se dissout pas
en circulant meme (dans notre corps aussi longtemps
que) ..."
lOld. (Lire avec Lin, n.3 :) te nityam bhava-gä naräh.
102c. pramädavasagäh (Lin : MS) / pramäda-tas cogräh
{ugva- , Tib; DS *agr(y)a*) : cd. "puisque le Buddha
declare que de terribles maux proviennent eux aussi
de la frivolite."
103d. (jahanti, m.c. pour jahati : cf. Edgerton, §28.9,
in fine.)
423
lOTd. pramädenätisamdhitäh (MS ' ° na vi t/na ndhi n ä h ’;
pi. mais m a s c ., 'accord fait logiquement', cf.
Renou, §369, i n i t .).
108d. tasmän.
109a. sarvasyätisäro 'yam (atisära-, terme medical,
"diarrhee": cf. SU *parisara*, Tib *anusara*, DS
*paricära*, MS '°syä nta sa mam') : "Voici la mala-
die qui fait s'ecouler tout."
109b. visam tad (ainsi Tib).
111a. bhayam
llld. (Leqon dJ, definitive : cd. "(S'ils n'ont ...ab...,)
ces dieux desireux du bonheur sont consideres comme
t!
112d. (gata-, cf. ci-dessus 9 0 d . )
113a. vikrldanto hi ? nihsankam {vi^kri
Zd-3 Tib; nih&ahkam
"sans souci, nonchalamment", cf. SU, aussi MS 'ti
sa y a m ' ).
113b. mrtyor äsya-pute sthitäh (MS 'mr tyä ga mya').
114 a b . mrtyu-paryäyanämaisa pramädo ... : "La Frivolite
(sise) dans le coeur des etres vivants a pour desig
nation synonyme la Mort."
115ab. dharmajlvi-sukham näma tad ekam sat prakathyate :
"C'est ce r t es le bonheur des gens menant une vie
vertueuse qui est seul proclame (le bonheur) authen-
tique." (?)
115cd. ("Voilä (en jeu) le serieux comme il s'appelle, ce
guide de la route du monde celeste." ?)
116 (Rayer Lin, n.4. Car, au contraire, la stance con-
siste ä decrire la maudite sensibilite des etres
infatues : cf. ci-apres 1 1 7 a . )
ll6b. bandhamoksau (ainsi toutes les versions).
116d. imau samau.
117a. tathä vim ü d h a 0 (ainsi Tib) : tathä, "ainsi qu'on
vient de le decrire (par la stance pr e c e d e n t e )".
117b. vijänanti ca devatäh // ° dehinah (Lin) : ui/jfZä-,
"entendre, se rendre compte" (intransitif).
117d. jhätirn, "proche parent" (cf. c. satru- ) .
Il8b. s ä khäs.
119d. apramäda-ratah.
424
120b. (P lu to t qu’un compose bahuv. avec Lin, mieux vaut y
v o ir un karmadh. qui term ine une p h ra se .)
- 120c. ( s a , sc. 119c dhZman. )
- 121ab. . . . saukhyam sabhayam tad (dhy) asäsvatam (SU
*sasvatam *, au sens de sa d ä \ Tib *asubhäntam*).
- 122b. ( v i l e k h i t a - , m.c. pour v i l i k h i t a - , " e g r a tig n e " .)
- 112cd. . . . vasagäs t e ' syaivädyaiva ti s t h a t- a h (a d y a tv a ,
SU, c f . Tib *adye eva*; t i s t h a t a h , MS : ’va sa gä
n ta sau vä ghä va t i s ta ta h ’ ) : " i l s n ’en sont pas
moins ä la merci de c e l l e - l a meme (= f r i v o l i t e ) qui
s u b s is te meme au jo u rd ’h u i ."
- 123c. “v ira h ä t te ’pi ( t e 3 sc. a . v ip a r y ä s ä h ) .
127a. sa-umya(Voc. ) manasä.
- 127b. v ik a lp a -ta h , "de d iv erses manieres ( a lte r n a tiv e s ) " .
127c. ta th atm a-h itam .
- 128b. pasya (s ic MS), "reg ard e, eh b ie n !"
- 128cd. . . . manyam : samskäras ta sy a sambhavah.
- 129c, t e vinäsodaye ’samkhye (cf. SU *samkhyä*) : "ä t r a
v ers p e rte s e t n aissan ces innom brables, i l s . . . d . . . "
- 130a (Legon dJ, d e f in i ti v e , ä moins qu’on ne v e u ille l i r e
p o sa - meme i c i : c f . d J, 38a . )
130b. yas te s u (sc. b h ä v e su , c f. 129b bhäväh ) .
131a. sakämena (sc. c d tt e n a 3 cf. Lin, p .7 1 , n. i n i t . ) .
- 131b. (Legon d J, d e f in i ti v e .)
- 133a. ayam sa tvam navotpannah : "Te v o ic i nouveau-ne."
135 ( " . . . doivent p ra tiq u e r 1 ' eloignement des femmes,
qui e st s t a b i lis a t e u r de l 'e s p r i t . . . " )
136a. käryakärye v i° (cf. IV, 15b).
137a. gurulaghava®.
137b. °gocare.
- 137c. dharmäkähksy aphaläkänksi : "a sp ira n t ä l a Loi sans
en a tte n d re de recompense" (a -p h a ld k ä h k s 'in -}
BhGitä 17. H a ) .
137d. tä d rso (a in s i SU).
138d. ( " . . . , e t non cexix qui prennent p l a i s i r ä l a f r iv o -
litl")
425
139d. samam labhate // samasyantike (dJ).
l40c. °dosa-dhrt-ah : "porteurs (= atteints) de l'humeur
malfaisante d'ivresse-orgueil".
l4la. (Legon dJ, definitive, etant confirmee par SU aussi
bien que par Tib; mais peut-etre de nature secondaire
par rapport ä la legon suivante, que permettent entre-
voir MS et D S . ) / samsargagocaro doso : ab. "On ap-
pelle "ivresse-orgueil" une certaine humeur malfai
sante qui releve de la combinaison de deux humeurs
primordiales (d.e.: un mal afferent au commerce
charnel ?)."
lU2ab. asad-bhütesu ... na sad-bhüte ... (ainsi S U ).
lb2c. (Tib *°-mälin-o*, cf. Lin, n.l.)
Ibkd. prayatnatah (dJ, legon confirmee aussi par SU quoi-
q u ’indirectement : cf. SU, VII, 8d et IX, 62d) //
samantatah (Lin : MS, cf. DS *sama*).
l45ab. ... vinastah purusah(?) karmayonijah (Tib : sujet
pour d. pa&yati) / ... vinäsyeta sakalam dharma-
yonikam (SU : point de depart pour la legon suivante,
en passant par sakala > *kasala > kusala ?) //
vinasyante kusalä dharmayonayah (dJ).
145c. märgam castähgikam srestham // (Legon d J ).
l46c. dhyänäni caiva catväri ?
l46d. pramäda-tah // pramädin-äm.
l48cd. °bandhanam hy etad duschedyam mandabuddhibhih (MS
’°e ta ddüh khi tarn'; Tib *te na uccheda*).
lU9c. tasyäs te / tatas te (cf. b. s a n r i t i fem. ).
150cd. pramäda-päs6pagamä(d) yena ... {upaVgam-3 Tib;
SU *pasa prathama*) : "puisque {yena), pour s'etre
approches du filet qu'est la frivolite, les etres
vivants sont en fait {hi) enchaines."
15^+c. sukhe dhvaste ? / sukha-dhvamsäd ? (MS ’ta tsä d (?)’).
155a. sukhepsünäm (MS 'mu khai sü näm').
155b. nityam.
156b. • pramädam räga° : ab. "(femmes) avec qui, assujettis
ä la passion, ils s'adonnent ä la frivolite".
158b. duskrtam.
l62c. vinipätäya (MS pä to yam', mais cf. d. narakäya
ea).
426
l66b. sonmäda iva.
- l66d. pacyate (Lin : MS et Tib) / padyate (SU et DS).
l6Td. mrtyütpattau (samähära-dvandva3 mais fern. : cf.
Renou, §86 C ).
l68d. vinivartayet (que Tib rend librement comme vivarjayet).
170-172d. rajy. l
;ha.
172b. bhäryamitratvam eti ca (cf. Lin, n.2, S U ) : "et
i'epouse devient un ennemi (envers son mari)."
- 17^ (Greffe maladroite de IV, 3d sur la premiere moitie
de IV, H, cette derniere stance consistant en six
vers; cf. aussi Dhamma Pada, 23 et 28 respective-
ment. )
- 17^d. bhunkte ksemam ... (ainsi Udänavarga IV, 3d).
177a. °düsakah kasto (MS ’°kam kr stam’ ) : "mechant cor
rupt e u r \
178a. anena manasaksipto : ab. "Distrait par la (= la
frivolite) quant a son esprit, on ne connait ..."
// 0 purusah ksipto (Lin : MS, cf. DS *anya purusa*).
- 178c. (Leqon dJ, definitive.)
- l80ab. utpannäs ca cyutäs canye nanksyanti(ainsi Tib) ca
nasanti ca : "Nes d'\one part, succombes d ’autre part,
les uns periront {\m jour), (tandis que) les autres
perissent (des ä present)."
- l80cd. (Lire avec Lin :) “bhutani ye ..., cf. ci-dessus
107d. sur l ’accord.
l8lb. bandhanam, "noeud, ligature, rivet d ’assemblage" ? /
bändhavah, "parent, allie" (cf. a. janaka-, "pere") ?
l8lc. pradosah, "trouble, desordre" (cf. SU et DS) ? /
mosas ca (Tib *marsa(na)*?) ?
- 183d. yäsyanti vibudhä layam ? / nanksyanti vibudhalaye /?
l88a. prayänt-o 'dharna® (MS ’ 0 yä nti dha rma') : "chemin
faisant pour le pire siege".
192d. pramädasya-m-ime 'nkirräh (Tib *pramädah syäd ime*,
SU *mülankura*) // (Leqon Lin).
193a. apramädo harsa-m-uktah (SU *mukta*) // (Legon Lin).
193b. pramädo duhkha-bhäjanam // (Legon Lin).
427
ON A RECENTLY DISCOVERED MS. OF SlNGGIS-QArAN1S
PRECEPTS TO HIS YOUNGER BROTHERS AND SONS
I. de RACHEWILTZ (Canberra)
£inggis-qanfs wise sayings or precepts {bilig)^ as distinct
from his formal pronouncements, rules and regulations which
eventually made up the now largely lost corpus of ?inggiside
laws (yeke jasay),2 have come down to us as individual col
lections, and in the body of larger works such as historical
chronicles.3
In either form, Singgis1 aphorisms, opinions and practi
cal advice on statecraft and life in general, are usually
expressed in alliterative verse, with connecting passages in
(often rhythmic) prose, and are set in the context of poetic
dialogues between the emperor and members of his family and/
or faithful companions (nököd), at a feast {qurim), during
a military campaign, or on other occasions.14
These wise sayings (hereafter biZigs) attributed to the
great Mongol conqueror have a long and interesting history,
and even though they contain obvious interpolations and later
additions, it seems that much of their content is genuine and
dating from the thirteenth century.5
Anecdotes illustrating Singgis' prudence and sagacity,
and stories - true or semi-fictional - concerning his special
relationship with some of his brothers (e.g. Qasar), sons,
wives and companions (Boyorcu in particular), no doubt circu
lated among the Mongols already in his lifetime.5 His remark
able deeds and feats of arms were declaimed and sung in the
Mongol tents. As for his biligs, they were, apparently, duly
recorded by specially appointed officials - a practice that
must have been introduced in the latter part of his life.7
Soon after Öinggis' death, these stories, songs and
biZigs became part of a growing body of traditions about the
now legendary figure of the emperor from which Mongol bards
428
and chroniclers were to draw both inspiration and information
in the following decades. The biligs in particular were
quoted and recited at the Mongol court, and we know that
proficiency in bilig-lore was so highly regarded that Temür-
Oljeitü reputedly gained the throne in 129b over his rival
because he knew the biligs of Öinggis-qan better and could
declaim them with a pure accent.8
Contemporary, or near contemporary, literary productions
like the famous Secret History of the Mongols (dating from
the second quarter of the thirteenth century), as well as the
histories of Juvaini and Rasid al-Din, contain a good deal of
epic material which derives, directly or indirectly, from
that vast store of early poetic traditions about (5inggis-qan
and his preux to which we may refer as the '(5inggis-qan Saga.’8
We must, in fact, distinguish the legendary cycle from the
purely factual and unadorned account of Cinggis' deeds as
found, for instance, in the Chinese historical records.10
Unfortunately, the Cinggis-qan Saga has been handed down
in a fragmentary and, at times, re-elaborated form. This is
due to various causes. The rapid Turkisation of the Mongol
ruling elite in the various ulus3 political and cultural
alienation from the Mongol homeland, and protracted wars
combined with dislocation of people, are some of the most
obvious reasons for the disappearance of most of the early
Mongolian literature, including of course the written epics
(the Secret History is a notable exception).11
On Mongol soil, a few historical records and religious
works somehow survived the dark and confused period following
the collapse of the Yuan dynasty in 1368.12 These records,
as well as epic songs, narratives and legends handed down
orally (and hence further elaborated in the course of trans
mission), were collected and used by the learned lamas and
chroniclers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in
their w o r k s . 0 Thanks to their labour, part at least of the
ancient literary heritage has reached us, albeit often in
Buddhist garb and in a form reflecting the outlook and biases
of the post-Yüan Mongol feudal society.14
Besides the 'original' material preserved in the Secret
History and in the works of the Persian authors (Rasid al-DIn
in particular), and odd references in Western medieval records,
our knowledge of the Singgis-qan Saga derives entirely from
these later rifacimenti and the still (? ) living oral tradi
tion. Only in recent decades, however, have scholars been
able to undertake a systematic survey of the seventeenth and
429
eighteenth century chronicles, and of Mongolian literature
in general, largely thanks to the greater availability of
primary source material, including oral traditions, and the
discovery, in several countries, of numerous manuscripts
and blockprints of previously unknown works, and of different
versions of known ones.15
Therefore, we are now in the fortunate position of ap
proaching the complex problems raised by the reconstruction
of the £inggis-qan Saga in a way that would have not been
possible thirty years ago. In this virtually unexplored
field of research, a comparative study of the extant versions
of Cinggis’ biligs is clearly of prime importance.16
Among the most famous biligs are the 'Holy £inggis-
qayan’s precepts to his younger brothers and sons,’17 of
which various versions are known. One of these was published
by A. Popov as early as 1836 in his Mongolian Chrestomathy.18
Another version was edited by C. 2. Zamcarano and published
in Urga in 1915-19 It is now a bibliographical rarity.
W. Kotwicz discussed both these versions, translating excerpts
from them, in an article which appeared in 1923.20 The fol
lowing year, the Mongyol uius-un sudur bicig-ün küriyeleng
of Ulan-Bator published the Einggis boyda-yin durasqal-un
tegübüri3 which contains Öinggis’ biligs extracted from
Rasipungsuy’s Bolor erike.21 A second edition of the Tegübüri
was published by the Mongyol bicig-ün qoriya of Peking in
1926.22 This work was translated into Japanese by Yamamoto
Mamoru in 19^1.23 Some of the biligs from the Bolov evike
were rendered into German by W. Heissig in 1962.24 A modern
MS from Chakhar of a version close to the one published by
Popov is in the Royal Library, Copenhagen,25 and similar MSS
are known to exist in other collections.28
At the beginning of 1975, a MS of these biligs formerly
belonging to the great Polish Mongolist J. S. Kowalewski
(18OI-7 8 ), was discovered by the late Professor Y. Rintchen
in Vilnius University Library.27 The MS, entitled Cinggis
boyda-yin suryal-un garliy-un dam bayulyaysan debter3 or
Book That Has Handed Down the Instructions of Einggis the
Holy 0ne3 is described by Rintchen in his article 'Manuscrits
mongols de la collection du professeur J. Kowalewski ä
Vilnius' in Central Asiatic Journal 19 (1975) £105-1711, pp.
llU-5, No. 68.
Like other MSS in the same collection, this too is a
copy made for Kowalewski by a Mongol scribe in Transbaikalia
430
and dates from the first quarter of the nineteenth century.
It is written on bluish Daper of Russian origin, and it is
9p
bound into a book 15cm x 12.5 cm.
With regard to the contents of the MS, Rintchen quotes
in his article some of Cinggis' bildgs in transcription, and
a colophon (Jayarvardi nevetü qayan-u üliger quuli bayiyul-
uysan sastir tegüsbe) which actually belongs to another
work.29 All the bdligs quoted by Rintchen appear, with
minor differences, in Popov's text.90
In a letter to me dated 17-19 January 1977, Professor
Rintchen wrote as follows: 'I think among these unknown
Mongol manuscripts of the first quarter of the XIX century
copied by Mongol scribes for professor Kowalewski it would
be very interesting for you and for the Mongolists of the
world a book of Chingis khan's aphorisms all rhymed and
showing his great poetical and improvisatory talent, his
high ethical and philosophical level, indispensable in my
opinion for all the kings and emperors not only of his time
but also of nowadays.
'I am sure, the manuscript unknown in the Northern and
South Mongolia after the annihilation of all monastic and
hereditary libraries of Mongol intellectuals and nobles...,
is one of the most interesting monuments of the earlier Mon
gol literature remonting Csiol to the XIII century.
'I hope, the Vilnius university would procure you a
microfilm of the book of Chingis khan's aphorisms and you
might publish it with a translation which would show to the
world readers in English a quite unknown aspect of the great
Mongol Emperor, who was my nayacu, because my late Mother
descended from the line of 5oytu qungtayiji of Qalq-a.'31
In view of the above and in compliance with Professor
Rintchen's wish, I immediately wrote to Vilnius University
Library requesting a microfilm of the MS in question. This
was kindly supplied and I was thus able to examine the text
of the Vilnius MS and compare it with the other texts of the
same work available to me.32
The Einggis boyda-yin suryal-un qarliy-un dam bayulyaysan
debtev occupies the first fourteen leaves of a 'book' contain
ing other Mongol texts. The leaves are numbered 1 to lk in
Arabic numerals (= pp. lr-l^r in my pagination). Each page
contains seven lines of text. Various scribal errors and
431
omissions have been subsequently corrected, either by the
copyist himself or by a later hand, and a number of alter
native readings have been inserted between the lines, also
by an unknown hand.
The version of the biligs contained in the Vilnius MS
is essentially the same as that published by Popov. How
ever, quite a few readings are at variance with Popov’s
text, but agree with those found in the Copenhagen MS.
Conversely, some readings are at variance with the Copen
hagen MS but agree with Popov's text. Other differences
between these three texts can be explained by the fact that
in the Vilnius MS some words, or groups of words, have been
left out by a careless copyist; and, occasionally, the same
material has been re-arranged somewhat differently.
Thus, even though the Vilnius MS does not actually
provide a new version of Cinggis' 'Precepts to his younger
brothers and sons',it may certainly help in preparing a new
edition of these biligs which will take into account all
the variae lectiones offered by the extant MSS.
Two samples from the text of the Vilnius MS, namely
the passages in pp. lr,l-3r,3 and 13v,3-lUr,7, are given
in transcription at the end of this article, followed by
the variae lectiones found in Popov's edition (P) and the
Copenhagen MS (C). For the present purpose, I have ignored
all alliteration in the three texts. Obvious orthographic
mistakes in our MS (e.g. boydan for boydas taryayaqu for
tarqayagu) have been tacitly corrected. However, in a few
cases I have preferred to retain the original form and
insert my correction - usually an additional letter or
syllable - within square brackets (e.g. asaylulgu,
qavLbudbasu). In the case of a doubtful word, I have given
the correct form, or suggested emendation, in square brackets
following the word in question (e.g. öni Llonil). The alter
native readings inserted between the lines of the MS are
given in parentheses following the word(s) to which they
refer.
432
Notes
1. BiZig , lit. ’wisdom, knowledge’ (<Turkic biZig id.), is
the term regularly employed by Rasld al-Din for Öinggis'
maxims. See Rashid al-DIn, The Successors of Genghis
Khan3 tr. J.A. Boyle (New York 1971), pp. 13, l8, 155-6,
321, 339. Cf. G. Doerfer, Türkische und mongoZische
EZemente im Neupersischen, II (Wiesbaden 1965), No.835-
2. On the jasay or yeke (’great’) jasay, the famous code of
Mongol customary law, see P. Ratchnevsky, ’Die Yasa
(Jasaq) Singgis-khans und ihre Problematik’, in G. Hazai
und P. Zieme (eds), Sprache, Geschichte und KuZtur der
aZtaischen VÖZker (Berlin 197*+), pp. *+71-87; P. H.-C.
Ch'en, Chinese LegaZ Tradition Under the MongoZs. The
Code of 1291 as Reconstructed (Princeton 1979), pp.*+-9;
Doerfer, op.cit., IV (Wiesbaden 1975), No. 1789.
3. Individual collections can, of course, be made of extracts
and quotations from larger works, as in the case of the
Einggis boyda-yin durasqaZ-un tegübüri, which consists
of extracts from the BoZor erike and Koke sudur. See
below, and nn. 22, 23.
*+. For the literature on the biZigs, besides the references
in Doerfer, op.cit., II, No. 835 (pp- *+17-18), see
V. Kotvic (W. Kotwicz), ’Iz poucenii Cingis-khana',
Vostok 3 (Moscow-Petersburg 1923), 9*+-6; B. Ya. Vladimir-
cov, EtnoZogo-Zinqvisticeskie issZedovaniya v Urge,
Urginskom i Kentezskom raionakh (Leningrad 1927), pp.
16-19; C. Z. ^amcarano, The MongoZian ChronicZes of the
Seventeenth Century, tr. R. Loewenthal (Wiesbaden 1955),
pp. 7*+, 75ff; N. Poppe, The Heroic Epic of the KhaZkha
MongoZs3 2nd ed., tr. J. Krueger, D. Montgomery, M. Walter
(Bloomington 1979), pp. 23-5; W. Heissig, BoZur erike
"Eine Kette aus BergkristaZZen. " Eine mongoZische Chronik
der KienZung-Zeit von Rasipungsuy (1774/75)3 Monumenta
Serica Monograph X (Peiping 19*+6), Chap. IV, esp. pp.
36ff, 66ff; C. Damdinsüren, MongoZyn uran zoxioZyn toim3
I (ülaanbaatar 1957), pp. 83-5; A. Mostaert in F. W.
Cleaves (ed.), AZtan Tobci. A Brief History of the MongoZs
by bLo'bzah bsTan• ’jin (Cambridge, Mass. 1952), pp. xiv-
xviii; and the important recent contributions by W. Heis
sig, ’Die SaYadai-Mbilig” und ihre Historizität' in W.
Heissig a.o. (eds), Tractata AZtaica, Denis Sinor sexa-
genario optime de rebus aZtaicis merito dedicata (Wies
baden 1976), pp. 277-90, and L.V. Clark, 'From the
433
Legendary Cycle of Öinggis-qayan: The Story of an Encoun
ter with 300 Tayiciyud from the Alton Tobci (l655)’ in
Mongolian Studies 5 (1978-9), 5-39 (esp. p. 29, nn. 7,
8, for further references to the literature on the sub
ject ). See also below, nn. 7, 8, 16 , 22-5.
5. See Kotvic, loc. cit. Cf. P. Pelliot in TP 22 (1923),
392.
6. Cf. Poppe, op.cit., pp. 7, 9-
7. See J. A. Boyle in Rashid al-DIn, op.cit.. Introduction,
p. 13; Zamcarano, op.cit., p. 77. The recording of
Cinggis' words by a scribe-secretary (bicigeci) is beyond
doubt a post-1206 practice.
8. See J. A. Boyle, loc.cit., and pp. 155, 321; W.Barthold,
Turkestan Down to the Mongol Invasion3 4th ed. (London
1977), p. 42; Zamcarano, op.cit., p. 74; Clark, op.cit.,
pp. 12-13. Some of Singgis’ biligs are quoted by Rasid
al-DIn in a supplement to his work. See I. N. Berezin
in Trudy V.O.I.R.A.O. XV (l888), 120-31.
9- On the evolution of the saga, or legendary cycle, of
Cinggis-qan, see the important remarks of Poppe, op.cit.,
Chap. 1, and Clark, op.cit., p. 5ff.
10. The epic quality of the Secret History of the Mongols
its rich psychological content and the intimate details
of Mongol life so vividly described in it are totally
absent in the Yüan-Ming sources on the Mongols. This is
probably the reason why the anonymous Mongol epic-
chronicle was given this unusual title by its early Ming
editors/translators, namely because it related the un
official or ’inside' story of the former ruling family»
a story which, by its very nature and character, had been
excluded by Yuan official historiography of Chinese
traditional type.
11. As is known, the preservation of the Secret History was
not due originally to its intrinsic value as a historical
or literary text, but rather to its usefulness as a text
book for the study of Mongolian language and customs.
See W. Hung in Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies l4
(l95l), 452, 460. For other ’unfavourable influences'
on the preservation of Mongol literary monuments, see
Zamcarano, op.cit., pp. 3, 5-6. The extent of the loss
434
can be gauged by the fact that of all the Mongol works
printed in China in the thirteenth and fourteenth cen
turies, only one virtually complete book has physically
survived to this day; of several others, mostly Buddhist
texts, we only have fragments. See my forthcoming study
'The Preclassical Mongolian Version of the Hsiao-ching'
in ZentralasLatische Studien. It should be pointed out,
however, that a number of ancient Mongol texts may have
perished in comparatively recent times as a result of
civil wars and other catastrophes. See ^amcarano, op.cit
pp. 3, 5, 58; W. Heissig, A Lost Civilization. The
Mongols Rediscovered, tr. J. S. Thomson (London 196H),
pp. lU-16.
12. Cf. W. Heissig, Die mongolischen Handschriften-Reste aus
Olon sinne Innere Mongolei (16.-17. Jhdt. ) (Wiesbaden 1976)
PP. 3-5.
13. Cf. B. Läufer, 'Skizze der mongolischen Literatur',
Keleti Szemle 8 (1907), 239; ^amcarano, op.cit., pp. U,
6 et passim; W. Heissig, Die Familien- und Kirchenge-
schichtsSchreibung der Mongolen I. 16.-18. Jahrhundert
(Wiesbaden 1959), pp. 57, 60, lOOff.
lh. See Poppe, op.cit., p. 9ff; Clark, op.cit., p. 6.
15. A special tribute must be paid to Prof. W. Heissig of
Bonn for his painstaking search for, collection of, and
description of Mongolian MSS, books and documents scatter
ed throughout the world.
16. Part of a bilig addressed to Boyorcu is apparently among
the Khara-khoto documents in Leningrad (Doc. GUO). See
P. K. Kozlov and W. Kotwicz apud F. W. Cleaves in Harvard
Journal of Asiatic Studies 18 (1955), 5, 7. Cf. N. Ts.
Munkuyev in L. Ligeti (ed.), Mongolian Studies (Amsterdam
and Budapest 1970), p. 3^3. It is to be hoped that this
interesting fragment will be published before too long.
17. I am not giving the Mongolian title of these biligs as it
varies somewhat from version to version. See below and
nn. 18, 19, 25.
18. A. Popov, Mongol' skaya khrestomatiya dlya nacina.yuscikh
obucat'sya mongol'skomu yazyku (Kazan 1836), pp. 5^-65.
No Mongolian title.
435
19. Under the title Suutu boyda Einggis-qayan-u altan suryal
orosibai. See B. Läufer, Ocerk mcngol'shot literatury3
per. V. A. Kazakevica, pod red. i s pred. B. Ya. Vladi-
mircova (Leningrad 1927), p. XIII; R. A. Rupen in
Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 19 (1956), l4l,
No. 21. Cf. Heissig, Bolur erike, p. 67 and n. 98 .
This work is not available to me.
20. ’Iz poucenii Öingis-khana'. See above, nn. 4 and 5.
Kotwicz's article is also not available to me.
21. Unavailable to me. On this edition, see Heissig, op.cit.,
p. 1 and n. 1, et passim. For the biligs contained there
in, see below, n. 22.
22. See L. Ligeti, Rapport preliminaire d'un voyage d'explo
ration fait en Mongolie Chinoise 1928-1931 (Budapest
1933; rep. 1977), pp. 25-6; J. R. Krueger in ¥. Heissig
(ed. ), Collectanea Mongolica. Festschrift für Professor
Dr. Rintchen zum 60. Geburtstag (Wiesbaden 1966), p. Ill,
No. 4. This (second) edition of the Tegübüri was re
printed photographically in Taiwan a few years ago,
without however place and date of publication, and
publisher's name. Singgis' biligs to his younger
brothers, etc., are found on pp. 40,5-47,6. See Heissig,
Bolur erike, pp. 66-70; A. Mostaert in F.W. Cleaves (ed.),
Bolor Erike. Mongolian Chronicle by Rasipungsuy (Cam
bridge, Mass. 1959), I, p. 21, No. 6.
23. 'Chingisu-kan tanka-roku no kenkyü', in Kenkoku Daigaku
kenkyüin kihö 1 (l94l), 255-316 C=l-623. The translation
occupies pp. 262-312 C=8—58 □. Cf. Heissig, op.cit., p.33,
n. 1.
24. W. Heissig, H e l d e n H ö l l e n f a h r t s - und Schelmenge schichten
der Mongolen (Zürich 1962 ), pp. 55-6l. See also ibid.,
p. l4 and n. 2.
25. See W. Heissig and C. Bawden, Catalogue of Mongol Books3
Manuscripts and Xylographs. The Royal Library (Copenhagen
1971), pp.^30-1 (MONG. 145). Title cn title page:
Tngri-ece jayayatu boyda Einggis-qayan degüü-ner köbegüd-
iyen suryaysan garliy orosiba.
26. See ibid., p. 31, and Ligeti, Rapport preliminaire
pp. 27- 8 .
436
27. In the J. Kowalevski Collection, Moksline Biblioteka,
V. Kapsuko Universiteto.
28. See Rintchen, op.cit., p. 106. However, the consecutive
number (68) given by Rintchen, p. 11^+, to the MS in
question is not the actual call number of the MS. This
is Fll-48, as I eventually found out.
29. See below, Variae leotiones, at the end.
30. Popov, op.cit., pp.5^,2-56,3.
31. This letter, of which only a section is quoted here, is
an interesting document in itself. It was written by
Prof. Rintchen when he was already bedridden, and shortly
before his death (U March 1977).
32. I wish to record here my sincere gratitude to Vilnius
University Library and its director, Mr. J. Tornau, for
their co-operation and prompt response.
437
Transcription
[lr] Boyda "Öinggis-qayan: degüü-ner köbögüd-tür-iyen1 suryal
qarliy bolurun: omoy kücün-i tarqayaqu olan aryabar
bariysccn-u tula: olan-u eqen bolqu bui q-a ary-a bilig-i
medebesü: aliba kücü-ten-i erke-dür-iyen oroyulqu kilber
bolai2 ary-a bilig-i ese medebesü: alayan-daki3 bariysan-iyan
toytayaqu14 berke bolai: bey-e böke bögesü yayca-yi cidayu:5
sedkil böke [lv] bögesü olan-i cidayu:5 ügen-dür eqileZdlbesü6
secen boluyu: ildu qidan-dur7 e q H e Zdlbesü^ bayatur boluyu:
amitan kedüi bev olan bolqu8 (bolbacu) ayalyutan9 (ayulyatan)
ücügüken10 bolbasu tusa ügei bui: aliba bilig-tü kümün kereg11
füg turnen kümün-ece12 ter# yosun-i13 medekü yayca14 kümün
degere: ere kümün beyeben ed-iyer cimegsen-ece erdem-iyer
cimegsen degere bui: ündür ayula-yin [2r] kötel15 qori:
örgön16 dalai-yin ulum-iyer17 qori: qola kernen buu cökülQ
(sedki) yabubasu kürüyü:19 kündü kernen buu cökü: ergübesü
dayayu:2Q dabasi ügei dabayan bui21 kernen22 sonostamu:2i
feer dabaqu kernen buu sedki dabay-a kernen sedkibesü dabayu:2h'
getülZelsi25 üg-et müren bui kernen sonostamui: ker getülkü25
kernen buu sedki: getüley-e27 kemebesü getülüyü:2Q nige29
[2v] sedkil-tü ere bolbasu ere busu30 erdeni kemegdeqüküi: 31
qoyar sedkil-tü ere-yi ere busu em-e kemegdeqüküi:31 nigen
sedkil-tü em-e-yi em-e busu ere kemegdeqüküi:31 öber-ün
buruyu-ben32 k w mm-ece asayZulqu medegdeqüküi:33 sedkil-ün
osol-i seced-ece34 asayCwüjw suruydaqui:35 sumun-u mösün36
kedüi-ber siduryu bögesü öni37 L?oni3 ödün-ece38 öber-e22>
(^arC&wTbasw40 [3r] ülü boluyu:41 kümün kedüi-ber sayin
töröbesü suryayuli-aca42 ö b e r S 2 secen ülü boluyu44 kernen
qarliy boluysan aqiyu ::
438
[13v,3] Einggis-qayan q a rliy bolurun: t'ör'ö yosuk5 td b sin -iy e r
abasu: törö-yin egen qayan seben mergen bolbasu : 46 törögülügsen
ecige eke bütün bolbasu : 47 t ’ör'ö y o su -i^ Q medekü Cl4r3 tü sim el 49
bolbasu : 50 tü rid k el ügei dayisun-i daruqu b e rig -tü 51 bolbasu:
turnen on dayustala g erg ei 52 k'öbögün53 a c i 54 ü r i 55 anw56 mendü
bolbasu: d e le k e i-y in erketü möngke ten g ri ibegeküi 57 bögesü: 58
tengsel ügei yeke jir y a la n g 59 t e r e b u i:^ G kernen ügülügserfi1
agiyu : 62 Pinggis-qayan^3 degüner^k köbögüd-iyen 65 soyun
suryaysan j a r liy inu tegüsbe 66 : : : : :
Tfariae leotiones
1. P,C k'öbegüd-tür-iyen 2. P erke-ditr oroyulqu kele
C erke-dür-iyen oroyulqu kele 3. C alayan-dayan 4. P
toytaqui C toytoyaqui 5 ,5 P,C ila y u 6 , 6 P,C igildebesü
7. P ildun-dur C ildu-dur 8. P,C bolbacu 9- P ayulyatan
C ayuycin 10. P b’dgeken C b'ögüken 11. P kereg-tü C kereg-
te i 12. P oZcm kümün-ebe C tümen-ebe 13. C yosu-yi
l4 . P om. 15. P,C k'öt'öl l 6 . P drgen17. P,C ulum
18. Pcoke 19. C kürümüi 20. C dayamui 21. P om.
22. Com. 23. P,C sonostamui 24. C dabamui 25. C
g e te le si 26. C getelkü 27. P g etülsügei C g etelsü g ei
28. C getehvüi 29. P,C n-Z^en 30. P b-Zs-Z 31, 31, 31
P,C kemegdekü 32. P buruyu-yi 33. P,C medegdeküi
34. Cseben-ece 35. P suryaydaqui C surutuyai 36. C m'ösü
37. Conamui 3 8 . P ödün ügei 39. P om. 4o. P qarbuju
4l. C bolumui 42. C suryayuli ügei ber 43. C öber-iyen
44. C bolumui 45. P,C yosun 46. a f t e r bolbasu P adds
terigülegsen aq-a degüü tegüs bolbasu 47. a f t e r bolbasu
C adds törögsen aq-a degüü tegüs bolbasu 48. P,C yosun-i
439
49. P tüsimel-dü C tüsimed 50. C bud bolbasu 51. C
cevig-tei 52. C qatun 53. P k’
öbegün 54. C aci yuci
55. P ür-e C üv-e-tei 56. P aqu C om. 57. P,C ibegekü
58. P bolbasu 59. C jiryalang-un sayin 60. C j-a
6l. P ügüiegsen 62. C bolai 63. P boyda TUnggis-qayan
64. P degüü-ner 65. P k’
öbegüd-iyen 66. C om. last
sentence. The colophon quoted by Rintchen, op.cit., p.115,
does not belong to this MS, but to the one immediately
following it in the same 'book’ (leaves 14-26 = pp. l4v-26v).
The colophon is on p. 26v,3-4.
441
ASOKA OR MARA ?
On the Interpretation of some S a n d reliefs
Dieter SCHLINGLOFF*(München)
In early Buddhist art the Buddha under the aspect of his en
lightenment is signified by an Asvattha-tree.1 Even in the
simplest representations this tree is combined with objects
emphasising its holiness: a surrounding fence,2 a stone-bench,
either empty3 or decorated with flowers,4 or a throne in the
form of an arm-chair.5 These objects prove that the artists
never intended to give an image of the historical Bodhi-tree
at the time of the enlightenment: it was a well-known fact
that the Buddha did not gain his enlightenment sitting on an
arm-chair, but on the bundle of grass given to him by the
grass-cutter Svastika. The pattern of the enlightenment-
representations may be found in the popular tree-cult and its
images. An old stele from Amarävati8 represents two similar
trees with surrounding fences under the two different aspects:
according to the added inscriptions one of these trees signi
fies a caitya,7 the other one signifies the Buddha.8 In order
to demonstrate the sanctity of the Buddha in the state of en
lightenment the tree was further shown adorned with umbrellas
and streamers, and by flying kinnaras with garlands above it;
surrounding it are divine persons, standing with hands folded
in worship. Sometimes these persons are shown adoring the
tree by actions like whistling, throwing flowers, or holding
pitchers for watering the tree.9 In some cases the tree is
surrounded by a pillared hypaethral hall.10 On the basis of
these elaborate representations, it was stated by previous
scholars that, at least in some cases, the tree-representations
should not be understood as symbols for the Buddha under the
aspect of his enlightenment, but as delineations of the histo
rical Bodhi-tree at Bodh-gayä itself, surrounded by the building
which king Asoka is said to have erected according to the
legend.11 Some of the reliefs, it is claimed, even represent12
Asoka's visit to the Bodhi-tree, reported in the 8th Rock-edict13
as well as in the Asoka-legend.14 It is, however, easy to prove
that all the tree-representations signify the presence of the
Buddha and nothing else.
442
In Bharhut, on different pillars of the railing different
trees are depicted15 which, according to the added inscriptions,
are meant as the Bodhi-trees of the predecessors of the histo
rical Buddha. According to Luders, the addition of the name
of the tree salo in one of these inscriptions "makes it certain
that bodhi is used in all the reliefs in the sense of Bodhi
trees"; the persons depicted on both sides of the tree "are
meant as human worshoppers, which suggests that the sculpture
illustrates, not the enlightenment of the Buddha, but the
worship of the Bodhi tree".18 With this suggestion Luders
overlooks the fact that the proper understanding of ancient
Buddhist art implies different levels of interpretation. For
example, the uppermost relief of the inner face of the "Pra-
senajit" pillar from Bharhut17 shews, in the centre of an open
hall, a wheel, which means3 according to the inscription, "the
Wheel of the Doctrine of the Holy One"18 and which signifies
the preaching Buddha.18 In the same way, the railing-pillar
mentioned above shows a säla-tree; this means, according to
the inscription, "The Bodhi-tree of the holy Vesabhu, a Säla
tree"20 and it signifies the Buddha Visvabhü.
This statement is verified by the three pictures of the
outer face of the "Prasenajit"-pillar (Fig. l),zl the upper
most of which shows an Asvattha-tree surrounded by a pillared
hall. Whether the inscription on the roof of this hall22
should be interpreted as "the Bodhi-tree of the holy Sakamuni",
or with Luders, as "the building round the Bodhi-tree of the
holy Sakamuni",23 the representation signifies the presence
of ^äkyamuni during the time of his enlightenment. This is
clearly indicated by the two scenes following beyond the Bodhi-
scene.24 In the first of these scenes different classes of
gods are represented: they had come to venerate the enlightened
Buddha. Inscriptions give the names of these gods and the
quarters from which they approach the Buddha. Only one of the
gods is not standing in adoration, but is sitting on a rock
and scratching the ground with a stick. He is Mära, who by
this attitude demonstrates his grief for the enlightenment,
in accordance with the statements of Buddhist literature.25
The third scene, the lowest one, represents eight female
musicians and four dancers, designated by the inscriptions
as Apsaras, who honour the Enlightened one by a heavenly
musical performance.28
A similar performance before the Bodhi-tree is represented
in the wall-painting on the left wall of cave 10 at Ajanta.
This performance is painted on the right side of the Bodhi-tree,
while on the left side a king is depicted together with ten
ladies and a child (Fig. 2).27 As shown elsewhere,28 this scene,
443
Fig. 1
444
445
commonly known a s t h e " a r r i v a l o f a r ä j ä w i t h h i s r e t i n u e t o
w o r s h i p t h e B o d h i - t r e e " , 23 b e l o n g s t o a c y c l e o f e i g h t s c e n e s
on t h e l i f e o f t h e Buddha, nam ely t h e adhyesana ( ? ) , t h e b i r t h ,
t h e s e v e n s t e p s , t h e f i r s t m e d i t a t i o n , t h e b o d h i , t h e dharrna-
cakr>apvavartanas t h e parin dw än a and t h e c a r r y i n g o f t h e
re lic s. Hence t h e B o d h i - t r e e i n t h i s p a i n t i n g s i g n i f i e s ( i n
t h e same way a s i n t h e B h a r h u t - r e l i e f s ) t h e p r e s e n c e o f t h e
Buddha, a n d t h e k i n g w i t h h i s r e t i n u e i s none e l s e t h a n Mära
w ith h is d a u g h te rs. I n o r d e r t o i n d i c a t e M a r a 's d i s t r e s s on
t h e e n l i g h t e n m e n t o f t h e B uddha, t h e p a i n t e r h a s d e p i c t e d him
a s p u t t i n g h i s arm on t h e s h o u l d e r o f one o f h i s d a u g h t e r s .
The p r e s e n c e o f M ä r a , 30 a n d som e tim e s e v e n t h i s g e s t u r e o f
d i s t r e s s , i s one o f t h e m a in f e a t u r e s d e p i c t e d i n c o n n e c t i o n
w i t h t h e e n l i g h t e n m e n t o f t h e Buddha.
On t h e m i d d l e a r c h i t r a v e o f t h e n o r t h e r n g a te w a y a t S ä n c I
( F i g . 3 ) , 31 t h e f r u i t l e s s e f f o r t s o f Mära t o d i s t u r b t h e e n
lig h te n m e n t a re d e p ic te d in th r e e sc e n e s. In th e f i r s t scen e,
on t h e l e f t s i d e , M ä ra , a c c o m p a n ie d by a so n a nd a d a u g h t e r , 32
i s s t a n d i n g b e f o r e t h e B u d d h a - t o - b e , r e p r e s e n t e d by t h e A s v a t t h a -
tre e . H e re t h i s t r e e i s n o t s u r r o u n d e d b y a t e m p l e ; a tovan a 33
on i t s l e f t s i d e , h o w e v e r , h i n t s a t a s u r r o u n d i n g f e n c e . Mära
a d d r e s s e s t h e Buddha i n o r d e r t o p e r s u a d e h im t o d e s i s t from
h i s s t r i v i n g f o r e n l i g h t e n m e n t . 34 I n t h e s e c o n d s c e n e , Mära
i s s i t t i n g on h i s t h r o n e and g i v i n g o r d e r s f o r t h e a s s a u l t on
t h e Buddha. H is army c o n s i s t s o f s i n g i n g a n d p l a y i n g demons
w ith g r o te s q u e f e a t u r e s , b u t w ith o u t w eapons; th e y f i l l th e
rig h t h a lf of th e a rc h itra v e . H aving become aw are t h a t even
t h i s a s s a u l t was f r u i t l e s s , Mära a p p e a r s a t h i r d t i m e , b e tw e e n
s c e n e one and tw o , d e m o n s t r a t i n g h i s d i s t r e s s b y r a i s i n g h i s
r i g h t arm and p u t t i n g h i s l e f t arm on t h e s h o u l d e r o f h i s
d au g h ter.
The r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h e e n l i g h t e n m e n t on t h e l o w e s t
a r c h i t r a v e o f t h e w e s t e r n g a te w a y a t S ä h c l ( F i g . 4 ) 35 d i f f e r s
from t h a t o f t h e n o r t h e r n g a te w a y i n some r e s p e c t s . The
A s v a t t h a - t r e e s i g n i f y i n g t h e Buddha i s p r o p e r l y p l a c e d i n t h e
c e n t r e o f t h e p i c t u r e and s u r r o u n d e d b y a n e l a b o r a t e h y p a e t h r a l
tem p le . On t h e l e f t s i d e t h e g o d s , a r r a n g e d i n two r o w s , a r e
p a y i n g r e v e r e n c e t o t h e E n l i g h t e n e d One, w h i l e on t h e o t h e r
s i d e t h e demons o f M ä r a 's f o u r - f o l d army h a v e t u r n e d ro u n d t o
a head lo n g f l i g h t .
T aking i n t o c o n s i d e r a t i o n a l l th e s e B o d h i - r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s ,
i t sh o u ld not be d i f f i c u l t to g iv e t h e r i g h t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f
t h e s o - c a l l e d " V i s i t o f A so k a ". The l o w e s t a r c h i t r a v e o f t h e
e a s t e r n g a te w a y a t S ä n c i ( F i g . 5 ) 36 r e p r e s e n t s a s i t s c e n t r e ,
l i k e t h a t o f t h e w e s t e r n g a te w a y , an A s v a t t h a - t r e e s u r r o u n d e d
446
Fig. 3
447
Fig. 4.
448
Fig. 5.
Fig. 6.
449
M h H R H H Iü a i a f lj jg g
450
by a h y p a e t h r a l t e m p l e . On t h e l e f t s i d e t h r e e row s o f p e r s o n s
a r e s t a n d i n g i n a d o r a t i o n b e f o r e t h e t r e e , r e s e m b l i n g t h e gods
a d o r i n g t h e E n l i g h t e n e d One on t h e l o w e s t a r c h i t r a v e o f t h e
w e s t e r n g a te w a y . 7 I n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h t h i s a r c h i t r a v e one
s h o u l d e x p e c t t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h e r e t r e a t o f M a r a 's army
on t h e r i g h t s i d e , a n d t h i s i s i n d e e d d e p i c t e d - c o m b in e d , how
e v e r , w i t h o t h e ^ s c e n e s o f t h e Mära e p i s o d e . In o rd e r t o g a in
t h e r i g h t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n , we h a v e t o i n s p e c t t h e s e s c e n e s i n
d e ta il. At t h e b a c k o f a k n e e l i n g e l e p h a n t s t a n d s a k i n g i n
a n a t t i t u d e o f d i s t r e s s , t o g e t h e r w i t h a woman a n d a b o y . The
k i n g a n d t h e woman a r e d e p i c t e d a s e c o n d t i m e , s t a n d i n g w i t h
t h e i r hands fo ld e d b e fo re th e B o d h i-tre e . T hese tw o s c e n e s
h a v e a s t r o n g r e s e m b l a n c e t o t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i o n o f Mära on t h e
m i d d l e a r c h i t r a v e o f t h e n o r t h e r n g a te w a y , w here Mära f i r s t
s t a n d s a d d r e s s i n g t h e Buddha a n d a f t e r w a r d s s t a n d s i n d i s t r e s s
t o g e t h e r w i t h son a n d d a u g h t e r ( s e e F i g . 3 ) , h a v i n g r e c o g n i s e d
t h a t h i s e f f o r t s t o d i s t u r b t h e e n l i g h t e n m e n t w e re f r u i t l e s s .
A cco rd in g t o F o u c h e r, how ever, t h e k in g o f o u r r e p r e s e n t a t i o n
i s A so k a , who " i s w e a r i l y g e t t i n g o f f h i s e l e p h a n t , s u p p o r t e d
b y h i s f i r s t q u e e n ; t h e n b o t h go f o r w a r d i n d e v o u t p o s t u r e
t o w a r d s t h e same B o d h i - t r e e s u r r o u n d e d by t h e same s t o n e -
e n c l o s u r e , w h ic h from t h e n on c e a s e s t o b e an a n a c h r o n i s m . " 38
I n d e e d t h e e l e p h a n t 38 i s k n e e l i n g down, n o t , h o w e v e r , t u r n i n g
t o t h e B o d h i- tr e e as h av in g a r r i v e d , b u t t u r n i n g t o th e o p p o s ite
d i r e c t i o n , i n o r d e r t o l e t t h e d i s t r e s s e d k i n g mount on h i s b a c k
f o r d e p a r t u r e . 40 None o f t h e o t h e r p e r s o n s o f t h i s s c e n e , armed
s o l d i e r s w i t h two h o r s e s and an e l e p h a n t , a r e shown a d o r i n g t h e
B o d h i- tr e e , b u t a l l s ta n d f a c in g th e v ie w e r, th u s in d i c a t i n g
t h a t th e y a r e about to t u r n round. Even i f t h e c h a r i o t i s
m issin g , i t i s ev id e n t t h a t th e s e s o ld ie r s re p re s e n t th e f o u r
f o l d army o f Mära t h a t , a f t e r t h e f r u i t l e s s a s s a u l t on t h e
B uddha, t u r n s b a c k i n r e t r e a t .
I n a n c i e n t B u d d h i s t a r t no p e r s o n s a p p r o a c h i n g t h e h o l y
s y m b o ls t h a t s i g n i f y t h e p r e s e n c e o f t h e Buddha a r e r e p r e s e n t e d
w i t h w e a p o n s , w i t h t h e s o l e e x c e p t i o n o f Mära a n d h i s arm y. The
l e f t p i l l a r o f t h e s o u t h e r n g a te w a y shows i n t h e s e c o n d p a n e l
o f t h e f r o n t f a c e ( F i g . 6 a ) 41 t h e im age o f a p r o c e s s i o n o f an
a r m y , r e p r e s e n t e d b y a c h a r i o t drawn b y tw o h o r s e s , an e l e p h a n t ,
a nd f i v e f o o t - s o l d i e r s . As t h e f i r s t o f t h e s e men c a r r i e s a b i g
c l u b o r s w o rd , t h e s u s p i c i o n n a t u r a l l y a r i s e s t h a t t h i s p r o c e s s i o n
r e p r e s e n t s t h e m arch o f M ä r a 's army f o r t h e a s s a u l t on t h e B uddha-
- t o - b e . T h is s u g g e s tio n i s c o n firm ed by th e p i c t u r e s o f th e to p
a n d s e c o n d p a n e l o f t h e i n n e r f a c e o f t h e same p i l l a r ( F i g . 6 b ) . 42
The t o p p a n e l r e p r e s e n t s t h e A s v a t t h a - t r e e s u r r o u n d e d b y a h y p a
e t h r a l t e m p l e , s i g n i f y i n g t h e Buddha u n d e r t h e a s p e c t o f h i s
e n l i g h t e n m e n t , and t h e se c o n d p a n e l shows a k i n g i n d i s t r e s s
s u p p o r t e d by tw o l a d i e s . 43 The g e s t u r e o f p u t t i n g h i s arm on
451
t h e s h o u l d e r o f t h e l a d y i s t h e same a s i n t h e r e l i e f on t h e
n o r t h e r n g a t e w a y , and t h e r e c a n h e l i t t l e d o u b t t h a t e v e n
t h i s r e p r e s e n t a t i o n i s m e a n t t o h e Mara w i t h h i s d a u g h t e r s ,
n o t Asoka w i t h h i s q u e e n s .
N o te s
* L in e d r a w in g s h y W a l d t r a u t S c h l i n g l o f f ( F i g s . 1, 3, 4,
5, 6 ) and M a t h i a s Helmdach ( F i g . 2 ) .
1. For l i t e r a r y r e f e r e n c e s t o th e A s v a tth a - tr e e as th e t r e e
o f e n l i g h t e n m e n t o f t h e Buddha S ä kyam uni, s e e CPD, V o l . I ,
a ssatth a.
2. R e p r e s e n t e d i n S a n d , S t ü p a 2: s e e J . M a r s h a l l and A.
F o u c h e r , The Monuments o f Sanchi3 C a l c u t t a 1 9 4 7 , V o l . I I I ,
P I . LXXV, 56 and P I . LXXXVI, 6 6 c ; i n M a th u r a , s e e N .P .
J o s h i , Mathura S c u lp tu r e s , M a th u r a 1 9 6 6 , P I . 8; i n
A m a r ä v a tI , s e e D. B a r r e t t , S c u lp tu r e s from A m aravati in
th e B r i t i s h Museums London 1954, p i . V and p i . IX , ( c ) ;
P. S t e r n a n d M. B e n i s t i , E v o lu tio n du S t y l e In d ie n
d ' A m arävatI , P a r i s 1 961, P I . l c , 2h.
3. The s t o n e - h e n c h , p e r h a p s i d e n t i c a l w i t h t h e V e d ik a o f
J ä t a k a 479 ( e d . F a u s h ^ l l , V o l. IV, p . 2 2 9 ,1 8 ) and t h e
s i l ä v e d i o f Mahävamsa 3 6 ,1 0 3 ( e d . G e i g e r , p . 3 1 5 ) , i s
r e p r e s e n t e d empty i n t h e r e l i e f s o f S t ü p a I i n S a n d ;
s e e M a r s h a l l - F o u c h e r , V o l. I I , P I . 1 3 , 4 ; 1 5 , 1 ; 1 6 , 5 ;
1 7 ,4 ,5 ; 19,d l-4 e tc .
4. The s t o n e - h e n c h i s r e p r e s e n t e d a s s t r e w n w i t h f l o w e r s i n
B h a r h u t ; s e e , e . g . A. Coomaraswamy, La S c u lp tu r e de
B h ärh u t , P a r i s 1 9 5 6 , F i g s . 2 7 , 56, e t c .
5- The a r m - c h a i r i s r e p r e s e n t e d i n A m a r ä v a t I , s e q , e . g .
S. B u r g e s s , The B u d d h ist S tu pas o f A m arävatI and Jaggaya-
p e ta 3 A r c h a e o l o g i c a l S u r v e y o f S o u t h e r n I n d i a , N . S . I ,
London 1 8 8 7 , P I . X V I I I , 3; X X I,2; X L V I I ,3 ; X L V I I I ,1 ;
C. S i v a r a m a m u r t i , " A m a r a v a ti S c u l p t u r e s i n t h e M adras
G overnm ent Museum", B u lle tin o f th e Madras Government
Museum, IV , M adras 1 9 4 2 , P I . X X I,1; B a r r e t t , P I . X X (a).
6. See A. Ghosh a n d H. S a r k a r , " B e g i n n i n g s o f S c u l p t u r a l
A r t i n S o u th E a s t I n d i a : A S t e l e from A m a r a v a t i " , A n c ie n t
I n d ia 3 20 and 2 1 , New D e l h i 1 9 6 4 - 6 5 , 1 6 8 - 7 7 ; a n d V . D e h e j i a ,
452
"Early Activity at Amaravati", Archives of Asian Art,
XXII, 1968-69, 41-54. Cf. D. Schlingloff, Erzählung und
Bilds I. Die Dar Stellung sformen von Handlungsabläufen
in der europäischen und altindischen Kunst, München
198l, in the press.
7. Bahaputacetiya Vesälakäni cetiyäni, "The Caitya ’Many
sons': the Caityas of Vaisäli".
8. The inscription Nägä(pa)logana. "The Näga-look" refers
to the last look of the Buddha toward the town of Vaisäll;
cf. Dighanikäya II, p. 122, 1-7: Atha kho Bhagavä .....
nägäpalokitam Vesälim apaloketvä äyasmantam Anandam
ämantesi: Idam pacchimakam Änanda Tathägatassa Vesäli-
dassanam hhavissati.
9. See notes 33 and 37-
10. For an investigation into the different structures of
these temples (3 at Bhärhut, 2 at Mathura, 4 at Sänci,
2 at Amaravati), see A.K. Coomaraswamy, "Early Indian
Architecture, II, Bodhi-gharas", Eastern Art, II, 1930,
226-35.
11. Divyävadäna, eds. E.B. Cowell and R.A. Neil, Cambridge
l886, p. 4o4, 1-3: tato räjä .... bodhivrksasya ca catur-
disam väram baddhvä svayam eva ca väram abhiruhya caturbhih
kumbhasahasrair bodhisnapanam krtavän. If the artists
really had intended to represent just this vära, it seems
rather curious that they should have depicted all these
buildings round the Bodhi-tree on quite different planes,
as Coomaraswamy (see n. 10) has pointed out.
12. A. Foucher, "La porte orientale du Stüpa de Sänchi",
Annales du Musee Guimet, Bibliotheque de Vulgarisation,
t.XXXIV, 1910, pp. 226-8. Foucher’s opinion was generally
accepted and repeated in all publications on the Sänci
monuments.
13. See, e.g. U. Schneider, Die grossen Felsenedikte Asokas,
p. 110: se devänampiye piyadasi läjä dasavasäbhisite sam-
tam nikhamitha sambodhi; cf. D.R. Bhandarkar, "Epigraphic
Notes and Questions, XVI, Sambodhi in Asoka's Rock Edict
VIII", Indian Antiquary, 42, 1913, 159f.
14. Divyävadäna, pp. 393 and 4o4.
15. A. Cunningham, The Stüpa of Bharhut, London 1879, PI.XXIX-
XXX; Coomaraswamy, La Sculpture de Bhärhut, PI. XXII and
453
XXIII. For further references see H. Luders, "Bhärhut
inscriptions", Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, 11,2,
Ootacamund 1963, 82ff.
16. Luders, p.82.
17. Cunningham, PI. XIII,1; Coomaraswamy, La Sculpture de
Bhärhut, Fig. 28.
18. Bhagavato dhamachakam, Liiders, B 38, p. 113.
19. Coomaraswamy, La Sculpture de Bhärhut, pp.47f.
20. bhagavato Vesabhunä bodhi sälo, Liiders B l4, p. 84.
21. Cunningham, PI. XIII-XV; Coomaraswamy, La Sculpture de
Bhärhut, Figs. 23, 26, 27.
22. bhagavato Sakamunino bodhi, Liiders B 23, p. 95.
23- Liiders, p. 96: "Bodha .... must denote either the Bodhi
tree or the building erected around it. It may be pointed
out in favour of the latter alternative that the label is
engraved on the roof of the building just as the names of
the Sudhammä sabhä (B 21) and the Vejayanta palace (B 22)
are written on the roofs of the buildings to which they
refer, and secondly that the term used for the tree in
Nos. B l4 etc. is bodhi, not bodha." However, even the
above-mentioned inscription, bhagavato dhamachakam, is
engraved on the roof of the building, and bodho may be
nothing else but an error of the engraver like bhedi for
bodhi in B l6, p. 95 and many others in Bharhut.
24. For the correct interpretation see Coomarasway, La Sculp
ture de Bhärhut, pp. 43-6, and (in opposition to Liiders'
interpretation) the editors' note 1 in Liiders, "Bhärhut
Inscriptions", p. 102.
25. For references to Nidänakathä, Lalitavistara, and Mahä-
vastu, see Coomaraswamy, La Sculpture de Bhärhut, p.45.
26. See Lalitavistara, ed. Lefmann, T. 1, p. 366, 11-15:
catväro mahäräjänah .... apsarahsatasahasraparivrtä
divyasampraväditena tathägatasya püjäm krtvä ....
tustuvuh.
• « •
27. G. Yazdani, Ajanta} The Colour and Monochrome Reproductions
of the Ajanta Frescoes_, Part III, Plates, Oxford 1946, PI.
XXV.
454
28. D. Schlingloff, "Die älteste Malerei des Buddhalebens",
Gedenkschrift für L. Alsdorf, Wiesbaden 1981, pp. 189-91.
29. Yazdani, Part III, text p. 2b.
30. For literary references to Mära in connection with the en
lightenment, see V. Stache-Rosen, "The Temptation of the
Buddha", Bulletin of Tibetology, XII, Gangtok 1975, 5-19;
cf. E. Lamotte, Le Traite de la Grande Vertu de Sagesse,
t. II, pp. 880-3, and E. Windisch, Mära und Buddha, Leipzig
1895.
31. Marshall-Foucher, Vol. II, PI. 29.
32. For literary references to the son(s) and daughters of
Mära, see Stache-Rosen, p. lb.
33. A similar torana is represented in the Bodhi-scene on the
north pillar of the western gateway; see Marshall-Foucher,
Vol. II, PI. 65 bl. In our picture the lady with the
pitcher standing in the torana is merely decorative and
should be interpreted as a worshipper of the Bodhi-tree
(cf. n. 37), not (with Marshall-Foucher, Vol. II, PI. 29)
as Sujätä. According to the literary tradition, Sujätä
offered food to the Bodhisattva when he was sitting beneath
a Nyagrodha, not an Asvattha-tree.
3I+. This discourse belongs to the oldest episodes of the Mära-
tradition. See Stache-Rosen, p. 15; Windisch, pp. 3ff.
35. Marshall-Foucher, Vol. II, PI. 6l.
36. Marshall-Foucher, Vol. II, PI. 4o.
37- The fact that the foremost of these persons are carrying
pitchers is regarded by Foucher as a proof of the intention
of the artists to represent the visit of Asoka and his
watering of the Bodhi-tree, pp. 212f: "From the other side,
to the sound of music, people are advancing in procession
to the tree; and the figures in the foreground are plainly
carrying the pitchers for watering it .... We cannot see
what more could be demanded of the artist, failing an expla
natory label." However, the carrying of the pitchers for
watering a holy tree belongs to the above-mentioned (see
p.l) requisites of the tree-cult, and is frequently depicted
in connection with the representations of the Bodhi-tree.
See Marshall-Foucher, Vol.II, PI. 13,^; 16,5; 19dU; 22,2.
Cf. n. 33.
455
38. Marshall-Foucher, Vol. X, p. 212, where the attitude of
distress is explained as follows: "Hence we cannot fail
to he reminded, by his tottering attitude, either of the
immense grief which overcame him when he was told that
his beloved tree was perishing - he declared that he
would not be able to survive it - or, in another simpler
version of the pilgrimage, of the emotion which seized
him at sight of a spot so sacred, and which expressed
itself by a magnificent alms-giving."
39. The elephant is one of the main attributes of Mära. See
Windisch, p. 199: "Als ein König reitet Mära den Elephanten.
Dieser ist ein Hauptattribut von ihm, denn wiederholt wird
gesagt, dass Buddha den Mära mitsammt seinem Reitthiere
besiegt hat."
ho. Mära retreating on his elephant is depicted in a relief
from Ghantashala; see M.S. Denek, Indische Kunst, Wiesbaden
o.J., PI. 11, and H. Zimmer, The Art of Indian Asia} New
York 1955, PI. 88.
kl. Marshall-Foucher, Vol. II, PI. l8a2.
h2. Marshall-Foucher, Vol. II, PI. l8bl,2.
43. A relief on the ground balustrade of Stüpa 2 (Marshall-
Foucher, Vol. Ill, PI. 79, 27b) forms a replica of this
scene; another replica is to be found in Bodh-gayä. See
A. Coomaraswamy, "La Sculpture de Bodhgayä", Ars Asiatica3
XVIII, Paris 1935, PI. XXXIII.
457
DIE LETZTEN SEITEN DER SRAVAKABHÜMI
Lambert SCHMITHAUSEN (Hamburg)
Der Sanskrit-Text der Srävakabhümi, der 13. Bhümi des Grund
teils der Yogäcärabhümi, liegt seit 1973 in einer (von einigen
in der Hs. fehlenden kleineren Stücken abgesehen) vollständigen
Ausgabe von Karunesha Shukla vor, nachdem schon 1961 A. Wayman
in seinem Buch "Analysis of the Srävakabhümi-Manuscript" Aus
züge veröffentlicht hatte. Die Ausgabe von Shukla ist offen
bar ausschliesslich auf der Basis der einzigen bisher verfüg
baren Skt.-Handschrift erstellt. Diese gehört zu den von
R. Sämkrtyäyana in den 30er Jahren in Tibet gefilmten Texten.
Die Fotoplatten - jetzt im K.P. Jayaswal Research Institute
in Patna und mir in Gestalt von Abzügen vom Seminar für Indo
logie und Buddhismuskunde der Universität Göttingen dankens
werterweise verfügbar gemacht - sind leider nur teilweise
einwandfrei lesbar und überdies nicht frei von Fehlern und
Lücken. So beachtlich die Leistung Shuklas auch sein mag,
wenn man davon ausgeht, dass er sich ausschliesslich auf diese
einzige, häufig schwer, manchmal gar nicht lesbare Handschrift
gestützt hat, so bleibt doch mit de Jong (Rezension von Shuklas
Ausgabe der Srävakabhümi in IIJ l8, 1979, pp. 307ff) festzu
stellen, dass eine solche Selbstbeschränkung das Zustande
kommen einer brauchbaren Edition verhindern musste. Ohne die
Berücksichtigung der chinesischen und tibetischen Übersetzung
ist angesichts der partiellen Unzulänglichkeit der Fotografien
und der nicht seltenen Fehler, Lücken und Beschädigungen der
Hs. ein durchweg verlässlicher Text nicht zu erstellen. Des
weiteren wird man bei schwierigen Stellen versuchen müssen,
sowohl innerhalb der Srävakabhümi selbst wie auch in ver
wandter Literatur - wozu besonders die übrigen Teile der
Yogäcärabhümi und Texte wie Abhidharmasamuccaya und -Bhäsya,
aber auch die kanonische Literatur der "Hlnayäna"-Schulen ge
hören - Parallelen aufzusuchen, die zu einer Absicherung oder
Emendation der Lesungen der Hs., oft aber auch überhaupt erst
zu einer überzeugenden Deutung verschwommener oder beschädigter
Aksaras oder zu einer ausreichend begründeten Schliessung von
Lücken führen können.
Der vorliegende Beitrag versucht dies im Falle der be
sonders schlecht überlieferten Schlusspartie des Textes.
Teile von Vorder- wie Rückseite des letzten Folios der Hs.
458
scheinen nämlich in "besonderem Masse Beschädigungen ausgesetzt
gewesen zu sein. Überdies sind einige Stellen in der fotogra
fischen Wiedergabe zu dunkel geworden. Solche ausgesprochen
schlecht lesbaren Stellen habe ich in der nachfolgenden Wieder
gabe durch Unterstreichung (xyz) gekennzeichnet. Stellen, an
denen nichts oder praktisch nichts zu erkennen ist, sind durch
Doppelunterstrc1'chung (xyz) markiert. Natürlich gibt es Grenz
fälle, so dass für die Verwendung beider Kennzeichnungen ein
gewisser Ermessensspielraum besteht. Glasklar sind die Fotos
der Folios 15A-8 und 15B-8 ohnehin nur verhältnismässig selten.
Zufügungen gegenüber der Hs. erscheinen in spitzen Klammern < >,
zu tilgende Teile der Hs. in eckigen Klammern [ ]. Sonstige
Abweichungen - sofern nicht rein graphischer Art - sowie Zu
fügungen oder Lesungen, die mir nicht sicher erscheinen, sind
durch Kursivsatz gekennzeichnet; gelegentlich deutet ein ein
geklammertes Fragezeichen (?) auf besondere Unsicherheit hin.
Die (europäischen) Satzzeichen stammen von mir, doch werden sie
in spitze Klammern < > gesetzt, wenn sie in der Hs. keine Ent
sprechung (/ oder O haben. Unpassende Dandas der Hs. sind,
ebenso wie die Lesbarkeit des Textes beeinträchtigende rein
graphische Abweichungen der Hs. von der üblichen Schreibweise
(etwa limga statt iihga), in den Anmerkungen verzeichnet.
Auf eine konsequente Notierung des oft schwer erkennbaren
Zeichens v hingegen habe ich verzichtet. + weist auf den
Beginn der in margine angegebenen Folios und Zeilen der Hand
schrift, * auf den Beginn der ebendort notierten Seiten der
Ausgabe von Shukla hin.
Bei der Edition des tibetischen Textes wurde, aus prakti
schen Gründen, P(eking: Tanjur Bd. wi fol.233 b 6 ff) zugrundege
legt. Abweichende Lesungen der anderen verfügbaren Drucke, viz.
C(one: dzi 199 a h ff), D(erge: dzi 193 a U ff) und N(arthang:
wi 207 a 3 ff),habe ich, mit Ausnahme des Wechsels der oft
schwer unterscheidbaren Buchstaben p -und b (sofern er nicht
grammatisch bedeutsam ist), im Variantenapparat verzeichnet
bzw. in Fällen, in denen sie mir eindeutig den Vorzug zu ver
dienen schienen, in den Text gesetzt. Der Beginn der in mar
gine notierten Folios und Zeilen von P ist im Text mit +, der
der Folios von C, D und N mit * markiert.
Die Einteilung des Textes in Paragraphen stammt von mir.
Sie soll der bequemeren Benutzung dienen und zugleich die Auf
bauelemente des Textes provisorisch voneinander abgrenzen. Im
groben ist das Textstück wie folgt aufgebaut:
§§ 1-2: der vajropama-samädhi
§ 3: die Wirkungen des vajropama-samädhi
[§ 3 schliesst an § 1 an; § 2 hat, vom Aufbau her
459
betrachtet, Einschubcharakter (was nicht heissen
muss, dass es sich auch textgeschichtlich um einen
Einschub handelt).1
§ § 4-11: Der Arhat
§§ 4-9: Charakterisierungen des Arhat
§ 10: sopadhisesa- und nirupadhisesa-nirväna
§ 11: Indizien dafür, dass jemand ein Arhat ist
§ 12: Zuordnung von vajropama-samädh'i und Arhatschaft
zu den beiden letzten der 7 manaskäras
§ 13: Schlusssatz zum gesamten Kapitel über den lokotta-
ra-märga (sc. SrBh IV.B = 470,7ff)
§ l4: Schlusssatz zur gesamten SrBh
C§ l4 müsste streng genommen hinter § 15 stehen.
In Ch., wo § 15 am Anfang von SrBh IV steht, er
gibt sich diese Inkohärenz nicht.1
§ 15: Uddänas zu SrBh IV Cbzw. a) zu IV.B und b) zu IV;
s. Anm. 9Ö3
§ l6: Kolophon.
Ich bin mir bewusst, dass ich nicht alle Probleme des
Textstückes habe lösen können, hoffe aber, eine brauchbare
Basis geschaffen zu haben. Von einer Übersetzung musste ich
aus Zeit- und Raumgründen absehen.
460
(15A-8C1D) 1. t a s y ä s y a r a t is a m g rä h a k a s y a m a n a s k ä r a s y ä s e v a -
Ed. 5 0 6 ,1 0
n ä n v a y ä d b h ä v a n ä n v a y ä d b a h u lik ä r ä n v a y ä n n i r a v a s e s a -
121 b h ä v a n ä p r a h ä t a v y a 1k l e s a p r a h ä n ä +y a s a r w a p a s c im ah
s a i k s o v a jro p a m a h sam ädhir_ u t p a d y a t e . t a s y o t p ä d ä t
s a r w e b h ä v a n ä p r a h ä ta v y ä h k l e s ä h p r a h i y a n t e .
2 k e n a k ä r a n e n a v a jro p a m a 2 i t y u c y a te ? t a d y a t h ä
507 * v a j r a m 3 s a r w e s ä m t a d a n yesäm m a n im u k tä v a id ü ry a -
s a n k h a 3as i l ä p r a v ä d ä d f n ä m m anlnäm 4 s a r w a s ä r a m 5
s a r w a d r d h a m ta d a n y ä n v i l i k h a t i , n a t v a n y a i r 6
C3: m a n ib h ir v i l i k h y a t e , evam evä^yam sa m ä d h ih s a r w a -
s a ik s a s a m ä d h in ä m a g ry a h s r e s t h a h s a r w a s ä r a h
< sarw adrdhah >7 s a rw a k le s ä n a b h ib h a v a ti, na ca
p u n a r C u t p a t t i - D 8 k l e s a i r a b h ib h ü y a te . ta s m ä d
v a jro p a m a 9 i t y u c y a t e .
461
(P 2 3 3 b C 6 :) 1 . d e s d g a ' b a s d u d 1 p a ’ i y i d l a b y e d p a de
kun t u 2 b s t e n e i n goms p a r b y a s 3* l a n man du b y a s
CT3 p a ' i r g y u s bsgom p a s s p a n b a r 4 + b y a b a ' i fion mons
pa ma l u s p a s p a n b a r b y a b a ’ i p h y i r / th a m s c a d
k y i t h a mar s l o b p a ’ i r d o r j e l t a b u ' i t i n he ’ d z i n
sk y e b a r ’ g y u r t e / de s k y e s p a s bsgom p a s s p a n b a r
C8 □ b y a b a ’ i non mons p a + th a m s c a d spon b a r b y e d do / /
2. c i ' i p h y i r r d o r j e l t a b u ’ i t i n ne ’ d z i n c e s
b y a z e 5* na / ' d i l t a s t e / d p e r n a r d o r j e n i de l a s
g z a n p a ’ i n o r b u dan / mu t i g dan / b a i dü r y a dan /
P 23*+a m : r i n po c h e s a n k a 8 s i l a + dan / b y u 7 r u l a so g s pa
n o r b u th a m s c a d k y i nan na mchog d a n g t s o bo y i n
te / th a m s c a d p a s s r a b a dan / th a m s c a d p a s
123 b r t a n p a y i n l a / de l a s g z a n p a 8 th a m s c a d + ' b i g s
p a r b y e d e i n / de l a s g z a n p a ' i n o r b u d a g g i s mi
p h ig s pa de b z i n du t i n he ’ d z i n de y a n 8 s l o b p a ’ i
t i n he ' d z i n th a m s cad k y i 10 n an n a s 11 mchog d a n 12
C31 g t s o bo y i n t e / th a m s c a d + p a s s r a b a dan / th a m s
C 199 b c a d p a s b r t a n p a y i n l a n o n 13 mons p a th a m s * c a d
z i l g y i s gnon p a r b y e d c i h / non mons p a g z a n dag
D 193 b
Zhl g i s z i l g y i s gnon p a r mi nus * p a s na / d e ’ i +
p h y i r r d o r j e l t a b u ’ i t i n he ' d z i n c e s b y a ’ o / /
1 . CD bsdus. 2. CD du. 3. CD a d d . la \ v g l .
a b e r D 76 a 7 und 78 a 6: g l e i c h e F o rm e l a uch i n
D ohne la . k. NP spans par. 5 . NP &es. 6 . CD
§ah ha. 7 . CD b y i . 8. In N n a c h g e tra g e n . 9• CD
add. / . 1 0 . om. NP. 1 1 . CD na ( m ö g l i c h e r w e i s e
A n g le ic h u n g an Z .1 2 ,w o a l l e V e r s i o n e n na h a b e n ) .
12. NP a d d . / . 13. N flan ( ? ) .
462
3. tasya vajropamasya samädheh 1°samanantaram
sarwaklesapaksya1^austhulyabi jasamudghätäd atyanta-
508 täyai cittam vi*mucyate, gotraparisuddhim cänupräpnoti,
[43 kslnesu ca kle+ sesu ksayajfiänam utpadyate, hetuksayäc
cäyatyäm duhkhasya sarvvena sarwam aprädurbhäi?e (?)12
'nutpädajflänam utpadyate <.>
4. sa tasmin samaye < ’>rhan bhavati12a ^13ksinasra-
vah krtakrtyah krtakaranlyo 14 < ’>nupräptasvak:ärthah
pariksinabhavasamyojanah1t+a samyagäjnäsuvimuktacittah1 3^;
C53 dasabhir asaiksair dharmaih15 samanvägatah: asaiksa+yä
samyagdrstyä samyaksamkalpena yävad16 asaiksayä samyag-
vimuktyä samyagjnänena.
46 3
3. rdo rje lta bu'i tin he 'dzin de skyes ma thag
tu non mons pa'i phyogs s u 14 gyur pa gnas nan len gyi
N 207 b
sa bon thams cad yah dag par * bcom pa'i phyir / 15 +
C53
sems sin tu rnam par g r o l 18 ba dan / rigs yons su dag
pa thob pa dan / non mons pa zad pa rnams la zad pa
ses pa skye b a 17 dan / rgyu zad pa'i phyir phyis thams
C6□ cad kyi thams cad du + sdug bsnal skye bar mi 'gyur
bas / mi skye bar ses pa yah skye bar 'gyur te /
4. de de'i tshe na dgra bc o m pa / zag pa zad pa /
bya ba byas pa / byed pa byas pa / khur bor ba / bdag
C73 gi don * rjes s u 18 thob pa / srid p a r 18 kun tu sbyor
ba yohs su zad pa / yah dag pa'i ses pas sems sin tu
rnam par grol ba </>20 mi slob pa'i chos bcu po /21
C8 3 mi slob pa'i y a n 22 dag pa'i lta ba dan / + yah dag
pa'i rtog23 pa dan / yah dag pa'i hag dan / yah dag
pa'i las kyi mtha' dan / yah dag pa'i 'tsho ba dan /
yah dag pa'i rtsol ba dan / yah dag pa'i dran pa dan /
23b b C13 yah dag + pa'i tin he 'dzin dan / mi slob pa'i yah dag
pa'i rnam par grol ba dan / yah dag pa'i ye ses d a n 24
ldan pa dan /
lb. N phyogsu. 15- CD om. /. 16. So alle; vom Skt.
her wäre 'grol zu erwarten. 17- NP skyes pa. l8. P
rjesu. 19. CD pa (so auch MVy 1085); N undeutlich,
aber wohl wie P; par auch in Pr-I (Part l) p. 13^ und
Conze, Materials , p. 2b3. 20. e.c.; om. CDNP.
21. CP po //. 22. C man (wie mad geschrieben).
23. P rtogs. 2b. NP add. /.
5. a . svacittavasavartti16a ca bhavati, yaduta
vihäre ca manasikäre ca. ^17sa yena'*’^ yenäkähksate^
vihärenäryena vä divyena vä brähmena vä, tena tena
* i8a
viharati. yam yam eväkänksate dharmam manasikartum
kusalam arthopasamhitam - laukikam vä + lokottaram
vä tarn tarn eva manasikaroti.
b.
(19taträryo
-
vihärah sünyatävihäro < ’>nimitta-
2 0 * ^
vihäro < ’pranihitavihäro> nirodhasamäpattivihäras ca.
21
divyo vihäro dhyanarüpya vihärah. brähmo vihäro
maitrikarunämuditopeksäviharah 19)
(22
6. a. atyantanis^has ca bhavaty atyantavimalo
~ 22 )
< ’>tyantabrahmacaryaparyavasänah
465
5. a. ’di Ita ste /25 gnas pa dan / yid la byed
Z21 pa dag la ran gi sems kyi26 dban sgyur27 + bar byed
ein / de 'phags pa ’am /28 lha ’am / tshans pa'i
gnas pa gan dan gan dag gis gnas par ’dod pa de dan
de dag gis gnas par byed pa dan / ’jig rten pa dan /
C35 ’jig rten las ’das pa’i chos dge ba don dan ldan
pa gan dan gan dag yid la byed par ’dod pa de dan
de dag yid la byed par ’gyur te /
b. de la ’phags p a ’i gnas pa zes29 bya ba ni
Zkl ston pa Hid <la gnas pa>30 dan / + mtshan mamed
par31 gnas pa dan / smon pa med pa la gnas pa dan /
’gog pa’i snoms par ’jug pa la gnas pa’o // lha'i
gnas pa zes bya ba ni bsam gtan dan / gzugs med
C51 pa’i + snoms par ’jug pa la gnas pa’o // tshans pa'i
D 19U a gnas pa zes bya ba ni byams pa dan / * snin rje *
C 200 a
dan / dga’ ba dan / btan snoms la gnas pa’o //
z6: 6. a. sin tu mthar thug pa dan / + sin tu dri ma
med pa dan / tshans par spyad32 pa sin tu mthar
phyin pa dan /
25. NP om. /. 26. CD kyis (s. auch Anm. l6a zum
Skt.-Text). 27- NP bskur. 28. CD om. /.
29. N &as (?). 30. e.c. nach Skt.; om. CDNP.
31. CD pa la (möglicherweise eine sekundäre An
gleichung an das folgende smon pa med pa la gnas pa
aller Versionen). 32. CD spyod.
466
:7h b . + n i < r a > r g a d a 23 i t y a p ii2 3 a< ,> ^ ^ u t _ k s i p t a -
p a r i k h a h 25 s a n t t { ? ) r n n a p a r ik h a h 28 ä v rL jL h e sik a h 2 7
ä r y a h p a r n n a d h v a j a 28 i t y a p i 2 8a< ,> ^ ^ p a n c ä h g a 30
15B-8 : i : v i p r a h i n a h s a d a n g a 33sa m a n v ä g a ta h e k ä r a k s a + * s c a t u r a -
509 p ä s r ^ 'ra h 31a p r a n u n n a 32p r a t y e k a s a t y a h s a m u t s r s t a i s a n o
'n ä v i l a s a n k a l p a h p r a s ra b d h a k ä y a s a m s k ä r a h s u v im u k ta -
c itta h s u v im u k ta p r a jn a h k e v a l l u s i t a v ä n u tta m a p u r u s a 29)
i t y < a p z /(? )> 33 u c y a t e .
(34
7. s a d b h i s c a s ä t a t a i r v i h ä r a i h sa m a n y ä g a to
b h a v a ti: y a o ( ?) c a ksusä r ü p ä n i d ^ s 'tv ä n a i v a
E2D su m an ä38 + b h a v a t i n a d u rm anäh, u p e k sa k o b h a v a t i 37
s m rta h s a m p ra j ä n a h ; ev am s r o t r e n a s a b d ä n , g h rä n e n a
g a n d h ä n < ,> 38 jih v a y ä r a s ä n , k äy en a s p r a s ta v y ä n 38;
m an asä dharm än v i j f l ä y a n a i v a sum anä b h a v a t i 38a na
d u rm a n ä h , u p e k s a k o v i h a r a t i s m rta h s a m p r a j ä n a ^ ^ < .;
467
b. gtan pa raed pa dan / 'obs dral ba dan / 'obs
las brgal33 ba dan / sin thags bcom pa dan / ’phags
C7H + * pa dan / rgyal mtshan bsfial ba dan / yan lag lna
N 208 a
spans pa dan / yan lag drug dan ldan pa <dah / bsruh
ba gcig pa>34 dan35/ rten bzi38 la gnas pa dan / so
so’i bden pa bsal37 ba dan / tshol38 ba spans pa dan /
c8n + yan dag pa'i rtog38 pa'i40 dri ma41 med pa dan /
lus kyi ’du byed sin tu sbyans pa dan / sems sin tu
rnam par grol ba dan / ses rab sin tu rnam par grol
P 235aC13 ba dan / ma ’dres pa dan / + bsten42 pa dan ldan pa
dan / gan zag bla na med pa zes bya ste /
7. bde bar43 gnas pa rnam pa drug po ’di Ita ste /
C2D mig gis gzugs rnams mthon na yid bde bar mi 'gyur / +
yid mi bde bar44 yan mi ’gyur bar45 btan sfioms dan /48
dran pa dan / ses bzin du gnas pa dan / de bzin du
rna bas sgra rnams dan / snas dri rnams dan / Ices
C3D ro rnams dan / lus kyis reg bya + rnams dan / yid
kyis chos rnams rnam par ses na yid47 bde bar mi
’gyur / yid mi bde bar mi ’gyur bar btan sfioms dan /48
dran pa dan / ses bzin du gnas pa dan ldan pa yin no //
33. CD rgal. 3^+. Ergänzt nach Skt. und MVy 428.
35. NP om. (in CD möglicherweise sekundär aus syn
taktischen Erwägungen ergänzt). 36. CD g&i.
37. CD bstsal (so auch MVy 426, mit v.l. btsdl\ N
bsal oder gsal (?). 38. NP tshov. 39. NP vtogs.
4o. CD pa; MVy 434 kun tu vtog pa % rflog pa med pa
entspricht NP. 4l. C me. 42. CD bsflen. 43. NP
bden par. 44. CD add. yah. 45. CD om. bar3 add. /.
46. CD om. /. 47. NP yah. 48. CD om. /.
468
8. sa tasmin samaye ^^aparisesarägaksayam pratisam-
vedayati, <aparisesadvesaksayam aparisesamohaksayam
pratisamvedayati.>41 ^ ^ s a ksayäd rägadvesamohänäm
k2)
C3H yat päpam tan na karoti, kusa+lam ca n/
tsevate{ ?)43 <•>
9. ^^äkäsapäni 4 5 samacittas ca bhavati45a väslcandana-
kalpah46 sendropendränäm devänäm mänyas ca püjyas ca<.>^*^
10. a. sopadhisesa<nirväna> 47 dhätupratisthitäs48 ca
bhavati<;> ^^tlrnnah päragato^ ^ '>ntima5'1deha
dhärlty52 ucyate^*“^
b. purwakarmaklesäviddhänäm c a 53 skandhänäm
(5h
svarasanirodhäc c ä 55nyesäm cänupädänäd58 apratisandher57
^^nirupadhisese nirwänadhätau parlnirväti ^ ^
C4n c. + cätra60 kascit parinirvrto bhavati,
yat hä8 1 na sarpspto_8 la < ; > ^ ^ nänyatra82 yad duhkham<,>
tan niruddham<,> tad vyupasäntam<,> tac chltibhütam <,>
tad astamgatam.
469
CU□ 8. + des de'i tshe na 'dod chags ma lus par zad
pa yah dag par myon49 zin / ze sdan ma lus par zad
pa dan / gti mug ma lus par zad pa yan dag par myon
C53 bar 'gyur te / de'i 'dod chags + dan / ze sdan dan /
gti mug ma lus par zad pa'i phyir sdig pa gan yin pa
de50 dag mi byed ein / dge ba rnams la rten51 par
byed pa dan /
9. nam mkha'52 dan lag mthil du mfiam53 pa dan /
C6l tsan + dan dan ste'u mtshuns pa'i sems dan ldan pa
D 19U b dan / dbah po dan / fie dban * * dan bcas pa'i lha
C 200 b
rnams kyis phyag bya bar 'os sin mchod par 'os pa
dan /
C7] 10. a. phun po'i lhag ma dan bcas pa'i + mya nan
las 'das pa'i dbyins la gnas pa yin te / rgal ba
dan / pha rol tu phyin pa dan / lus tha ma54 'dzin
pa zes kyan bya'o //
b. snon gyi las dan non mons pas 'phans pa'i
c8: phun po rnams + rah gi hah gis 'gags pa dan / de las
gzan pa'i fie bar len pa med pa dan / nin mtshams
N 208b sbyor ba med pa'i phyir phun po lhag ma * med pa'i55
P 23 5b E13 mya nan las 'das pa'i dbyins su + yons su mya nan
las 'da' bar yan56 'gyur te /
c. de la ni yons su56a mya nan las 'das pa
yah 'ga' yah med la / 57 'khor bar 'khor ba yah 'ga'
C23 yah med de /58 sdug bsnal + gan yin pa de 'gags pa
dan / de59 fie bar zi ba dan / de bsil bar gyur pa
dan / de nub par gyur pa kho nar zad do //
^ 9 T n~mycch (?). 50. N da (?). 51. So alle!
52. N namkha'. 53. N mftan. 5^. CD mav\ Y-t(P)
dzi 330 b h hat tha ma’i lus 'dzin -pa. 55. CD add.
phyir. 56. om. NP. 56a. N yohsu. 57- CD om. /.
58 . P do //; N wohl wie P, aber Vokalzeichen hier
(wie bei dem vorhergehenden med nicht sichtbar.
59- om. CD.
470
d. ^ ^ säntam i d a m p a d a m ^ , yaduta ^ ^ s a r w o p a d h i -
6k)
pratinihsargas trsnäksayo virago nirodho nirvvänam
11. tasyemäni lihgäny85 evambhägiyäni veditavyäni:
510 a. * ^^ p a n c a sthänäny abhavyo <'>rham87 bhiksuh
kslnäsravah prati<se>88vitum <:> 69 ab ha vyah sam-
C53 cin70+tya70a präninam jivitäd vyaparopayitum70^<,>71
adatta<m ä>dätum <,>72 abrahmacaryam maithunam dharmam
pratisevitum, samprajäna<n>72a mrsävädam bhäsitum <;>73
abhavyah sannijdhikärena74 kämän_ paribhoktum. ^ ^
b. tathäbhavyah svayamkrtam sukha75duhkham pratyetum,
pürvvavad78 yävad<:> asvayamkäräpa<ra>kärähetusamut-
panna<m> sukhaduhkham pratyetum <.>77
c. abhavyo <'>vyäkrtavastubhih78 sa<m>träsam äpa-
C6□ ttum <;>79 abhavyo80 + ^ ^ m e ghena vä garjatä (?)^^
^ ^ asanyä vä s p h a l a n t y ä ^ ^ anyatamänyatamam vä bhaya-
bhairavam drstvä samträsam äpattum.
471
C3□ d. 'di Ita ste / phun po kun spans pa / sred pa
zad pa / 'dod chags dan bral ba /80 'gog81 pa /82 mya
nan las 'das pa'i go 'phan de ni zi ba yin no //
11. de'i rtags ni ’di lta bu dag63 yin par rig par
bya ste /
l4l a. dge slon dgra bcom pa zag + pa zad pa ni gnas
lna la brten84 par mi srid pa yin te / bsams bzin du
srog chags rnams kyi srog85 gcod pa dan / ma byin pa66
C5i len pa dan / mi tshahs par spyod pa 'khrig pa'i + chos
la brten87 pa dan / ses bzin du brdzun gyi tshig smra
bar mi srid pa dan / 'dod pa rnams stsogs sin Ions
spyod par mi srid pa'o //
C6l b. de bzin du bde ba dan /88 sdug bsnal + rah gis
byas par khas len oar mi srid pa nas89 / sna ma bzin
du rah gis kyan ma byas70 /71 gzan gyis kyan ma byas
la rgyu med pa las byun ba'i bar du yah khas len par
mi srid72 pa dan /
C7i c. + luh du ma bstan pa'i dnos po rnams kyis73
D 195a 'jigs74 pa skye bar mi srid75 pa dan / 'brug sgra *
drag po dan / gnam76 lcags drag po 'bar77 ba dan /
!8D 'jigs pa dan / 'jigs su77a run ba gan yah + run ba
C 201a. dag mthon yah skrag par mi 'gyur ba * dan /
de lta bu dan mthun pa dag yin78 par rig par bya'o //
(d0. P om. /. 6l. N 'gogs. 62. NP om. /. 63. NP
om. dag. 6k . So alle ! 65- P svod. 66. NP par
(Standardisierung im Sinne von Mvy 8365?). 67- So
alle ! 68. In N Lücke statt /. 69. e.c.; CDNP pas
na. 70. NP add. kyi. 11. NP om. /. 72. NP byed.
73. NP kyi. 7*+. e.c.; CDNP 'gig. 75. NP byed.
l6. C ga nam. 77. CD 'bab. 77a) N 'jigsu. .78. P
yid\ N yen (?).
472
12. tatra yo_
(83vajropamah 84 samädhir
83) <,>
ayam prayoganistho manaskärah. yah punar agra-
phaiärhattvasamgrhito85 manaskäro <, 1>yam prayo-
ganisthäphalo manaskärah.
13. ^ebhih saptahhir manaskärair ^^lokottarena
märgenä^ ^tyantanisthatä präp£ä^ hhavati±
C73 l4. + iyam ucyate srävakabhümih, s a r w e s ä m sam-
yaksambuddhänäm sa<rvesÖ77?>88 srävaka80pratisam-
yuktänäm nirdesCasthäniylänäm8 1 mätrkästhäniyä
C-nämII82<,> ^^tadyathä sarvvanämakäyapadakä-
15A-1 C12 yavyanjagt+nakäya8 5kävyamantra+sästränöm98
mätrkä97.
473
12. de la rdo rje lta b u ’i tin he 'dzin gan yin
P 236 a C13 pa de ni sbyor ba mthar thug pa'i yid la byed + pa
yin no // ’bras bu'i mchog dgra bcom pa nid kyis yah
dag par bsdus pa’i yid la byed pa gan yin pa de ni
C23 sbyor ba mthar thug pa’i ’bras bu yid la byed pa +
yin te /
13. de ltar ’jig rten las ’das pa'i lam gyis yah
dag par bsdus pa'i yid la byed pa bdun po79 de dag
gis ni sin tu mthar thug pa hid thob oar ’evur ro //
C3□ l4. de ni Han thos kyi sa + zes bya ste / 'di lta
N 209 a ste /80 dper na / min gi tshogs dan / * tshig gi
tshogs dan / yi ge’i81 tshogs dan / rah bzo dan82
gsan tshig gi bstan bcos thams cad kyi ma mo yi
ge'i phyi + mo yin pa dan83 'dra bar yah dag par
rdzogs pa’i sans rgyas thams cad kyi84 nan thos
kyi theg pa dan ldan pa<’£>85 bstan pa88 mtha’ dag
gi ma lta bu yin no //
79» Vokalzeichen "ö" in P nur ansatzweise erkennbar.
80. CD om. /. 8l. D g a ’i. 82. CD add. /.
83. NP add. /. 8U. P add. /. 85. e.c.; CDNP pa.
86. CD om. bstan p a ; in P Lücke zwischen bstan und
pa (Hinweis auf Korrektur der Druckplatte?).
474
15. uddanam:98
la k s a n a p r a tisa m v e d f
s y ä t ta th a iv ä d h im o k sik a h < />
p r ä v iv e k y o r a tig r ä h l_
t a t h ä mimämsa99kah punah100 </'
“ 101
p ra yogan i s t h i k a s cä p i (? )
t a t p h a la h 102 p ascim o b h a v e t / /
511 b. * m an ask äras103 ca ^ ^ d h y ä n ä n ä m
ärüpyänäm v ib h ä g a t ä 105 /
s a m ä p a t t l108 a b h ijn ä s c a 107
u p a p a t t i s 108 ca l i n g a t ä 109 /
satyänäm v y a v a c ä r a s c a 110
p r a tiv e d h a s t a th a i v a 111 ca /
C2D + bhävanäyäCmH112 v ib h a n g a s ca
n i s t h ä 113 b h a v a ti p a scim ä / /
16. a. Srävakabhümau114 catu rth am yogasthänam .
b. saxnäptä ca Sravakabhüm ih.
475
15. sdom ni /
C53 a. + mtshan Kid so sor rig pa dan //
de bzin mos pa las byun dan //
rab tu dben dan dga' sdud dan //
de bzin dpyod pa'i yid byed dan //
C6□ gzan yah sbyor ba + mthar thug dan //
de yi 'bras bu tha ma yin //
b. bsam gtan gzugs med m a m rbyedQ7 dan //
sfioms par 'jug dan mnon ses dan //
C7i skye ba88 dan + ni rtags rnams dan //
bden pa dpyad dan rtogs pa dan //
de bzin bsgom pa'i rnam dbye dan //
mthar thug gyur pa tha ma yin //
16. a. ^^rnal 'byor spyod pa'i sa^^ nan thos kyi sar
C8i gtogs pa las /90 + rnal 'byor gyi gnas bzi pa rdzogs te /91
b. nan thos kyi sa rdzogs so82 //
c. 93 // 'di la slo ka drug ston yod do // 94
87. e.c.; NP mams byed\ CD mams dbye (= sekundärer
Bnendationsversuch?). 88. NP skyes pa. (89...89) om.
NP; vgl. aber P 80 a 2, 155 b 2 und 197 h 2. 90. NP //;
vgl. aber P 80 a 2 etc. 91. NP //. 92. D s-ho.
93. CD add. // rgya gar gyi mkhan po Dzi na mi tra dan /
zu ohen gyi lo tsä ba ban de Ye §es sde la sogs pas
bsgyur cih £us te gtan la phab pa //. 9^. P add.
// lan oig zus // bkra sis //.
476
ANMERKUNGEN ZUM SANSKRITTEXT
1. H s . -vyah /.
2. T. entspräche vajropamah samädhir3 Ch. (sicherlich para-
phrasierend) ayam samädhir ’vajropama'; s. auch Arm. 9.
3. So Hs.; cp Ym 78 a 3 (= Yc 3^0 b 6 f): tadyathä vajram
(sic!) säram sarvamaninäm3 na ca kenacid upalikhyate3
sarväms copalikhati.
3a. Hs. -samkha-.
U. T. add. agryam 'srestham; om. Hs., Ch.
5. Vgl. Arm. 3.
6. T. entspr.tadanyair.
7. So T . ; om. Hs. ; Ch. hat, wie in Zi)f,so auch
was sich ebensogut als Zusammenfassung von zwei Quasisyno
nymen wie als Wiedergabe eines einzigen Ausdruckes (vgl.
AKBh-I, Bd.II, p.ll8) deuten lässt. - Vgl. auch Ym 78 a 2 f:
yah sarväntyah saiksah samädhih3 so 'gratvät Sres^hatvät
säratvät upaklesänabhibhavantyatvät (Ch. offenbar upari
statt upa-, s. Arm. 8) kleiänabhibhavaniyatväc (nach Ch.
eher kle§äbhibhavanatväc) ca vajropama ity uoyate.
8. So Hs., aber weder von T. noch von Ch. bestätigt. Ch. Jz.
könnte, falls es nicht pundh wiedergibt, einer Lesung
upari entsprechen; vgl. auch Yc 3^0 b 5
"darüber hinaus gibt es keine kiesas3 die [ihrerseits 1 ihn
(sc. den vajropama-samädhi) überwältigen könnten", wo aller
dings Skt. u. T. upa- statt des nach Ch. zu erwartenden
upari haben (Ym 78 a 3: s. Arm. j). - T. hon mohs pa g&an
dag gis ist schwierig zu beurteilen, da g%an gyis zii gyis
ma non pa auch für einfaches anabhibhüta belegt ist (L.Ch.3
p. 2036), g£an aber natürlich ebensogut einem aparaih o.ä.
entsprechen könnte, falls man es nicht als (freilich un
übliche) sinngemässe Wiedergabe von punah, das anderenfalls
auch in T. ohne Entsprechung wäre, auffassen möchte. Oder
ginge es an, für T. eine Lösung na oäparaih und für Ch.
na oopari statt des überlieferten na ca pundh anzusetzen?
Wie dem auch sei: utpatti- lässt sich, auch vom Sinn her,
kaum rechtfertigen und dürfte entweder eine Korruptel oder
eine an falscher Stelle eingedrungene Randglosse (cp. Arm.
10) sein.
477
9. T. und Ch. vie in Aran. 2.
10. So Hs. und Ch.; T. skyes ma thag tu scheint utpattisama-
nantaram vorauszusetzen. Es scheint sich um eine Glosse
oder um eine (aus upari ?) verderbte und dadurch an der
falschen Stelle eingesetzte Randkorrektur (cp. Anm. 8)
zu handeln.
11. Hs. -ksyam.
12. Sehr unsichere Konjektur. Hs.: -bhäväyänu - ; der Dativ
erscheint aber, im Gegensatz etwa zu -kletaprahänäya ...
samädhir utpadyate in ÖrBhg 506, 13f, an der vorliegende
Stelle unverständlich, da, wie das ksayajfläna das Schwinden
der kle§as, so auch das anutpädajftäna das zukünftige Nicht
auftreten des Leides nicht bezweckt, sondern zum Gegenstand
oder zur Voraus setzung hat (vgl. z.B. ASBh, p. 93, § 108).
Auch T. (... skye bar mi 'gyur bas_ ...) und Ch. (... ^ % t
% rfz M z ...) sprechen gegen einen Dativ. Ch. scheint
einen Lok., der m. E. sachlich am besten passen würde (vgl.
kstnesu ca klesesu im Falle des k§ayajnäna) vorauszusetzen.
T. spricht eher für bhävenänu- (Fehllesung von ohne Sandhi
geschriebenem -bhäve anu-l) oder -bhäva ity anu-, falls
nicht ’gyur bas / aus 'gyur ba la^ / (vgl. non mohs pa zad
pa m a m s la) für -bhäve rnu- (oder vielleicht -bhäve /
anu-) verderbt ist. Die Entscheidung, ob sich eine Ver
derbnis von -bhäve anu- (oder -bhäve / anu-) zu -bhäväyänu-
graphisch erklären H e s s e , muss ich einem besseren Kenner
der Paläographie überlassen. (Oder H e s s e sich eine solche
Entwicklung über die Zwischenstufe einer irregulären Sandhi-
bildung -bhävay anu- erklären?) Die graphisch vielleicht
unproblematischere Konjektur -bhäväd anu- stünde allenfalls
mit T., nicht jedoch mit Ch. im Einklang.
12a. Hs. -ti /.
(13...13) Vgl. z.B. Mvy 1075 und 1082 ff; Samädh 96,2-5; SWTF,
p .67 (s .v . anupräpta-svakärtha).
lH. T. add. apa- (oder ava-l) -hrtabhärah (s. die Parallelen
in Anm. 13); Hs. und Ch. om.
lUa. Hs. -nah /.
15. Vgl. ASBh, p. 93 f, § 109.
16. So Hs. und Ch.; T. setzt für yävad die entsprechenden Be
griffe (samyagäjtva etc. ) ein.
478
l6a. Vgl. BHSD, p. 473 (s .v . vasavartln): svaclttavasavartltä =
"state of controlling one’s own mind". An Stellen wie
Lankav 1+3,9 (T. bdag gl sems la dbah sgyur) und MSABh 170,13
und l8U,12 (...la m h a ’/dbah (b)sgyur ba) bringt auch die
tibetische Übersetzung klar zum Ausdruck, dass svacltta in
diesem Kompositum als das Beherrschte, nicht als das Mittel
des Beherrschens, aufzufassen ist. Entsprechend ist auch
an der vorliegenden Stelle svaclttavasavartln als "einer,
der Macht über den eigenen Geist hat" zu verstehen. Die
Tatsache, dass diese Macht über den eigenen Geist im fol
genden im Hinblick auf die Aktualisierung bestimmter spiri
tueller Zustände und Betrachtungen konkretisiert wird, hat
offenbar die in CD (ran gl sems kyls) greifbare tibetische
Tradition dazu verleitet, in svacltta das Mittel des Be
herrschens zu sehen. Angesichts der Verderbnis des Äquiva
lentes für -vartin in NP (bkur statt (b)sgyur) wage ich
nicht zu entscheiden, ob das dort überlieferte kyl die ur
sprüngliche Lesung (im Sinne eines Genitivus objectivus?)
darstellt (vgl. auch Mvy 1088!) oder sekundär aus kyls
verderbt ist.
(17... 17) Hs. sama{‘?)yena.
18. Hs. -kämksate /.
18a. Hs. -kämksate.
(19...19) Der Absatz ist ein Gedankengang und Satzkonstruktion
unterbrechender, aber von allen Versionen bestätigter er
klärender Nachtrag zu S .464, Z. 3. Vgl. BoBh 90,10-13!
20. Ergänzt nach T., Ch. und BoBh 90,10; Hs. om.
21. T. add. -samäpattl-, cp. BoBh 90,llf; om. Hs., Ch.
(22...22) Cp. Pratyekabuddhabhümi (ed. Wayman in: IBK, VIII.1,
i 960 ), P.376, 29f etc.; SWTF, p.26; vgl. auch CPD, s.v.
accantanlttha.
23. So Mvu, III, 225,6; SWTF, s.v. argada; Päli: s. Anm. 2h.
23a. Ity apl ohne Entsprechung in T. und Ch.
(2h...2h) Vgl. z.B. MN I 139: ukkhlttapallgho ... samklnna-
parlkho ... abbülheslko ... nlraggalo ... arlyo pannaddha-
jo ...; Lüders, Beobachtungen3 § 130.
25. Vgl. auch Samädh 96,7; Uv XXXIII. 58. - Die ursprüngliche
Bedeutung "der den CTor-D Riegel hochgeschoben, dh. geöffnet,
479
h a t " ( v g l . d a s e n t g e g e n g e s e t z t e o k k h itta p a lig h a " C S t ä d t e , !
b e i de n e n d i e C T or-H R iegel h e r u n t e r g e s c h o b e n , d h . v e r
s c h l o s s e n , w a r e n " ) s c h e i n t , w ie T. 'obs d r a l ha " d e r d e n
G ra b e n a u f g e r i s s e n (= z e r s t ö r t ? ) h a t " und Ch. Jjf . . .
" d e r a u s dem G ra b e n h i n a u s g e l a n g t i s t " z e i g e n , i n d e r S k t . -
U b e r l i e f e r u n g v e r l o r e n g e g a n g e n zu s e i n ( s . L u d e r s , Beob
achtungens § 1 3 0 ) .
26. Samädh 9 6 , 7 h a t (im G e g e n s a tz zu P ä l i samkinnaparikho)
udtrmipav'ikha ( i n d e r G i l g i t - H s . C 2 5 2 2 , l l s t e h t a l l e r d i n g s
d e u t l i c h tZ rn a p a rtk h a ). In d e r S rB h-H s. l ä s s t s i c h j e d o c h
d a s ( l e i d e r s e h r u n d e u t l i c h e ) z w e i t e A k s a r a kaum a l s - d l -
oder - t t - l e s e n , w ä hre nd -h k t- g u t p a s s e n w ü r d e . M ö g lic h
w ä re a b e r auch - n t £ - , kaum - t t t - . Auch d a s g anz s c h a t t e n
h a f t e e r s t e A k s a r a l ä s s t s i c h e h e r im S in n e d e s P ä l i a l s
S i l h o u e t t e von sa - denn a l s s o l c h e von u- d e u t e n . D ie ÖrBh
s c h e i n t s o m it sahktrmna- o d e r santtrm na- g e l e s e n zu h a b e n .
S e m a n t i s c h e r s c h e i n t sahktrmnaparikhah. " d e r d e n R in g g r a b e n
z u g e s c h ü t t e t h a t " p a s s e n d e r ; v g l . a u c h PW s . v . 3- kan + sam :
" 2 ) v o l l m a c h e n " , so w ie den G e g e n b e g r i f f ukkinnapanikha
" C S t ä d t e , ! um d i e G räben a u s g e w o r f e n w a r e n " . T. ( . . . la s
bngal ba) und Ch. ( ) a l l e r d i n g s s e t z e n -ttn n n a - v o r a u s ,
w ürden a l s o santtrm na- ( " g l ü c k l i c h h i n ü b e r g e l a n g t " , PW
s . v . ta n - + sam) e n t s p r e c h e n .
27 . " d e r d i e C P a l i s a d e n - ? ! P f o s t e n a u s g e r i s s e n h a t " ; -vnZ-
(-bnZ -) i s t u n s i c h e r , i n s b e s o n d e r e d a s V o k a l z e i c h e n ; s t a t t
-d h e - w ä re auch -dh az- m ö g lic h (BHSD h a t a is ik ä und i s i k ä ;
d i e T r a n s k r i p t i o n d i e s e s E le m e n te s i n Ch. ( if- )
s p r i c h t f ü r d i e l e t z t e r e Form, w e lc h e a u c h Y 1 3 7 ,1 2 b e l e g t
i s t ) . Zu ävntdha- v g l . BHSD, p . 1 0 9 ; a n d e r e Formen s . i b .
p . 98 ( s . v . äbndha-). D ie G i l g i t - H s . ( F a c s i m i l e - E d . 2 5 2 2 ,1 )
zu Samädh 96,8 h a t n i c h t , im S in n e von D u t t s F u s s n . 8 , <5t£-,
s o n d e r n e i n d e u t i g ä w t - ( R e s t f e h l t ) . P ä l i : s . Anm. 2h.
28 . So o f f e n b a r d i e H s . ; v g l . d i e Bemerkungen zu S k t . papnajaha
und P ä l i pannadhaja i n 0. von H in ü b e r s B e i t r a g zum v o r
l i e g e n d e n Band. T ngyal mtshan bsflal ba ( s t a t t p a l ) " d e r
d a s B a n n e r n i e d e r g e l e g t h a t " und Ch. >)^x, "der
d a s hohe ( o d . : e r h o b e n e ) Banner n i e d e r g e w o r f e n / z e r s t ö r t
h a t" b e s tä tig e n s e m a n t i s c h d ie P ä li- T r a d itio n .
2 8 a . z-ty a p t ohne E n t s p r e c h u n g i n T. und Ch.
( 2 9 . . . 2 9 ) V g l. Daso X .7 ; w e i t e r e P a r a l l e l e n e b e n d o r t .
30. Hs. pamcämga-.
31. Hs. -amga-.
480
31a. Vgl. auch Sang IV.l8.
32. H s . -nndh .
33. api scheint in Korrespondenz zu S.466, Z. 1 u.3 erforderlich,
fehlt aber in der Hs. und wird auch nicht durch eine Ent
sprechung in T. oder Ch. (die allerdings auch an den beiden
ebengenannten Stellen nicht gegeben ist: s. Anm. 23a und
28a) gestützt.
(34...34) Vgl. Ym 155 a lf: arhan bhik§uh kstnäsravah sadbhih
sätatair vihäraih satatasamitam tadbdhulavihäri bhavati:
caksusä rüpäni drstvä naiva sumanä Z/1 bhavati na durmanä
<3> u<peksak>o viharati Z/1 smrtah samprajänah <•> sa
srotrena sabdän (Hs. -bdäm) gkränena gandhän jihvayä rasän
kjäyena sprastavyäni Z/1 manasä dharmän vijftäya naiva sumanä
bhavati Z/1 <na> durmana<3> upeksako viharati Z/1 smvta<h>
samprajänah<.> - Vgl. auch Daso VI.2; Sang VI.lU; AKBh
150,4-6. - Was die tibetische Wiedergabe von sätata-vihära
angeht, so wird CD bde bar gnas pa an der Parallelstelle Y-^
dzi 329 a 8 auch von P bestätigt. Die tibetische Version
des AKBh hat hingegen rtag tu yod pa ... gnas pa (AKBh-I,
Bd. III, p. 92).
(35-*.35) Die Hs. scheint eher z w e i unleserliche Aksaras zu
enthalten, doch wird die nächstliegende Annahme, dass es
sich bei dem ersten um sa handeln könnte, weder von T. noch
von Ch. noch von den in Anm. 34 angeführte Parallelen be
stätigt (vgl. aber sa vor srotrena in Ym 155 a 2 !). T.
hat statt dessen 'di Ita ste (vgl. auch Ch. ), als
dessen Entsprechung aus Platzgründen allenfalls yad (im
Sinne von yadutal) denkbar erscheint.
36. Hs. wohl -nah /, aber h / nur fragmentarisch erhalten.
37. So auch AKVy 314,35; T., Ch. und die in Anm. 34 genannten
Parallelen haben viharati (wie in Z.15).
38. Im Gegensatz zu den übrigen Fällen, wo die Hs. die Wortfugen
trennt {-n mit Viräma), ist hier eine Ligatur (-nji-l) ge
schrieben .
39- So wohl Hs. (cp. Daso VI.2 und Sang VI.l4), obwohl ich wegen
der Undeutlichkeit des Aksara eine Lesung ni / statt n +
Viräma nicht ausschliessen kann.
39a. Hs. -ti /.
481
(1+0... 1+0) Vgl. AN I 159: . . anavasesam rägakkhayam patisam-
vedeti3 anavasesam dosakkhayam patisamvedeti3 anavasesam
mohakkhayam patisamvedeti.
1+1. Ergänzt nach T. und Ch.; vgl. auch Anm. 1+0.
(1+2... 1+2) Vgl. Ym 155 a 1: <sa ksa>yäd rägasya ksayäd dvesasya
ksayät mohasya ksayät sarvaklesänäm yat päpam tan na karoti3
ku&alam ca nisevate.
1+3. Hs. nahezu unleserlich; für das nach Ym 155 a 1 (s. Anm. 1+2)
eingesetzte ni§evate scheint reichlich wenig Raum in der Hs.;
zwei Aksaras scheinen zu fehlen, eines selbst dann, wenn -
was ich nicht ausschliessen kann - im folgenden -ty er
statt des ä- von äkäsa- zu lesen wäre. Das einzige, was
sich feststellen lässt, ist, dass das erste Aksara des als
nisevate angesetzten Wortes den Vokal i zu tragen scheint.
T. hat hier wie an der in Anm. 1+2 zitierten Stelle "... Za
rten (statt stenl) par byed p a " , Ch. hier ^ f_ , dort
' { . In § 11.a stehen ^1 i^r_und 4+^- d a brten Zbstentl
pa) für pratisevitum. Zu nisevana als Terminus in Zusammen
hang mit kutala vgl. auch AS 70,19f und AKBh 1+11,1.
(1+1+... 1+1+) Vgl. Vin (M ü :B ) I 238,8ff: arhan ... äkäsapänitala-
samacitto väsicandanakalvo ... sendropendränäm devänäm
püjyo mänyo 'bhivädyas ca ...; weitere Stellen s. BHSD,
s.v. v ä s i c a n d a n a k a l p Ferner RAv 115,Iff (äkäsasamacittä
ca pänitalasamä&ayä ... sadeväsuralokänäm püjyä mänyä ...),
132,Iff (väsicandanasannibhah äkäsasamacittas ca etc.);
ll+l,2ff; I90,17ff; 255,30f; 288,19ff (äkäsanirmalasväntah
... ) ; etc .
1+5. T. add. -tala-, was den in Anm. 1+1+ zitierten Stellen ent
spricht. -tdla- scheint aber auch in der Vorlage von Ch.
(wo im übrigen für päni ^ "reines Wasser" Cs. BHSD, s.v.
pänill erscheint) gefehlt zu haben. Vgl. auch Divy 551,
l8f, wo -tala- ebenfalls fehlt, und Sp 1+91,21+ in CPD, II,
p. 9 : äkäse pänisamena cetasä", Sp-t: alaggattä. Der Aus
druck könnte somit ursprünglich bedeutet haben: "einer,
dessen Geist wie die Hand im leeren Raum ist (d.h. an
nichts haftet)". In der Zufügung von -tala- drückt sich
ein anderes (sekundäres?) Verständnis aus: "dessen Geist
gleich (d.h. unberührt, ohne Emotionen) ist wie der leere
Raum oder eine CleereH Hand- (oder CglatteD Wasser-?)flache".
l+5a. Hs. -ti /.
1+6. Vgl. BHSD s.v. und Anm. 1+1+; ganz wörtlich wohl: "einer,
der gegenüber einer Axt (oder einem spitzen Messer?) das
482
gegenüber Sandelholz [paste üblichel Verhalten (kalpa) hat",
d.h. einer, der gegenüber einer Verletzung durch eine Axt
(o.ä.) das gleiche Verhalten wie gegenüber Salbung mit
kühler Sandelholzpaste hat; Ch. hat -fco "wie
wohlriechenden Sandei [holz U", wozu auch RAv 223,ll+f (can-
danakalpasaurabhyä) und 288,20 (västcandanakalpähgo [Text:
-msol), woraus hervorgeht, dass die alte Bedeutung in Ver
gessenheit geriet. - T. verb, cdtta (auch) m. väsic.kalpa.
1+7. Ergänzt mit T. und Ch.
bQ. Hs. -tarn (?).
(1+9...1+9) Vgl. z.B. Uv XXXIII.1+1; Samädh 95,13.
(50... 50) So auch Ym 155 b 1+; s.a. SWTF, p. 83.
51. Hs. -mä-.
52. Tib. add. kyah = api oder ca.
53. Lesung unsicher, aber kaum eine andere Alternative denkbar.
(5I+...5I+) Vgl. Y 202,21ff: tac ca vijftänam ... iha ca svara-
sanirodhäd (Ed. fälschlich svasvanirodhät) anyatra ca
pürvam eva hetunirodhäd apratisandhito rparise$am niruddham
bhavati. ayam ca ni-rupadhi&eso nirvänadhätup atyantasäntam
padam __
55. So offenbar die Hs.; diese nochmalige Verwendung von ca
lässt sich vielleicht so erklären, dass ein ca , ähnlich
wie in den benachbarten Sätzen, der Anknüpfung des Gesamt
satzes dient, das andere hingegen dem ca nach anyesam
korrespondiert. Vgl. auch die Parallele in Anm. 5I+, wo
aber im Gegensatz zur vorliegende Stelle das Satzsubjekt
ausdrücklich genannt ist und daher das satzverknüpfende
ca unproblematischer plaziert werden konnte (tac ca vdj9iänam).
56. Hs. -nät /.
57. T. übersetzt, als stünde hinter apratisandheh ein weiteres
ca\ vgl. aber die Parallele in Anm. 5I+.
(58...58) So auch SrBHs 15,21; BoBh 221,26.
(59... 59) Vgl. Paramärthagätha 1+1+ (in SrBhw , p.l7l+: na ceha
(Ed.: veha) kascit samsartä, nirväty api na kascana.
483
60. So a n s c h e i n e n d d i e H s . ; T. e h e r : na ea ta tr a (de la . . . ) .
61. I n T. o h n e g e n a u e E n t s p r e c h u n g , a b e r von Ch. b e s t ä t i g t .
6 la. Hs. - to o d e r - td h .
62. "On t h e c o n t r a r y " n a c h BHSD, p . U l ( r e c h t s o b e n ) . T ( . . .
kho nar zad do) und Ch. ( ^ . . . ) sprechen jedoch fü r
e i n e n u a n c i e r t e r e B e d e u tu n g "im G e g e n t e i l n u r " , " v i e l m e h r
b l o s s ".
( 63 . . . 63 ) V g l. d a s Ende d e r i n Anm. 7>h z i t i e r t e n S t e l l e .
( 6 h . . . 6 h ) V g l. z . B . Mvu I I 2 8 5 , 2 0 f ; P a l i : z . B . MN I U36 .
65 . Hs. tim gäni.
66. V g l. MN I 523; DN III 235 (pafica a b h a b batthänäni:
Sang V . l 6 ( r e k o n s t r u i e r t ! ) .
67 . So Hs. ( s t a t t - n ) .
68. I n d e r Hs. n a c h - t i - e i n K r e u z c h e n , d a s w a h r s c h e i n l i c h
e in e K o rre k tu r a n d e u te t; m ö g lich erw eise i s t - s e - n a c h tr ä g
l i c h z u g e f ü g t w o rd e n .
6 9 . Hs. ohne I n t e r p u n k t i o n : -tim a b h a -.
70. Hs. h a t t e m ö g l i c h e r w e i s e gvti- , a b e r A k s a r a o b e n s t a r k b e
sc h ä d ig t .
7 0 a . So a u c h SrBhg 5 0 1 ,2 0 ( l i e s sarpcintya siksam m i t H s . ) .
7 0 b . V gl. SrBhg 5 0 1 , 2 1 f : na ( s o m it H s . ) . . . pväninam j t v i t ä d
vya p a ro p a ya ti.
7 1 . Hs. ohne I n t e r p u n k t i o n : -tum ada-.
72. Hs. ohne I n t e r p u n k t i o n : -tum abra-.
7 2 a . Oder -na<m> ( s t a t t - n a n ) , v g l . BoBh 167 , 1 9 f .
7 3 . Hs. -ohne I n t e r p u n k t i o n : - tumabha - .
7^. Zu sarm'idh'ikäva v g l . Mvy 6765 ; AKBh 1 8 7 , 1 0 ; BoBh 1 9 ^ , 1 0 f .
75- Hs. -kham.
484
7 6 . V g l. SrBhg 5 0 2 , 3 - 5 : na svayamkrta<m> sukhadhuhkham
p a r y e ti f l i e s p r a ty e ti‘i ) 3 na paraTq>tairi3 na svayamkrtam
ca parakrtam ca3 n<ä>svayamkäräparakärähetusamutpannam.
P ä l i : Dn ’ i I I 139- V g l. a u c h N idSa 1 0 7 f f ; Y 2 3 0 , l 6 f .
( l i e s <na> svayamkrtäni . . . ) ; M ü la m a d h y a m a k a k ärik ä , Kap.
1 2 . - I n Ch. i s t d i e v o r l i e g e n d e S t e l l e im S in n e von SrBhg
5 0 2 ,3 - 5 a u s g e f ü h r t .
77* Hs. ohne I n t e r p u n k t i o n : -tumabha-.
78. Hs. -h / .
79. Hs. ohne I n t e r p u n k t i o n : -ttnmabha-.
80 . o d e r -vyäh (w obei h a b g e b r o c h e n w ä r e ) .
( 8 l . . . 8 l ) V g l. z . B . I t 66: megho.. . g a jja y itv ä p a va ssa ti; Ap
28: mahämegho va g a jja s i; Ap 42: yctva megho na g a jja ti;
PW I I , 697: meghagarjdta "D o n n e r” (was d i e W ie d e rg a b e
d e s A u s d r u c k s i n T. m it sbrug sgra v e r s t ä n d l i c h m a c h t;
drag po " h e f t i g " s c h e i n t e i n e s p e z i f i z i e r e n d e Z ufügung
d e s Ü b e r s e t z e r s zu s e i n ) .
( 8 2 . . . 8 2 ) V g l. AN I 77: dve rme3 bhikkhave3 asaniyä phalantiyä
na s a n ta sa n ti. katame dve ? bhikkhu ca khtnäsavo3 . . . ca
(z u p h a la ti v g l . PTSD p . 4 7 7 ) . I n d e r c h i n e s i s c h e n E n t
s p r e c h u n g z u d ie s e m S ü t r a (T 1 2 5 , p . 594 c 1 3 f f ) i s t , w ie
i n d e r S rB h, a u c h vom D onner d i e Rede ( ^ ^
. . . ) . - T. drag po d ü r f t e w i e d e r a l s s p e z i f i z i e r e n d e Zu
fü g u n g d e s Ü b e r s e t z e r s zu w e r t e n s e i n . - Ob d i e Hs. spha-
lantyäj sphalatyä o d e r sphalamtyä l i e s t , i s t a n g e s i c h t s
d e r U n d e u t l i c h k e i t d e r S t e l l e sc h w e r zu e n t s c h e i d e n .
( 8 3 . . . 8 3 ) H s ü a n - t s a n g f ü h l t e s i c h o f f e n b a r d u r c h d i e von d e r
A u s d r u c k s w e is e d e s O r i g i n a l s n a h e g e l e g t e , a b e r im S in n e
d e r c a d tta - T h e o r i e b e d e n k l i c h e I d e n t i f i k a t i o n von samädhd
und manaskära g e s t ö r t und ü b e r s e t z t i n t e r p r e t i e r e n d m it
" d e r im vajropama-samädhd e i n b e g r i f f e n e manaskära " .
84 . Hs. -mah / .
85 . Hs. - ta - ,
86. T. (de I ta r . . . de dag g is ) s c h e i n t d ty ( o d e r evam) ebhdh
v o ra u sz u se tz e n .
( 87 . . . 8 7 ) So Hs. und C h . ; T. e n t s p r ä c h e lo kottarena märgena
samgrhttadr a - .
485
88. - t - i s t a b g e r i e b e n . Der s i c h t b a r e T e i l des A ksara k ö n n te
a u c h -pyam g e l e s e n w e r d e n , doch p a s s t d ies n ic h t; der
s c h e i n b a r e A n u sv ä ra i s t w a h r s c h e i n l i c h d ie V o k alisieru n g
des A ksara ttu in d e r d a rü b e rs te h e n d e n Z e ile .
89 . E r g ä n z t n a c h T. (und C h . , wo a b e r d e r s y n t a k t i s c h e Bezug
von sa rv a - n i c h t e i n d e u t i g a u s g e d r ü c k t i s t ) .
90. T. a d d . - yäna - ; om. H s . , Ch.
91. -sthanZ ya- h i e r ohne E n t s p r . i n T. und Ch. und s i n n w i d r i g .
92. E in Gen. P I . w i r d w eder von T. n o c h von Ch. b e s t ä t i g t ;
b e i d e f a s s e n m ätrkästh än tya- a l s P r ä d i k a t s n o m e n (w obei i n
Ch. -s th ä n ty a - ohne E n ts p r e c h u n g i s t ) . D i e s e A u f f a s s u n g
a l l e i n e r s c h e i n t m ir s i n n v o l l : d i e S rä v a k a b h ü m i i s t
"g le ic h sa m d ie M u tte r " , d .h . das "E lem en tarb u ch " o d e r d ie
Z u s a m m e n s te llu n g d e r k o n s t i t u t i v e n E l e m e n t e , a u f d i e s i c h
d e r G e h a l t a l l e r an d i e S r ä v a k a s g e r i c h t e t e n L e h r r e d e n
r e d u z i e r e n l ä s s t , so w ie d a s A l p h a b e t d i e " M u t t e r " , d . h .
d i e Summe d e r k o n s t i t u t i v e n E le m e n te a l l e r S i l b e n , W o r te ,
S ä t z e , D i c h t u n g e n , Z a u b e r f o r m e ln und L e h r t e x t e i s t . V g l.
a u c h d i e a n a l o g e B e z e ic h n u n g d e r B o d h i s a t t v a b h ü m i a l s
b o d h isattvapitakam ätvkä (BoBh ^ 0 9 , l ^ f ) .
(9 3 ...9 3 ) Vg. Y 5 0 , l 8 f : mätrkeväksaränäm e tä n i ( s c . arthasam -
grahapadäni) sarvävthascovgrahäya v e d ito v y ä n i; KP § 89:
ta d ya th ä p i näma . . . mätrkä sarvasästragrahanajftäne pürvam-
gamä . . .
9*+. Hs. -m ja-.
95- So H s . , d u r c h T. g e s t ü t z t ; n a c h Ch. h i n g e g e n s i n d d i e
W o r te , S i l b e n und S ä t z e d i e B a s i s d e r D i c h t u n g e n , Z a u b e r
f o r m e l n und L e h r t e x t e , was e i n e L esung -käyänärn kävya-
v o r a u s s e t z t , es s e i denn, H sü an -tsan g h ä t t e e ig en m äch tig
g e ä n d e r t , w obei e r d a r a n A n s t o s s genommen h a b e n k ö n n t e ,
d a s s n a c h dem u n s v o r l i e g e n d e n S a n s k r i t t e x t u n t e r d e n a u s
den " B u c h s t a b e n " d e s A l p h a b e t e s ( a l s den k o n s t i t u t i v e n
E le m e n te n von z u g l e i c h S c h r i f t und S p r a c h e ) g e b i l d e t e n
Komplexen a u c h d i e L a u te (vyaflgana) - n a c h AKBh 8 0 ,1 5 und
2 1 f : a3 ä3 e t c . und ka3 kha3 ga3 gha3 ha3 e t c . - , a l s o
o f f e n b a r e b e n d i e s e E le m e n te s e l b s t , e r s c h e i n e n . Der Be
g r i f f vyafljana b e d e u t e t a b e r , w ie a u c h AKBh 8 0 , 1 5 z e i g t ,
n ic h t d ie G ru n d la u te , sondern d ie A ksaras oder S ilb e n ,
i s t a l s o u m f a s s e n d e r ; v g l . a u c h d i e i n Anm. 93 z i t i e r t e
S te lle Y 5 0 ,l8 f.
486
96. Hs. -tästräni //; der Sinnzusammenhang fordert aber einen
Genitiv, der durch T. (und virtuell auch durch Ch . ) be
stätigt wird.
97. T. ergänzt das Prädikatsnomen aus dem vorhergehenden Satz
stück: "Ähnlich wie das Alphabet (mätrkä) die ’Mutter’
(mätrkä) der ... ist".
98. Genau genommen handelt es sich im Folgenden um zwei vonein
ander unabhängige Uddänas, deren erstes (s 15-a) die 7
manaskäras aufzählt, die zwar auch im ersten, dem "weltlichen
Weg" gewidmeten Teil des h. Yogasthäna der Srävakabhümi (IV.A)
behandelt werden (u.zw. SrBhß ^39,3ff), vor allem aber ein
umfassendes Gliederungsprinzip des zweiten, den "überwelt
lichen Weg" behandelnden Teiles (IV.B. = SrBhg 1+70,7ff) dar
stellen [während ihre Behandlung zum mindesten in der uns
vorliegenden Fassung des ersten Teiles (IV.A) nur ein erstes
Kapitel bildet, das bis Ui+9,lU reicht, allerdings auch eine
Behandlung der Funktion der 7 manaskäras im Rahmen der
dhyänas und ärüpyas einschliesst (l+*+5,13ff )3. Das zweite
Uddäna (§ 15.b) hingegen enthält die Themen des gesamten
U. Yogasthäna in der uns vorliegenden Fassung. Auf den
"weltlichen Weg" entfallen die ersten vier Pädas: manaskära:
*+39,3ff; Erklärungen der [kanonischen Formeln derl dhyänas
und ärüpyas: 1+1+9,ll+ff und 1+55,1+ff; (dve acittike) samäpatti:
1+58,19ff; abhijftäh: l+6o, 19ff; upapatti: 1+68 ,10ff; lihgäni
U69,12ff. Die letzten vier Pädas liefern eine sich mit der
manaskära-Gliederung überschneidende Gliederung des "über
weltlichen Weges"; satyänäm vyavacärah: l+70,10ff; prativedha:
wohl ab 500,13, falls man nicht die entscheidenden Vorberei
tungsübungen (l+95,15ff) hinzunehmen möchte; bhävanä: wohl ab
502,15 (prahänäya ca ...; flies'sender Übergang; als "analysie
rende Erklärung" (vibhahga) der bhävanä kann eigentlich erst
der Text ab 503,12 bezeichnet werden); nisthä: ab 506,10
oder 507,7. Wie man sieht, stösst eine Gliederung der Be
handlung des "überweltlichen Weges" im Sinne der Stichwörter
des zweiten Uddäna in concreto auf Schwierigkeiten; der Text
ist offensichtlich nicht nach diesen Stichwörtern entworfen,
und sie treten in ihm nicht als kapiteleinleitende Signal
wörter auf, ja, kommen z.T. in dem betreffenden Textteil
überhaupt nicht vor (prativedha).
99- Hs. -nsä-.
100.In T. zugunsten von yid byed = manaskärah ausgelassen (bzw.
in die nächste Zeile verlagert, s. Anm. 101); s. auch Anm.
103.
487
101. -s cäpi nach T. gzan yah, das aber auch das punah der
vorigen Zeile wiedergeben könnte. Denkbar wäre auch
-s caiva (zu caiva in analoger Stellung in Uddänas vgl.
BoBh 250,2 und 292,4), doch vermag ich bei beiden
Lesungen signifikante Übereinstimmung mit den allerdings
kümmerlichen Resten der Aksaras in der Hs. (Spuren des
oberen Teils, aber stark abgerieben) nicht zu erkennen.
102. D.h. prayoganisthäphalah, cp. SrBhg 510, llf; 41+5,12;
279,13.
103. In T. an dieser Stelle ausgelassen und stattdessen in der
2. Zeile des ersten Uddäna eingebaut (s. Anm. 100); auf
diese Weise hat T. die beiden Uddänas zu einem fortlaufen
den Ganzen umgestaltet, in dem das gesamte erste Uddäna
als eine detailliertere Entsprechung an die Stelle des
ursprünglichen ersten Stichwortes des zweiten Uddäna
getreten ist.
(l04...10U) Ch. (Yc 465 a 26): "Ausführliche Erklärung der
CAusdrücke! ’frei von Begierden’ (cp. Yc 467 b 22 =
SrBh 449,l4) und der Versenkungen" (d.h. der dhyäna- und
ärUpyaoamäpattis; oder speziell der letzteren CSrBhg
455,4ff!??).
105. -tä vielleicht in kollektivem Sinne ("Erklärungen der
[einzelnen Elemente der kanonischen Formeln der! dhyänas
und ärüpyas"); vgl. Anm. 109.
106. Hs. -tti /.
107. Hs. ca • (sic).
108. Ch.: "der unterschiedlichen Wiedergeburten"
109. Hs. limgatä; -tä offenbar in kollektivem Sinn: vgl. T.
rtags mams und Ch.
110. Hs. ca /.
111. In T. zum folgenden Päda gezogen; Ch. "wahrheitsgemäss",
statt des vom Skt. gemeinten simplen "desgleichen".
112. -m getilgt mit T. (bsgom pa'i); auch Ch. ) kann
Wiedergabe eines Gen. objectivus sein.
113. T. hat offenbar mthar thug gyur pa für nisthä; dieses
gyur pa kann jedenfalls nicht der Kopula bhavati entsprechen.
488
Ilk. T. (CD) entspricht einem Wortlaut Yogäcärabhwmu Srävaka-
bhürirlsccmgvhttäyäms wozu die Kolophone der drei ersten
Yogasthänas (SrBhg 166,11; 348,8: 434,21) zu vergleichen
sind. In NP fehlt eine Entsprechung für Yogäcärabhümau
doch ist -samgvhttäyäm durch Za gtogs pa repräsentiert,
so dass auch diese Version eher den Eindruck einer defek
tiven Überlieferung der längeren Fassung des Kolophons
macht.
Abkürzungsverzeichnis
(ln der folgenden Liste nicht enthaltene Abkürzungen sind dem
SWTF entnommen!)
AKBh Abhidhavmakosabhäsya of Vasubandhu, ed. P.Pradhan,
Patna 1967.
AKBh-I Index to the Abhddharmakosabhäsya, ed. A.Hirakawa,
Tokyo 1973-8.
AKVy Sphutärthä Abhidharmakosavyäkhyä of Yasomdtra,
ed. Ü. Wogihara, Tokyo 1932-6.
AS Abhddharmasanruooaya3 ed. P. Pradhan, Santiniketan
1950.
ASBh Abhddharmasamuooayabhäsya3 ed. N. Tatia, Patna 1976.
BoBh Bodhdsattvabhümd3 ed. U. Wogihara, Tokyo 1930-6.
Ch. chinesische Übersetzung, insbesondere des hier
edierten Stückes der §rBh, sc. Yc 476 c 28-477 c 1.
Hs. Handschrift: s. SrBhjjj.
IBK Indogaku Bukkyögaku Kenkyü.
KP KäGyapaparivartaj ed. Stael-Holstein, Shanghai
1926.
MSA(B h ) Mahäyänasüträlahkära(bhäsya), ed. S. Levi, Paris
1907.
Pr-I Index to the Prasannapadä Madhyamaka-vrttd, by
S. Yamaguchi, Kyoto 1974.
PAv Ratnamälävadäna3 ed. K. Takahata, Tokyo 1954.
Samädh Samädhdväfasütva3 ed. N. Dutt (Gilgit Manuscripts.
Vol. ITC.H, Srinagar 194l).
489
SrBh Srävakabhümi.
*
Srßhjji Patna-Hs. des Sanskritoriginals der SrBh.
SrBh 5 Srävakabhümi, ed. K. Shukla, Patna 1973.
SrBhw A. Wayman, Analysis of the Srävakabhümi
Manuscript, Berkeley and Los Angeles 196I-
SWTF Sanskrit-Wörterbuch der buddhistischen Texte
aus den Turfan-Funden3 hrsg. unter der Leitung
von H. Bechert, Göttingen 1973-.
T Taishö-Ausgabe des chinesischen Tripitaka.
T. tibetische Übersetzung, insbesondere des hier
edierten Stückes der SrBh.
Y Yogäcärabhümi, ed. V. Bhattacharya, Calcutta
1957
T 1579.
Patna-Hs. des Sanskritoriginals der Yogäcärabhümi .
Yt tibetische Übersetzung der Yogäcärabhümi (Peking-
Tanjur, Sems-tsam, vols. dzi ff.).
491
THE CALCUTTA-BAIRAT EDICT OF ASOKA
U. SCHNEIDER ( M ü n s te r )
T ex t: 1
[A] priyadasi Zäjä mägadhe samgham abhivädetünam ähä apäbä-
dhatam ca phäsuvihälatam cä.
[B] v id ite ve bhamte ävatake hamä budhasi dhammasi samghasZ
t i gälave ca 2 pvasäde ca.
[C] e keci bhamte bhagavatä budhena bhäsite, sarve se
subhäsite vä. [D] e cu kho bhamte hamiyaye diseyä
hevam aadharme c ila th ittk e hosatl t i alahämi hakam
tarn vätave 3 [E] imccni bhamte dhammapaliyäyäni
(a ) vinayasamukase
(b) aliyavasäni
(c) anägatabhayäni
(d) nrunigäthä
(e) moneyasüte
(f ) upatisapasine
(g ) e cä lägkutoväde musävädam adhigicya bhagavatä budhena
bhäsite.
[F ] 3 etäni bhamte dhammapaliyäyäni ichämi kim ti bahuke
bhikhupäye cä bh'ikhuniye cä abhikhinam suneyu cä upa-
dhälayeyü cä hevammevä upäsakä cä upäsikä cä.
[G] etenäk bhamte imam likhäpayämi abhipvetam me jänamtü t i .
492
Translation:
CAD Priyadarsin, king of Ma.ga.dba, greets the Sarngha. and says:
'Health and happiness!'
CBD Known to you, Sirs!, is how great not only appreciation
hut also faith is by me in regard to Buddha, Dharma, and
Samgha.
CCD Whatsoever, Sirs!, has been said by the exalted Buddha,
all that is undoubtedly (vä) well said. CDD What, how
ever, Sirs! appears to me (thereof), that it lets the
good conduct become long lasting, (so) I presume to
mention this, CED (namely) Sirs!, the following expo
sitions on the Dharma:
(a) the priority of the Vinaya,
(b) the course of conduct followed by the sages,
(c) dangers for the future,
(d) hermits-verses,
(e) discourse on quietism,
(f) the questions of Upatisya,
(g) and the 'Admonition of Rähula' which has been said by
the exalted Buddha being especially relative to wrong
speech.
CFD From these expositions on the Dharma, Sirs!, I wish
that many venerable monks and nuns may hear them and
may carry (them) in their hearts, likewise laymen and
laywomen.
CGD Therefore, Sirs.', I allow this to be written in order
that they Ci.e. the aforementioned circleD may learn
about my intention.
Commentary:
A: apäbädhatam and phäsuvdhülatam are accusatives. They
could be dependent upon ähä. Opposed to this, however,
is the fact that everywhere else in the Aspka-inscriptions
49 3
an o r a t i o d i r e c t a b e g i n s a f t e r ähä ( o r aha). F o r t h i s
r e a s o n I w o u ld r a t h e r b e i n c l i n e d t o assum e an a n a c o -
l u t h o n . ( S u p p ly e . g . ichconi o r puchämi a f t e r oä. )
B: I r e g a r d ve a s a p e r s o n a l p ro n o u n = vo i n t h e w e s t e r n
d i a l e c t , s k t . vah. A n o th e r p o s s i b i l i t y w o u ld b e a fo rm
c o r r e s p o n d i n g t o s k t . va i. T r a c i n g i t b a c k t o s k t . vo
(= vä + ü) i s c e r t a i n l y u n j u s t i f i a b l e : b e c a u s e no w h ic h
h a s b e e n draw n upon i n c o m p a r is o n ( c f . J . B lo c h C19501
p . T l , on Maski v e ) , o n l y t h e n becomes ne i n t h e e a s t e r n
d i a l e c t when i t g o e s b a c k t o s k t . nah a nd n o t when i t
i s d e r i v e d from s k t . na + u.
D: e3 t h e n o m i n a t i v e o f t h e r e l a t i v e p r o n o u n , i s t a k e n up
by tarn ( a c c u s a t i v e ) i n t h e m ain c l a u s e . D e p e n d e n t upon
ddseyä i s t h e s e n t e n c e hevam up t o hosatZ, w h ic h i s
m arked by tZ a t t h e e n d . L i t e r a l l y : "What h ow ever i n d e e d ,
S i r s ! , a p p e a r s t o me: ' I n t h i s way t h e good c o n d u c t w i l l
become l o n g l a s t i n g ' , I v e n t u r e t o m e n t i o n t h a t (tam) ."
E: ZrnänZ . . . -palZyäyänZ i s , i n my o p i n i o n , a c c u s a t i v e p l u r a l
and t h e r e f o r e t o b e v ie w e d a s i n a p p o s i t i o n t o tam. The
n o m i n a t i v e p l u r a l s h o u l d b e ime . . . -palZyäyä. D i f f e r e n t
l y i s t h e a t t e m p t b y L u d e rs '(1940) p . 282, who, h o w e v e r ,
i s f o r c e d t o a ssum e a cha n g e i n g e n u s .
G: I r e g a r d bhZkhupäye a s a c o l l e c t i v e s i n g u l a r f o r s k t .
bhZksupädäh ( " t h e v e n e r a b l e B h i k s u s " ) .
In te rp re ta tio n :
The i n s c r i p t i o n i s o f s p e c i a l i n t e r e s t f o r t h e h i s t o r y
o f t h e B u d d h i s t c a n o n , f o r Asoka c i t e s h e r e , and o n l y h e r e ,
s e v e n t i t l e s a t t r i b u t e d t o t h e Buddha and c o n s e q u e n t l y t o b e
d e sig n a te d as "can o n ic".
A lo n e , t h e l i s t o f t i t l e s i s o n l y a p a r t o f t h e w hole
a n d i t s i s o l a t e d t r e a t m e n t r e m a in s so much t h e m ore d u b i o u s ,
a s t h e w h o le i t s e l f a l s o r e p r e s e n t s a unicum w i t h i n t h e h i t
h e r t o known Asoka i n s c r i p t i o n s :
T h i s a l r e a d y a p p l i e s t o t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n : H e re we f i n d a b o v e
a l l a form o f s a l u t a t i o n em ployed e i t h e r a t a p e r s o n a l e n
co u n ter or in a correspondence. Thereby t h e f i r s t p o s s i b i l i t y
i n o u r c a s e - p e r s o n a l c o n t a c t - c a n b e e l i m i n a t e d , f o r no
w r i t t e n docum ent w o u ld h a v e r e s u l t e d from i t . We m u s t , t h e r e
f o r e , f i x o u r a t t e n t i o n upon t h e se c o n d p o s s i b i l i t y , i . e . t h a t
494
a letter underlies the inscription,5 - even if, avowedly,
the scribe did not indicate the addressees very clearly
(samgha is ambiguous, it does not necessarily mean only
the local congregation in Bairät). The letter theory is
also supported by the fact that at a closer look a sender
specification can be observed: pviyadasi läjä mägadhe (A).
A salutation belongs furthermore to the style of a
letter. This too is found in bhamte which in the following
(B-G) is always repeated, so that the "sentences" intended
by Asoka (cf. n.3) are thereby revealed. This salutation
("Sirs!"), repeated over and over again, lets the whole
appear in staccato style and hence increases the urgency
of the utterance.
The first sentence containing bhamte (B) is a captatio
benevolentiae. One could be of the opinion that Asoka was
striving for confidence. But this is not entirely correct;
the expression of respect for the "three jewels" - Buddha,
Dharma and Samgha -, as far as it applies to that part of
the Samgha addressed here - namely the addressees of the
letter -, is intermingled with irony: only when one is able
to perceive this ironic undertone can one correctly understand
the following text C-E.
Its contents could be rendered by the following elucidative
paraphrase: Although the Buddha had spoken only that which was
sincere and noteworthy, the king nevertheless - in the interest
of sustaining good conduct - takes the liberty to especially
recommend to the members of the Samgha certain texts. Thereupon
the list of titles follows (E) which evidently should be re
membered by these members. Moreover, it is unmistakable that
by placing e ... bhagavatä budhena bhäsite twice a compact
unity (beginning at C and ending with E) - effected in an,
indeed, stylistically accomplished way - has been achieved.
Concerning the titles themselves much remains unclear.
Even where they seem to be familiar to Buddhologists, it
cannot be maintained as certain from the outset that the known
texts are respectively intended. (The translation I have offered
above is, in this respect, open to doubt.) We can be sure of
only one thing: they all belong to the disciplinary domain.
This follows from g, the last title, which - already through
this position - is set off as a peak of a climax, for here we
acquire authentic information (since Asoka has mentioned this
himself) relating to the contents: the läghuloväde is primarily
concerned with the reprehensibleness of wrong speech (musäväda),
495
w h e re b y t h e B u d d h a 's p e r t i n e n t a d v i c e a p p l i e s t o h i s son
(R ä h u la ).
L et u s h e r e , b y t h e w ay, c a l l a t t e n t i o n t o t h e f a t h e r -
- s o n r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h w h ic h t h i s a d v i c e i s c l a d ; i t r e m a i n s
c o n s p i c u o u s t h a t Asoka r e a d i l y d e s i g n a t e s h i m s e l f e l s e w h e r e
in t h e i n s c r i p t i o n s as a f a t h e r t o h i s s u b j e c t s and even
a d v i s e s th e m a s w e l l . Perhaps a c o rre s p o n d in g a s s o c i a t i o n
was a t l e a s t a c o n t r i b u t o r y d e t e r m i n a n t i n t h e c h o i c e o f t h e
läghuloväde a s a t e x t w o r t h y o f - a s we h a v e a l r e a d y s e e n -
p a r t i c u l a r r e c o m m e n d a tio n .
Be t h a t a s i t may, a l l o t h e r recommended t e x t s a r e , i n
a n y c a s e , t o b e j u d g e d a c c o r d i n g t o g: u n d e r n e a t h t h e i r o n y
l i e s a r e p r i m a n d w h ic h t h e l o c a l Samgha from B a i r ä t h a s t o
i n c u r - s u r e l y f o r m e n d a c io u s c o n d u c t , p e r h a p s f o r o t h e r
m oral o ffe n c e s as w e ll.
I n c o n t r a s t t o t h i s , F b r i n g s n o t h i n g new. I t d o e s ,
h o w e v e r , r e i n f o r c e t h e r e p r i m a n d . And G c l o s e s t h e l e t t e r i n
an a l m o s t t h r e a t e n i n g m a n n e r; t h e k i n g w i s h e s t h a t i t w i l l
become known.
A soka, t h e r e f o r e , w i l l h a v e h a d t h e l e t t e r e n g r a v e d o n to
t h e s t o n e . I n s p i t e o f t h a t , i f I am c o r r e c t , t h e Samgha c o u l d
n o t h a v e h ad a n y i n t e r e s t i n t h i s t y p e o f p u b l i c i t y (w h ic h
w o u ld h a v e s e t i t i n a p i l l o r y f o r an i m m e a s u r a b le l e n g t h o f
tim e in th e f u t u r e ) . Hence i t i s e v e n a w onder t h a t t h e i n
s c r i p t i o n h a s b e e n p r e s e r v e d and n o t d e s t r o y e d one d a y . I
s u s p e c t t h a t t h i s was n o t t h e o n l y one o f i t s k i n d .
I t i s e s p e c i a l l y v a l u a b l e t o u s f o r a number o f r e a s o n s .
Among t h e s e a r e a l s o b u d d h o l o g i c a l r e a s o n s : A lth o u g h t h e t e x t s ,
w hose e x i s t e n c e i s e s t a b l i s h e d i n t h i s way f o r t h e t h i r d
c e n t u r y B . C . , do n o t s t a n d i n t h e c e n t r e o f t h e b u d d h i s t
d o c t r i n e , t h e y n e v e r t h e l e s s p r e s u p p o s e o t h e r more i m p o r t a n t
t e x t s a n d h e n c e one ( o r e v e n m ore) c a n o n i c c o l l e c t i o n s . More
o v e r , t h e t i t l e s t h u s h a n d e d down ( o r d o e s t h i s a p p l y t o t h e
e n t i r e i n s c r i p t i o n ?) a r e l i n g u i s t i c a l l y s t r i k i n g ; t h e y a r e
com posed i n a n e a s t e r n d i a l e c t b u t n o t n e c e s s a r i l y i n t h e
"K a n z e le isp ra c h e ".
H e r e , h o w e v e r , s t r e s s s h o u l d b e l a i d p a r t i c u l a r l y upon
t h e f o llo w in g : n o t o n ly does t h e i n s c r i p t i o n g iv e an i n s i g h t
in to th e n a tu re o f d ip lo m atic co rrespondence a t t h a t tim e ,
b u t i t a l s o t h r o w s an i n d i c a t i v e l i g h t u p o n A s o k a ' s p o s i t i o n
t o t h e b u d d h i s t (a n d m ost l i k e l y o t h e r ) l o c a l g r o u p s .
496
In order to elucidate what I have in mind, let us take
a look at RE XII. From this we learn something extremely
important about the conditions under which Asoka is prepared
to promote religious groups (päsamda) enduringly. Guided by
the notion of sälavadhd (skt. sävavrddhi "promotion of the
essentials"), which was possibly created by himself, he
develops his concept of the correct mode of operation for the
religious groups and places "restraint in speech" (vacaguti3
skt. vacogupti) as the point of departure. By this he means:
1. One should only then praise one’s own religious group
or criticise other’s when there are justified reasons
for doing so.
2. When there is reason for it, one should in addition to
the aforesaid even praise another group.
3. And finally, one should conduct congregations with other
sects in order that one can hear and obey the other’s
Dharma.6
Here all sects are called upon to act as the organ for Asoka's
Dharma-politics. The edict, i.e. the letter, with which we
have been concerned here, is not aimed at a similar
program. The fact that it is directed towards a particular
local group reveals a more specific concern. Behind it must
lie a concrete motive, and although this can no longer be
known to us, one can nevertheless say this much about it:
it was concerned with speech - as vacaguti -, i.e. with wrong
speech (musäväda), to such an extent that the addressee, i.e.
the local Samgha, was pertinently accused. There is no other
explanation for Asoka's recommendation that they should take
to heart what the Buddha has said about lying.
Notes
1. After E. Hultzsch (1924), p. 172f; cf. also J. Bloch
(1950), p. 15Uf.
2. cam is certainly only a writing error.
3. Hultzsch lets sentence F begin first with hevammevä,
though this is surely unjustifiable: the caesurae placed
497
by Asoka follow clearly from the periodically repeated -
failing only in A - allocution bhamte. They are identical
to the beginning of a sentence (in the grammatical sense)
in the majority of cases. An exception to this is found
in E where imäni bhamte dhammapaliyäyäni is appositionally
attached to the rest of the sentence (see "Commentary''
to E above). Still, for the sake of simplicity, I will
refer to "sentences".
4. In agreement with Hultzsch, J. Bloch and others, I regard
eteni3 which has been preserved on the rock, as a mere
writing error.
5. This has already been done, by the way, by K.A. Nilakanta
Sastri, (1943), p. 108f; without, of course, coming to
farther-reaching conclusions. He was thinking of "a
circular letter addressed to all the important monasteries
in the empire" as merely a "record of opinion" and recom
mendation of the king done in order to further the common
good cause. He continues, thereby, the more or less tradi
tional interpretation of the edict; cf. E. Lamotte,
(1958), pp.256ff; R.K. Mookerji, (1962), pp.llTff.
6. Cf. U. Schneider, (1978), p. 1U9. - Notice that one is
not required to criticise one's own group even if there
is sufficient reason.
Bibliography
Bloch (1950) : J. Bloch, Les inscriptions d'Asoka, Paris
1950.
Hultzsch (1924) : E. Hultzsch, Inscriptions of Asoka. New ed.
Delhi, Varanasi 1969.
Lamotte (1958) : E. Lamotte, Histoire du bouddhisme indien3
dbs origines ä l'&re Saka. Louvain 1958.
Luders (194o ) : H. Luders, Philologica Indica. Göttingen 1940.
Mookerji (1962) : R.K. Mookerji, Asoka. 3rd ed. Delhi, Vara
nasi, Patna 1962.
498
Nilakanta Sastri (19^3) : K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, "Asoka Notes".
In: Journal of the Ganganatha Jha Res. Inst. 1,
19U3, pp.95ff. Allahabad 19U 3.
Schneider (1978) : U. Schneider, Die Grossen Felsen-Edikte
At okas, Wiesbaden 1978.
499
SOMADEVA ON ART
I g o r D. SEREBRYAKOV (Moscow)
D u r i n g t h e l a s t few d e c a d e s S o m a d e v a ' s K athäsaritsägara b e g a n
t o a t t r a c t t h e a t t e n t i o n o f m o r e and m o re r e s e a r c h s c h o l a r s :
a n u m b e r o f a r t i c l e s a s w e l l a s m o n o g r a p h s h a v e a p p e a r e d on
t h i s r e m a r k a b l e w o rk o f I n d i a n a n d w o r l d n a r r a t i v e l i t e r a t u r e .
As w as t h e c a s e i n e a r l i e r s t u d i e s m o s t a u t h o r s a r e i n t e r e s t e d
i n t h e p r o b l e m o f t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e t w e e n t h e K athäsaritsägara
a n d t h e Brhatkathä, b u t a l s o q u i t e a n u m b e r o f w o r k s d e a l w i t h
v a r i o u s d i f f e r e n t a s p e c t s of l i f e a s r e f l e c t e d in Som adeva’ s
poem. H i t h e r t o n o t much a t t e n t i o n h a s b e e n p a i d t o t h e a r t i s t i c
v a l u e s and t h e s t y l e o f t h e Kathäsaritsägara', r e l e v a n t s e c t i o n s
o f r e c e n t m o n o g r a p h s d o n o t g i v e a n y t h i n g s u b s t a n t i a l l y new i n
c o m p a r i s o n w i t h t h e o p i n i o n s o f M. W i n t e r n i t z o r S .K . D e. It
i s our o p in io n th a t any n o ta b le su c c e ss in th e stu d y of t h i s
m o n u m e n ta l l i t e r a r y w o r k i s i m p o s s i b l e w i t h o u t c l a r i f i c a t i o n
o f S o m a d e v a 's c r e a t i v e s t a n d , h i s v i e w o f t h e c r e a t i v e t a s k
and t h e p a t h s o f i t s r e a l i s a t i o n . We w o u ld l i k e t o d r a w
a t t e n t i o n t o S o m a d e v a ' s own r e m a r k s c o n c e r n i n g p r o b l e m s o f
s t y l e and a r t i s t i c v a l u e s : t h e s e r e m a r k s may show t h e p o s s i b l e
d i r e c t i o n s o f f u r t h e r w o rk on t h i s t o p i c .
F i r s t o f a l l t h e r e i s t h e w e l l - k n o w n d e c l a r a t i o n b y S om a-
d e v a i n s l o k a s 1 0 - 1 2 o f t h e Kathäpithalambaka (KSS, 1 , 1 , 1 0 - 1 2 ) :
" A l l t h a t i s c o n t a i n e d i n t h e Brhatkathä I h a v e p r e s e n t e d
i n my poem . A l l t h a t w as t o l d b y G u n ad h y a h a s b e e n r e t o l d
b y me e x a c t l y , w i t h o u t d i g r e s s i o n s ; I h a v e o n l y a b b r e v i a t e d
t h e s t o r i e s t h a t w e r e t o o l o n g and I a l s o w r o t e i n a n o t h e r
la n g u a g e : Gunadhya, p e r f e c t in v i r t u e s , w ro te in P a i s ä c i ,
my t a l e i s i n S a n s k r i t . L i k e h im I f o l l o w e d t h e p r i n c i p l e
o f auoitya e m b o d ie d i n t h e B rhatkatha , a n d i f I i n s e r t e d
some s t o r i e s i n t h e n a r r a t i o n i t w as d o n e i n s u c h a m a n n e r
t h a t t h e s t y l e w as p r e s e r v e d . I u n d e r t o o k t h i s w o rk n o t
in t h e p u r s u i t o f g l o r y am ongst t h e l e a r n e d b u t o n ly to
m ake i t e a s i e r t o u n d e r s t a n d t h e c o m p l e x i t y o f t h e v a r i o u s
in terw o v en s t o r i e s . "
500
T h i s c o u l d be s a i d o n l y a f t e r t h e g r e a t work u n d e r
t a k e n by Somadeva was c o m p l e t e d . T h e se t h r e e s l o k a s e x p r e s s e d
n o t o n l y h i s a t t i t u d e to w a r d s h i s t a s k b u t a l s o h i s a t t i t u d e
t o h i s p r e d e c e s s o r , K sem endra, who f o r m u l a t e d t h e c o n c e p t o f
a u c ity a . The t h r e e s l o k a s a l s o show t h e d e g r e e of c r e a t i v e
i n t e r v e n t i o n e x e r c i s e d by Somadeva i n t h e p r o c e s s o f t h e
S a n s k r i t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e P a i s a c I o r i g i n a l : one c a n n o t
speak of a t r a n s l a t i o n as such in t h i s c a s e . A ll t h i s i s
c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h e p r o b le m o f s t y l e , t h o u g h i n d i r e c t l y . What
i s more i m p o r t a n t i s w h a t he c a l l s t h e p r i n c i p l e o f a p p r o p r i a t e
n e s s , Ma u c ity a '\ w h ic h a t o n c e s e n d s u s b a c k t o h i s e l d e r c o n
t e m p o r a r y , K sem endra, who s u g g e s t e d t h i s p r i n c i p l e i n o r d e r to
sum m a rise t h e lo n g d e v e lo p m e n t of d i f f e r e n t t r e n d s i n I n d i a n
p o e tic s. The aim of a u citya w a s, i t s e e m s , t o overcom e d o g -
m a tis a tio n as w ell as to fo rm u la te a u n iv e r s a l c r e a t i v e p r i n
c ip le . I t was K sem endra who gave i n h i s t r a c t " Auo'ityaV'icctra-
oaroä " a c l e a r - c u t f o r m u l a t i o n o f t h i s p r i n c i p l e , and i t was
he who r e a l i s e d t h i s p r i n c i p l e i n a number o f h i s own p o e t i c a l
w orks, p a r t i c u l a r l y in h i s s a t i r e s . But t h e m ost c o n s i s t e n t
embodiment o f t h i s p r i n c i p l e i s fo u n d i n Somadeva*s K a tü ä sa rit-
sägara.
A p a r t fro m t h e p r o g r a m m a tic d e c l a r a t i o n q u o te d a b o v e ,
Somadeva to u c h e d upon t h e p r o b le m s o f a r t i n a number o f o t h e r
p l a c e s , e s p e c i a l l y w h e re t h e n a r r a t i v e c o n c e r n s p o e t s and
a r t i s t s , o r i n v o l v e s t h e a t r i c a l shows and t h e p l a c e o f a r t i n
o rd in ary l i f e . A l l t h e s e o p i n i o n s h a v e b e e n woven i n t o t h e
d i f f e r e n t p l o t s and a r e n e v e r v o i c e d i n i s o l a t i o n . They a p p e a r
a s d e f i n i t i o n s , r e m a r k s , n o t e s , e p i t h e t s , and m e t a p h o r s , a s
m in o r i n s i g n i f i c a n t d e t a i l s o f t h e g e n e r a l p i c t u r e . As a n
e xam ple o f su c h d e t a i l i t may be a p p r o p r i a t e t o r e c a l l t h a t ,
a t t h e end o f t h e m e r c h a n t V i t a s t a d a t t a ' s s t o r y , i n d e s c r i b i n g
Queen T ä r ä d a t t ä Somadeva n o t e s t h a t h e r h u sb a n d was p r o u d o f
h e r " . . . l i k e a good p o e t i s p ro u d o f h i s e l o q u e n c e " . In th e
AlahkäravatZlambaka K ing T r t h v l r ü p a , a d d r e s s i n g t h e p a i n t e r
K u m ä r i d a t t a , t e l l s him: " P o r t r a y , p a i n t e r , my p e r s o n on c l o t h ,
j u s t a s i t i s i n r e a l l i f e . * ' Or, a l i t t l e f u r t h e r we r e a d t h e
w ords o f a n o t h e r k i n g , R ü p a d h a r a , a l s o a d d r e s s e d t o t h e same
p a i n t e r : " I f your p a i n t i n g i s c o r r e c t in e v e ry d e t a i l th e n i t
means t h a t t h e b e a u t y of K ing P r t h v T r ü p a i s e q u a l t o t h a t o f
my d a u g h t e r . "
K u m a r i d a t t a p l a y e d a d e f i n i t e p a r t i n t h e d e v e lo p m e n t o f
t h e p l o t , b u t t h e r o l e of t h e p a i n t e r R o la d e v a i n t h e s t o r y o f
King K a n a k a v a r s a i s much more i m p o r t a n t . I n t h i s s t o r y we
g a i n i n s i g h t i n t o t h e mode o f l i f e o f an a r t i s t . We a r e i n t r o
duced t o t h e w a n d e r i n g p a i n t e r , who a n n o u n c e s h i s a r r i v a l i n a
c i t y by means o f a s p e c i a l p o s t e r w h ic h he h a n g s on t h e g a t e
501
of the palace. In this poster he proclaims his unusual mastery
and skill. When Roladeva is brought in to King Kanakavarsa,
the painter, like a true courtier, addresses him as follows:
"Not on account of pride in my art, but for the sake of seeing
your lotuslike feet, did I hang the poster. Be so kind to
order, Your Majesty, what I must paint to prove whether I am
successful in art." The king leaves the choice of subject to
the painter but the courtiers insist that the king himself
should be portrayed. Roladeva agrees and portrays the king
"... with a proudly raised nose, with eyes elongated and blood
shot, with a broad forehead, with hair set in an intricate
hairstyle, with a broad chest adorned with scars and the marks
of arrows and other weapons, with beautiful arms, which looked
like the trunk of an elephant, arms that guarded all the
countries of the world, with a waist which could be clasped
in one hand, a waist which looked as if it has been given to
him by the tiger cubs which he had conquered by his might;
with thighs like the posts to which an elephant is tied and
with feet tender like the sprouts of the Asoka tree."
Here, in this description we recognise the pattern on
which works of sculpture were created. It is a pity that no
works of painting from the times of Somadeva have reached us,
so that we could compare this verbal description with a real
work of art. It is quite clear that the Ajanta frescoes be
longed to a different style of painting. The closest resem
blance to the pattern given by Somadeva are the sculptural
portraits of kings at Khajuraho. They could hardly answer
the principle of aueitya but they suited those demands formu
lated by the courtiers of Kanakavarsa, which represent the
essence of the artistic etiquette of the epoch.
The next work of the artist Roladeva, also displaying
the same artistic etiquette, was done by order of Princess
Madanasundarl, who ordered him to paint a portrait of a youth
based on a sketch made by her. Roladeva filled her order:
"I painted the portrait of this youth and thought that she
made me portray Kama himself, but because there was no bow
made of flowers in his hands, I decided that it was not the
god of love she made me portray, but the portrait of some
other young man." Here the absence of the compulsory icono-
graphic attributes excludes the possibility of this being a
painting of the god Kama and asserts it as an image of an
ordinary young man.
Not without a smile Somadeva relates the story of Malaya-
malin, who believed the portrait of his beloved, painted by
the artist Mantharaka, to be real to such a degree that when
502
the sage Vinayajyoti used a plausible excuse to add to the
work of Mantharaka and painted a black cobra, Malayamilin
imagined that his beloved had been bitten by the cobra and
fallen dead, and he fainted in horror. The talent of the
painter here is such that he is capable of making people
think that his paintings are reality.
In spite of the persistent opinion that individuality
of style was absent in mediaeval Indian literature and art
and that style was governed only by the boundaries of genre,
Somadeva considered the individual style of the artist a
reality. He tells of a painter, Nagarasvimin, so skilful in
his trade that he outshone Visvakarman himself. Every two
days he painted a portrait of a beautiful young woman for
his king, trying to portray each time a new aspect of beauty.
One day a wanderer presented the painter with a book, in which
there was a separate picture. After some time, because of
circumstances Nagarasvimin was unable to draw the picture
due for presentation to the king, so instead he presented
the king with the picture he had found in the book he had
received as a gift. But as the king accepted the gift, he
at once told the painter: "No, my friend, this is not your
hand, but that of Visvakarman himself !"
Even if we assume that this remark was just complimentary,
born out of a desire to praise the efforts of a favorite painter
highly, the expression "this is not your hand" underlines the
existence of the concept of "individual style" in the times of
Somadeva. A woman wandering-painter, who plays the same role
as her men colleagues, also paints portraits. The eye-witnesses
of her work speak of its authenticity, its resemblance to the
original. Naturally this should be understood in the context
of that time. Moreover, after the confirmation of the resem
blance it is said that "... and everybody will say 'This is a
portrait of the Prince himself!'" - that is, the status of
the person portrayed corresponds to a real social position.
In general Somadeva gives considerable attention to the
problem of portraiture since it was very important for the aim
of his work, as it characterises his hero in the eyes of the
common people surrounding him. Speaking of deities, Somadeva
turns to the established iconographical devices, augmenting
them by purely human features. Somadeva’s craftmanship in
portraiture is really superb and deserves the special attention
of scholars.
No less interesting are the views expressed by Somadeva on
theatrical art in its different aspects. The first time the
503
theme of theatre is mentioned in the Kathäsaritsägara is in
the Madanamahcukälambaka, taranga 3, in the story of asura
Maya and his daughters. One of them, Somaprabhä, goes with
a bamboo basket to Kalingasenä, who was smitten by unrequited
love. This basket is described as being full of strange
moving dolls: "... obeying the slightest movement of her hand,
some of those rose to the skies and immediately returned,
holding flower garlands in their hands, others carried water,
some danced, some told interesting stories and what did they
not do!" This extract bears witness to a quite developed
puppet theatre, to a marionette theatre; it is a general
characterisation of the possibilities of such a theatre.
Later there occurs a description of an actual theatrical
performance which could have been entitled "Buddhlrcana".
Somaprabhä took out a moving yaksa ’doll’ and made him bring
everything necessary for the worship of Buddha. Immediately
the yaksa rushed through the sky and after a long and hard
journey brought lotuses of gold, covered with precious stones
and pearls. Bringing all this as an offering, Somaprabhä
covered the figure of Buddha with flowers.
The raja and rani came to know of this, came to the
girls and were very surprised. Raja Kalingadatta asked about
the moving dolls. Somaprabhä began to explain to him:
"All these and many other magic devices were made by
my father. Amongst them there are some so wondrous
that they can show the whole world created from five
elements; listen, I'll tell you about each of them.
The first one was called Earth, and if a door or a
window in it was closed nobody except my father could
open it. Another was called Water, and it seemed as
though it was real water. There was another called
Light, and it let out a bright luminescence. The
fourth's name was Air, and if it started working,
everything started moving; and the fifth was Sky,
and if it worked it seemed as though someone was
talking in the skies. I learned from my father how
to manipulate the device 'The defender of Amrta' and
no one else knows the secret."
Technically it is a detailed description of the marionette
theatre with certain mechanical devices and lighting arrange
ments.
Apart from the marionette theatre we find some remarks
concerning another type of puppet theatre - a theatre with
504
dolls as big as a real man. This is shown by the plot of a
story concerning a cruel mother-in-law. The hero of this
story, in order to catch his mother red-handed in the process
of persecuting his wife, substitutes for his wife a wooden
doll of natural dimensions. This plot reminds us of a scene
from a real theatrical show in which the artist takes part
along with dolls. The whole story looks very much as if it
were built on the basis of the script of a three-act show.
To conclude, we would like to call special attention to
the story of the gambler Thinthlkarala, who deceived Indra
himself and triumphed over his will. This remarkable
novelette with a very dynamic plot contains an important
detail for the understanding of one of the possible ways
in which the theatrical art of India may have come into
existence.
Thinthlkarala, who, thanks to his beloved apsaras, was
present at theatrical performances at Indra's court, returns
to Ujjain and encounters on the street a goat which he recog
nises as a buffoon who acted as a goat in that performance.
He starts talking to the goat but gets no answer and being
disappointed beats it with a stick. Later the goat complains
to Indra, who imposes a severe curse on the apsaras who was
guilty of bringing Thinthlkarala to that show. The theatrical
personage of the goat is of specific interest. The name of
the play performed at Indra's court is not known. There is
no such personage in any of the known ancient Indian dramas
and it is not even hinted at in the Bhärattyanätyasästra
legend about the origin of theatrical art. We are inclined
to see here a typological parallel with the well-known story
about the origin of Greek tragedy, Which was connected with
the sacrifice of a goat.
Our notes about art in Somadeva's Kathäsaritsägara are
intended to attract attention to this remarkable monument
of Indian narrative literature as a source for the history
of different aspects of art in India.
505
TOWARDS A CHRONOLOGY OF THE MADHYAMAKA SCHOOL
D. SEYFORT RUEGG
In investigating the literary, religious, and philosophical
history of a school of thought it is necessary to attempt to
establish its chronology. Three chronological frames basically
come into question for this purpose: (i) the internal chrono
logy of the masters and texts of the school relative to each
other, (ii) the external chronology of these masters and texts
relative to those of other schools, allied and opposed, and
(iii) their absolute chronology. The determination of an ab
solute chronology will normally involve both the fixing of the
relative chronology, in either or both of the above-mentioned
forms, of authors and texts and the establishment of corre
lations with events known otherwise that can serve as indepen
dent historical landmarks with which these authors and texts
can be brought into either a synchronic or a diachronic rela
tion (terminus ante quem or post quern). In the case of the
Madhyamaka literature, as with so much of Indian literature,
it is, however, only occasionally that we are in the fortunate
position of being able to bring external, historically verifi
able data actually to bear on an author or text with a view to
establishing a date with any high degree of precision and
certainty. Frequently the historian has to satisfy himself
with approximations, and datings to within the nearest century
or two are often the best that can be achieved with the avail
able documentation.
For Nägärjuna, the source of the Madhyamaka school, we
have certain traditionally accepted synchronisms. Thus his
contemporaneousness, and even the existence of a personal
relationship, with a Sätavähanamonarch are reported by autho
rities belonging to the seventh century. These are the Harsa-
carita of Bäna (Chapter VIII), the Hsi-yü-chi of Hsüan-tsang,
and the Nan-hai ohi-kuei nei-fa eh 'uart- of I-ching. The possi
bility of such a royal link is indeed suggested by two works
ascribed to Nägärjuna: the SuhrZZekha3 a paraenetic epistle
addressed to a king, and the RatnävaZt 3 an ethico-philosophi-
cal treatise also addressed to a king (räqaparikathä). 1
506
A later commentary on the Sührllekha by Mahämati and one on
the RatnävalZ by Ajitamitra, both of which are extant in
Tibetan versions, mention bDe spyod as the name of the king
with whom Nägärjuna was in contact.2
On the basis of this information modern scholars have
variously identified the Sätavähana monarch in question as
Hala, Gautamfputra Sätakarni, Väsisthiputra Pulumäyi II, and
Yajftasri Sätakarni. The fact that several different kings
whose reigns cover a period of about a century have thus been
suggested shows, however, how unhelpful such a synchronism is
by itself for the purpose of obtaining a precise dating.
A further synchronism between Nägärjuna and (a) Kaniska
has been mentioned by Kalhana, the twelfth-century historian
of Kasrnfr, in his RajatarahginZ. There (i. 170) the Kaniska
in question is described as a Turuska king, alongside Huska
and Juska;3 and the context refers to the Sadarhadvana (Har-
van). The difficulties here are not easier to solve than in
the case of the synchronism with the Sätavähana; for not only
do we not know precisely which Kaniska should be considered,
but modern scholars remain divided concerning the date of
Kaniska I and the beginning of the Kusäna dynasty, which they
have placed between the year 78 and the third century of the
Christian era.
In one passage of his Hsi-yü-ohi, Hsüan-tsang seems
furthermore to have made Nägärjuna a contemporary of Asvaghosa
and Kumäraläta.^ But in other Chinese records of the Indian
masters of Buddhism, Asvaghosa, the so-called twelfth patriarch
who is frequently linked with Kaniska I, is placed before Nägär
juna, who is counted as the fourteenth patriarch.5
The dates of Kumärajlva (344-413 or 350-409 ?), the founder
of the Chinese Madhyamaka (San-lun) school who was of Serindian
origin but studied as a boy in Käsmir (Chi-pin), also hardly
allow any precise chronological determination; they can provide
us only with a terminus ante quem for Nägärjuna and his followers
Aryadeva and Rähulabhadra.5 It has furthermore to be noted that
the commentary on the Dasabhümikasütra attributed to Nägärjuna,
and now extant only in Kumärajlva*s Chinese translation (T.1521),
is reported to have been translated earlier, in the second half
of the third century, by Dharmaraksa, who also translated the
sütra itself;7 this translator arrived in Ch’ang-an in 265 and
worked there until about 313. But the ascription of this com
mentary to Nägärjuna has been the subject of debate; and the
relevance of this report, even if accurate, to the date of
Nägärjuna is therefore uncertain.8
507
The name Bhadanta Nägärjunäcärya is found mentioned in
an inscription discovered a century ago near the Jaggayyapeta
Stupa in South India.9 But because of the relative lateness
of its script this reference unfortunately cannot help much
in establishing the date of Nägärjuna, the author of the
Mülamadhyaariakakärikäsj etc.10
In sum, it is likely that Nägärjuna flourished at some
time when the Sätavähana and Kusäna dynasties were holding
sway in India. But of just which king(s) of either of these
dynasties he was the contemporary, and whether he had personal
links with any of them, it is hardly possible to determine
either by means of criteria internal to the works ascribed to
him or on the basis of the Indian and Chinese reports mention
ed above. On balance it seems appropriate to place Nägärjuna
c. 150-200 CE (with E. Frauwallner and a number of other
scholars). The dating proposed by E. Lamotte and J. May, who
place his birth precisely in 2h3 CE, 11 even if not intrinsic
ally impossible, is based on an inference drawn from the com
plex, and rather hypothetical, chronological calculations
originating in Kumärajiva's school.
*
Recently it has also been suggested by E. Lamotte that
a later Indian author - perhaps a second Nägärjuna originally
trained in the Sarvästivädin Abhidharma and living in north
western India somewhat later than the author of the Mulamadh-
yamakakärikäs - was the author of the Ta-chih-tu-lun (T.1509).
This encyclopaedic commentary on the large PrajfläpäTamitäsütra
traditionally ascribed to Nägärjuna was translated into Chinese
by Kumärajiva at the beginning of the fifth century. Lamotte*s
suggestion is based in part on the fact that both Äryadeva's
Catuhsataka and Rähulabhadra's Prajfläpäramitästotra are cited
in the Ta-chi-h-tu-tun. Lamotte observes, moreover, that such
an extensive and encyclopaedic work referring to some thirty
Mahäyänasütras cannot be ascribed to Nägärjuna I and hence
placed at the very beginning of 'Madhyamaka Buddhism'.12 Now
this enormous treatise appears to be quite unknown to the
Indo-Tibetan traditions; and it seems in any case to be
generally agreed among specialists on the subject that the
extant text of the Ta-ohi-h-tu-lun is in large part a composite
work which is not even of exclusively Indian origin.13 Could
it then be that its text as we now have it was the product of
Serindian scholarship,14 and that it was subjected to a final
process of Sinification at the time of its translation by
Kumärajiva and his Chinese colleagues?15 The work could then
have been ascribed to Nägärjuna because its basic ideas - and
perhaps even its core - go back to this Indian source of the
Madhyamaka school without his having been the author, in the
strict sense, of this work. Thus, although Lamotte*s hypothesis
508
c o n c e r n i n g t h e a u t h o r s h i p o f t h e Ta-ohdh-tu-lun i s c e r t a i n l y
n o t i n i t s e l f i m p o s s i b l e , i t seem s a t l e a s t a s s i m p l e - a n d
c e r t a i n l y more e c o n o m ic a l t h a n p o s t u l a t i n g an e a r l y D e u t e r o -
N ä g ä r ju n a l i v i n g q u i t e soon a f t e r N ä g ä r j u n a I - t o a c c o u n t f o r
r e f e r e n c e s t o Mädhyamikas l a t e r t h a n N ä g ä r j u n a I , a s w e l l a s
f o r o t h e r a p p a r e n t l y l a t e r e l e m e n t s i n t h i s w o r k , by a t t r i b u
t i n g th e m t o t h e a c t i v i t y o f S e r i n d i a n s c h o l a r s a n d C h in e s e
re d a c to rs.
The d a t e o f X ry a d e v a i s t o b e d e t e r m i n e d i n r e l a t i o n t o
t h a t o f N ä g ä r j u n a I , whose d i r e c t d i s c i p l e he i s u n i v e r s a l l y
c o n s i d e r e d t o h a v e b e e n . The r e l a t i o n s h i p b e tw e e n R ä h u l a b h a d r a
and N ä g ä r j u n a w i l l b e d i s c u s s e d b e lo w (§ I I ) .
B h ä v a v iv e k a ( B h a v y a ) , t h e f o u n d e r o f w hat l a t e r came t o
b e known a s t h e S v ä ta n tr ik a - M a d h y a m a k a s c h o o l , w r o t e a m a j o r
com m entary o f N ä g ä r j u n a ’ s Mütamadhyamakakörikäs 3 t h e Prajftä-
pradtpcCj w h ic h was t r a n s l a t e d i n t o C h in e s e i n t h e f o u r t h d e c a d e
o f t h e s e v e n t h c e n t u r y by P r a b h ä k a r a m i t r a (T . 1566 ) . L ater in
t h e same c e n t u r y h i s ’ J e w e l i n h a n d t r e a t i s e ’ was t r a n s l a t e d
i n t o C h in e s e by H s ü a n - t s a n g {Ta-ah'eny chang-ohen tun, T. 1 5 7 8 ) .
B h ä v a v iv e k a h a s b e e n shown t o b e t h e e l d e r c o n t e m p o r a r y o f
b o t h S t h i r a m a t i ( c . 5 1 0 - 7 0 ) a nd D h a rm a p ä la (e . 5 3 0 - 6 1 ) . 16
B u d d h a p ä l i t a , t h e m a s t e r o f w h a t l a t e r came t o be known
a s t h e P r ä s a h g i k a b r a n c h o f t h e Madhyamaka and t h e t a r g e t o f
B h ä v a v i v e k a ' s c r i t i c i s m , a s w e l l a s C a n d r a k l r t i , t h e m ain a u t h o
r i t y o f t h i s P r ä s a n g i k a b r a n c h and B h ä v a v i v e k a ' s g r e a t o p p o n e n t
a r e b o t h unknown t o t h e c l a s s i c a l t r a d i t i o n o f t h e C h in e s e S a n -
lu n s c h o o l. And e x t e r n a l h i s t o r i c a l e v i d e n c e o f t h e a b o v e -
m e n tio n e d k i n d m ak in g i t p o s s i b l e t o d e t e r m i n e p r e c i s e l y t h e i r
a b s o l u t e c h r o n o l o g y seems t o b e l a c k i n g .
The h i s t o r i c a l r e c o r d s o f T i b e t , on t h e c o n t r a r y , p e r m i t
r e a s o n a b l y a c c u r a t e d a t i n g s o f s e v e r a l I n d i a n Mädhyamikas
l i v i n g d u r i n g t h e E a r l y P r o p a g a t i o n (sha d a r ) o f Buddhism i n
t h a t c o u n try . Thus t h e y i n d i c a t e t h a t S ä n t a r a k s i t a , t h e g r e a t
a p o s t l e o f T i b e t d u r i n g t h e r e i g n o f K h ri S ron l d e b t s a n ,
a r r i v e d t h e r e f o r t h e f i r s t t i m e o. 763 , a n d t h a t he r e s i d e d
t h e r e a se c o n d t i m e from a b o u t 775 t o h i s d e a t h i n a b o u t 788 .
He was c l o s e l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e f o u n d a t i o n o f bSam y a s
( e . 775 o r 779 ? ) and was i n f a c t t h e f i r s t a b b o t ( upädhyäya)
o f t h i s g r e a t T ib e ta n m o n astic c e n t r e . On t h e d e a t h o f S ä n t a
r a k s i t a h i s d i s c i p l e and c o m m e n ta to r K a m a l a s i l a was i n v i t e d t o
T i b e t t o c o n t i n u e and c o n s o l i d a t e h i s m a s t e r ’ s w ork t h e r e . He
was i n T i b e t d u r i n g a t l e a s t p a r t o f t h e 'C o u n c i l o f T i b e t '
( o r ’ C o u n c i l o f bSam y a s ' ) i n a b o u t 7 9 2 - 9 ^ , a n d h e d i e d t h e r e
i n a b o u t 7 9 5 . 17
509
The Tibetan records also make it possible to date with a
fair degree of accuracy several important later Indian Mädhya-
mikas living during the earliest period of the Later Propaga
tion (phyi dar) of the Dharma in Tibet. Dlpamkarasrljfiäna
(c. 982-105^) was the contemporary of Rin chen bzan po (958-
1055), the senior monk-scholar of the kingdom of Western Tibet,
and the teacher of 'Brom ston pa (1005-6M, the master from
Central Tibet who founded the bKa' gdams pa school. Jayänanda,
a Käsmirian Mädhyamika and the commentator on Candrakfrti's
Madhyamakävatära, was closely associated with the Tibetan trans
lator Pa tshab Ni ma grags (born in 1055) in the establishment
on a solid basis in Tibet of the Präsangika branch of the
Madhyamaka. And Abhayäkaragupta, a later authority who develop
ed a synthesis of the Madhyamaka with the Yogäcära, Prajnäpära-
mitä and Vajrayäna, composed his Mw^imatälamkära in the thirtieth
year of the reign of the Päla king Rämapäla (rg. e.1077-1130 or
1072-1126) according to the colophon of its Tibetan translation
contained in the bsTan 'gyur.
II
Raving surveyed some external historical evidence for the
absolute chronology of the Mädhyamikas, let us now turn to evi
dence to be derived from internal analysis of their works for
the relative chronology of their school.
A serious difficulty in the chronology of the texts and
authors of the Madhyamaka arises, to begin with, from the fact
that a large number of works of varied, and quite distinct,
contents are traditionally ascribed to Nägärjuna. Some of
them are independent scholastic treatises (sästra) such as the
Mülarnadhyamakakärikäs3 the Vigrahavyävartanz and the Yukti-
sastikä. Others are commentaries on sütras, for example the
Vibhäsä on the Dasabhümikasütra (T. 1521) and the above-mention
ed commentary on the large Prajftäpäramitäsütra (the Ta-ohih-tu-lun3
T. 1509). Still others are epistles and homilies, such as the
Suhrllekha and RatnävalZ, and hymns (stava). A classification of
Nägärjuna’s works traditionally adopted in Tibet has divided
them into a scholastic corpus (rigs tshogs)} a hymnic corpus
(bstod tshogs), and a homiletic corpus (gtam tshcgs). But
despite the differences it recognised between them not only as
to literary genre but also, to a considerable degree, in con
tents, this tradition has nevertheless ascribed all the works
included in these three categories to one and the same author.18
In such circumstances, one means of establishing authorship in
the case of works of uncertain provenance, and hence also a
relative chronology of texts and their authors, would be to
510
attempt to apply to them terminological and philosophic criteria
of the kind employed by Paul Hacker and his successors for de
termining the authenticity of works ascribed to Samkara. In the
case of Nägärjuna, however, there are special difficulties. In
the first place, most of the works in question are now available
to us only in Chinese and/or Tibetan translations, so that the
use of the usual literary, stylistic, and terminological criteria
for establishing authorship becomes either problematic or simply
impossible. No less important is the consideration that even
when we do possess indubitable evidence of differences in style,
terminology, and ideas, it is by no means certain that works
that so differ have necessarily to be by different authors. It
can in fact be just as legitimately supposed that they belong
to different periods in the development of the thinking of a
single author, or even that they represent one author’s comple
mentary (rather than opposed) approaches to certain difficult
philosophical problems. An example could be the treatment of
reality in an apophatic manner (e.g. in the major portion of
the Mülamcuihyarmkakäri-käs and the related treatises ascribed
to Nägärjuna), in a cataphatic manner (e.g. in several of the
hymns ascribed to him), and by the philosopher’s silence (drya-
tü sn tb h ä v a , e.g. in a few passages of the Mülcovadhyamakakär'ikäs
and of the hymns). When seeking to establish authorship in
such cases, then, it would clearly be begging the question were
one to argue that, because of differences of style or termino
logy, such texts must necessarily be by different authors. Indeed,
the question is precisely to define the full range of an author’s
religious and philosophical thought; and this can surely be done
only by taking into account all his works, without any text
ascribed to him being excluded a prborn- on purely stylistic or
terminological grounds. We have, in other words, to determine
what styles an author has employed and what religious and philo
sophical ideas he has accepted on the basis of the entire corpus
of his works; and to proceed the other way round can all too
easily involve prejudgements and circular reasoning. In sum, we
must be prepared to recognise the full range of historical, phi
lological, and philosophical problems that arise in discussing
the authenticity of the works ascribed to Nägärjuna.
Even when our sources clearly refer to authors as famous
in the history of the Madhyamaka as Nägärjuna, Bhävaviveka
(Bhavya) and Candraklrti, further difficulties can arise owing
to the fact that these names have been borne by two (or some
times even more) different masters of the school who lived at
quite different times. As a consequence, otherwise valuable
sources have on occasion attributed improbably long life-spans
to a single master, placing the same name/person at what are
evidently quite different points in the history of the school.
511
The r e s u l t i n g u n c e r t a i n t y a s t o w h e t h e r s u c h names a r e t o be
u n d e r s t o o d a s d e s i g n a t i n g one o r more p e r s o n s c o n s t i t u t e s an
a d d i t i o n a l m a j o r d i f f i c u l t y s t a n d i n g i n t h e way o f e s t a b l i s h
i n g a s e c u r e c h r o n o l o g y o f t h e Madhyamaka.
T h i s p r o b le m i s e n c o u n t e r e d i n a n a c u t e fo rm i n t h e c a s e
o f t h e r e l a t i o n b e tw e e n N ä g ä r ju n a a n d R ä h u l a b h a d r a , whose
names a p p e a r l i n k e d t o g e t h e r a t w hat c l e a r l y a p p e a r t o b e
w id ely s e p a r a te d p e r io d s in th e h i s t o r y o f t h e i r s c h o o l. And
t h e d i f f i c u l t y i s compounded by t h e f a c t t h a t R ä h u l a b h a d r a i s
so m e tim e s d e s c r i b e d i n o u r s o u r c e s a s t h e s u c c e s s o r a n d d i s c i p l e
o f N ä g ä r j u n a , w h e r e a s a t o t h e r t i m e s he i s s t a t e d t o be h i s
p r e d e c e s s o r and m a s t e r . Modern s c h o l a r s h a v e a r r i v e d a t d i a
m e t r i c a l l y o p p o s e d s o l u t i o n s t o t h i s d i f f i c u l t y , w h ic h t h u s
p r e s e n t s t h e h i s t o r i a n w i t h an i n t r i g u i n g and i n s t r u c t i v e
p r o b l e m . 1g
S c r u t i n y o f t h e e v i d e n c e seems t o i n d i c a t e t h a t N ä g ä r
j u n a I was t h e s o u r c e and o r i g i n a t o r o f t h e Madhyamaka a s a
d i s t i n c t s c h o o l o f t h o u g h t and t h a t ( a ) R ä h u l a b h a d r a was h i s
successor. T h is R ä h u l a b h a d r a may h a v e b e e n t h e d i r e c t d i s c i p l e
o f b o th N äg ärju n a and Ä ryadeva, or o f Ä ryadeva a lo n e : t h e e v i
d e n c e i s n o t c l e a r on t h i s p o i n t . (As a l r e a d y m e n t i o n e d , b o t h
t h e s e m a s t e r s a r e c i t e d i n t h e T a -eh ih -tu -lu n a s c r i b e d t o
N ä g ä r j u n a and t r a n s l a t e d by K u m ä r a jiv a a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e
f if th c e n tu ry .)
The s t a t e m e n t s t h a t make R ä h u la b h a d r a t h e m a s t e r r a t h e r
t h a n t h e f o l l o w e r o f N ä g ä r ju n a c a n , h o w e v e r , b e s a t i s f a c t o r i l y
e x p l a i n e d a s r e f e r r i n g t o t h e S id d h a R ä h u l a b h a d r a (= S a r a h a -
p ä d a ) , t h e m a s t e r o f t h e D e u t e r o - N ä g ä r j u n a who we h a v e v e r y
good r e a s o n t o b e l i e v e l i v e d no l a t e r t h a n t h e s e v e n t h c e n t u r y . 20
T h i s N ä g ä r j u n a - p ä d a , a l s o one o f t h e S i d d h a s , p l a y e d a l e a d i n g
r o l e i n t h e d e v e lo p m e n t o f t h e s y n t h e s i s o f t h e Madhyamaka and
V a j r a y ä n a w h ic h came i n t o p ro m in e n c e a t t h a t t i m e ; and h e i s
p r e s u m a b ly t o be i d e n t i f i e d w i t h t h e s o u r c e o f t h e A r y a - t r a d i -
t i o n o f t h e Guhyasamäjatantra. S u p p o s in g t h i s S id d h a N ä g ä r ju n a
t o have been t h e d i s c i p l e o f R äh u lab h ad ra = S arah ap äd a w h ile
N ä g ä r j u n a I , t h e a u t h o r o f t h e Mülarnadhyamakakärdkäs e t c . , was
on t h e c o n t r a r y t h e p r e d e c e s s o r o f t h e R ä h u l a b h a d r a known t o
t h e Ta-oh-th-tu-Zun - a s w e l l a s t o A s a n g a ’ s com m entary on t h e
Madhyamakasästra (T. 1 5 6 5 ) and * S ä r a m a t i ’ s *Mahäyänävatära-
s ä s tr a (T. 1 6 3 4 ) 21 - we a r e i n a p o s i t i o n t o r e s o l v e an a p p a r e n t
c o n f l i c t i n t h e e v i d e n c e c o n c e r n i n g t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p b e tw e e n
t h e s e two names and t h e p e r s o n s t h e y d e s i g n a t e .
T h is s o l u t i o n does not of c o u rse d is p o s e o f a l l o u r c h r o
n o l o g i c a l o r o t h e r h i s t o r i c a l p ro b lem s. And t h e q u e s t i o n o f
512
the precise identity of Nägärjuna in relation to 'Näga'
(Nägähvaya) and perhaps also Nägabodhi continues to raise
questions. Sometimes we find mention of a 'Näga' who appears
to he identical with Nägärjuna; but at other times 'Näga'
figures as a distinct person. His precise identity thus
remains uncertain, but since no works are known to be by him
he ceases to be a subject of major concern to the historian
of Madhyamaka literature.22 As for Nägabodhi, being reported
to be the teacher of Vajrabodhi ( o. 671-7^1 •) and Amoghavajra
(e. 705-7*0, the Indian masters who helped to introduce the
Vajrayäna into China and whose dates can be determined from
Chinese sources,23 he has to be placed much later. (Whether
Nägabodhi and the Vajrayänist Nägärjunapäda mentioned above
were identical it is difficult to say; the dates could support
such an identification, but their identity is not established.)24
So that the long period of time separating Nägärjuna, the
author of the Mülamadhyamakakärikäs and other basic treatises
of the Madhyamaka school, and the Siddha Nägärjuna(päda), who
lived approximately half a millennium later, might be bridged,
those sources which do not distinguish between these two persons
have ascribed to their single Nägärjuna an unusually long life
span (of 600 years).
In the main line of Mädhyamika masters, Nägärjuna I and
his disciple Äryadeva were followed by Buddhapälita. As al
ready noted, in the present state of our knowledge it is not
possible to establish precisely the date of this master of what
was later known as the Präsahgika branch of the Madhyamaka; but
the evidence points reasonably clearly to the period about 500
as the time when Buddhapälita flourished.25
The next major figure in the history of the Madhyamaka,
Bhävaviveka or Bhavya, has already been mentioned above in
connection with the Chinese translations of two of his works.
He found fault with Buddhapälita's philosophical procedure
founded on the exclusive use of pvasahga-type reasoning to
reveal the inapplicability of any thesis presupposing the
existence of some kind of entity, and he sought to formulate
independent inferences (svatantrännmäna) and syllogisms (pra-
yoga) for this same purpose. Bhävaviveka was in his turn
severely criticised by Candrakirti, who came to Buddhapälita's
defence. As already noted also, Bhävaviveka was the elder
contemporary of Sthiramati, the master of the ValabhT school
of the Vijhänaväda who criticised him and wrote a commentary
on Nägärjuna's Mülamadhyamakakärikäs (T. 1567), and of Dharma-
päla, the master of the Nälandä school of_the Vijnänaväda who
also criticised him in his commentary on Aryadeva's Catuhsataka
513
(T. 1571)- On the basis of these interrelationships Bhävavi
veka car. be placed c. 500-70 , a dating compatible with what
has beer, noted above concerning the external historical evi
dence provided by the Chinese translations of two of his works,
the first of which is dated to 630- 2.26
For lack of external historical evidence, Candrakirti's
date has to be fixed relatively to that of his predecessor
Bhävaviveka, whom he criticised by name in his Prasannapadä
Madhyamchav^ttikL and whose own dates thus provide a terminus
a quo, and to later developments in the Madhyamaka school.
Since Candrakirti1s works were not translated into Chinese,
the external evidence from that source which has so often
proved invaluable in other cases is unavailable to us; an
argument from silence is provided by the fact that Bhavaviveka,
but not Candrakirti, has been mentioned by I-ching, who left
India about 685. Candrakirti has then presumably to be placed
some tine in the seventh century.27 This is about the same
time as Dharmakirti (o . 60O-60), to whom Candrakirti does not,
however, seem to refer when criticising some doctrines of the
Buddhist logico-epistemological school founded by Dignäga
(cf. Prasannapadä i, p. 59f).
Here a problem arises owing to the fact that the Madhya-
makaratnapradtpa, a treatise ascribed to Bhavya, refers to
Candrakirti. Because of this reference Candrakirti's date has
even been put back by a recent writer to o. 5OO-60, the time
of Bhavaviveka/Bhavya.28 But this earlier dating appears in
fact to be quite unnecessary on the grounds adduced by its
proponent, and intrinsically it is quite improbable. In the
first place, the Madhyamakaratnapradipa refers also to Dharma
kirti, whose date would for the same reason have to be pushed
back to the same time when he would have been an only slightly
younger contemporary of Dignäga (c. U80- 5^0 ); but such a dating
for Dharmakirti is most improbable. It is true that the Madhya-
makaratnapradipa has itself stated that its author also wrote
the Tarkajvälä, the commentary on the Madhyamakahrdayakärikäs
ascribed, like the basic text, to Bhävaviveka. We thus seem
to have to choose between regarding this statement as incorrect
and ascribing the Tarkajvälä to a second, later Bhävaviveka/
Bhavya. However this may be, in view of the reference to
Dharmakirti in the Madhyamakaratnapradipa, it seems impossible
to ascribe this text as a whole to Bhävaviveka.I, the author
of the Prajfläpradipa, who has to be placed in the sixth century
since he was a contemporary of Sthiramati and Dharmapäla. And
there is every reason to suppose that the Madhyamakaratnapradtpa
was composed by a second Bhavya who lived later than the middle
of the seventh century.29 There is therefore no need to make
the author of the Madhyamakävatära and Prasannapadä a contem
porary of Bhävaviveka I.
514
In t h e c a s e o f C a n d r a k l r t i , j u s t as in t h a t o f N äg ärju n a
and B h a v y a , i t a p p e a r s t h a t we h a v e , m o r e o v e r , t o r e c k o n w i t h
more t h a n one i m p o r t a n t m a s t e r h e a r i n g t h i s i l l u s t r i o u s name.
Thus t h e a u t h o r o f t h e Pradipoddyotana , a com m entary on t h e
Guhyasamctjatantra , h a s p r e s u m a b ly t o b e d i s t i n g u i s h e d fro m t h e
a u t h o r o f t h e Madhyamakävatära and Prasannapadä . And s t i l l
a n o t h e r C a n d r a k ' ^ t i l i v e d i n t h e e l e v e n t h c e n t u r y , when h e
t r a n s l a t e d h i s *Mcdhyamaka-prajftävatära ( o r *Mcdhyamakävatära-
prajflä ?) i n t o T i b e t a n t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e L o t s ä b a 'G os khug pa
IH a(s) b ts a s .
* __
The r e l a t i v e p o s i t i o n o f S ä n t i d e v a i n t h e h i s t o r y o f t h e
Madhyamaka c a n b e d e t e r m i n e d from t h e f a c t t h a t h e i s q u o t e d
by S ä n t a r a k s i t a ; b u t h e i s n o t m e n tio n e d by I - c h i n g . H is c o n
t r i b u t i o n t o t h e Madhyamaka c a n be r e g a r d e d a s a c o n t i n u a t i o n
o f C a n d r a k l r t i ' s , and h e i s u s u a l l y c o u n t e d a s a n e x p o n e n t o f
th e l a t t e r ' s P rasan g ik a sc h o o l. I t is th u s lik e ly th a t S ä n ti
d e v a f l o u r i s h e d a b o u t TOO.30 H is B odhicaryävatära was a l r e a d y
t r a n s l a t e d i n t o T i b e t a n by d P a l b r t s e g s and h i s S ik s ä s a m u c c a y a
by Ye s e s sd e ( c . 8 0 0 ) .
* __
S ä n t a r a k s i t a h a s b e e n c r e d i t e d i n some s o u r c e s w i t h a lm o s t
as lo n g a l i f e - s p a n as N äg ärju n a. But i n t h e c a s e o f S ä n t a
r a k s i t a t h e r e a s o n l i e s i n t h e f a c t t h a t he h a s b e e n h e l d by
some d o x o g r a p h e r s t o b e n o t o n l y t h e m a in r e p r e s e n t a t i v e b u t
a l s o t h e f o u n d e r { s in r t a ’i s v o l 'byed 'w a y - o p e n e r ' o r ' p a t h
f i n d e r ' ) o f t h e Y o g ä c ä r a - ( S v ä t a n tr ik a - ) M a d h y a m a k a s c h o o l , w h i l e
Ärya V i m u k t i s e n a was r e c k o n e d t o b e a member o f t h i s same s c h o o l .
Now Ä rya V i m u k t i s e n a , a c o m m e n ta to r on t h e P aftcaviipsatisähas-
r ik ä Prajfläpäram itä f o l l o w i n g t h e s y s te m o f t h e A b h isa m a y ä la m -
k ä r a , i s s t a t e d t o h a v e b e e n a y o u n g e r c o n t e m p o r a r y o f B uddha-
p ä l i t a { f t . o. 500) a nd a d i s c i p l e o f V asubandhu {e. 4 0 0 - 8 0 )
o r o f D ig n ä g a ( 4 8 0 - 5 ^ 0 ) a n d Bhavya {c. 5 0 0 - 7 0 ) . B u t, as th e
p u t a t i v e ^ f o u n d e r o f t h e s c h o o l t o w h ic h Ärya V i m u k t i s e n a b e
lo n g e d , S ä n ta r a k s ita had f o r h is to r ic a l- d o x o g r a p h ic a l re a so n s
t o b e r e g a r d e d a s t h e l a t t e r ' s p r e d e c e s s o r , and h i s b i r t h h a d
t h e r e f o r e t o b e p u t some t i m e b e f o r e t h a t o f h i s s u p p o s e d
d i s c i p l e ; he t h u s came t o b e c r e d i t e d w i t h a v e r y l o n g l i f e
b e g i n n i n g i n t h e f i f t h / s i x t h c e n t u r y and e x t e n d i n g a l m o s t t o
t h e end o f t h e e i g h t h c e n t u r y . 31 A c c o r d i n g l y , w h e r e a s N ä g ä r
j u n a was a s s i g n e d an e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y l o n g l i f e - s p a n b e c a u s e
( a t l e a s t ) tw o d i s t i n c t p e r s o n s o f s p e c i a l i m p o r t a n c e i n t h e
Madhyamaka s c h o o l b o r e h i s nam e, t h e r e a s o n f o r c r e d i t i n g
S ä n t a r a k s i t a w i t h a l m o s t a s l o n g a l i f e was e s s e n t i a l l y d o x o -
g r a p h i c a l i n o r i g i n . I t s h o u l d how ever be n o t e d t h a t t h i s
r e l a t i v e c h r o n o l o g y ( m e n t i o n e d e . g . by mKhas g r u b dGe l e g s
d p a l b z a n i n h i s rGyud sde s p y i rnam , f o l . 2 6 a ) h a s n o t b e e n
a c c e p t e d b y t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e T i b e t a n h i s t o r i a n s a nd d o x o
graphers .
515
The dates of Säntaraksita's grand-teacher Srlgupta, who
is counted sometimes as a Svätantrika-Mädhyamika and some
times as a Yogäcära-Mädhyamika, and of Jffänagarbha can also
be determined relatively to his own. Säntaraksita's teacher
Jftänagarbha, a disciple of Srlgupta, apparently has to be
distinguished from the Jfiänagarbha who lived a little later,
about 800, and translated into Tibetan several Madhyamaka
texts (including the commentary on Jnänagarbha's Satyadvaya-
vibhahga ascribed to Säntaraksita) with the Tibetan trans
lators dPal brtsegs, Klu'i rgyal mtshan, and Ye ses sde.
In several other cases of importance for the history of
the Madhyamaka also the same name has been borne by more than
one master. Thus the name Jitäri/Jetäri designates a master
living o. 800 and another living at the end of the tenth
century. Dharmamitra, the Mädhyamika author of a commentary
on Haribhadra's Abhisconayälamkärakärikä-Sästravrtti (the
'Sphutärthä ') who lived o. 800, has to be distinguished from
an earlier Dharmamitra who commented on Gunaprabha's Vinaya-
sütva. Buddhajnäna(päda), a representative of the Yogäcära-
Madhyamaka school and a disciple of Haribhadra, has to be
distinguished from Buddhasrijnäna, the author of the Jdna-
mäpgävatära who lived o. 1200. DänasIla was the name of at
least three different masters, the first of whom lived at the
end of the eighth century, the second at the end of the tenth
century, and the third in the twelfth century. Still other
examples could be given of a single name designating two or
more masters; in some cases only a minute study of the works
attributed to the masters bearing such names will allow us to
assign them correctly, whereas in others the date of a trans
lation and the identification of the co-translator(s ) of an
author-translator, if accurately known, make possible the
correct attribution (examples are the cases of Jfiänagarbha
and Candraklrti mentioned above).
The chronological results summed up above prompt an ob
servation concerning the question of the reliability of Tära
nätha's History of the Dharma in India (vGya gca? chos ’byuh).
Since this work was first published and translated in Europe
in the l860s, attempts have been made to exploit for chrono
logical purposes the information that this work contains, and
which Täranätha collected from both his own extensive reading
o9
and from the Indian Pandits with whom he was in contact.
These attempts have, however, been often frustrated by a
failure to understand how Täranätha proceeded in recording
his information and by our consequent inability to interpret
this information; and chronological results based on Täranätha's
516
w o rk s h a v e c o n s e q u e n t l y b e e n im pugned by s c h o l a r s who h a v e
c a l l e d i n t o q u e s tio n a l l o f T ä ra n ä th a 's s ta te m e n ts . T ära-
n ä t h a ’ s a lle g e d u n r e l i a b i l i t y has th e n been c o n t r a s t e d w ith
t h e r e l i a b i l i t y o f t h e C h in e s e p i l g r i m s t o I n d i a , e s p e c i a l l y
H s ü a n - t s a n g and I - c h i n g . I t h a s , how ever, t o be r e c a l l e d
t h a t t h e C h in e s e s o u r c e s t o o a r e s o m e tim e s i n s e r i o u s e r r o r .
T hus I - c h i n g ' s d a t i n g o f B h a r t r h a r i ' s d e a t h t o c. 6 5 1 33
b ro u g h t c o n s id e ra b le co n fu sio n in to th e h i s t o r y o f In d ia n
p h i l o s o p h y u n t i l i t was f i n a l l y c o r r e c t e d a s l a t e a s t h e
1 9 5 0 s . 3t+ M o r e o v e r , o n c e t h e c h r o n o l o g y o f t h e Mädhyamikas
h a s b e e n e x a m in e d on t h e b a s i s o f b o t h i n t e r n a l a n d e x t e r n a l
e v i d e n c e , some o f t h e i n f o r m a t i o n t h a t T ä r a n ä t h a h a s p r o v i d e d
f a l l s in to p la c e , a n d i t t u r n s o u t t o be q u i t e c o m p a t i b l e
w i t h r e s u l t s r e a c h e d on t h e b a s i s o f o t h e r e v i d e n c e . Thus,
w i t h r e g a r d t o T a r a n ä t h a ' s s t a t e m e n t s t h a t R ä h u l a b h a d r a was
a d i s c i p l e 35 o f N ä g ä r j u n a and h i s m a s t e r , 36 we now h a v e r e a s o n
t o t h i n k t h a t b o th sta te m e n ts a re t r u e p ro v id e d t h a t th e y are
u n d e r s t o o d t o r e f e r t o two d i f f e r e n t s e t s o f m a s t e r s b e a r i n g
t h e names N ä g ä r j u n a a n d R ä h u l a b h a d r a . The d i f f i c u l t y a r o s e
b e c a u s e T ä r a n ä t h a h a s n o t c l e a r l y d i s t i n g u i s h e d b e tw e e n t h e
tw o s e t s o f names a n d p e r s o n s , so t h a t t h e t r u e h i s t o r i c a l
s i t u a t i o n c o u l d h a r d l y be r e c o n s t r u c t e d fro m h i s s t a t e m e n t s
on t h e s u b j e c t a l o n e . But e v e n t h o u g h h i s tw o s t a t e m e n t s
r e q u i r e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n t h e l i g h t o f d a t a from o t h e r s o u r c e s ,
i t n e v e r t h e l e s s t u r n s o u t t h a t , once p u t i n c o n t e x t , t h e y a r e
not c o n tr a d ic to r y as th ey a t f i r s t appeared to be. 3?
III
B e s id e t h e a b s o l u t e c h r o n o l o g y d i s c u s s e d i n §1 a n d t h e
i n t e r n a l r e l a t i v e c h r o n o l o g y o f t h e Madhyamaka d i s c u s s e d i n
§11 a b o v e , i t w i l l b e o f i n t e r e s t a l s o t o c o n s i d e r b r i e f l y
t h e e x t e r n a l r e l a t i v e c h r o n o l o g y o f t h e Madhyamaka s c h o o l
v i s - a - v i s t h e g r e a t t r e a t i s e s and m a s t e r s o f o t h e r s c h o o l s
o f I n d ia n th o u g h t, n o n -B u d d h ist as w e ll a s B u d d h is t.
N ä g ä r j u n a ' s M ül^adhyamakakärikäs a r e i n l a r g e p a r t a
c r i t i q u e o f p h i l o s o p h i c a l i d e a s c u r r e n t among t h e B u d d h i s t
A b h i d h ä r m i k a s . And t h e Ta-chih-tu-Zun seem s t o r e p r e s e n t an
a t t e m p t t o c o n s t r u c t w hat m ig h t b e c a l l e d a M a h ä y ä n is t A b h i-
dh a rm a i n t h e p l a c e o f t h e S a r v ä s t i v ä d i n A b h id h a rm a . N ägär
j u n a ' s R atriävalz ( i . 6 l ) a l l u d e s t o t h e Sämkhya, A u lü k y a ( i . e .
V a i s e s i k a ? ) , 38 a n d N i r g r a n t h a ( i . e . J a i n a ) s c h o o l s o f
th o u g h t; bu t u n f o r tu n a te ly i t i s not p o s s ib le to d eterm in e
p r e c i s e l y t o w hat p e r i o d o f t h e s e s c h o o l s su c h a p a s s i n g
referen ce p e rta in s. In a d d i t i o n t o K a p ila , t h e sag e o f th e
517
Säipkhya, and Ulüka, the Vaictalyaprakarana (§8) mentions
Mathara.35 This treatise enumerates and refutes point by
point the sixteen categories (padärtha) of Nyäyasütra I.i.l;
and it also mentions (§19) the twelve factors of I.i.9. Of
special importance for a comparison with the Nyäyasütras is
Nägärjuna's Vigrahavyävartani, which, unlike the Vaidalya-
prakarana, is extant in Sanskrit. The editors and transla
tors of this work have noted connections between W 31 f .,
and NS II.i.l6-19, between W 6U and NS II.i.13, and between
W 20 and 69 and NS II.i.8-12. In his study of ancient Indian
eristic (v5da)3 G. Oberhammer has argued that the view expressed
in NS V.i.10 is rejected in W 31 f ., which is then answered
in NS ii.i.19, and that the view expressed in NS V.i.18-20 is
mentioned in VV 20 and 69.40 Recently, however, K. Bhatta-
charya has maintained that 77 31 f. indeed refer to NS II.i.19,
and that VV 20 and 69 refer to NS II.i.12 f.41 A close histo
rical proximity between Nägärjuna's discussion of the pramänas
and several Nyäyasütras seems in any case to be established,
and G. Tucci has convincingly spoken of interdependence.42
More precise chronological results are difficult to obtain
because of the paucity and ambiguity of the documents.
Similar problems arise concerning the question of the
precise relationship of Aryadeva to the Nyäya and Vaisesika,
discussed by G. Tucci,43 and to the Sämkhya, discussed by
E. Frauwallner44 and M. Honda.45
Even the relatively abundant materials to be found in the
Ta-chih-tu-lun do not easily yield clear results for chronology
and the question of the historical relationship between the
early Mädhyamikas and other schools. A great deal of this
material has now been made available and annotated in E. La-
motte’s monumental translation of this encyclopaedic treatise
(see in particular Tvaite, III, pp. xiv-xxvi), and some of it
has also been discussed in K. Venkata Ramanan's Nägärjuna's
Philosophy i4s Presented in the Mahä-Prajflä-päramitä-Sästra
(Tokyo 1966). On the Buddhist side, the author(s) of this
treatise have made much use of the Sarvästivädin Abhidharma
as well as of a large number of Mahäyänist sütras.46 As for
non-Buddhist schools, although this work argues against the
Sämkhya and Vaisesika as well as against the theists, it is
hardly possible to identify precisely the targets of its
criticism.47
Buddhapälita’s commentary on the Mülamadhyarnakakärikäs
has still to be studied in detail from the present point of
view.
518
The h i s t o r i c a l p o s i t i o n o f B h ä v a v iv e k a i s somewhat c l e a r e r .
N o t a b l y i n h i s Madhyamakahrdayakärikäs , and i n t h e a c c o m p a n y in g
T a rk a jv ä lä , t h e d o c t r i n e s o f t h e Sämkhya, V a i s e s i k a , a n d MTmämsä,
a s w e l l a s t h o s e o f t h e ^ r ä v a k a s and Y o g ä c ä r i n s , h a v e b e e n d i s
c u s s e d i n some d e t a i l . Even a r e f e r e n c e t o t h e P e r s i a n Magi i s
t o b e f o u n d i n C h a p t e r IX o f t h e T arkagvätä . B h ä v a v iv e k a se e m s,
m o r e o v e r , t o h a v e b e e n t h e f i r s t Mädhyamika t o d i s c u s s t h e
V e d a n t a , w h ic h he c r i t i c i s e s i n C h a p t e r V I I I o f h i s Madhyamaka-
hrdayakärdkäs . 1+8 But a t t h e same t i m e , i n C h a p t e r I I I o f t h e
same w o r k , B h ä v a v iv e k a h a s v i r t u a l l y a s s i m i l a t e d t h e suprem e
brahman a n d t h e dharmakäya ( v e r s e s 2 7 8 - 8 3 ) , w h ic h he d e s c r i b e s
a s c e s s a t i o n o f d i s c u r s i v e d e v e lo p m e n t (prapaPloa) and a s i n
a c c e s s i b l e t o t h o s e who e n g a g e i n h y p o t h e t i c a l r e a s o n i n g ( tä r -
kikas 2Q0) ; and he g o e s on t o s a y t h a t t h i s brahman c o r r e s p o n d s
t o t h e sup re m e r e a l i t y o f w h ic h t h e Muni ( i . e . t h e B uddha) sp o k e
( 2 8 3 ) , a nd t h a t S a g e s (ärya) s u c h a s A v a l o k i t e s a , M a i t r e y a , a n d
t h e r e s t ’ a p p r o a c h ’ (upas-) i t p r e c i s e l y t h r o u g h t h e mode o f
n o n - w o r s h i p (anupäsanayogena3 2 8 UJ. 49
I n f o r m u l a t i n g h i s i n d e p e n d e n t i n f e r e n c e s and s y l l o g i s m s
t o e s t a b l i s h t h e M ädhyamika’ s d o c t r i n e s , B h ä v a v iv e k a was i n
f l u e n c e d by t h e B u d d h i s t l o g i c o - e p i s t e m o l o g i c a l s c h o o l g o i n g
b a c k t o D i g n ä g a . 50 He s t r o n g l y o p p o se d t h e V i j n ä n a v ä d a o f
G u n a m a ti, t h e m a s t e r o f t h e V a l a b h i s c h o o l ; a n d he was i n h i s
t u r n c r i t i c i s e d b y G u n a m a ti’ s d i s c i p l e S t h i r a m a t i , a s w e l l a s
b y D h a r m a p ä la , a m a s t e r o f t h e N ä la n d ä s c h o o l o f t h e V i j f l ä n a -
väda. B h ä v a v iv e k a a p p r o v e d t h e d o c t r i n e o f D e v a sa rm a n , a com
m e n t a t o r on t h e Mülamadhyamakakärikäs whose work i s no l o n g e r
e x t a n t . 51 The com m entary on t h e P r a j h ä p r a d l p a b y A v a l o k i t a -
v r a t a a l s o p r o v i d e s much i n t e r e s t i n g i n f o r m a t i o n on t h e h i s t o r y
o f I n d i a n p h i l o s o p h y w hich a w a i t s a n a l y s i s .
C a n d r a k i r t i c r i t i c i s e s t h e Sämkhya52 a n d V a i s e s i k a a nd
m e n t i o n s t h e V e d ä n ta i n h i s Madhyamakävatära. He f o l l o w e d and
d ev elo p ed B u d d h a p ä lita ' s P rä s a h g ik a i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f N ägär-
j u n a ’ s p h i l o s o p h y ; and he c r i t i c i s e d b o t h B h ä v a v i v e k a ’ s l o g i c a l
i n n o v a t i o n s i n t h e Madhyamaka a n d D i g n ä g a ' s s c h o o l . He d o e s
n o t seem t o r e f e r t o D h a r m a k i r t i , b u t i t i s n o t c e r t a i n w h a t
c h r o n o l o g i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e t h i s s i l e n c e h a s . 53'. I n t h e c o u r s e
o f h i s c r i t i q u e o f h is o p p o n en ts’ ep istem o lo g y C a n d r a k ir ti has
a l s o q u o t e d ( Prasannapadä i , p . 6 5 ) t h e Madhyäntavibhäga ( i . 9 ) ,
one o f t h e f u n d a m e n t a l t r e a t i s e s o f t h e V i j n ä n a v ä d a s c h o o l
t r a d i t i o n a l l y a s c r i b e d t o M a i t r e y a n ä t h a and commented on by
V asubandhu.
In t h e f o llo w in g c e n t u r i e s e x p l i c i t o r i m p l i c i t a l l u s i o n s
t o a n d d i s c u s s i o n s o f o p p o se d s c h o o l s , B u d d h i s t a n d n o n - B u d d h i s t ,
become a b u n d a n t i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e o f t h e Madhyamaka. I n p a r t i c u l a r ,
519
Säntaraksita's Tattvasoongrdha and Kamalasila's Pafljikä on it
provide much information about Indian philosophy and its
masters in the seventh and eighth centuries. Kamalaslla's
Paftjikä (328), for example, contains what appears to be the
earliest mention in a Buddhist treatise of the Advaitadarsana;
this mention in a work composed in the second half of the
eighth century is consistent with the dating of Samkaräcärya
in the early eighth century. The Nibandhana by Bodhibhadra
(tenth century) on Xryadeva's Jflänasärasamuocaya also supplies
information of value on Indian philosophy of the late classi
cal period. As for the mention of the Upanisadvädins in the
Paftjdkä by Prajnäkaramati (c. 1000 ?) on Säntideva's Bodhi-
cccpyävatära (ix.6o), it refers back to Säntaraksita's Tattva-
samgraha (328-9). From the eleventh century we have a mention
of the Vedäntin Bhäskara in Advayavajra's Tattvavatnävalt-
(p.19 )• 54
Turning now to some of the^great classics of Brähmanical
thought, we find in Kumärila's Slokavärtt'ika a chapter entitled
Sünyaväda that follows immediately on another entitled Nirä-
lambanaväda. Kumärila was evidently a contemporary of Dharma-
klrti, whose doctrine he criticises, and he is dated to a. 600-
66O; thus he is in all likelihood also a contemporary of
Candraklrti, but he does not seem to refer to this Mädhyamika
master anywhere. Contrary to what one might expect of a text
called Sünyaväda, it is not devoted primarily to a discussion
of the Madhyamaka school. In the Sünyaväda chapter (verse
259), just as in the Nirälambanaväda chapter (e.g. verse 3),
the term sünya refers not to the Madhyamaka theory but to the
absence of any separately real objective correlate (artha) in
a cognition; and these two chapters of the Slokavartti-ka are
in fact concerned mostly with a criticism of Dharmakirti’s
logico-epistemological doctrine. It is true that Kumärila’s
criticism in the Nirälambanaväda (5-10) of the Buddhist theory
of the two satyas - the samvrtisatya and the pavamävthasatya -
and of the idea that the sccmvvti is really false (mrsa, rrrithya)
can be applied to Mädhyamika doctrine also; and when commenting
on verse 5 of this chapter, Umveka (eighth century) and Pärtha-
särathimisra in fact quote Müiamadhyomakakärikä xxiv,8 (dve
satye samupäsritya buddhänäm dharmadesanä / loke [sic5 somvrti-
satyam ca satyam ca paramärthatah //J.55 But it is at the same
time clear that Kumärila had in mind the doctrine of the un
reality of the external object, which - contrary to what has
sometimes been maintained - is not a tenet of the pure Mädhya
mika schools (in contradistinction to the synthesising Yogäcära-
Madhyamaka). In verse ll Kumärila distinguishes between the
520
Yogäcäras and the Mädhyamikavädins, explaining that the first
accept a cognition empty of an object (arthasünya vijfläna)^
whereas the latter maintain the non-existence of even such a
vijftäna. 56 - Kumärila’s doctrines were subsequently discussed
and criticised in Säntaraksita’s Tattvasamgraha and Kamala-
slla’s PaFljdkä on it.
The relationship between the Vedanta and the Madhyamaka
poses a number of interesting questions which can be only
briefly touched on here.57 Reference has already been made
above to Bhävaviveka’s critique of the Vedanta and to his very
remarkable comparison of the supreme brahman with the Buddhist
idea of ultimate reality.
On the Brahmanical side, Gaudapäda - who is dated to a.
500 but is sometimes considered to have been Samkaräcärya's
teacher’s teacher - shows clear and unmistakable links with
Buddhist thought in Chapter IV of his Mändükyakärdkäs, in
particular with the Vijnänaväda and also with the Madhyamaka.
However, in the other chapters of this work, starting with
the third and culminating in the first, there is to be found
a progressive movement away from Buddhist ideas and towards
the Vedäntic sources.58
In his attitude towards what he terms Sünyayäda (which
in this case is unquestionably the Madhyamaka), Samkaräcärya
has taken up a negative stance in his Bhäsya on the Gauda-
päddyakärdkäs (see ii.32; cf. i.T and iv.28).59 His position
on the subject is especially clear in his Bhäsyas on the
Brahmasütra and the Brhadäranyakopanisad, where he has simply
rejected the Sünyaväda3 without discussion or analysis, as
contrary to all means of correct knowledge (sarvapramanavd-
pratdsdddha) and as therefore unworthy of serious attention
and refutation;80 according to the great Advaitin, it is
simply the teaching of nihilists (vadnäsdka) and thus like
a sandy, dried-up well.81 It is indeed strange to find the
Madhyamaka being dismissed out of hand for teaching something
it has rejected. In fact, according to the Mädhyamika, nihil
ism (uachedänta) is just as unacceptable a philosophical extreme
as eternalism (säsvatänta); and from the soteriological point
of view it is perhaps an even more pernicious extreme than its
opposite. Beginning with Nägärjuna, the Mädhyamikas have fur
thermore accepted sarnvrtdsatya and lokavyavahära as necessary
to philosophical thought, and as duly recognised in the Buddha’s
teaching.82 For Samkaräcärya to characterise the Madhyamaka as
being in opposition to all means of philosophical knowledge is
then at least an oversimplification demonstrating his lack of
521
familiarity with the Madhyamaka as set out in the very large
body of literature that it had produced by his time. How
this is to be accounted for it is now difficult to say. It
may have been the result of inveterate hostility - perhaps
more theological and sociological than philosophical - to
Buddhist thought. Moreover, Samkaräcärya may have felt him
self obliged to distance himself from Buddhist thought as much
as possible, not least because of the links that seem to have
connected certain earlier Vedäntic ideas and Buddhist thought.63
A contributing factor may, finally, have been real unfamiliari
ty with Madhyamaka literature and philosophy due to a scarcity
of this school’s books, at least in the places Samkaräcärya
was living.
Quite different in his attitude to the Madhyamaka was Sri-
harsa, the twelfth-century Vedäntin author of the Khandana-
khandakhädya3 who employed a method he termed deconstructive
reasoning (khandanayukti). This form of reasoning has been
recognised to be closely related to the Mädhyamika’s dialectic
and to his prasahga-type reasoning. Sriharsa has moreover
accepted the vitandä, 64 which is certainly to be understood
in this case not as referring to the form of argument employed
by an unprincipled opponent merely to win an argument at any
cost, but as philosophical criticism and reduction to the im
possible.65 Rather than a cavil, then, vitandä is here an ac
ceptable form of discussion which may be required by a true
philosopher when he confronts the onto-logically indeterminate
relative.66
In philosophical works of the Jainas, including doxogra-
phical texts like Haribhadrasüri's Saddczr§anasarrrucGaya3 as well
as in later Hindu doxographical works such as Mädhava’s Sccrva-
dcorsanasamgraha, we find more or less condensed accounts of
some form of Madhyamaka, and in particular of its epistemology
and gnoseology. No comprehensive analysis of the Madhyamaka
by a classical Indian authority of an opposed school seems to
exist, however.
Many of the above-mentioned sources have not hitherto
been systematically studied in detail from a comparative view
point for the purpose of tracing historical influences operating
between the Mädhyamikas and the other philosophers of India.67
Once it has been carried out, such study can be expected to
yield a rich harvest for our understanding of the history of
Indian thought in its diverse forms; and it will at the same
time no doubt resolve many a thorny chronological problem.
522
In conclusion, it is possible to state that the internal
relative chronology of the Indian Madhyamaka school is clear
in its broad outlines. But the exact place in this overall
scheme of a few masters still remains doubtful; and it has
not been possible to attribute a number of texts to specific
authors in certain cases where the same name has been borne
by more than onp master. The absolute chronology of several
masters also has not been settled beyond doubt, especially
in the earlier period. Finally, the external relative chrono
logy continues to pose problems, and in some cases it has not
yet been possible to connect allusions made anonymously and
without particulars with specific masters and texts known to
us. Further detailed and patient research may be able to
clear up many of the outstanding obscurities.
Notes
1. See S. Beal, Si-yu-ki: Buddhist records of the Western
World (London 188*0, II, pp. 210-16 (cf. T. Watters, On
Yuan Chwang's Travels, II ELondon 19052, pp. 200 f); and
J. Takakusu, A Record of the Buddhist Religion As Practised
in India and the Malay Archipelago by I-tsing (Oxford 1896),
pp. 159 f. See also the title of the Chinese translation
by Paramärtha (500-69) of the Ratnävalt (Pao-hsing wang,
T. 1656); cf. J.W. de Jong, IIJ 20 (1978), p.137. - The
reference in Hsüan-tsang and I-ching as well as Bäna is
to a Nägärjuna who was also a physician. In Hsiian-tsang
he is in addition an alchemist (Beal, op.cit., II, p.2l6;
cf. S. Levi, JA, 1936, pp. 105-6; J. Filliozat, Yogasataka
CPondichery 19792, pp. xiii f). On other evidence from
I-ching see below, note 20.
For the Jaina tradition see Kutühala, I/LlävaZ, verse 1008;
cf. A.K. Warder, Indian Kavya Literature, II (Delhi 197*0,
pp. 183, 213-1*+.
2. These two commentaries are contained in the Tibetan bsTan
’gyur. In verse 1*1 of the Tibetan translation of the
Suhrllekha itself we find the name bDe byed. - The Sanskrit
original of bDe spyod (bzan po) poses a problem. In his
translation of Täranätha’s rGya gar chos rbyuh, A.Schiefner
has given Udayana (Taranathars Geschichte des Buddhismus
in Indien CSt. Petersburg 18692, p.2, n.2); and in the
index to the Peking bsTan ’gyur we find Udayi(bhadra) (see
P. Cordier, Catalogue du fonds tibetain de la Bibliotheque
523
Nationale3 III [Paris 19153, mDo 'grel, vol. gi, no. 32
ISukrllekhal and vol. ne, no. 27 Lid. 3 and no. 35 LSuhrllekha-
tZkäl). Cf. S. Levi, JA, 1936, pp. 103-10, and £. Lamotte,
Le Traite de la Grande Vertu de Sagesse, III (Louvain 1970),
pp. liii-liv (referring to both Udayana and *Jantaka). But
it appears that bDe spyod corresponds properly to Sätavähana
(Säta ). Another Tibetan equivalent seems to be mThar 'gro
zon, to which correspond Sälivähana (Mahävyutpatti 365*0 and
*Antivähana (? which is found in Bu ston's Chos ’byuh, fol.
100b [Obermiller, II, p. 1273); here mtha' 'end' may be in
tended to render säta understood as meaning 'ended' (root
sä-/so- 'to end, finish, destroy'?). - Recently J. Fillio-
zat has suggested that *Jantaka represents *Sa(m)taka(ni) ■**
Sätakarni (op.cit., p. xviii, referring to I-ching).
3. On Kaniska and the Turuskas see, e.g., Buddha Prakash, Studies
in Indo-Asian Art and Culture, 1 (ed. Perala Ratnam, Sata-
pitaka Series 95, New Delhi 1972), pp. 32-3.
*+. See S. Beal, op.cit., II, p. 302 (cf. pp. 97-101); T.Watters,
op.cit., I (London 190*+), p. 2*+5. See also J. Takakusu's
translation of I-ching, op.cit., p. l8l. - This synchronism
has been dismissed by £. Lamotte, Traite, III, p.l, n.l.
5. Cf. E. Lamotte, L'enseignement de VimalakZrti (Louvain, 1962),
pp. 73 f; Traits, III, p. xlvi, li f.
6 . On the basis of information originating in Kumärajlva's
school, £.Lamotte and J. May have, however, proposed 2*+3 CE
as the precise date of Nägärjuna's birth (see below).
7. See R. Hikata, Suvikrantavikrämi-Pariprceha Prajftäpäramitä-
Sütra (Fukuoka 1958), p. lii; E. Lamotte, L'enseignement de
VimalakZrti, p. 76, and Traits, III, pp. xl, li f.
8 . See A. Hirakawa, JRK, 5/2 (1957), pp. 50*+ f. But cf. R. Hikata,
op.cit., pp. lxxii f; S. Yamaguchi, E B , 1 (1966), pp.*+5-7.
9. See J. Burgess, Notes on the AmaravatZ Stupa (Madras 1882),
p.57, and The Buddhist Stupas of Amaravati and Jaggayyapeta
(Archaeological Survey of Southern India, London 1887),
pp.111-12.
10. Burgess dated the writing of this inscription to c. 600; but
G. Tucci has suggested the earlier dating of *+50-500 (Minor
Buddhist Texts, II [Rome 19583, p. 28*+). T.N. Ramachandran
thinks the inscription refers to the Tantrik Siddha Nägärjuna
(see Nagarjunakonda 1938, Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey
of India 71 [Delhi 19533, pp. 28-9), on whom see below.
11. £. Lamotte, L ’enseignement de VimalakZrti, pp. 7*+—6 ; J. May,
Höbögirin, V, pp. *+73a, l+78b.
524
12. E. L a m o tte , T r a i t b , I I I , p p . x i v f ; IV, p p . x i i i , xv.
13 . See R. H i k a t a , o p . c i t . , p p . l i i f ; R.H. R o b i n s o n , E a rly
Madhyamiha in I n d ia and China (M adison 1967 ) , p p . 3 4 - 9 .
Cf. a l s o P. D e m i e v i l l e , JA , 1 950, p p . 383 n . , 3 8 6 , and
L ’In de o l a s s i q u e , e d . L. Renou a n d J . F i l l i o z a t , I I
( P a r i s 1 9 54), § 2130. - In T r a ite , I I I , p. I v , n . 2 ,
L a m o tte h a s , h o w e v e r , d e c l i n e d t o e x p r e s s an o p i n i o n on
t h i s s u b je c t (but see T r a itb , I I I , pp. x l i x - l ) .
l b . T h is c o u l d h a v e b e e n t h e ’ I n d i a n ’ v e r s i o n r e f e r r e d t o b y
K u m a ra jT v a ’ s d i s c i p l e S e n g - j u i ( 3 5 2 - 4 3 6 ) , s i n c e some
S e rin d ia n s c h o l a r s a t l e a s t m ig h t w e l l h a v e b e e n c a p a b l e
o f w r i t i n g i n S a n s k r i t . - On t h i s o r i g i n a l o f t h e T a -c h ih -
tu - lu n 3 s e e T r a i t e , I I I , p p . x l v i i - x l v i i i ; c f . P. Demie
v i l l e , j a 3 1950 , pp . 387 f .
1 5 . W h ile L a m o tte a c c e p t s t h a t p a r t s o f t h e T a -o h ih -tu -lu n
a r e b y K u m a r a jlv a { T v a it e , I I I , p p . x l i x - l ) , he c o n s i d e r s
t h a t n e i t h e r a C h in e s e n o r e v e n a S e r i n d i a n a u t h o r c o u l d
have b een as w e ll in fo rm ed a b o u t t h i n g s In d ia n a s c e r t a i n
s e c t i o n s o f t h i s t r e a t i s e show i t s a u t h o r t o h a v e b e e n
( p . x x v i ) . (On t h i s s e e a l s o R. H i k a t a , o p . c i t . , p . l x v i ) .
But g i v e n t h e im p o r t a n c e o f I n d i a n c u l t u r e i n C e n t r a l A s ia
a n d , i n a d d i t i o n , t h e f a c t t h a t K u m a r a jlv a h a d f a m i l y
l i n k s w i t h K äsm ir and s t u d i e d t h e r e a s a b o y , i t d o e s n o t
seem i m p o s s i b l e t o a s c r i b e e v e n su c h s e c t i o n s t o a S e r
i n d i a n l i k e him .
16. On B h a ( v a ) v i v e k a ’ s r e l a t i o n t o D h a r m a p ä la , s e e S. B e a l ,
o p . c i t . , I I , p . 2 2 3 ; c f . T. W a t t e r s , o p . c i t . , I I , p . 2 1 5 ,
a n d Y. K a jiy a m a , WZKSO, 1 2 - 1 3 ( 1 9 6 8 / 9 ) , p p . 194 f , 199 f .
17. C f. E. F r a u w a l l n e r , WZKSO, 5 ( l 9 6 l ) , p p . l 4 l - 3 ; G . T u c c i ,
Minor B u ddh ist T e x ts , I I , p p . 2 8 - 3 1 .
18 . On t h i s s u b j e c t s e e o u r a r t i c l e i n E tudes t i b e t a i n e s d e -
d i e e s d la memoire de M a re e lle Lalou ( P a r i s 1 9 7 1 ) , p p .4 4 8 f .
19 . See G. T u c c i , JPASB, 26 ( 1 9 3 0 ) , p . l 4 l (= Opera m inora3 I I ,
p . 2 1 1 f ) ; R. H i k a t a , o p . c i t . , pp._ l x x i - l x x i i ; H .N akam ura,
A ota a s i a t i c a 3 1 ( i 960 ) , p . 6 3 ; E. L a m o tte , L ’en seign em en t
de V im a la k Z rti3 p p . 7 6 - 7 , and T r a i t e 3 I I I , p . x l , 1 3 7 3 - 4 ;
J.W . de J o n g , AM3 17 ( 1 9 7 1 ) , p p . 1 0 7 - 8 .
20 . I - c h i n g ( 6 3 5 - 7 1 3 ) , who l e f t T ä m r a l i p t i a b o u t 685 , a l r e a d y
m en tio n s N ä g ä rju n a ’ s h av in g s t u d i e d th e V id y ä d h a r a p ita k a .
See E. C h a v a n n e s , Memoire compose ä l'e p o q u e de la grande
d y n a s tie T ’ang su r l e s r e l i g i e u x em in en ts q u i a l l b r e n t
ch erc h e r la l o i dans le s p a ys d rO ccid en t ( P a r i s 1 8 9 4 ) ,
p . 1 0 2 . - I n I - c h i n g ' s R ecord ( t r a n s l a t e d b y T a k a k u s u ,
p . 3 5 ) , N ä g a r j u n a a p p e a r s o n l y as a p h y s i c i a n a n d , p e r h a p s ,
a lc h e m ist.
525
21. See E. Lamotte, Traits, III, p. 137^-
22. The authorship of the *Trikäyastotra/stava or *Käyatraya-
stotra/stava ascribed to Näga by Täranätha (op.cit.,
p.68) is uncertain. A Käyatrayastotra is ascribed to (a)
Nägärjuna in the bsTan ’gyur; but it is highly doubtful
that a hymn concerning the three käyas can be attributed
to Nägärjuna I. - In addition, the Käyatrayävatär amukha
is acribed to Nägamitra in the bsTan ’gyur.
23. See G. Tucci, JPASB, 26 (1930), p. ll+2 (= Opera minora^l,
p.212); P. Demieville, L ’Inde elassique, II, §§2092-3;
Chou Yi-liang, HJAS, 8 (19UU/5), pp. 28l f, 313- l b .
2b. It is probably preferable to regard Nägabodhi as a follower
of Ärya Nägärjunapäda, the Tantrik Siddha.
25. Ärya Vimuktisena may have been a younger contemporary of
Buddhapälita; cf. WZKSO, 12-13 (1968/9), p. 306.
26. See Y. Kajiyama, WZKSO, 12-13 (1968/9), pp. 193-203, for
the dates of Bhävaviveka and Sthiramati.
27. Candrakirti was, however, placed in the sixth century by
M. Winternitz, History of Indian Literature, II (Calcutta
1933), p. 3o3, because he held him to be the pupil of
Dharmapäla: but he gives no source for this statement
(this may be Täranätha’s rGya gar chos 'byuh, p.133.18,
which is, however, altogether obscure).
28. See C. Lindtner, AO, 1+0 (1979), p. 91.
29. It has to be noted that the MadhyamakaratnapradZpa refers
to Vajrayänist ideas and to the Vidyädharapitaka.
30. Cf. J.W. de Jong, III, l6 (1975), pp. 179-80.
31. For references see D. Seyfort Ruegg, WZKSO, 12-13 (1968/9),
p. 307, note l8.
32. Cf. Pan chen Bio bzan dpal ldan ye ses, Sambha l a ’i lam
yig, fol. l8a-b; G. Tucci, IHQ, 7 (1931), pp. 683-702
(= Opera minora, II, pp. 305-19); Tibetan Painted Scrolls
(Rome 191+9), pp. 137 and l6U.
33- See J. Takakusu, op.cit., pp. 179-80. (i-ching has also
made Bhartrhari a contemporary of Dharmapäla !)
3l+. See H.R. Rangaswami Iyengar, JBBRAS, 26 (l95l), pp.ll+7-9;
H. Nakamura, Studies in Indology and Buddhology (Fest
schrift S. Yamaguchi, Kyoto 1955), pp. 122-36; D. Seyfort
Ruegg, Contributions a l ’histoire de la philosophie
linguistique indienne (Paris 1959), p. 59; E. Frauwallner,
WZKSO, 3 (1959), pp. 107 f, and 5 (l96l), pp. 13U-5. Cf.
also J. Brough, BS0AS, 36 (1973), pp. 21+8-60.
526
35. rGya gar chos ’byuh (ed. A. Schiefner), pp. 68, 73. See
also Bu ston, Chos 'byuh, fol. 9^al (Obermiller, II,
p.109, reads Bähula, which is presumably a misprint for
Rähula).
36. Op.cit., pp. 53, 83; b K a ' babs bdun gyi m a m thar3 fol.
l8l f. See also Bu ston, Chos ’byuh3 fol. 99a (Obermiller,
II, p. 123).
37. Sometimes, of course, Täranätha does explicitly distinguish
between two masters having the same name. In addition to
Ärya Vimuktisena and Bhadanta Vimuktisena, a case in point
is that of Dharmamitra, the Mädhyamika interpreter of the
Prajhäpäramitä {a. 800), whom Täranätha distinguishes from
the Vaibhäsika and Vinaya-master of the same name who lived
earlier (see above). Täranätha distinguishes also between
two Mätrcetas (p. 75; cf. p. 152).
38. Ulüka is also mentioned in lists of Sämkhya teachers, how
ever; cf. P. Chakravarti, Origin and Development of the
Sämkhya System of Thought (Calcutta, 1951), p. 131. In
the Vaidalyaprakarana (§8) his name appears beside those
of Kapila, Mathara, Vyäsa, et at.
39. The Mätharavrtti itself is of course dated to a much later
time. - On the Mätharas in a treatise ascribed to Aryadeva
(and extant only in a Chinese translation by Bodhiruci
(T. 16I+O), see H. Nakamura, EJAS, 18 (1955), p. 99, who
also notes an identification with Vyäsa. See also P. Cha
kravarti, op.cit., p. 159. As already noted, in the Vaidal-
yaprakarana (§8), Mathara and Vyäsa are listed separately,
beside Ulüka et at.
1+0. WZKSOj■ 7 (1963), pp. 6U-70. See. also G. Tucci, Pre-Dihnaga
Buddhist Texts on Logic from Chinese Sources (Baroda 1929),
Notes on the VigrahavyävartanZ, pp. 36 f, who considers
that NS II.i contains replies to Nägärjuna. - According
to Väcaspatimisra’s TätparyatZkä, the opponent in II.i .8
is a Mädhyamika.
1+1. Journal of Indo-European Studies, 5 (1977), pp. 265-73- -
B.K. Matilal, Nyäya-Vaisesika (HIL, VI,2, Wiesbaden 1977),
p. 79, has suggested that NS IV.i .38 may be a reply to
Nägärjuna's critique of svabhäva. But, contrary to W.
Ruben's opinion (Die Nyäyasütra rs , Leipzig 1928, p. 106),
itaretaräbhäva in the preceding sütra can hardly apply
to Nägärjuna's theory; and the Lahkävatärasütra (p.75)
indeed condemns itaretarasünyatä as the most inferior
emptiness.
527
1+2. op.cit., p. xxyii. - The above-mentioned discussions of
the Vigrahavyävartant have mostly been conducted without
reference to the Vatdalya- 'Sutra' and Prakarana, both of
which are ascribed to Nägärjuna and are therefore of the
highest relevance.
1+3. Op.cit.
1+1+. WZKSO, 2 (1958), p. 131.
1+5. IBK, 23/1 (l9Tl+), pp. 7-12. - On the later Sämkhyasütra
and the Madhyamaka see R. Garbe, Sarnkhya-PhiloSophie
(Leipzig 1917)5 PP- ll+6 n., 265.
1+6. Cf. Tratte, III, pp. xiv-xxv, xxxii-xxxvii; Traits, IV,
pp. x-xii.
1+7- Cf. Traits, III, pp. xxv-xxvi; R.H. Robinson, Early
Mädhyanrika, pp. 68 f, 90, 9I+. - R. Hikata, op.cit., pp.
lxiv f, places the Nyäyasütra later than the Ta-ohih-tu-
lun.
1+8. This older form of Vedanta has been discussed by H. Naka
mura, Shoki no Vedanta tetsugaku, I (Tokyo 1950), pp.
238-332 (cf. HJAS, 18 (1955), PP- 103-1+) and V.V.Gokhale,
IIJ, 2 (1958), pp. 165 f.
1+9- See V.V. Gokhale, IIJ, 5 (l96l/2), pp. 271 f. - On Bhäva-
viveka and Maitreya and Avalokitesvara, compare Hsüan-
tsang's remarks in his Hsi-yü-ehl (transl. S. Beal, op.
cit., II, pp. 223-6). And on his closeness to the *Säm-
khya* see ibid., p. 223, and T. Watters, op.cit., II,
pp. 215, 223.
50. Cf. Y. Kajiyama, WZKSO, 7-8 (1963-I+); 12-13 (1968/9),
p. 198.
51. The information that Täranätha has given on Devasarman
in his rGya gar chos rbyuh (p. 133.18) is hardly intelli
gible.
52. See R. Garbe, Samkhya-Philosophte, pp. 391-2 (where most
of Candraklrti’s*information has been described as un-
traceable in the Sämkhya sources).
53. According to I-ching (see J, Takakusu, op.cit., p. l86),
Dignaga’s treatises were still in use in his time as basic
works on logic.
5I+. See H. Nakamura, AB0EI3 1+8-9 (1968), pp. 119-22.
55- Cf. also Bhäsarvajha, Nyayabhusan/z (Saddarsanaprakäsana-
granthamälü, Banaras 1968), pp. 5l8 f on samvrti.
528
56. For references to the Mädhyamikas see Umveka, Si oka-
varttika-TatparyatZka on Sünyaväda 1 and 2^5, as well as
on Nirälambanaväda lU-l8 . Kumärila mentions £ünyavädins
in his Nirälambanaväda 129.
57- On the early Madhyamaka of Nägärjuna and Äryadeva and
the Vedänta see H. Nakamura, HJAS3 l8 (1955), pp. 89-
102; K. Venkataramanan, Nägärjuna’s Philosophy os Pre
sented in the Mahä-Prajfläpäramitä-Sästra (Tokyo 1966),
pp. 319-21.
58. For a recent discussion and analysis of the GaudapadZya-
or Mändükya-Kärikäs see T. Vetter, WZKS3 22 (1978), pp.
95-131. Vetter, who places this work c. 500, thinks
(p. 95 n.l) that Bhävaviveka's Madhyamakahrdayakärikä
viii.12 may presuppose GK iii.5. At the same time he
recognises the Buddhist background to Chapter IV of GK3
considering it to be the earliest of the four chapters;
and he suggests that the other chapters of the GK re
flect Gaudapäda’s progressive development away from the
Mahäyäna, the first chapter of the GK being then the one
least indebted to Buddhist thought and closest to the
Upanisadic source (the Mändükyopanisad).
59. See T. Vetter, Studien zur Lehre und Entwicklung Sankaras
(Vienna 1979), pp. 50, 53 f, 73-U.
60. Bralvnasutrabhäsya II.ii.31 and Brhadaranyakopanisad-
bhäsya IV.iii.7.
61. Bvahvasutrabhäsya II.ii.32. - Cf. Brhadäranyakopanisad-
bhäsya I.ii.l where, in a discussion of causality and
the reality of kärana in relation to kärya3 a Sünyavädin
holding the tenet sarvasyaiväbhävo 'stu is supposed to
be the opponent. But this passage in fact tells us
nothing pertinent to the Madhyamaka as we know it from
its own sources.
62. See, e.g. Mülamadhyamakakärikä3 Chapter XXIV, especially
verses 8-10. - It is true that Candrakfrti has not in
vested vyavahära and samvrtisatya with ultimate reality
and 'truth', for he considers that it cannot resist onto
logical analysis and that any attempt to investigate it
in such a way is fraught with paradoxes and insoluble
logical antinomies. But in itself this theory need not
imply either indulgence in paralogisms and nihilism, or
the taking up of an anti-philosophical position.
63. D. Ingalls has suggested that even if, metaphysically,
the distance between 'idealistic' Buddhism and Samkara
529
was b u t l i t t l e , t h e p s y c h o l o g i c a l and h i s t o r i c a l chasm
s e p a r a t i n g them was n e v e r t h e l e s s d e e p (PEW, 3 C19535,
p p . 291 f ) . See a l s o T. V e t t e r , WZKS03 1 2 - 1 3 ( 1 9 6 8 / 9 ) ,
p . 1+09, a n d S tu d ien , p p . 53 f , on S a m k a r a ’ s d i f f e r e n c e s
w i t h Buddhism .
61+. K ä s l S a n s k r i t S e r i e s n o . 197 ( B a n a r a s 1 9 7 0 ) , p p . 1 2 6 -7
(m Chowkhamba S a n s k r i t S e r i e s e d . § l 6 8 ) . C f . p p . 7 , 1 2 .
65 . I n t h e N yäyasütras3 vita n d ä i s m e n t i o n e d t o g e t h e r w i t h
ja lp a ( l V . i i . 1 + 9 ) and a l s o hetväbhäsa a n d o t h e r f a u l t s
in deb ate ( i . i . l ) . In I . i i . 3 i t has been d e fin e d as a
ja lp a t h a t l a c k s t h e a s s e r t i o n o f a c o u n t e r - t h e s i s
(pratipaksasth äpan äh in a). K. B h a t t a c h a r y a , JA3 1 9 7 5 ,
p p . 9 9 - 1 0 2 , h a s d e n i e d t h a t S r i h a r s a e v e r d e s c r i b e d him
s e l f a s a v a ita n d ik a (w h ic h seems t o b e t r u e ) ; b u t he
does n o t m en tio n t h e ab ove-m entioned p a s s a g e s o f t h e
Khandanakhandakhädya_, w h e r e S r i h a r s a s p e a k s f a v o u r a b l y
o f t h e em ploym ent o f v ita n d ä . - I t seems n e c e s s a r y , t h e n ,
t o d i s t i n g u i s h b e tw e e n v ita n d ä a s a c a v i l u s e d t o g a i n a
d e b a t i n g p o i n t b y d e m o l i s h i n g t h e o p p o n e n t ’ s t h e s i s and
vita n d a a s a form o f r e a s o n i n g a n d a r g u m e n t w h e re a
s e r i o u s p h i l o s o p h e r r e f r a i n s fro m a s s e r t i n g a c o u n t e r
t h e s i s . ( S e e a l s o NS I V .ii.1 + 8 : pratipaksahinam a p i va
prayojanärtham a r t h i t v e . ) W hile h e w o u ld no d o u b t r e j e c t
a v ita n d ä u s e d i n t h e f i r s t w a y , S r i h a r s a a p p e a r s t o be
r e a d y t o a c c e p t t h e se c o n d u s e s i n c e , w i t h t h e s o l e
e x c e p t i o n o f brahman a s vijfläna3 e v e r y t h i n g i s d i f f e r e n t
fr o m b o t h e x i s t e n c e and n o n - e x i s t e n c e (v ijflä n a v y a tirik ta m
punar idam visvam sadasadbhyäm vilaksanam brahmavädinah
sam girante) 3 much a s i s s t a t e d i n t h e L ah kävatärasü tra.
I n t h e i r comments on NS I . i i . 3 , U d d y o t a k a r a a n d V ä c a s -
p a t i m i s r a d is c u s s in a d d i t i o n t h e q u e s tio n w h e th e r th e
v ita n d ä , d e f i n e d a s a ja lp a t h a t i s p ra tip a k sa sth ä p a n ä -
htna3 c an c o n s t i t u t e p r o o f b y r e s i d u e (p ä r is e s y ä t paksa-
sid d h ih ) a r r i v e d a t by e x c l u d i n g a l l o p p o s e d t h e s e s . I n
t h i s c a s e t h e V a i t a n d i k a w ould i n d e e d h a v e a t h e s i s , e v e n
i f i t i s e s t a b l i s h e d e x c lu s iv e ly by r e f u t i n g o th e r th e s e s
6 6 . I t s h o u l d be r e c a l l e d h e r e t h a t t h e Vaidalyaprakarana
(§ 56) h a s r e j e c t e d vita n d ä t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e o t h e r f i f
t e e n t o p i c s e n u m e r a te d i n Nyäyasütra I . i . l . Though he
u s e s prasahga- a r g u m e n t s , i t s a u t h o r d o e s n o t , t h e r e f o r e ,
i d e n t i f y h i m s e l f w i t h t h e V a i t a n d i k a who u s e s t h e v ita n d a
i n t h e f i r s t way m e n tio n e d i n t h e p r e v i o u s n o t e .
6 7 . T .R .V . M u r t i , C entral Philosophy o f Buddhism (London
1955 ) , p r o v i d e s an i n t e r e s t i n g p h i l o s o p h i c a l c o m p a r is o n
b e tw e e n w h a t he c a l l s t h e tw o t r a d i t i o n s o f I n d i a n p h i l o -
530
s o p h y e m bodied r e s p e c t i v e l y i n B uddhism and V e d a n t a . B ut
M u r ti was n o t c o n c e r n e d w i t h c h r o n o l o g i c a l s e q u e n c e s and
i n t e r r e l a t i o n s h i p s . Nor d i d h e make u s e o f t h e C h in e s e
and T i b e t a n s o u r c e s t h a t a r e now, ow ing t o t h e l o s s o f
t h e S a n s k r i t o r i g i n a l s o f so many w o rk s o f I n d i a n p h i l o
s o p h y , o u r p r i n c i p a l doc um e nts n o t o n l y f o r t h e h i s t o r y
o f t h e Madhvamaka b u t a l s o f o r s o much o f c l a s s i c a l I n d i a n
th o u g h t.
POST-SCRIPTUM t o p p . 5 1 3 - 4 .
I n a f u r t h e r a r t i c l e i n AO 41 ( 1 9 8 0 ) , pp . 2 7 - 3 7 , i n
s u p p o r t o f h i s d a t i n g o f B h a v y a 's Madhyamakciratnapradtpa
t o 570 ( p . 33) and o f C a n d r a k i r t i t o t h e s i x t h c e n t u r y
( s e e a b o v e , n . 2 8 ) , C h r i s t i a n L i n d t n e r h a s now p u t b a c k t h e
d a t e of D h a r m a k i r t i a l s o t o a. 5 3 0 - 6 0 0 . He d e s c r i b e s ( p . 3 1 -
32) H s l l a n - t s a n g 1s s i l e n c e a s ' t h e a p p a r e n t l y o n l y o b j e c t i o n
t o an e a r l i e r d a t e o f D h a r m a k i r t i t h a n c a . 6 0 0 - 6 6 0 '; and i n
s u p p o r t o f h i s e a r l i e r d a t i n g he r e f e r s t o E. F r a u w a l l n e r ' s
a r t i c l e on K u m a r i l a ' s l o s t B i^hafttkä , w h e r e i t i s a r g u e d
t h a t t h i s t r e a t i s e m ust h a v e b e e n w r i t t e n a b o u t 630 a s a
r e p l y t o D h a r m a k i r t i ' s t h e o r y o f i n f e r e n c e and t h e n e c e s s a r y
c o n n e c t i o n b e tw e e n c a u s e and e f f e c t . But i n h i s a r t i c l e
(WZKSO 6 [ 1 9 6 2 ] , p . 8 9 ) F r a u w a l l n e r s o u g h t i n p a r t i c u l a r t o
show t h a t D h a r m a k i r t i ' s w ork on t h i s p o i n t i s t o b e p l a c e d
b e tw e e n K u m a r i l a ' s lOlofozvärtt'ika , w h ic h d o e s n o t know o f i t
and s t i l l t r e a t s t h e r e l a t i o n i n q u e s t i o n i n te r m s o f v y a p ti,
and t h e B rh a ttik a 3 t h e niyama t h e o r y o f w h ic h m ust h a v e b e e n
a r e s p o n s e t o D h a r m a k i r t i ' s t h e o r y o f i n f e r e n c e a nd t h e
n e c e s s a r y c o n n e c t i o n b e tw e e n c a u s e and e f f e c t . A c c o r d in g t o
F r a u w a l l n e r , t h e n , D h a r m a k i r t i and K u m a r ila must h a v e b e e n
c o n t e m p o r a r i e s ; and L i n d t n e r ' s new d a t i n g o f D h a r m a k i r t i
would a s a c o n s e q u e n c e e n t a i l p u t t i n g K u m a r i l a ' s d a t e b a c k
to th e s ix th cen tu ry to o . ( I t m ust o f c o u r s e b e s u p p o s e d
t h a t D h a r m a k i r t i ' s c o n t r i b u t i o n came t o K u m l r i l a ' s a t t e n t i o n
o n l y a f t e r he had f i n i s h e d h i s S lo k a vä rtt'ik a a l t h o u g h D harm a-
k T r t i p r e c e d e d him by a lo n g p e r i o d o f t i m e ; b u t t h i s l i n e o f
a r g u m e n t h a s n o t b e e n f o l l o w e d by L i n d t n e r . ) W h e th e r t h e
( r e l a t i v e l y m in o r ) d i f f i c u l t y o f t h e a u t h o r s h i p and d a t e o f
t h e Madhyarnakaratnccpradtpa i n f a c t n e c e s s i t a t e s and j u s t i f i e s
t h e c h r o n o l o g i c a l r e v i s i o n s i n v o l v e d by C h r i s t i a n L i n d t n e r ' s
new d a t i n g s w i l l r e q u i r e f u r t h e r i n v e s t i g a t i o n and d i s c u s s i o n
w h ic h c a n n o t b e u n d e r t a k e n u n t i l he h a s p r e s e n t e d i n f u l l t h e
e v id e n c e announced i n h i s l a s t a r t i c l e .
531
REFLECTIONS ON THE GRAMMATICAL TRADITION IN TIBET
Nils SIMONSSON (Uppsala)
In view of the fact that the description of the Tibetan gram
mar given by Thonmi Sambhota et al. owes much of its inspira
tion to Indian vyäkarana, it comes as a surprise that the
most striking characteristic of the latter seems to be missing
from it. I refer, of course, to the reciprocal dependence of
(1) köraka and (2) verb in the sentence, and to the fact that
the verb is (3) the center of the sentence. These three
factors form a harmonious pattern.
If the harmony of the pattern is disturbed, e.g. by an
alternation of one factor, another factor may be expected to
undergo changes in function. This is what has possibly happen
ed in the case of käraka and vibhakti in a noun-centred Tibetan
system. This is a hypothesis which requires preliminary studies
of a great number of details before it can be confirmed or
refuted.
In this paper I wish to draw attention to some passages
in the Tibetan national grammar as compared with certain
Indian texts and some generally known facts.
§ 1
Sum cu pa = Les slokas grammaticaux de Thonmi Sambhota3 avec
leurs commentaires. Traduits du Tibetain et annotes par
Jacques Bacot, Paris 1928,
Rtags 'jug = idem.
Rol pa'i rdo rje = Tibetische Nationalgrammatik. Das Sum cu
pa -und Rtags kyi 'ajug pa des Grosslamas von Peking
Rol pai rdo rje ... Mit Übersetzung und Anmerkungen
versehen von Johannes Schubert, Leipzig 1937.
Miller = Roy A. Miller, Studies in the Grammatical Tradition
in Tibet3 Amsterdam 1976.
532
Renou, T erm inologie = T erm inologie grcormatioale du S a n s k r it3
p a r L o u is Renou, P a r i s 1942.
§ 2
Sun c u p a 1
( 1 ) y i ge ( 2 ) ä l i ( 3 ) kä l i ( 4 ) g?lis /
(5) ä l i ( 6 ) g s a l byed (7 ) ' i ( 8 ) sogs (9) b z i /
( 1 0 ) kä l i ( l l ) sum cu ( 1 2 ) tham pa 'o /
( l ) L e t t e r s : ( 4 ) tw o [ g r o u p s 1: (2 ) ä l i (3) k ä li ;
( 6 ) t h e phonemes ( 5 ) ä l i C a r e l ( 9 ) f o u r : ( 7 ) i ( 8 ) e t c . [ i , u , e , o l ,
[ ( 6 ) t h e phonemes 1 (lO ) k ä li C a r e ] ( l l ) t h i r t y ( 1 2 ) i n num ber.
Commentary: ( 6 ) g s a l byed "m aking c l e a r " r e n d e r s vyaPljana.
I n t h e I n d i a n g r a m m a t i c a l t r a d i t i o n vyafijana means " c o n s o n a n t " .
The e ty m o lo g y anvag b h a v a ti3 known fro m M ahäbhäsya ( s e e R e nou,
T erm in o lo g ie3 s . v . v y a k t a ) , " b e i n g a f t e r [ t h e v o w e l s l " , i s
known t o t h e T i b e t a n s i n t h e form o f plnyi mo ( c f . M i l l e r ,
p .5 3 ). The c o n t e x t f o r b i d s u s t o i n t e r p r e t ( 6 ) g s a l byed
as "c o n so n a n t" . T i b e t a n c o m m e n ta to r s a s w e l l a s modern T i b e -
t o l o g i s t s have t r i e d to i n t e r p r e t ( 6 ) g s a l byed a s a v e r b
(M ille r , pp. 3 3 -55). The a t t e m p t s h a v e n o t b e e n s u c c e s s f u l .
The o n l y r e a s o n a b l e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i s t h e f o l l o w i n g : (6) g sa l
byed r e n d e r s vyahjana i n t h e m e a n in g o f "p h o n e m e " , known t o
B u d d h i s t p h i l o s o p h i c a l s p e c u l a t i o n . S ee t h e d i s c u s s i o n o f
vya h ja n a -kä ya 3 näma-käya3 pada-käya b e l o w , §§ 1 3 , 1 9 . See a l s o
§ 3, w h e r e i t i s shown t h a t a l s o min = näman3 a n d c h ig = pada =
vakya s h o u l d b e i n t e r p r e t e d i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h t h e n o n - g r a m m a t i -
c a l s p e c u l a t i o n , j u s t as (2) ä l i and (3 ) k ä li have b een th u s
i n t e r p r e t e d by M i l l e r ( p p . 3 3 - 5 6 ; c f . E d g e r t o n , BHS D ic tio n a r y 3
s. w . ) . I t sh o u ld be n o te d , i n c i d e n t a l l y , t h a t t h e l e t t e r a
b e lo n g s t o k ä li.
§ 3
R t a g s ’ j u g 32
(1) y i g e 'i ( 2 ) khohs nas ( 3 ) min ( 4 ) dbyuh s t e /
( 5 ) min g i ( 6 ) khohs nas ( 7 ) c h ig ( 8 ) phyuh nas /
( 9 ) c h ig g is ( 1 0 ) don mams ( l l ) s to n par byed /
( 2 ) Out o f ( l ) l e t t e r s ( 4 ) l e t come ( 3 ) names Znäman1,
( 6 ) Out o f ( 5 ) names ( 8 ) l e t come ( 7 ) p h r a s e s Zpada 1;
( 9 ) b y p h r a s e s (1 0 ) m e a n in g s ( l l ) a r e shown.
533
Commentary: S i n c e ( 7 , 9 ) chig i s = pada3 t h e l a s t p ä d a i s
l i k e l y t o b e a n echo o f t h e -well-known e ty m o lo g y pada =
padyate gamyate 'rth o 'nena (R enou, T erm in ologie , s . v . pada\
c f . b e lo w §§ 1 5 , 1 6 ) .
F o r t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f t h e t e r m s y i ge3 mih a n d c h ig ,
t h e e x a m p le s g i v e n by t h e T i b e t a n c o m m e n ta to r a r e i m p o r t a n t
(§§ k-6).
§ 4
" ( l ) y i g e ri ( 2 ) khohs nas" te ( 3 ) y i ge ( 4 ) du ma ( 5 ) 'dus
g a la s " ( 6 ) mih" (7 ) snam bu (8) ka ba ( 9 ) bum pa (1 0 )
ze s pa ( l l ) Ita bu (1 2 ) ' am ( 1 3 ) dpal sgrub pa ( l 4 ) bsod nams
( 1 5 ) so ( 1 6 ) l t a bu ( 1 7 ) dan ( 1 8 ) rdo r j e ' ji n dbah ( 1 9 ) sogs
( 2 0 ) I ta bu ” { 2l ) phyuh s t e " /
" ( 2 ) Out o f ( l ) l e t t e r s " , i . e . o u t o f ( 5 ) a s e t o f ( 4 ) s e v e r a l
( 3 ) l e t t e r s " ( 2 1 ) l e t come" " ( 6 ) nam es" ( 1 0 , 1 1 ) su c h a s ( 7 )
snam bu " c l o t h " , (8 ) ka ba " p i l l a r " , ( 9 ) bum pa " j a r " , ( 1 2 )
o r ( 1 6 ) s u c h a s ( 1 3 ) dp a l sgrub pa ( l 4 ) bsod nams
( 1 5 ) e t c . (1 7 ) and ( 2 0 ) such a s ( 1 8 ) rdo ry e ' j i n dbah
(19) e t c .
Commentary: ( 1 5 ) so d o e s n o t g i v e a n y r e a s o n a b l e s e n s e . C f.
( 1 9 ) sogs. I a b s t a i n from s p e c u l a t i o n s a b o u t t h e r a t i o n a l e
f o r t h e u s e o f ( 1 2 ) *am and C17) dah. H owever, i t s h o u l d b e
n o t e d t h a t t h e tw o g r o u p s c o n n e c t e d b y dah h a v e one t r a i t i n
common, v i z . a mih i n b o t h g r o u p s c o n s i s t s o f more t h a n one
"w ord". ( l 8 ) rdo r j e ' j i n dbah i s c l a s s i f i e d a s a mih , w h e r e
a s § 5 ( 7 ) can dan g y i ka ba i s c l a s s i f i e d a s a ch ig (pada).
I n v ie w o f t h i s c i r c u m s t a n c e I p r e f e r n o t t o t r y t o g i v e any
t r a n s l a t i o n s o f t h e c o m p o s i t e m ih- s o f § 4 . B e c a u s e o f t h e
d i f f e r e n c e o f t h e l a n g u a g e s y s te m s t r a n s l a t i o n s may l e a d
a s t r a y and c o m p l i c a t e f u r t h e r d i s c u s s i o n ( s e e § 5 and § 2 0 ) .
§ 5
" ( 1 ) mih g i ( 2 ) khohs n as" te ( 3 ) mih ( 4 ) du ma ( 5 ) 'dus pa
la s "(6) chig" ( 7 ) can dan ( 8 ) g y i ( 9 ) ha ba ( lO ) I ta bu ( l l )
dbye ba " ( 1 2 ) phyuh n as”
" ( 2 ) Out o f ( l ) n a m e s" , i . e . o u t o f a ( 5 ) s e t o f ( 4 ) s e v e r a l
( 3 ) names " ( 1 2 ) l e t come" " ( 6 ) p h r a s e s " , i . e . ( l l ) j o i n t e d
C e x p r e s s i o n s 3 (lO ) su c h a s ( 7 ) can dan ( 8 ) g y i ( 9 ) ha ba
( p i l l a r Cmade3 o f s a n d a l - t r e e ) .
534
Commentary: S ee § 1+. The d i f f e r e n c e b e tw e e n rdo r j e ' j i n dbah
a n d can dan g y i ha ba c o n s i s t s i n t h e f a c t t h a t t h e l a t t e r
e x p r e s s i o n i s dbye ba " j o i n t e d ” . A c o n c l u s i o n t o b e drawn
from t h i s i s t h e f o l l o w i n g : t h e f u n c t i o n o f t h e p a r t i c l e gyi.
i s n o t so much t o c o n n e c t tw o e l e m e n t s a s t o d i s j o i n th e m ,
t o p r e v e n t th e m f r o n c o a l e s c i n g i n t o one s i n g l e e x p r e s s i o n ,
i . e . i n t o a rrtih. Now t h e t e c h n i c a l t e r m u s e d f o r p a r t i c l e s
l i k e g y i i s mam dbye ( v ib h a k ti ) . I t w o u ld , h o w e v e r , b e p r e
m a t u r e t o v i n d i c a t e a c o n n e c t i o n b e tw e e n t h i s t e r m a n d t h e u s e
o f t h e w ord dbye ba. F o r t h e w h o le p r o b le m s e e a l s o § 9 .
I t i s c l e a r from t h i s p a s s a g e t h a t ( 6 ) chig i s n o t t h e
same a s t h e vakya o f t h e P ä n i n i a n s ( i n t h e s e n s e o f e k a tih ,
see § 20 ). T h e re i s , h o w e v e r , s c o p e f o r c o m p a r in g i t w i t h
t h e c o n c e p t pada o f t h e B u d d h i s t p h i l o s o p h e r s ( s e e §§ 6 , 1 5 ) .
§ 6
" ( l ) chig" ( 2 ) de dag " ( 3 ) g is " " ( 1+) don mams ( 5 ) sto n par
byed" pa n i ( 6 ) b rjo d pa s t e (T) pad dkar (8 ) I ta r ( 9 ) me es
( 1 0 ) by ah ( l l ) sems ( 1 2 ) mkhas ( 1 3 ) sgrub mams (lU ) ’j i g
v te n ( 1 5 ) g y i ( 1 6 ) rgyan ( 1 7 ) y in pas ( 1 8 ) so ( 1 9 ) Ita bu 'o/
" ( 3 ) By means o f " ( 2 ) t h o s e " ( l ) p h r a s e s " , " ( 5 ) a r e show n",
i . e . (6 ) a r e p r o n o u n c e d " (b) m e a n i n g s " , (1 9 ) su c h a s : ( 9 )
B e a u t i f u l ( 8 ) a s ( 7 ) t h e w h i t e l o t u s C a r e i ( l O , l l ) t h e B o d h i-
s a t t v a s who (1 3 ) h a v e r e a l i s e d ( 1 2 ) wisdom ----- ( 1 7 ) b e c a u s e
t h e y a r e ( l 6 ) t h e j e w e l s ( 1 5 ) o f ( lU ) t h e w o r l d .
Commentary: I t i s h a r d l y p o s s i b l e t o t e l l w i t h c e r t a i n t y
w h e t h e r t h e exam ple b e g i n n i n g w i t h ( 7 ) pod dkar c o n s i s t s o f
one chig o r tw o . The l i n e ( 7 ) pad dkar I ta r m jes byah sems
mkhas sgrub mams i s m ost p r o b a b l y i n v e r s e , p e r h a p s e v e n
t h e l i n e ( l 4 ) * j i g r te n g y i rgyan y in pas so3 i n s p i t e o f
t h e two u n s a t i s f a c t o r y f e e t { I ta r m jes a n d g y i rg ya n , c f .
N. S im o n sso n , "Z ur i n d o - t i b e t i s c h e n T e x t k r i t i k " , O rie n ta lia
Suecana3 2 , 1 9 5 3 , 1 2 9 - 5 2 , p a s s i m ) . I f ( 1 8 ) so s t a n d s f o r sogs
t h e l i n e i s , o f c o u r s e , i n p r o s e , p r o b a b ly added t o t h e p r e
ce d in g päda as an e x p l a n a t i o n . I f we a r e a l l o w e d t o r e g a r d
t h e two l i n e s a s t h e e x p r e s s i o n o f one c o m p l e t e i d e a (a rth a )s
we may r e f e r t o § 15 and Y a s o m i t r a ’ s d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e t e r m
pada (= väkyam yävatä 'rth a p a risa m ä p tih ).
535
§ 7
Rol pa'i rdo rje XXXII
(l) shon 'jug / (2) r$es 'jug / (3) min gzi 'i (b) yi ge
(5) ka (6) la sogs pa rnams / (7) gftis (8) sam (9) du ma
(10) 'dus pa las (ll) min du (12) 'grub ste /
(l) Prefixes, (2) suffixes Cand! (U) the letters (3) of the
word-bases, Cviz. the letters! (5) ka (6) and so on (12) are
made into (ll) names (lO) through the combination of (7) two
(8) or (9) several.
§ 8
dper na /
(1) ka ba / (2) mdog / (3) bum pa / (U) chu / (5) dge ba /
(6) bde ba / (7) vg y a l po / (8) ahab srid / (9) sans rgyas /
(10) chos lugs / (ll) sems can / (12) bde skyid (13) ses pa
Ita bu 'o //
For instance, (13) such as:
(l) pillar, (2) colour, (3) jar, (h) water, (5) virtue,
(6) happiness, (7) king, (8) power, (9) Buddha, (10) religion,
(11) human being, (12) happiness.
Commentary: As will be seen in the next paragraph, these
examples are not chosen at random, nor is the order of their
presentation. The twelve "words" are all what we, in our
tradition, call "nouns". In § 9 it will be seen how these
"nouns" are prevented from coalescing into mih (§ 10 (e.g.
ka ba mdog "pillar-colour", perhaps even ka ba mdog bum pa
"pillar-colour-jar") by means of dividing elements, viz.
case particles (rnam dbye) and other (gzan) Cwords than the
nouns enumerated!.
§ 9
(1) de dag la (2) rnam dbye (3) gzan gyis (1+) 'ehams (5)
sbyar ba las (6) chig tu (j) 'grub ste /
(5) By creating (b) interstices (l) among those Cwords! by
means of (2) case particles Cand! (3) other Cwords than the
enumerated ones!, (6) phrases (7) are brought about.
536
Commentary: (4) 'chams = mchams. In the following paragraph
m a m dbye will he marked by (+ ), and gzan (i.e. verbs and
adjectives functioning as verbs) by (++).
§ 10
dper na /
(I) ka ba (+) ri (2) mdog (-H-)mjes /
(3) bum pa (+)ru (4) chu (++)gnas /
(5) dge ba (+)las (6) bde ba (++) 'byuh /
(7) rgyal po (+)'i (8) chab srid (++)brtan /
(9) sans rgyas (+)kyi (10) chos lugs (++)dar /
(II) sems can (+)gyi (12) bde skyid (++)phel
(13) zes pa Ita bu ’o //
For instance (13) such as:
(I) the pillar (+)'s (2) colour (++) is beautiful;
(+) in (3) the jar (4) water (++) is to be found;
(+) from (5) virtue (6) happiness (++) will come;
(7) the king (+)’s (8) power (++) is firm;
(9) Buddha (+)’s (10) religion (++) spreads;
(II) the human beings (+)’s (12)happiness (-H-) increases.
Commentary: Since according to Tibetan syntactic rules the
normal place of the verb is at the end of a sentence, the
verb functions as a dividing element in the enumeration of
the nouns of § 8 (cf. § 8, Commentary).
As for a parallel of the dividing function of the rnam
dbye3 cf. K. Grönbech, Der türkische Sprachbau3 I, Kopenhagen
1936, p. 84:
Die hauptsächliche Aufgabe der nominalen Flexions
suffixe ist ... nicht die, die Wörter mit einander
in Verbindung zu setzen und zu zeigen, welche Wörter
zu welchen anderen in nähere Beziehungen treten
sollen, sondern umgekehrt die Wörter von einander zu
trennen. Bei uns sind Kasus wie Genitiv und Akkusativ
Wegweiser, welche die Verbindungslinien zwischen den
Satzteilen andeuten; im Türkischen muss man sich die
gleichnamigen Kasusformen eher als Grenzpfähle Cef.
mchams3 § 9. N.S.3 vorsteilen, welche die individuelle
Integrität der Nomina aufrecht erhalten, damit sie
dem Nachfolgenden gegenüber eine gewisse Selbständig
keit behaupten können.
537
The Tibetan passage of § 10 does not give any clue to
the meaning of § 9 ohig, viz. as to whether it corresponds
to the pada of the Buddhist philosophical speculation or to
the verb-centred väkya (§ 11) of the Päninian tradition.
The humble role assigned to the verb would not speak in
favour of the latter alternative. On the other hand, there
is a marked difference between the sound linguistic approach
of § 10 and the approach of § § U-6. As no definite stand
point can be taken, I stick to the translation "phrase” given
in §§ 3, 5, 6.
§ 11
As I implied in the introductory words to this paper,
the startingpoint of my observations is the fact that, accord
ing to the Päninian vyäkavana3 the sentence (väkya) is verb-
centred: Mahäbhäsya 2,1,1, vt. 9 äkhyätam sävyaya-kävaka-
vttesanam väkyam (see § IT)- The gist of this is that the
verb is visesya3 the rest of the sentence is visesana. Now
the discussions of the grammarians, starting from Yaska
(bhäva-pradhänam äkhyätam) , permits the conclusion that the
verb itself may be considered as containing two elements,
viz. a visesya3 called bhäva3 and a vitesana3 consisting of
the sense of the root. I am not qualified to enter into the
extremely difficult discussion of the interpretation of the
term bhäva. However, the mere suspicion that bhäva might be
conceived as something "absolute" (cf., e.g., Durga ad Nirukta
1,1,2: ... yena ätwabhävena bhavanamätväbhisambandhinä pra-
layakäle 'vatdsthate so 1tyantävinäsadhavmä bhäva ity ucyate)3
may be supposed to have caused the Buddhists (or rather some
of them, viz. those who adhered to some kind of dharma-theory)
certain trouble.
In the following paragraphs I will draw attention to a
theory of language which is more in accordance with the gene
ral Buddhist presuppositions than the theories of the gram
marians appear to be.
§ 12
The passage in which Vasubandhu treats vyafljana-käya3
näma-käya3 and pada-käya (Abhidharmakosa II, b'J) has been
translated in his usual masterly way by Louis de La Vallee
Poussin (L’Abhidharmakosa de Vasubandhu3 traduit et annote,
Paris 1923). In order to satisfy certain needs of my own
I will present a new translation, in which Yasomitra's com
mentary will be of no less interest than Vasubandhu’s own
538
te x t. The r e a s o n f o r t h i s i s t h e f o l l o w i n g . J u s t a s m odern
s c h o l a r s h a v e shown an u n d e r s t a n d a b l e t e n d e n c y t o s t r e s s t h e
i n f l u e n c e o f t h e P ä n i n i a n vyäkarctna on t h e T i b e t a n g r a m m a t i c a l
t h e o r i e s , i n t h e same way Y a s o m itr a w i l l i n t e r p r e t V a s u b a n d h u 's
B u d d h i s t s p e c u l a t i o n s on l a n g u a g e b y r e f e r r i n g t o t h e P ä n i n i a n
tra d itio n . The r e s u l t t e n d s a t t i m e s t o t u r n o u t r a t h e r c h a o t i c .
So i n a way, t h e p r o b le m s o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g Y a s o m itr a a r e p a r a l l e l
t o t h e p r o b le m s o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g t h e B u d d h i s t p r e s u p p o s i t i o n s
u n d e rly in g th e T ib e ta n t h e o r i e s o f la n g u a g e . On b o t h s i d e s ,
t h e m ain d i f f i c u l t y l i e s i n t h e c o n f l i c t o f two b a s i c a l l y i n
c o m p a t i b l e phenom ena, v i z . one s y s te m i n w h ic h t h e v e r b i s
v is e s y a and one i n w h ic h i t i s vi§esana.
I t sh o u ld be m en tio n ed , as a k in d o f excuse f o r in a d e q u a c ie s
i n my t r e a t m e n t o f t h e s e d i f f i c u l t p r o b l e m s , t h a t w h i l e w o r k in g
o u t my p a p e r I d i d n o t h a v e a c c e s s t o t h e T i b e t a n v e r s i o n s o f t h e
A bhidharm a t e x t s d e a l t w i t h . I v e n t u r e t o h o p e , t h o u g h , t h a t
r e a d e r s who a r e f o r t u n a t e enough t o h a v e a t t h e i r d i s p o s a l a
w e ll-sto c k e d T ib e to lo g ic a l l i b r a r y w i l l be a b le to u n d ertak e
t h e c o n t r o l t h a t may seem n e c e s s a r y .
F or t h e t e x t o f t h e p a s s a g e t o b e t r e a t e d , see:
Sphutärthä AbhidharmakoSavyäkhyä by Yasom itra3 e d . b y U n r a i
W o g ih a r a , Tokyo 1971 (p p . l 8 l f f ) .
Abhidharmakosa and Bhäsya o f Aoharya Vasubandhu w ith Sphutärthä
Canmentary o f Äcärya Y asom itra , c r i t i c a l l y e d i t e d b y Swami
D w a rik a d a s S h a s t r i , Bauddha B h a r a t i S e r i e s - 5, V a r a n a s i
1970.
P. P r a d h a n , AbhidharmakoSabhäsya ( T i b e t a n S a n s k r i t Works S e r i e s ,
V I I I ) , K .P. J a y a s w a l R e s e a r c h I n s t i t u t e , P a t n a 1 9 6 7 .
§ 13
V asu b a n d h u
K ä r i k ä I I 1+7 a b : nämakäyädayah sarnjfläväkyäksarasamuktayah /
V a su b a n d h u , c om m entary: ädigrahanena padavyaftjanakäyagrahanam /
ta tr a samjhäkaranam näma3 tad yath ä rüpam sabda i t y evam ä d i /
K ä r i k ä : nämakäya3 e t c . , a r e t h e g r o u p s o f samjftä3 väkya3 and
aksara.
539
V a su b a n d h u , com m en tary : The w ord " e t c . " d e n o te s padakäya and
vyaPljanakäya. Among t h e s e [g r o u p s w h ic h a r e m e n tio n e d i n t h e
k ä r i k ä ! näman i s t h e same a s samj Pläkarana 3 a s when we sa y
" c o lo u r" , "so u n d ", e tc .
C om m entary: V asubandhu g i v e s i n t h e k ä r i k ä a v a g u e id e a o f
t h e m e a n in g o f näman3 pada3 and vyaPljana by nam ing t h e l e s s
t e c h n i c a l , o r g e n e r a l l y know n, e q u i v a l e n t s : samjPlä3 väkya3
aksara ( s e e § 2 ) . B ut i n h i s own bhä$ya V asubandhu s e e m in g ly
c o m p l i c a t e s t h i n g s by s a y in g sarpj Pläkarana 3 a n e x p r e s s i o n t h a t
i s open t o a B u d d h is t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Y a s o m itra i s n o t slo w
t o make u s e o f t h i s p o s s i b i l i t y (§ l H ) .
§ Ik
Y a s o m itra
"samjPläkaraxiam" i t i lokabhaseyam / scopj Pläkaranam nämadheyam
i t i paryäyah / ta th ä h i loke va ktä ro b h a v a n ti / d e v a d a tta
i t y asya samjPläkaranam i t i / samjPläyäh karancop samjPläkaranam /
yena samjPlä o a ita s ik o dharmah k r iy a te j any a te / samjPlaiva vä
karanam samj Pläkaranam/ samj Plägrahariarp aänya ka ra ^a n ivrttya rth a m
karanagrahanam o a ita sik a v ise sa n ä rth a m / y a d i h i samjPlä riämety
u c y e ta 3 o a ita s ik o 'p i sambhäoyeta / t a t (ah) punah "samjPlä-
karanam nama rüpam tabdo" ra so gandho vä " i t y evam ä d i" /
The w ord "sarpjPläkarana" i s e v e r y - d a y la n g u a g e . I t i s a
synonym f o r nämadheya. F o r t h i s i s how we s a y i n e v e r y - d a y
la n g u a g e : " D e v a d a tta i s h i s sarnjPläkavana". CThe s a m ä s a l
samjPläkarana [may b e i n t e r p r e t e d a s a t a t p u r u § a l saipjPläyäh.
karanam [ i . e . samjPlä i s t h e o b j e c t i v e g e n e t i v e o f karayam3
a c c o r d i n g t o t h e f o l l o w i n g a n a l y s i s : ! Lkaranam i s t h a t ! by
w h ich [ s o m e th in g , v i z . ! samjPlä, i . e . a m e n ta l dharm a [= " i d e a " ! ,
" i s m ade", i . e . i s cau sed t o a p p e a r. [T he sa m ä sa ! samjPlä-
karanam [m ay! a l t e r n a t i v e l y [b e a n a l y s e d a s a k a rm a d h ä ra y a : !
"samjPlä i s i d e n t i c a l w ith karanam" ; an d t h e w ord samjPlä i s
u se d in o rd e r to p re v e n t [ th e p o s s i b i l i t y o f i n t e r p r e t i n g
karana a s ! some o t h e r karana. And t h e w ord karana i s u s e d
i n o r d e r [ t o show t h a t näman i s n o t i d e n t i c a l w ith t h e m e n ta l
dharm a " i d e a " , b u t t h a t nämanl i s a q u a l i f i c a t i o n o f t h i s
m e n ta l d h a rm a . F o r i f i t w e re s a i d samjPlä näma [ i n s t e a d o f
samjPlä-karanam näm al , t h e n Lnämanl m ig h t b e c o n s i d e r e d a s a
m e n ta l d h arm a! T h a t i s why [V asu b an d h u s a y s when h e ! a g a in
Cpunar) [ i s g o in g t o m e n tio n t h e w ord samjPlä. o f t h e k ä r i k ä ! :
samjPlä-karanam näma. By " e t c . " [ f o l l o w i n g a f t e r ! " c o l o u r ,
so u n d " [ i s m e a n t : ! o r t a s t e , o r o d o u r.
540
Commentary: F o r samjflä " i d e a ” a s caitasika-dh arm a3 b u t ndman,
e t c . a s c itta - v ip r a y u k ta 3 s e e , f o r e x a m p le , J u n j i r o T a k a k u s u ,
The E s s e n tia ls o f Buddhist P h ilosoph y , H o n o lu lu 1 9 ^ 7 , p p . 7 2 f
§ 15
V asubandhu
"väkyam padam"3 yävatä ’rth aparisam äptih / ta d yathä a n ity ä
hata samskärä i t y evarrt ä d i / yena kriyä-guna-käla-sam bandha-
v is e s ä gamyante /
[By] "väkya " C m entioned i n t h e k ä r i k ä , 5 Uwe m e a n l pada Cby
w hich t e r m we do n o t mean a " w o r d " , b u t a s e t o f w o r d s , u s e d 5
i n so f a r a s a m e a n in g ( i d e a ? ) i s b r o u g h t t o c o m p l e t e e x p r e s s i o n .
F o r i n s t a n c e : "im p e rm a n e n t a r e t h e sam skäras'\ e t c . CA pada i s
d e f i n e d a s t h a t i b y w h ic h t h e s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n s o f a c t i o n ,
q u a l i t y , and t i m e a r e known.
Commentary: The e ty m o lo g y padam = yena gamyante w i l l b e d i s
c u s s e d i n §§ 1 6 , 1 7 . C f. § 3.
T h i s p a s s a g e shows t h a t t h e c o n c e p t pada d o e s n o t h a v e
much i n common w i t h t h e c o n c e p t väkya o f t h e g r a m m a r i a n s . I t
i s t r u e t h a t t h e w ords a n ity ä bata samskäräh m ig h t b e u n d e r
s t o o d a s a väkya i n t h e g r a m m a t i c a l s e n s e b y an o u t s i d e r , b u t
h a r d l y by a B u d d h i s t r e a d e r who - l i k e Y a s o m itr a § l 6 - was
a b l e t o make t h e q u o t a t i o n c o m p l e t e :
a n ity ä bata samskärä utpädavyayadharminah
utpadya h i nirudhyante3 te§ärp vyupasamah sukham.
S in c e t h e s e l i n e s form a pada3 t h e q u e s t i o n a r i s e s a s t o t h e
p o i n t o f v ie w from w h ic h t h e y b r i n g a b o u t a rth a p a risa m ä p ti .
Y a s o m itr a i n t e r p r e t s t h e s t a n z a a s a c o m p l e t e s y l l o g i s m ( n o t
d i s c u s s e d i n t h i s p a p e r b e c a u s e o f i t s l e n g t h , b u t s e e L o u is
de La V a l l e e P o u s s i n ’ s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n ) . H ow ever, t h e q u e s t i o n
t h a t n a t u r a l l y a r i s e s a s t o w h e th e r t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n a s a
s y l l o g i s m i s a c o n d i t i o n s i n e qua n o n , d oes n o t r e c e i v e an
answ er. Nor i s i t c l e a r w hat i s t o be c o n s i d e r e d t h e minimum
number o f w ords n e c e s s a r y t o fo rm a pada. F o r a f u r t h e r d i s
c u s s i o n o f t h e p o s s i b l e e q u i v a l e n c e o f ch ig a n d pada (§§ 5 - 6 ) ,
t h i s q u e stio n i s o f c o n s id e ra b le i n t e r e s t , u n le s s th e concept
dbye ba (§ 5) i s t h e o n l y d e c i s i v e f a c t o r i n d e f i n i n g ch ig
( c f . § 20).
541
§ l6
Yasomitra
"väkyam padam" iti / padyate gconyate 'neneti / padam tu suptih-r
antam padam grhyate / tenaha "yävatärthaparisamäptis tad
yatha anityä bata samskäräh ity evam ädi" iti / ädisabdena
utpädavyayadharminah3utpadya hi nirudhyante3 tesäm vyupasamah
sukham ity evam ädi /
[By! "väkya" [we mean! "pada". [The word pada is analysed as
karanasädhana: 1 [something! 'is gone', i.e. is known, thereby.
However, as for "pada": pada is [usually, by the grammarians,!
taken [in the meaning of! that which has a nominal or verbal
ending. Therefore [i.e. in order to preclude this interpreta
tion! the author says: "in so far as a meaning (idea?) is
brought to complete expression. For instance: impermanent are
the samskäras, etc." By "etc." [the rest of Sakra's words
are meant!: having as attributes birth and decay, for having
been born they die; their cessation is happiness. And so on.
Commentary: The concluding ity evam ädi is hardly of any rele
vance in stating the limits of a pada and its fulfilment of
arthaparisamäpti. Either there is carelessness on the part of
the commentator, or he wants simply to say that the example
given is one among other possible examples.
The etymology of pada is based on the hermeneutical rule
savve gatyarthä jflänärthäh (cf. N. Simons son, Indo-tibetische
Studien , Uppsala 1957, pp. 271, 272; and "indisk hermeneutisk
tradition" (in Swedish), in: Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och
Antikvitets Akademiens Arsbok 1978, Stockholm 1978, pp.158-68).
Cf. §§ 3, 15, 17.
§ 17
Yasomitra
"yena kriyä-guna-käla-sambandha-visesä gamyante" / sävyaya-
kärakavisesanam väkyam iti väkyavido vadanti / tad yathä
pacati pathati gacchattti3 krsno gauro raktah iti} pacati
paksyaty apäksid iti kriyä-guna-kälänäm sambandhavisesä gam
yante tat padam /
"By which the specific relations of action, quality, and time
are known." The [Paninian! experts on väkya say that väkya
542
[ s e n t e n c e ! i s w h a t h a s i n d e c l i n a b l e w o rd s a n d käraka a s q u a l i
fie rs. [B u t a c c o r d i n g t o V a s u b a n d h u ,! t h a t i s pada3 w h e re b y
a r e known s p e c i f i c r e l a t i o n s c o n n e c t e d w i t h a c t i o n : e . g . , i s
c o o k i n g , i s r e a d i n g , i s g o in g - w i t h q u a l i t y : e . g . , b l a c k ,
w h i t e , r e d - and w i t h t i m e : e . g . i s c o o k i n g , w i l l b e c o o k i n g ,
has cooked.
Commentary: F o r t h e c o m p l e t e q u o t a t i o n from M ahäbhäsya 2 , 1 , 1 ,
see § 11. I t may b e d o u b t e d t h a t t h e d e f i n i t i o n h a s r e a l l y
b e e n i n s e r t e d by Y a s o m i t r a h i m s e l f , s i n c e i t c a u s e s a b r e a k
i n t h e n a t u r a l f lo w o f h i s r e a s o n i n g . W hether Y a s o m i t r a ' s
way o f s p l i t t i n g up t h e sam äsa (kriyä-guna-kälänärp sambandha-
v ise sä h ) i s c o n d u c i v e t o a n a d e q u a t e u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e
r e l a t i o n b e tw e e n sambandhavi§esa and t h e t h r e e t e r m s , I am
not in a p o s itio n to d e c id e . N e v e r t h e l e s s , i t seems r e a s o n a b l y
c e r t a i n t o me t h a t t h e f o l l o w i n g i n f o r m a t i o n i s t o b e g a i n e d
from t h e p a s s a g e ( t a k i n g i n t o a c c o u n t a l s o w hat was s a i d i n
§ lU ) : I n V a s u b a n d h u 's t h e o r y t h e " s e n t e n c e " (pada) i s made
up o f näman, c o n s i d e r e d a s viG esya, a n d o f v e r b s ( e x p r e s s i v e
o f a c t i o n and t i m e ) , a n d a d j e c t i v e s ( e x p r e s s i v e o f q u a l i t i e s ) ,
b o t h c a t e g o r i e s b e i n g c o n s i d e r e d a s v ite s a n a .
§ 18
Y a s o m itr a
ta th ä h i sämänye vartamänänäm padänäm yad v is e s e 'vasthänam
sa väkyärtha i t y ähuh / ta d evarn svalaksanäbhi'dyotakam närria
kriyädisam bandhaviäesäbhidyotakam padam i t y uktam b h a v a ti /
I t h a s b e e n s a i d [M ahäbhäsya 1,2,1+5, v t U3: t h e s e n s e o f a
väkya i s t h e f u n c t i o n a s s o m e th in g s p e c i a l o f w o rd s w h ic h
[ t a k e n s e p a r a t e l y ! d e n o t e s o m e th in g g e n e r a l . C o n se q u e n tly ,
t h e g i s t [ o f w hat V a suba ndhu h a s s a i d up t i l l now! i s t h e
f o l l o w i n g : name (näman) i s t h a t w h ic h g i v e s a c o m p r e h e n s i v e
(a b h i-) i n t i m a t i o n [ o f a " t h i n g " ! ; p h r a s e (pada) i s t h a t
w h ic h g i v e s a c o m p r e h e n s iv e (a b h i-) i n t i m a t i o n o f t h e s p e c i f i c
re la tio n s of actio n , e tc .
Commentary: Renou t r a n s l a t e s t h e q u o t a t i o n from M ahäbhäsya a s
f o l l o w s ( T e r m i n o l o g ie s . v . väkya): " l e s e n s de l a p h r a s e ,
c ' e s t l a m is e en f o n c t i o n s p a r t i c u l i e r e s de m ots q u i ( p r i s
un ä un) o n t une f o n c t i o n g e n e r a l e " .
W hether t h i s q u o t a t i o n a n d Y a s o m i t r a ' s c o n c l u d i n g w ords
c o r r o b o r a t e my c o n c l u s i o n i n t h e p r e c e d i n g p a r a g r a p h , I am
n o t i n a p o s i t i o n t o d e c i d e . I f L o u is de La V a l l e e P o u s s i n ' s
543
i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of Y aso m itra’ s i n t e n t i o n i s c o r r e c t , th e y p ro
b a b l y d o . ” Le näman f a i t v o i r (dyotaka) l e c a r a c t e r e p r o p r e
(svalaksan a ) ; l e pada f a i t v o i r l e s d i v e r s e s r e l a t i o n s ou se
tro u v e l a chose dont le c a r a c t e r e p ro p re e s t c o n n u ."
A s e p a r a t e w o rd , e . g . cow, d e n o t e s o r i n t i m a t e s s o m e th in g
g e n e r a l . I n c o m b i n a t i o n w i t h o t h e r w o rd s w h ic h g i v e k n o w le d g e
o f r e l a t i o n s t h e ’’same” w ord d e n o t e s o r i n t i m a t e s s o m e th in g
sp e c ia l. Y a s o m itr a o b v i o u s l y w a n ts t o e x p r e s s t h e same i d e a
in B ud d h ist te rm s . My t r a n s l a t i o n ’’c o m p r e h e n s i v e ” (a b h i-) i s
b a s e d on t h e s u p p o s i t i o n t h a t t h e r e i s a n a l l u s i o n t o a rth a -
p a risa m ä p ti (§ 1 5 ) . The t r a n s l a t i o n ’’i n t i m a t i o n ” i s b a s e d on
th e s u p p o s itio n t h a t th e r e i s in t h i s s p e c u la tio n - as in th e
g r a m m a t i c a l s p e c u l a t i o n - a d i f f e r e n c e b e tw e e n väoaka and
dyotaka ( s e e e . g . R enou, T erm inologie3 s . v . d y u t-) .
S i n c e " c o m p l e t e n e s s ” (p a risa m ä p ti) i s a n e s s e n t i a l f a c t o r
i n d e t e r m i n i n g t h e c o n c e p t pada ( s e n t e n c e , p h r a s e ) , t h e r e i s
good r e a s o n t o r a i s e t h e q u e s t i o n o f w h e t h e r t h e same f a c t o r ,
o r an a n a l o g o u s f a c t o r , p l a y s a r o l e i n d e t e r m i n i n g t h e c o n c e p t
o f näman3 näman b e i n g d e f i n e d a s svalaksanäbhidyotakam . The
q u e s t i o n may b e f o r m u l a t e d a s f o l l o w s : I s one "w o rd ” ( i n t h e
g r a m m a t i c a l s e n s e ) a lw a y s enough t o g i v e a " c o m p l e t e " i n t i m a
t i o n o f a sva la k sa n a , i n o t h e r w o r d s , t o e x p r e s s a n i d e a
(samjHä) ? T h i s q u e s t i o n i s o c c a s i o n e d b y t h e p r o b le m o f min
d i s c u s s e d b u t r e m a i n i n g u n s o l v e d i n § b. A t e x t i n w h ic h t h e
p r o b le m o f mih3 oh ig3 e t c . i s e x t r e m e l y i m p o r t a n t , i s S g r a
s b y o r bam po g n i s pa ( M a d h y a v y u t p a t t i ) , t r e a t e d b y me i n Indo-
tib e tis o h e Stu dien 3 p p . 2 3 8 - 8 0 ( s e e e s p e c i a l l y p . 2 ^ 2 , and c f .
M ille r, p p .l3 f).
§ 19
V asu b a n d h u
"vyafljanam aksaram" 3 ta d yath ä a3 ä i t y evam 5 d i /
"vyaftjana” i s t h e same a s "aksara"3 n a m e ly a 3 <2 , e t c .
Y a s o m itr a
"vyafljanam aksaram" i t i / vam a i t y arth ah / na tu h at eva;
acäm a p i vya flja n a k a tv e n e sta tvä t /
"vyafljana i s t h e same a s aksara". The m e a n in g i s : phoneme
(va rn a ). Not o n l y t h e c o n s o n a n t s Hare c a l l e d vyaftcana 3, f o r
also the vowels (ac) are din our systemi considered as vyaHjana.
Commentary: Tibetan gsal byed3 see § 2.
§ 20
In the preceding paragraphs I tried to keep the discussion
within the limits constituted by the material offered by Vasu-
bandhu and Yasomitra. This is why the concept of väkya was dis
cussed only in so far as it concerns "verb-centred sentence".
The Buddhist material gave no clue to the solution of the problem
raised in § h: rdo rje 'jin dbafi is classified as mih3 but can
dan gyi ka ba as chig. It is obvious by now that the solution
of this problem is not to be looked for in the sphere of Buddhist
speculation. So in spite of the fact that the illustrating example
of chig in § 6 is a typically Buddhist one, we shall have to turn
to the Päninian tradition in order to understand can dan gyi ka
ba § 5. This is in fact a väkya3 but not a väkya in the sense
discussed in the preceding passages. We are concerned here with
väkya = "expression analytique", as opposed to vrtti "expression
synthetique" or "expression combinee... qui consiste en l ’emploi
d ’un derive et plus souvent d ’un compose" (Renou, Terminologie3
s . w . väkya and vrtti). For the terminology used in Päli (väkya3
vyäsa3 vutti), see Helmer Smith, Conspectus terminorum 5.2 in:
Saddaniti3 la grammaire palie d'Aggavamsa3 texte etabli par
Helmer Smith, Lund 1928-1966, p.1123.
The random observations presented in this paper are dedicated
to a scholar whose erudition in Indian and Tibetan lore is unmatche<
I can only hope that he will find a thought or two worthy of con
sideration and regard the rest with the indulgent eye of an old
friend.
545
SOURCES OF THE LANKAVATARA
AND ITS POSITION IN MAHÄYÄNA BUDDHISM
Jikido TAKASAKI (Tokyo)*
Determining the date of Mahäyäna sütras is one earnest concern
of modern scholars of Indology, and in most cases a difficult
and troublesome task. It is usually held that the first appear
ance of Mahäyäna sütras was between the first century B.C. and
the first century A.D., and that most of the important sütras
such as the Rrajftäpäramitä, the Saddhajmapundarika3 the Ganda-
vyüha3 and the Da&abhfimika3 as well as some other sütras be
longing to the Avatamsaka groups, the Käsyapaparivarta (Ratna-
küta) 3 the Vimalakirtinirdesa, the larger and smaller Sukhäva-
tivyühas, and others were already in vogue before Nägärjuna
(A.D. 150-250). There are some other sütras which were probably
unknown to Nägärjuna and Xryadeva, the early teachers of the
Mädhyamika, but clearly known to Asanga and Vasubandhu, the
founders of the Vijffänaväda of Yogäcära, such as the Sandhi-
nirmocana and the Mahäyäna-abhidharmasütra. Such is also the
case with regard to the group of sütras which teach the tathä
gatagarbha (or Buddha nature) doctrine such as the Tathägata-
garbhasütra3 the Srimäläsütra3 the Anünatväpürnatvanirdesa3
and the Mahäparinirväna sütra.
The Lahkävatära, 1 to which we are now going to refer, is
also one of the later compositions, since it expresses concur
rently the vijftaptimätra theory and the tathägatagarbha theory,
two theories unknown to Nägärjuna. Furthermore, because of its
unique doctrine of the identification of älayavijftäna with
tathägatagarbha, a doctrine that is not found even in the
works of Asanga and Vasubandhu, the Lahkävatära is sometimes
regarded as of a date later than Vasubandhu.2
There is another criterion for deciding the date of compo
sition of a sütra besides the reference to the date of great
teachers to whom it was or was not known. The date of the
first translation of a sütra into Chinese, if this were extant,
gives the lower limit of composition of that sütra. In case
the first translation is non-extant, the degree of certainty
is reduced, but this date is taken into consideration. As for
the Lahkävatära, three translations are preserved in the Chinese
546
Tripitaka, of which the oldest is the so-called Sung version
in four fascicles translated by Gunabhadra in 1+1+3. According
to the Chinese catalogues of Tripitaka, there was a translation
of this sütra by Dharmaksema, who engaged in the work of trans
lation between 1+12 and 1+33.I
3 If this is true, the lowest limit
*
.
of the date of the Lankävatära would be a bit earlier. In any
case, we suppc^ from these facts that the Lankävatära probably
already existed by the end of the fourth century A.D., or at
the latest by the early fifth century.
The late Dr. H. Ui was of the opinion that the Lankävatära
belongs to the group of Mahäyäna sütras in the third period,
i.e. the period after Asanga and Vasubandhu, and that since
it already existed at the end of the fourth century A.D., the
date of Vasubandhu, to whom it was unknown, should be some
time in the fourth century. Thus Ui assumed the date of
Asanga as 300-300 and that of his younger brother Vasubandhu
as 320- 1+00 . (Another bit of evidence to decide this date is
that the Bodhisattvabhümi was translated by Dharmaksema approxi
mately in 1+20. 4
To this supposition an objection was raised by the late
Dr. S. Yamaguchi, who, after examining the Tibetan translation
of the Vyäkhyäyukti attributed to Vasubandhu, found a series
of verses identified with w . 135-7 in the Sagäthakam of the
Lankävatära. 5 If the Vyäkhyäyukti is really a work of Vasu
bandhu, the Lankävatära , or at least a certain number of verses
in it, might have been known to Vasubandhu. There are two
possible assumptions that can be made concerning this problem:
to suppose the date of composition of the Lankävatära to be in
the early fourth century or earlier, or else, to suppose that
Vasubandhu lived in the fifth century. Yamaguchi seems to
have supported the latter possibility, although he did not say
this explicitly in his article. The date of Vasubandhu is
still a point of issue among scholars, but presently it is
generally assumed to be the fifth century (approximately 1+00-
1+80). For further verification, however, we will have to
examine the internal evidence of the Lankävatära.
As to internal criteria for deciding the date of composi
tion of a sütra, we may note, roughly speaking, the following
three kinds of cases:
I. Proper names appearing in the sütra: a) names of sütras;
b) names of principal personae in certain sütras; c) other
names peculiar to certain sütras; d) names of historical
persons.
547
II. I d i o m a t i c p h r a s e s w h ic h seem t o i n d i c a t e t h a t s e n t e n c e s
f o l l o w i n g th e m a r e q u o t a t i o n s o f o r r e f e r e n c e s t o some
s ü t r a p a s s a g e s . I n t h e c a s e o f t h e Lankävatära we o f t e n
m eet s u c h p h r a s e s a s 'uktam desanäpäthe . . . '3 ' s ü trä n ta -
p ä th e r3 ’y a t punar idarn ( e ta d ) uktam bhagavatä —
e tc .
III. T e c h n i c a l t e r m s o f i m p o r t a n t k e y w ords u n i q u e t o c e r t a i n
s ü t r a s o r s y s te m s o f d o c t r i n e s , e . g . Y o g ä c ä r a - v i j n ä n a v ä d a ,
M ädhyamika, and t h e l i k e .
Below, we s h a l l exam ine t h e c o n t e n t s o f t h e Lankävatära
in t h e l i g h t o f t h e s e c r i t e r i a .
I. P r o p e r Names
a ) Names o f s ü t r a s :
1. V erse l 6 o f c h a p t e r V I I I r u n s as f o ll o w s :
H astikakse mahämeghe nirvän än gu lim älike /
Lahkävatärasü tr e ca mayä mämsam v iv a r jita m / /
I n t h i s v e r s e we c a n o b s e r v e t h e names o f f i v e Mahäyäna
s ü t r a s , i n c l u d i n g t h e Lankävatära , w h ic h a r e s a i d t o t e a c h
t h e p r o h i b i t i o n o f m e a t - e a t i n g . The o t h e r f o u r s ü t r a s a r e :
1) t h e H astikaksasü tra ( e q u i v a l e n t t o T. Nos. 8 1 3 , 8 l 4 ) ,
2) t h e Mahämeghasütra ( e q u i v a l e n t t o T. No. 3 8 7 ) ,
3) t h e Mahäpardndrvänasütra ( e q u i v a l e n t t o T. Nos. 3 7 4 - 6 ) ,
4) t h e Anguldmäldkasütra ( e q u i v a l e n t t o T. No. 1 2 0 ) ,
a n d , i n d e e d , we f i n d th e p r o h ib itio n o f m e a t-e a tin g in
a l l o f th e m .6
C h a p t e r V I I I o f t h e Lankävatära i s s p e c i a l l y d e d i c a t e d t o
t h e s u b j e c t o f m e a t - e a t i n g (mäm sabhaksana-pardvarta) . T h i s
s u b j e c t i s n o t n e c e s s a r i l y c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h e m a in body o f t h e
s ü t r a a nd i s r e g a r d e d a s a s u p p l e m e n t a r y c h a p t e r . No v e r s e s
b e l o n g i n g t o t h i s c h a p t e r h a v e e q u i v a l e n t v e r s e s i n t h e Sagä-
thakam , i . e . t h e s e c t i o n c o n s i s t i n g o f G ä th ä s o f t h e Lankäva-
tä ra . T h e se f a c t s , t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e m e n t i o n i n g o f i t s own
name i n t h e v e r s e , e n a b l e u s t o s u p p o s e t h a t t h i s c h a p t e r i s
a la te r a d d itio n . At t h e same t i m e , h o w e v e r , a s t h i s s u b j e c t
o f m e a t - e a t i n g i s m e n t i o n e d among s u b j e c t s i n q u e s t i o n i n t h e
b e g i n n i n g o f C h a p t e r I I , and m o r e o v e r , t h e o l d e s t e x t a n t C h in e s e
548
v e rs io n r e t a i n s t h i s p o r tio n in c lu d in g t h i s v e ry v e r s e , i t i s
c e r t a i n t h a t t h i s v e r s e shows t h e c l e a r h i s t o r i c a l b a c k g ro u n d
o f t h e d o c t r i n e o f t h e p r o h i b i t i o n o f m e a t - e a t i n g i n M ahäyäna
Buddhism b e f o r e t h e Lankävatära.
Of t h e s ü t r a s m e n tio n e d a b o v e , t h e Mahäparinirväna i s one
o f t h e i m p o r ta n t s ü t r a s o f t h e T a th ä g a ta g a rb h a t h e o r y . The
Mahämegha an d t h e Ahgulimälika h av e a n i n t i m a t e c o n n e c tio n
w ith i t , p r o b a b ly i n f l u e n c e d b y i t in t h e i r d o c t r i n e c o n c e r n in g
tathägatagarbha.7 From t h i s we may s u p p o s e t h a t t h e Hastikaksa-
sütra (w h ic h h a s no c o n n e c tio n w ith t h e tathägatagarbha t h e o r y )
was i n c lu d e d among t h e s e s ü t r a s b e c a u s e i t t o o p r o h i b i t s t h e
e a t i n g o f m e a t, a p r o h i b i t i o n w h ich i s i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h t h e
d o c t r i n e o f tathägatagarbha , w h ich r e c o g n i s e s an d t e a c h e s t h e
p o s s i b i l i t y o f e v e r y l i v i n g b e in g w ith o u t e x c e p tio n b e c o m in g
B uddha.
b) Names o f p r i n c i p a l personae:
1. S r im ä lä D e v i
^The Lankävatära r e f e r s t o S r lm ä lä D e v i, t h e h e r o i n e o f
th e Srimälädevisimhanädasütra_, tw ic e i n c h a p t e r V I , n a m e ly :
etad eva Mahämate mayä ‘Srimäläm devim adhikrtya desa-
näpäthe ' nyäm's ca süksmanipunavisuddhibuddhin bodhisattvän
adhisthäya tathägatagarbha ätayavijflänasamsabditah
saptabhir vijftänaih saha pravrttyabhinivistänäm srävakä-
näm dharmanairätmyapradarsanärtham Srimäläm devim
adhisthäya tathägatavisayo d efzita h -----(L A S .p .2 2 2 .1 9 - 2 2 3 . 5)
The Srimäläsütra i s a l s o an im p o r ta n t s ü t r a i n t h e h i s t o r y
o f t h e T a th ä g a ta g a r b h a t h e o r y , and i s r e g a r d e d a s -being c o n te m
p o r a r y w ith t h e Mahäparinirväna. B e s id e s t h i s p a s s a g e , i t h ad
o t h e r i n f l u e n c e s on t h e Lankävatära, on a num ber o f p o i n t s o f
w h ich I s h a l l r e f e r t o l a t e r .
2. V a jr a g a r b h a
yathä Mahämate Vajragarbhasya bodhisattvasya mahäsattvasydn-
yesäm ca tädrglaksanagunasamanvägatänäm bodhisattvänäm
mahäsattvänäm evam Mahämate prathamäyäm bhümau bodhisattvä
mahäsattväh samädhisamäpattyadhisthänam pratilabhante /
(LAs’. ’ p . 1 0 0 .1 6 - 1 0 1 .3 )
V a jr a g a r b h a i s t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e B o d h is a ttv a i n t h e Da&a-
bhümika who p r e a c h e s t h e d o c t r i n e o f t h e t e n s t a g e s o f B o d h i
s a t t v a i n p l a c e o f t h e B uddha, th o u g h w ith h i s s u p p o r t (adhisthäna)
549
Here i n t h e s e c t i o n on t h e two k i n d s o f adhisthäna o f t h e
Buddha ( s e c t i o n No. 3 3 , p p . 1 0 0 . 6 - 1 0 3 . 6 ) , 8 t h i s p r e c i s e p o i n t
i s r e f e r r e d t o , a n d we come t o know t h a t t h e Lankävatära owes
i t s te n stag es th e o ry , s c a tte re d in v ario u s pages, to th e
Da&abhümika. T h is may he a n a t u r a l c o n s e q u e n c e o f i t s a c c e p t a n c e
o f t h e c itta m ä tr a t h e o r y o f t h e l a t t e r a s i t s f u n d a m e n t a l s t a n d
p o in t .
3. V ajrap än i
I n c h a p t e r V I I , t h e s e c t i o n on t h e a c t i v i t y o f t h e n i r -
mänakäya o f T a t h ä g a t a s ( S e c t i o n No. 8 5 ) , t h e r e i s f o u n d t h e
f o l l o w i n g q u e s t i o n and a n s w e r :
(kim käranam) vajrapäniS ca satatasam itam nityänubaddhah /
(LAS. p . * 2 4 0 .1 0 )
nirmitanairrrünikänäm Mahämate tathägatänäm vajrapän ih
pärsvänugato , na maulänäm tathägatänäm arhatäm samyaksam-
buddhänäm / . . . . / drspzdharm asukhavihärinas tarn (= maulam
tathägatam ) ägacchanty abhisamayadhzrmajfiänaksäntyä / a to
v a jra p ä n is tän anubadhnäti / (LAS. p . 2 4 2 . 6 - 1 1 )
V a jra p ä n i i s n o t a f i g u r e p e c u l i a r t o any p a r t i c u l a r s ü t r a ,
h u t h e r e s p e c i a l r e f e r e n c e i s made t o V a j r a p ä n i , t h e G u h y a p a ti
a s t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e B o d h i s a t t v a o f t h e T athägatäcintyaguhya-
nirdeG a, a l s o c a l l e d t h e G u h yapatiparisat o f t h e Mahäratna-
k ü ta sü tra (T. No. 310 ( 3 ) , 3 1 2 ; T i b . P ekin g , No. T6 o ( 3 ) ) .
I n t h a t s ü t r a , V a j r a p ä n i i s s a i d t o b e a lw a y s s t a n d i n g i n
t h e r i g h t h a n d o f t h e B uddha, a n d , b e c a u s e o f h i s p o s i t i o n ,
h e was a s k e d b y a n o t h e r B o d h i s a t t v a t o p r e a c h t h e s e c r e t
d o c t r i n e o f t h e T a t h ä g a t a (T. V o l. 1 1 , 7 0 5 c ) .
T h a t t h i s s ü t r a i n f l u e n c e d t h e Lankävatära i s g u a r a n t e e d
b y t h e f a c t t h a t t h e d o c t r i n e 'avacanam buddhavacanamr , w h ic h
became fam ous a s a u n i q u e s t a n d p o i n t o f t h e Lankävatära t h r o u g h
l a t e r p r o p a g a t i o n b y Zen B uddhism , i s i n t h i s s ü t r a s a i d t o b e
( p r e v i o u s l y ) t a u g h t by t h e B h a g a v a t (yad idarn uktam bhagavatä)
a n d a c t u a l l y i t i s f o u n d i n t h e s e c t i o n on t h e s e c r e t a c t o f
s p e e c h (väkkarmaguhyaka) o f t h e T a t h ä g a t a i n t h e T athägata-
gu h yäcin tyan irdesa (T. V o l. 1 1 , 719b = 5 5 a ) . I s h a l l r e f e r
t o t h i s b e lo w .
c ) O th e r names p e c u l i a r t o c e r t a i n s ü t r a s .
1 . Buddha A m itä b h a
v a ip ä k itä s ca ye buddhä jin ä nairm änikäs ca ye /
s a ttv ä s ca b o d h is a ttv ä s ca k s e tr ä n i ca d is e d is e / / l 4 o / /
550
(sic)
nisyandadharmanirmänä jinä nairmänikäs ca ye /
sarve te hy Amitäbhasya Sukhävatyä vinirgatäh //ibl//
(LAS. p. 283.U-7)
As is well known, Buddha Amitäbha and his cult go back
to the Sukhävattvyüha3 and this passage is one of the expressions
of the cult of Amitäbha. But as this cult is fairly widely
referred to in Mahäyäna sütras,9 it is not necessary to regard
the Lankävatära as belonging specially to Pure Land Buddhism.
d) Names of historical persons:
1. Nägähvaya (= Nägärjuna)
daksinäpatha-vedalyäm bhiksuh trtmön mahäyasäh /
nägähvayah sa nämnä tu sadasatpaksadcirakdh //165//
prakäsya loke mad-yänam mahäyänam anuttaram /
äsädya bhümim muditäm yäsyate 'sau sukhävattm //166//
(LAS. p. 286.12-15)
These verses in the Sagäthakam are famous as the prophecy
(vyäkarana) on Nägärjuna, and because of this prophecy, the
sütra gained renown among the Mahäyänists of later India.10
We may regard this, too, as further evidence that the Lankä
vatära was composed after Nägärjuna.
There are many other names belonging to categories c )
and d) in the Sagäthakam; for instance, Vyäsa, Kanada, Kapila
(v. 78*0 ; Pändaväh, Kauraväh, Räma (v. 785); Mauryäh, Nandäh,
Guptäh (v. 706), etc. The name ’guptäh' may be an indication
that this sütra is a product of the Gupta Age. But the other
examples are not too important for our present concern. More
over, these verses in the Sagäthakam, including the one referring
to Amitäbha and the one referring to Nägähvaya, have no equi
valents among the verses in the main body of the Lankävatära,
and this leaves some doubt about their existence before the
date of the first Chinese translation of this sütra.
II. Passages with Idiomatic Initiating Phrases (’yad uktam
bhagavatä ', etc.)
1. The saying, avacanam buddhavacanam
yad idam uktam bhagavatä yäm ca rätrim tathägato 'bhisam-
buddho3 yäm ca rätrim parinirväsyati, aträntara ekam apy
551
aksaram tathägatena nodährtam na prakhyäharisyati3
avaeanam buddhavacanam iti3 tat kim idam samahäyoktam
tathägatenarhatä samyaksambuddhenavacanam buddhavacanam
iti / (LAS. p. 1U2 .16-IU3 .3 )
This 'saying of the Bhagavat' comes, as mentioned earlier,
from the TathägatäcintyaguhyanirdeSa, and the Lahkävatära
intends to resolve the hidden meaning (samdhi) of this saying.
The answer given is that there are two aspects of dharmatä,
the truth, namely, pratyätmädhigamadharmatä and pauränasthiti-
dharmatä. The saying avaeanam buddhavacanam refers especially
to the latter aspect, which means the pratttyasamutpäda as the
nature of things regardless of the appearance of Tathägatas or
the non-appearance of them (utpädäd vä tathägatänäm anutpädäd
vä tathägatänäm sthitaivaisä dharmänäm dharmatä). This last
phrase is again a cliche commonly found since the Agamas and
the Nikäyas of Early Buddhism, referring to the eternity of
the truth.
1.2 The same saying is referred to in another passage:
ata etasmät käranän Mahämate uktam de'sanäpäthe mayänyais
ca buddhabodhisattvair yathaikam apy aksaram tathägatä
nbdäharanti na pratyäharanttti- / (LAS. p. 19^.6-8)
This is with special reference to the teaching that one
should rely upon the meaning hut not upon letters (as one of
the four reliances Lprati&arana1).
1.3 The very same saying is discussed in chapter VII
again in relation to its hidden meaning as one of the problems
of the role of the Buddha.
yasyäm ca rätrau tathägato 'nuttaräm samyaksambodhim
abhisambuddho yasyäm ca rätrau parinirvrta etasminnantare
bhagavataikam apy aksaram nbdährtam na pravyährtam /
(LAS*, p. 2U0 . h-6)
These frequent references show the serious concern of the
sütra in regard to this fundamental point.
2. Abhimänikasya sünyatädrstih
Another example of reference to a doctrine taught by the
Bhagavat, together with a new interpretation of its hidden
meaning, is the following:
552
idam Mahämate nästyastitvasya laksanam /
idem oa Mahämate samdhäybktam mayä varam khalu sumerumäträ
pudgaladrstir na tv eva nästyastitväbhimänikasya sünyatä-
d rstih / nästyastitväbhimäniko hi Mahämate vainäGiko
bhavati / (LAS. p . l 4 6 . 1 0 - l U )
T h is s a y i n g : varam k h a lu -----sünyatädrQ-pify, i s f o u n d i n
a s i m i l a r fo rm i n t h e Kätyapaparivarta3 i . e . t h e o l d Ratnaküta-
sü tra . 11
3. T ath äg atag arb h a th e o ry
The c o n c e p t o f tathägatagarbha i s a l s o s a i d t o h e from a
p r e v i o u s s ü t r a , n a m e ly :
tathägatagarbhah punar bhagavatä süträntapäthe ’nuvarnitäh /
sa oa k ila tvayä prakrtiprabhäsvara-vi§uddhy-ädivi§udclha
eva varnyate3 dvätrimtallaksccnadharah sarvasattvadehäntargato
mahärghamülyaratna-malina-vastraparivestitam iva skandha-
dhätväyatanavastravestitc rägadvesamohäbhütaparikalpa-
malamalino n ityo dhruvah §ivah tä iv a ta t oa bhagavatä
varnitah / ’ (LAS. p . T T . l ^ - p . T Ö . l )
A c t u a l l y , h o w e v e r , we h a v e a s y e t n o t fo u n d a n y p a r t i c u l a r
s ü t r a w h ic h h a s t h i s l o n g s e r i e s o f q u a l i f i c a t i o n s o f tathägata
garbha i n t h i s e x a c t o r d e r and w i t h t h e s e e x a c t e x p r e s s i o n s . Of
t h e s e q u a l i f i c a t i o n s o r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , t h e f i r s t o n e , p va k rti-
prabhäsvaratä , i s t h e m o s t b a s i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f tathägata
garbha and i s r a t h e r commonly fo u n d i n many s ü t r a s . T h is c o n c e p t ,
prakrtiprabhäsvaratä , i s u s u a l l y a c c o m p a n ie d b y a n o t h e r c h a r a c t e r
i s t i c , ägantukair upaklesair upaklistah , and t h i s l a t t e r c o n c e p t
i s h e r e r e f e r r e d t o by t h e e x p r e s s i o n rägadvesamohabhütapari-
kalpamalamalinah3 t o g e t h e r w i t h a s i m i l e o f mahärghamülyaratna
e n v e l o p e d b y a malinavastva. A s i m i l a r exam ple i s f o u n d among
t h e n i n e i l l u s t r a t i o n s on t h e tathägatagarbha t a u g h t i n t h e
Tathägatagarbhasütra3 12 w hich d e c l a r e d f o r t h e f i r s t t i m e t h a t
a l l l i v i n g b e i n g s a r e t h e embryos o f t h e T a t h ä g a t a , i . e . a r e
p o s s e s s e d o f t h e tathägatagarbha . 13 T h i s m ost i m p o r t a n t c o n c e p t
i s a g a i n r e f e r r e d t o h e r e by t h e e x p r e s s i o n sarvasattvadehantara-
gatah. On t h e o t h e r h a n d , t h e f o u r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f n itya -
-dhruva-siva-säsvata a r e f o u n d i n a s e t , and e x a c t l y i n ^ t h e
same o r d e r i n b o t h t h e Anünatväpürnatvanirde'sa and t h e Srtmälä. 14
From t h e ab o v e o b s e r v a t i o n s , we may s u p p o s e t h a t t h i s
p a s s a g e i s a k i n d o f summary o f 'tathägatagarbha-upadesa' ( c f .
LAS. p . 7 8 . 6 ) c o l l e c t e d fr o m v a r i o u s s ü t r a s p r e c e d i n g t h e
Lcoikävatära.
553
The f o llo w in g tw o exam p les a re w orth c o n s id e r in g f o r
t h e i r rem ark ab le s i m i l a r i t y w ith t h e d o c t r in e o f Vasubandhu
in t h e Trimsikä.
4. parikalpita evasau
yat punar etad uktam bhagavatä yena yena vikalpena ye ye
bhävä vikalpyante 3 na hi sa tesäm svabhävo bhavati3 p a ri-
kalpita evasau3 tad yadi bhagavan p a rik a lp ita evasau na
bhävasvabhävalaksanavadhäranam3 nanu te bhagavan nevam
bruvatah samklesavyavadänabhävah prasajyate p a rik a lp ita -
svabhävabhävitatvät sarvadharmänäm / ( LAS.p . 163.1 0 - 1 5 )
5. vijflaptimäträvasthäna
yat punar idam uktam bhagavatä yadä tv älambanam artham
nbpalabhate jftänam tadä vijflaptimätravyav a sthänam
bhavati3 vijflapter grähyäbhäväd grähakasyäpy agrahanam
bhavati / tadagrahanän na pravartate jflänam vikalpa-
samisabditam / (LAS. p . 1 6 9 .4 - 7 )
P a r a lle l p a ssa g es t o th e s e in th e v e r s e s o f th e V ijhapti-
mätratä-trimSikä a r e , r e s p e c t i v e l y , a s f o llo w s :
yena yena vikalpena yad yad vastu vikalpyate /
parik a lp ita evasau svabhävo na sa vidyate / / 2 0 / /
yadä tv älambanam vijflänam naiv opalabhat e tadä /
sthitam vijhänamätratve grähyabhäve tad agrahanät / / 2 8 / /
Based on t h e common s u p p o s it io n t h a t s ä s t r a s come a f t e r
s ü t r a s , V asubandhu’ s t r e a t i s e can b e r e g a rd ed as b a sed upon
t h e Lahkävatära. But t h e p h r a s e , yat punar idam (o r etad)
uktam bhagavatä , w h ich p r e c e d e s t h e s e m ost im p o rta n t d o c t r in e s
o f vijftaptim ätratä , le a d s u s t o su p p o se t h a t t h e s e p a s s a g e s ,
t o o , a s in o th e r c a s e s m en tion ed a b o v e , a r e q u o ta tio n s o f
o th e r t e x t s . We may th e n a ssu m e, or a t l e a s t t h e p o s s i b i l i t y
ca n n o t b e d e n ie d , t h a t V asubandhu’ s Trimsikä i s t h e v e r y so u r c e
o f t h e s e p a s s a g e s in t h e Lahkävatära.
One r e a s o n f o r t h i s a ssu m p tio n i s t h a t S t h ir a m a t i, com
m en tin g on v . 20 o f t h e Trimsikä, r e f e r s t o a s ü t r a p a ssa g e
a s t h e a u t h o r i t y , a p a s s a g e t h a t runs a s f o llo w s :
uktam ea sütre / na khalu punah Subhüte dharmäs tathä
vidyante yathä bälaprthagjanä äbhin ivistä i t i / ( L e v i’ s
ed . p . 39)
554
This quotation is probably from a certain Prajfiäpäramitä-
sütra. If Vasubandhu composed the verse on the basis of the
Lankävatära, and if it was handed down among Yogäcära teachers,
Sthiramati could have quoted the said passage of the Lankävatära
as the authority. But he did not do so in spite of his knowledge
of the Lankävatära, proved by his quoting it in his Süträlamkära-
bhäsyattkä.15 For this assumption, however, the date of Vasu
bandhu must again be called into question, and we must postpone
a decision on this point until after we examine the doctrinal
sources of the Lankävatära concerning the vijftaptimätratä theory.
There are other examples of previously preached doctrines
or analogies with initial phrases, uktam bhagavatä and the like.
These examples are not necessarily to be regarded as from some
particular sütra, but are rather commonly accepted doctrines
or analogies.
6. One should not catch the meaning as it is written
by letters.
yat punar uktam bhagavatä yathärutärthagrahanam na
kartavyam bodhisattvena mahäsattvenänyais ceti /
(LAS. p. 15U.8-9)
The teaching that one should rely upon the meaning (artha)
but not upon letters (vyaflgana), is one of the four reliances
(prat tsarana), the other three being dharma instead of pudgala;
jftäna instead of vijftäna; and nttärthadesanä instead of neyartha-
desanä. Among the sütras mentioned above, the Mahäparinirväna
has a section specially dedicated to the four pratisaranas.
(T. No . 376, chapter 9, Vol. 12, 880a). This teaching has, of
course, an intimate relation to the doctrine of avacanam
buddhavaeanam mentioned above.
7. Tathägata is anirodhanutpäda
de'sayatu me bhagavän de'sayatu me sugato yad de'sanäpäthe
bhagavatänirodhänutpädagrahanam krtam3 uktam ea tvaya
yathä tathägatasyaitad adhivacanam anirodhanutpäda iti /
(LAS. p. 191.^-6)
Non-origination and non-destruction as characteristic of
the Tathägata is the main subject of the Jf&nalokalamkärasütra3
the core of whose doctrines have come to be known to us through
the Ratnagotravibhäga.16 It is not unnatural to suppose that
the Lankävatära adopted this saying from the JflanalokäZamkära
which emphasises the eternity of the Tathägata (Dharmakäya, as
observed likewise in the Mahäparinirväna and the Srtmälä.
555
8 . an ityä vata samskäräh
a n ity a tä n ity a te ti bhagavan sa rv a ttrth a k a ra ir vik a lp ya te /
tvayä ca sarvadesanäpäthe desyata a n ityä vata samskärä
utpadavyayadharmiya i t i / (LAS. p . 2 0 U .1 2 -lU )
T h is q u o t a t i o n i s t h e f i r s t h a l f o f t h e fam ous v e r s e on
a n ity a tä . 17
9. T a t h ä g a t a s a r e in n u m e r a b le l i k e t h e s a n d s o f t h e
G an g es.
ya t punar etad uktam bhagavatä desanäpäthe yathä gangä-
nadivälukäsamäs tathägatä a t i t ä anägatä vartamänds ca /
t a t kirn idam bhagavan yathärutärthagrahanam kartavyam
ähosvid anyah kascid arth a n ta ra viseso ’s i i t i tad ucyatäm
bhagavan / (LAS. p*. 2 2 9 .1 1 - 1 5 )
The i n n u m e r a b i l i t y o f T a t h ä g a t a s i s o f t e n r e f e r r e d t o i n
v a r i o u s s ü t r a s b u t we do n o t y e t know t h e p r e c i s e s o u r c e o f
t h i s a n a lo g y .
10. A p p e a ra n c e o f a T a t h ä g a t a i s a s r a r e a s t h e U dum bala
flo w e r.
detanäpäthe tu mayä vain eyajanatäpeksayodumbalapu$upa-
sudurlabhaprädurbhäväs tathägatä i t i detitam / na ca
Mdhämate udumbalapuspam kena c id drstapürvam na dvaksyate /
tathägatäh punar Mahämate loke d r stä dr&yante c a ita r h i /
na svanayapratyavasthänakathäm adhikrtyddumbalapuspasu-
durlabhapräduvbhäväs tathägatä i t i / (LAS. p . 2 3 0 .1 0 - 1 3 )
The d i f f i c u l t y o f o b t a i n i n g t h e U dum bala f lo w e r i s t a u g h t
i n t h e MahJxparinirväna a s an a n a lo g y o f t h e o p p o r t u n i t y o f
m e e tin g t h e B u d d h a ,^ w h ile i n t h e Saddharmapundarika and i n t h e
Mahädharmabherisütra, i t i s g iv e n a s sh o w in g t h e d i f f i c u l t y o f
o b t a i n i n g t h e o p p o r t u n i t y t o h e a r t h e Dharma t a u g h t i n t h e s e
s ü t r a s . 1”
11. satpäram itä
ya t punar etad uktarn bhagavatä satpäramitäm paripürya
buddhatvam aväpyata i t i / (LAS. p . 2 3 6 .1 6 -1 7 )
G e n e r a l l y s p e a k i n g , t h i s s a y in g i s b a s e d u p o n t h e Prajflä-
päramitä a n d o t h e r s ü t r a s , a l t h o u g h no p a s s a g e w i t h e x a c t l y
t h i s w o rd in g h a s b e e n t r a c e d a s y e t .
556
The following two examples (nos. 12, 13) have no such
initial phrase as 1yad uktcov bha.gava.t5’ or the like, hut are
clearly borrowed from the Ägarnas together with its cliche
and analogy.
12. itaretarasünyatä
itaretarasünyatä punar Mahämate katamä3 yad uta yad yatra
nästi tad tena Sünyam ity ucyate / tad yathä Mahämate
Mrgälamätuh präsäde hastig ca)aidakädyä na santi / a sünyam
aa bhiksubhir iti bhäsitam mayä3 sa ca taih sünyam ity
ucyate / na ca punar Mahämate präsädah präsädabhävato
nästi3 bhiksavas ca bhiksubhävato na santi / na ca te
'nyatra hastigavaidakadyä bhävä nävatisthante / idarn
Mahämate svasämänyalaksanam sarvadharmänäm itaretaram
tu na samvidyante (LAS. p.75-10-19)
This teaching, together with the analogy of Mrgälamätuh
pväsäda, is the subject of the Cüla-suftflattasutta of the
Majjhima Nikäya. 20 The Mahäsuflflattasutta of the same Nikäya
also teaches this doctrine of Sünyatä with the detailed
process of annihilation of outer concepts from our mind in
meditation by repeating the formula 'yad yatra nästi tad tena
sünyam’, and so on. The same formula is often found in Yogä-
cära works such as the Yogäcärabhümi3 the Madhyäntavibhäga3
the Abhidharmasamuccaya3 and also the Ratnagotravibhgga.1
The unique contribution of the Lahkävatära to this teaching
is that it defines this concept as itaretarasünyatä3 i.e. the
relative emptiness, and that it regards this as to be rejected
by Bodhisattvas.
13. dharmänäm dharmatä
tatra pauränasthitidharmatä katamä3 yad uta pauränam
idam Mahämate dharmatävan me hirapyarajatamuktäkaravan
Mahämate dharmadhätusthititotpädäd vä tathägatänäm anut-
pädäd vä tathägatänäm sthitaivaisä dharmänäm dharmatä
dharmasthititä dharmaniyämatä pauränanagarapathavan
Mahämate / tad yathä Mahämate ka% cid eva puruso 'tavyäm
paryatan pauränam nagaram anupa’ syed avikalapathapravesam3
sa tarn nagaram anupraoiset3 tatra pravisya pratinivisya
nagaram nagarakriyäsukham anubhavet / tat kirn manyase
Mahämate3 api nu tena purusena sa panthä utpädito yena
yathä tarp nagaram anupravißto nagaravaicitryam ca //
ä h a -- no bhagavan / bhagavän aha / evam eva Mahämate
yan mayä tai& ca tathägatair adhigatcoji sthitaivaisä
dharmatä dharmasthititä dharmaniyämatä tathatä bhütatä
satyatä / (LAS. pp. 1U3.9-1UU.5)
557
As has been referred to above, this teaching concerning
the eternity of the truth refers to the doctrine of pratitya-
samutpäda. The same is found along with the analogy of an
old castle in the Samyutta Nikäya (Nidäya Samyutta3 'nagara),
which must be the original version of this passage. As for
the formula, sthitaivaisä dharmänäm dharmatä utpädäd vä
tathägatänäm anutpädäd vä (tathägatänäm) dharmasthititä
dharmaniyämatäj it is widely used among Mahäyäna sütras, with
minute variants, for instance, the Sälistambha3 the Saddharma-
pundartka3 the Jftänälokälamkäcra and the Dhärariisvararägäpari-
prochäj the Tathägatäointyaguhyanirde&a (T. 10, 7^6c), the
Tathägatagarbhasütra (concerning tathägatagarbha, cf. RGV,
p. 72), and the Sandhinirmooana (which defines it as dharmatä-
-yukti3 one of the four kinds of yukti, reasoning).22
III. Technical Terms and Key Words
There are innumerable words and phrases that are trans
mitted from the early period among Buddhist Ägamas. Many
sentences in the Lahkävatära include, or are composed of,
such words and phrases. What we want to notice here are not
all such words and phrases but only some particulars which
are especially important for determining the date of composi
tion. It naturally leads us to examine the doctrines around
the Vijflänaväda.
Prior to discussing the doctrine of vij9länaväda3 I shall
refer first of all to the basic doctrine common to both the
vijhaptimätratä theory of the Yogäcära and to the LahJcävatära
as well, that is, the oittamätra theory found in the Dasa-
bhümdka. Next^ I shall refer to various terms which have
come from the SrtmäZä as another important source of the
Lankävatära.
a. oittamätra
There are many verses referring to the term oittamätra
in the Lahkävatära, while in the prose this term is replaced
by other explanatory words such as svaoittadr&yamätra3 sva-
cittavikalpavikalpitas etc.23 Of these the following two
examples are the nearest expressions to the original in the
Dasabhümika.
1. tatra katham Mahämate bodhisattvo mahäsattvah svaoitta-
drtyäbhävanäku%alo bhavati / yad uta sa evam pratyaveksate
svacittamätram idam traidhätukam ätmätmiyarahitam niriham
äyühaniryühavigatarn anädi kälaprapafloadaus thu lyaväsanäbhi-
nivesaväsitam traidhätukavioitrarüpopaoäropanibaddham
558
dehabhogapnatisthägativikalpänugatam vik a lp ya te khyäyate
ca / evam hi Mdhämate bodh isattvo mahäsattvah s v a c itta -
dr§yavibhävanäkusalo bhavati / (LAS. p . 8 0 . 5 - 1 3 )
In t h i s l o n g e x p l a n a t i o n , t e r m s a f t e r anädikälaprapaflca-
and so on a r e u n i q u e t o t h e Lahkävatära (w h ic h a r e u s e d u n d e r
t h e i n f l u e n c e o f t h e Vijftänaväda , s e e b e l o w ) , b u t o t h e r s a r e
t a k e n fr o m t h e Da§abhümika.
2. cittam ätram idam sarvam dvidhä cittarn p ra va rta te /
gvähyagrähakabhävena ätmätmtyam na vid ya te / / 1 2 1 / /
(LAS. p . 2 0 9 . 1 5 - 1 6 )
T h i s v e r s e i s l o c a t e d i n t h e s e c t i o n on a n ity a tä i n
ch ap ter I I I . T o g e t h e r w i t h t h e n e x t v e r s e , w h ic h a l s o r e f e r s
t o c itta m ä tr a tä , h o w e v e r , i t h a s no d i r e c t r e l a t i o n t o t h e
d o c t r i n e o f a n ity a tä d i s c u s s e d t h e r e . A l s o , i t h a s no
c o r r e s p o n d i n g v e r s e i n t h e Sagäthakam. The t e r m grähyagrähaka
i s a g a i n fro m t h e Yogäcära.
b. D o c t r i n e s t a u g h t i n t h e Svvrnalä
B e s i d e s t h e p a s s a g e w h e re t h e name o f S r l m ä l ä d e v l i s
r e f e r r e d t o , t h e r e a r e a c e r t a i n number o f s e c t i o n s w h e re we
o b s e r v e t h e i n f l u e n c e o f t h e Svimälä, o r a t l e a s t t h e u s e o f
i t s term in o lo g y .
1. oyutidvaya3 caturväsanäbhümi3 avidyäväsanabhümi a nd
manomayakäya.
(tathägato) na v ita r k a y a ti na via ä ra y a ti caturväsanä-
bhümiprahinatväc eyutidvayavigam ät klesajfteyävaranadva-
yaprahänäc ca / / (LAS. p . 2 U l . l 7 - p . 2 U 2 . l )
The names o f t h e s e f o u r k i n d s o f väsanäbhümi a r e g i v e n
i n t h e v e r s e a t t a c h e d t o t h e same s e c t i o n ( c h a p t e r V I I ) i n
t h e f o l l o w i n g way:
bhava^^käma-rüpa-drstinäm väsanä v a i caturvidhä /
manovijftänasambhütä älayam ca manah sth itä h /A //
(LAS. p . 2 U 3 . 1 0 - l i )
I n t h e Srim älä , t h e s e f o u r väsanäbhümi ( o r i g i n a l l y
p r o b a b l y väsabhümi, d w e l l i n g p l a c e ) a r e c o u n t e d a s show ing
s u b tle d efilem en ts u n d erly in g s u p e r f ic ia l a c tiv e d e file m e n ts,
acco rd in g t o th e sta g e s o f l i v i n g b e in g s in th e t h r e e f o ld
s p h e r e o f t r a n s m i g r a t i o n . 25 They a r e s a i d t o b e q u i t e s t r o n g
and d i f f i c u l t t o a n n i h i l a t e , b u t s t r o n g e r and more d i f f i c u l t
559
to annihilate is the avidyäväsabhümi, which is an underlying
preserve even in the mind of the saints. This avidyäväsa
bhümi (this form is known through quotations in the Ratna-
gotravibhäga)26 is again referred to here by the name of
avidyäväsanabhümi (LAS. p. 220.1U-15).
As for the cyuti-dvaya3 two kinds of death or transforma
tion, the Lahkävatära notes only one of them by the term
acintyaparinati-cyuti, which is, according to the Ratnagotra-
vibhäga327 acintyä pärinämikt cyutih in the original. This
is said to be a form of death especially for the saints, the
other being for ordinary living beings, probably named *pari-
ccheda-cyuti in Sanskrit28 although the term is recorded no
where else.
In this connection the concept manomayakäya is to be
mentioned. This concept is used in the Srimälä as a pair
with aaintyä pärinämikt cyutih as indicating the form of birth
or life of the saints in three kinds, namely arhat3 pratyeka-
buddha3 and the vas^täpräptä bodhisattväh. 29 In the Lahkävatära,
however, it especially means the Bodhisattva's state, and is
discussed in detail with three kinds of characteristics.
(Section 51» Chapter III, pp. 136-7).
2. Tathägatagarbha, being the substratum of samsära and
nirvana, is not understood by those whose mind is deviated
from sünyatä.
sapta Mahämate mano-manovijfläna-caksurvijhänadayah k§anikä
väsanähetutvät kusalanäsravapaksarahitä na samsärinah /
tathägatagarbhah punar Mahämate samsarati nirvänasukha-
duhkhahetukah / na ca bälaprthagjanä avabudhyante
&ünyatäviksiptamatayah / (LAS. p. 2U2.2-6)
This passage in chapter VII gives a summary of the tathä-
gatagarbha theory given in chapter VI, which is based fundament
ally upon the Srtmälä. (Cf. quotations and references in the
Ratnagotravibhäga3 e.g. tathägatagarbho-- sünyatäviksipta-
cittänäm agocarah.30)
*
Of these 'seven vijHänas\ however, the Srimälä merely
says that six vijftänas and the vijhäna itself (or that which
knows)31 are not the substratum which experiences duhkha and
sukha because they are momentary, while only tathägatagarbha
can be the substratum of nirvana and samsära. On the contrary,
here the concept of älayavijhäna is newly introduced as identi
cal with the tathägatagarbha, and the Tathägatagarbha theory
is thus construed by the Vijhänaväda. This is really a unique
point of the Lahkävatära.
560
c. Vijflänaväda
The Lahkävatära i s som etim es r e f e r r e d t o a s t h e work
w h ic h e l u c i d a t e s t h e d o c t r i n e s o f t h e Vijflänaväda a s e x p r e s s e d
a t t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e s ü t r a : paflcadharm a-svabhäva-vijfläna-
nairätm yadvaya. (LAS. p . 2 . 2 ) . T h e se a r e t h e paflcadharma —
näman, n im itta 3 v ik a lp a 3 samyagjfläna a n d tath atä-, t h e t r i s v a -
b h ä v a ----- p a r ik a lp ita - 3 p a ra ta n tra -3 and parin ispan n a-svabh äva ;
t h e a s ta - v ij f lä n ä n i -----älayavijflän a o r c i t t a 3 manas3 manovijflänas
a n d caksurädi-paflcavijflänakäyäh-, t h e n a irä tm y a d v a y a -----pudga-
lanairätm ya a n d dharmanairätmya. T h e se c a t e g o r i e s a r e r e a l l y
t h e c o r e o f t h e Vijflänaväda a n d show t h e i n t i m a t e c o n n e c t i o n o f
t h i s s ü t r a w i t h t h e Vijflänaväda o f t h e Yogäcära.
In s p i t e o f t h e u s e o f t h e s e d o c t r i n e s , how ever, t h e
Lahkävatära was n e v e r r e g a r d e d a s a n a u t h o r i t y i n t h e e a r l y
d a y s o f t h e Yogäcära. Q u ite u n l i k e t h e Sandhinirmocana a n d
t h e Mahäyänabhidharmasütra , t h e name o f t h i s s ü t r a n e v e r
a p p e a r e d i n t h e w orks a t t r i b u t e d t o M a i t r e y a n ä t h a , o r A sa n g a ,
n o r e v e n i n t h e w orks o f V a su b a n d h u , a l t h o u g h , a s r e f e r r e d t o
a t th e b e g in n in g o f th e p re se n t stu d y , s im ila r v e rs e s o f t h i s
s ü t r a a r e q u o t e d i n h i s Vyäkhyäyukti. I t was o n l y i n t h e
w orks o f S t h i r a m a t i and D h a rm a p ä la t h a t t h i s s ü t r a was q u o t e d
w i t h e x p l i c i t r e f e r e n c e t o i t s n a m e .32
T h i s f a c t may show t h a t t h e Lahkävatära was i n no way
t h e f i r s t o r g a n i s e r o f t h e s e d o c t r i n e s , n o r was i t composed
by t h e o r t h o d o x V i j n ä n a v ä d i n o r Y o g ä c ä ra t e a c h e r s . It is
c e r t a i n , a t l e a s t , t h a t t h e c o m p o se r o r e x p o s e r s o f t h e Lahkä
v a tä ra w e r e w e l l a c q u a i n t e d w i t h t h e d o c t r i n e s o f t h e Vijfläna
väda, a n d b o r r o w e d i t s s y s te m t o e x p r e s s w hat t h e y i n t e n d e d
t o make known, b u t n o t v ic e v e rsa .
T h e r e h a v e a l r e a d y b e e n p u b l i s h e d many a r t i c l e s t h a t
d i s c u s s t h e d o c t r i n a l r e l a t i o n s h i p b e tw e e n t h e Lahkävatära
and t h e Vijflänaväda a n d t h e Yogäcära. a n d I s h a l l d i s c u s s
o n l y t h e minimum n e c e s s a r y t o com plem ent t h e s e a r t i c l e s .
1. A p p e a r a n c e o f vijfläna a s grähya a n d grahaka
As h a s a l r e a d y b e e n e xam ined i n a n o t h e r a r t i c l e b y m y s e l f , 33
t h e Lahkävatära s h a r e s w i t h t h e Mahäyänasüträlamkära t h e u s e o f
t h e t e r m mana-udgraha-vikalpa t o d e n o t e t h e t h r e e k i n d s o f fo rm s
o f grahaka3 t h e s e i z e r , t h e s u b j e c t . T h u s , t h e Lahkävatära h a s :
dehah p r a tis th ä bhogas ca g räh yavijflaptayas tra y ah /
rru n a-u dgrah a-vijflapti-vikalpo grähakäs tr a y ah / / 7 2 / /
(LAS. P . 2 7 3 . 1 U - 1 5 ) ,
561
while the Sütvälamkäva has:
trividha-tvividhäbhäso grähyagrähakalak§anah /
abhütaparikalpo hi- pavatantrasya laksanam //h0//
(MSA XI, bo)
Vasubandhu comments in his Bhäsya that the first three
kinds of appearance (äbhäsa) signify the appearance as 'pada’
(basis), 'avtha’ (object), and 'deha’ (body), while the next
three are the manifestations as ’mana-udgvaha-vikalpa'. It
is explained further on that here ’manas’ means that which is
always defiled (klistam sadä)3 ’udgvaha’ means the five aggre
gates of consciousness (paflca vijnänakäyäh)3 and 'vikalpa’
means the consciousness (to work as understanding) (mano-
vijfläna); of these two kinds, the first three are character
ised as 'gvähya’ (to be seized), and the second group as
’gvähaka' (the seizer).
Here the terms denoting the gvähya, i.e. the object, in
the Sütvälamkäva differ from those in the Lahkävatäva, but
from the contents it is clear that 'pada’ corresponds to
1pvatisthä’ in the sense of 'bhäjanaloka r3 and 'artha r3 to
1bhoga' in the sense of 'lüpädivisayäh' as the sense-objects,
while the term 'deha', being common to both, is used in the
sense of 'indriyäni'. These terms, 'padarthadeha', are
basically accepted in the Sütrdlamkära and often appear in the
verses, but the terms pvatisthä and bhoga3 too, are not unknown
to it for they appear in v. XIX, h9:
pratisthä-bhoga-bijarn hi nimittam bandhanasya hi /
säsvayas oittacaittäs tu badhyante ’tva sabijakäh //
In this verse ’äGraya’ means ’indriya’s, i.e. 'deha’ in
the above, and rbijar means 'dlayavidnana’.
A set of terminology more similar to those in the Lahkä-
vatära is found in Vasubandhu’s Bhäsya on the Madhyäntavibhäga.
That is, commenting on the latter half of verse 111,22, which
refers to ’scovskrtasamskrtartha ’ as the seventh of the ten
kinds of skilfulness in the truth (tattvdkausalya), he says
that here, ,hetut in the verse means the älayavijfläna in the
sense of ’bija' (bZjasamgrhZta) ; 'nimitta' means the same in
the sense of acting consciousness (pravrttivijflanasamgrhita),
i.e. ’mana-udgvaha-vikalpa', and that in the sense of"*
rpratisthä-deha-bhoga ’ (pratisthädehabhogasamgrhZta).
The Madhyäntavibhäga has its own system concerning the
gvähya and the gvahaka: ’artha' and ’sattva’ for ’gvähya’3 and
’ätman’ and ’vijftapti’ for ’gvahaka’. It may be a more advanced
562
s y s te m t h a n t h a t e l u c i d a t e d i n t h e Süträlam kära , w h ic h h a s a
c e r t a i n am b ig u ity . But V asu b a n d h u seem s t o p r e f e r t h e s e t
o f t e r m i n o l o g y c l o s e r t o t h e Lankävatära h e r e a l t h o u g h t h e
t e r m s mana-udgraha-vdkatpa a r e f o u n d n e i t h e r i n t h e v e r s e s
o f t h e Süträlam kära n o r i n t h o s e o f t h e Madhyäntavdbhäga. On
t h e c o n t r a r y , t h e s e t o f t e r m s mana-udgraha-vdkatpa was u s e d
o n l y once i n t h e L ankävatära , a nd i s i n t h e Sagäthakam and
n o t i n t h e m ain oody, w h i l e t h e o t h e r s e t , 'd eh a -b h o g a -p ra td sth ä '
i s u s e d a s one o f t h e b a s i c c o n c e p t s f o r e x p l a i n i n g t h e d o c t r i n e
o f ' c d tta m ä tr a ' . The e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h i s f a c t w ould b e a c e n t r a l
p o i n t a t i s s u e when we c o n s i d e r t h e d a t e o f t h e Lankävatära i n
i t s r e l a t i o n t o V a su b a n d h u .
2. The f i v e dharmas
W ith t h e Madhyäntavdbhägay t h e Lankävatära a l s o s h a r e s t h e
c o n c e p t s o f t h e f i v e dharmas , o t h e r w i s e c a l l e d 'paflca v a s tü n d 1
in th e form er. T h a t i s , t h e Madhyäntavdbhäga r e f e r s t o t h i s
s e t o f c o n c e p t s i n t h e c h a p t e r on t h e t r u t h ( ta ttv a -p a r d v a r ta )
a s d e n o t i n g t h e in v o l v e m e n t o r i n c l u s i v e n e s s o f t h e t r u t h c o n
c e r n i n g t h e f u n d a m e n t a l t r u t h , i . e . t h e trdsvabhäva (trdvddhe
m u la ta ttv e sam grahatattvam ) .
ndm dttasya vdkalpasya nämnas ea dvayasamgrahah /
sam yagjflänam -satattvasya ekenadva sa samgrahah / / 1 3 / /
w h i l e i n t h e Lankävatära ( c h a p t e r V I ) i s fo u n d :
nämandmdttasamkalpäh svabhävadvayalaksanam /
samyagjflänam tathätvam ca pardndspannalaksanam / / 6 / /
(LAS. p . 2 2 9 . 8 - 9 )
(= I I , 13^ and Sagäthakam 1 5 6 , w i t h a v a r i a n t r e a d i n g
'hd ta th a t ä ' i n s t e a d o f ' tathätvam ca. )
Here we c a n o b s e r v e t h e f u n d a m e n t a l i d e n t i t y b e tw e e n them
a s r e g a r d s t h e in v o lv e m e n t o f th e f i r s t t h r e e c o n c e p ts i n th e
f i r s t two svabhäva s , a l t h o u g h t h e y d i f f e r from e a c h o t h e r i n
d e ta il. T h u s , t h e Lankävatära e x p l a i n s i n t h e p r o s e p a r t t h a t
t h e näman and t h e ndmdttay b e i n g s u b j e c t and o b j e c t , o r c o n
c e p t i o n a n d i t s b a s e , r e s p e c t i v e l y , b e l o n g t o t h e p a rd k a lp d ta -
svabhäva\ w h i l e V a s u b a n d h u comments t h a t o n l y näman b e l o n g s t o
t h e pardkatpdta. T h e r e a r e many o t h e r t r e a t i s e s t h a t a d o p t a
d i f f e r e n t i n t e r p r e t a t i o n : t h a t o n l y t h e ta th a tä i s i n v o l v e d
i n t h e pardndspanna-svabhäva and t h a t a l l o t h e r f o u r a r e i n
v o l v e d i n t h e p a ra ta n tra -sv a b h ä v a , and t h i s k i n d o f i n t e r p r e
t a t i o n was r e g a r d e d a s o r t h o d o x i n t h e l a t e r Yogäcära , a s c a n
b e s e e n i n t h e Vdjftaptdmätratäsdddhd o f D h a rm a p ä la . 34 The
o r i g i n o f t h i s k i n d o f i n t e r p r e t a t i o n was p r o b a b l y i n t h e
563
Vinisoayasamgrahant o f t h e Yogäoärabhüm'i. Compared w i t h i t ,
t h e M adhyäntavibhäga' s s t a t e m e n t i s o l d e r , and t h e Lahkävatära
m ig h t h a v e a c c e p t e d t h e i d e a from i t h u t i n t e r p r e t e d i t i n i t s
own u n i q u e way. On t h i s p o i n t V asu b a n d h u i s p r o b a b l y q u i t e
t r u e t o t h e t e a c h i n g o f A sanga and d o e s n o t r e l y on t h e Lahkä
v a tä r a .
3. The f o u r k i n d s o f Srävakas.
T h e r e i s a n o t h e r s e t o f t e r m i n o l o g y w h ic h shows t h e r e l a
t i o n s h i p b e tw e e n t h e Lahkävatära and t h e Yogäoära.
E x p l a i n i n g t h e f o u r r e s u l t s t a g e s o f t h e s a i n t s , s r o ta -
ccpanna3 and s o o n , t h e s ü t r a r e f e r s t o t h e t h r e e k i n d s o f
Arh a t s h i p o f t h e Srävakas (LAS. p . 1 2 0 . 1 1 - p . 1 2 1 . 7 ) . The te r m s
f o r t h e s e t h r e e a r e ekayanamärgaprat'ilambhika3 b odh ipran i-
dhänäbhyastakuSalamülasammüdha, and nirmitanairmänika^
resp e c tiv e ly . T h e se t e r m s r e m in d u s o f t h e f o u r k i n d s o f
Srävakas m e n t i o n e d i n t h e Ratnäküta-vyäkhyä , a com m entary on
t h e KäSyapaparivarta , 35 w h ic h i s i d e n t i c a l w i t h f a s c i c l e s
7 9 - 8 0 o f t h e C h in e s e t r a n s l a t i o n o f t h e Yogäoärabhüm'i ( t h e
l a s t p a r t o f t h e ViniSoayasamgrahant on t h e bodhisattvabhüm i. 3 6 )
The t e r m s f o r t h e f o u r i n t h e Yogäoärabhüm'i a r e t o b e r e s t o r e d
fr o m t h e T i b e t a n t o nirmitaZnirm ärial3 äbkimänika3 bodh iparin a-
mana and Samaikayana, o f w h ic h t h e l a s t one i s r e g a r d e d a s t h e
lo w e st k in d .
I n t h i s c a s e i t i s n o t c l e a r w h ic h o f t h e s e b o r r o w e d t h e
i d e a from t h e o t h e r , b u t j u d g i n g f r o m o t h e r e x a m p l e s , h e r e t o o
t h e Lahkävatära owes i t s i d e a t o t h e t r a d i t i o n a l d o c t r i n e o f
t h e Yogäoära c o n c e r n i n g t h e v a r i e t i e s o f t h e srä va k a s , a l t h o u g h
i t m o d i f i e s t h e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n t h e c o n t e x t o f t h e One V e h i c l e
t h e o r y , i n o p p o s i t i o n t o t h e Yogäoära , w h ic h a d m i t s t h e T h r e e
D iffe re n t V e h icles.
* * *
Now we come t o t h e c o n c l u s i o n o f o u r i n q u i r y i n t o t h e
m a t e r i a l s u s e d i n t h e Lahkävatära. The e i g h t wijflänas t h e o r y ,
w h ic h i s c l e a r l y s t a t e d i n t h e L ahkävatära , i s no d o u b t a p r o
d u c t o f t h e Yogäoära fro m f a i r l y e a r l y d a y s , a l t h o u g h i t f i n a l l y
r e a c h e s a l i m i t i n V a s u b a n d h u 's Tr-imSikä. The t e r m s f o r t h e
e i g h t a r e o i t t a o r ätayaoi-chäna f o r t h e e i g h t h , manas f o r t h e
s e v e n t h , a n d t h e s i x vijh d n a s common t o t r a d i t i o n a l A bhidharm a
B uddhism . Of t h e s e , t h e m ost p r o b l e m a t i c i s manas , on w h ic h
new l i g h t h a s b e e n s h e d t h r o u g h t h e e f f o r t s o f P r o f e s s o r L.
S c h m i t h a u s e n . 37 I n t h e l i g h t o f h i s a n a l y s i s , t h e t h e o r y o f
manas i n t h e Lahkävatära i s r a t h e r o b s c u r e a nd seems a b i t
d i f f e r e n t fro m t h a t o f t h e Yogäoära .
564
Thus ’manas1 i n t h e Lahkävatära i s m o s t l y m e n tio n e d i n a
s e t , oitta-m ano-m anovicfiäna, w i t h w h ic h i s so m e tim e s a s s o c i a t e d
a s h o r t e x p l a n a t i o n , f o r i n s t a n c e , 'manasä v i d y a t e ’ ( v . I I , 1 0 6 ) ,
’manasä m anyate’ ( v . I I , l l 6 ) , o r t h e l i k e . But we c a n n o t o b s e r v e
any d e f i n i t e f u n c t i o n o f manas a s d i s t i n c t fro m t h e äla ya vijh ä n a .
T h e r e i s no d e f i n i t i o n o f manas a s k lista m ( d e f i l e d ) , w h ic h i s
r e g a r d e d a s t h e m ost b a s i c i n t h e Yogäoära w o r k s . 38 On t h e
o t h e r h a n d , t h e Lahkävatära n o t e s tw o k i n d s o f s a tk ä y a d r s ti3
one b e i n g sahajä and t h e o t h e r p a r ik a l p i tä , i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e
s a i n t s i n t h e s t a t e o f srotaäpanna (LAS. p . 1 1 7 . 1 7 - 1 8 ) . The
same i s d i s c u s s e d i n t h e V ijfta p tim ä tra tä sid d h i i n t e r m s o f two
k i n d s o f ätmagräha3 w here manas i s c o n s i d e r e d t o o f f e r a s e a t
f o r t h e sahajä-ätmagräha. 39 T h i s seem s t o show t h a t t h e Lahkä
va tä ra was n o t a c q u a i n t e d w i t h t h e d e v e l o p e d V i j n ä n a v ä d a e s t a
b l i s h e d by V asubandhu a n d t h a t p r o b a b l y t h e Lahkävatära i s
l o c a t e d a b i t e a r l i e r t h a n V a su b a n d h u . A lso n o t a b l e i n t h i s
r e l a t i o n i s t h a t th e r e i s not observed th e use o f th e concept
parinäma i n t h e same s e n s e a s t h e ' v i j ftänaparinäma' o f t h e
Trim'sikä. 40
There i s a n o th e r k in d o f d i f f i c u l t y f o r f i x i n g t h e d a te
and p o s i t i o n o f t h e Lahkävatära i n t h e h i s t o r y o f B u d d h i s t
t h o u g h t . T h i s i s t h e p r o b le m o f i t s r e l a t i o n t o t h e Ratna-
g o tra vib h ä g a , t h e m ost i m p o r t a n t t r e a t i s e on t h e T a t h ä g a t a g a r b h a
th e o ry . As i s w e l l known, t h e R atnagotravibhäga3 o r t h e
U tta ra ta n tra 3 i s f u l l o f i n f o r m a t i o n on t h o s e Mahäyäna s ü t r a s
t h a t e x p r e s s t h e d o c t r i n e o f tathägatagarbha a n d i t s b a c k g r o u n d ,
s u c h a s t h e Tathägatagarbha3 t h e Srtrrätä3 t h e M ahäparinirväna3
and so on. H ow ever, i t h a s no r e f e r e n c e t o t h e Lahkävatära
at a ll. A l s o , many i n f l u e n c e s o f t h e Yogäoära a r e o b s e r v e d
i n t h e R atnagotravibhäga i n i t s u s e o f s u c h t e r m s a s ä sra ya -
p a r i v r t t i 3 tribuddhakäya b e g i n n i n g w i t h sväbhävika3 a v ik a lp a -
jfläna and tatprsth alabdh a-lau kikadftän a3 p r a k r ti - and vaim alya-
i>uddhi3 yathävadbhävikatä and yävadbhävikatä o f jfläna3 b u t
c o m p l e t e l y l a c k i n g i s t h e u s e o f t h e m ost f u n d a m e n t a l c o n c e p t s
o f t h e Yogäoära3 s u c h a s ä la ya vijh ä n a 3 trisv a b h ä v a ( p a r ik a tp i-
t ä d t ) 3 v ijh a p tim ä tr a tä (and o itta m ä tr a ) 3 grahya a n d grahaka3
k lista -m a n a s3 e t c .
The Ratnagotravi-bhäga was b r o u g h t t o C h in a by R a t n a m a t i
i n A.D. 509 i n t h e same p e r i o d a s B o d h i r u c i , who t r a n s l a t e d
t h e s e c o n d v e r s i o n o f t h e Lahkävatära ( t h e Wei v e r s i o n ) . R a t n a
m a t i a n d B o d h i r u c i w orked a t o n e t i m e i n a s s o c i a t i o n i n t r a n s
l a t i n g t h e Dasabhümika-vyäkhyä o f V a su b a n d h u . B o th h a v e l e f t
t h e i r own t r a n s l a t i o n o f t h e Saddhaxmiapundxirnka-upade^a a t t r i
b u t e d t o V a su b a n d h u . T h e se c i r c u m s t a n c e s seem t o show t h a t
b o t h t r a n s l a t o r s w e re w e l l a c q u a i n t e d w i t h t h e V i j n ä n a v ä d a
and t h a t b o t h t e x t s o f t h e Lahkävatära a nd t h e R a tn a g o tra vi-
bhäga w ere t r e a t e d a s b e l o n g i n g t o t h e w o rk s o f t h e Yogäoära .
565
In other words they received their citizenship in the kingdom
of the Yogäcära in the early sixth century at the latest. The
Lafikävatära, however, was brought to China in the fifth century
together with sütras of the Tathägatagarbha theory, such as the
Srimäiä and the Ahgulimälika. At that time only the Bodhisattva-
bhümi and a part of the Sandhinirmocana were among them and
almost nothing was known to China of the Vijnänaväda. The
Ratnagotravibhäga also was not seen by the translators of the
fifth century.
Thus the Lahkävatära and the Ratnagotravibhäga share the
Tathägatagarbha theory, especially that of the Srimäiä3 and
both are proximate to the Yogäcära, but do not belong to the
orthodox Vijnänaväda. Nevertheless they do not show an awareness
of each other’s existence, or at least we can say that the latter
did not use the former as an authority. This would not mean that
the Ratnagotravibhäga is of an earlier date than the Lahkävatära,
or vice versa} but rather it would show the distance between
them, both being on the peripheries of the Yogäcära but at
opposite poles from each other. Due to their peculiar situation
with regards to the Yogäcära, Vasubandhu never referred to either
text even though he was acquainted with both of them to some
extent. It was only after Vasubandhu, probably by the end of
the fifth century, that both texts come to be "enrolled” among
the works of the Yogäcära as authorities of a sort, and this
fact is shown by their having been translated by the team of
Bodhiruci and Ratnamati around 510 along with other works of
the Vijnänaväda.
Notes
* I would like to express my thanks to Rev. Ruben Habito,
Lecturer, Sophia University, Tokyo, who took the trouble
to read through my original manuscript and to assist with
my English.
1. The Lahkävatära Sütra, B. Nanjio, ed., Kyoto 1923 (abbr.
LAS.).
2. Hakuju Ui, Indotetsugakushi (A History of Indian Philosophy),
Tokyo 1932, p. Ul8. See below.
3. The Kai-yüan Lus T., 55, 520a. Cf. D.T. Suzuki, Studies
in the Lankavatara Sütras London 1930, p. 4.
566
b. U i , In d o te tsu g a k u ken kyu , V o l . 1 , 1 9 2 ^ , p . 4o6.
5. S. Y am aguchi, Bunshü ( C o l l e c t i o n o f M inor W o r k s ) , V o l. 2 ,
p . 312. ( O r i g i n a l l y a p p e a r e d i n Töhögaku Ronshü , J u l y ,
1962. )
6. 1) T . , v o l . 1 7 , 7 8 l b = i b i d . 8 7 a ; 2) v o l . 1 2 , 1 0 9 9 c ;
3 ) v o l . 1 2 , 8 6 8c - 869b = i b i d . 386a - c ; U) v o l . 2 , 5^ 1a ,
r e s p e c t i v e l y i n t h e Taisho T r ip ita k a .
7. J . T a k a s a k i , Nyoradzöshdsö no k e i s e i ( F o r m a tio n o f t h e
T a t h ä g a t a g a r b h a T h e o r y ) , Tokyo 1 9 7 ^ , p p . 219 and 2 95.
8. About t h e s e c t i o n number a d o p t e d h e r e , s e e J . T a k a s a k i ,
" A n a l y s i s o f t h e L a h k ä v a t ä r a " , Inddandsme e t Bouddhisme3
Melanges o f f e r t s ä Mgr ß tie n n e L am otte , L o u v a i n - l a - n e u v e ,
1980, pp. 339-52.
9- G re g o ry S c h o p e n , " S u k h ä v a t i a s a G e n e r a l i z e d R e l i g i o u s
Goal i n S a n s k r i t Mahäyäna S ü t r a L i t e r a t u r e " , I I J , 1 9 ,
p p . 1 7 7 - 2 1 0 , 1977.
10 . e . g . Madhyamakäoatära , L. de La V a l l e e P o u s s i n , e d . ,
p. 7 6 , H - 16.
1 1 . A. von S t a e l - H o l s t e i n , The K ä sya p a p a riva rta , § 6b.
1 2 . The s e v e n t h i l l u s t r a t i o n (p ü tiv a s tr a on an im age o f t h e
B u d d h a ). C f. R atn a g o tra vih h ä g a , E.H. J o h n s o n , e d . , w . I ,
1 1 8 - 1 2 0 , ( a b b r . RGV).
13. See RGV, p . 2 6 , 7 - 1 0 .
lU . See q u o t a t i o n s i n t h e RGV, p . 5 ^ , 1 2 - 1 5 (Anünatväpürnatva-
n ird e s d ) and p . 1 2 , 1 0 - lU (S rtm ä lä ) .
15. S t h i r a m a t i ad Sütralam kärabhäsya , X I , v . Uo, P e k in g E d i t i o n
( R e p r i n t ) , v o l . 108, p . 283-2-7 ( q u o t a t i o n o f LAS, v . I l l , 33).
1 6 . T h is s ü t r a i s u s e d a s s o u r c e m a t e r i a l f o r t h e R atnagotra-
v ib h ä g a , c h a p t e r I , on buddhatva3 a n d c h a p t e r IV , on
buddhakarman.
17. a nieeä v a ta sahkhärä upp5da-vaya-dhccmmino / u p p a jjitv ä
nirug j h a n ti tesarn vüpasamo sukho / / (Mahaparinibbccna-
s u tta n ta 3 DN. v o i . 2 , p . 1 5 7 ) .
1 8 . T . , n o . 3 7 b , v o l . 1 2 , 372b.
567
19- T . , n o . 2 6 2 , v o l . 9 , p . l O a - b ; T. n o . 2 7 0 , v o l . 9 , p . 2 9 0 c ,
re sp e c tiv e ly .
20. MN, v o l . 3 , p p . 10U -5, e t c .
21. See Gad j i n N agao, "Küsho n i o k e r u Amarerumono (a vasistam )"3
Chügan to Y u ish ik iy Tokyo 1 9 7 8 , p p . 5 4 2 - 6 0 .
22. See J . T a k a s a k i , "D h a rm a tä , D h a r m a d h ä tu , Dharmakäya and
B u d d h a d h ä t u " , Journal o f Indian and B uddhist S tu d ie s , v o l .
l U - 2 , 1966, pp. (78M9U).
23. On t h e e x a m p le s o f t h e c itta m ä tr a t h e o r y i n t h e Lahkävatära ,
s e e J . T a k a s a k i , " Y u i s h i n t o N y o r a i z ö " (c itta m ä tr a and
tath ägatagarbh a) , Bukkyogaku, n o s . 9 - 1 0 ( c o m b i n e d ) , Tokyo
1980, pp. 53-78.
24. rbhävar i n t h e N a n j i o e d i t i o n i s t o b e c o r r e c t e d i n t h e
l i g h t o f MSS, a s w e l l a s from t h e c o n t e x t .
25. T i b . l ) lta -b a g c ig la gnas pahi gnas k y i sa , 2) hdod
pahi hdod chags la gnas k y i sa3 3) gzugs k y i hdod chags
la gnas k y i say b) s r id pahi hdod chags la gnas k y i sa 3
P e k in g E d i t i o n ( R e p r i n t ) , v o l . 2 4 , p . 2 5 6 .3 .2 ^ - 4 .
26. RGV, p . 3 2 . 1 7 .
27. RGV, p . 3 3 . 2 - 3 .
28. T i b . rgyun chad pahi hchi phoy P e k i n g E d i t i o n (R e p rin t),
v o l. 24, p. 2 5 6 .1 .7 .
2 9 . 'Srlmälä, P e k in g E d i t i o n , i b i d . , p . 2 5 6 . 4 . 3 - 6 ; RGV p . 3 3 . 1 5 -
p.34.4.
30. RGV, p . 7 4 . 5 - 6 .
31. T i b . mam par se s pa gah lags pa3 P e k i n g E d i t i o n , i b i d . ,
p . 2 6 0 . 5 . 1 . See T a k a s a k i , N yoraizö s h isö no k e is e i , p p .
350- 66 .
32. F o r t h e r e f e r e n c e i n S t h i r a m a t i ' s w o r k , s e e n . 1 5 a b o v e ;
f o r t h a t i n D h a r m a p a la ’ s w o rk , T . , v o l . 3 1 , p . 1 0 c , a n d
o th e rs.
33. "N yüryöga kyö no Y u i s h i k i s e t s u ----- D eh a-bh oga-pratisth ä-
bham vijflänam no y ö r e i o m e g u t t e " , Bukkyogaku , No. 1 ,
1976, 1-26.
568
3U. T., vol. 31, p. l*6c-l+7b.
35- T . , vol. 26, p. 220a-b; Peking Edition (Reprint), vol. 105,
p. 17^.1.6-7.
36. On the four kinds of srävakas: T., vol. 30, p. 7^ a - b ;
Peking Edition (Reprint), vol. Ill, p. 115.2.3-3.^.
37* Bukkyögaku, No. 7, 1979, 1-18 (Some Aspects of the
Conception of an Ego in Buddhism) (Jap. tr. by K. Yoko-
yama). This is the record of his lecture delivered in
Tokyo during his visit in 1979-
38. For manas in the Lahkävatära, see J. Takasaki in the
Indogaku Bukkydgaku kenkyü, 29-2, 1981 , pp. (l)— (8).
39- T . , vol. 31, p. 2a. Cf. L. de La Vallee Poussin, Vijftapti-
mätvatäsiddhi3 1928, pp. 16-17, esp. note 3.
UO. Except for an analogical use showing the relation of
pravrttdvijüänas to the älayavijflänaj compared with
waves in the ocean (LAS., v. II, 103 and 105).
569
INDEX DER PERSONENNAMEN ZU Klon-rdol Bla-ma's
VERZEICHNIS VON SCHRIFTEN DER GELBMÜTZENSEKTE
Manfred TAUBE (Leipzig)
Die Zahl der wissenschaftlichen Arbeiten zur tibetischen
Bibliographie ist in den letzten Jahren ständig gewachsen,
und in zunehmendem Masse werden die Sammlungen tibetischer
Blockdrucke und Handschriften durch Kataloge erschlossen.
Angesichts dieser Sachlage erscheint es an der Zeit, das
Augenmerk stärker den einheimischen bibliographischen Tex
ten zu widmen, da in ihnen reiches Material zur Aufhellung
der Geschichte des tibetischen Schrifttums enthalten ist.
Es wird niemand erwarten, dass die bibliographischen An
gaben in einem tibetischen Texte des 18. Jahrhunderts
unseren wissenschaftlichen Anforderungen genügen, trotzdem
sind zahlreiche Fragen aus dem Gebiet der tibetischen
Literatur (Fragen der Chronologie, der Systematisierung des
Schrifttums, der Herausbildung kultureller Zentren usw.)
mit Hilfe der einheimischen Bibliographien zu lösen oder
zumindest einer Klärung näher zu führen.1 Ein weiteres
Gebiet, auf welchem uns diese Texte von Nutzen sind, ist die
Identifizierung von Werktiteln, die uns in historisch
biographischen Schriften und in den Kolophonen tibetisch
mongolischer Texte immer wieder begegnen, die für die gei
stige Entwicklung der in den Viten behandelten Personen
und für die Geschichte des betreffenden Werkes ohne Zweifel
von Bedeutung sind, mit denen wir jedoch häufig nichts an
fangen können, da sie sich in der zitierten Form nicht ohne
weiteres nachweisen lassen. Ausser aus diesem literatur
historischen Interesse sollte auch aus einem mehr prakti
schen Grunde die Beschäftigung mit tibetischen bibliographi
schen Werken verstärkt werden: Das Schicksal der Kloster
bibliotheken Tibets ist ungewiss, und zumindest für die
nächste Zeit sind wir vermutlich auf die Bestände unserer
wissenschaftlichen Bibliotheken angewiesen. Wir sollten
daher alles tun, um diese Sammlungen so weit wie möglich
570
zu vervollständigen. In Tibet selbst ist der Erwerb
tibetischer Texte im Augenblick noch weniger durchführbar
als in der Vergangenheit, wohl aber haben wir jetzt noch
Gelegenheit, in den Tibet benachbarten Ländern - in Indien,
in Nepal und in der Mongolei - tibetische Xylographen und
Manuskripte zu erlangen.2 Voraussetzung für die Vervoll
ständigung unserer Sammlungen ist jedoch nicht nur, dass
die Tibetica-Beocände unserer wissenschaftlichen Biblio
theken und Museen erschlossen und bekannt sind, sondern auch,
dass wir feststellen, was uns noch fehlt. Dies zu erfah
ren ist am ehesten durch einen Vergleich tibetischer Biblio
graphien mit unseren Katalogen möglich.
Zu den wichtigsten tibetischen bibliographischen Wer
ken gehört das bKa' gdams pa dah dge lugs pa’i bla ma rags
rim gyi gsuh 'bum mohan tho ("Verzeichnis der Werke von eini
gen Lamas der bKa'-gdams-pa- und der dGe-lugs-pa-Schule")3,
das in der wissenschaftlichen Literatur der letzten Zeit
mehrfach zitiert wurde. Dieser Text gibt nicht nur - wie
man aus dem Titel schliessen könnte - über die tibetische
gsuh - xbum - Literatur, das heisst über die Gesammelten
Schriften der Insassen lamaistischer Klöster Auskunft,
sondern er enthält auch zu verschiedenen anderen Gebieten
des bibliographischen Bereichs viel Material. So finden
wir hier eine Aufzählung der für den Unterricht an den
bedeutenden zentraltibetischen Klosterschulen obligatorischen
Lehrtexte, nach Klosterschulen geordnet, die Beschreibung von
biographischen Sammelwerken, Zusammenstellungen von Titeln
tantristischer exegetischer und ritueller Literatur, von
"sprachwissenschaftlichen" Texten, von Kirchengeschichten,
nicht-kanonischen Kommentaren zu den Tantra's und die von
Coh-kha-pa für verbindlich erklärte Kommentarliteratur
indischer Herkunft, nach Autoren geordnet. - Verfasser ist
Nag-dbah-blo-bzan, bekannter unter seinem Titel Klon-rdol
Bla-ma, in dessen Gesammelten Werken diese Kompilation den
25 . Teil (ra) bildet".4 Der zugehörige Kolophon ist - wie in
den meisten Werken dieses Autors - ganz knapp gehalten und
besagt lediglich, dass "auch dieser (Text) von dem Klon-
rdol Bla-ma Äag-dbah-blo-bzah geschrieben wurde"; Ort und
Zeit der Abfassung und Veranlasser sind nicht angegeben.
- Aus den wenigen Ortsangaben in den Kolophonen zu anderen
Texten des Klon-rdol Bla-ma und aus seiner kurzen Selbst
biographie wissen wir, dass der Autor in Osttibet geboren
wurde 3 und später vor allem in zentraltibetischen Klöstern
lebte ;6 nichts in dem vorliegenden Texte weist darauf hin,
dass er in einem anderen Gebiete entstanden sei. - Eine
genauere Festlegung der Abfassungszeit wird dadurch er
schwert, dass wir für viele der im Text genannten Personen
571
keine Lebensdaten kennen. Die letzten zeitlich fixier
baren Autoren sind der Pan-chen Blo-bzah-dpal-ldan-ye-ses
(1T37-17ÖO), der rGyal-ba ’Jam-dpal-rgya-mcho (1758-18o 4),
dKon-mchog-’jigs-med-dbah-po (1723-1791) und der
lCan-skya Rol-pa’i-rdo-rje (1717-1786). Die Gesammelten
Werke einiger dieser Lamas lagen bei Abschluss der Arbeiten
an dem Verzeichnis des 17197 geborenen Kloh-rdol Bla-ma
wahrscheinlich noch nicht abgeschlossen vor. Der jüngste
ungefähr datierbare Text ist ein Gebet für die baldige
Wiedergeburt des Ende 1780 in Peking verstorbenen Pan-chen
dPal-ldan-ye-ses aus der Feder des 8. Dalai-Lama.8 Es ist
anzunehmen, dass die Literaturzusammenstellung des Kloh-
rdol Bla-ma bald nach 1781 beendet wurde. Sie ist jünger
als das "Verzeichnis der Namen von Anhängern der Lehre in
Tibet", das auf Blatt 56v des hier zur Rede stehenden
Textes genannt ist.9
In manchen Punkten berührt sich diese bibliographische
Zusammenstellung mit den Angaben im ersten Band des thob-
yig des Kloh-rdol Bla-ma.10 Die Werke von 12 gsuh-’bum-
Autoren finden sich in beiden Texten. Bei einem Vergleich
zeigt sich, dass dabei in fünf Fällen die Verzeichnisse
fast wörtlich übereinstimmen (dies betrifft die Werke von
dGe-'dun-grub, von dGe-’dun-rgya-mcho, vom 7. Dalai-Lama,
vom 1. lCan-skya und von Blo-bzah-chos-kyi-rgyal-mchan).
Mitunter sind die Angaben des gsuh-’bum mchan-tho ausführ
licher als die des thob-yig: Bei mKhas-grub sind im thob-
yig die Bandbezeichnungen nicht angeführt (andererseits
sind im thob-yig zwei Texte mehr genannt); bei 'Dul-ba-
*jin-pa sind im thob-yig weder Bandbezeichnungen noch Um
fang der Einzeltexte angegeben, und es enthält auch nicht
alle in der Literaturzusammenstellung verzeichneten Werke;
für den Pan-chen dPal-ldan-ye-ses sind im thob-yig nur die
Bände ka - oa3 dagegen nicht die Bände oha - fla beschrieben.
Seltener ist das thob-yig ausführlicher als das gsuh-’bum
mchan-tho, so bei den Angaben zu den versiegelten Werken
Coh-kha-pa's , die nur im thob-yig die Blattzahl einschlies-
sen. Völlig verschieden sind die Verzeichnisse der Werke
des rGyal-chab, des 2. lCan-skya Qutuytu und des Sahs-rgyas
-ye-ses. Bemerkenswert ist dabei, dass die Angaben zu
den gsuh- ’bum des rGyal-chab im thob-yig mit den Angaben
des Sendai-Kataloges11 fast völlig gleich sind (einschliess
lich Blattzahl), während für Rol-pa’i-rdo-rje keine der
beiden Listen des Kloh-rdol Bla-ma mit der einzigen bisher
bekanntgewordenen Ausgabe12 übereinstimmt. Im Verzeichnis
seiner eigenen Werke auf den Blättern 56vf. der Literatur
zusammenstellung hat der Kloh-rdol Bla-ma sein thob-yig
572
nicht mit angeführt. Daraus kann man, wie die Differenzen
zwischen diesen beiden bibliographischen Werken zeigen,
nicht mit Sicherheit schliessen, dass das thob-yig erst
nach Fertigstellung des gsuh- 'bum mchan-tho kompiliert
wurde. Es scheint vielmehr, als ob die Arbeiten an beiden
Texten weitgehend parallel liefen, wobei zusätzliche An
gaben öfter in das gsuh-'bum mchan-tho aufgenommen wurden,
während das thob-yig seltener die bessere, ausführlichere
Darstellung bietet.
Zu älteren mir vorliegenden tibetischen bibliographi
schen Werken bestehen, wie nicht anders zu erwarten, grös
sere Differenzen. So stimmt das thob-yig des Qalqa Jaya-
Pandita Blo-bzah-’phrin-las (geboren 1642)13 lediglich in
seinen Angaben zu bSod-nams-rgya-mcho und in geringerem
Masse zu Blo-bzah-chos-kyi-rgyal-mchan mit Kloh-rdol Bla-
ma's Literaturzusammenstellung überein, während bei vielen
anderen Autoren sowohl die Zahl als auch die Anordnung der
Texte stark abweicht.
Wenn wir, um die Zuverlässigkeit dieses Verzeichnisses
des Kloh-rdol Bla-ma zu überprüfen, seine Angaben mit den
in unseren wissenschaftlichen Bibliotheken vorhandenen
Gesammelten Werken tibetischer Autoren vergleichen, so ist
hin und wieder eine weitgehende Kongruenz festzustellen
(dies betrifft die Werke Coh-kha-pa’s , der Dalai-Lamas
dGe-’dun-rgya-mcho und Blo-bzah-bskal-bzah-rgya-mcho, des
Pan-chen Blo-bzah-chos-kyi-rgyal-mchan und des Nag-dbah-
byams-pa). In manchen anderen Fällen weichen allerdings die
Verzeichnisse des Kloh-rdol Bla-ma von den bisher publizier
ten gsuh-’bum-Katalogen beträchtlich ab. Da wir jedoch
heute wissen, dass die Gesammelten Werke der Lamas mitunter
in mehreren Ausgaben vorliegen, die zum Teil recht verschie
den sind, scheint mir trotz dieser Differenzen der Schluss
gerechtfertigt, dass sich der Kloh-rdol Bla-ma auch dort,
wo seine Ausführungen nicht mit den uns bekannten Ausgaben
übereinstimmen, auf schriftliche Vorlagen stützt.14
Die Zusammenstellung dieses bibliographischen Sammel
werkes erfolgte nicht nach einem strengen Schema, es wurde
kein festes System vom Anfang bis zum Ende des Textes einge
halten. Nach einigen Literaturangaben zu dem als blo-sbyoh
bezeichneten Sachgebiet sollten die gsuh-’bum-Autoren mit
ihren Werken, die ungefähr die ersten beiden Drittel der
Sammlung einnehmen, wahrscheinlich in einer groben Chrono
logie aneinandergereiht werden - beginnend mit Bu-ston,
Coh-kha-pa und dessen persönlichen Schülern und endend
573
mit Nag-dbah-blo-bzah’s Zeitgenossen Rol-pa'i-rdo-rje, dKon-
-mchog-’jigs-med-dbah-po usw. Aber die Abweichungen von
dieser geplanten Anordnung sind beträchtlich: Auf den 3.
Dalai-Lama folgt sofort der T-, während der b. und der 6.
Dalai-Lama erst wesentlich später, unmittelbar vor dem 8.,
genannt werden, und die Werke des Grossen Fünften und seines
Regenten werden sogar erst im letzten Drittel des Werkes,
nachdem die Behandlung der gsuh-’bum längst abgeschlossen ist,
zwischen den utpatti- and utpanna-krama1s der Schutzgottheiten
und den "sprachwissenschaftlichen" Lehrbüchern beschrieben.
Diese und andere Inkonsequenzen zeigen, dass wir es hier mit
einer im Laufe der Jahre gewachsenen Sammlung zu tun haben,
welche eine abschliessende Redaktion nicht erfahren hat.
Von den Gesammelten Werken des Kloh-rdol Bla-ma sind
bisher zwei Ausgaben bekannt geworden: Die eine ist in der
Sammlung enthalten, die der japanische Lecturer Tada, der
sich längere Zeit im Kloster Se-ra aufhielt, aus Tibet nach
Japan brachte. Heute befindet sich diese Sammlung in der
Bibliothek der Tohoku-Universität in Sendai, und ein zuge
höriger Katalog wurde 1953 von japanische Wissenschaftlern
herausgebracht.15 Diese Edition, die sich auch im Kloster
Gandan in Ulaanbaatar befindet,16 stammt sicher aus einer
der grossen zentral-tibetischen Druckwerkstätten. Die Druck
stöcke der anderen bekannten Ausgabe wurden in Peking her
gestellt und lagerten noch um die Mitte unseres Jahrhunderts
im Magazin der Druckwerkstatt des dortigen Klosters Sung-chu-
-szu.17 Exemplare dieser Edition befinden sich heute in der
Staatsbibliothek in Ulaanbaatar, in Leningrad, in der Deutschen
Staatsbibliothek Berlin und wahrscheinlich auch in anderen,
bisher nicht erschlossenen Tibetica-Sammlungen. Die beiden
Ausgaben, die zentral-tibetische und die Pekinger, weichen in
Anordnung und Umfang der Einzeltexte verschiedentlich vonein
ander ab.18 Mir stand für den vorliegenden Aufsatz das von
Professor Erich Haenisch 1928 beim Kloster Sung-chu-szu
gekaufte und heute an der Berliner Staatsbibliothek befind
liche Exemplar der Peking-Edition zur Verfügung.
Der Text dieses Exemplares ist klar zu lesen, ist also
von wenig gebrauchten Druckstöcken abgezogen. Erschwert wird
die Lesbarkeit lediglich dadurch, dass b - p und d - h oft
vertauscht sind und dass der oheg mehrfach an falscher Stelle
steht. Die Ungenauigkeiten bei der Schreibung des silben
trennenden Punktes und der Buchstaben d und h beruhen mit
Sicherkeit auf der Flüchtigkeit des Schreibers der Druckvor
lage und wurden im folgenden Index nach Möglichkeit richtig
gestellt. Nicht so sicher ist, ob der von unseren Wörterbüchern
574
abweichende Gebrauch von p - b immer durch Nachlässigkeit des
Schreibers erklärt werden muss; ich habe daher in fraglichen
Fällen die Schreibung des Blockdruckes beibehalten.
Erstmals ausserhalb Tibets veröffentlicht wurde diese
Zusammenstellung von Lokesh Chandra in seinen "Materials for
a History of Tibetan Literature", New Delhi 1963.19 Lokesh
Chandra gibt nicht an, welche Edition des tibetischen Textes
seiner Ausgabe zugrundeliegt. Die Abweichungen zwischen dieser
Ausgabe und dem mir vorliegenden Pekinger Text könnten zum Teil
auf bewusste, zum Teil vielleicht auch auf aus Versehen erfolgte
Änderungen des Abschreibers zurückgehen.20 Andere dieser Dif
ferenzen lassen sich jedoch nur dadurch erklären, dass die
indische Abschrift nicht auf dem Texte basiert, der mir zur
Verfügung steht.21
Als ein erster Beitrag zur Erschliessung dieser biblio
graphischen Zusammenstellung sind im folgenden sämtliche darin
vorkommenden Personennamen alphabetisch geordnet zusammenge
stellt. Auf den Mönchsnamen folgen, durch Komma getrennt,
die davorstehenden Titel, die zusätzlich als eigenes Stichwort
aufgenommen wurden, wo das notwendig erschien, da in tibetischen
Texten häufig nur diese Titel, nicht die Mönchsnamen verwendet
werden. Ein Gedankenstrich vertritt das davor stehende Stich
wort (durch Bindestrich oder Bindestriche verbundener Silben
komplex). Auf den Namen oder den Titel folgt die Stellenan
gabe (Blattzahl + r = recto bzw. v = verso), die sich auf die
Seite bezieht, auf der die erste Silbe des Mönchsnamens steht.
Die Stellenangabe steht in Klammern bei Personen, die im Werk
des Kloh-rdol Bla-ma nicht als Autoren auftreten. Die Stellen
angabe ist einfach unterstrichen, wenn es sich um gsuh- 'bum-
Autoren handelt. - Eine kommentierte Ausgabe des Textes des
Kloh-rdol Bla-ma ist in Vorbereitung.
575
Index der Personennamen
Ka-ni-ka, rGyal-pa (58v)
Ka-ma-la-si-la, Slob-dpon 58v
Ka-la-pa (3r)
Karma-rab-rgyas, ’O-phrug-pa 55v
Kun-dga’-rgyal-mchan (lUv)
gCan-chen-ba'i A-khu UUv
Kun-dga'-shin-po, Jo-nan 57v
Slob-dpon 59v
Kun-dga'-don-grub, rGyud-chen 50v
Kun-dga'-bde-legs-dpal-bzan-po, gNas-rnih-pa bhr
Kun-dga’-bde-legs Rin-chen-rgyal-mchan bkv
Kun-dga'-rdo-rje, Chal-pa 5Tr
Kun-dga'-blo-gros, sPyan-sna (2Uv)
Kun-rgyal, rCes-than Las-chen 57v
Kun-rgyal-ba, rCes-than Las-chen-pa 2r
Kun-bzan 51r
Kun-bzah-rce-ba, sNe-gdon sPyan-sna U8r
Kun-legs, Druh-yig-pa 50v
Klu-sgrub (l2v, l6v),^6v, l*7r (2mal)
dPal-mgon 'phags-pa 59r
-, §ih-rta-chen-po 58v
Klu-byah-nam Klu-yi-blo, Slob-dpon 59r
Klu-yi-byan-chub, Klu-sgrub slob-ma (l6v)
Klu-yi-blo, Slob-dpon Klu-byah-nam 59r
dKon-mchog-skyabs, Öhos-rje (l4v)
dKon-mchog-rgya-mcho (56v)
dKon-mchog-rgyal-mchan, sNags-chen rDo-rje-'jin-pa 29r
-, sMa-kham ’Od-zer-bla-ma UUr
dKon-mchog-chos-'phel, Khri-chen UOr, 51r,^(52r)
dKon-mchog-'jigs-med-dbah-po, 'Jam-dbyans-bzad-pa*i sPrul-
sku 37r
-, 'Jam-dbyahs-bzad sPrul 57v
dKon-mchog-brcegs-pa (lUr)
dKon-mchog-yar-’phel (56v)
bKra-sis-dpal-grub, rJe-bcun 3r
bKra-sis-'phags-pa (56v)
bKra-sis-rab-brtan, sKyid-sod sTag-rce dPon U7r
bKra-sis-rin-chen, rJe (27v)
sKal-ldan-rgya-mcho, Roh-po 2br
sKal-bzan-rgya-mcho, rGyal-dbah (29v)
sKu-'bum Chos-rje (30v)
sKyabs-mchog-dpal, rJe (27v)
sKyabs-mchog-dpal-bzan (25v, 26r)
576
Lo-cha 47r
sKye-dgu'i-bdag-mo 28r
sKyer-sgah (27v)
sKyer-sgan-pa, dPon-ston 47v
bsKal-bzan-rgya-mcho, rGyal-ba (l5v, 34r), 45v, 51v
rGyal-dban 51r
Dvags-po 40v
Kha-che Pan-chen 46 v
- - ^akya-sri 46v
Kha-rag sGom-chun, dGe-bses 2v
Kham-lun-pa 2v
Khyuh-po 48r (2mal), 48v (2mal)
- rNal-'byor, mKhas-grub 48r
Khyun-phrug (= Byams-pa-bkra-sis) 43r
mKhar-nag Lo-ccha 57v
mKhas-grub (7r)
- dGe-legs-dpal-bzan (l2v, 24r, 44r), 50r
- rJe (9v, lOv)
mKhas-grub-pa (9v, 44v), kjv, 48r, v, 50r, 51r
mKhas-grub sMra-ba'i-ni-ma dGe-legs-dpal-bzan-po llv
mKhas-bstan-dar-ba, Se-ra sMad Thos-bsam Nor-bu grva-chan 4lr
'Khon-ston-pa 45v (2mal), 57r
Gun Pandi-ta (36v)
Gun-ru rGyal-mchan-bzan-po 44r, (44v)
- Chos-'byun 42r
Gyer-sgom (-rdo-rje) 2v
Grags-pa-rgyal-mchan, 'Dul-ba-'jin-pa 13r, (44v)
'Dul-'jin bKa'-bzi-pa (9v)
Grags-pa-dpal-ldan, sNar-than-pa 3r
Grags-pa-dban-rgyal 40r
Grags-pa-bzan-po, sMar-khams (27v)
Grags-pa-rin-chen (56r)
Grags-pa-sen-ge sNe-than 55v
Grags-'jin (46v)
Grub-rgyal (l4v)
Grub-chen Nam-mkha,, bKra-sis-lhun-po Thos-bsam-glin-pa 3r
Gro-lun-pa Blo-gros-'byun-gnas 2r
Glan-than-pa (20r)
Glan-ri-than-pa (24v)
dGa'-blo (= 'Jam-dbyans-legs-pa-chos-'byor) 4lv
dGe-'dun-grub 46v
-, rGyal-ba 13v, 45v, 49r
-, rJe 49r
-, Pan-chen 3r
dGe-'dun-mgon-po, Byan-ston 50r
dGe-’dun-rgya-mcho (l5v),45v (2mal),46r,47v (2mal),48r,v
(2 m a l ), 49r
577
- , r G y a l- b a l W , (U 3 v ), U9v, 5 0 r , v , 51v
- , r 5 e U 9r, v
d G e -’ d u n - c h o s - r g y a l- d b a n - p h y u g , r J e - d r u n S p r u l- s k u ( 3 0 r )
d G e -’ d u n - ’ p h e l 56v
d G e -’ d u n - b l o - b z a n , r T a - n a g ( 2 6 r )
T h o s -g lin 39r
d G e -’ d u n - r i n - c h e n (3 0 v )
d G e -’ d u n -b s a m -g ru b , T h o s - g l i n 3 9 r
d G e - le g s - r g y a n n c h o (3 2 v )
d G e - le g s - d p a l - b z a n ( l 3 v )
- , m K h as-g ru b (2 U r, b b r ) , U8v, 5 0 r , v
d G e - l e g s - d p a l - b z a n - p o , m K h as-g ru b s M r a - b a 'i- f ii- m a l l v
b G ro d -d k a ’ -se n g e (3 r)
’G ro-m gon d P a l - l d a n - y e - s e s 2v
'G r o - b z a h - s f i i n - p o , ’G ro-m gon U9v
’ G r o - l u n - p a b6v
(rG ya-m a. R i n - c h e n - s g a n - p a ) 2bv
r G y a - m c h o - r in - c h e n - s g r o n (3 0 v )
r G y a - b z a ’ K o n -jo ( 2 2 r )
r G y a - l e S h o s-m ja d ( l 6 r )
rG y a l-s te n -p a (9 r)
r G y a l- p a Y e - s e s , sN ubs ^ 9 r
r G y a l- b a l n a - p a l v , ( 3 7 r , 5 2 r , 5 ^ r , v ) , 5 5 v , (5 7 v )
- - c h e n -p o 5 7 r
- - - N a g - d b a h - b lo - b z a n - r g y a - m c h o 51v
r G y a l- d b a n l n a - p a HOv
r G y a l- c h a b ( 7 r , lO r CUmalll, l l v )
- rJe ( llr )
- D a r - m a - r in - c h e n l l r , ( l 3 v ) , U5v
r G y a l- c h a b - p a ( 9 v ) , 5 1 r
r G y a l - s r a s (= N a g - d b a n - y e - s e s - g r a g s - p a ) ( 2 3 r )
- N a g - d b a n - y e - s e s - g r a g s - p a 22v
- d N u l-c h u C h o s - r j o n - b a T h o g s -m e d -b z a n -p o -d p a l 2v
- ( b ) ^ i - p a (2 1 v )
r G y a l - s r a s - p a , ’ G ro-m gon g C a n -p a U7r
r G y a l - s r a s ( b ) 2 i - p a (2 1 v )
sGom-bde (= N a m -m k h a '-rg y a l-m c h a n ) b5v
- S a r - g a Nam-mkha’ - r g y a l- m c h a n l8 v
s G r a - g c a n - ’ j i n U6v
s G r u b - r g y a l (2 6 v )
bsG om -bde (= Nam-mkha' - r g y a l- m c h a n ) U5v
578
Nag-gi-dban-ph^ug, Pandi-ta 47r
Nag-dban-bkra-sis, rJe 42v
Nag-dban-grags-pa, Dvags-po 22v
Nag-dban-chos, rJe-drun 44r
Nag-dban-mchog-ldan, Khri-chen (l6v), 22r, (36r)
Nag-dban-bstan-’jin-'phrin-las, sKyid-sod sPrul-sku 31v
Nag-dban-rnam-rgyal 3r
Nag-dban-dpal-’byor, Glin-smad 40r
Nag-dban-byams-pa rJe 32v
Nag-dban-blo-bzan (Klon-rdol Bla-ma)56v
-, Klon-rdol Bla-ma (50r)
Nag-dban-blo-bzan-rgya-mcho, rGyal-ba lna-pa chen-po 51v
Nag-dban-blo-bzan-chos-ldan, lSan-skya Rin-po-che sKu gon-
ma 2 Or
Nag-dbari-brcon-'grus, rJe (=’Jam-dbyans-bzad-pa’i-rdo-rje)
l8v
Nag-dban-ye-ses-grags-pa, rGyal-sras 22v
dNul-chu Shos-rjon-ba Thogs-med-bzan-po, rGyal-sras 2v
dNos-grub-rgya-mcho, Than-sag-pa 50r, v, (56v)
dNos-grub-pa, Druh-chen 4lr, 43r
m N a ’-ris Öhos-rgyal llv
INa-pa chen-po 57r
l^ags-mkhar-'brin-po (13r)
l(5an-skya m&iog-sprul Rol-pa’i-rdo-rje (l6v)
- Blo-bzan-chos-ldan 50r, v(2mal)
- Ye-ses-bstan-sgron-nam Rol-pa’i-rdo-rje 36r
- Rin-po-che (l7v)
- - sKu-gon-ma Nag-dban-blo-bzan-chos-ldan 20r
- Rol-pa’i-rdo-rje 51v
ICe-bsgom-pa Ses-rab-rdo-rje 2v
ICe 'Byuh-gnas 49r
Öhog-thu rGyal-po (30v)
Chos-kyi-rgyal-mchan (= Pan-chen Blo-bzan-chos-kyi-rgyal-
mc han) 29r
-, rJe-drun lHa-dbah 51r
-, Pan-chen 47v, 50r, v
_ s Ba-so 12v
-, Se-ra rJe-bcun 44v
Chos-kyi-sehge, Cha-ba 47r
Chos-skyon-dpal, gNas-brtan 50r
£hos-skyon-bzan-po, £a-lu Lo-ccha-ba 55r
Chos-skyobs , dGra’-bcom-pa 59**
Chos-grags (23v) (2mal)
579
-, gNal-pa 2br
-, Bla-ma U2v
-, Rva-ba stod-pa 23v
Chos-grags-rgya-mcho, gCan-chun b^r
-, gCan-chun-ba 2br
Chos-grags-'od-zer, rJe b2r
Chos-rgyan, Pan-chen ^7v, b9r, 56r (2mal), 57r
Shos-rgyal, mNa.'-ris (llv)
Rab-’byaras 55v
'phags-pa, ’Gro-mgon U6v
Chos-rje-dpal, Shog Lo-ccha-ba b^r
Chos-ldan-rab-’byor, rJe 50r
gSan-mda’-ba (l2r), 1+^r
Chos-dban-grags-pa, mfta'-ris Zan-zun-pa (l2v)
Zan-zun-pa U8r
Chos-dbyins-ran-grol, Zur-chen 52r
Chos-’byun U2r
-, Gun-ru U2r
Öhos-’byor-dpal-bzan, Kun-mkhyen Ulr
-, Thos-glin Kun-mkhyen 39r
Chos-bzan-ser-'byuh-blo-gros ^7v
mChog-srid, Bram-ze U8r
mChog-lha-ba, Pan-chen 40r
mChog-lha-’od-zer, Sans-pa Kun-mkhyen ^Or
'Chad-ka-ba 2v
'Shi-med-rab-rgyas, Ne-rin-pa UHr
Jo-bo 2r (2mal), i+7r, 57v
- A-ti-sa 46r, v, 59r, v
'Ja-mo dGe-slon 57v
’Jam-grags-pa, Rigs-ldan (27v)
'Jam-dpal-rgya-mcho, rGyal-ba (33v, 35r C2mal], 36y )
-, rJe lv, 51r, v
rTog-ldan (bbv)
-, rTogs-ldan (2Uv)
- 'am mchan gzan ’Jam-dpal-bde-ba'i-rdo-rJ e , Slob-dpon 38v
'Jam-dpal-bde-ba'i-rdo-rje (= ’Jam-dpal-rgya-mcho) 38v
'Jam-dpal-dbyahs, rJe-bcun (9v)
’Jam-dbyans, rJe-bcun 3r, (lOr)
- Kha-che, sBo-'bor-pa U7v
'Jam-dbyans-mkhon (!) b9r
'Jam-dbyans-grags-pa, dGe-slon 50v
'Jam-dbyans-dga'-ba'i-blo-gros 51r
- (= ’Jam-dbyans-legs-pa-chos-’byor, ’Bras-spuns mKhan-thog
gsum-pa) Ulv
’Jam-dbyans-dga’-blo U2r, l+5v
580
'5am-dbyans Chos-rje (lOr, U W )
- 'Bras-spuns (UUv), 5lv
’Jam-dbyans-'ghrin-las (22r)
'Jam-dbyans-gzon-nu Thugs-rje-rin-chen b 9 v
'Jam-dbyans-bzad-pa U2v, 50r,v (2mal), (50v)
rJe U5v
'Jam-dbyans-bzad-pa’i-rdo-rje U2v, 50v
-, rJe (= Nag-dban-brcon-'grus) l8v
'Jam-dbyans-bzad sPrul dKon-mchog-’jigs-med-dban-po 57v
'Jam-dbyans-rin-chen, Sa-skya U9 v
’Jam-dbyans-legs-pa-chos-'byor, ’Bras-spuns mKhan-thog
gsum-pa (= ’Jam-dbyans-dga'-ba'i-blo-gros) Ulv
’Jam-dbyans-ses-rab-sbyin-pa, fti-than Bla-ma 23r
- - Thor-rgod 23r
’Jig-rten-gsum-mgon, 'Bri-gun U6v
’Jigs-med-grags-pa, Bo-don (22r)
r5e-bcun-pa 1+1r
-, Se-ra (UUv)
rJe Rin-po-che (l9r), U8r
Nan-sag-pa, Bla-chen 5Or
Ni-ma-snas(!)-pa U7r
Tä-ra-na-tha 57 v
Tä-ra-nä-tha U5v
rTa-dbyans, Slob-dpon dPa'-bo-’am 58v
rTag-tu-nu, Byan-sems U6v
sTag-ston 55v
sTag-rce dPon-mo (33v)
sTag-chan Lo-cä-ba (23v, 28v)
- Lo-ccha-ba (32v)
sTag-lun-pa 55v
sTag-lun-brag-pa, Khri-chen 50v
sTobs-’bar-’od-zer, Sar-rce Kun-mkhyen UOr
bsTan-pa-dar-bzan 39v
bsTan-pa’i-rgyal-mchan, mNa'-ris £abs-drun UUr
bsTan-'jin-blo-bzan-rgya-mcho, sKyid-sod Zabs-druri 30v
Than-sag-pa dNos-grub-rgya-mcho (56v)
Thugs-rje-rin-chen, ’Jam-dbyans-gzon-nu U9v
Thogs-med, ’Phags-pa 57v
Thogs-med-bzan-po, rGyal-sras U6v
-, - dNul-chu Chos-rjon-ba 2v
Thon-ston Yon-tan-rgya-mcho 13r
581
Thon-mi Sam-bho-ta 55r
sTha-bi-ra Sa-dhu-bha-dra (8r)
sTha-ra bi-ra-pa bhu-bha-dra (8r)
Da-ri-ka-pa (8v)
Dvags-po sBrum-pa (3v)
Dam-chos-rnam-rgyal, gSer-khan-pa l*Ov
Dam-chos-dpal-'byor, sftags-chen 50r
Dar-ma-rin-chen (llr)
-,rGyal-chab llr, (l3v), 4lv, l+5v
De-bzin-gsegs-pa'i-rdo-rje 59v
Don-grub-dban-rgyal, Dvags-po (39**)
Don-grub-rin-chen, Chos-rje (30v)
Don-yod-mkhas-grub, dGa'-ldan Byan-rce-pa Zog-pa 33r
-, rJe 46r
Zog-gur sMon-pa rJe (56v)
Don-yod-mkhas-grub-pa, rJe (33r)
Dol-pa Rin-po-che, dGe-bses 2v
Dri-med bSes-gnen, Thos-glin 39r
bDe-legs-ni-ma i+lr
-, Pan-chen U3r
mDo-mkhar-ba (36v)
’Dul-dkar-ba’am ’Dul-'jin Blo-gros-sbas-pa 3r
’Dul-nag-pa 56v
'Dul-ba-’jin-pa (Tv)
- Grags-pa-rgyal-mchan 1 3 r , (i+Uv)
'Dul-’jin-pa (9v), ^Tv (2mal)
-, rJe 51v
rDo-rje-rgyal-po, Phag-gru (l5v)
rDo-rje-dpal, gYun-ston (27v)
rDo-rje-bzan-po (56v)
IDe-'god g-yag l+9v
sDe-snod-'jin-pa 'Phags-rin (3r)
Na-ga a-rya manga-la 55v
Nag-po-pa (5v)(2mal)
Nag-cho Lo-ccha-ba 2r
NaIn-mkha, , bKra-sis-lhun-po Thos-bsam-glin-pa Grub-chen 3r
Nam-mkha’-grags, Dvags-po 50v, 56r
Nam-mkha’-rgyal-mchan, sGom-bde Ulr, U^v, 50r, 56r
-, - Sar-pa l8v, l+3r
-, lHo-brag -)*5v
-, - Grub-chen (7r)
Nam-mkha’-dpal, Byan-rce Hor-ston 3r
Nam-mkha'-dpal-bzan, Byan-rce (l3v)
582
Nam-mkha'-bzah-po, Lo-chen 55v
Nam-mkhaf-lhun-grub, Lun-rigs smra-ba’i dban-phyug 23v
Ser smad rGya-ron sMra-ba’i dban-phyug (23v)
Ne-rin-pa ( ='Chi-med-rab-rgyas) 44r
Nor-bzan-rgya-mcho, mKhas-grub rTa-nag (24r), 50v
Nor-bzan-pa 57r
gNas-rfiin mKhan-po (llr)
gNas-rnin-pa Rin-chen-rgyal-mchan (llr)
rNam-rgyal-grags-pa, Si-tu (l4v)
-, Su-gug-gi rGyal-po’i Tri-sri-pa (6v)
sNar-than-pa Grags-pa-dpal-ldan 3r
sNe-zur-pa Yon-tan-grags 2r
Pa-wan-kha (37v)
Pad-dkar-ba, ’Brug-pa 53r, 55v, 57r
Padma-dkar-po, Sambha-lar rGyal-po Rigs-ldan 59r
Padma-'phrin-las, rDo-phrag-pa 45r
Padma-’byun-gnas (53r)
Punda (!)-sri (llr)
Po-to-ba 2v
- Rin-chen-gsal 2v
Prajna-ra-k§i-ta 59v
dPa’-bo, Slob-dpon 47r
- 'am rTa-dbyans, Slob-dpon 58v
dPa’-bo-rdo-rje, dBu-ma-pa 48v
dPa'-bo gCug-lag-pa 57r
- gCug-lag-’phren-ba 55v
- Slob-dpon (l5r)
dPan Lo 55r
dPal-khan Lo-ccha-ba 55v
dPal-mgon ’phags-pa Klu-sgrub 59r
dPal-rdor, lHa-lun 57r
dPal-ldan-chos-grags 50r
dPal-ldan-ye-ses, 'Gro-mgon 2v
-, Pan-chen (33r, 37r,v)
-, - sKu-phren bzi-pa 33v
dPal-’byor-rgya-mcho, mKhar-nag Lo-ccha-ba 44v
dPal-’byor-lhun-grub, gNal-ston 24r, 4lr, 43r
-, Pha-wan-kha-pa (52r)
-, rCe-than Byah-mkhar gsar-ba'i 46v
dPal-mo 17v
-, dGe-slon-ma 46v
dPal-’jin h ^ r
-, 'Bri-gun 45r
dPal-lha-bcan-po, Chos-rgyal (6v)
sPyan-sna (= Kun-dga'-blo-gros) (24v)
- (= Blo-gros-rgyal-mchan) (2W)
- Kun-dga’-blo-gros (2Uv)
- Kun-bzan-rce-ba, sNe-gdon l+8r
- Blo-gros-rgyal-mchan 3r,
- -, rGya-ma-ba (44v)
- Rin-’phel (l3v)
- bSod-nams-lhun-grub (l3v)
sPyi-bo-lhas-pa, mKhan-po (6v)
Phun-chogs-rgyal-mchan, Brag-sgo k^r
Phur-bu-lcog rJe Byams-pa (56v)
Pho-lha-ba, Mi-dban (33v)
Phyogs-glan, Slob-dpon (llr)
Phyogs-las-rnam-rgyal, Bo-don 47v, ^9r
'Phags (l2r, 19v)
'Phags-mchog Öhos-rje, sNags-'chan U8r
fPhags-pa Rab-?byor (27v)
’Phags-pa-lha (22v, 36v), 58y
'Phags-rin, sDe-snod-’jin-pa (3r)
’Phrin-las-bsam-grub, Se-ra Sar-pa 4lr
Ba-ri (l9v, 26v)
Ba-so Chos-kyi-rgyal-mchan 12v
Ba-so-pa (33v)
-, rJe (Jr)
Bir-wa-pa, Grub-chen 2v
Bu-ston i+7r
- Rin-chen-grub 3r_, (2Jv), k5r, k9v, 5Jr
Bu-ddha-ga-li-ta 58v
Bu-ddha-sri, rTogs-ldan (56r)
Bunya-ma, mfta’-bdag (6v)
Bo-don ’Jigs-med-grags-pa (22r)
Bo-don-pa ^9r, v
- Rin-chen-chos-bzan U9v
Bo-don Phyogs-las-rnam-rgyal U7v, k9r
Bya-khyun mKhan-po (30v, 31r)
Byan-chub-mchog, Slob-dpon 59v
Byan-chub-bzan-po U6v
Byari-chub-’od, lHa-bla-ma l+5r
Byan-bdag (52r)
Byan-rce Hor-ston Nam-mkha’-dpal 3r
Byan-sems Ra-bsgren-ba 3r
Byams-mgon, rJe-bcun 57v
Byams-chen Öhos-rje (38r), 51v
- -, Se-ra (UUv)
584
Byams-pa, rJelv,^33r, (3kr), U5v (3mal), 57v
Phur-bu-lcog rJe 51r (2mal), (56y )
-, Phur-bu-lcog-pa k^r
-, - rJe 50v, 51v
Byams-pa-bkra-sis, mKhas-grub Khyun-phrug k2v
Byams-pa-chos-mchog, Dvags-pa 40v
Byams-pa-bstan-pa, mKhas-grub UOv
Byams-pa-bstan-'phel kOv
Byams-pa'i-dpal, Khro-phu Lo-cä-ba U9v
Byun-po U8r
Bye-mda'-nas (27r)
Bra-ti dGe-ba'i-bses-gnen Rin-chen-don-grub 55v
Brag-sgo-ba (= Phun-chogs-rgyal-mchan)
Bla-ma Chos-grags ^2v
Blo-gros-rgya-mcho, Khri rGya-nag-pa (l7r), 50v
-, Thos-glin Byan-ston 39r, v
-, Sar-rce Byan-ston i+Or
- sKu gon-'og, mDo-smad Khri rGya-nag-pa 23v
Blo-gros-rgyal-po, Zur-mkhar 55v
Blo-gros-rgyal-mchan, dKyil-khan §anti-pa 39v
-, rGya-ma-ba sPyan-sna (U4v)
-, bDe-mo-than-pa (U4v)
-, sPyan-sna 3r, U5v, 2kr
-, §an-ti-pa (26r)
Blo-gros-chos-skyon 50r
-, rJe (l2r, v)
Blo-gros-mchog, sMan-lun-pa (55v)
Blo-gros-mchog (oder: Blo-gros-mchog-gi-rdo-rje?), sMan-
luh-pa 55v
Blo-gros-brtan-pa (22v)
-, 'Jam-dbyans gCan-ba bdun brgyud-kyi tha-ma rJe (22v)
-, rJe (llv)
Blo-gros-'byun-gnas, Gro-lun-pa 2r
Blo-gros-sbas-pa 15r
-j'Dul-'jin 3r, 39v
Blo-gros-rin-chen-senge, Kun-mkhyen Ulr, 44v
Blo-gros-legs-'phel,Dvng Nag Rig-pa'i-ral-gri 40v
Blo-gros-legs-bzan, Pan-chen 4-Hr
-, §ar-rce 40r
Blo-gros-senge, Kun-mkhyen Mus-sran-pa U7v
Blo-mchog-rdo-rj e , Khra-chan-pa (52r)
Blo-ldan-ses-rab 2r
585
rNog Lo l+7v
Blo-bzan-bskal-bzan-rgya-mcho, rGyal-ba (36r)
- sKu bdun-pa Phyag-na-padmo l6v
-, - Phyag-na-padmo 50v
Blo-bzan-grags-pa (26r)
-, rGyal-ba (26v)
-, rJe (29r)
-, ’Dar-ston 50r
Con-kha (56v)
-, Con-kha-pa (43v)
-, bCon-kha-pa (57v)
-, Ron-ston 51v
Blo-bzan-grags-pa'i-dpal, rJe bDag-hid-chen-po (50r)
-, Con-kha-pa 6v
-, bCon-kha-pa (44v)
Blo-b zan-mgon-po (29v)
Blo-bzan-chos-kyi-rgyal-mchan 27v
-, Pan-chen lv, 2Jv, (30r, v, 32r, 44r) , 45v, 46r, 51v,(52r)
Blo-bzan-chos-grags, gTin-smras Chogs-bsags-pa 55v
Blo-bzan-chos-ldan, lCan-skya 45v (2mal), 50r,v (2mal)
Blo-bzah-'jam-dpal-rgya-mcho, rGyal-ba sKu-phren brgyad-pa 37v
Blo-bzan-bstan-pa, rJe 44r
Nag-re sPrul-sku 50v
Blo-bzan-bstan-pa'i-ni-ma, Khri rGya-nag-pa Blo-gros-rgya-
mcho'i sKu-skye (l7r)
-, Pan-chen (37v)
Blo-bzan-dar-rgyas, Khri-chen 50v
Blo-bzan-don-grub, rGyal-ba (26v)
-, Pan-chen-gyi sKu-phreft dBen-sa-pa 25r
Blo-bzan-rnam-rgyal (35r)
Blo-bzan-dpal-'bar, Cha-rdor 51r
Blo-bzan-'phrin-las, '01-kha 57r
-, gSan-bdag sPrul-sku '01-kha rJe-drun 43v
Blo-bzan-sbyin-pa, Dvags-po dGe-bses (l7v)
Blo-bzan-chul-khrims, b K a '-'gyur-pa 23v
Blo-bzan-bzod-pa, Yons-'jin (34r)
-, Yohs-'jin-pa 50v
Blo-bzah-ye-ses 46r
-, Pan-chen (34r), 29v
Blo-bzan-rig-grol, rJe 50r
-, dPon-slob 46r
Blo-bzan-b£es-gnen, Thos-glih 39r (2mal)
-, dBus-rpa 40v
cLBan-rgyal, Nan-so (29r)
dBan-phyug-rab-brtan, Sa-skya-pa (52r)
dBen-sa-pa (s. auch Blo-bzan-don-grub) (27v)
586
dByig-gnen 57v, 5ör
'Ba’-ser 50v
- b K a ’-bcu (7v)
’Byun-gnas, ICe U9r
'Bron-rce lHa-bcun (llr, 12v), U5v, 50r
'Brom 2r
’Brom-ston U6*r (2mal)
sByin-pa-dpal-ba, bKra-sis-lhun-po'i sNags-gra-pa 56r
sBrum-pa, Dvags-po (3v)
Man-nad-ba, £ah-zun (Ur)
Mai-tri-pa U8v (2mal)
Mi-bskyod-pa So-na-sri, Slob-dpon U8v
Mi-ta-jo-ki, Grub-chen (56r)
Mi-g-yo-sffift-po, Chab-mdo'i rJe (26r)
Mi-la, rJe-bcun (27v)
Mon-grva-pa bSod-nams-'od, dGe-bses 2v
dMar-ston 51v
sMra-ba’i-senge, sNar-than 51r
Candra-go-mi, Slob-dpon 58r
Con-kha-pa 3r (2mal), (llr,v, 12r C2mal5 , lUr, l6v, 2Ur, 27r,
32r,vy 33r, 36v), 37v, (U3v, UUr,v), U8v, (59r)
-, rJe 55v, 56r
- Blo-bzan-grags-pa’i-dpal 6v
gCug-lag-pa, dPa'-bo 57r
gCug-lag-’phren-ba, dPa'-bo 55v
bCon-kha-pa 50v, 51r
rJe (lOr,v)
-, rJe-bcun U7v
- Blo-bzan-grags-pa (57v)
rCes-than Las-chen-pa Kun-rgyal-ba 2r
brCon-’grus-rgyal-mchan, Thos-glin Byan-ston 39v
brCon-'grus-'phags 56v
-, rGyud-chen 51r
Chans-dbyans-rgya-mcho (5Uv C3mal] )
rGyal-ba (3Jr)
Char-chen, Sa-skya-pa (52r)
Chul-khrims-dpal-bzan, Sems-dpa' (l3v)
Chul-khrims-senge, dGe-ye-ba 55v
Che-rin-dban-rgyal, b K a ’-blon gYag-ron-pa (33v)
Chem (Jr)
Chem-bu (33v, 35v, 36v, 39r)
Chem-bu-pa (l5v)
Chon-kha-pa, rJe (lUr)
587
Ja-ba-ri-ba, Grub-chen 51v
Jaya Pandi-ta (22r)
Je-ta-ri U6r
Wa-brag-dkar-ba, dGe-bses 2v
£i-ba-mcho, Slob-dpon 58v
£i-ba-'od U5r
Zi-ba-lha (27v)
-, rGyal-sras (llv), 58v
Zi-ba'i-ye-ses, Slob-dpon U8r
Zi-'cho, Slob-dpon 46v
gZon-nu-rgyal-mchog, Sems-dpa'-chen-po 2v
gZon-nu-nor-bzan 46r
g^on-nu-dpal-ba, rCe-than-pa 'Gos-lo 57**
gZon-nu-blo-gros, rJe-bcun Red-mda'-ba U7r
gZon-nu-blo-ldan, mKhas-pa (9r)
Zans-dkar Lo-ccha-ba bjv
Zur-phud-lna-pa, Dri-za'i rGyal-po i+9v
Zul-phyar, sDe-snod-'jin-pa (6v)
Zla-grags 55v
Zla-ba-grags-pa 58v
-, dPal-ldan 59r
bZan-skyon-ba, '01-kha Ni-ma-glin-gi Bla-ma (2Ur)
bZan-po-bkra-sis, Pan-chen (26r)
bZod-pa-rgya-mcho, mfChar-rdo 37v, U6r
’Od-zer-rgya-mcho, rTa-phu 51r
Yid-bzan-rce-pa ( = rCe-than 'Gos-lo gZon-nu-dpal) 57r
Ye-ses-grags-pa 50r
Ye-ses-rgya-mcho, 2va-lu-ba
Ye-ses-rgyal-mchan (32v, 36r)
rGyal-ba 'Jam-dpal-rgyajncho'i Yons-'jin 35r
Ye-ses-sfiin-po, Slob-dpon llv, 59r
Ye-ses-bstan-sgron, l£an-skya U5r,v
- nam Rol-pa'i-rdo-rje, l5an-skya 36r
Ye-ses-sde, Lo-ca h^r
Ye-ses-rce-mo, Pan-chen (l5v)
Ye-ses-zabs (l2r,*25r)
Ye-ses-'od, lHa-bla-ma l*5r
588
Yon-tan-grags, sNe-zur-pa 2r
-, Sa-ra-ba 2r
Yon-tan-mgon-po rnin-pa, gYu-thog (5W)
Yon-tan-rgya-mcho 55v
mKhas-bcun 51v
Gra-chun (^Or)
Gra-chun-ba ^Or
rGyal-ba (52r)
- Rin-po-che bzi-pa mKhar-snon Sog-po’i rGyal-po' sras
3Tr
Thon-ston 13r
Yon-tan-’od, Slob-dpon 58r
Yon-tan-ses-rab (30v)
gYag-sde Pan-chen (6v)
gYans-pa Chos-rje lUv
gYu-thog Yon-tan-mgon-po rnin-pa (5^v)
gYu-thog gsar-pa 5 W
gYun-ston rDo-rje-dpal (2Tv)
gYer-sgom 2v
Ra-bsgren-ba, B^an-sems 3r
Ra-hu-la, Grub-chen 48r
Rab-brtan, Sa-skya-pa dBan-phyug (52r)
Rab-brtan-rgyal-po (23v)
Rab-’byams Chos-rgyal 55v
Rab-’byor, ’Phags-pa 27v
Rig-pa’i-ral-gri Blo-gros-legs-’phel, Dvag-nag UOv
Rigs-ldan ’Jam(-dpal)-grags-pa (27v)
Rin-chen-grub, Bu-ston 3r_, (27v), h5r> i+9v, 57r
Rin-chen-dgons-pa, Sans-rgyas (2Uv)
Rin-chen-rgya-mcho, mKhas-grub chen-po E-ba 51r
-, ’Bron-rce lHa-bcun
Rin-chen-rgyal-mchan, gNas-rnin-pa (llr)
Rin-chen-sgan, Sans-rgyas (25r)
(Rin-chen-sgan-pa, rGya-ma) (2W)
Rin-chen-chos-bzan, Bo-don-pa l+9v
Rin-chen-tog, Ya-’brog-pa 55v
Rin-chen-don-grub 55v
-, Bra-ti dGe-ba'i-bses-gnen 55v
-, - dGe-bses 37v
Rin-chen-chans-dbyans-rgya-mcho h6r
Rin-chen-bzan-po, Lo-chen ^5r, h’ Jr
Rin-chen-gsal, Po-to-ba 2v
Rin-’phel, sPyan-sna (l3v)
589
Red-mda*-?a (l9v)
rJe (lOr)
Red-mda'-ba gZon-nu-blo-gros, rJe bcun ^Tr
Rol-pa'i-rdo-rje, lSah-skya (llr), 51v
- mShog-sprul 1 6 v
- Ye-ses-bstan-sgron-nam 36r
La-ba-pa 59v
La-wa-candra, Slob-dpon
La-li-ta(!) 48v (2mal)
Lam-phran-bstan, gNas-brtan (22r)
Las-chen Kun-rgyal, rCes-than 5Tv
Las-chen-pa Kun-rgyal-ba, rCes-than 2r
Legs-don, mNa’-ris-pa 39v
Legs-don-pa 39v, UOr
Legs-ldan-’byed 5Öv
Legs-pa-chos-’byor (26v)
Legs-pa-don-grub, dKyil-khah 39v
mKhas-grub (26r)
Sar-rce Kun-mkhyen 39v
Legs-pa-bzah-po, Druh-chen ^Or
Legs-pa'i-ses-rab (2r)
gSu-khan-pa 57r
Legs-chogs-lhun-grub, dBon (-chen) (27r)
Sa-bo-sgah-pa 2v
Sa-ra-ba (!) (26 v)
- Yon-tan-grags 2r
Sans sTon-pa, mKhas-grub U8r
San-ti-pa, Slob-dpon 58r
- Blo-gros-rgyal-mchan (26r)
Sä-ba-ri, Grub-chen hQr (3mal)
Säkya-’od, Slob-dpon 58r
Säkya-sri, Kha-che Pan-chen U6v
-, Pan-chen 2v
Säkya-bses-gnen 59v
Ser-'byuh 13v
Ser-'byuh-blo-gros, sTod-luh Chos-bzan-ba 13v, 51r,v
Ses-rab-rgya-mcho U5v
Ses-rab-rdo-rJe, lCe-bsgom-pa 2v
Ses-rab-dbah-po, rJe-druh Ulr
Ses-rab-bzah-po, Byan-sems (4W)
Ses-rab-senge, rJe (30v), UOr, UUv, ^7r, 56v
Sri-bu-ta, Pan-chen (56r)
590
Sa-ga-lha, dGra-bcom 58r
Sa-chen (3r)
Sa Pan (llr)
Sa Pandi-ta (27v)
Sa-ra-ha (26r)
Sanga-sri, Lo-ccha-ba 55v
Sans-rgyam-pa (3Tv)
Sans-rgyas-bskyan, Slob-dpon 58v
Sans-rgyas-rgya-mcho (5^v)
-, dKyil-khan 39v
-, rGyud-chen 56v
sDe-srid 5Ur,v, 57v
Mi-dban 52r T2mal)
Sans-rgyas-dpal-ba (56r)
Sans-rgyas-dpal-rin, Thos-glin 39r
Sans-rgyas-’phel, bKa'-bzi-pa (llr)
Sans-rgyas-ye-ses (2Tv)
mKhas-grub 26v, l+5v, 57r
Grub-chen 48r
-, Slob-dpon 59r
Sans-rgyas-rin-chen-dgons-pa (2 W )
Sans-rgyas-gsan-ba 59v
Su-gug-gi rGyal-po (6v)
Su-gug Ti-sri (3v)
Sum-pa Lo-ccha 2v
Sum-bha Zabs-drun (21v)
Senge-rgyal-mchan, Yar-kluns (38v)
Sems-dpa'-kun-bzan (8r,v)
Sems-dpa'-chen-po gZon-nu-rgyal-mchog 2v
Sems-dpa^-chul-khrims-dpal-bzan (l3v)
So-na-sri, Slob-dpon Mi-bskyod-pa U8v
Sron-bcan, rGyal-po ^5r
Sron-bcan-sgam-po, rGyal-po H6v, (55r)
gSan-mda'-ba Chos-ldan-rab-'byor hhr
gSan-ba-ses-rab, Pandi-ta (= A-ca-rya dMar-po) htyr
gSer-glin-pa 2v
gSer-mig-can, Nam-mkha'-ldin-gi rGyal-po b9r
bSam-grub-rgya-mcho (56v)
bSod-grags, Pan-chen 56r
-, 2an-ston U5r
bSod-nams, dGe-bses Mon-grva-pa 2v
bSod-nams-grags-pa, Pan-chen l8 r , UOr, U3r,(l+Uv), ^7r, 50v,
57v
bSod-nams-rgya-mcho (37r)
-, rGyal-ba 15v, Vfr, (U7v, 52r)
bSod-nams-rgyal-mchan, dGe-rce sPrul-sku (26r)
-, Thos-glin 39v
Rab-'byams-pa (38r)
bSod-nams-sgrol-ma, dGe-chul-ma (27r)
bSod-nams-mchog-ldan, Zva-lu-pa (52r)
bSod-nams-rnam-rgyal, Thos-glin Pan-chen 39r
Byams-glin mKhan-chen 55r
bSod-nams-fod, dGe-bses Mon-grva-pa 2v
bSod-nams-ye-ses-dban-po (l5v), l+7v, b9r
-, sPrul-sku U8v
bSod-nams-rgya-mcho'i Slob-ma 37r
bSod-nams-lhun-grub, sPyan-sna (l3vl
Hum-ka-ra, Grub-chen (22r)
Hum (Thafi-ji), rGyal-po (30v)
Hor-ston Nam-mkha*-dpal, Byan-rce 3r
lHa-skyon-rgyal-go, Gon-ma (36v)
lHa-bla-ma Byan-chub-'od U5r
lHa-bla-ma Ye-ses-’od b^r
lHa-dban-rgya-mcho, Bya-bral UUv
lHa-bcun, *Bron-rce (llr), 50r
- ’Bron-rce (l2v)
lHa-lun dPal-rdor 57r
lHag-bsam-rab-dkar (22v)
lHas-bcas, rTa-nag ’Gos-khug-pa
lHun-grub-rgya-xncho, Phug-pa 2br
lHo-brag Grub-chen (7r)
- - Nam-mkha’-rgyal-mchan (7r)
A-lcam, Yon-bdag (6v)
A-ti-sa, Jo-bo U6r, v, 59r,v
A-bhya-ka-ra 59v
-, Slob-dpon 59v
A-bhya-ya-ka-ra (2Jv)
A-ca-rya dMar-po ( = gSah-ba-ses-rab) U9r
A-ca-la-rgha-rbha (9r)
A-rya-de-wa 59r
I-ndra-bo-dhi che-ba U6r
592
Fussnoten
1. Siehe dazu M. Taube: "Die Bedeutung einheimischer Biblio
graphien für die Erforschung der tibetischen Literatur".
In: Studio. Asiae. Festschrift für Johannes Schubert3
Part 1. Supplement to Buddhist Yearly 1968, Halle/Saale
1969, S. 277-299.
2. Siehe dazu K. Sagaster: "Uber die Möglichkeiten für den
weiteren Ausbau der tibetischen Handschriftensammlungen."
In: Forschungen und Fortschritte der Katalogisierung der
orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland, Forschungs
bericht 10 der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft, Wiesbaden
1966, s. 76-83.
3. Tib. Bl. 61+ der Deutschen Staatsbibliothek Berlin, 60
Blatt, 53,5 x 10,5 cm, Druckspiegel 1+8 x 7,5 cm, 7zeilig
(M. Taube: Tibetische Handschriften und Blockdrucke. =
VOHD XI, 1-1+, 1966 Cim folgenden: Taubell, Nr. 281+5;
A Catalogue of the Tohoku University Collection of Tibetan
Works on Buddhism, edited by Kanakura, Yamada, Tada, and
Hadano, Sendai 1953 Cim folgenden: SendaiD, Nr. 6555).
1+. Die gesamten gsuh-'bum des Klon-rdol Bla-ma sind angeführt
bei Sendai S.1+19-1+2U und Taube S. 1126-1127.
5. In Chab-mdo (mDo-smad), entsprechend der Selbstbiographie
in K l u h d ) rdol bla ma ran flid kyis mjad pa'i rnam thar
dah gsuh thor 'ga'3 Bl. Iv3f. {gsuh-'bum Band ä> Tib. Bl.
71 der Deutschen Staatsbibliothek Berlin, Taube Nr. 2736,
vgl. Sendai Nr. 6561).
6. Genannt werden in der eben erwähnten Autobiographie Byams-
-pa-glih (in Chab-mdo), Cha-ba-roh (südlich von Shab-mdo),
Brag-g-yab, sPo-bo, Li-than, rGyud-smad, rGyud-stod, Se-ra
Byes; im Kolophon zu Band na der gs u h - ’bum (Taube Nr. 21+1+6)
wird Phur-bu-lcog, im Kolophon zu Band fta3 ta und pa
(Taube Nr. 2636, 2656 und 2661+) Gro-bo-lun, und im Kolophon
zu Band pha (Taube Nr. 2665) wird Rva-ba stod bei sNe-thari
angegeben.
7. Selbstbiographie Bl.lv3f. (Tucci schreibt in Tibetan Fainted
Scrolls, S.682a, statt dessen 1729).
8. B1.37v des gsuh-'bum mchan-tho: Pan chen dpal Idan ye ses
kyi sprul sku myur 'byon.
593
9. rGya bod du byon p a 'i b start 'g in g y i sky es bu dam pa
mams k y i mchan to , gsun-'bum Band za, T ib . B l. 6 l d e r
D e u ts c h e n S t a a t s b i b l i o t h e k B e r l i n (T aube N r. 2 8 4 l, v g l .
S e n d a i N r. 6 5 5 2 ).
1 0 . Bya b ra l m a t 'byor pa z ig g is mdo shags chos mams
thob pa ' i gsan yig Thar pa ' i them skas, gsuh-'bum Band
ca, T ib . B l . 56 d e r D e u ts c h e n S t a a t s b i b l i o t h e k B e r l i n
(T au b e N r. 2 7 5 8 , v g l . S e n d a i N r. 6548 a ) .
1 1 . T i t e l s i e h e Aran. 3 .
1 2 . P e k in g E d i t i o n , s i e h e T aube S . 1 1 2 1 -1 1 2 5 .
1 3 . "Säkya'i bcun pa bio bzah ’ph rin las k y i zab pa dan rgya
ehe b a 'i dam p a 'i chos k y i thob y ig gSal b a 'i me loh3
T ib . B l. 76 und 197 d e r D e u ts c h e n S t a a t s b i b l i o t h e k
B e r l i n (T aube N r. 2762A -D ); n a c h d en A ngaben d e s K o lo
p h o n s 1702 a b g e s c h l o s s e n , v e r g l e i c h e a b e r M. T aube:
" E in ig e N o tiz e n zum L eben d e s 1 . P e k in g e r lC a h - s k y a
Q u tu y tu . I n : Oriens V o l. 2 1 /2 2 , L e id e n 1968 - 1969 , S .3 2 9 f .
1 4 . A n d e rs L okesh C h an d ra i n CAT, V o l. V I I , 1 9 6 2 , S. 269 .
1 5 . S ie h e Arm. 3.
1 6 . S i g n a t u r G 3 0 , s i e h e M. T au b e: "D ie B i b l i o t h e k d es
K l o s t e r s Gandan i n U l a a n b a a t a r " . I n : MIO, Band XIV, 1 9 6 8 ,
S. 3 2 1 , N r. 48.
1 7 . Nach m ü n d lic h e r A u s k u n ft von P r o f . P . P o u c h a , P r a g .
1 8 . S ie h e M. T aube: Die im Pekinger T ’ie n -c h ’ing hao e d ie rte n
tib e tis c h e n Drucke ( H a b i l . - S c h r i f t ) , L e ip z ig 1 9 6 5 , Arm.
425.
1 9 . = B ata-pitaka S e r ie s , I n d o - A s ia n L i t e r a t u r e s , V o l. 3 0 ,
S .lO - lH und 6 0 3 -6 6 6 .
2 0 . So f i n d e t s i c h b e i L okesh C h a n d ra f ü r den " G e n i t i v " nach
a u s la u te n d e m V o k al s t e t s w ä h re n d d e r P e k in g e r D ruck
h ä u fig -y i h a t. D er Name d e s R e f o rm a to rs w ir d b e i L okesh
C h a n d ra immer a l s b C o n -k h a -p a w ie d e r g e g e b e n , i n d e r
P e k in g -A u s g a b e s t e h e n n e b e n e in a n d e r C o n -k h a -p a , b C o n -k h a -p a
und s o g a r C h o n -k h a -p a , usw .
594
21. Die Angaben zu den Werken des Nag-dbah-mchog-ldan beginnen
in der Peking-Ausgabe (B1.22r): Sa baud Iha bum / klu bum
boa' thabs / sBas thabs /; bei Lokesh Chandra lautet die
Stelle C s . 636, Nr. l U 5 8 6 b Sa baud sgrub pa'i Iha klu'i
bum pa boa' thabs dah sba ohog. Für Blo-bzah-ye-ses steht
als 5. Titel im Peking-Druck (B1.33v): Bio sbyoh lam rim
la dgu pa dah drug ou pa; bei Lokesh Chandra (S.65^s Nr.
15 23l) statt dessen: Bio sbyoh lam rim sogs la bau drug.
Ähnlich an mehreren anderen Stellen.
Abkürzungen
CAJ Central Asiatic Journal
MIO Mitteilungen des Instituts für Orient
forschung (Berlin)
VOHD - Verzeichnis der orientalischen Handschriften
in Deutschland (Wiesbaden)
595
"VAJRAYOSIDBHAGESU VIJAHÄRA"
Historical Survey from the Beginnings to the Culmination
of Tantric Buddhism
Shinfchi TSUDA (Tokyo)
i. Introductory Remarks
In my previous article ("A Critical Tantrism"),1 my
fundamental purpose -was to frame an image of the historical
development of Tantric Buddhist thought in India, regarding
the relation "between Mahäyäna Buddhism and Tantric Buddhism
as 'critical*. By this I mean that the two were 'incompa
tible' or 'alternative'.
Mahäyäna Buddhism ends with the Vairocanäbhiscohbodhi-
süt-ra2 and genuine Tantric Buddhism begins with the Tattva-
safngraha-tccntra.3 Therefore, the relation between these two
scriptures, 'the two fundamental scriptures' (Rydbu-dadkyd) ,
which in the Japanese esoteric tradition of the Shdngon-sect
are thought to be in the last analysis unifiable, cannot help
being 'critical' too. I have depicted the point of contact
of these two scriptures metaphorically as the sharp ridge of
a mountain where one cannot find an inch of flat ground upon
which to balance oneself.
Genuine Tantric Buddhism had been established in the
Tattvasarhgraha-tantra by overcoming the Mahäyänic aspect of
the theoretical system of the Vadrocanäbhdsctfnbodhi-sütra;
but it was not before the Hevajra-tantra4 that Tantric
Buddhism was brought to completion. In this article I
intend to recover the missing links in the history of Tantric
thoughts through an investigation of the theoretical and
practical situations of two important texts which fall between
the Tattvasafhgraha-tantra and the Hevajra-tcmtra, that is, the
Guhyasamäja-tccntra5 and the Sarvabuddhasamäyogadäkintmäyäsafn-
vara-tantra6 (abbrev. Mäyäsamvara-tantra). My investigation
will centre upon the practice of svädhidadvatayoga (union
with a specific deity of a marydala), which is assumed to be
prevalent in the whole course of Tantric Buddhism. To this we
find a clue in the following expression, which appears in the
beginnings of both the Guhyasconäja-tantra and7 the Hevajva-
tantra alike:
596
evafn mayä srutcon ekasmin scanaye bhagavan sarva-
tathägatakäyaväkoittahrdayavajrayosidbhagesu vijhära
(Thus have I heard at one time. The Reverend Lord
dwelt in the female organs of adamantine ladies who
are the hearts of the bodies, speeches, and minds
of all the tathägatas.)
ii. Principles of Tantric Buddhism
Tantric practices, such as drawing mandalas and entering
into them through the ritual of abhiseka (initiation), were
already prevalent before the Tattvasafngraha-tantra. In these
practices, they were thought to have had recourse to a certain
kind of logic, if only unconsciously. The great contribution
of the Tattvasafngraha-tantra to the history of Tantric Buddhist
thought consists in the fact that it recognised the logic which
had been unconsciously resorted to by those who practised
Tantric Buddhism, and that it proclaimed this Tantric logic
of yoga or logic of symbolism as the universal formula (sarva-
tathägatatattvay the truth of all the tathägatas) for attaining
enlightenment instantaneously. The formula was presented in
the last step of the so-called ’five-step process of attaining
enlightenment’ (paHcäkäräbhisafribodhi-krama) in the text, as
follows:
"Yathä sarvatathägatäs tathäham"8
(As all the tathägatas are, so am I.)
As this formula reminds us of the idea of upäsana (identi
fication) of the Brähmaria literature, it was interpreted by the
Tantrists as follows:
'If the individual existence and the ultimate reality
are homologous, they are identical.'
Or
’If the individual existence successfully reorganises
itself to be homologous with the ultimate reality,
the former can unite itself with the latter.’
Here, we find that this formula itself shows the Tantric
principle of attaining enlightenment. It is to unite oneself
instantaneously with dharma-käya (the body of the ultimate
reality), or to make onself absorbed into the whole mandala,
597
the complete aggregate of all the tathägatas, in contrast
with the Mahäyänic idea of becoming a personal Buddha of
sambhoga-käya (the body of enjoyment) through the gradual
accumulation of the two kinds of merits, moral and intel
lectual (punya-safnbhära and jHäna-saftibhära) , over the un
imaginably long period of the three great uncountable aeons.
According to the symbolistic description of the Tattva-
safngraha-tantra3 the ultimate reality "adamantine sphere"
("vajradhätu"), that is, the dharma-käya "Mahävairocana",
originally located at the Ak.anistha-hea.ven, which is
spatially, and at the same time as a stage of meditation,
the uppermost stratum of the region of forms (rüpa-dhätu)3
is the complete aggregate of all the tathägatas to be counted
by the number of sands of the River Gahgä filling "the palace
of the king of the deities of this region" (’äkanisthadeva-
räjasya bhavana") as sesame seeds fill a sesame husk. In this
stratum, the dharma-käya "Mahävairocana" was assumed to be in
dynamis3 as is indicated by the context: atha bhagavän mahä-
vairooanah ......... sarvatathägatahrdayesu vijahära9 (at
that time, the Reverend Lord Mahävairocana, ......... dwelt
in the hearts of all the tathägatas).
Then, on the occasion of Säkyamuni's historical attain
ment of the highest enlightenment, the dharma-käya made itself
visible at "the pavillion with the pinnacle of adamantine
jewels" ("vajramaniratnasikharakütägära") situated on the top
of Mt. Sumeru, which was not the state of meditation any more,
but the region of mundane affairs (asamähitabhümi) of the
region of desire (käma-dhätu), limiting itself to the vajra-
dhätu-mandala. The vajradhätu-man^ala is composed of a total
of thirty-seven deities; but it is essentially the aggregate
of five tathägatas.
Since the ultimate reality Vajradhätu had become visible
and imitable as the Vajradhätu-mandala in the region of the
everyday life of men, anyone could have united himself with
it and attained therewith the highest enlightenment by making
himself enter into the centre of the Vajradhätu-mandala through
’the five-step process of attaining enlightenment' (pcfflcä-
käräbhisambodhi-krama) and by imitating Säkyamuni-Vairocana’s
construction of the universe homologously according to the
system of four kinds of mudras3 viz. samaya-mudrä3 dharma-
mudrä3 karma-mudrä and mahä-rmdrä.
Thus the universal formula of attaining enlightenment,
together with an example and its mode of operation, was re
vealed in the Tattvasafngraha-tantra. Therefore, everyone could
598
have attained enlightenment; and the historical development
of Tantric Buddhism should have come to an end at the stage
of this text. What was it that turned the history of Tantric
Buddhism to the next stage, then ? We find it in the dis
crepancy Between the principle of the quick attainment of
enlightenment proclaimed in the Tattvasafngraha-tantra itself
and the practice the "believers of the text actually followed.
The religious ideal of the believers of the Tattvasamgraha-
tantra was not to become a personal Buddha of safhbhoga-käya
(body of enjoyment), who is to be placed in the position of
the central deity of the mandala, viz. Vairocana, but to be
united directly with the whole mandala of five tathägatas,
that is, the dharma-käya "Mahävairocana". On the other hand,
the practice they actually followed was the so-called svädhi-
daivata-yoga (union with a specific deity of the mandala),
which is thought to have been effective in the case of the
mandala of the Vairocanäbhisafnbodhi-sütra, which reflects
the Mahäyänic view of the world or the Mahäyänic structure
of the realm of reality, but was no longer effective in the
case of the Vajradhätu-mandala, which shows the Tantric
structure typically. Why is the same svädhidaivatayoga
effective in the case of the Mahäyänic mandala of the Vairo-
oanäbhisafnbhodhi~sütra3 but not in the case of the genuine
Tantric mandala of the Tattvasafhgraha-tantral To answer this,
we must take a look at the structure of the realm of reality,
both Mahäyänic and Tantric.
iii. Double-structure of the Mahäyänic Realm of Reality
We consider Mahäyäna Buddhism to be the religion of
sünyatä (non-substantiality) or the religion of oaryä
(practices or deeds), and Tantric Buddhism to be the religion
of yoga to unite (yuj) oneself, the microcosm, directly with
the ultimate reality, the macrocosm. By the expression ’the
religion of sünyatä', we mean that the realm of reality
(dharma-dhätu) or dharma-käya of the Buddha is not the sub
stantial existence which can exist by itself, but is a kind
of relative existence which is to be realised and to be pre
served through observations on the part of individual
existences viz. personal determination (pranidhäna) and
efforts (oaryä) of a believer.
For example, in the case of the Gandavyüha-sütra3 we
enter into the realm of reality (dharma-dhätu)s the dharma-
dhätu of bodhisattva Samantabhadra, that is, the dharma-käya
of the Buddha Vairocana-Säkyamuni, by taking the vows (prani
dhäna) of Samantabhadra and live in this realm through the
599
practices of Samantabhadra (samantabhadx'aeax'yä) * In other
words, the realm of reality of Samantabhadra, which is, in
its essential mode of existence, not substantial, appears
through our personal vows (pranidhdna) which are preceded
by our understanding of the structure of the world of Vairo-
cana (sraddhä3 faith or adhimuktd, recognition), and is main
tained through our personal efforts (caryä) to construct this
ideal world with our personal samantabhadracaryä. (In this
case, one independent dharma-dkätu of Samantabhadra exists
for each of the innumerable believers. Therefore, innumerable
dharma-dhätus of Samantabhadra exist coincidentally without
interfering with each other; and still they are, at the same
tine, only one and the same dharma-dhätu of Samantabhadra.
This contradictory mode of the reality, which we call jd-jd-
muge3 indicates that none of us is free from a personal
responsibility to make this dharma-dhätu appear and keep it
in existence through his own resolution and efforts.)
’The three phrases' of the Vadrocanäbhdsambodhd-sütva
are known to be the most essential assertion not only in the
text itself but also in 'all the scriptures and treatises'1^
of Buddhism. It runs as follows:
"(Of sarvajf1.ajflana3) the cause is bodhd-odtta (the mind
seeking enlightenment); the root is mahäharunä (the great
compassion of the Buddha); and the final aim (paryavasäna)
is upäya (the means practically employed for the benefit
of others)."
Here, sajwajflajfläna (omniscience) is nothing but the dharma-
käya of Vairocana or the ultimate reality, and is to be expressed
symbolically as the mancLala, the name of which is assumed to be
Mahäkaiwnägarbhascdvbhava-mand/zla. These 'three phrases' indicate
the three conditions for the existence of the ultimate reality
dependent upon our own personal determination and efforts, the
individual existences: bodhdcdtta is our own personal intention
to seek after enlightenment; mahäkarunä the universal compassion
of the Buddha, is to be realised only when we exert ourselves
for the benefit of others through our own compassion; and upäya
is the final aim according to which we exert ourselves to attain
enlightenment and save all living beings thereby through our- own
direct means.
This Mahäyänic idea of sünyatä necessarily requires a
specific structure, what for the sake of convenience we call
'the double-structure' of the realm of reality. We first depict
this image of the world schematically on a plane as two concentric
circles. In this concentrically double world, the inner circle
600
(inner dharma-dhätu) is the ideal realm, or the realm of
people who have attained their religious ideal, and the
outer layer (outer dharma-dhätu) is the realm of people who
are in the process of striving for the ideal through their
efforts (oaryä, deeds or duhkara3 difficult deeds) at accumu
lating the two kinds of merit (sambhära).
In the world of the Gandavyüha-sütra, the outer circle
is the realm of the ten kinds of difficult deeds {"aparikheda-
oittan3 11 untiring minds) proclaimed by bodhisattva Manjusri;
and the inner circle (inner dharma-dhätu) is the ideal realm
of bodhisattva Maitreya which Sudhana-sresthidäraka aimed at
in accordance with the exhortation of Manjusri.
In the case of the Vairooanäbhisambodhi-sütra, the outer
circle is the realm of people who have already started the
first mind aimed towards enlightenment (ädioittotpäda) and
are at present in the process of ascending the progressive
grades of minds: and the inner circle is the ideal realm of
people of "the mind of enlightenment of the first stage of
bodhisattvas" or of "the completely characterless mind".
As regards the mandala of the Vairooanäbhisafnbodhi-sütra3
the outer circle corresponds to the outermost boundary of the
mandala, and the inner circle corresponds to "the central
lotus of eight petals".
Secondly, the inner circle of the concentrically double
world emanatively covers the outer circle. Of the realm of
reality of the Gandavyüha-sütra3 the inner dharma-dhätu, that
is, the dharma-dhätu of Maitreya, is named "the great pavillion
of the storehouse of the ornaments of Vairocana" ("Vairooana-
vyühälamkäragarbhamahäkütägära"). Here, "the ornaments of the
Buddha Vairocana" ("vairboanavyühälafnkära") emanate, as the
boy Sudhana who entered into the pavillion actually sees,
from "the storehouse" ("garbha"3 the womb) and cover ("adhi-
sthitan3 layered upon) the whole realm of living beings. Of
the Vairocanäbhisambodhi-sütra3 the inner dharma-dhätu cor
responds to "the storehouse of the inexhaustible ornaments
of the sameness of the body, speech, and mind (of the Buddha
Vairocana)", the Sanskrit equivalent of which is assumed to
be käyaväkoittasamatäksayavyühälafnkäragarbha3 and reminds us
immediately of the dharma-dhätu of Maitreya mentioned above.
In this instance also, "inexhaustible ornaments" of the central
Buddha Vairocana emanate from "the storehouse", the inner
dharma-dhätu, and cover the whole realm of living beings, as
mentioned in the introductory section of the text.12
601
Thus we know that the Mahäyänic realm of reality is
double-layered with two strata, that is, the ideal upper
stratum (I call it 'the upper dharm a-dhätu ' for convenience
sake) emanated from the inner dharma-dhätu and the material
stratum of living beings ('the lower dharm a-dhätu') aiming
towards the inner dharm a-dhätu , the ideal realm of emanci
pation. In the case of the G andavyüha-sütraj the dharma-
dhätu of Samantabhadra is double-layered, with the lower
stratum of deeds (oaryä) of ManjusrI and the upper ideal
stratum of Maitreya.
This structure of Mahäyänic dharma-dhätu necessarily
makes the existence of a person in it contradictive. He is
already enlightened as he is covered by the ideal realm (the
upper dharm a-dhätu ) emanated from the inner dharm a-dhätu ;
while he is yet to be enlightened as he is essentially
located in the outer dharm a-dhätu , the realm of people
striving after the ideal. In other words, as long as he is
striving after the ideal, he is in the ideal. Or, while
being included in the ideal, he keeps striving after the
same ideal.
Samantabhadra's dharma-dhätu is synonymous with the
word samantabhadracaryä-mandala 13 (the complete aggregate
of deeds done by the b o d h isa ttv a Samantabhadra, or the com
plete aggregate of deeds of all the people who, having taken
the vows of Samantabhadra, practise the deeds of Samanta
bhadra), and is double-layered, with the lower stratum of
deeds of ManjusrI and the upper ideal stratum emanated from
the inner dharma-dhätu of Maitreya. This upper stratum is
to be called the stratum of ornaments of Vairocana as the
inner dharma-dhätu of Maitreya is called "the storehouse of
the ornaments of Vairocana" ("Vairocanavyühälam käragarbha ,f)i4
One enters into the dharma-dhätu of Samantabhadra by
taking vows of Samantabhadra, and one exists in it through
deeds of Samantabhadra. In this case, he turns his natural
state of existence, viz. existence in the realm of deeds of
ManjusrI, into the orientated existence, the existence as
deeds of Samantabhadra (sam antabhadra-aaryä) , by taking vows
of Samantabhadra. And, to take the vows of Samantabhadra, he
has to be guided by the image of the ideal realm of reality,
that is,- the stratum of "ornaments of Vairocana". In other
words, ManjusrI's stratum of deeds turns to that of Samanta
bhadra if it is covered ( a d h is th ita ) with the stratum of
Maitreya, the stratum of "ornaments of Vairocana", or if it
is orientated by sraddhä (faith) which is to be preceded by
602
the understanding of the total image of the stratum of "orna
ments of Vairocana".
And here we notice the practical difficulties of the
Gandavyuha-sütra and the necessities of the system of the
Vairooanäbhisafnbodhi-sütra, the Tantric successor of the
former.
iv. The Structure of the Mandata of the Vairocahäbhisafnbodhi-
sütra and the Availability of the Practice of svädhi
daivatayoga
For a believer of the Gandavyuha-sütra who wishes to
enter into and exist in the dharma-dhätu of Samantabhadra,
it is first necessary to picture to himself the image of
this vast and boundless world of beautiful ornaments of
Vairocana, and to decide his own corresponding position
in it. He next has to unite his own existence, existence
in the natural state or existence as deeds yet to be orien
tated, with the corresponding ornament of Vairocana. How
are these things possible for him then ? Actually, these
practical problems were left unsolved until the Vairooahäbhi-
sambodhi-sütra, which introduced symbolistic practices of
Tantric tradition such as drawing mandatas and the practice
of svädhidaivatayoga.
In the Vairocariäbhisafnbodhi-sütra, the upper stratum
of the dharma-dhätu of Samantabhadra or samantabhadracaryä-
mandata, that is, the world of "ornaments of Vairocana"
("vairooanavyühätamkära") emanated from its "storehouse"
("garbha") , was symbolistically pictured to be "the mandata
of deities emanated from the womb of the great compassion
(of Vairocana)" ("Mahäkarunägarbhasambhavamaiidata"?). In
the case of the Gandavyuha-sütra, one can imagine the world
of ornaments of Vairocana to oneself only by understanding
the vast and difficult contents of the text; and one can
understand its structure only when one very luckily has an
opportunity to hear the teaching of the text and is capable
enough to understand the teaching. In this respect, the
Tantric tendency of the Vairooanäbhisambodhi-sütra of drawing
the image of dharma-dhätu symbolically into the mandata is
assumed to have worked far more effectively. By seeing the
diagram of mandata, one must have obtained an insight into
the structure of dharma-dhätu very easily and quickly. More
over, this tendency of drawing a mandata has made it possible
for a devotee to unite himself with his corresponding "orna
ment" ritually and to make himself enter into the dharma-dhätu
by means of the practice of svädhidaivatayoga.
603
In the Tantric cult of initiation (abhiseka) into a
mandala, the initiate, who has had his ’corresponding deity’
(svadhidevatä) of the mandala decided through the casting of
a flower on the diagram of the maridala, united himself with
his own deity through the three kinds of symholic actions of
his body (karma-mudrä), speech (dharma-nrudrä) and mind
(samaya-mudrä). He binds the hand-posture which indicates
a symbolic action of the deity (karma-mudrä) , pronounces a
mantra or a syllable (bija) which is peculiar to the deity
(dharma-mudrä), and pictures in his mind a symbolic figure
which symbolises the internals of the deity (samaya-mudrä);
thus he reconstructs himself into the symbol of the deity,
that is, mahä-mudrä (’great symbol') in the terminology of
the Tattvasafngraha-tantra. According to the Tantric logic
of symbolism, the symbol itself is identical with what it
symbolises; therefore he who has made himself the symbol of
the corresponding deity of the diagram-mandala is nothing
other than the deity of the real mandala, the aggregate of
all the deities, that is, the dharma-dhätu.
As regards the mandala of the Vairooanäbhisambodhi-sütra
which is of typical Mahäyänic double structure, the practice
of svädhidaivatayoga was truly effective in entering into the
mandala or dharma-dhätu. However, in existing in the dharma-
dhätu and making it continue to exist, it was not effective
any more, because caryä (deeds) or upäya (means practically
employed for the benefit of others), which is nothing but the
mode of existence in the dharma-dhätu (the outer dharma-dhätu),
is essentially direct and is not substitutable with other in
direct symbols. One can enter into the outer dharma-dhätu very
easily and quickly through the symbolistic practice of svädhi
daivatayoga; however, once entered into the dharma-dhätu, what
waits for him there is the eternal process of difficult deeds
of accumulating the two kinds of merit, moral and intellectual,
aiming at the remote goal of the inner dharma-dhätu. Therefore,
so as to attain the genuine Tantric ideal of quick attainment
of enlightenment, it was necessary for a Tantrist to destroy
the double structure of the Mahäyänic dharma-dhätu by rejecting
the Mahäyänic ideal of difficult deeds as was actually done in
the Tattvasafngraha-tantra.
v. Difficulties of svädhidaivatayoga in the Tattvasafngraha-
tantra
In the case of the Vairooanäbhisambodhi-sütra, one who
had entered into the mandala through the practice of svädhi-
604
daivatayoga was still 'a common man’ (bäla or prthagjana)
who was to keep existing in the outer dharma-dhätu continu
ing his efforts for the benefit of living beings. However,
in the case of the Tattvasafngraha-tantra, which had discarded
the outer dharma-dhätu, the realm of 'common men', and had
retained only the inner dharma-dhätu, the realm of people
who had attained the ideal, one who had entered into the
mandala of the Vajradhätu (’the adamantine sphere'), which
is essentially the aggregate of five tathägatas, was
necessarily a tathägata.
As is imagined from the word mahä-mudrä ('great symbol'
or 'man-symbol'), the followers of the cult of the Tattva-
samgraha-tantra must have formed, in practice, an assembly
or a kind of living mandala playing the roles of their own
corresponding deities (svädhidevatä), which they assigned to
themselves by casting flowers. In this assembly, they, the
five devotees who played the parts of the five tathägatas
or who were the mahä-mudräs of the five tathägatas, ought
to have been 'real' tathägatas. It was only natural that they
introduced sexual yogic cult into this living mandala so as
to experience an unusual feeling of union with the ultimate
reality to make up for the fact that they did not really feel
that they were actually tathägatas.
In this case, the man who played the part of Vairocana,
the central deity, is assumed to have united himself with the
four women who play the part of the four päramttäs, 15 the four
rnudräs16 ('women') presented from each of the four tathägatas
of the four directions to the central deity Vairocana; and
each of the four men who play the part of the four tathägatas
of the four directions must have united themselves with their
female consorts, the four "beloved women" ("dayitä")^7 of
Vajrasattva-Vairocana granted to them.
In the assembly of this kind, they must have been able
to experience a somewhat common ecstasy which made them
imagine themselves to be in union with the absolute. However,
in reality, every one of them was successful in uniting him
self not with the dharma-käya, that is, the aggregate of the
five tathägatas, but only with one of the five tathägatas.
Thus entering into the mandala through the practice of svä-
dhtdaivatayoga, they found that the dharma-käya, which was
nothing but the whole mandala and with which they were required
to unite themselves from the standpoint of Tantric Buddhism
proclaimed in the Tattvasamgraha-tantra itself, had slipped
out of the mandala.
605
In the process of development of Tantric Buddhism after
the Tattvasamgraha-tantra, they directed their efforts to
find a device to unite themselves with the dharma-käya while
retaining the practice of svädhidaivatayoga. And we find the
effect of efforts of this kind in the aforesaid expression
evafn mayä srutam ekasmin samaye bhagavän sarvatathägatakäya-
väkoittahrdayavajrayosidbhagesu vijahära3 which is to he in
terpreted in the light of the trend of Hindu thought at the
time, in which an inclination to Saivaite monotheism had
become more and more conspicuous.
vi. The Condition of dharma-käya in the Guhyasamäja-tantra
It is at present solely in order to reconstruct a tenable
image of the Tantric world of the Guhyasamäja-tantra ("The
secret assembly") by dealing with the puzzling and confusing
contents of the first chapter of the text, which begins with
the aforesaid expression (evafn mayä srutam etc.), that I hypo
thetically presuppose the original 'secret assembly' (guhya
samäja) , the structure of which is imagined to be reflected
here and there in the expressions of the present text.
I am assuming that the 'secret assembly' of the Guhya
samäja-tantra, which fundamentally succeeded to the structure
of the living mandata of the devotees of the Tattvasafngraha-
tantra3 was first organised when they successfully introduced
into their assembly the new concept of a monotheistic dharma-
käya who exists outside of their assembly as a superior and
instructs them in secret teachings. I imagine that what gave
them the direct hint of this new idea of a monotheistic dharma-
käya as a superior preacher, if we are to take account of the
monotheistic trend of the time, was nothing but the following
description of the dharma-käya of the Buddha Vairocana, viz.
Mahävairocana in the Tattvasamgraha-tantra, which immediately
reminds us of the aforesaid expression at the opening of the
Guhyasamäjä-tantra3 evafn mayä Srutam ekasmin samaye bhagavän
sarvatathägatakäyaväkeittahrdayavajrayosidbhagesu vijahära:
(l) evafn mayä Srutam ekasmin samaye (2) bhagavän
.... (3) .... vairoeandh (h ) sarvatathägatädhusita ...
... akanisthadevaräj asya bhavane vijahära / .... (7)
atha bhagavän mahävairooanah .... (8) sarvatathägata-
samavasaranatayä sarvavajradhätvavabodhanajftänasattvah /
.... ( 1 5 ) .... 3 nänafn..... sarvatathägatah //
(17) .... bhagavän mahäbodhicittah.... sarvatathägata-
hrdayesu vijahära18 //
606
(l) Thus have I heard at one time. (2) The Reverend
Lord .... (3) .... Vairocana ..... (^) dwelt in the
palace of the king of the deities of the uppermost stratum
of the region of forms resided in by all the tathägatas....
(7) At that time, the Reverend Lord Mahävairocana,
.... (8) who is, as the complete aggregate of all the
tathägatas, the being of wisdom which makes people aware
of the whole of the adamantine realm, .... (15 ) ......
who is the (universal) wisdom itself .... , who is the
one and the whole tathJägata .... , (17) .....the Reverend
Lord, the great mind of enlightenment, .... dwelt in the
hearts of all the tathägatas.
As is clearly shown in this context, the Lord or the
preacher of the Tattvas amgraha-1antra was to the last the
central deity of the mandata3 viz. Vairocana of safnbhoga-käya.
On the other hand, Vairocana of dharma-käya, viz. Mahävairocana,
kept its abstract character as the aggregate of all the deities
of the mandala from beginning to end and was of course not the
preacher.
However, in the Guhyasamäja-tantra, the preacher, being
an embodied deity, came to be the Buddha of dharma-käya.
Of the compound word sarvatathägatdkäyaväkcittahrdaya-
vajrayosid, which is to be taken as an appositional determi
native compound (karma-dhäraya)3 the first member sarvatathä-
gatakäyaväkc'ittdkrdaya- and the last member -vajrayostd are
appositional; and sarvatathägatakäyaväkcitta- and -hrdaya are
appositional too. In the case of the Tattvasamgraha-tantra3
the last member -hrdaya of sarvatathägata-hrdaya meant ’heart’
as the seat of the soul; and sarvatathägatahrdayesu vijahära
indicated the following fact: when Vairocana of safnbhoga-käya
dwelt in the palace of the king of the Akanistha heaven,
Vairocana of dharma-käya, viz. Mahävairocana who is the sub
stantial aggregate of all the tathägatas3 was only an ideal
existence dwelling in the hearts of these tathägatas or was,
in other words, still in dynamis. (it was later on the
occasion of Säkyamuni’s historical attainment of the highest
enlightenment that Mahävairocana became real as the Vajra-
dhätu-mandala of five tathägatas. )
However, in the case of the Guhyasamäja-tantra3 the
word -hrdaya has come to signify a concrete tathägata ’itself'
who is equipped with body, speech, and mind ("-käyaväkoitta"’).
Therefore, each "vajrayosid” ("adamantine lady") is the same
as each of the five tathägatas3 viz. 'all the tathägatas' who
607
were originally "to be counted by the number of the sands of
the River Gahgä" ("gahgänadlvälukäsamäkhyäta") 19 at the
palace of the king of the Akanistha heaven. Consequently,
"the Reverend Lord" is the Buddha of dhxrma-kRya because he
is sexually united with plural "adamantine ladies" ("vajra-
yosidbhagesu vijahära”3 dwelt in the female organs of ada
mantine ladies) who are of the same existence as the five
tathägatas composing "the adamantine sphere" ("vajradkätu"),
the realm of reality.
vii. The Real State of the Original "Secret Assembly" of the
Guhyasamäja-tantra
Now we must describe the imaginary constitution of the
original "secret assembly" (guhyasamäja), the sexual yogic
cult of which is assumed to have qualified a devotee of svä-
dhidaivatayoga for the buddha of dharma-käya for the first
time.
The group is in essence formed with five men and nine
women, the names and the positions of which are as follows:
Aksobhya centre
Vairocana east
Ratnaketu south
Lokesvaramahävidyädhipati (or Amitäyus) west
Amoghavaj ra north
Buddhalocanä (the consort of Vairocana) southeast
Mämakl (the consort of Ratnaketu) southwest
Pän^araväsinl (the consort of Amitäyus) northwest
Samayatärä (the consort of Amoghavajra) northeast
Rüpavajrä southeast corner
Sabdavaj rä southwest corner
Gandhavaj rä northwest corner
Rasavajrä northeast corner
Sparsavajrä (in union with Aksobhya) centre
Of these, the four women playing the parts of the four
consorts of the four buddhas of the four directions, viz.
Locanä, Märnaki, Pändarä and Tärä are somewhat regular; but
the five women playing the parts of the five female deities,
who assume the names of the five kinds of objects of the
sense organs, are assumed to be recruited on each occasion
and are made to participate in the assembly. These five women
are very likely beautiful maidens (mahämudrä) of sixteen
years of age and are assumed to be united with the central
deity in rotation (samäyoga). "Adamantine ladies" C'vajra-
608
yosid") of -vajrayosidbhagesu vijahära are nothing other than
these five girls assuming the names of the five kinds of ob
jects of sensual enjoyment (paflcakamaguna). And to this as
sembly of fourteen members, the superior outsider is invited.
Of the five men, the man playing the part of Aksobhya
is the donor who meets the cost of the assembly; it is also
this donor who prepares the five girls for the assembly. He
invites the superior to his own assembly, lavishes hospitality
and offers the five girls to him. The superior visitor, or
the teacher, who is sometimes called Mahävairocana-tatTzäg’ata20
or Bodhicittavajra-tatTzög'ata21 (the tathägata of the adaman
tine mind of enlightenment), unites himself sexually with the
five girls in some way or other; and in this state of sexual
union with the five girls, who are regarded as of the essence
of the dharma-dhätu, he proves himself to be of dharma-käya.
And when he is successfully of dharma-käya, the assembly
presided at by him obtains the unity as a mandala. In this
state of unity, secret teachings are preached to the members
or members ask him some questions.
In the next session, the superior visitor rises from
the state of sexual union with girls and makes the donor
(playing the part of Aksobhya) shift to the centre of the
assembly. And the sexual yoga with the five girls (mahämudrä)
is carried out by the donor playing the part of Aksobhya
under the guidance of the superior teacher; and the donor
successfully unites himself with dharma-käya or the whole
mandala through the practice of svädhidaivatayoga.
viii. The Mäyäsafnvara-tantra: the Birth of the God of
smasäna3 Heruka
If we thus imagine the real state of the original "secret
assembly" which first realised the union with dharma-käya
through the practice of svädhidaivatayoga, we immediately
notice the limitations of the efficacy of the cult of the
Guhyasamäja-tantra and the necessity of the next stage, the
cult of the Sarvabuddhasamäyogadäkinimäyäsafnvara-tantra
(abbr. Mäyäsafnvara-tantra).
Through the practice of svädhidaivatayoga3 the donor who
played the part of the central deity of the assembly, viz.
Aksobhya, theoretically attained union with dharma-käya.
However, for the other members of the assembly who were still
kept out of union with dharma-käya, the state of things was
609
perhaps getting worse. They, as the successors of the four
sarvatathägatas of the four directions of the Vajradhätu-
mandala of the Tattvasamgraha-tantra, should have shared in
the substance of the realm of reality {dharma-dhätu). However,
in the assembly of the Guhyasamäja-tantra, the roles of sharing
the substance of dharma-dhätu were won away from them by the
five girls (mahämudrä) who were newly introduced to the
assembly from the outside. The four men who had been mahä-
mudräs (man-symbols) in the cult of the Tattvasafngraha-tantra
were replaced by the five women-mahämudräs and were eliminated
even from the dharma-dhätu; they had good reason to be dis
satisfied with the cult of the "secret assembly".22
In addition to this, the Buddha of dharma-käya became
somewhat concrete or corporeal in the Guhyasamäja-tantra and
the preacher-dharma-käya, which had tacitly been made necessary,
was realised to some extent indeed; however, it was at the same
time nothing other than the relativisation of dharma-käya. And
this relativisation, which resulted in effecting six concrete
buddhas, necessitated in its turn another dharma-käya, the
seventh buddha-hood as the aggregate of the six buddhas retro
actively.
In this state of things, we notice the necessity of the
cult of the Mäyäsamvara-tantra3 the first text of the prajftä-
class tantras3 the tantras of women.
In the Mäyäsamvara-tantra3 the Buddha of dharma-käya of
the Guhyasamäja-tantra, which had been of a higher level than
the five corporeal buddhas and had been called Mahävajradhara,
Mahävidyäpurusa, etc., changed himself to be a corporeal deity
Vajrasattva, who was on the same existential level as the five
buddhas3 showing with the name of his consort Samantabhadra23
the fact that his former self had been dharma-käya. And the
five buddhas of the five families, in their turn, changed
themselves into the following five demonic deities (with their
consorts in parentheses):
centre, Aksobhya (Sparsavajrä) of wrath family ......
Heruka (Krodhesvarl)
east, Vairocana (Buddhalocanä) of stupidity family ...
Vairocana (Buddhalocanä)
south, Ratnaketu (Mämaki) of pride family ...........
Vajrasürya (Mämaki)
west, Amitäyus (Pändaraväsinl) of lust family .......
Padmanartesvara (Pändaraväsinl)
610
north, Amoghavajra (Tärä) of falsehood family ......
Paramäsva (Tärä)
Here, we find the figure of Heruka, the God of smasäna
(cemetery) for the first time in the history of Tantric
Buddhism.
In the major mandala2k of the t-täyäsafnvara-tantra3 each
of these six deities owns his own enclosure or minor mandala
in which he, together with his consort, is surrounded by a
circle of eight female deities (daklnts). This phenomenon is
to be understood as the reflection of the intention of the
four buddhas of the four directions of the mandala of the
Guhyasamäja-tantra who were excluded from the union with the
group of five mahämudräs3 such as Sparsavajrä, etc., to
secure the qualification to be of dharma-käya by preparing
their own groups of mahämudräs (däkints in this case) to
unite themselves with.
I imagine, in the cult of the Mäyäsamoara-tantra, that
a devotee chose his corresponding deity out of the six deities
of the six families of vices according to his mental incli
nation to a vice and united himself with the deity according
to the practice of svädhldaivatayoga. Whichever deity out of
the six he might have chosen, he was expected to be of dharma-
käya as he was sexually united with the group of nine qiäk'inZs,
which was nothing but the substance of dharma-dhätu, that is,
prajflä-päramitä (perfection of wisdom), just as the case of
the man playing the part of Aksobhya in the "secret assembly"
of the Guhyasamäja-tantra, who was qualified to be of dharma-
käya, because of his union with the group of the five mahämudräs,
the substance of the Vajradhätu.
However, in the Mäyäsafnvara-tantra, each erf the six
deities, even Vajrasattva, was still of safnbhoga-käya\ and
the dharma-käya existed, if nominally, above these six deities
as the aggregate of them or as the whole body of the major
mandala, including the six minor mandalas of the six deities.
To secure the qualification to be of dharma-käya, it was
necessary for each of the six deities to be independent from
the major mandala, as was actually realised in the next stage
of the history of tantric Buddhism, that is, the Hevajra-tantra.
ix. The Hevajra-tantra, a Culmination of Tantric Buddhism
In the cult of the Mäyäsafnvara-tantra, a devotee could
have attained union with dharma-käya equally in any of the
611
six minor mandalas through the sexual yogic practice with
the group of däkints. In actual fact, the only one that has
some reality among these six minor mandalas is that of Heruka,
which is situated in the centre of the major mandala and is
surrounded with a wreath of skulls and flames, the symbols of
’the cult of cemetery (smasäna)'.25 We know this fact easily
by comparing the names of the group of eight däkints of these
six minor mandalas with each other. Heruka, together with
his consort Krodhesvari, is surrounded by the following eight
däkints26 whose names, in contrast with the names of the
eight däkints of the other five minor mandalas> indicate to
us that in "the cult of cemetery" women of lower castes play
the essential parts:
Gaur I east
Caurl south
Pramohä west
Vetäli north
Pukkasi southeast
Candäli southwest
Ghasmari northwest
Sme sa (Rajaki !) northeast
Moreover, these names immediately remind us of the outer
circle of the mandala (yogint-cakra) of the Hevajra-tantra
which is composed of ten yogints, that is, the following27
eight yogints of eight directions and two imaginary yogints
celestial Khecari and nether Bhücari:
Gauri east
Cauri south
Vetäli west
Ghasmari north
Savari southeast
Candäli southwest
Dombi northwest
Pukkasi northeast
Common features between these two lists of däkints or
yogints indicate to us the problems of the cult of the Mäyä-
samvara-tantra and the necessity of the Hevagra-tantra. If a
devotee of the cult of the Mäyäsamvara-tantva had wished to
unite himself with dharma-käya, he should have practised
sexual yogic practice with the group of five däkints, the
successors of the five mahämudräs of the Guhyasamäja-tantva
soliciting a group of four däkints besides his own consort.
Actually, he solicited the group of eight däkints of ’the
612
cult of cemetery*, which was real for him, instead of the
ideal or logical group of four däkinZs. In practice, the
devotees imitated Heruka, the God of cemetery, who alone
was actual among the six deities of the major mandala of the
Mäyäsamvara-tantra . They obtained the self-consciousness of
being of dharma-käya in the rotating sexual union (samäyoga)
with the group of nine däkinZs , the matrix of ’the cult of
cemetery', easily ignoring the framework of the major mandala
which was already nominal.
It was true that this practice was nothing other than
that of 'the cult of cemetery' that was originally heretical.
We understand that the founder of the cult of the Hevajra-
tantra tried to recover the principle of Buddhist Tantrism
by introducing the new, artificial group of five yoginZs into
the original group of the eight yoginZs or däkinZs of 'the
cult of cemetery'. This newly introduced group of yoginZs
formed the inner circle, the members of which were to partake
in the rotating sexual union (samäyoga) with the devotee
practising svädhZdaivatayoga with the God Heruka; the original
group of eight däkinZs was excluded from the sexual practice.
In these circumstances, the final truth of the Hevajra-
tantra came to be established in the following passage28 of
"the chapter of truth" ("Tattvapatalah paTlcamah") of the
text, which declared the fact that the five yogZnZs were
nothing other than the five families sharing in the substance
of the Vajradhätu , the realm of reality of the Tattvasafhgraha-
tantra:
mudräh paflcakulanZti kathyate moksahetunä /
vajrena mudryate ’nena mudrä tenäbhidhZyate // 4 //
vajrapadmarn tathä karma tathägatam ratnam eva ca /
kuläni paflcavidhäny ähur uttamänZ mahäkrpa // 5 //
vajrafh dombt bhaven mudrä padmafn nartZ tathaiva /
karma rajakZ samäkhyätä brähmanZ ca tathägatZ // 6 //
ratnam candälZnt Qfleyä paflcamudrä vinitcitäh /
tathägatakulam caitat safnksepenäbhidhZyate // 7 //
tathatäyä gatah trZmän ägatat ca tathaiva ca /
anayä prajftayä yuktyä tathägato 'bhidhZyate // 8 //
"The fact that the five mudräs (women who constitute
the group of yoginZs) are nothing other than the five
families (of tathägatas constituting the Vajradhätu-
613
mandala of the Tattvasamgraha-tantra) is declared to
be the cause of (attaining) liberation. She (that is,
a yogi-nt) is called mudrä or sign as she is signed
with an adamant (vajra) (H).
Vajra, Padma, Karma, Tathägata and Ratna are said to be
the five highest kinds of families, 0 you of great com
passion (5) •
The mudrä DombI is (nothing other than) the Vajra
(-family), and likewise, the {mudrä) Narti is (nothing
other than) the Padma (-family). (The mudrä) Rajaki29
is said to be (nothing other than) the Karma (-family),
and (the mudrä) Brähmani is (the mudrä who is nothing
other than) the Tathägata (-family) (6).
CandalinI is known to be (nothing other than) the Ratna
(-family). (Thus,) five families are set down. In short,
(the whole of) this (realm of reality which is the
aggregate of these five mudräs or five families) is
(nothing other than the centre of the world, that is,)
the Tathägata-family (7).
(The Lord Hevajra,) the auspicious one, who has gone to
reality (tathatä), and who has come back from (the
reality) is called tathägata, because he is united with
prajHä (the wisdom of enlightenment which is at the same
time a woman called mudrä or an aggregate of these
mudräs, that is, yogint-cakra) (8)."
The devotee of the Hevajra-tantra who united himself
sexually with the group of the five yogiriis was really uniting
himself with the substance of the Vajradhätu. He was theore
tically the living dharma-dhätu or Vairocana of dharma-käya,
viz. Mahävairocana. And he was able to be conscious of this
fact actually in the unusual, supreme ecstasy (safnvara) , which
had been assured in the cult of cemetery. Thus, we know that
Tantric Buddhism culminated, if in a way, with the Hevajra-
tantra3 in which union with dharma-käya was realised for the
first time through the practice of svädhidaivatayoga, and
that only the circumstances we have observed above can explain
the meaning of the sentence: evafn mayä trutam ekasmin samaye
bhagavän sarvatathägatakäyaväkcittahrdayav'aj'rayosidbhage§u
vijahära3 which is to be translated, in the case of the
Hevajra-tantra, as follows:
614
"Thus have I heard at one time. The Reverend Lord
(Heruka, alias Hevajra) lived in (the supreme pleasure,
viz. samvara caused in) the sexual union with the (five)
adamantine ladies (or yogints) who were nothing other
than the (five families of tathägatas sharing in the)
substance (of the realm of reality, that is, the aggre
gate) of the bodies, minds, and speeches of all the
tathägatas ."
Notes
1. Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko,
No. 36, Tokyo, The Toyo Bunko, 1978.
2. Tibetan version: rNam par snah mdsad chen po rnhon par
rdsogs par by ah chub pa m a m par sprul ba byin gyis
rlob pa tin tu rgyas pa mdo sdehi dbah po rgyal po shes
bya bahi chos kyi m a m grans. Peking (The Tibetan Tri-
pitaka, ed. by D.T. Suzuki, Tokyo-Kyoto, 1955-1961).
No. 126, vol. 5» Chinese version: Taishd , No. 848,
vol. l8.
3. Sanskrit text: Sarvatathägatatattvasafngraha-tantra,
ed. by Kanjin Horiuchi, Journal of Koyasan University
{Koyasan-Daigaku-Ronso , abbrev. JK U ) , vol. Ill, 1968,
Mikkyo-Bunka , No. 90 (1969), No. 91 (1970, JKU, vol. VI,
1971, Mikkyo-Bunka, Nos. 97, 98 (1971), JKU, vol. VIII,
1973, Mikkyo-Bunka, Nos. 103, 104 (1973) and Bon-Zd-Kan-
Taishö Shoe-Kongöchögyö-no-Kenkyü, Koyasan, 1974.
Tibetan version: De bshin gtegs pa thams cad kyi de kho
na hid bsdus pa shes bya ba theg pa chen pohi mdo.
Peking. No. 112, vol. 4. Chinese version: Taishd ,
No. 882 (cf. Nos. 865, 866).
4. Sanskrit text: The Hevajra Tantra. A Critical Study.
Part II, Sanskrit and Tibetan texts, ed. by D.L. Snell-
grove, Oxford, 1959- Tibetan version: Kyehi rdo rje
shes bya ba rgyud kyi rgyal po. Peking, No. 10, vol. 1.
Chinese version: Taishd , No. 892, vol. 18.
5. Sanskrit text: Guhyasamäja Tantra or Tathägatagühyaka.
GOS No. LIII, ed. by Benoytosh Bhattacharyya, Baroda,
1931, by S. Bagchi, Buddhist Sanskrit Texts No. 9-
615
Darbhanga, 1965; The Guhyasamäja-tantra: A New Critical
Edition3 Yükei Matsunaga, JKU, vol. X. Tibetan version:
De bshin gsegs pa thams cad kyi sku gsuh thugs kyi gsah
ba hdus pa shes bya ba brtag pahi rgyal po chen po.
Peking. No. 8l, vol.’ 3. Chinese version: Taishö, No. 885,
vol. 18.
6. Tibetan version: Dpal sahs rgyas thams cad dah mPlam par
sbyor ba mkhah hgro ma sgyu ma bde bahi mchog ces bya
bahi rgyud bla ma. Peking. No. 8, vol. 1; rgyud phyi
mahi phyi ma (uttarottara-tantra). No. 9, vol. 1.
7. Tibetan version of the text contained in the Tripitaka
(Peking. No. 8, vol. l) being the uttara-tantra (the
latter part) does not have the opening sentence evafn
mayä srutam etc.
8. Horiuchi's text 28.
9- Horiuchi, ibid. 7 — 17-
Tsuda, "A Critical Tccntrism"3 p. 169.
H
O
11. The Gandavyüha Sütra3 ed. by D.T. Suzuki and H. Izumi,
Otani University, Kyoto, 1936, p. U8f.
12. Tsuda, "A Critical Tantrism", p. 176f.
13. Suzuki’s edition, p. 527.
lU. ibid., p. 468f.
15- Horiuchi's edition, 135 — 151.
16. ibid., 139, 1^2, 1^5, ibQ.
17. ibid., 152. vajra-satva-dayitä is to be taken not as a
proper noun but as a common noun synonymous with mahä-
devt of 156, 159 and l62.
18. ibid., 1 — 17.
19. ibid., 6.
ro
Matsunaga’s edition, p. b3 1. 21,
o
C \J
I 1
ibid., p. 5, lines 17, 22; p. 6, lines 1, 2.
—
616
22. In chapter xvii of the Guhyasamäja-tantra, which is
assumed to have been composed later than the first
twenty chapters of the text (see Yükei Matsunaga,
Mikkyö-kyöten-seiritsu-ron, Kyoto, 1980, p. 236), we
find verses (verses 72 - 75 of Matsunaga’s edition)
in which Mämaki, Locanä, Pändarä and Tärä address the
central deity one after another and ask him to love
them. In some session of the assembly, the four women
playing the parts of Mämaki, etc., might have practised
sexual yogic practice with the central deity, the
superior visitor; and through this union of the con
sorts with the central deity, the dissatisfaction of
the four men might have been soothed in some degree.
Those four verses are quoted by Nägärjuna in the Pindt-
kramasädhana (Etudes et Textes Tantrique Pahcakrama3
par L. de la Vallee Poussin, Gand, 1896, I. 206 - 209).
Nägärjuna fails to recognise the original roles of
Rüpavajrä, etc., to be united with the central deity.
In I. 97 and 98 of the text, he makes Püpavajra united
with Ksitigarbha, etc., who was newly added to the
original mandala of the Guhyasamäja-tantra.
23• brGya byin sdon po's commentary: dPal sans rgyas thorns
cad dan mPlam par sbyor ba mkhah hgro sgyu ma bde ba
mehog gi rgyud kyi don m a m par b^ad pa shes bya ba.
Peking. No. 2531, vol. 58, 11*3-2-4.
24. In the extant uttara-tantra, we do not find the description
about the mandala; the mandala of the Mäyäsamvara-tantra
is to be reconstructed from the commentary of brGya byin
sdon po, Peking. No. 2531, vol. 58, l43-l-6f.
25. For ’the cult of cemetery’, see Tsuda, "A Critical
Tantrism", p. 172.
26. brGya byin sdon po's commentary, 144-1-7 2-8.
27. Snellgrove's edition, I. viii. l4, ix. 10, 11.
28. Tsuda, "A Critical Tantrism", p. 209f.
29. The name Rajakl appears in the Rerbk&-ma7idala of the
major mandala of the Mäyäsamvara-tantra in its Tibetan
translation Sme sa. brGya byin sdon po’s commentary,
144-2-7.
617
A STUDY OF THE VEDANTIC AND BUDDHIST THEORY OF
NÄMA-RÜPA
Alex WAYMAN (New York)
The theory of nama-rupa is of great importance in the develop
ment of Indian religion and philosophy, especially for the
Vedantic understanding of the Upanisads, and for Buddhism
where it occurs as the fourth member of the Dependent Origina
tion formula. Because the early, i.e. Vedic, terms riccma and
rüpa were in separate contexts, it is necessary to treat these
two as such. And because they were combined in the well-known
compound näma-rüpa, it is also necessary to treat it as such.
It will be shown in the course of this paper that the
name (noma) came to indicate individuality in the human case,
and individual things in the case of external entities. Rüpa
is matter or its appearance.
The Sankara type of Vedanta is chosen to represent the
Vedantic theory, since his commentary is the earliest extant
on the Brahmasütra, has been much studied, and there are fine
reference works .1
There are some curious features about this topic. For
one thing, the celebrated Vedanta author Sankara had a theory
of two kinds of näma-rupa, although his sources appear to have
only one kind. On its part, Buddhism seems unaware of the
usages of the terms riäma and rüpa in the old Veda and subse
quent literature culminating in the great Upani§ads. Even so,
Buddhism appears to have inherited the connotations of these
terms arid to have adequate explanations for the two in the
compound as occurring in its oldest scriptures.
618
I. Nctma and rupa as separate terms
The following should make it clear that the old Vedic
usages of the terms noma and rüpa were independent - as they
were possibly in all later centuries of the Sanskrit language -
and were not in terms of the compound näma-rüpa . Thus, while
the old Indie word naman is cognate with the English word
’name' through the Latin nömen , it is not necessarily in the
Indie usage the ’name* of something. Nor was rüpa, usually
translated 'form*, necessarily employed as the 'form' (e.g.
'shape') of something.
The Satapatha-Brahmana may well be the earliest text that
pairs the two, noma and rüpa, while speaking of them in a con
trasting manner. This is in XI.2,3,1-6, a passage to be treated
later. Here we may observe the explanation (Eggeling's trans
lation) : "Whatever has a name, that is name; and that again
which has no name, and which one knows by its form, 'This is
(of a certain) form', that is form."2 This contrast was to
continue, for Vasubandhu's Abhidharmakosa } Chap. Ill, 30a,
has: "Noma - it is the aggregates (skandha) that are not
rüpa” .3 Thus it treats the topic of näma in its Chapter III,
while having treated rüpa in Chapter I, indicating that the
connotations of the terms are independent.
A. Independent näma
Of great help is Renou's Etudes.4 The first rsi-s (seers
or sages) gave names to things (RV, X,71,1).5 The conferring
itself is referred to there by -dheya, as in other RV compounds
such as bhägadheya, hence as nconadheya (conferral of name)
frequent later, also in Ch. Up. (an important usage, infra);
Renou: in the sense of creating a name.6 Then, Taitt. Är.
(111,12,7), as cited twice in Sankara's VS-Bhäsyai "The wise
one who, having classified7 all formations and made up names,
sits calling them by their names".8 The word häman could be
used for names of persons and things. Gods like Indra or Agni
had an auspicious name (one that is bhadra) in common, e.g.
Vftrahan (slayer of the demon Vrtra).9
The wind deities have a name Marut that deserves worship.
This name is not an unreal appearance: the names 'Marut' - they
are the Marut (i.e. the wind gods) themselves (RV IV.39,4, and
elsewhere). In some places, according to Geldner, naman is more
a characteristic than a name; e.g. "The relationship (sa-
jätya) of the Asvin is a good name (näma)” .10 Perhaps this is
619
the implication of the 'secret names', such as extra given
names to persons in cults, and epithets of the deities.11
The Aitareya Aranyaka (from 11,1,6): "So by his [i.e.
prana’s] speech (väk) as cord (tanti), and by names (nama)
as nooses (or ’loops') (däma)3 all this is tied (sita) . For
all this is names; and by his speeches, he tells (vadati)
everything".12 The Ch. Up.'s (Chap. VII) progressive worship
of Brahman presents meditation on the name as the first wor
ship. Sanatkumara tells Narada, "What it is you have learned,
is just the name. Verily, a name is Rgveda .... (down to) the
science of serpents and minor gods. ... He who meditates on
name as Brahman can move as he wishes as far as name goes".13
The Aitareya Upanisad (III,2) includes a classification of
mental functions, all identified as "name-conferrals (ricona-
dheya) of intelligence".
To be compared with Buddhist tenets is the well-known
passage in Brhad-Är. Up. (111,2,12): " ’Yajnavalkya’, said he,
'in whatever [body] this person dies, what does not leave
him?' 'The name'."14 Hence, we mention the Buddhist Abhi-
dharma etymology from nam- (to bend, bow), which is a false
etymology of the ancient word näma. Thus, both Vasubandhu15
and Samghabhadra13 in their comments on Abhidharmakosa III,
30a, say that the four formless aggregates, which are vedanä3
samjfläy samskära-s, and vijftäna3 go toward objects (artha)
as though naming them, thus 'bending' toward them. They give
a second explanation, that these aggregates are called 'name'
because when the body disintegrates, these aggregates, so to
say, bend toward another existence. The phrase in Samgha-
bhadra's text (Tibetan translation) is worth citing: "because
it (i.e. name) causes the bending toward another existence"
(skye ba gzan du gzol bar byed pa’i phyir)3 with gzol bar
byed pa tantamount to the causative form namayati.17 These
Abhidharma explanations of 'name' do not necessarily agree
with the Brhad-Är. passage above cited, since 'bending towards',
even less 'causing the bending towards', does not mean that
the 'name' itself transmigrates. Asanga, ViniscayasamgrahanZ
(PTT, Vol. 110, p.266-2-6),18 when answering the question
"Why are the four formless aggregates called 'name'?" leaves
out all mention of another existence, his two explanations
being first the metaphorical 'naming' and second the primary
or literal 'naming': "because bending towards the diversity
of consciousness-supports (alambana); and because, relying on
conventional names, discursive thought (vikalpa.) is (derived)
from the consciousness-supports" (dmigs pa sna tshogs la Vie
bar g£ol ba'i don dan / tha sVlad las byuh ba'i min las brten
te dmigs pa las mam par rtog pa 'i don gyis so /
620
B. Independent rupa
There is a surprising possible relationship between the
words rupa} varpaSj and varyay through an old Indie metathesis
ru/var, or hru/hvar, and so also an affiliation with the gram
marians' verb root vr- (to cover).19 The word varpas appears
to signify change or metamorphosis of form, even deceptive
appearances,20 in this way practically equivalent in usage to
vivarta, 21 which however goes with a root vrt- rather than
with the mentioned vr- . The word varma (the classical word
for 'color') seems, according to Renou, to intend a 'category
of recognition' in such expressions as däsa or ärya varna
rather than a difference of racial color, although granted
that a few passages do suggest that the 'caste' meaning was
already emerging in the Rgveda. 22
Much later there was the Buddhist Abhidharma explanation
of rüpa as of two kinds, shape (samsthäna) and color (varna)l^
Since the word rüpa among the five personality aggregates
(skandha) equivalent to näma-rüpa in its Buddhist usage was
translated into Chinese regularly as 'color', I am inclined
to take this as continuing a well-attested meaning which
Renou mentions as frequent for rüpa in Vedic passages.24 But
this leaves a problem: How can the 'color' translation be de
fended when Buddhism, in its formula näma-rüpa , says that rüpa
is the four great elements (mahäbhüta)_, namely, fire, wind,
water, earth, and their evolutes (bhautüka) , so that translators
from the Pali scriptures render this rüpa as 'body', 'corpo
reality', and the like ?25 I can suggest that the word rupa
in this Buddhist context gained the connotation of 'colouring',
meaning 'touching up', 'filling out', 'giving body to', amounting
to a verbal noun, even granted that the Chinese rendition by its
'color' character does not permit a verbal usage in Chinese
literature.26 And while in common with other translators I have
in the past rendered näma-rüpa as 'name-and-form', in the fore
going light, the rendition should preferably be 'name-and forma
tion '.
The subtle connotation of the term rupa , starting from its
initial Vedic setting, inspired some sharp disputes among the
Buddhists, accounting for the generous treatment of the topic
in the first chapter of Vasubandhu's Abhüdharmako§a. The simplest
case has rüpa as the object of the eye and called rüpäyatana
(form base), namely, in I, 24, with comments giving three reasons
for its being rüpa , (1) a formation with the character of sup
planting (badhana) , for example, with a hand (removing something
and replacing it), referred to anciently as sa-pratigha (with
obstacle); (2) a formation showing a place (deSanüdarSana) ,
621
i n d i c a t i n g i t a s h e r e o r t h e r e ; (3) a f o r m a t i o n p o p u l a r l y
r e f e r r e d t o (p r a tita ) a s ’ t h a t r ü p a \ m e a n in g v i s i b l e sh a p e
o r c o l o r . 27 More t r o u b l e s o m e i s t h e rüpa i n t h e compound
näma-rüpa3 a p d Abhidharmakosa3 1 , 9 , p r e s e n t s t h e V a i b h a s i k a
l i s t i n g o f f o r m a t i o n (rüpa) a s t h e f i v e s e n s e o r g a n s (in d riy a ) 3
t h e f i v e ( e x t e r n a l ) o b j e c t s (a rth a ) , and r e t i c e n c e (a v ijfla p ti ) ? 8
V a s u b a n d h u d e f i n e s a v ijfla p ti i n t h e V a i b h a s i k a m an n e r r a t h e r
t h a n h i s own S a u t r ä n t i k a by u s i n g t h e w o rd s ’ i s c a l l e d ’ in
I , 11: ’’The c o n t i n u o u s s e r i e s (anubandha)3 w h e t h e r good o r
b a d , o f t h e d i s t r a c t e d ( p e r s o n ) and o f t h e u n t h i n k i n g ( p e r s o n )
i n d e p e n d e n c e on t h e g r e a t e l e m e n t s (mahäbhüta) - i s c a l l e d
’ r e t i c e n c e ’ (avijP lapti) . ”2g
C. Näma a n d rüpa 3 i n c o n t r a s t
The te r m s nämakäya a nd rüpakäya o c c u r a number o f t i m e s
i n t h e P a l i B u d d h i s t w ork N etti-Pakarana , a t t r i b u t e d t o Mahä-
k a c c ä y a n a , who i s n o t a p e r s o n a l d i s c i p l e o f t h e Buddha a c c o r d
i n g t o t h e e d i t o r , P r o f e s s o r H a rd y . The t e x t s a y s : "N am e-and-
- f o r m a t i o n i s d e f i n e d a s t h e c o n j u n c t i o n o f t h e n a m e - s e t and
t h e f o r m a t i o n - s e t ” (nämakäya-rüpakäya-samghä-talakkhanam näma-
rüpam). 30 The Patisambhidämagga i n t h e Khuddakanikäya o f t h e
P a l i c a n o n d e f i n e s t h e two s e t s t h i s way: "What i s t h e näma
käya ? F e e l i n g s (vedanä) , i d e a s (saflftä) 3 v o l i t i o n s (oetanä) ,
s e n s e c o n t a c t s (phassa) , m e n t a l o r i e n t a t i o n s (manasikära);
b o t h ’ nam e’ a n d ’ s e t o f n a m e s' a s w e l l a s a n y m e n t a l m o t i v a
t i o n s (eittasahkhära) - t h i s i s nämakäya. What i s rüpakäya ?
B o th t h e f o u r g r e a t e l e m e n t s (mahäbhüta) a n d t h e f o r m a t i o n s
d e p e n d in g on t h e g r e a t e l e m e n t s , e x h a l a t i o n a nd i n h a l a t i o n ,
t h e s i g n - s o u r c e (n im itta ) a s a b o n d a g e , a s w e l l a s a n y c o r p o
r e a l m o t i v a t i o n s (käyasahkhära) - t h i s i s rüpakäya. ” 31 The
l i s t o f f i v e from vedanä t o manasikära i s t h e same a s i s f o u n d
i n t h e D e p e n d e n t O r i g i n a t i o n (S . pratityasam utpäda) e x p o s i t i o n
i n t h e Samyuttanikäya ( N id ä n a Book, i i , 2) d e l i v e r e d a t S ä v a t t h l ,
and t h i s s c r i p t u r e a l s o h a s f o r i t s rüpa e x p l a n a t i o n ( o f näma-
rüpa) t h e same m e n t i o n o f t h e f o u r g r e a t e l e m e n t s and t h e i r
d e r i v a t i v e s . 32 A s a n g a , ViniseayasarpgrahanZ o f Yogäcärabhümi
( i s t tw o bhümis) , s a y s (PTT, V o l . 1 1 0 , p . 2 6 6 - U - 2 ) , ’’B e s i d e s ,
i t i s w hat t h e B h a g a v a t s t a t e d a s c o n c o m i t a n t (sah aja),
' f e e l i n g s (vedanä) , i d e a s (samjPlä)} v o l i t i o n s (c e ta n ä )', and
t h e s e n a t u r e s (dharma) a r e m i n g l e d . ” 33 T h i s s u g g e s t s t h a t t h e
A bhidharma t e r m s nämakäya a nd rüpakäya a r o s e i n a t t e m p t s t o
d e fin e c o n co m itan t n a tu r e s t h a t a r e n o t e x p l i c i t in th e
s t a n d a r d l i s t o f näma-rüpa, f e a s i b l y i n a p p l i c a t i o n t o t h i s
v e r y Samyuttanikäya e x p o s i t i o n .
A sanga h i m s e l f d e t a i l s f i v e k i n d s o f näma and f i v e k i n d s
o f rüpa i n h i s ViniseayasamgrahanZ on SrutamayZ bhümi (PTT,
622
Vol. Ill, p. 21-1-5), as follows: (a) ’name’ (näma) - a thought
(oitta), thought associates (oaitta op oaitasika)3 virtuous
(ku&ala), non-virtuous (aku§ala), and indeterminate (avyäkrta).
(b) ’formation’ (rüpa) - elements (bhüta), element derivatives
(bhautika), showing and impeding (sanidarsana-sapratigha), not
showing but impeding (asanidarsana-sapratigha), not showing
and not impeding (asanidarsana-apratigha). We should note
that Asanga’s five kinds for both rära: and rwpa assign the
better and worse in Buddhist terms (the kusala and akusala)
to näma. Previously, we noticed that the disputed term avi-
jftapti refers to a special kind of rüpa that is good or bad
(the subha and asubha). Whatever his attitude towards the
avijftaptirüpa, still Asanga admits the subtle kind of rüpa
which is neither showing nor impeding, and so these five kinds
of rüpa cover a wider usage than does the rüpäyatana (form
base as object of visual faculty) which seems to be always
sa-pratigha. Besides, the term avyäkrta, here rendered ’inde
terminate’ , is the same word already rendered ’unevolved’ in
the Brhad-Ar. 1,1,7, and to be rendered ’unevolved’ or 'unse
parated' in the Ch. Up. passage to be discussed in our next
section. In a way, these renditions also fit the Buddhist
usage, since one may interpret the avyäkrta of Asanga’s passage
as ’not separated' into kusala and akusala.
The Brhad-Ar. Up. (I 6,1-3) expounds a theory that this
world is a triad of name, formation, and action (näma rüpam
karma). Speech (väk) is the recitation (uktha) of the names,
and said to be their Brahman. The eye (caksus) is the recita
tion of formations, and said to be their Brahman. The embodi
ment (ätman) is the recitation of actions, and said to be their
Brahman. The breath (präiia) is the immortal (amrta), veiled
(channa) by name and formation, which are the real (satz/o,34
as the 'undeniable').35
The usage of ätman for ’embodiment’ is certainly not
general, but attested elsewhere in Indian literature.36 We
should note that this special usage was carried on in Buddhism
by the term ätmabhäva. Thus, Asanga, in his Srävakabhümi:
"Only by oneself does the embodiment succeed in those five
ways" (svayam eoänena sa ätmabhäva ebhih paflcabhir ahgaih
sampädito bhavati), where the five mean the list beginning
with ’human state’ (manusyatva). 37 A Buddhist continuation
of that Brhad-Är. attribution to name and formation, is in
Asanga, VinisaayasamgrahanZ (PTT, Vol.Ill, p.175-1-1): "What
is a place of truth ? Name-and-formation, called the 'self-
-presence of a man’ (*manusyasvabhäva)" (bden p a ri gnas gah
ze na / mih dan gzugs ni mi *i rah b&in tes bya ba 'o /) .
623
The Buddhist continuation of the Vedic meaning of rupa
as 'color', Asanga's continuation of the Brhad-Ar. attribu
tion of satya to näma-rüpa, and the various foregoing expla
nations from Buddhist sources, as well as those to be given
in the next section, provide evidence for regarding the early
Buddhist canon as a link between the earlier Indian religion
and the later, rather than concluding, as is sometimes done
by European writers, that there is no proof of characteristic
Buddhist doctrines being in the earliest canon.38
The preceding passages about näma and rüpa did not take
one of these two as superior to the other one. But the Sata-
patha-Brähmana does precisely that, XI,2,3, in 5: "One of
these two is superior: rüpa indeed" (tayor anyataraj jyäyo
rüpam eva). The text points to the reason, XI,2,3, in 6:
"formation being mind" (mono vai rüpamJ; and, "name being
speech" (väg vai näma). 39 To get the point one must refer to
an earlier part of the same work, I,H,5,8-12, which presents
a dispute between speech and mind as to which was the better
of the two. They appealed to Prajäpati for a decision. When
he picked mind, speech henceforth refused to be Prajäpati's
oblation-bearer (she does not speak out on such occasions
but only mutters). As Mahäbhärata’s Anugttä expands upon the
story, Prajäpati mollified the goddess by declaring that there
are two kinds of mind, the stationary (sthävara), which is his
own, and the moving (jahgama), which is in the dominion of the
speech goddess.40 Putting the accounts together, rüpa is the
stationary mind of Prajäpati.
II. Näma-rüpa (the terns in compound)
A. The Theory of two kinds of näma-rüpa
The earliest suggestion that näma-rüpa may be of two
kinds is presumably that of the Satapatha-Brähmana (XI,2,3,
in ^-5): "These, indeed, are the two great monsters (abhva)
of the Brahman" (te haite brahmano mahatt abhve)-, "These,
indeed, are the two great tempting appearances (yaksa) of the
Brahman" (te haite brahmano mahatt yakse).kl We shall see
that the usual occurrences of the term näma-rüpa go with the
second one of the two kinds. Certainly such is the case of
the Buddhist näma-rüpa, Uth member of Dependent Origination
(pratitya-samutpada), explained as the five personality aggre
gates (skandha) in the womb, depicted in the 'Wheel of Life'
as two persons in a boat, the two persons noted by Vinitadeva
in his Vinaya commentary as a woman and a man.42 While the
624
Vedäntic author Sankara has a theory of two kinds of näma-rüpa,
their authority is attributed to the Ch. Up. where there is no
explicit mention of two kinds, as the matter will be discussed
below. Of those Satapatha-Br. terms, abhva fell into disuse,
and yaksa came to mean a kind of minor spirit in Indian folklore,
so while its theory of two contrasting descriptions for näma-rüpa
might be passed on to subsequent doctrine, these two terms (abhva
and yaksa) would not be useful in later times for such a context.
It appears that of the two kinds, the second kind is con
ceivable by man's mind, called the 'moving' (jahgama) in Anu-
gttä's version as cited at the close of my preceding section.
The first kind, said to be the Brahman’s two great monsters,
would be beyond man's ordinary mind. Thus I am reminded of
P.T.S. Iyengar's remarks, which may be summarised this way:
The rsi-s spoke about the Brahman from ecstatic intuitions
after stilling their usual mental activities and passions;
such intuitions necessarily lead to contradictory expressions.
But the later äoäryas3 especially the principal commentators of
the Vedanta Sütras, and those who founded sects, namely, Sankara,
Rämänuja, and Madhva, imposed on the various pertinent statements
of the Vedas and their continuation literature culminating in the
Upanisads, mutually different systems, each of which purported to
be self-consistent, i.e. logical in human terms. Thus, these
system-founders and their squabbling later followers departed
more and more from the Vedic intuitions expressed in mystical
doctrines that were not mutually consistent, and in particular
Sankara's Advaita kind of mäyä was a modern invention foisted
upon the ancient Upanisads.4^
Be that as it may, Sankara’s UpadesasähasrZ sets forth two
kinds of näma-rüpa. These two kinds were his peculiar attempt
to solve problems of the Vedänta-sütras (= Brahma-sütras),
namely, the 'unevolved (avyäkrta) and the 'evolved' (vyäkrta)
näma-rüpa mentioned, e.g. in his VS-Bhäsya on I,U,9, as the two
kinds are rendered in Mayeda's study of the Upade‘
sasahasrt.h,b'
This expression 'unevolved' is equivalent to 'unseparated',
since the vt- in the Sanskrit word frequently means 'separate'
or 'apart' in the Egveda where it was a separable prefix, the
'apart, asunder' in Katre's entry,45 and since this meaning fits.
Sankara justifies his method by the remark, "Deduction of
a doubtful passage's meaning by a non-doubtful passage - people
deem a rule" (asamdigdhena ca samdigdhasya nigamanam nyäyam
manyante).46 It turns out that the £>vetä&vatara-Up. has the
non-doubtful passages that can be used to interpret doubtful
passages of other Upanisads, especially the Chändogya. The main
non-doubtful passage is Sve, IV, 10-11: "Know then, Prakrti is
625
mäyä, and the great Lord is the holder of mäyä ... the One
who rules over every birthplace" (mäyäm tu prakrtim vidyän
mäyinam tu mahesvaram / ... yo yonim yonim adhitisthaty
eko ...J.47 Sankara claims that this mäyä is the divine
power having the unevolved nämarüpa, that the Sve mantra
depicts the prior condition of the (evolved) näma-rüpa (saiva
daivi saktir avyäkrtanämarüpa nämarüpayoh prägavasthänenäpi
mantrena).48 Although he does not appeal to Satapatha-Br.'s
vocabulary, Sankara’s two kinds can be considered as a much
later formulation, rationalised in a system, of the earlier
intuition. If we follow through with this idea, then what
was once called "the two great monsters of the Brahman" became
the mäyä (= Prakrti) of the great Lord, and what was once
called "the two great tempting appearances of the Brahman"
became the evolved näma-rüpa. This is not to maintain,^how
ever, that the iBatapatha rsi-s would have countenanced San
kara's application of favidyä', or that the early sages in
their rare uses of the word mäyä meant by it its pervasive
role in Sankara's system.
As to how the Brahman (neuter) can be^equivalent to
'great Lord' (mahesvara) (masculine), let Sankara tell (VS-
Bhäsya on T,2,lU): "The Brahman, while devoid of qualities
(nirguna)3 is spoken of as possessed of qualities (saguna)
with qualities contained in näma-rüpa, for the purpose of
devotion" (nirgunam apt sad brahma ncanarüpagatair gunaih
sagunam upäsanärtham ... uktam evaJ.49 The example given
there is Ch. Up. 1,6, in 6-7: The sun has a golden beard
(hiranya-smasru); his name (näma) is high (ut). We can add
Ch. Up. VIII,3,^: "Verily the name of that Brahman is 'true'
(satya)." Here there are names 'high' and 'true', and there
are formations, such as 'golden beard’. Again, there is the
verse in the Sibi story of the Jätakamälä, showing Laksmi in
the role in or for the divine king, 'her name according to
its meaning' (yathärthanämä): "Laksmx, who is the scorn of
the unrestrained errant, the grievous misfortune of the in
competent, the intoxicating drink of the debased, became for
him her name according to its meaning."50^ Her name (Laksmi,
characteristic) is a lucky name for King Sibi, unlucky for
others (the unrestrained errant, etc.). This last appears
to illustrate Sankara's further remark (VS-Bhasya on I,2,lU):
"And for the purpose of apprehending the omnipresent Brahman,
it is spoken of by indicating it here and there" (tatra tatro-
padisyata ity etad apy uktam eva / sarvagatasyäpi brahmana
upalabdhyartham). 51
Following Mayeda's summary,52 based on the Upade&asähasrt3
an 'unevolved' name-and-formation is the first emergence from
626
Brahman and amounts to nescience (avidya) or mäyä. When that
first kind became the second kind, it had the name ’space'
(äkä§a) and its configuration (äkrti). The first näma-rüpa
is like 'clear water' and the näma-rüpa with the name 'space'
is like dirty foam. But, then, how does the first kind become
the second kind ? The unevolved (= unseparated) Name-and-
-Formation is the seed of the world (jagadbijabhüta), called
also Prakrti. But the second kind of Name-and-Formation pre
exists in the first kind, and is the second kind by what the
Brahmasütra (= Vedäntasütra) calls 'transformation' (parinäma)3
although the Brahmasütra does not itself expound two kinds of
näma-rüpa. The followers of Sankara did not adopt his termi
nology of an 'unevolved näma-rüpa', but held that the pheno
menal world is a transformation of avidyä and in regard to
Brahman (the reality) is a vivarta (illusion). Mayeda, apparent
ly agreeing with H. Nakamura and P. Hacker that Sankara did not
employ the term vivarta in this illusionist sense, and also
agreeing that Sankara differs in some ways from the Brahma
sütra3 concludes that Sankara's own position might be styled
'early vivartaväda', thus contrasting with the ’parinämaväda’,
and enabling Sankara to avoid the Sämkhya role of Prakrti.
Then what is the 'name' and what the 'formation' in the
first and the second kinds of näma-rüpa ? The second kind
is easier to describe, and so will be treated first.
(a) The second kind of näma-rüpa. Since this näma-rüpa
is like dirty foam, the rüpa part can be identified with the
deceitful varpas, and perhaps the word vivarta also fits; or
else it is the four phenomenal elements.
The 'name' portion of näma-rüpa is not clarified when
the Ch. Up. (VIII, lU,l) says: "Verily the one named 'Space'
is the evolver (nirvahitr) (= 'separator') of name-and-forma-
tion". And continues, "That within which they are is the
Brahman". The Ch. Up. (VI, 3,2) expresses the same theory
with other words: "That divinity thought, 'Well, let me imi
tate53 these three divinities with this jiva-ätman and evolve
(i.e. separate out) the näma-rüpa'" (seyam devataiksata —
hantäham imäs tisro devatä anena jZvenätmanänupravisya näma-
rüpe vyäkaraväntti). Now, 'Space' (äkäsa)^ being where they
are, is perhaps said metaphorically to evolve name-and-forma-
tion; and this interpretation would agree with Buddhism which
does not include 'space' among the great elements (mahäbhüta)
because it does not cause the body to develop.54 The idea of
'imitating' (anupravi§ya) is to duplicate these three divini
ties in each given thing that can be referred to as a ’näma-
rüpa' . The jiva-ätman has the role of doing this imitation.
627
Sankara, citing these Ch. Up. lines in several places of his
VS-Bhäsya, insists that, however expressed, it is always the
highest Lord (paramesvara) that is meant, or else that this
jÜva-ätman is not different from this highest Lord, and so
the individual soul (jtva) is not meant. Sankara justifies
himself under VS II,1*,20: samjüämürtiklptis tu trivrtkurvata
uvadeGät ("But the fashioning of names and material forms
belongs to him rendering threefold, according to the precept").
Interpreting the samjflä-mürti as the näma-rüpa of the Ch.Up.
passages, and the klpti as the ’evolving’, he insists that
this is the work of the highest Lord, who alone can evolve
such names-and-formations as mountains, rivers, etc.55 Now,
the Ch. Up. itself says (VII,6,l): "The earth as though con
templates" (dhyäyattva prthivt) and "The waters as though con
template" (dhyäyanttväpah)" . Hence, this näma-rüpa does not
signify objects like pots which men make and give names to.
Sankara is right: They are the natural objects, creatures,
lightning, and the rest. Hence, the ’name' in the name-and-
formation should be understood as the individual life or self
(called in these texts the jt-va).
(b) The first kind of näma-rüpa. Since Sankara’s pupils
refrained from this terminology of an 'unevolved näma-rüpa' ,58
they did not clarify it. The Sämkhya can interpret the dual
compound näma-rüpa , when ’unevolved’, as their own Purusa and
Prakrti - and the Vedanta cannot tolerate this!57 As to the
r ü p a , this is already indicated in the passage already trans
lated, Ch. Up. (VI,3,2), "That divinity thought, 'Well, let
me imitate these three divinities with this jZva-ätman...’"
These three divinities are specified in Ch. Up. VI,H, 1-^,
as the red heat, the white water, and the dark food or earth,
and called the three rüpas-, which are the only reality in
fire, sun, moon, and lightning. The same statements are made
for each of these four. Whatever red formation they have is
a formation of heat; whatever white, is a formation of water;
whatever dark, is a formation of food (= earth). The fire-
state has just left the fire, the sun-state the sun, the
moon-state the moon, the lightning-state the lightning; (in
each case) the modification is a usage of speech and a con
ferral of name (nämadheya). Only the three formations are
real (satya) . Here the ’names’ of the evolved (i.e. separated)
name-and-formation are given in the illustrations as ’fire’,
’sun’, ’-moon', and ’lightning’. Hence, the jtva-atman has
imitated, or duplicated the three divinities in all the
natural entities; but when we strip away the usages of speech
and discern the reality of those entities, it turns out to be
just the three formations.58 Thus, the ’unevolved formation’
is the three rüpa divinities of the Chändogya.
628
A later Upanisad called the Varaha, in the collection
called the Yoga Upanisads, has this: "For says the Sruti:
'It is, it shines forth, the pleasing, formation, name -
these are the five portions. The first three are the nature
of Brahman. The two thereafter are the nature of the_world.'"59
Notice that this tradition accepts only one kind of nama-rupa3
the phenomenal kind, and allots three characters to the nature
of Brahman, which appear to agree with the three of the Chandogya3
if we take the dark food as the 'It is'; the red heat as the
'It shines forth'; the white water as the 'pleasing'; - amount
ing to the pregenetic triad of 'formation'^(rüpa). However, the
Brahmasütra opposes this view and so does Sankara, i.e. VS,
III,2,lU: arüpavad eva hi tatpradliänatvät ("For CBrahmanU is
indeed devoid of form, as this is salient among those CUpani-
sadic passagesD"). Among Sankara's citations is that same
Ch. Up. VIII,l4,l, "Verily, the one named 'Space' ..." since
he insists on taking as the highest Lord this 'Space' - claimed
to be per se devoid of rüpa. It is of interest that later
Vedanta writers came up with another triad for Brahman, the
sat-oit-änanda3 which might agree with the Varaha's terminology,
if we take 'It is' as the sat, 'It shines forth' as the cit3
and 'the pleasing' as the änanda. As we saw, the Satapatha-Br.
takes Prajäpati's mind as rupa.
As to the 'unevolved name' it seems unavoidable that this
is the jivätman. the name of the Lord. Perhaps this is alluded
to in the appeal to Agni (the fire god) in the TaittirZya Sarn-
hita (Keith tr., p. 8o): "My name and thine, 0 all-knower, which
like men changing garments we bear, let us exchange again; thou
for life, and we to live."60 My name is jZva (individual self);
thine is jivätman. Let us exchange them: 'thou for life' with
'Mind, speech, breath' (infraJ; 'we to live' partaking of thy
omniscience.
B. The theory of entering and surmounting ndma-rupa
The Satapathabrahmaria3 XI,2,3,3, says: "Then the Brahman
itself went to the remote side (parärdha). Having gone to the
remote side, it considered, 'Well, now, how can I pass through
these worlds in reverse?' It then reversed its course by these
two, by formation and by name."61 The idea seems to be that
the Brahman returned to the terrestrial world by these two.
The Brhad-Ar. Up. (1,4,7) states: "At that time this
(world) was unevolved. It became evolved by name and formation...
He (the Brahman) entered in here even to the tips of the nails...
629
When b r e a t h i n g he i s c a l l e d p ra n a ; when s p e a k i n g , t h e v o i c e ;
w hen s e e i n g , t h e e y e ; when h e a r i n g , t h e e a r ; when t h i n k i n g ,
t h e m in d . T h e se a r e j u s t t h e names (näma) o f h i s a c t s
(k a rm a )" .* 2
The i m i t a t i o n o r d u p l i c a t i o n o f t h e u n e v o l v e d f o r m a t i o n
t r i a d i s a s p e c i a l f e a t u r e o f t h e Chändogya d e s c r i p t i o n , and
i t d e a l s w i t h b o t h t h e human a n d t h e o b j e c t i v e c a s e . P re
v i o u s l y I m e n t i o n e d Chändogya' s e x p o s i t i o n o f t h e o b j e c t i v e
c a s e , t h e t r i p l e r e a l i t y i n f i r e , s u n , moon, l i g h t n i n g , and
s o o n . I n t h e human c a s e , Ch. Up. ( V I , 5 , 4 , a n d l a t e r ) s e t s
f o r t h a d e v e lo p m e n t o r d e r o f 1 . h e a t , be c om ing s p e e c h ; 2.
w a t e r , b e c om ing b r e a t h ; 3- f o o d , b e c o m in g m in d . W h ile t h e
B rh a d -A r. ( l , 5 » 3 ) h a s "M ind, s p e e c h , b r e a t h , t h e s e h e made
f o r h i m s e l f " , 63 he b e i n g P r a j ä p a t i , t h e c r e a t i n g L o rd . T h is
shows t h e c r e a t i o n o f t h e i n d i v i d u a l s e l f ( j Z v a ) , h e n c e s u p
p l y i n g t h e 'name* o f a s e p a r a t e n a m e - a n d - f o r m a t i o n .
T h o se p a s s a g e s a t t r i b u t e t o n a m e - c o n f e r r a l i n t h e p h e n o
m e n a l w o r l d t h e power t o s u p p l y m o d i f i c a t i o n s a m o u n tin g t o
i n d i v i d u a l s - i n t h e c a s e o f man, i n d i v i d u a l p e r s o n s ; a n d i n
th e case of e x te rn a l o b je c ts , in d iv id u a l th in g s lik e f i r e ,
e tc .
P a s s i n g t o t h e B u d d h i s t t r a d i t i o n o f näma-rüpa3 t h e
M adhyäntavibhäga 64 i n i t s k ä rik ä ( I , 10) a s s i g n i n g a s i n g l e
d e s c r i p t i v e t e r m t o e a c h o f t h e t w e l v e members o f D e p e n d e n t
O r i g i n a t i o n , r e f e r s t o t h e f o u r t h member a s ’ c i r c u m s c r i b i n g ’
( sam pardgraha) , and V a subandhu com m ents, " i . e . b y n a m e - a n d -
f o r m a t i o n ’ s embodiment (ätm abh äva)". N o t i c e t h a t t h i s p a s s a g e
t r e a t s näma a n d rüpa t o g e t h e r , and t h a t t h e comment ’ c i r c u m
s c r i b i n g ’ g o e s w i t h t h e V e d ä n t i c t e r m ’ s p a c e ’ (äkäsa) a t t r i
b u te d t h e r o l e o f ’ e v o l v i n g ’ ( i . e . s e p a r a t i n g ) nam e-and-
fo rm a tio n , s in c e 'c i r c u m s c r i b i n g ', l i k e 's p a c e ', p ro v id e s
t h e room , t h e s c o p e .
To t a k e t h e B u d d h i s t f o r m u l a from t h e b e g i n n i n g , i t
s t a r t s w i t h 1. n e s c i e n c e (aV 'idyä) ; a r i s i n g w i t h t h i s a s c o n
d i t i o n i s 2. m o t i v a t i o n s (sam skära) (= t h e ' c o n s t r u c t e d
d h a r m a ’ r e a l m ) ; and a r i s i n g w i t h t h i s a s c o n d i t i o n i s 3 .
’ p e r c e p t i o n ' (V'Lyftäna't. Buddhism h o l d s t h a t t h e n t h e r e i s
a re c ip ro c a l process: 4. 'n a m e - a n d - f o r m a t i o n ' (nöma-rüpa)
a r i s e s w ith 'p e r c e p t i o n ' as c o n d itio n ; and ’p e r c e p t i o n ’ f a l l s ,
i n t h e c a s e o f human b i r t h , i n t o t h e nöm a-rüpa , t h u s i n
c r e a s i n g t h e t h r e e ’ nam e s' (näma) o f nama-rüpa - p e r B uddha-
g h o s a o f t h e S o u t h e r n B u d d h i s t t r a d i t i o n 65 - t o f o u r b y a d d i n g
i t s own name ’v i j f ’läna ’ . As t o t h e o r i g i n a l s e t o f t h r e e nam es,
t h e y a r e f e e l i n g s (v e d a n ä ) , i d e a s (sam jflä) a n d m o t i v a t i o n s
( sa m sk ä ra ).
630
I n a p r e v i o u s p a p e r , 66 I com pa re d a c r e a t i o n l e g e n d o f
t h e Brhad-Är. ( 1 , 2 , 2 ) w i t h t h e f i r s t f o u r members o f B u d d h i s t
D ependent O r i g i n a t i o n . The B rhad-Är. s t a t e m e n t b e g i n s : " T h e r e
was n o t h i n g w h a t s o e v e r h e r e i n t h e b e g i n n i n g . Then:
Brhadäranyaka s t a t e m e n t D ependent O r i g i n a t i o n
"by d e a t h i n d e e d was t h i s 1. n esc ie n c e (a v id y ä )
covered"
"o r by h u n g e r, f o r hunger i s 2. m o tiv a tio n s (sam skara)
d eath "
"He c r e a t e d t h e m in d , t h i n k i n g : 3. p e r c e p t i o n (vdjflän a)
’ L et me h a v e a s e l f ’ "
"Then he moved a b o u t , H. n a m e - a n d - f o r m a t i o n (näm a-rüpa)
w o r s h i p p i n g . From h im , t h u s (= v i j Pläna i n t h e wombj
w o r s h i p p i n g , w a t e r was
produced"
The p o i n t o f t h e c o m p a r is o n i s t h a t t h e B u d d h i s t s e r i e s o f
t w e l v e e n d s w i t h ’ o l d age and d e a t h ' f o r e s h a d o w i n g a new l i f e .
D e t e r m i n i n g t h e new l i f e i s t h e s p e c i f i c n e s c i e n c e and p a s t
karma ( p r e s e n t a s t h e m o t i v a t i o n s ) - t h e s e a r e t h e c o n t r i b u
t i o n s from d e a t h . The Brhadäranyaka p a i r ’ d e a t h ' a n d ’ h u n g e r ' -
t h e B u d d h is t p a i r ’ n e s c i e n c e ' a n d ' m o t i v a t i o n s ’ - m ig h t h a v e
p r o t o t y p e s i n t h e tw o ' m o n s t e r s ' (abhva) o f t h e S a ta p a th a -
Brähmaya.^7 I t g o e s w i t h o u t s a y i n g t h a t Buddhism g e n e r a l l y
t a l k s d i f f e r e n t l y fro m t h e B r a h m a n i c a l w ay. S t i l l , Buddhism
e x p la in s d e a th as th e b reak in g -d o w n o f th e o ld p e r s o n a l i t y
a g g r e g a t e s (sk a n ih a ) 68 t h e f i v e c a l l e d n a m e - a n t - f o r m a t i o n ,
and t h e s e do n o t t r a n s m i g r a t e b u t s i m p l y m i r r o r t h e i r e s s e n t i a l s
i n w hat d o e s n o t t r a n s m i g r a t e . 69 I t i s o f i n t e r e s t t h a t t h e
B u d d h is t s e r i e s m anages t o r e p r e s e n t t h i s c o n t r i b u t i o n from
t h e p a s t b y t h r e e members p r e c e d i n g No. b, n a m e - a n d - f o r m a t i o n .
A c c o r d in g t o t h e B u d d h i s t c a n o n , when t h e Buddha d i s c o v e r e d
t h e t w e l v e members h e w ork e d b a c k w a r d from No. 1 2 , ' o l d age
and d e a t h ' (jarä-m araTja) ; t h u s , h e w orked up t o n a m e - a n d -
f o r m a t i o n , t h e n t o v ijftä n a , t o s a m s k ä r a a n d f i n a l l y t o
a v id y a . 70 T h u s , he p a r a l l e l s t h e Brahman i n t h e S a ta p a th a
s t o r y - who w ent t o t h e r e m o te s i d e o f n a m e - a n d - f o r m a t i o n .
The v ijflä n a o f t h e B u d d h i s t l i s t f a l l s i n t o t h e näma-rüpa
i n t h e womb, a s t h e Brahman i n t h e U p a n i s a d i c a c c o u n t e n t e r s
t h e näma-rüpa. The B u d d h is t a c c o u n t g o e s b e t t e r w i t h t h e
Brhadäranyaka Up. p o r t r a y a l ( "He Cthe Brahman3 e n t e r e d i n
h e r e e ven t o t h e t i p s o f t h e n a i l s " ) t h a n w i t h t h e v a r i o u s
U p a n i s a d i c p a s s a g e s t h a t e m p h a s is e t h e h e a r t l o c a t i o n . It
was p r o b a b l y n o t u n t i l t h e e a r l i e s t B u d d h i s t T a n t r a s i n t h e
631
classical Sanskrit period that the heart was designated as
the chief centre of consciousness, and in the Theraväda the
like treatment of a hadaya-Vatthu (heart basis) is not found
until the time of Buddhaghosa.71 Also, the Brhad-Ar. (l,6,l-3)
addition of the karma term alongside of näma and rüpa makes
it more compatible with the Buddhist position.
There are a number of passages in Buddhist literature
taking näma-rüpa as the object of false views - so in Abhi-
dharmakosa (IV, 71c-d, and Vasubandhu’s comment). One could
write at length on the ones in the Pali text Sutta-Nipäta,
but I shall choose and be brief.
anattani attamänim passa lokaip sadevakam /
nivittham nämarüpasmim idam saccan ti manfiati //72
The world - both men and gods - seeing the non-self as
self,
devoted to name-and-formation deems this as 'true*.
This citation is not a denial of self, per se; rather it is
a denial that näma-rüpa is a self as it is mistakenly viewed.
Besides, the Buddhist texts are not always taking näma-rüpa
as something to escape from, since for the time being it is
the apparatus for advancing on the Buddhist path. So, the
Dharmasamuccaya (X , U9 ) : 7 3
nämarüpavinäsäya cittanäsäya dehinäm /
utpannadosajanakam madyam dharmapradüsakam //
The intoxicating drink destroys name-and-formation,
destroys the spirit (oitta) of men, promotes sinful
persons, and makes Dharma decline.
This is the next citation from the Sutta-Nipäta:
acci yathä vätavegena khitto (upasiväti bhagavä)
attham paleti na upeti samkham /
evam muni nämakäyä vimutto attham paleti na upeti
samkham //74
The Bhagavat responded: "Lo, Upasiva, as a flame
blown about by force of wind reaches its goal (i.e.
quiescent state) that none can sum, so the silent
sage (muni), liberated from the set of names (nämakäya),
reaches the goal that none can sum.”
632
The com m entary c l a r i f i e s t h a t h e h a d p r e v i o u s l y b e e n l i b e r a t e d
from t h e ' s e t o f f o r m a t i o n s ' (rü pakäya): pubbeva rüpakäyä
v im u tto . 75 The v e r s e i s i n t r i g u i n g . When a f i r e g o e s o u t ,
w h e r e d o e s i t g o , i . e . w h e re i s i t h i d i n g ? L i k e w i s e , t h e muni
i s l i b e r a t e d from t h e s e t o f n am es, w h e r e d o e s h e g o , i . e .
w h e re i s he h i d i n g ?
A c o m p a r a b le U p a n i s a d i c p a s s a g e i s t h a t o f t h e Mundaka Up.
( 1 1 1 , 2 , 8 ):
y a t h ä n a d y a s syandam änäs sam u d re a s ta m g a c c h a n t i
näm a-rüpe v ih ä y a /
t a t h ä v i d v ä n nä m a rü p ä d v im u k ta h p a r ä t p a r a m puru sa m
u p a i t i divyam / /
J u s t as t h e flo w in g stre a m s d is a p p e a r i n t h e o cean ,
a b a n d o n in g n a m e -a n d -fo rm a tio n , so t h e know er, l i b e r a t e d
from n a m e - a n d - f o r m a t i o n , r e a c h e s t h e d i v i n e p e r s o n ,
su p e rio r to th e b e s t .
I n t h i s B rahm anic t r a d i t i o n , t h e r e i s no p r o b le m o f w here one
goes - i t i s t o t h e d i v i n e p e r s o n - b u t t h e n t h e r e i s a p r o b le m
as t o th e n a tu r e o f t h i s d iv in e p e rs o n , s in c e S ankara i n s i s t s ,
a s was m e n t i o n e d , t h a t t h i s one i s g i v e n c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s j u s t
fo r th e sake of d e v o tio n .
A sanga d i s c u s s e s t h e m a t t e r i n h i s Cintämayt Bhümi (PTT,
V o l. 1 1 0 , p . 1 7 - l f f ) . He s t a r t s b y c i t i n g a v e r s e fro m an
unnamed s o u r c e : "The same and t h e d i f f e r e n t a r o s e ; a n d t h e
M uni, h a v i n g e q u i p o i s e d h i m s e l f w i t h in w a r d e c s t a s y , ab a n d o n e d
t h e l i f e m o t i v a t i o n (bhavasamskära = ayuhsam skära) , l i k e one
b o r n i n a n egg b r e a k s t h e e g g s h e l l " (mtshuhs dan mtshuhs pa
ma y in 'byuh ba dan / nah du dgyes par mdzad aih mflam bzag
nas / thub pas s r id p a ri ’du byed spans mdzad do / sgo har
skyes pas sbubs n i r t o l ba b£in / ) . A sanga e x p l a i n s t h a t t h e
Buddha w h i l e a B o d h i s a t t v a i n h i s l i f e h a s t h e rüpakäya
a d o r n e d w i t h t h e m a j o r and m in o r m a rk s and t h e n became com
p le te ly en lig h ten ed . B e in g a T a t h ä g a t a (o n e come t h e same
w a y ) , h i s rüpakäya was t h e same. H is nämakäya, b e i n g d i s
s i m i l a r , b e c a u s e w i t h o u t f l u x (a n ä sra va ) , was d i f f e r e n t . 76
Upon p a s s i n g i n t o N i r v a n a by t h e samädhi o f a b a n d o n in g t h e
l i f e m o t i v a t i o n , h e b r o k e t h e rüpakäya a n d nämakäya i n t h e
m anner o f an e g g s h e l l . A sanga i s t h u s c o n s i s t e n t w i t h t h e
S u tta -N ip ä ta , and r e f r a i n s from Mahäyäna v o c a b u l a r y o f m u l t i p l e
Buddha b o d i e s .
633
Hovever, the Ahguttara-Nikaya of the Pali canon, in the
"Book of Eights", speaks of the ’eggshell’ as the 'eggshell
of nescience' (avijjandzkosam)77 - so also Mahävyutpatti,
No. 6963, avidyända-kosa-patalam. This avidyä of the Buddhist
texts does not appear identifiable with the one which Sankara
identifies with the first kind of näma-rüpa. But it is easily
the avidyä of Buddhist Dependent Origination, preceding the
näma-rüpa of the Buddhist formula. In the "Book of Eights"
account, it was upon breaking this ’eggshell of nescience'
that Gautama awakened to complete enlightenment. Assuming
that Asanga accepts this position, then it was through elimi
nation of nescience that Gautama was a Tathägata, his rüpa-
käya the ’same’. Asanga presumably has this very Sutta78 in
mind, because (PTT, Vol. 110, p. 17-2-2,f) in order to ex
plain the breaking of the rüpa-käya and the nöma-käya upon
the Buddha’s abandonment of the life motivation, he cites
another verse from an unnamed source: "(He is) free from the
mud-like lust, free from the demon-like hatred, free from
the net-like delusion, free from the rapids-like phenomenal
life (bhava)" ( 'dod pa ita bu'i ’dam med de / ze sdah ’dra
ba ’i gdon yah med / gti mug ’dra ba 'i dra ba med / srid pa
’dra b a ’i ehu kiuh med /). Now, in this Sutta of the "Book
of Eights", soon before the passage about breaking the egg
shell of nescience, the interlocutor Brahmin calls Gotama
a ’venayika’ (cf. BHS Dictionary , under ’vainä&ika ’) , a
"destructionist". And Gotama (S. Gautama) responds that he
is indeed such a one, but not in the Brahmin's intention.
To show his way, Gotama says: "i teach the doctrine (dharma)
of destroying lust, hatred, and delusion; I teach the doctrine
of destroying the numerous sinful, unvirtuous natures."75
This goes well with Asanga's context, if the 'numerous sinful,
unvirtuous natures' are equivalent to the term 'phenomenal
life' (bhava). But Asanga continues in a manner absent from
the Sutta mentioned. He points out that these four, 'lust',
etc. cause lack of independence (asvätantrya), 80 which in his
Srävakabhümi he says is the sole aspect by which one examines
non-self (anätmaka) as one of the four aspects of the Noble
Truth of Suffering.81 The implication is that these four,
which he calls the 'four non-genuine natures' (chos yah dag
pa ma yin pa b£i po)3 Q 2 define respectively the 'non-self'
of sentient beings; and that their destruction amounts to
establishing the true self - referred to as the Buddha's kind
of rüpa-käya and nöma-käya , and by Asanga further on (PTT,
Vol. 110, p. 17-5-6) as 'master-like' (rye bo Ita bur gyur
pa). This would be a glorified kind of ätmabhäva (embodiment),
nentioned previously in citation of Asanga. This points to
the true gulf between the Brahmanical and the Buddhist posi
tions in these matters, to wit, that the Upanisads and their
634
Vedäntic continuators insist on a higher self, the Jlvätman
always, while Buddhism insists there is nothing to be called
higher unless man acts higher.
In conclusion, while this topic of näma-rüpa is a large
one, and many other passages could be found, it does seem
possible to discuss these issues meaningfully in one paper.
Our investigation suggests that a stress on the ätman-adherence
of the Vedanta, and anätman-adherence of Buddhism, would have
obscured and choked an exposition of näma-rüpa, at least along
the lines expressed above.
That the ancient Indian scriptures do have at least
rudimentary statements about two kinds of näma-rüpa, I believe
my paper to have established. While Buddhism speaks of only
one kind of näma-rüpa (= the five skandha), in a way it also
has two - the one of the previous life and the one of the
present life, since this topic always figures in the discussions
of what transmigrates. The relation between these two in the
Buddhist case shares a feature of the two in Sankara’s Vedanta,
that man's ordinary mind does not suffice to arrive at solutions.
So the Buddhist sects had divergent views on the matter as found
in their scriptures, and Sankara’s pupils abandoned his termino
logy of two kinds.
A rather exciting outcome of these researches is that in
the Brahmanical as well as in the Buddhist portrayal of näma-
rüpa, this constitutes a kind of dividing line between our
commonplace world and the superior world of the gods or of
yoga-success.
Notes
1. Very useful is Word Index to the Brahma-Sütra-Bhäsya of
Sankara (University of Madras; Part One, 1971; Part Two,
1973). Besides, there is Eighteen Principal Upanisads3
Vol. I, ed. by V.P. Limaye and R.D. Vadekar (Vaidika
Samsodhana Mandala, Poona 1958). My copy of Sankara’s
Bhäsya is the edition by Näräyan Räm Ächärya (Satya-
bhämäbäi Pandurang, for the Nirnaya Sägar Press, Bombay
19^8). I shall refer to the Bhäsya as VS-Bhäsya (VS for
Vedänta-sütra).
635
2. Julius Eggeling, tr. The Satapatha-Brähmana3 according
to the text of the Mddhyandina School, Part V (SBE, Vol.
XLIV), pp. 27-8.
3. Louis de La Vallee Poussin, L'Abhidharmakosa de Vasu-
bandkUj Troisieme Chapitre (Paris 1926), p. 9^.
Louis Renou, fctudes sur le Vocabulaire du Rgveda3
Premiere Serie (Institut Frangais d TIndologie, Pondi-
chery 1958).
5. Renou, Etudes, p. 10, n.
6. Renou, Etudes, p. 10, and n.
7. This rendition for vicitya is adapted from Böhtlingk
und Roth, Sanskrit Wörterhuch, VI, p. 1012, under vicit
'add. sondernd3 sichtend'.
8. sarväni rüpäni vicitya dhiro nämäni krtvä 'hhivadan yad
äste / (Bhäsya's comments on VS 1,1,11 and on VS I,l+,22).
9. Renou, Etudes3 p. 10.
*
10. Renou, Etudes, p. 11, and n.
11. Cf. A.A. Macdonell and A.B. Keith, Vedic Index of Names
and Subjects (reprint, Varanasi 1958), entry 'Näman',
pp. UU3-^.
12. Arthur B. Keith, The Aitareya Araxiyaka (Oxford University
Press, reprint, 1969), text in 11,1,6, tr. at p. 207.
I have modified the translation of the passage which
has a suggestion of weaving vocabulary. Curiously, däma
goes with dyatij and sita with syati3 according to
M. Mayrhofer, A Concise Etymological Sanskrit Dictionary.
13. For the last sentence, sa yo näma hrahmety upäste / yävan
nämno gatam taträsya yathäkämacäro hhavati / Eighteen
Principal Upanisads3 p. lU8, in VII,1.5.
ih. YäjfLavalkyeti hoväca— yaträyam puruso mriyate kirn enam
na jahätlti / nämeti / Eighteen3 p. 216.
15. La Vallee Poussin, Troisieme Chapitre, pp. 9^-5*
636
l6 . T h i s work i s t h e Abhidharmakosa-'sästra-karikä-bhäsya ,
PTT. V o l. 1 1 6 , p . 3 0 5 - 1 .
IT . C f. A k i r a H ir a k a w a , Index to the Abhidharmakosabhäsya,
P a r t One, S a n s k r i t - T i b e t a n - C h i n e s e (Tokyo 1 9 7 3 ) , p .2 0 U ,
e n t r y ' NAM-'.
18. PTT i s t h e a b b r e v i a t i o n r e f e r e n c e t o t h e P e k in g T i b e t a n
can o n , Ja p a n e s e p h o to e d i t i o n .
19. R e n o u , Etudes 3 p . 12.
20. R e nou, Etudes3 p p . 1 3 - 1 ^ .
21. C f. P a u l H a c k e r , Vivarta (W iesbaden 1 9 5 3 ) .
22. R e n o u , Etudes , p p . lU - 1 5 .
23. Abhidharmakosabhäsyam o f Vasubandhu, e d . by P. P r a d h a n
( P a t n a 1 9 7 5 ) , I . 10a: rüpam dvidhä , w i t h V a subandhu*s
comment: varnah samsthccnam ca.
2h. R enou, E tudes , p . 13.
25. B ut Y. K a r u n a d a s a , Buddhist A n alysis o f M atter (Colombo
1 9 6 7 ) , p . 2 , m e n t i o n s t h e o c c u r r e n c e o f ’rüpa' i n a
f r e q u e n t c a n o n i c a l p a s s a g e w h e re b y P a l i c o m m e n ta to r s
c l a i m e d i t t o mean *c o l o r ' i n t h i s c o n t e x t , t o w i t ,
cakkhuH ca pa tic c a rüpe ca u p p a jja ti cakkhuvihhänam.
T h i s i s t h e rüpa t h a t i s t h e o b j e c t o f t h e v i s u a l f a c u l t y .
26. I h a v e g a r n e r e d t h i s r e s t r i c t i o n o f t h e C h in e s e c h a r a c t e r
f o r ' c o l o r ' fro m c o n v e r s a t i o n w i t h P r o f e s s o r P e i - y i Wu
o f Queens C o l l e g e , N . Y . , and C olum bia U n i v e r s i t y , and
w i t h P r o f e s s o r W i n g - t s i t Chan, e m e r i t u s o f D a r tm o u th
C o lleg e.
27. La V a l l e e P o u s s i n , L'Abhidharmako&a de Vasubandhu.
P r e m i e r e t d e u x ie m e c h a p i t r e s ( P a r i s 1 9 2 3 ) , p . ^5.
28. La V a l l e e P o u s s i n , P r e m i e r e t d e u x ie m e , pp . lU - 1 5 .
29. Abhidharmako&a & Bhäsya w ith Splmtärtha Commentary3
P a r t I , S h a s t r i e d . ( V a r a n a s i 1 9 7 0 ) , p p . 38-1*1. V asubandhu
( a u t h o r o f t h e Bhäsya) comments on t h e w ords Gubhäsubha
( ' w h e t h e r good o r b a d ' ) a s kusaläkusala ( v i r t u o u s o r
u n v i r t u o u s ) ; and Y a s o m itr a ( a u t h o r o f t h e Sphutärtha)
637
says that the anubandha so described is restricted to
busala or akusala, without possibility of the avyäkrta
(indeterminate) (kusaläkusala evety avadhäranam / avyäkrto
nästttyarthah). Ah-Yueh Yeh, "The Characteristics of
'vijnäna' and 'vijnapti' on the Basis of Vasubandhu's
Paftcaskandha-prakara-na" , Annals (B.O.R. Institute), Vol.
LX (Poona 1979), reports (p.178) that Sthiramati's
commentary allows for the positive form vijflapti (which
I render as 'candor’) kusala3 aku’ sala, and avyäkrta.
She accepts V.V. Gokhale's rendition of avijftapti-rüpa
as 'concealed form of activity' while I render the
avijflapti as 'reticence'.
30. E. Hardy, ed., The Netti-Pakarana (London 196l), p.28.
31. Bhikkhu J. Kashyap, The Patisambhidämagga (Pali Publication
Board, i960), p. 212.10-15*
32. I translated and discussed this sutta in my article,
"Dependent Origination - the Indo-Tibetan Tradition",
Journal of Chinese Philosophy, 7 (19Ö0), 275-300.
33. / boom Idan 'das kyis kyah than oig skyes pa'i tshor ba
dan rdu §es dan serns pa tes gah gsuhs pa dan / ohos 'di
dag ni 'dves pa ste.
3^. Cf. H.D. Velankar, Rgveda Mandala VII (Bombay 1963),
discussion of rta and satya, pp. iv-x.
35- Eighteen3 p. 198.
36. See, for example, the ’ätman' entry, Monier-Williams,
A Sanskrit-English Dictionary.
37. Alex Wayman, Analysis of the Srävakabhümi Manuscript
(Berkeley 196l), p. 60.
38. For example, Maryla Falk, Näma-rüpa and Dharma-rüpa
(University of Calcutta, 19^+3), pp. 136-7, n.42, agreeing
with Mrs. C.A.F. Rhys Davids that the doctrine of the
skandha pentad, contrasting with the notion of 'self',
was introduced in later monk exegesis and does not "be
long to the earliest strata of the Buddhist teaching".
Besides, one can obtain more evidence of Vedäntic conti
nuation in Buddhist texts from Hajime Nakamura, "The
Vedanta Philosophy as was Revealed in Buddhist Scriptures",
Paftccbnrtam (Shrl Läl Bahadur SästrI Rästriya Sanskrit
Vidyä Peetha, Delhi 1968), pp. 1-7^.
638
39. Satapatha-Brahmäna, ed. by Albrecht Weber (reprint,
Varanasi 1964), pp. 838-9.
40. Cf. A. Wayman, "The Significance of Mantra-s, from the
Veda down to Buddhist Tantric Practice", Adyar Library
Bulletin, XXXIX, 1975, pp. 66-7.
41. The rendering for abhva follows the dictionaries, e.g.
the Monier-Williams one. For yaksa, cf. Velankar, Rgveda
Mandala VII3 p. xv, especially "All this would tend to
show that yaksä was something that looked very tempting,
but inscrutable in its true nature, hence unacceptable
to a straightforward man." The contrast between the two
seems to be in terms of the spirits picked - the abhva
being monstrous, and the yaksa attractive.
42. Cf. A. Wayman, "Studies in Yama and Mära", Indo-Iranian
Journal} III, 1959, p.69. The Vinltadeva commentary is
the Vinayavibhahgapadavyäkhyäna.
43. P.T. Srinivasa Iyengar, Outlines of Indian Philosophy
(Theosophical Publishing Society, Benares and London
1909), especially pp. 84-91.
bb. Sengaku Mayeda, A Thousand Teachings; The Upadesasähasri
of Sankara (University of Tokyo Press, Tokyo 1979).
1+5. S.M. Katre, Dictionary of Pänini, Part II (Deccan College,
Poona 1968), p. 513. Of course, the word skandha, used
by the Buddhists for the five aggregates of näma-rüpa,
anciently meant ’branching out’. Paul Hacker, "Eigentüm
lichkeiten der Lehre und Terminologie Sankaras", ZDMG3
1950, p. 273, opts for ’unevolved’ by the word ’das Unent-
faltete’, for avyakrta.
46. Bhäsya's comments on VS, 1,4,9, Bombay ed., p. 156.
47. Bhäsya's comments on VS, 1,4,9, Bombay ed., p. 157.
48. Bhäsya's comments on VS, 1,4,9, Bombay ed., p. 157.
49. Bombay ed., p . 76.
50. vidambanevävinayoddhatänärn durmedhasäm äpad ivätikastä /
alpätmanäm yä madireva laksmir babhüva sä tatra
yathärthanämä //
(ed. H. Kern, HOS, Vol. One, p. 6.20-21).
639
51. Bombay ed., p. j6.
52. Mayeda, A Thousand Teachings3 pp. 18-26.
53. The rendition 'imitation' is in the Monier-Williams
Sanskrit dictionary under anupravesa and attributed to
lexicographer(s ). The usual translation of anupravisya
as 'entering', only takes account of the vis-. The anu-
itself signifies 'after' or 'in conformity with'; the
verbal pra- is often rendered 'forth'. The vis- is
employed frequently in metaphorical extensions of 'to
enter', hence 'to engage' and the like. Thus, 'engaging
forth in conformity' is a clumsy equivalent to 'imitating'.
Ananta Charana Sukla, The Concept of Imitation in Greek
and Indian Aesthetics (Calcutta 1977) does not mention
this Sanskrit expression. He says (p. 15*0 that Pänini
and Kälidäsa used the words anukarana and anukrti in the
sense of an exact likeness or imitation. But we notice
in these cases also the prefix anu-.
54. The Buddhist Abhidharma position about this is well pre
sented in Karunadasa, Buddhist Analysis of Matter3 where
p. l6, he mentions that äkä§a was listed as a dhät-u along
with the usual four elements, but was always in Buddhism
excluded from the list of mahäbhüta, which generate the
bhautika (derivative elements). At p. 34, he mentions
the important list of six dhätu, of which man is composed,
the four mahäbhüta (fire, wind, water, earth), space
(äkä&a) and vijftäna (here probably meaning 'understanding').
Asanga, Viniscayasamgrahant (PTT, Vol. 110, p.266-4-4),
mentions this list as coming from the scripture and claims
it does not contradict material he had just given (cf.
above, n.33).
55- Bhdsya's comments on VS 11,4,20, Bombay ed., p.322 (top).
56. Mayeda, A Thousand Teachings, p. 25.
57. Cf. Mayeda, A Thousand Teachings, p.22.
58. Cf. the discussion of these matters in Madeleine Biardeau,
"Ahamküra, the Ego Principle in the Upanisad", Contribu
tions to Indian Sociology3 VIII, Oct. 1965, pp. 72-4.
59. "asti bhäti priyam rüpam näma cety am^apaflcakam /
ädya trayam brahmarüpam jagadrüpam tato dvayam //"
iti sruteh /
640
— A
{The Yoga Upanisad-s , with the commentary of Sri Upanisad-
Brahmayogin, ed. by A. Mahadeva Sastri, The Adyar Library
and Research Center, Madras, 1968). Cf. also Latitä-
Sahasranäman3 with Bhäskararaya's Commentary, tr. into
English by R. Ananthakrishna Sastry (Adyar, Madras, India,
ed. of 1951), p. 175, "300. Transcending name and form
(nämarüpavivarjitä) .... As the latter two, name and
form are illusory, she transcends them. 'She' is here
the ’supreme Devi' "called Näräyani, the creator of Nara
(men) and women".
60. mama näma tava ca jätavedo väsasZ iva vivasänau ye carävah /
äyuse tvam jivase vayam yathäyatham vi parim dadhävahai
punas te //
(TaittirZya-samhitcL of the Krsna Yajurveda, publ. at
Päradl-nagara, 1957), p. 33 (I,5,10). Note that the ’name’
is called a garment (väsas) , implying that the one wearing
the garment is the rüpa. Also, Chitrabhau Sen, A Dictionary
of the Vedic Rituals3 based on the Srauta and Grhya Sutras
(Concept Publishing Company, Delhi 1978), has the entry
'ndma-vyatisahganZya (homa)'s the rite ’interchange of
names’ "between the royal sacrificer and his son (heir
apparent)".
61. atha hrahmaiva parärdham agacchat / tat pardrdham gat-
vaiksata katham nv imäm lokän pratyaveyäm iti tad dväbhyäm
eva pratyavaid rüpena caiva närnnä ca /.
62. Eighteen Principal Upanisads3 p.l86, passage beginning
taddhedam tarhy avyäkrtam äsZt / tan nämarüpäbhyäm eva
vyäkriyata.
63. Eighteen3 p. 192: mano väcam pränam täny ätmane 'kuruta /.
64. Gadjin M. Nagao, Madhyäntavibhäga-Bhäsya (Tokyo 1964),
p. 21.
65. Visuddhimagga of Buddhaghos5cariya3 ed. by H.C. Warren,
revised by Dharmananda Kosambi (Harvard University Press,
1950), p. 477: näman ti ärarrmanäbhimukham namanato
vedanädayo tayo khandhä. (it is ’name’ because bending
towards the consciousness-support Cärammana = alambana~\\
it is the three aggregates, feelings, etc. Cthe remaining
two being ’ideas’ and ’motivations’ll).
66. A. Wayman, "The Intermediate-state Dispute in Buddhism",
Buddhist Studies in Honour of I.B. Horner (Dordrecht,
Holland, 1974), p. 230.
641
67. This is said on the intuitive level, because the Sata-
patha3 as was mentioned, referred to näma and rüpa as
the ’two monsters’. The closest Buddhism comes to this,
as far as I know, is in the Arya Sälistamba Sütra as ed.
by N. Aiyaswami Sastri (Adyar Library, 1950), p. lb,
mentioning vijhäna as the ’seed’ (bija)3 karma (= sams-
kära) as the ’field’ (ksetra); trsnä as the 'moisture'
(sneha)-, and avidyä as the ’manure'' (past--, cf. Edgerton’s
BHS Dictionary for this word, omitted from Sastri’s
edition, for Tibetan lud)-, and with the conditions
mentioned, from the 'seed' vijfläna comes the ’shoot’
näma-rüpa in the womb. The ’field’ samskarä has the
role of the rüpa (even though not the rüpa of the
previous life); and the ’manure' avidyä has the role of
the näma ('cloak’) (even though not the previous noma)
(cf. n. 60, above). Then vijfläna cast into this field
as a ’seed' is a forecast of completing the näma-rüpa
in the womb.
68. The Sutta of Samyutta-Nikäya ii, 2 (cf. n.32, above)
includes in the description of ’old age and death'
(jarä-marana) , death in particular, 'break-up of the
skandhas' (khandhänam bhedo) (from Bihar edition, 1959).
6 9 . My article ’’The Intermediate-state Dispute” (n. 66, above)
cites the Pratityasamutpädahrdaya-vyäkarana (attributed
to Nägärjuna): "Just as in the case of a flame from a
flame, the reflected image in a mirror from a face, ...
a sprout from a seed ... a person is not taught to under
stand that the one is different from the other, so also
in the case of reconnection (pratisamdhi) of the persona
lity aggregates (skandha), the wise person will understand
that there is no transfer."
70. As one source, there is the Sutta of Samyutta-Nikäya ii,2,
already mentioned above, which portrays the Buddha explaining
the twelve members of Dependent Origination by their reverse
order, meaning from No. 12 up to No. 1.
71. For the late doctrine of heart basis in the Pali literature,
cf. Karunadasa, Buddhist Analysis of Matter3 pp. 62-3.
72. SuttanipätOj Mahä-Vagga (The Great Chapter), last section
Düyatänupassanä sutta (Sermons on Dual viewpoints), in
edition by Bhiksu Dharmaratna (Sarnath, 1951), at p. l61+,
bottom.
642
73. Dharma-Samuccaya (Compendium de la Loi), 2e Partie (Cha-
pitres VI ä XII), par Lin Li-kouang, Revision de Andre
Bareau, J.W. de Jong et Paul Demi6ville, avec des Appen
dices par J.W. de Jong (Paris 1 9 6 9 ), p. 3l6.
7^. Suttanipäta, Päräyana-Vagga (Chapter on the Final Goal),
section on ’Brahman Upaslva's questions’, Dharmaratna’s
ed., p. 2 2 6 .
75- The Suttanipäta-Atthakathä, ed. by Angraj Chaudhary
(Nälandä, Bihar, 1975), Vol.II, p. 571.20-21.
7 6 . PTT, Vol. 110, p. 17-1-^: / de b&in gsegs par gyur pa na
yah / d e 'i gzugs kyi sku byuh ba de ni mtshuhs so / min
gi sku byuh ba de dag ni zag pa med pas mi ’ctra b a ri phyir
mtshuhs pa ma yin no /.
77. The Ahguttara Nikäya, Vol. Ill (Bihar i9 6 0 ), p.290.16
(VIII,2,1).
7 8 . Of course, Asanga does not employ the Pali version, rather
what is called the Ekottara-Ägama.
79- The Ahguttara Nikäya, Vol. Ill, p. 289.15-16: vinayäya
dhammam desemi rägassa dosassa mohassa; anekavihitänam
päpakänam akusalänam dhammänam vinayäya dhammam desemi /.
80. PTT, Vol. 110, p. 17-2-3,*+: / ran dbah med par byed pa'i
chos bzi po 'di dag ni / ...
81. Cf. Alex Wayman, Analysis of the Sräväkabhümi Manuscript3
pp. 130-1.
82. PTT, Vol. 110, p.17-2-5.
P0ST-SCRIPTUM
The author wishes to mention that after writing the
above article he traced the verse which Asanga cited, namely,
"The same and the different ...”, in its comparable Pali form
in Ahguttara Nikäya, iv, 311, also Samyutta Nikäya, v. 2 6 3 ,
namely, "tulam atulam ca ..." Asanga evidently drew the
verse from either of those canons in Ägama Sanskrit form.
Besides, since the interpretation of VS III,2,l4, arüpavad ...
is very important for Vedanta doctrine, the author wishes to
concede that while Sankara insists that arüpavad (’’does not
possess rüpa” ) means that Brahman is not rüpa, the Brahmasütra
by the expression may mean that Brahman does not ’possess’
rüpa because it ’is' rüpa.
643
REMARKS ON THE DEFINITION OF 'YOGA' IN THE VAISESIKASUTRA
A. WEZLER (HAMBURG)
1. Anyone who w a n t s t o make h i m s e l f a c q u a i n t e d w i t h t h e
t r a n s m i s s i o n o f t h e Vaiscstkasütra (= VS) w i l l t o d a y f i r s t
c o n s u l t t h e monograph " N y ä y a - V a i s e s i k a " o f B im al K r i s h n a
M a t i l a l , p u b l i s h e d i n 1 9 7 7 . 1 Form ing a s i t d o e s p a r t o f a
c o m p r e h e n s iv e " H i s t o r y o f I n d i a n L i t e r a t u r e " , i t m ig h t in d e e d
b e e x p e c t e d t o c o n t a i n su c h b a s i c i n f o r m a t i o n , t o o . I t does
n o t , h o w e v e r, come up t o t h i s e x p e c t a t i o n , s i n c e t h e i n f o r m a t i o n
i t g i v e s on t h i s i s s u e i s r e g r e t t a b l y i n a d e q u a t e : n o t h i n g i s
s a i d , fo r i n s ta n c e , about th e p o s s ib le e x is te n c e of m a n u sc rip ts
c o n t a i n i n g t h e sütrapätha o n l y . In se a rc h of re le v a n t m atter
one h a s , t h e r e f o r e , to t u r n t o o th e r w orks. As t h e "New
C a t a l o g u s C a ta lo g o r u m " h a s n o t y e t r e a c h e d t h e l e t t e r "V ",
one w i l l l o o k f i r s t i n t o Th. A u f r e c h t ' s much o l d e r p i o n e e r
w o r k . 2 By f o l l o w i n g up t h e r e f e r e n c e s g i v e n t h e r e 3 one c an
e a s i l y a s c e r t a i n t h a t t h e r e e x i s t q u i t e a few MSS w h i c h , a s
shown a l s o by t h e i r e x t e n t , do n o t c o n t a i n more t h a n j u s t t h e
sütrapätha.
1 .1 H owever, t h e n e x t a n d , of c o u r s e , more i m p o r t a n t q u e s t i o n ,
v i z . w h e th e r t h e s e MSS c o n t a i n a s u t r a t e x t a s p a r t o f a t r a d i t i o n
w h ic h t r a n s m i t t e d t h e sütrapätha a l o n e (= 'i n d e p e n d e n t t r a n s
m i s s i o n ' ) , u n f o r t u n a t e l y c a n n o t b e a n s w e r e d u n a m b ig u o u s ly w i t h
th e h elp of th e " R e p o rts " , " C a ta lo g u e s" , " L i s t s " , e t c . from
w h ic h t h e " C a t a l o g u s C a ta lo g o r u m " was c o m p i l e d , f o r t h e s e
e a r ly a tte m p ts to survey t h i s p a r t of th e v a s t c u l t u r a l h e r ita g e
of t h e I n d i a n s w e r e , a s i s w e l l known, c o n f i n e d t o n o t i n g down
o n l y t h e m ost e l e m e n t a r y d a t a , such a s a u t h o r , t i t l e , s i z e ,
s c r ip t, e tc . For want o f any q u o t a t i o n s fro m t h e s e MSS i t i s
i m p o s s i b l e f o r one who h a s no a c c e s s t o them t o j u d g e t h e i r
r e a l v a l u e , i . e . w h e t h e r o r n o t t h e y fo r m p a r t o f a n in d e p e n d e n t
t r a n s m i s s i o n of t h e b a s i c t e x t of t h e V a i s e s i k a s y s te m .
Some a i d , h o w e v e r, i s r e n d e r e d by A n a n t a l a l T h a k u r , who
r e m a r k s : 4 "The known m a n u s c r i p t s o f t h e Vatse$tkasütra a r e n o t
num erous. They g e n e r a l l y r e p r e s e n t t h e M a i t h i l a v e r s i o n j u s t
m e n t i o n e d " , i . e . t h a t o f S a n k a r a M is r a ( 1 5 t h c e n t u r y ) . Thakur
h a s o b v i o u s l y t a k e n t h e t r o u b l e t o l o o k a t l e a s t i n t o some of
the m , b u t b e c a u s e o f h i s r e s e r v a t i o n ( " g e n e r a l l y " ) one h a s t o
644
draw the conclusion that not all the MSS show this ’Maithila
version’. I do not know which MS(S) he had in mind when he
thought it necessary to modify his statement in this manner.
But it has to be admitted, of course, that it is already a
priori highly probable that the sütrapätha has in all these
cases been compiled secondarily from commentaries, considering
what is known about the "fate" of this and similar texts. On
the other hand, unless evidence to the contrary is brought
forward, one cannot with absolute certainty preclude the
possibility that one or the other of these MSS does attest
to an independent transmission of the VS. Therefore, a close
study of all the MSS said to contain the text of the VS is
still imperative.
In this connection there is another and much more promising
aspect of the matter which has to be taken into account: even
if all these MSS turn out to contain a text that has been
extracted from commentaries, one or the other of them might,
nevertheless, be part of a tradition which is older and more
valuable than that of the 'Maithila version'. The crucial
point, to be sure, is the character and quality of the tradition
the respective commentator depended on. The question is, there
fore, tantamount to examining whether any of these MSS offers
a sütrapätha which has been compiled out of a pre-Sankara Misra
commentary. Two facts may be pointed out that can be taken as
speaking in favour of this latter possibility.
1.2 Among the MSS used by Muni Jambuvij ayaj i in editing
Candrananda's commentary,5 there is one that "contains separate
SGtrapatha in the first five folia"5 while the remaining leaves
give the sütras within the Vrtti. Regarding the relation be
tween the sütrapätha of the first five folia and the text of
the sutras as found imbedded in the Vrtti, the learned editor
himself remarks: ubhayaträpi präyah sämyam eva3 yat tu kvacit
kifleid vaisamyam drsyate tat tatra tatra yathäyogam tippanyäm
pradar'sitam asmäbhih".7 Indeed, when comparing the readings
of the sütrapätha (marked "PS" by Muni Jambuvijayaji) with
those of the Vrtti (= "P"), one cannot fail to observe this
prevailing "sameness" and, I should like to add, to draw the
conclusion that this sütrapätha has to be viewed as extracted
from Candrananda's commentary itself rather than as forming
part of the tradition to which Candrananda or a copyist had
access. Be that as it may, this clearly shows that there do
exist MSS containing not only the sütra text alone, but also
one which is better.8
1.3 That better sütrapätha MSS were extant at least in a
certain period is clear from other considerations also. The
645
anonymous com m entary on t h e VS c a l l e d Vyakhya by i t s e d i t o r 9
r e p r e s e n t s , a s h a s b e e n d e m o n s t r a t e d by A. T h a k u r h i m s e l f , 10
n o t h i n g b u t an a b r i d g e d v e r s i o n of B h a t t a v a d i n d r a ' s s t i l l
u n p u b lish e d e x te n s iv e K ä n ä d a sü tra n ib an d h a . O bviously B h a tta
v a d l n d r a ( 1 3 th o r 1 4 th c e n t u r y ) 11 was s t i l l a b l e t o l a y h a n d s
on a t e x t o f t h e VS w h ic h , a s c a n e a s i l y b e o b s e r v e d i n t h e
V yäkhyä, i n many r e s p e c t s s u r p a s s e s t h a t known t o and a t t e s t e d
t o by t h e l a t e r S a n k a r a M i s r a . F o r unknown h i s t o r i c a l r e a s o n s
t h e t r a n s m i s s i o n of t h e VS or c o m m e n ta r ie s on t h e VS seems t o
h a v e d e t e r i o r a t e d i n t h e p e r i o d b e tw e e n B h a t t a v a d l n d r a on t h e
one hand and S a n k a r a M i s r a on t h e o t h e r .
A n o th e r p i e c e o f e v i d e n c e h a s t o b e n o t e d h e r e , v i z . t h e
c o m p l a i n t of S a n k a r a M is r a h i m s e l f t h a t i n w r i t i n g h i s UpasltÖPa
he had t o b u i l d s o l e l y upon t h e s ü t r a t e x t , i . e . t h a t h e , a s
i t w e r e , had t o move i n a v o i d w i t h o u t any s u p p o r t . 12 T h e se
o b s e r v a t i o n s , h o w e v e r , do n o t by t h e m s e l v e s n e c e s s a r i l y p r e
c l u d e t h e p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t a sü tra p ä th a e x t r a c t e d from o l d e r
c o m m e n ta r ie s and h e n c e l i k e l y t o b e o f much h i g h e r t e s t i m o n i a l
v a l u e t h a n t h a t o f t h e ' M a i t h i l a v e r s i o n ' m ig h t b e d i s c o v e r e d
among t h o s e MSS a l r e a d y known o r t h o s e w h ic h m ig h t s t i l l come
to l i g h t . For S a n k a r a M i s r a ’ s s t a t e m e n t c a n n o t , o f c o u r s e ,
b e t a k e n a s p r o o f t h a t a t h i s tim e no s u c h MS was any l o n g e r
a v a i l a b l e i n t h e w h o le o f t h e I n d i a n s u b c o n t i n e n t .
S in c e I do n o t i n t e n d , o r r a t h e r am n o t a b l e a t p r e s e n t ,
t o c a r r y o u t t h i s i n d i s p e n s a b l e e x a m i n a t i o n of a l l t h e MSS of
t h e VS, I s h a l l n o t d w e l l on t h i s p o i n t any l o n g e r . T h is
much o n l y I s h o u ld l i k e t o add by way o f summary: t h e t r a n s
m i s s i o n o f t h e VS h a s u n f o r t u n a t e l y b e e n o f s u c h a k i n d t h a t
e v e n t h e f a i n t e s t o p p o r t u n i t y s h o u ld n o t b e m is s e d t o e n l a r g e
t h e d o c u m e n ta r y b a s i s on w h ic h a c r i t i c a l e d i t i o n o f t h i s
i m p o r t a n t t e x t o u g h t t o be b u i l t . Though w e l l known, t h e
f a c t b e a r s r e p e t i t i o n : e l e m e n t a r y p h i l o l o g i c a l w ork d o n e t i l l
now i n t h e f i e l d of I n d i a n p h i l o s o p h y i s q u i t e i n a d e q u a t e and
u n satisfa c to ry .
1 .4 H ow ever, i t m ig h t be t h a t t h e outc o m e of an e x a m i n a t i o n
of a l l t h e MSS o f t h e VS d o e s n o t add s u b s t a n t i a l l y t o w hat
we a l r e a d y know a b o u t t h e t r a n s m i s s i o n o f t h e w o rk . Most
p r o b a b l y w hat h a s b e e n s a i d e . g . by E. F r a u w a l l n e r 19 w i l l s t i l l
re m a in v a l i d , v i z . t h a t " d a s V a i s e s i k a - S ü t r a m i s t d a s j e n i g e
u n t e r d e n p h i l o s o p h i s c h e n S ü t r e n , um d e s s e n Ü b e r l i e f e r u n g e s
am s c h l e c h t e s t e n b e s t e l l t i s t . " As t o t h e r e a s o n s f o r su c h
poor t r a n s m i s s i o n one c a n , o f c o u r s e , o n l y form c o n j e c t u r a l
o p i n i o n s , b u t one su c h c o n j e c t u r e may b e r e g a r d e d a s r a t h e r
p la u sib le . I t s u g g e s t s i t s e l f when we com pare t h e t r a n s m i s s i o n
of t h e VS w i t h t h a t o f t h e Nyü.yasütra (= N S ) . The l a t t e r t e x t
646
h a s b e e n t r a n s m i t t e d much b e t t e r , s i n c e l a t e r w o rk s l i k e
U d a y a n a 's N yäyavärttikatätparyapari& uddhi , on w h ic h i n t e r e s t
h a s b e e n f o c u s s e d f o r q u i t e some t i m e , a r e s u b c o m m e n ta r ie s
w h ic h w ould h a v e r e m a in e d u n i n t e l l i g i b l e w i t h o u t c l e a r know
l e d g e of t h e r e s p e c t i v e rrüta t e x t , i . e . u l t i m a t e l y t h e S u t r a
i t s e l f . 1^
Two p h i l o s o p h e r s , v i z . V ä c a s p a t i m i s r a I i n h i s Nyäyasü-
ctnibandha and V ä c a s p a t i m i s r a I I i n h i s Nyäyasütroddhöra,
h a v e made a t t e m p t s t o a s c e r t a i n t h e c o r r e c t t e x t o f t h e NS.
T h e se n o t o n l y show t h a t i n a c t u a l w o r d in g t h e r e e x i s t e d some
u n c e r t a i n t y , w h ic h t h e y a p p a r e n t l y t h o u g h t o f e l i m i n a t i n g by
e x t r a c t i n g t h e S u t r a t e x t fro m w o rk s c o n t a i n i n g i t . M o re o v e r
t h e i r a t t e m p t s - and t h i s i s m ore i m p o r t a n t i n t h e p r e s e n t
c o n t e x t - no d o u b t c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e p r e s e r v a t i o n o f t h e NS.
Now, a s i m i l a r d e v e lo p m e n t i s c o n s p i c u o u s l y l a c k i n g i n t h e
c a s e o f t h e VS: t h e r e n e i t h e r a r e w o rk s c o r r e s p o n d i n g t o
t h o s e o f t h e two V i c a s p a t i m i s r a s 15 n o r was i t a su b com m entary
( i n t h e r e a l s e n s e o f t h e w ord) on t h e VS w h ic h t o o k t h e l i m e
l i g h t , b u t i t was P r a s a s t a p ä d a ' s Padärthadharmasamgraha, o r
c o m m e n ta r ie s on i t - i n any c a s e w o rk s w h ic h c a n be s t u d i e d
w i t h o u t a c c e s s t o a c o m p l e t e sütrapätha. Thus t h e r e c a n h a r d l y
b e any d o u b t t h a t i t i s due t o t h i s w ork o f P r a s a s t a p ä d a ' s t h a t
m ost of t h e o l d e r c o m m e n ta r ie s h a v e n o t come down t o u s , and
a l s o t h a t t h e t r a n s m i s s i o n o f t h e S ü t r a i t s e l f i s much w o r s e
t h a n t h a t o f t h e NS.
1 .5 T h i s h a s t h e o b v i o u s c o n s e q u e n c e t h a t t e s t i m o n i a and
c o m p a r a b le s o u r c e s g a i n v e r y much i n v a l u e , e v e n more t h a n
i s u s u a l in In d ia n p h ilo lo g y ; i t i s alm o st o n ly w ith th e h e lp
of t h i s s e c o n d a r y t r a n s m i s s i o n t h a t t h e many and i n t r i c a t e
p r o b le m s o f l o w e r and h i g h e r t e x t u a l c r i t i c i s m p o se d by t h e
VS a t e v e r y s t e p c a n be s o l v e d a t l e a s t p a r t i a l l y .
S o u r c e s o f s e c o n d a r y t r a n s m i s s i o n f a l l i n t o two g r o u p s :
1. C o m m e n ta rie s on t h e VS, i n c l u d i n g w orks w hich, w h i l e
f o r m a l l y i n d e p e n d e n t , n e v e r t h e l e s s r e f e r h e r e and t h e r e
t o t h e S ü t r a , i . e . t h e Padärthadharrnascmgraha and i t s
c o m m e n t a r i e s , and w hat h a s b e e n c a l l e d 'L a k s a n a w o r k s '
by A. T h a k u r , 16 i . e . w o r k s , " l i k e U d a y a n a 's Laksanävalt
and t h e Saptapadarthz o f S i v ä d i t y a " t h a t i s t o s a y ,
p r a c t i c a l l y t h e w h o le o f t h e V a i s e s i k a l i t e r a t u r e t h a t
h a s come down t o u s ; and
2. q u o ta tio n s , r e f e r e n c e s , e t c . in n o n -V a ise sik a t e x t s of
a ny c a t e g o r y , b u t f i r s t o f a l l p h i l o s o p h i c a l o n e s , w h e t h e r
p r e s e rv e d in t h e i r o r i g i n a l I n d ia n la n g u ag e or in T ib e ta n
o r C h in e s e t r a n s l a t i o n s .
647
As to the first group, the situation has palpably, almost
sensationally, improved since 1957, the year in which A. Thakur
published the anonymous Vyäkhyä mentioned above. Still more
important, however, is another commentary, that of Candrananda,
which was edited four years later by Muni JambuvijayajI.17 The
extraordinary value of these two commentaries has been stressed
repeatedly not only by the editors themselves, but also e.g.
by E. Frauwallner in his review of Muni Jambuvij ayaj i 's edition.18
More material of this kind is still awaiting publication:
Bhattavadindra's already mentioned Kdy^Sdasiitran'ibandha3 which
has been entrusted to A. Thakur,19 and, according to Frau
wallner,20 fragments of a commentary from the time of King
Ballilasena (12th century). Sankara Misra's Vaisesikasütropa-
skära, once the main source for those who wanted to study the
VS, has therefore today almost completely receded into the
background, and all future research will start from and prima
rily draw upon the two recently discovered commentaries, both
of which attest to a Sütra text essentially more ancient than
that of the 'Maithila version'.21
In regard to the second group, too, considerable progress
has been made: to mention but the most important text now
accessible, Mallavadin's Dvädasäranayaoakra together x^ith
Simhasuri's Nyäyägamänusärbnt. 22 This throws much light not
only on the early history of the Vaisesika literature, but
also on the development of central tenets of this system.23
Much relevant material has been included by Muni Jambuvijayaji
in the appendices, annotations, and footnotes of both his
editions.
Yet, in spite of this remarkable change for the better,
not much has been done till now to utilise this new material.
Though there is to be observed a growing interest in Vaisesika
philosophy, and fundamental studies about central aspects of
doctrine and historical development have come out in the mean
time,24 nobody seems to have ventured on the task of a renewed
and comprehensive study of the problems of textual criticism,
not to speak of a critical edition of the VS.25 One exception,
however, should be mentioned: in a paper of his read for him
in 1970 at the School of Oriental and African Studies, but un
fortunately not yet published, E. Frauwallner dealt with "Der
ursprüngliche Anfang der Vaisesika-Sütren";26 yet he has uti
lised other texts than the new ones mentioned above in order
to show that the sütras which form the beginning of the extant
VS are of later, i.e. post-Prasastapäda, origin.
1.6 But before trying to establish the original wording of
a given sutra or a section of the VS with the help of the
secondary transmission, one should muse on basic methodological
648
problems. In regard to the first type of secondary transmission,
i.e. commentaries (even in the broader sense of the word), one
has to distinguish carefully between the text of a sutra as
quoted with or without following iti and that attested to
directly or indirectly within the context of the commentary
or by the actual explanations offered by the commentator. As
to the second type of secondary transmission, i.e. the non-
Vaisesika texts, what has to be examined first is the question
of whether the respective passage really represents a verbatim
quotation or only a reference.
Yet the historian's attention cannot be focussed exclusively
on the wording; being a Sutra text, the VS, too, would be almost
unintelligible but for the help of commentaries, i.e. works
which in the course of time have grown out of or in any case
taken the place of the oral explanations that seem to have
accompanied the highly terse basic text right from the beginning.
That is to say, the interpretation of the commentator(s) has,
of course, also to be taken into account. The problems become,
therefore, still more complex. The central dialectical difficulty
has recently been aptly characterised by E. Steinkellner, 9 7
whose remarks, though made with reference to the literature
of the Buddhist epistemological tradition, are also of general
importance: "On the one hand it is necessary to use those expla
nations which prove to be useful for an understanding of the
basic text, and to distinguish these explanations according to
their degree of authority. And on the other hand the extensions
and digressions are to be examined with regard to their value
as a testimony for a development of the doctrine. Finally, if
such development is to be met with, we have to pay attention
to what extent this development has influenced the plain expla
natory parts of the comments, too."
Similar precautions have to be taken with regard to the
secondary transmission outside the Vaisesika literature itself
in order not to be misled by the usually critical or even pole
mical attitude of the non-Vaisesika authors who might have
deliberately or unconsciously distorted the meaning of a passage
or the original contents of a doctrine. Therefore, the wider
context and the particular aim of the commentator should not
be lost sight of.
Nevertheless, the testimonial value of this type of
secondary transmission is in many cases to be regarded as
even higher than that of the commentaries, viz. if the borrowing
etc. dates back to a time earlier than that of the extant com
mentaries or of the available MSS of the basic text.
649
1.7 It is a truism that secondary transmission of the last
mentioned type can only be utilised if it has been recognised
as such. This is not always done by editors: sometimes they
fail to identify a quotation or reference or to point out
explicitly its source. One such case will be dealt with in
what follows.
2.1 What I am referring to is to be found in the Yogasütra-
bhäsyavivacana2^ attributed to Sankara.29 This text was edited
for the first time in 1952 by P. Sri Rama Sastri and S.R.
Krishnamurthi Sastri.30 Commenting on the Bhisya on YS 1.1,
Sankara introduces a passage (p. 6,1. 8) by stating: nanu
cänyathä yogam kecid icchanti /. Since the opening nanu c a ,
used stereotypically in the YViv., already clearly indicates
that the author is going to deal with an objection (äksepa)3
there cannot be the least doubt that by kecid he refers to
the upholders of another, rival school of thought. The opening
of the immediately following sentence, viz. tathä cahuh3
suggests that the author is now quoting from a work of this
very school, and the editors have, therefore, put the subse
quent passage in quotation marks.
Now the passage is said to read: indriyamano’rthasanni-
karsät sukhaduhkhe3 tadanärambhe ätmasthe manasi3 Lsalsavi-
vasya31 sukhaduhkhäbhävah pränamanovinigrahäpeksah samyogo
Lyoga ttil/. 32 Although recognised to be a quotation, its
source has not been noted by the editors, perhaps because
they failed to identify it. It has also not been included
in the list of quotations in the YViv. compiled by T. Vetter.33
The identification of the source does not, however, meet
with any difficulty. Already the terminology conspicuously
points to Nyäya-Vai&esika; and in the discussion following upon
the quotation and its explanation,39 the term sütrasesa is
used twice with regard to the concluding part of the passage
quoted.35 Therefore, one has to look into the Sutra texts
of both these systems, and it is in the VS, viz. sutra 5.2.16f.
(according to the numbering in the edition of the VS together
with Candrananda's Vrtti), where one strikes the source.
Before taking a closer look at the whole passage in the
YViv. it is necessary to analyse the corresponding part both
in Candrananda's commentary (2.2) and in the anonymous
Vyäkhyä (2.3).
2.2 Candrananda's Vrtti 42.14 - 43.4:
yatah samyogo yogah sa ca karmakäryo ’to yogähgam karma3
yogamoksau ca karmädhikäre ’py ucyete
650
ä t m e n d r i y a m a n o 'r t h a s a n n i k a r s ä t sukhaduhkhe tadanä-
r a m b h a h // 5 -2.16
yato hetor ätmendriyamano1rthasannikar so jhänakäranatvena
sukhaduhkhe 36 janayaty atas tadanärambhah O ] tasya sanni-
karsasyanärambho C=5 anutpattir ucyata iti /
tathä hi
ätmasthe manasi sasarirasya sukhaduhkhäbhävah sa
y o g a h II 5-2.17
yadä hy ätmani mono ’vasthitam nendriyesu tadä oatustaya-
sannikarsasyänärambhät tatkäryayoh sukhaduhkhayor abhävarüpo
vidyamänasarirasyätmano väyunigrafiäpeksa ätmano manasä samyogo
yogah /
yogähgam pränäyämakarma kirn noktam?
käyakarmanätmakarma vyäkhyätam // 5 -2.18
ihätmasabdena väyüh3 yathätmasamyogaprayatnäbhyäm haste karma
tathätmaväyusamyogät prayatnäe ea pränäyämakarma /
2.2.1 Regarding sütra 5.2.17, Muni Jambuvijayaji records
the following variant readings: manasi svasarirasya PS.,37
manasi tartrasya 0.37 P.U.38 for its first part; and manasi sa-
sartrcsya U.39 as well as samyogah 0. PS. Mi.40 for its end.
He has obviously taken the right decision in opting for
(manasi) sa&arirasya since it must have been this expression
which Candrinanda had before him, his paraphrase being vidya-
mänasarirasyätmanah. That the original sequence of the aksaras
si sasa could have been easily deranged by a kind of haplo-
graphy into si sa is clear, especially since this has obviously
happened not only in the transmission of commentaries on the
VS, 1 but also in the transmission of the Yogasütrabhäsyavi-
varana itself (see above 2.1).
Does the Muni’s text of the concluding part of this sutra
likewise stand a critical test? Now, to be sure, according to
Candränanda the predicate or definiens is samyogah. 42 The
reading preferred by Muni Jambuvijayaji, and attested to by P.
only (and the late and notoriously unreliable U.), looks at
first sight rather odd: there is no need to refer by a pronoun
(sa) to the predicate if sukhaduhkhäbhävah is the predicate;
and an original samyogo yogah could in the course of trans
mission easily have contracted, by haplography or haplology,
to samyogah and this latter then to sa yogah , perhaps with
the pronoun taken to intend the content of the whole preceding
sentence.
651
On the other hand, one cannot with certitude preclude
the opposite possibility, i.e. that an original reading sa
yog ah underwent a mechanical change to sarpy ogah or was by
way of explanation replaced by sarpy ogo yogah ; in this case,
the pronominal subject, agreeing in number and gender with
the predicate, would refer not to sukhadühkhäbhävah alone,
but to the contents or rather to the purport of the preceding
part as a whole. That it is this latter possibility that has
to be given preference in accordance with Muni Jambüvijayaji
is proved by internal evidence. For VS 5.2.20, by which the
concept of moksa is defined, runs as follows: tadabhäve sam-
yogäbhävo 43 'prädurbhävah sa moksah. The variant readings
given not in the critical apparatus but in the first and
second ’Parisistas* attached to Muni Jambuvijayaji’s edition,
viz. °bhäva% ca sa Mi. and °bhäva§ ca mo° U. , are obviously
of later origin.44 Therefore, there is a striking parallel
between VS 5.2.17 and 20: the syntactical structure is the
same (two sentences in both cases, the subject being an ana-
phorical s a ) , and the defdndens is thus indirectly named as
the "absence" of something. Both these definitions have, as
will be shown later (3.6), to be viewed as mutually connected
also historically. Therefore, one cannot but agree with the
Muni in his excellent choice in this case, too.
Consequently, the fact that for Candränanda in VS 5.2.17
the defdndens is samyogah does not warrant the assumption that
he actually had before him a reading samyogo yogah , but, on
the contrary, that he introduced it into his own paraphrase
by way of explanation, together with the preceding elucidation,
namely väyundgrahäpeksa ätmano manasä\ and that he was there
fore forced to render the expression sukhadühkhäbhävah of the
sütra by °abhävarüpo , for he had to connect both these words
syntactically. That the expression samyogah is explicative
is also clearly indicated by Candrlnanda's introductory remarks
to VS 5.2.16 (supra) which cannot but be meant to justify the
fact that the concepts of yoga and moksa are defined in a
section of the VS which deals with "motion(s)" (kavmädhdkära ):45
he argues that this is the proper place since yoga is a parti
cular kind of samyoga and every "contact" is brought about by
a "motion" (kavman). No wonder, he emphasises this very nature
of yoga in his comments on VS 5.2.17 and 18, too.
By the way, it should be noted here that these remarks of
his create the impression that he himself might have had the
feeling that the two definitions look rather strange in their
present context. At any rate, it cannot escape notice that
Candrananda thought it necessary to state explicitly the appro
priateness of dealing with these two concepts in their present
652
context. Even if he was guided - here, too, as almost through
out the whole of his commentary - by the well-known tendency of
commentators to bring out into relief the alleged internal co
herence of a text and to vindicate its dispositional structure
(samgat'i), modern Western scholars will not let themselves be
deceived by his rather forced attempt to caulk what is palpably
a seam.
2.2.2 The whole passage quoted above may be rendered as fol
lows :
" Since yoga is (i.e. consists of) contact [between the internal
organ and the soul] and this [particular contact like every
contact] is produced (i.e. made) by a movement, for this reason
it is that movement is a means [of attaining] yoga, and that
yoga as well as liberation are taught under the heading 'move
ment’ also [i.e. within the fifth Adhyaya of the VS]:
'Pleasure and pain [arise] out of the drawing near to each
other of object [of cognition], sense(s), internal organ
and soul; the not taking place of it (i.e. of this drawing
near to each other) [is taught authoritatively] (sütra 5.2.16)'.1+6
Since the drawing near to each other of object [of cognition],
sense(s), internal organ and soul produces pleasure and pain in
that it is the cause of knowledge, for this reason the not taking
place of it, [i.e.] the not taking place, the non-occurrence of
this drawing near to each other is taught authoritatively. This
[is the meaning of this sütra].
For it is thus that [matters stand]:
'When the internal organ is in the soul there is neither pleasure
nor pain for the embodied [soul]; this is yoga (sütra 5.2.17).'
For, when the internal organ stands firmly in the soul,
[and] not in the senses, then the drawing near to each other
of the four (i.e. object of cognition, etc.) does not take
place [and], therefore, pleasure and pain which are produced
by it (i.e. this proximity) do not exist (i.e. arise) for the
embodied soul; the contact between soul and internal organ,
depending on the suppression/control of the wind (i.e. breath)
and consisting in (i.e. resulting in) [the absence of pleasure
and pain] is yoga.
Why is the movement (i.e. act) of controlling breath which
is a means [to attaining] yoga not taught [here explicitly,
although as a movement it should be explicitly stated in the
section on 'movement(s)']?
653
'The movement of the ätman is explained by the movement of
the body (sütra 5.2.18)'.
The word 'ätman' means here wind (i.e. breath); just as
there is movement in the hand because of contact with the
soul and because of effort [as has been taught in sütra 5.1.1],
so is there movement (i.e. act) of controlling breath because
of contact between soul and wind (i.e. breath) and because of
effort [inherent in the soul]."
2.2.3 In view of the observations made with regard to the
relation obtaining between the definition of yoga and the
preceding part of the Xhnika or Adhyaya, it will certainly
be useful to inspect more closely VS 5.2.18, too, as also
the explanation offered by Candrananda. The main question
here is whether this sütra really forms an integral part of
the definition of yoga.
But first the variant readings should be discussed. This
sütra was apparently not known to Sankara Misra; however,
VindhyesvarIprasad Dvivedin in his edition of the VS47 records
it from a MS containing the sütvapätha only.48 According to
Gopinath Kaviraj, the 'Benares' MS4^ reads 1<äyakäranätmakarma
vyäkhyätam, on which he remarks: "This .... is an additional
sütra, altogether new, but the reading is evidently corrupt".
To his last remark one can subscribe without hesitation,
especially since the correct reading, viz. käyakarmanä, is
today known not only from Candrananda's Vrtti, but also from
the anonymous Vyäkhyä, where, however, the remaining part of
the sütra runs: ätmakarmadharmayor anutpattih.50 That the
reading attested by Candrananda and others has to be accepted
as the correct one is confirmed also by further, albeit in
direct evidence: sütra 5.2.18 is but one of many formulations
that exhibit the same syntactical structure, viz. instrumental
+ nominative(s) (or nominative + instrumental) 4- the recurrent
predicate vyäkhyäta-, the other instances being VS 2.2.2,
2.2.7, 2.2.13, 2.2.18; 5.1.11, 5.2.13, 5.2.24, 5.2.27; 7.1.13,
7.1.23, 7.1.31; 7.2.11, 7.2.30; 9.8, 9.19 (according to the
counting in Jambüvijayaji's edition).51
Thus far, to be sure, sütra 5.2,18 fits in well into VS
as a whole. Thought-provoking, however, is Candrananda's
attempt to take it as concluding the definition of yoga, that
is to say, as coherently following upon sütra 5.1.16 and 17
and forming together with both a consistent group. It is ob
viously in order to reach this goal that Candränanda declares
the word ätman to have the meaning "wind" (i.e. "breath") here.
Now, this is, no doubt, the oldest meaning, attested already
in the Rigveda; yet is there any likelihood that ätman, even
654
at the time of the 'composition' of the VS, was still used
in the sense of "breath"? The extant Sanskrit dictionaries
are of no help, since they do not contain any information on
the period up to which a word was used in a particular meaning,
and even if such a terminus ad quern were known in the present
case the possibility of a conscious archaism cannot be ruled
out with absolute certitude. Besides, it has to be noted
that at least one of the indigenous Kosas, viz. Hemacandra's
Anekdrthasamgraha> 52 lists samtranac among the synonyms of
ätman; consequently, ätman might have been used even in later
times to denote "wind". But why should the author of VS 5.2.18
have chosen this rare and highly ambiguous synonym instead of
väyu,^^ introduced as a term in VS 1.1.4, or one of its far
better known equivalents?
In most other instances where ätman occurs in the VS it
clearly means "soul", viz. 1.1.4; 2.1.25; 3.1.13, 3.2.1, 3.2.4;
5.1.1, 5.1.4; 6.1.7; 7.1.29; 8.2; 9.13, 9.15, 9.17, 9.22; in
addition ätmatyäga, "suicide", is attested to twice (6.1.17
and 18). Doubts regarding its meaning may arise only at VS
5.1.6 as well as 6.2.19, where the prior member of the com
pound atmakajman is explained by Candrinanda in the first case
by sariraikadesa3 in the second by manas. VS 6.2.19 atma-
karmasu mokso vyäkhyätah, however, obviously refers back to
VS 5.2.20, i.e. the fifth Adhyaya or part of it, so that one
will definitely hesitate to separate semantically the term
ätmakarman used here from that occurring in VS 5.1.6. This
has already been observed by W. Ruben, 5t+ according to whom
sütra 5.1.6 tathätmakarma hastasamyogäc ca shows that "die
VS schreiben der Seele ... Handlungen zu". On the other hand,
a movement of the soul, which in VS 7.1.29 is characterised as
"infinitely great" ([parama-]mahant), i.e. as "all-pervading"
(vibhu), is hardly conceivable, as has already been aptly
remarked by W. Ruben.55 This is unambiguously stated by
Candrinanda himself in his commentary on VS 3.2.11: devadatto
gacchati visnumitro gacchattti copacäräc charirapratyaksah,
for he explains: gamanaväcinä gacchatitisabdena sahaprayogäd
devadattasabdah ‘sariravacano ’vastyata ä t m a n o g a ty as a m -
bhavät / ... This awareness of the absurdity of ascribing
movement to an infinitely great, all-pervading substance
(dravya) seems then to have been Candrinanda's motive, i.e.
this is what might well have induced him - or the authors of
older commentaries on which he might have drawn - to interpret
the term ätman differently in the case of VS 7.1.29 as well as
5.1.6.55 Yet, in doing so he might well have introduced into
the sütra a later stage of Vaisesika thought, i.e. the new
idea of the soul as infinitely great; the sütra itself seems
to have ascribed not only activity but also movement to the
655
so u l. " E f f o r t " (prayatna) , a c o n c e p t t h a t came up o n ly l a t e r
i n t h e c o u r s e o f t h e developm ent of V a i s e s i k a t h o u g h t , 7 i s
a c c o r d in g to VS 3 . 2 . A (and NS 1 . 1 . 1 0 ) one o f th e Idhgas as
w e l l as one o f th e gunas o f t h e ätman3 58 so t h a t a karman o f
t h e s o u l c o u ld s t i l l have been c o n c e i v a b l e a t t h i s s t a g e in
t h e h i s t o r y o f V a i s e s i k a , though n o t i n th e s e n s e o f an a c t u a l
m oving o f th e s o u l , bu t in t h e s e n s e t h a t a l l movements o f th e
body and i t s p a r t s i s s u e from t h e s o u l as s u b j e c t o f a c t i v i t y ,
and r e a c t upon i t .
R e tu r n in g now t o t h e s t a r t i n g p o i n t , i . e . VS 5 . 2 . 1 8 , a
p o s s i b l e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n - one t h a t i s in d e p e n d e n t o f Candra-
n a n d a 's r a t h e r fo r c e d e x p l a n a t i o n - would b e: "The movement
o f t h e s o u l h a s b een e x p la in e d ( i . e . h as t o be vie w e d a s b e in g
e x p l a i n e d ) by t h e movement o f th e body". T h is s t a t e m e n t , how
e v e r , can h a r d ly b e lo n g t o and c o n c lu d e t h e d e f i n i t i o n or
d e s c r i p t i o n o f yoga. But i t g o e s r a t h e r w e l l w it h VS 5 . 2 . 1 5 :
hastakarmanä manasah karma vyäkhyätam , t h u s f i l l i n g i n th e gap
f e l t by W. Ruben, who r e m a r k s :59 " in 15 - IT C i . e . VS 5 - 2 . 1 6 ,
IT and 5 - 2 .1 9 3 i s t dann von Bewegungen d e s manas d i e R ed e, e s
i s t a b e r n i c h t g e s a g t , d a ss durch d i e Bewegungen d e s manas
wiederum Bewegungen der S e e l e e r z e u g t w erd en , w ie e s von der
Hand und dem Mörser g e l e h r t worden war und w ie man e s nach
dem R ückverw eis von VI b l 6 C i . e . VS 6 . 2 . 1 9 3 e r w a r t e t . " I f i t
i s a c c e p t e d t h a t VS 5 . 2 . 1 8 f o l l o w s c o h e r e n t l y upon 5 . 2 . 1 5 , i t s
p r e s e n t p o s i t i o n would p o in t t o t h e yoga d e f i n i t i o n ' s h a v in g
been s e c o n d a r i l y i n s e r t e d , d i s r u p t i n g t h e c l o s e c o n n e c t i o n
betw een s ü t r a s 5 . 2 . 1 5 and 5 . 2 . 1 8 . The r e a s o n f o r i n s e r t i n g
t h e d e f i n i t i o n o f yoga a t p r e c i s e l y t h i s p o i n t , i . e . a f t e r
VS 5 . 2 . 1 5 , w i l l t h e n , o f c o u r s e , have t o be s e e n in th e k e y
word manasah karma, "movement of t h e i n t e r n a l o rgan " , which
happens t o o c c u r in t h e l a t t e r . Whether t h e r e - i n t e r p r e t a t i o n
o f 5 . 2 . 1 8 i s an o r i g i n a l id e a o f Candrananda or n o t cannot be
d e c id e d a t p r e s e n t . A s u b s i d i a r y m o t iv e m ight in any c a s e have
been t h e f e e l i n g t h a t t h e d e f i n i t i o n of yoga was in c o m p le t e
in t h a t i t la c k e d any c l e a r r e f e r e n c e t o t h e c o n t r o l l i n g o f
b r e a t h , o b v i o u s l y deemed an e s s e n t i a l p a r t o f t h i s p e c u l i a r
p r a c t i c e , as can be co n c lu d e d a l s o from t h e f a c t t h a t Candra
nanda adds väyundgrahäpeksah in h i s e x p l a n a t i o n o f 5 . 1 . 1 7 .
2 .3 Vyakhya 5A.22 - 5 5 .1 6
Cä tm e n d r iy a m a n o ' r t h a s a n n i k a r s ä t s u k h a d u h k h e l ^ 0/ /
5 . 2 . 1 2 81
tathä srstyädau ta r tr a - ^ 2 indriyamano’rthänäm sannikar§ät
samyogasamaväyarüpät sukhaduhkhe bhavatah / taträtmanah
656
samaväyikäranatvam / ätmamanahsarpyogasyäsamaväyikdranatvam /
indviyärthayov indriyarthasannikarsasya ca nimittakäranatvam /
ätmendriyasamyogajanakarnanahkarmacintäyärn ätmendriyamano 'rtha-
sannikarsajanyasukhadu hkhakarananinüpanapra sangopapatt ih /
sakäranasukhaduhkhocchedas ca tannirüpanaprayojanam //
tadanärambhas cätmasthamanasi^3 // 5.2.13
yoginöm manasi sakalavisayebhyo nivrittäv ältmasthe sati
taydh sukhaduhkhayor anärambhah / ätmasthamana.so54 bähy-
endr'iyasamyogäbhäväd ahganädivisayasmrtisahkalpayor abhäväc
ceti //
sasavtvasya sukhaduhkhäbhävah // 5.2.lh
yady apilstasarZrädyupetol yogi annam bhuhkte, päntyam pibati3
sambadhyate ca kantakädibhihj tathäpi na tasya sukhaduhkhe
bhavatah, yogajadharmena pratibandhät //
samyogah // 5.2.15
yalmaniyamalpränäyämapratyähäradhyänadhäranäsamädhiprakarsa-
janya ätmamanasor yah samyogavisesdh sa ätmasdksätkärajanaha-
dharmam pvasüte / Ztatas cätmasravanädäv äZ\darasambhavah,
yathestacärinah pränasya sthänavisese nirodhäsiddheh //
2.3.1 This section may be translated as follows:
'"Pleasure and pain [arise] out of the drawing near of
object [of cognition], sense(s), internal organ and soul'
(sütra 5.2.12).
In the same manner pleasure and pain arise at the beginning
of creation out of the drawing near to each other - con
sisting of contact and inherence - of soul, internal organ,
sense(s) and object [of cognition]. In this [process] the
soul represents the cause-inhered-in; the contact between
soul and internal organ represents the cause-not-inhered-
in and the sense(s) together with the object as also the
drawing near to each other of sense(s) and object represent
the efficient cause. When deliberating on the movement of
the internal organ which brings about the contact between
soul and sense(s), it is proper that the cause of pleasure
and pain - which are produced by the drawing near to each
other of soul, internal organ, sense(s) and object [of
cognition] - should be dealt with. And the purpose of
dealing with it is [to teach] the extirpation of pleasure
and pain together with their cause.
657
’And t h e i r n o t - t a k i n g p l a c e when t h e i n t e r n a l o r g a n
is in the s o u l ’ (su tra 5 ,2 .1 3 ).
When t h e yo g i n s 1 i n t e r n a l o r g a n , b e c a u s e i t h a s t u r n e d
away from a l l [ e x t e r n a l ] o b j e c t s , i s i n t h e s o u l t h e s e
t wo , [ i . e . ] p l e a s u r e and p a i n , do n o t a r i s e s i n c e f o r
[a p e r s o n ] whose i n t e r n a l o r g a n i s i n t h e s o u l t h e r e i s
no c o n t a c t o f e x t e r n a l [ o b j e c t s ] and s e n s e ( s ) , and he d oe s
n o t [ t h e r e f o r e ] e i t h e r remember o r l o n g f o r [ e x t e r n a l ]
o b j e c t s s uch a s a woman, e t c .
’ T h e r e i s n e i t h e r p l e a s u r e nor p a i n f o r t h e e mb o d i e d '
(sütra 5.2.14).
A l t h o u g h t h e yogin p r o v i d e d w i t h t h e body w i s h e d f o r ,
e t c . , d o e s e a t f o o d , d r i n k w a t e r , and come i n t o c o n t a c t
with th o rn s, e tc . ( i . e . th i n g s which cause p l e a s u r e or
p a i n ) , n e v e r t h e l e s s he d oe s n o t e x p e r i e n c e e i t h e r p l e a s u r e
o r p a i n b e c a u s e [ t h e y ] a r e impeded by t h e dharma p r o d u c e d
b y yoga.
'C ontact' (sü tra 5.2.15)
The p a r t i c u l a r c o n t a c t b e t we e n s o u l and i n t e r n a l o r g a n
t h a t i s p r o d u c e d b y t h e i n t e n s i t y o f [ t h e s e v e n 65 ahgas
o f yoga y v i z . ] a b s t e n t i o n s , o b s e r v a n c e s , r e g u l a t i o n s - o f -
th e-b reath , w ithdraw al-of-the-senses, fixed a tte n tio n ,
c o n t e m p l a t i o n , and c o n c e n t r a t i o n , b r i n g s a b o u t a dharma
which le a d s to the d i r e c t awareness of t h e s o u l. And
t h e r e f o r e i t becomes p o s s i b l e t o f o c u s o n e ' s a t t e n t i o n
on h e a r i n g , e t c . , o f t h e s o u l 66 [ c f . t h e e x h o r t a t i o n i n
BÄU 2 . 4 . 5 ] , s i n c e b r e a t h when moving by i t s own w i l l
c a n n o t be c o n t r o l l e d [by f i r i n g i t ] a t a p a r t i c u l a r
p l a c e [ i n t h e b o d y ? ] . " 6^7
2.3.2 As becomes p a t e n t from h i s comment ar y on s ü t r a 5 . 2 . 1 2 ,
t h e anonymous a u t h o r of t h e Vydkhydt t o o , t a k e s p a i n s t o demon
s t r a t e t h a t th e pro c e d u re of the S ü tr a k ü r a , v i z . , t o d e a l w ith
t h e c a u s e o f p l e a s u r e and p a i n a t p r e c i s e l y t h i s p o i n t , i s
contextually ju s tif ie d . But w h i l e C a n d r ä n a n d a p o i n t s o u t t h e
i n t e r n a l c o n n e c t i o n b e t w e e n t h e d e f i n i t i o n o f yoga a n d t h e
i s s u e common t o t h e whol e f i f t h Adhyäya o f t h e VS, v i z . karman3 ^ Q
t h e a u t h o r o f t h e Vyäkhyä s u g g e s t s a c l o s e r e l a t i o n b e t w e e n
s ü t r a 5 . 2 . 1 2 and t h e i m m e d i a t e l y p r e c e d i n g o n e , w h i c h a c c o r d i n g
t o hi m r e a d s t h u s : a g n e r ü r d h v a j v a l a n a m v ä y o s t i r y a k p a -
vanam an um a na so s c ä d y am k a r m e t y a d r s \ a k d r i t d n i . T h a t
t h i s r e l a t i o n i s i n t e n d e d i s c l e a r f r om t h e e x p r e s s i o n tathä
658
with which he starts his explanation of sutra 5.2.12. It is
in the light of this observation that his opinion that this
sutra deals with the origination of pleasure and pain "at the
beginning of creation" (srstyädau) , strange though it is, be
comes understandable, for his comment on the preceding sütra
runs thus: paramänünam srstyädau dvycmukajanakasamyogärambha-
kam samhäre ca dvyanukärambhakasamyogavirodhivibhagärambhakam
ca karmädrstakäi utam /. But as he does not say anything about
the "primordial movement of the internal organ" one wonders
whether his remark ätmendriyasamyogajanakamanahkarmacintäyäm
(in the commentary on 5.2.12) refers to sütra 5.2.11 or whether
it has to be taken as indicating that he, too, knew the sütra
h a s t a k a r m a n ä m a n a s a h k a r m a v y ä k h y ä t a m ;69 in that case
one would have to assume that it only dropped out in the course
of the transmission of the Vyäkhyä . For, according to Candra-
nanda at least, the "primordial movement of the internal organ"
does not refer to the process of cognition;70 the movement of
the internal organ in the process of perception is, on the con
trary, taught by the sütra missing in the edition of the
Vyäkhyä. 71
Be it as it may, this much is obvious: the author of the
Vyäkhyä , too, tries his best to demonstrate that both these
sütras, i.e. 5.2.11 and 12, stand in logical sequence and that
the latter sütra fits coherently into its present context. Yet
in spite of this endeavour there can hardly be any doubt that
the latter sütra is not, at least not primarily, intended to explain
the origination of pleasure and pain in terms of cosmology,
but with respect to everyday experience. Therefore, again one
cannot escape the impression that this point of the text of the
VS has, on the contrary, to be looked upon as a point of fracture
which the author of the Vyäkhyä is hard put to interpret away.
2.3.3 Can observations similar to those on Candrananda’s Vrtti
be made for the Vyäkhyä , too, i.e. for the passage following
immediately upon the definition of yoga ? The text there reads
as follows:
ata äha
käyakarmanätmakarmadharmayor anupapattih // 5.2.16
pürvasamcitadharmädharmäbhyäm sartränuLpravistasya mainasah
pürvasariräd avasarpanam [= Ä] abhinavasartropasarpanam [= B]
bhuktäbhedänno12 dakayos cäbhinavasarirasamcärädisambhavät
[= C] samsäränuvrtter moksänupapattih //
The first and most fundamental question to be discussed
here is whether or not this sentence (or: these sentences) of
659
t h e Vyäkhyä i s / a r e t h e a u t h o r ' s comment on s u t r a 5 . 2 . 1 6 upon
w h ic h i t / t h e y f o l l o w ( s ) . Except f o r th e l a s t w ords, v i z .
sa m sä rä n u vrtter m oksänupapattih , w h ic h m ig h t r e f l e c t t h e
e x p r e s s i o n anupapattZh o f t h e s u t r a i t s e l f , a l l t h e r e s t l o o k s
r a t h e r l i k e an e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h e f o l l o w i n g s u t r a ( 5 . 2 . 1 7 ) :
apasarpanam upasarpanam a s ita p tta s a m y ogäh k ä r y ä n -
ta r a s a m y o g ä S c e t y a d r s t a k ä r i t ä n i - (A ) t h e n f o r m in g
t h e e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h e e x p r e s s i o n avasarpanam o f t h i s v e r y
s ü t r a , (B) t h a t o f t h e e x p r e s s i o n upasarpanam, and (C) r e f e r r i n g
( e x c e p t f o r t h e a b l a t i v e e n d in g ) t o t h e compound a s tta p Z ta -
samyogah. 73 I n any c a s e , t h i s comment d o e s n o t do a n y t h i n g t o
h e l p i n u n d e r s t a n d i n g s ü t r a 5 . 2 . 1 6 i t s e l f , o f w h ic h I f o r one
c a n n o t make any s a t i s f a c t o r y s e n s e . 74 What i s e v e n more d i s
t u r b i n g i s t h a t t h e c o n s t r u c t i o n o f t h e p a s s a g e q u o te d fro m
t h e Vyäkhyä i s a l s o n o t c l e a r : a r e t h e n o m i n a t i v e s a t a l l
r e l a t e d t o e a c h o t h e r , a n d , i f s o , how p r e c i s e l y ?
S t a r t i n g fro m t h e a s s u m p t i o n t h a t t h i s e x p l a n a t i o n (A-C)
b e l o n g s t o t h e f o l l o w i n g s ü t r a 75 - an a s s u m p t i o n t h a t d o e s
n o t n e c e s s a r i l y im p ly t h a t i t was m i s p l a c e d i n t h e c o u r s e of
t r a n s m i s s i o n - i t m ig h t p r e c e d e s ü t r a 5 . 2 . 1 7 , t h e t r a n s i t i o n
b e i n g formed a g a i n by a ta aha. Could t h e n t h e l a s t s e n t e n c e
o f t h e com m entary on s u t r a 5 . 2 . 1 5 be an e x p l a n a t i o n t h a t a l s o
b elo n g s n o t to th e p re c e d in g b u t to th e fo llo w in g s u t r a ( i . e .
5 . 2 . 1 6 ) and t h a t i s s i m i l a r l y f o l l o w e d by a ta ähal But even
t h e n t h e p r o b le m s w h ic h s u t r a 5 . 2 . 1 6 p o s e s c a n n o t b e s o l v e d :
s i n c e t h e f i r s t p a r t of t h e s e n t e n c e Cta ta s oätmasraoanädäv
äldarasambhavah . . . i s n o t p r e s e r v e d i n t h e m a n u s c r i p t o r i s
i l l e g i b l e o r u n i n t e l l i g i b l y c o r r u p t , 76 i t i s p r a c t i c a l l y o u t
of t h e q u e s t i o n t o form a c l e a r i d e a of t h e p o s s i b l e i n t e r
r e l a t i o n b e tw e e n i t and s ü t r a 5 . 2 . 1 6 .
The d i f f i c u l t i e s a r e so num erous and so g r e a t t h a t t h e y
c a n n o t be overcom e f o r t h e tim e b e i n g . T h e re fo re , th e q u estio n
w h e t h e r t h e a u t h o r o f t h e Vyäkhyä , t o o , c o n s i d e r e d s ü t r a 5 . 2 . 1 6
t o form an i n t e g r a l p a r t of t h e d e f i n i t i o n o f yoga, o r n o t , h a s
t o r e m a in u n a n s w e r e d . L i k e w i s e , t h e p r o b le m o f lo w e r t e x t u a l
c r i t i c i s m , i . e . t h e r e l a t i o n b e tw e e n t h e r e a d i n g käyakarmanätrna-
karmadharmayor a n u p a p a ttih and t h e o t h e r o n e , a t t e s t e d t o by
C a n d r in a n d a and o t h e r s o u r c e s , i . e . käyakarnunätmakarrna vyä-
khyätam, c a n n o t be d e f i n i t e l y s o l v e d , a l t h o u g h t h e r e i s , o f
c o u r s e , much t h a t i s i n f a v o u r of t h e l a t t e r o n e .
2 .4 I f one t a k e s up now t h e c o m p a r is o n o f t h e r e m a i n i n g
s ü t r a s , i . e . t h o s e w h ic h c e r t a i n l y h a v e t o do w i t h yoga, one
f i r s t h a s t o g i v e a t t e n t i o n t o t h e f a c t t h a t C a n d r i n a n d a and
t h e anonymous a u t h o r a s w e l l a s S a n k a ra M i s r a d i f f e r a s t o
t h e s e p a r a t i n g and c o u n t i n g of t h e i n d i v i d u a l s u t r a s . I t may
660
be noted that, when one element of a given sutra text stands
separated from the following by a commentator's explanatory
passage, this does not necessarily imply that the commentator
considered them to be two different sütras; for the purposes
of the present discussion, the question of whether a certain
sequence of words has to be regarded as a sütra or only as a
part of one is not relevant. Instead, what matters is to de
termine the limits of sentences. For this purpose it is advi
sable first to examine the views of the commentators. According
ly, the end of a sentence will now be marked by a full stop.
Taken together with the testimony of the Yogasütrabhäsyavi-
varana, the picture to be gathered is this:
C.77 ätmendriyamano'rthasannikarsät sukhaduhkhe.
Mi. Zätmendriyamano'rthasannikarsät sukhaduhkhe.I78
U. ätmendriyamano'rthasannikarsät sukhaduhkhe.
YViv. indriyamano'rthasannikarsät sukhaduhkhe.
C. tadanärambhah. ätmasthe manasi sasarirasya
Mi. tadanärambhas cätmasthe manasi. sasarirasya
U. tadanärambha79 ätmasthe manasi sarirasya
YViv. tadanärambha ätmasthe manasi. Zsa~\sarirasya
C. sukhaduhkhäbhävah sa yogah.
Mi. sukhaduhkhäbhävah. samyogah.
U. duhkhäbhävah. 80 sa yogah.
YViv. sukhaduhkhäbhävah. pränamanovinigrahäpeksah sa yogah
In regard to the punctuation of the text as quoted in
the YViv., with the exception of the full stop after °duhkha-
bhävah, I follow the editors, because their punctuation seems
to be well founded, i.e. warranted by the explanations follow
ing immediately upon the citation of the sütra. For these
read: tad iti prakrtäpeksam / yo 'sau sukhaduhkhayor
ätmendriyamano'rthasannikarsah hetuh3 tasyänärambhah [=]
tadanutpattih / sa katham bhavati? ätmasthe m a n a s i 3
nendriyasthe’/ s a s a r i r a s y a [= ] aviStrnaSartrasya /
tadä käranäbhävät käryäbhäva iti sannikarsäbhäve sukhaduhkhayor
apy abhävahj tasyäm avasthäyäm yo 'sau vibhor ätmano manasä
661
samyogah sa pränamanovinigrahäpeksah samyogaviseso yoga
iti / / 81
What should be noted first is that there is perfect
unanimity in ending the first sentence with sukhadühkhe; not,
however, as regards the remaining part of the sütra text. The
different opinions about the division of this remaining part
into sentences seem to be connected with variant readings on
the one hand and divergent interpretations on the other. As
to the latter, one should carefully distinguish between the
following two possibilities: the divergence might either
concern the purport and contents of a given sentence, in
which case it would be, of course, most significant and rele
vant, or it might merely relate to phraseology, to the surface
structure, so to say, and in this second case it would be of
almost no importance at all.
To start with the variant readings: the additional ca
of Mi. after tadanärambhah, which does not recur even in the
comment of Candrananda, is obviously explicative in that it
states what would otherwise have to be deduced, viz. that
the train of thought of the first sentence is continued in
the following one in a discursive manner. Besides, oa has,
by eliminating the hiatus, the advantage of replacing the
morphologically ambiguous form anärambha. It can, therefore,
safely be rejected as secondary.82 The reading duhkhäbhävah,
peculiar to U., is either due to a kind of haplology or caused
by a concept of yoga which consciously includes pleasure, or
rather bliss, joy. 3 In any case, in view of the clear syste
matic composition of the whole passage and the discursive de
velopment of the argument, no one would hesitate to conjecture
the reading sukhaduhkhäbhävah, if the Upaskara's sütrapätha
were the only one known. The problem raised by the variant
reading samyogah of Mi. has already been discussed above
(2.2.1). The conclusion arrived at there, viz. that the
original reading was most probably ... sa yogah , is clearly
corroborated by YViv. On the other hand, full attention should
be given to the fact that the whole passage quoted in the YViv.
falls into two parts, first the sütras themselves and then
their explanation. Obviously the author of the YViv. has made
use of a commentary on the VS and quoted both, the Sütra text
as well as the commentary.
This is also suggested by the fact that an iti is missing
after the citation of the sutras themselves,8^ an omission per
fectly in agreement with the practice of commentators of Sütra
texts. What should further be noticed is that the unknown com
mentator whose explanations have also been quoted in the YViv.
662
h a s a l s o th o u g h t i t u s e f u l t o s t a t e e x p l i c i t l y w h a t t h e p r o n o u n
sa o f t h e s ü t r a r e f e r s t o and h a s a l s o g i v e n t h e e x p l a n a t i o n :
präy/m anovinigrahäpeksah samyogo. . .
The a g r e e m e n t b e tw e e n YViv. and C a n d r a n a n d a ’ s V r t t i i s t o o
o b v i o u s and s t r i k i n g n o t t o a r o u s e s u s p i c i o n . Compare e . g . t h e _
way t h e e x p r e s s i o n ätm asthe o f t h e s ü t r a i s e x p l a i n e d by C a n d r a
n a n d a and i n t h e Y V iv .; o r t h e a d d i t i o n of ätmano manasä (sam-
yo g a h ) , common t o b o t h ; o r C a n d r a n a n d a ’ s väyunigrahäpeksah
w i t h pränarnanovzn'igrahäpeksah . The l a t t e r e x p r e s s i o n , a c c o r d i n g
t o t h e q u o t a t i o n i n Y V i v . , fo rm s an i n t e g r a l p a r t o f t h e s u t r a .
But a s i t c a n n o t p o s s i b l y h a v e b e e n d r o p p e d i n t h e c o u r s e o f
t r a n s m i s s i o n , and a m o tiv e i s d e t e c t a b l e o n l y f o r t h e o p p o s i t e
d evelopm ent, i . e . i t s se co n d ary i n t r o d u c t i o n in to th e s u t r a
from a c o m m e n ta r y ,85 i t h a s s u r e l y t o b e r e j e c t e d , t o g e t h e r
w i t h samyogah.
The r e l a t i o n b e tw e e n C a n d r a n a n d a and t h e e x p l a n a t i o n g i v e n
i n t h e YViv. d o e s n o t n e c e s s a r i l y p o i n t t o a d i r e c t d e p e n d e n c e
of t h e l a t t e r upon t h e f o r m e r . The d a t e of C a n d r a n a n d a ' s V r t t i
i s n o t known, f o r B.K. M a t i l a l ' s r e m a r k , 88 "He m i g h t h a v e b e
lo n g e d t o t h e e i g h t h o r t h e n i n t h c e n t u r y A . D . " , i s m ere g u e s s
w ork. The a s s u m p t i o n t h a t b o t h h a v e i n d e p e n d e n t l y made u s e o f
(a n ) o l d e r , a p p a r e n t l y l o s t V a i s e s i k a w o r k ( s ) , m ost p r o b a b l y
(a ) c o m m e n t a r y ( - i e s ) on t h e S ü t r a , i s p e r h a p s t o be p r e f e r r e d .
The l a s t t e x t - c r i t i c a l p r o b le m t o be s o l v e d i s p o s e d by
t h e v e r y f i r s t word o f t h e p a s s a g e a s fo u n d i n YViv. B e c a u se
o f ätm endriyam ano'rthasannikarsah (hetuh) i n t h e e x p l a n a t i o n
a l s o q u o te d i n Y V iv ., o b v i o u s l y r e s u m i n g t h e c o r r e s p o n d i n g
e x p r e s s i o n o f t h e s ü t r a , one m ig h t b e te m p te d t o emend a c c o r d
i n g l y t h e t e x t of t h e s u t r a a s q u o te d by YViv. In th e c r i t i c a l
d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e d e f i n i t i o n o f yoga t h a t f o l l o w s upon t h e
q u o t a t i o n and i t s e x p l a n a t i o n i n Y V iv ., h o w e v e r , o n l y t h e
r e a d i n g l a c k i n g t h e p r i o r member atm a° i s a t t e s t e d t o : -indpi-
yädisarmikapsänäram bhäpeksayä . . . ( 6 . 1 7 ) , mono ’p th a sa n n ika p sä -
bhäva i t y eva sid d h a 87 indriyagrahanam anarthakarn s y ä t . . .
( 6 . 2 3 ) and ( e s p e c i a l l y c l e a r ) indvdyamano ’rthasann-ikarsagrahanäd
r t e sukhaduhkhäbhäva i t y e tä v a t i s a t i . . . ( 7 . 3 ) . T h u s, t h e r e
c a n be no d o u b t t h a t t h e a u t h o r o f t h e YViv. d i d , i n d e e d , r e a d
t h e b e g i n n i n g o f t h e s ü t r a a s indriyconano ’pth a sa n n d ka p sä t, b u t
t h a t a s a m a t t e r o f c o u r s e he added atma° i n h i s c o m m entary.
I c a n n o t t h i n k o f a r e a s o n why a t r a n s m i t t e r s h o u l d h a v e e l i d e d
on p u r p o s e a p r i o r member ätm a ° , e x c e p t f o r t h e v e r y f a i n t p o s
s i b i l i t y t h a t NS 1 . 1 . 4 a c t e d a s a m o d e l More p r o b a b l e , h o w e v e r ,
i s t h a t i t h a s b e e n a dded s e c o n d a r i l y i n o r d e r t o r o u n d o f f t h e
hetu i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h t h e s y s t e m ’ s t h e o r y of c o g n i t i o n and
p e r h a p s a l s o u n d e r t h e i n f l u e n c e o f VS 3 . 1 . 1 3 (ätmendriyamano-
663
'rthasannikarsäd yan nispadyate tad anyat)3 3 . 2.1 (ütm endvi-
yärthasannikarsä j jhänasyäbhävo bhävas ca mana&o Ungarn) and
9.15 (ätmendriyamano 'rthasannikarsäc ca) . 88
R e g a r d i n g t h e r e m a i n i n g d i f f e r e n c e among c o m m e n ta to rs
i n d i v i d i n g t h e p a s s a g e i n t o s e n t e n c e s , i . e . w h e t h e r t h e loca-
tiv u s absolutus ätm asthe manasd i s t o b e c o n n e c t e d w i t h t h e
p r e c e d i n g tadanärambhah o r w i t h t h e s u b s e q u e n t s e n t e n c e , t h e
c o m p a r is o n b e tw e e n t h e r e s p e c t i v e i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f C a n d r a -
n a n d a , t h e Vyäkhyä , and t h e YViv. r e v e a l s t h a t i t i s o f no
i m p o r t a n c e a t a l l f o r t h e m e a n in g a s s i g n e d by them t o t h e
p a s s a g e a s a w h o le : i t i s r a t h e r o n l y a d i f f e r e n c e i n t a s t e
i n r e g a r d t o how t o d i v i d e ( a t l e a s t a s l o n g a s t h e s ü t r a s t y l e
i n g e n e r a l and t h a t o f t h e VS i n p a r t i c u l a r h a s n o t b e e n s t u d i e d
more t h o r o u g h l y ) .
Hence t h e t e x t may be c o n s t i t u t e d a s f o l l o w s :
indriyam ano'vthasannikavsät sukhaduhkhe. tadanarämbha ätmasthe
manasi. sasartrasya sukhöduhkhäbhävah. sa yogah.
" P l e a s u r e and p a i n [ a r i s e ] o u t o f t h e d r a w in g n e a r t o e a c h
o t h e r o f s e n s e ( s ) , i n t e r n a l o r g a n , and o b j e c t [ o f c o g n i t i o n ] ;
t h i s ( i . e . t h e d r a w in g n e a r t o e a c h o t h e r . . . ) d o e s n o t a r i s e
when t h e i n t e r n a l o r g a n i s i n t h e s o u l . [Then] t h e r e i s n e i t h e r
p l e a s u r e n o r p a i n f o r t h e em bodied [ s o u l ] . T h is i s yoga."
The way t h i s s t a t e m e n t h a s b e e n s l i g h t l y c h a n g e d i n t h e
c o u r s e of t r a n s m i s s i o n by m aking i t m ore e x p l i c i t and by s u b
s t a n t i a l l y e x t e n d i n g t h e d e f i n i t i o n n e e d n o t be d e s c r i b e d i n
d e ta il. The m o st i m p o r t a n t a l t e r a t i o n i s , o f c o u r s e , t h e a d
d i t i o n of pränamanovintgrahäpeksah , a t t e s t e d t o by Y V iv ., by
w hich t h e m eans f o r a t t a i n i n g ätmano manasä samyogah3 " c o n t a c t
betw e e n s o u l and i n t e r n a l o r g a n " , i s e x p l i c i t l y s t a t e d .
3 .1 T h is c l e a r and s i m p l e s t a t e m e n t on yoga i s o b v i o u s l y i n
a g r e e m e n t w i t h t h e V a i s e s i k a d o c t r i n e of t h e n a t u r e and
c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e ' s o u l * (ätman) , t h e ’ i n t e r n a l o r g a n ’
(manas)3 and t h e p r o c e s s o f p e r c e p t i o n ( pva tya ksa ; c f . a l s o
NS 1 . 1 . 4 ) . But how a b o u t ' p l e a s u r e and p a i n ' (sukhaduhkhe),
t h e i r o r i g i n a t i o n and r e l a t i o n t o p e r c e p t i o n ? B oth a r e enume
r a t e d i n VS 1 . 1 . 6 among t h e ’ q u a l i t i e s ’ (guna) and i n VS 3 . 2 . 4
a s ätm alihgas ( c f . a l s o NS 1 . 1 . 1 0 ) . That bo th 'i n h e r e ' in th e
s o u l f o l l o w s , a c c o r d i n g t o C a n d r a n a n d a , 89 from t h e f a c t t h a t
one s a y s aham s u k h t/d u h k h t\ 80 and t h e f a c t o f t h i s ' i n
h e r e n c e ' ( samavaya) fo r m s a c c o r d i n g t o VS 1 0 .1 t h e r e a s o n f o r
t h e i r b e i n g d i f f e r e n t fro m t h e f i v e e l e m e n t s 91 and t h e q u a l i
t i e s in h e rin g in th e l a t t e r . T h a t sukha and duhkha a r e t o be
664
distinguished in spite of their common äsraya3 i.e. that they
are different ’qualities', is taught in VS 10.2: i s t ä n i s t a -
k ä r a n a v i s e s ä d v i r o d h ä o oa m i t h a h s u k h a d u h k h a y o r
a r t h ä n t a r a b h ä v a h /; Candrananda explains this as follows:
stryädikäranajanyam sukharp visädikäranay anyam duhkham / pa-
rasparaviruddhe oa sukhaduhkhe, anyonyavinasenotpatteh / ato
'nayor bhedah3 naikatvam ekärthasamaväyät /. Being punas of
the soul, which is one of the causes of ’knowledge’ (jfläna;
cf. VS 8.2), and being caused by particular external objects,
wished or not wished for, sukha and duhkha cannot but have
been viewed on a line with knowledge. It is, therefore, not
at all surprising that the ’oneness’ or ’having-the-same-
nature’ of all three of them is also stated explicitly in
the VS, viz. 3.2.15: s u k h a d u h k h a y ü ä n a n i s p a t t y a v i s e s ä d
a i k ä t m y a m fv.l. a i k y a m ) 3 "Pleasure, pain, and knowledge
are of identical nature (or: the same) because they do not
differ as to their origination."92
3.2 One cannot but admit, therefore, that the definition
of yoga is in perfect harmony with other relevant passages
of the VS. Nevertheless, the conclusion suggesting itself,
viz. that hence this definition also forms an original part
of the VS, need not be drawn. The lack of any systematic
unevenness or even incoherence might as well be due to the
fact that this conception of yoga on the one hand and the
Vaisesika theoremata of sukha and duhkha 3 etc., on the other,
go back independently to the same or at least a similar ’am
biance’, i.e. belong to the same period in the development
of Indian thought.
Now, E. Frauwallner has already remarked: ’’Mit der
buddhistischen Lehre war der Yoga von Anfang an verknüpft,
weil er der Weg war, auf dem der Begründer, der Buddha selbst,
die Erlösung gefunden hatte. Dem VaiSepika dagegen war er von
Haus aus fremd. ”93 Indeed, the concept of yoga has hardly any
thing to do with Kanada*s declared "programme of naming, enu
merating whatever has the character of being (bhävarüpa)",94
that is to say, "in an enumerative, physically oriented philo
sophy of nature and of categorial analysis"95 with a mechanist
ic outlook. This observation is fully corroborated by the two
most prominent works of classical Vaisesika, viz. Candramati’s
Daiapadärthasästra 96 and Prasastapäda’s Padärthadharmasamgraha. 97
Regarding the first, H. Ui has already stated in his "Introduction"
(p.ll) that "as a consequence, the author does not allude to yoga3
yogin3 or anything supernatural". Prasastapäda, too, does not
either define the concept of yoga himself, or refer to a defini
tion given in the Sütra, although he accepts yogipratyaksa (and,
thereforej yoga itself) as a special form of perception, for he
665
says:98 asmadvisistänäm tu yoginäm yuktänäm yogajadharmänu-
grhttena manasä svätmäntaräkäsadikkälaparamänuväyumanassu
tatsamavetagunakarmasämänyavisesesu samaväye cävitatham
svarüpadarsanam utpadyate / viyuktänäm punas catustayasanni-
karsäd yogajadharmänugrahasämarthyät süksmavyavahitavipra-
krstesu pratyaksam utpadyate /
What Prasastapäda understands by the term 'y o g a f is not
expressly made clear by him. The conception of yoga , however,
that shines through this, his explanation of the dichotomous
’perception of Yogins’, is apparently different from that
taught in the VS, and seems to have been influenced by the
teachings of classical Yoga, i.e. the system of Patanjali.
Could he simply have ignored the definition of yoga as given
in the Sütra had it formed a part of this text already in his
time? I should think this is not a natural assumption. And
this yields a probable terminus post quern for the insertion
of the definition of yoga into the VS.99
3.3 The peculiarity of the yoga conception as taught in the
VS consists in the lack of any connection between the senses-
cum-external objects on the one hand and the ätman as the
subject of knowledge and the experience of pleasure and pain
on the other, a connection which could be brought about only
by the internal organ. The withdrawal of the senses from the
objects and of the internal organ from the senses implies that
the internal organ is then in permanent or at least lasting
contact with the ätman alone, so that all feeling comes to an
end. In its archaic simplicity this conception strongly re
minds one not only of the old ideal of sama3 nirdvandvatva3
etc., but also and especially of the beginnings of reflexion
about the phenomenon and practice of yoga3 that is to say,
yoga as taught in Epic philosophy. This can easily be ascer
tained by going through the relevant pages of E. Frauwallner’s
Geschichte der Indischen Philosophie. 08 By way of summary he
says: ’’Was sie (i.e. the texts of the Moksadharma on Yoga)
sagen, ist klar und einfach ... Und die wesentlichen Stufen
des Yoga sind in dem Gesagten tatsächlich enthalten, nämlich
die Abschliessung von den Eindrücken der Aussenwelt, das
Unterdrücken der Denkvorgänge und schliesslich das mit dem
Aufleuchten des Ätmä erfolgende Eintreten des eigentlichen
Yoga-Erlebnisses’’.101 Although the restriction of thoughts,
etc., is-not expressly spoken of in the VS definition of yoga3
it cannot but be implied. Leaving aside for the moment the
direct awareness of the ätman , the agreement is of such a
kind that it is natural to surmise that it is these Epic
ideas and characterisations of yoga from which the definition
in the VS is derived.
666
3.4 This hypothesis, however, does not by any means have
the consequence that in contradiction to the conclusion ar
rived at above (3.2) one has to assume that this conception
of yoga was taken over and introduced into the VS much earlier.
As so often in the history of Indian philosophy and religion
(of yoga, too), different, i.e. both simple and sophisticated,
conceptions v1'11 most probably have co-existed for a long time.
What stands in need of a plausible explanation, therefore, is
nothing but the specific choice a ’redactor' of the VS made;
and this question can be answered rather easily: it is con
spicuous that he reverted to a conception that could with
little difficulty be made to accord with traditional and
fixed tenets of the system. What must have caused some diffi
culty was the close ’systematic' connection with the direct
awareness of the ätman in which yoga traditionally stood,
and not only in Brahmanic thought. For according to an old
doctrine common to both Vaisesika and Nyäya, the soul cannot
be perceived but can only be inferred, i.e. cognised by anu-
mäna. The solution found by the ’redactor’ is as simple as
it is consistent: the importance yoga might have for a special
kind of perception of the ätman is not even hinted at in VS
5.2.16f.
The reason for introducing a concept into the system
which must have been and was in fact originally alien to it
is likewise patent: the theory and practice of yoga had in
the meantime become so important and widely accepted that
it was deemed a serious defect of any school of thought not
to include it in its own tradition.
3.5 Does this hold good also for the peculiar perception
of Yogins as well as the direct awareness of the ätman? Was
it simply in order to comply with this contemporary exigency
of having yogipratyaksa dealt with in connection, with the
theory of knowledge that VS 9.13-17 were introduced? These
sutras, together with Candrananda's explanations, read as
follows:
ätmany ätmamanasoh samyogavi'sesäd ätmapratyaksam // 9.13
"Because of a particular contact of soul and internal organ
[taking place] in the soul [there arises] perception of the
soul."
ähntya visayebhya indriyäni tebhyaS ca mana ätmany eva yadä
samcdhiyate tadä yogajadharrnäpeksäd ätmäntahkaranasamyogäd
visistät tatrabhavatäm svasminn ätmani jttänam pvatyaksam
utpadyate /
667
ta th ä dravyäntaresu // 9.1^
"Similarly, with regard to other substances (i.e. material
objects) [that are normally beyond human perception]."
pr-atisiddhätmasamyogesu vyäpakadravyesv ätmanäsamyuktesv
ap r a t i siddhätmasamyog esu ca paramänvädisübhäbhyäm samyuktesu
jflänam utpadyate / - kirn ca
ä tm e n d r i y a m a n o 'r t h a s a n n i k a r s ä e ca // 9.15
"And [also] because of the drawing near to each other of
object [of cognition], sense(s), internal organ, and soul."
süksm avyavdhitaviprakrstesv arthesu tesäm catustayasan n i-
karsäd api pratyaksam jä y a te / tathäsmadädipratyaksesu
Cscil.: though not with regard to objects that are suksma,
etc.1.
t a t s a m a v ä y ä t karmagunesu // 9.16
"[And] with regard to movements and qualities, because they
inhere in that [material objects]."
yathäntahkrcranasamyogäd Cread: ätmäntah0rl~\ dravyäntaresu
jflänam utpadyate ta th a iva taddravyasamavetesu karmagunesu
jflänam utpadyate / yathä ca catustayasannikarsät süksmödisv
asmatpratyaksesu ca jflänam ta th a iva tatsam avetesu gunakarmasu
jflänam utpadyate samyuktasamaväyät /
ätm as am av ä yä d ätm ag un esu // 9.17
"[And] with regard to qualities of the soul, because they
inhere in the soul."
yathätmamanahsamyogät svasminn ätmani jflänam ta th a iva
svätmasamaoetesu sukhädisu jflänam utpadyate /
As at many other points in Candrinanda's Vrtti, here,
too, it is obvious that he has drawn heavily on the Padärtha-
dharmasamgraha (cf. the passage quoted above, 3.2). But
striking agreements are not confined to the commentary alone:
the sütras, too, not only clearly reflect Prasastapäda's
distinction between yogino yuktäh and yogino viyuktah and
between the respective means and objects of perception imper
ceptible "for people like us", but, at least partly, they can
even be interpreted more pregnantly in the light of his expo
sition: e.g. the term dravyäntaresu of VS 9.1A becomes fully
668
intelligible in the light of °akäsadikkälaparamänuväyumanassu
of the Padärthadharmasamgraha. On the other hand, 'the soul
of others' (ätmäntara) and the categories sämccnya3 vitesa^
and samaväya are missing in the sütra's enumeration of objects
perceivable by yogipratyaksa. 102 Therefore, in this case one
cannot be sure that these sutras were inserted into the VS
after Prasastapäda. That, nevertheless, they did not form
part of the VS from the very beginning is clear from the history
of yogipvatyaksa , a doctrine developed by Buddhist thinkers,
i.e. apparently by Dignaga, who seems to have introduced it
into the discussion of the means of valid knowledge.103
What is no less puzzling is the question of whether this
section on yogipvatyaksa is at all compatible with the defini
tion of yoga itself, i.e. whether it does not stand in direct
contradiction to it. Of course, sutras 9.15ff are not what is
disturbing in the first place, as they do not refer to the
actual state of yogic inactivity of the senses, but on the
contrary just to their functioning, which, however, is extra
ordinarily heightened by preparatory practice of yoga. Problems
are, however, raised by VS 9.13 and 14 insofar as at an earlier
point of the present discussion the definition of yoga was
taken to imply that the manas is then in a state of complete
inactivity, no cognitive acts being possible. It is true
that neither the wording of VS 5.2.16 and 17 nor Candränanda's
and the YViv.'s explanations explicitly preclude the opposite
interpretation. But should one really assume that mental acti
vities other than those directed towards external objects have
been consciously included by the 'author' of these two sutras
without his even hinting at the exigency of restraining at
least some types of them? The complete absence of all sophisti
cation in this definition, its total lack of any awareness of
the many, many problems the mind (manas) itself poses, even and
especially when no perceiving of external objects is taking
place, offer, I think, sufficient ground for ruling out this
possibility. It is, hence, quite legitimate to draw the con
clusion that if at all a common 'redactor' was responsible for
the insertion of the definition of yoga and likewise of the
section on yogi,pvatyak§a, he must have been rather dull-witted;
alternatively, the two must belong to different layers.
It is in fact this latter assumption that should definitely
be given preference. On the whole it is obvious that the con
ception of yoga as presupposed by this section on yogipnatyaksa
is distinctly different from that defined in VS 5.2.16f. Not
only has the latter nothing to do with the direct awareness of
the ätman, but it obviously also has no connection at all with
the central doctrine of the system, i.e. the categories. One
66 9
cannot but get the impression that the definition of yoga was
introduced into the VS at a time when people were still content
with asserting that the categories as such can be cognised some
how, that is to say, when no need was yet felt to establish them
or rather secure them by direct, though Yogic awareness, viz.
a special kind of perception. This, together with the observa
tion that yogipratyaksa is dealt with in the VS in the wider
context of the theory of ’normal* pratyaksa and of anumäna,
suggests the further assumption that at least one of the motives
for including the 'perception of Yogins' into the VS at all
might well have been the wish to get an additional weapon of
defence or to use their own weapons against opponents by stating:
yogipratyaksa as taught by you is in reality a further means to
proving the correctness of basic tenets of our doctrine.
3.6 E. Frauwallner tried to prove that the Vaisesika system
has been superficially disguised as a moksasästray i.e. that
the original first sutras of the VS were replaced by those
found today only after Prasastapäda}04 and his arguments are
indeed impressive. In this connection he does not, however,
enter into a discussion of the relation in which the 'tradi
tional', i.e. new sutras 1.1.1-4 (which according to him have
replaced the original beginning of the VS) stand to 5.2.20,
viz. the definition of moksa. This latter reads: t a d a b h ä v e
s a m y o g ä b h ä v o 'p r ä d u r b h ä v ah sa m o k s a h //. Since neither
dharma nor karma (in the sense of 'act[ion] conditioning re
birth') are referred to here, one might indeed suspect that
this sutra belongs to a layer other than that of the present
first sutras of the text. Since in the latter the term denoting
"liberation/final emancipation" is also different, viz. nih-
sreyasa} and along with it also abhyudaya is spoken of, one
cannot but arrive at the conclusion that - just as in the case
of yoga - here, too, one has to do with two different concept
ions of moksa. And one should not even be deterred by the fact
that tad° in the definition of moksa , i.e. sutra 5.2.20, refers
back to 5.2.19, as is also made clear by Candrananda when ex
plaining : evamrüpasyänädyapasarpanädinimittasyddrstäbhöcoe
jivanäkhyasyätmamanahsamyogasyäbhäve ’nyasya oa sartrasyä-
prädurbhävo yah sa moksah', that is to say, by the fact that
5.2.20 is to be interpreted to mean: "Liberation/final emanci
pation is the non-occurrence of [connection between internal
organ and soul that is called life] due to absence of adj?§pa
[which causes transmigration], and the [consequent] non-arising
[of a new body]." For, even if adr§tay thus forming part of
the definition of moksay were to be taken to include dharma
and adharma too as its causes, the differences between 5.2.20
and the VS's beginning would not be diminished to the extent
that an internal connection, let alone a close internal con
nection, between them could be discovered.
670
Now, the concept of moksa is not necessarily connected
systematically with that of yoga in general; nor is there any
such connection in the context of the VS, as far as could be
ascertained. Nevertheless, it is dealt with in the VS in
close proximity to the definition of yoga , viz. immediately
after it, and its definition resembles that of y o g a , as has
already been observed, in its syntactical structure. For
this reason one easily gets the impression that both these
concepts and the sütras devoted to them might have been in
troduced at the same time, and even together, into the VS.
Another feature common to both these definitions - to be sure
one that is even more striking and instructive - is the lack
of any clear statement regarding the way and means by which
yoga is to be achieved or moksa to be attained. This lack is
palpable in the case of yoga and might, therefore, have been
the main reason for the insertion of the element pränamano-
V'in.'igrahäpeksah into the definition as well as for Candrä-
nanda's explicative addition of väyunigrahäpeksah and of his
peculiar interpretation of VS 5.2.18. In case both these
definitions were in fact added at the same time, it would
be more promising to look out for circumstantial evidence
substantiating this supposition, not at the point of transi
tion between the two respective sections in the sütra, but
after the definition of what is moksa , viz. after VS 5.2.20.
What follows thereupon is the exposition of tamas
starting with: d r a v y a g u n a k a r m a v a id h a r m y ä d b h ä b h ä v a -
m ä tr a m 105 [= bhä-abhäva0] tam ah / / 5-2.21, "darkness is
nothing but the absence of light [and does not, therefore,
constitute a separate category, neither a substance nor a
quality nor a movement], because its properties are different
from those of substance, quality, and movement".106 Candra-
nanda’s introductory remark ta m o v rta tv ä t sarvasya j flänänut-
p a tta u tamo hetuh , "darkness is the cause of [the phenomenon]
that on account of being veiled by darkness no [object] is
perceived / nobody [is able to] perceive [an object]" (or:
"is the cause of the non-arising of [perceptual] knowledge
since all and everything is covered by darkness" ), though
perhaps really meant to point out this topic’s systematic
connection with the preceding section, i.e. VS 5.2.16 (where
the keyword atm endriyam ano'rthasann'ikarsa- appears) or with
VS 5.2.15 (in which the role of the internal organ in the
process of cognition seems to be intended),107 fails, never
theless, to answer the question as to the internal relation
of ’darkness' with the topics dealt with in the preceding
sutras of this Ahnika. But it does achieve this much: one
cannot but realise that the incoherence would neither be more
palpable nor less if VS 5.2.21ff were to follow immediately
671
upon sütra 5.2.15. But VS 5.2.21f. might, on the other hand,
have been added after the insertion of the definitions of
yoga and moksa (and perhaps placed at this point simply be
cause of the common occurrence of the concept 'abhäva'), thus
forming a further accretion, which would testify by itself to
the indisputable fact that the VS has changed considerably in
the course of transmission.
3.7 A final question suggests itself, viz. as to the differ
ence obtaining between yoga (as a particular kind of lasting
contact of manas and ätman) and other states of 'mind' that
have been explained by Vaisesikas as consisting in a connection
of the internal organ and the soul. There are at least two
such phenomena108 actually mentioned in the VS, viz. remem
brance (smrti) and dream (svapna), their definitions reading
thus: ä t m a m a n a s o h s a m y o g a v i G e s ä t samskäräc ca smrtih
// 9-22 and tathä svapnah s v a p n ä n t i k a m ca // 9.23 (cf.
NS 4.2.34). The latter sütra109 Candränanda explains in the
following way: uparatendriyasya pralinamanaskasyäntahkaranenaiva
jftänarn svapnah, svapne 'pi svapnajHänam [=] svapnäntikam, tad
ubhayam pürvapratyayäpeksäd ätmamanahsamyogavisesäd bhävanäsa-
häyäd utpadyate /. Thus, dream is significantly different from
yoga in that - apart from being a state in which the senses
have stopped functioning and the manas has fallen, if this is
what is meant by pralinamanaskasya - the residues of former
mental acts, the impressions on the 'mind’ play an important
role in the former. The addition of °u£sesät110 already on
the level of the sütra, however, indicates that the necessity
of distinguishing this and other ätmamanahsamyogas from the
peculiar one that is called yoga was clearly felt.111
3.8 On the relation between yoga and moksa, i.e. the possible
usefulness of the former for attaining the latter or the attain
ment of the latter presupposing the former, the VS does not con
tain any explicit statement. That the new beginning of the VS,
on the other hand, and the concept of nihsreyasa that occurs
there, belong to a different layer has already been shown.
Now these four new sütras have apparently been regarded by E.
Frauwallner as forming a unitary whole. Yet, when comparing
the new sütra 1.1.4, viz. dharmavisesapvasütäd dravyagurm-
karrriasäntänyavisesasamaväyänäm padärthänäm sädharmyavaidharm-
yäbhyäm tattvajflänän nihsreyasam, one cannot fail to observe
that in spite of the recurrent term nihsreyasa and of the
expression dharmavise§aprasütäd, obviously intended to
point out this sutra’s connection with the preceding one,
there is, nevertheless, a fracture here; i.e. it is clear
that again two different layers, viz. 1.1.1-3 and 1.1.4,
672
h a v e t o be d i s t i n g u i s h e d . T h is o b s e r v a t i o n i s c o r r o b o r a t e d i n
t h e f i r s t p l a c e n o t by t h e f a c t t h a t 1 . 1 . 4 was e v i d e n t l y f o r m u
l a t e d i n i m i t a t i o n of NS 1 . 1 . 1 , b u t , t o b e s u r e , by t h e f a c t
t h a t i t i s n o t a t t e s t e d to e i t h e r w i t h i n C andrananda' s V r t t i
o r w i t h i n t h e Vyäkhyä.
Now, a c c o r d i n g t o VS 1 . 1 . 2 (yato 'bhyudayanih&reyasa-
sid d h ih sa dharmah) "dharma i s t h a t on a c c o u n t o f w h ic h abhyu-
daya and nihSreyasa ( t h a t i s moksa) a r e s u c c e s s f u l l y a t t a i n e d " ;
and t h e f o l l o w i n g s ü t r a , v i z . taclvacanäd ämnäyaprämänyam3 i s
a p p a r e n tly in te n d e d to e s t a b l i s h th e a u t h o r i t a t i v e n e s s of
( s a c r e d ) t r a d i t i o n a s t h e s o u r c e o f t h e k n o w le d g e o f dharma
by a d d u c in g t h e r e a s o n t h a t i t i s ( a s e x p l a i n e d by C a n d r a n a n d a )
t a u g h t by M a h e s v a r a , i . e . t h e äpta p a r e x c e l l e n c e . The t r a n s i
t i o n from t h e l a t t e r s u t r a t o t h e one f o l l o w i n g i m m e d i a t e l y
upon i t , v i z . p r th iv y äpas te jo väyur äkäSam kälo d ig ätmä mana
i t i dravyäni ( o r i g i n a l l y t h e t h i r d s ü t r a ) i s t a k e n by C a n d r a n a n
d a t o b e : uktarn dharmasvarüpam tallaksanam ca / sädhanäny
asyedäntm dravyagunakarmäni vak^yämdh / ta tra . . . . I n w hat s e n s e
dravya3 guna3 and karman a r e "means t o dharma" i s n o t made
c l e a r by him a t t h i s p o i n t . What h e a p p a r e n t l y w a n t s t o s a y
i s t h a t o b j e c t s u s e d i n s a c r i f i c i a l and d e v o t i o n a l a c t s , t h e
f u t u r e r e s u l t o f w h ic h b r i n g s a b o u t abhyudaya and niJnsreyasa3
b e l o n g a f t e r a l l t o one o f t h e c a t e g o r i e s d e a l t w i t h i n t h e
V S .11^ T h i s a t t e m p t c a n o n ly b e s t y l e d a s h a r d l y c o n v i n c i n g .
The im p o r t a n c e o f t h e VS a s a m oksasästra w ould t h u s b e l i m i t e d
t o i t s d e a l i n g w i t h ' s u b s t a n c e s ’ , e t c . , some o f w h ic h a r e u s e d
i n s a c r i f i c e ; t h a t i s t o s a y , t h e c l a i m t h a t t h e VS l e a d s t o
f i n a l e m a n c i p a t i o n w ould b e o f s u c h a k i n d t h a t h a r d l y any n o n -
V a i s e s i k a c o u ld be moved t o t a k e i t s e r i o u s l y and n o t p o k e f u n
at it. The o b v i o u s d e f e c t s o f t h i s c o n c e p t i o n m i g h t , t h e r e
f o r e , have provoked t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of y e t a n o th e r s ü t r a ,
v i z . t h e f o u r t h one a c c o r d i n g t o t h e ' M a i t h i l a ' t r a d i t i o n ;
u n l e s s t h i s i n s e r t i o n was p ro v o k e d by t h e l a c k of a n y e x p l i c i t
s t a t e m e n t i n t h e S ü t r a i t s e l f on t h e r e l a t i o n i n w h ic h dharma
( i n t h e s e n s e t h i s word h a s i n 1 . 1 . 1 and 2) s t a n d s t o t h e c o n
t e n t s o f t h e VS a s a w h o le . I t i s o b v io u s t h a t C andrananda
d i d n o t y e t know t h e new s ü t r a 1 . 1 . 4 , v i z . dharmaoisesaprasütäd3
e tc . The i d e a e x p r e s s e d by i t , h o w e v e r , was n o t unknown t o h im ,
and t h i s i s c l e a r fro m h i s i n t r o d u c t o r y r e m a r k t o VS 1 . 1 . 7 , f o r
he s a y s : vijhätasädharmyavaidharmyänäm ca dravyädinäm abhyudaya-
nih& reyasahetutvät sädharmyam tä v a t ka th a y a ti3 a s t a t e m e n t w h ic h
r e f l e c t s t h e e a r l i e r one i n h i s com m entary on 1 . 1 . 6 , v i z . evam
sannäm padärthänäm sädharmyavaidharmyaparijflänam visayadosadar-
Sanadvärena vairä g yo tp a tta u satyäm nih sreya se sädhye dharmahetüh /
abhyudaye sädhye dharmahetutvam punar amtsäm 'same y a je ta '
i t i p rth iv y ä h , e t c . T h a t i s t o s a y , a c c o r d i n g t o C a n d r a n a n d a
t h e f u l l k n o w le d g e o f t h e sädharmya and t h e vaidharmya of a l l
t h e 6 c a t e g o r i e s i s in d e e d a dharmahetu , y e t w i t h r e g a r d t o
673
n'lhsveyasa it is dependent on the origination of vadrägya,
whereas with regard to abhyudaya it is dependent on the per
formance of Vedic sacrifice in accordance with the relevant
injunctions which refer to substances like ’earth', etc.
Sutra 1.1.4, too, obviously owes its origin to deliberations
along these lines; in fact, the wording (... särihar’
myava'Ldharm-
yäbhyäm tattvajflänam...) is so similar that one wonders if
1.1.4 was not after all introduced into the VS on the basis
of these very considerations, that is to say, only after him.113
As to this additional sütra, the connection it says
obtains between the categories and ndhäreyasa is comparatively
clear. The tattvajPlana, the "knowledge of the true nature"
of the different padärthas,is, however, quite different from
a direct experience of them by yogi-pratyaksa. Whether the
latter was at all, on the level of the VS, viewed as forming
a means to attaining moksa, cannot be decided with absolute
certitude; for ’direct awareness of the soul’ as taught in
sütra 9.13 does not necessarily imply ’liberation'. This much,
however, can be taken as certain: if yogdpratyaksa was - at
the time when sütras 9.13ff were introduced into the VS or in
later development - taken to be a means to attaining moksa
also, the relation between the categories as objects of yogic
perception and ’liberation' must have been conceived in quite
another manner than it was by the ’redactor’ responsible for
the insertion of 1.1.4.
3.9 That the section on yogipratyaksa as compared to the
definition of yoga must be later is clearly indicated by the
topic 'direct awareness of the atman ’, deliberately not touched
upon in the definition, but on purpose and almost emphatically
introduced already in the first of the sutras dealing with the
peculiar ’perception of Yogins’. By far more difficult to
answer is the question of the relative chronology of the defi
nition of moksa, on the one hand, and the conceptions of nih-
SY'eyasa as expounded in the new beginning of the VS, on the
other. As I, for one, fail to detect any fact that might help
to solve this problem, I should like to leave it open for the
time being.
I may add, however, that E. Frauwallner’s hypothesis re
garding the relative chronology of the new sütras 1.1.1-4 and
Prasastäpäda, attractive though it is at first sight, calls,
of course, for critical examination. In view of the fact that
little is known about the development of Vaisesika up to Pra-
sastapäda, one must not necessarily take for granted that these
alterations and expansions of the VS cannot but be posterior to
him. The inclination to have a certain important stage of deve
lopment brought into connection with a comparatively better
674
known personality is quite understandable, but by no means
does it guarantee historical truth. No doubt, however, should
arise as to the fact that neither the present beginning of this
text nor the definitions of yoga and of moksa nor the section
on yoglpratyaksa belonged to the 'original* VS. Both concepts,
that of yoga as well as that of moksa , form but loosely connected
'ornaments' of the VS, a half-hearted concession to a 'Zeitgeist'
which was no lon6er in favour of mere unbiassed investigations
into nature and reality - if indeed such an approach, comparable
with what we know of ancient Greece - ever was central to Indian
thought.
Notes
1. Wiesbaden (= A History of Indian Literature , ed. by J. Gonda,
Vol. VI, Fasc. 2).
2. Catalogus eatalogorum. An Alphabetical Register of Sanskrit
Works and Authors 3 3 pts., Leipzig 1891 - 1903 (reprinted
in 2 vols., Wiesbaden 1962).
3. I should like to thank my colleague Prof.Dr. K.-L. Janert
for xerox copies of the relevant pages of the Reports, etc.,
not accessible to me at Hamburg. There is no need to repro
duce here the various entries of the Reports, etc. Whether
these MSS or part of them are identical with those "sixteen
Manuscripts preserved in different Manuscript Libraries"
the readings of which have already been collated by A. Tha-
kur (cf. his paper in: Journal of the Bihar Research Society,
i+9, 1963, 186-8), remains an open question for the time
being.
It is also at present not possible to attribute the MSS con
taining the sütrapätha only, or the regional traditions they
might attest to, to particular 'schools' of Vaisesika. A
first, but unsatisfactory attempt to deal with the problem
of these 'schools' has been undertaken by Karunesha Shukla
in an article published in the Vlshveshvaranand Indologlcal
Journal 3 VIII (1970), 153-9.
4. Valseslkadarsana of Kanäd-a with an Anonymous Commentary 3
Darbhanga. 1957 (Mithilävidyäprthagranthamälä, 1. Präclnä-
cäryagranthävali, pancamam puspam), Introduction (11).
5. Valseslkasütra of Kanada with the Commentary of Candränanda3
critically ed. ..., Baroda 1961 (GOS No. 136).
675
6. ibid., Introduction (by A. Thakur), 1. Cf. also Muni Jam-
buvijayajl's description (in Sanskrit), Dvädasäranayacakra
(cf. n.22), Pt. I, Tippanäni, p.8.
7. ibid., Prastävanä, 2.
8. This might hold good for the MS, too, "obtained from a
certain private collection at Benares", from which Gopinath
Kaviraj records some variant readings [cf. his article in
Princess of Wales Sarasvati Bhavccna Studies, 7, 1929, (71)-
(76)].
9. Cf. n. 4.
10. In: JOIB, 10 (1960), 22-31.
11. The first date according to A. Thakur loc.cit. (n.9), the
second according to B.K. Matilal, op.cit. (n. 1), 59.
12. According to the last of his introductory stanzas:
sütramäträvalambena nirälambe '-pi gacchatah /
khe khelavan mamccpy atva sahasam siddhim esyati //
Cf. also B.K. Matilal, op.cit., 54.
13. In: WZKSO VI (1962), 184.
14. Cf. E. Steinkellner in: WZKSO V (1961), 149.
15. As has already been remarked by A. Thakur, op.cit. (n. 4),
Introduction (9)f.
16. Cf. his article mentioned in n. 3.
17. Cf. n. 5.
18. Cf. n. 13.
19. Cf. loc.cit. (n.10), 26. According to a remark of A. Tha-
kur's (cf. his article mentioned in n. 3) this work is
"available up to the end of Chapter II".
20. Loc.cit. (n. 13). This anonymous Vrtti, apparently on the
last two chapters of the VS only, is also mentioned by
A. Thakur (cf. his article mentioned in n. 3).
21. Cf. also the "conclusions" arrived at by A. Thakur in his
article mentioned in n. 3.
676
22. Dvädasäram Nayacakram of Äcärya Mallavädi Ksamäsrajmana,
with the Commentary Nyäyägamänusarinl of Sri Simhasüri
Gani Vädi Ksamäsramana3 ed. with critical notes by Muni
Jambüvijayajx, Pt. I (1-4 Aras) Bhavnagar 1966, Pt. II
(5-8 Aras) Bhavnagar 1976 (Sri Ätmänand Jain Granthamälä
No. 92 and 94). For his and the earlier editions, cf. also
A. Wezler in: Studien zum Jainismus und Buddhismus. Ge
denkschrift für Ludwig Alsdorf (Alt- und Neu-Indische
Studien Nr. 23), Wiesbaden 1981, 360ff.
23. This has been repeatedly stressed not only by Muni Jambü
vij ayaj i himself (cf. his edition of Candrananda's commen
tary [n. 5], Prastivanä 1 and his edition of the Dvädasära-
nayacakra Cn. 221, Pt. I Präkkathanam 19ff, passim_, Pt.
II Prästävikam kincid 12 et passim), but also in a general
way by E. Frauwallner (cf. his Introduction to Pt. I of
Muni Jambüvij ayaj i 's edition of the Dväda§äranayacakra3 6
as well as his article in: WZKSOA I (1957), 147ff).
24. I am referring in the first place to articles by W. Halbfass
published in: WZKS X IX (1975), XX (1976), XXIV (1980), and
in: Anjali3 Papers on Indology and Buddhism: A Felicitation
Volume presented to O.H. de A. Wijesekera on his 60th hirth-
day3 ed. J. Tilakasiri, Peradeniya 1970.
25. This is, and as far as I know will remain, a desideratum
for the time being. However, A. Thakur seems to be working
on a critical edition (cf. his article mentioned in n. 3).
Further, Mrs. U. Plewnia-Erb of Hamburg University is pre
sently preparing a doctoral thesis on the fragments of and
references to the VS and lost Vaisesika works in Sanskrit
and Tibetan testimonia.
26. I should like to thank Prof. Dr. E. Steinkellner (Vienna)
for a copy of this paper. Together with other works found
in the literary remains of E. Frauwallner, it will be pu
blished in the near future by Prof. Steinkellner himself.
27. In: Studien zum Jainismus und Buddhismus ...,(cf. n.22),
283.
28. The exact title as given by the author is Pätaftjalayogasästra-
vivarana (cf. the edition mentioned in n. 30, p.l). This is
also pointed out by J. Bronkhorst in his article "Patan-
jali and the Yogasutras" to be published in St i l , Heft 9
(1982). I shall keep to the abbreviation YViv. introduced
by T. Vetter (cf. n. 29).
677
29. On the problem of authorship, cf. P. Hacker in: WZKSO
XII-XIII (1968) (= Beiträge zur Geistesgeschichte Indiens.
Festschrift für Erich Frauwallner. Aus Anlass seines 70.
Geburtstages herausgegeben von G. Oberhammer3 Wien, 119-
148 (= Kleine Schriften, hrsg. von L. Schmithausen, Wies
baden 1978, 213-42) and T. Vetter, Studien zur Lehre und
Entwicklung Sankaras, Wien 1979 (Publications of the
De Nobili Research Library, ed. by G. Oberhammer, Vol.VI),
21ff.
30. PätaPljala-Yogasütra-Bhäsya-Vivaranam of Sahkara-Bhagavat-
pä d a 3 critically ed. with Introduction, Madras 1952 (Madras
Government Oriental Series No. XCIV). This edition is based
on a single modern paper MS, i.e. a Devanlgari transcript
made in 1918-19 from a Malayalam MS (cf. Introduction, VII).
A second transcript of the same original, kept in the Adyar
Library, however, was also consulted by the editors. The
present whereabouts of the original are not known to me.
In 1976 I could microfilm another Malayalam MS available
in the Manuscript Library of the University of Lahore (Old
Campus), and in 1980 I was given a grant by the German
Research Association ("Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft")
to travel to Trivandrum to compare a third, though damaged,
MS in the possession of the Oriental Research Institute and
Manuscript Library, University of Kerala, Trivandrum. A
detailed description of these additional materials will
be given in the first of a series of articles I intend to
write under the common title "Philological Remarks on the
Pätafljalayogasästravivarana". I should like to thank
all the above-mentioned institutions for their substantial
assistance, liberality, and cooperation.
31. The syllables in square brackets represent conjectures
proposed by the editors. The present one is confirmed by
the context, cf. YViv. p. 6 1. 12 (sasarirasyaZ=lavisirna-
sarirasua) and p. 7 1. 7 (upätte ’pi sasarlragrahane ...).
32. yoga iti is missing not only in the transcript, but in
both the MSS. The emendation [yoga iti] is based on YViv.
p. 6 1 . 15 (... samyogaviGeso yoga iti) 3 etc.; it is, how
ever, not corroborated by the Lahore MS either, which reads:
°apeksah sa yogas tad iti ... So there is no need at all
to emend the text here, the correct reading being preserved
in the latter MS.
33. Op.cit. (cf. n. 29), 22.
34. Dealt with below, under 2.4.
678
35. p. 6 1. 29 (w h e re t h e c o n j e c t u r e [s ü tr a -] of t h e e d i t o r s
i s f u l l y c o n f i r m e d by t h e T r iv a n d r u m and L a h o r e MSS) and
p. 7 1. 4.
36. I h ave c o r r e c t e d t h e p r i n t i n g m i s t a k e ( sukhahdukhe ) o f
th e e d i t i o n .
37. On t h e s e s i g l a c f . ab o v e p . 644.
38. "P" = V r t t i a s g i v e n i n t h e se c o n d MS ( c f . Muni J a m b ü v i j a -
y a j l ' s e d . , P r a s t ä v a n a 2 ) ; "U" = U p a s k ä r a of S a n k a r a M i s r a .
39. T h e r e i s no s u c h r e a d i n g t o be found i n t h e e d i t i o n s o f
t h e U p a s k ä r a a c c e s s i b l e t o me. I t is a lso stra n g e th a t
th e re a d in g i s n o ted w ith r e f e r e n c e to th e c o n c lu d in g
w ords o f t h e s ü t r a . P r o b a b l y i t i s j u s t a p r i n t i n g m is
t a k e w h ic h h a s n o t b e e n d i s c o v e r e d a n d , t h e r e f o r e , n o t
been c o r r e c t e d i n t h e ' s u d d h i p a t t r a m ' on p . 2 3 5 f . There
a r e , h o w e v e r , e d i t i o n s o f t h e U p a s k ä r a w h i c h , i n s t e a d of
sukhaduhkhäbhävahj r e a d duhkhäbhävah ; y e t t h i s v a r i a n t
h a s b e e n n o t e d by t h e Muni i n t h e f i r s t ' P a r i s i s t a ' on
p . 100 o f h i s e d i t i o n .
40. Under "Mi" Muni J a m b ü v i j a y a j I r e c o r d s t h e v a r i a n t r e a d i n g s
of t h e anonymous Vyäkhyä e d i t e d by A. T h a k u r ( c f . n . 4 ) .
41. The r e a d i n g s a r tr a s y a ( a s w e l l a s sarpyogah) h a s a l s o b e e n
r e c o r d e d by G o p in a th K a v i r a j fr o m t h e " B e n a r e s " MS ( c f .
n . 8).
42. Cf. a l s o C a n d r i n a n d a 's e x p l a n a t i o n o f t h e t e r m brahma-
caryam o f VS 6 . 2 . 2 w h ic h r e a d s : brahmasabdena ätrnä,
brahmani oaranam ^ätmamanasor yah samyogah s tr y d d ip a r i-
härarüpo brahmacaryam / .
43. N ote C a n d r i n a n d a ' s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n : ... jtvandkhyasydtm a-
manahsamyogasydbhdvo . . .
44 . T hat i s t o s a y , I am n o t c o n v i n c e d t h a t Muni J a m b u v i j a y a -
j i ' s r e v is e d o p in io n ( c f . ' V r d d h i p a t t r a k a ’ p. 229: . . .
'prädurbhävas ca . . . / ayatji päthdh saxritovno b h ä ti . . . )
i s d e f e n s i b l e : i t i s much more l i k e l y t h a t ca was added
l a t e r fo r th e sake of c l a r i t y .
45. A c c o r d in g t o t h e Sarvadarsanasamgraha , t h e 5 t h Adhyäya o f t h e
VS i s d e v o t e d t o 'karm apratipadana*3 v i z . t h e 1 s t Ä hnika
t o r§artrasambandhi-karmacintanar and t h e 2nd t o ’mänasa-
karmacintana ( c f . t h e f o u r t h ' P a r i s i s t a ’ , p . 1 3 9 ) . T h is
679
i s o b v i o u s l y a s t e p f u r t h e r to w a r d s a s s i g n i n g t o t h e VS
a n e a t l y s y s t e m a t i c d i v i s i o n i n t o A dhyayas and Ä h n ik a s -
a s t e p e v e n C a n d rä n a n d a h a s n o t t a k e n , who a p t l y s a y s a t
t h e v e r y b e g i n n i n g o f VS 5 . 2 : ädhyätmikesu tatsambaddhesu
ca karmäny uktvä mahäbhütakarmäni vyäcaste.
46 . I n r e n d e r i n g t h e s u t r a s I f o l l o w h e r e , o f c o u r s e , C a n d r i -
n a n d a ' s d i v i s i o n and i n t e r p r e t a t i o n .
47. Vaisesikasütra 3 e d . , w ith Prosastapäda ' s Padärthadharma-
Samgraha and Udayana ’ s Kiranävalt and LaksanävaVt> by
V .P . D v i v e d i n (BenSS 9 ) , 1897, 1 9 1 9 2 .
48. S i n c e t h e e d i t i o n m e n tio n e d i n n. 47 was n o t a c c e s s i b l e t o
me I r e l y h e r e on t h e i n f o r m a t i o n g i v e n on i t by Muni Jam -
b ü v i j a y a j i i n h i s e d i t i o n of t h e VS, 9 9 f .
49. C f. n . 8.
50. See b e lo w p. 658.
51. T h e r e a r e more s ü t r a s w i t h vyäkhyäta- a s p r e d i c a t e , b u t
t h e y a r e o f s l i g h t l y d i f f e r e n t s t r u c t u r e . They c a n e a s i l y
be fo u n d w i t h t h e h e l p o f M. Honda, "An I n d e x t o t h e P h i l o
s o p h i c a l S u t r a s " , Proceedings o f the Okurayama O riental
Research I n s titu te (Yokohama), 1, 1954, 2 4 4 - 3 0 5 .
52. V e r s e 2 .2 5 4 i n Th. Z a c h a r i a e ’ s e d i t i o n ( DerAnekärthasam-
graha des Hemacandra. Mit Auszügen aus dem Commentare
des Mahendra [= Q u e lle n w e r k e d e r A l t i n d i s c h e n L e x i c o g r a p h y ,
H r s g , im A u f t r ä g e d e r K a i s . Akademie d . W i s s e n s c h a f t e n i n
W ien, Bd. I ] , Wien 1 8 9 3 ).
53. C f. a l s o väyukarman, VS 5 . 2 . 1 3 .
54. die Nyäyasütra ’s . T ext , Übersetzung , Erläuterung und Glossar
(ARM X V I I I , 2 ) , L e i p z i g 1928, n o t e 32 (p . 1 6 6 ) .
l o c . c i t ; c f . a l s o E. F r a u w a l l n e r , Geschichte der
55. O p . c i t . ,
indischen Philosophie , Bd. 2, S a l z b u r g 1 956, 9 9 f f and 2 3 9 f .
56. The same c o n s i d e r a t i o n m ig h t h a v e l e d C a n d rä n a n d a t o p a r a
p h r a s e t h e te r m pratyagätman i n 3 . 1 . 1 4 by sarlram , i n s p i t e
o f 3 . 1 . 1 3 - But I am n o t s u r e t h a t h i s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n o f
3 .1 .1 4 i s s u s ta in a b le .
57. C f. E. F r a u w a l l n e r , Geschichte der indischen P hilosophie3
Bd. 2, S a l z b u r g 1956, 9 9 f f .
680
58. Cf. also e.g. Candränanda on VS 5.1.1: sväsrayasamyogä-
peksitvät prayatnasya kriyärambha ätmahastasamyogah
karmanah käranam / ... and on VS 2.1.25.
59. Quoted from op.cit. (cf. n.54), loc.cit. The sütra 5.2.18
is, as has already been stated, missing in the sütvapätha
as given by Sankara Misra, whose text was the only one
known to Ruben in the twenties.
60. This sütra has been put into square brackets by the editor
in order to indicate that it is not explicitly and separa
tely attested to within the text of the Vyäkhyä. In the
text of the commentary itself emendations of A. Thakur are
bracketed as in his edition-.
61. I am keeping to the counting of A. Thakur's edition.
62. The text is obviously corrupt here. Read instead atma°
and cf. the 2nd, 3rd and 5th sentences of the commentary
on this sütra. Has sartva0 intruded into the text because
of an original gloss or even reading sartri0?
63. The commentary clearly supports the reading ätmasthe manasi.
Muni Jambüvijayaji, too, gives (2nd 'Parisista', p. 113)
the reading ätmasthe manasi.
64. Has this expression, though obviously a bahuvrvhi compound,
led to the corrupt reading ätmasthamanas'L in the sütra?
65. I do not know why A. Thakur in emending the text has left
out the traditional third anga3 i.e. äsana, "posture(s)",
which one would expect to have been included in this enu
meration - unless he assumes that it was dropped under the
influence of Nyäyabhäsya (POS 58) p. 309.6-7, where, how
ever, samadht is lacking.
66. I am not convinced that this emendation is correct.
67. One would rather expect this statement to be made of the
internal organ.
68. Cf. above p. 651 and n. 45.
69. In Muni JambGvijayaji's ed. sütra 5.2.15.
70. For he comments: ... tathä labdhabhümtnäm yoginäm kalpänte
'bhisandhäya prayatnena manäh sartväd vyativieyävatistha-
mänänäm sargädau navasartrasambandhäya manasa adyam karma
na bhaved adrstäd rte / ...
681
71. Candrananda is unfortunately not very explicit, but I for
one cannot think of anything else he could have had in
mind when explaining this sütra by yathdtmasamyogapra-
yatndbhydm haste 'karma tathätmamanahsamyogät prayatnäc
ca manasah karma, etat sadehasya karma3 tatra jag rata
bcchadvesapürvakät prayatnät, prabodhakäle ("at the time
of waking up") tu j tvanapürvakät /. W. Ruben, too, has
taken this to be the purpose of VS 5.2.15, for he trans
lates it thus (loc.cit., n.54 above): "Die Bewegung des
inneren Organs [zu den Sinnesorganen zum Zwecke der Wahr
nehmung usw.] ist mit der Bewegung der Hand erklärt."
72. Read bhuktapZtänno0?
73. Cf. Candränanda’s explanation of this compound: ...sukra-
sonität prabhrti garbhasthasya mäträ upayuktenärmapänena
nädyanupravistena sambandho 'sitapZtasamyogah,...
74. If the explanations following upon the sutra 5.2.16 were
to be taken, nevertheless, to belong to it, a tentative
interpretation of the sütra text would be: "Because of
the movement of the body (i.e. because of rebirth) [results]
impropriety of the ätmakarman(?) and the dharma [which
brings about the direct awareness of the soul]" - an in
terpretation of which I for one cannot make any sense.
75. Which may, indeed, be interpreted as indicating, at least
implicitly, the impossibility of freeing oneself from
samsära; cf. Sankara Misra’s introductory remark on the
sütra by which the concept of moksa is defined: nanu
dehäntarotpatter äva&yakatvam cet tadä katham moksah?
76. It really is a pity that A. Thakur, too, as most Indian
editors, does not give sufficient and precise information
about the actual reading or condition of the manuscript.
77. = Candränanda, i.e. the text of the sutras according to
Muni Jambüvijayaji’s edition.
78. Although not attested to within the Vyäkhyä, it is never
theless obviously presupposed by the anonymous author.
79. At first sight, by what i§ said in the Upaskära it does
not become clear whether Sankara Misra has taken tadanä-
rambha to be a nominative or a locative form. On closer
inspection, however, and in accordance with other inter
preters like Nandalal Sinha (The Vaisesika Sutras of
Kanada ... transl., SBH 6, Allahabad 1911), one has to
opt for the first alternative. Nevertheless, the punctua-
682
tion according to Sankara Misra cannot be given in this
part of the sutra text because he offers various alterna
tive explanations without clearly opting for one. Only
regarding the full stop before sa yogah can one be certain,
namely because of his remark: sa yoga iti prasdddh'isdddha-
tayä tatpadam, ay am sa yogah.
80. The pratika duhkhäbhäva iti appearing in the Upaskära on
this sütra as well as the alternative interpretation as
bahuvvthi compound (yadvä duhkhasyäbhävo yatreti bahuvvt-
hi-h) are sufficient proof that the reading sukhaduh0 is
the only one Sankara Misra knew of (cf. also n. 39).
81. Scil. arthah, "this is what is meant by the text quoted"
or take iti rather to mark the end of the quotation intro
duced by tathä oähuh (cf. above n. 32).
82. Is it possible that in C. the visarga of tadanärambhah
was originally intended to indicate that the word was to
be understood as a nominative, and that it was only later
further interpreted to indicate the end of the sentence?
Further, why not assume that tadanärambha is an absolute
locative? In that case the translation would be: "When
this (i.e. the drawing near to each other of ...) does
not take place, [i.e.] when the manas is in the soul,
then there is no pleasure and pain for the embodied
[soul]." This has the advantage of a construction with
out a supplement as against that given below. Yet in the
parallel passage VS 5.2.20 what is expressed by the nomi
native 1präduvbhäväh is obviously a consequence of what
is expressed by the nominative samyogäbhävah, and never
theless there is no consecutive particle. That is to say,
the sütra style would seem to allow of such paratactic
constructions. One cannot hence at present decide whether
tadariärambha was originally a nominative or a locative.
83. Cf. Sankara Misra’s, though admittedly not explicit, re
mark: duhkhäbhäva iti duhkhäbhävasädhanatväd yoga eva
duhkhäbhävah ... Prasastapäda, however, is quite outspoken,
cf. Padärthadharmasamgraha (cf. n. 97), 630ff (= gunani-
rüpane siddhadarsanaprakarana).
84. Cf. above notes 32 and 81.
85. This might have happened even in the course of the trans
mission of the text of the YViv. itself.
86. Op.cit. (cf. n. 1), 74. See however A. Aklujkar in: JOI 19
(1969-70), 340-341.
683
87. Read thus in accordance with the Trivandrum MS.
88. Interestingly enough Paksilasvamin feels induced to justify
explicitly that ätman is not mentioned in NS. 1.1.4 among
the causes of perception, for the objection na tavhidänim
idem bhavaty ätmä manasä samyujyate3 mana indviyena3 indvi-
yam avtheneti is met by him with the counterargument nedam
kävanävadhävanam etccoat pvatyakse keevanam iti3 kintu vi-
sistakävanavacanam iti / yat pvatyaksajfldnasya visista-
kävanam tad ucyate3 yat tu samänam anumänädijnänasya na
tan nivavtata iti /.
It should be noted that in the remaining indviyamanorvtha°3
too, the sequence of its different members seems odd. For,
it cannot be accounted for by the rules about the sequence
of the members of a dvandva compound as taught by Pinini
(cf. 2.2.32ff), nor does it accord with the different steps
of the process of perception. I can think of but one expla
nation, viz. that °avtha° was put at the end as the target
of the elements denoted by the preceding members and is the
object of cognition, and that the sequence indviyamanas°
in its turn is sanctioned historically, manas being tradi
tionally enumerated after the ’senses'.
89. On VS 10.1: ... ätmasamaväyas caitayov ahahkärenaikaväkya-
bhävät /
90. Cf. also VS 3.2.13.
91. Obviously this is stated in criticism of the Slmkhya
doctrine; cf. Candrinanda on this sütra.
92. Cf. also Candrananda on this sütra: yathä sallihgävisesäd
visesalihgäbhäväo oaikabhävas (one of the principal ’pre
suppositions' of Vaisesika in analysing reality!) tathaiva
sukhaduhkhajftänänäm nispattyaoisesäd visesalihgäbhäväa
aaikätmyam /.
93. Geschichte dev indischen Philosophie3 Bd. I, Salzburg 1953,
408f (italics mine).
94. Cf. E. Frauwallner’s unpublished lecture (cf. n. 26) and
note 387 in the 2nd volume of his Geschichte dev Philosophie
(Salzburg 1956): "Der Anfang der Vaisesika-Sütren lautete
ursprünglich: yad iha bhävavüpam tat s a w am abhidhäsyämi
TT
95- Quoted from W. Halbfass's article in: WZKS XIX (1975), 186,
resp. 196.
684
96. Cf. H. Ui, The Vai&esika Philosophy according to the
Dasapadärthasästra. Chinese text, English translation and
notes. London 1917 (repr. Benares 1962, Chowkhamba SSt
XXII) and E. Frauwallner in: Studia Indologica3 Fest
schrift für W. Kirfely Bonn 1955, 65-85.
97. Prasastapädabhäsyam (Padärthadhamasamgrahäkhyam) Sridha-
rabha11 a]3ran 11 ayä Nyäyakandallvyäkhyayä samvalitam. Tad-
ubhayam Sri-Durgädharajhä-Sarmanä ... sampäditam. Benares
1963 (= Gahgänäthajhä-Granthamälä l).
98. Op.cit., 464f (= pratyaksaprakarana).
99. The fact that Muni Jambüvij ayaj 1 in the 2nd volume of his
edition of the Dvädasäranayacakra (cf. n.22) in n. 9 on
p. 438f quotes VS 5.2.14-22 does not by any means stand
against this conclusion. For actually only VS 5.2.14 is
quoted partly by Simhasüri and none of the rest is referred
to or presupposed either by Mallavädin or his commentator.
100. Viz. 133-43.
101. Op. cit. p. 137.
102. The omission of the 'ätman of others’ among the objects
perceptible by yogipratyaksa might be due to its conspicuous
lack of systematic importance; on the other hand, one cannot
be absolutely sure that 'parätman ' is indeed excluded by the
very wording of VS 9.13; at least by Sankara Misra this
sütra has been interpreted as teaching the direct awareness
of parätman, too. As regards the omission of visesa3 sä-
mänya and samaväya3 one would expect them to have been
mentioned in 9.16; therefore one cannot, of course, follow
Sankara Misra without reserve; for according.to him they are
included in the term dravya0 in VS 9.14. If at all, this
might hold good for vi&esa only insofar as it inheres in
the atoms (paramanu) imperceptible for "people like us",
but perceptible for a Yogin. Since according to the theory
of perception of classical Vaisesika the category ' sämänya’
is perceptible, its perception being conditioned by that
of its bearer, possibly no need was felt to have it included
in the peculiar objects of yogipratyaksa. But what about
samavaya3 which is taught as one of the things imperceptible?
As inherence is cognisable by inference only, it might have
been left out in view of the fact that anumccna as means of
valid knowledge is dealt with in VS 9.18ff; i.e. the imme
diately succeeding section. However, these tentative expla
nations seem rather unconvincing.
685
103. Cf. M. Hattori, Dighäga on Perception __ _, Cambridge,
Mass. 1968, 27 and 94; T. Vetter, Erkenntnisprobleme
bei Dhajrmakjirti; Wien 1964, 40; E. Steinkellner in:
Transzendenzerfahrungj Vollzugshorizont des Heils, das
Problem in indischer und christlicher Tradition 3 hrsg.
von G. Oberhammer, Wien 1978, 121-134. SteinkellnerTs
important assertion that "die Erkenntnisiehre emanzipiert
sich nicht vom System - und das ist im indischen Kultur
raum jeweils eine Erlösungslehre -, sondern erfüllt die
Aufgabe, der Reflexion auf die aus der Offenbarung oder
Lehrer-Reihe erhaltenen Inhalte geordnete und nachvoll
ziehbare Bahnen zu geben” (p.123), though going a bit
too far in generalising, is strikingly confirmed by the
use the VS and Frasastapäda have made of yogipratyaksa
as a means of proving central tenets of the system by
direct perception.
104. In the unpublished lecture referred to above (cf. n.26)
as well as in his Geschichte der indischen Philosophie3
Bd. 2, Salzburg 1956, 27f, 90ff and 236f.
105. The reading of the text as constituted by Muni Jambuvi-
jayaji actually is bhävabhävamätram . But in n.6 he says
(after having referred to the reading bhäbhävas tamah
of the Nyäyakandali and that of Mi., which, however,
shows abhävas only) that " 'bhä'bhävas tamah' iti päpho
'numato bhäti" . He has, however, revised his opinion
as regards °matram , cf. p. 230 of his edition together
with n.2.
106. For a discussion of tamas cf. E. Frauwallner, Geschichte
der indischen Philosophie 3 Bd. 2, Salzburg 1956, 38f and
note 37 (references to relevant passages in Hydya and
Vaisesika works).
107. Cf. above 2.2.3 and 2.3.3.
108. avidyä (VS 9.25f) and ärsa siddhadarsana (9.28) are
further instances, cf. also above, no. 42.
109. The former is explained by Candrananda as forming part of
the section dealing with anumäna (VS 9.18ff). On the latter
cf. also L. Schmithausen, Mandanamisra’s Vibhramavivekah
mit einer Studie zur Entwicklung der indischen Irrtwns-
lehrey Wien 1965, 155, n. 27.
110. Cf. also VS 9.13 (see p. 666 above) and the explanation
in the YViv (see p. 661 above).
686
111. That it is this because of which the posterior member of
the compound was added (it is not meant to indicate that
the ’contact’ represents an 'inherence' [samccoaya ]) be
comes obvious also from Candrananda’s comment on VS 9.23
as well as on 9.25 and 28.
112. Cf. his comment on sütra 1.1.2: yägadevatäpüjädik^iyänärn
äjyapuspädinirvca^tyänärp tadaiva vinagtatväd uttarakälam
phaladänäsakter yasmäd hetor abhyudayanih&reyase bkavatah
sa dhccrma itd boddhavyah / and note not only the expression
boddhavyah, "so one should realise", but also the correla
tion between yäga and abhyudaya explained by bvahnddilokesv
istasartrapräptir anarthoparamas oa3 on the one hand, and
devatäpüjädi and ni-hsreyasa paraphrased by adhyätmano
vaisesikagunabhave moksah, on the other, i.e. his theistic
’inclusivism'.
113. That the sütra 1.1.4 was added only in the course of trans
mission has also been observed by M.R. Bodas, cf. M. Nozawa
in: JIBSt 24.2 (1976), 1001, fn. 13.
Addendum
On p. 668 and ff a better rendering of säksätkära is "perception".
687
DATING THE DEATH OF NAROPA
Turrell V. WYLIE (Seattle)
Näropa is renowned in the field of Tibetan Buddhist studies
as the Indian guru who taught esoteric doctrines to the
Tibetan translator, Mar-pa of Lho-brag (1012-97). Returning
to Tibet, Mar-pa passed the teachings on to his disciple, the
revered mystic-poet, Mi-la-ras-pa (lOUO-1123). Näropa was
also associated with another Indian guru famous in Tibetan
religious history, namely Atlsa (9Ö2-105M, who arrived in
Mnga’-ris in western Tibet in A.D. 10^2.
The Tibetan hagiography (mam-thar) of Mar-pa was trans
lated by Jacques Bacot and published in 1937.1 In 1951»
W.Y. Evans-Wentz published a translation of the life story of
Mi-la-ras-pa.2 A study of the life and works of Atlsa was
published in 1967 by Alaka Chattopadhyaya.3 The translation
of the Tibetan hagiography of Näropa himself, together with a
philosophical commentary on his teachings, was published in
1963 by Herbert V. Guenther.4
Guenther’s comprehensive study of the life and teachings
of Näropa is the first in the field and it is very unlikely
to be duplicated, much less superseded, by another study in
the future. Since it will serve as the standard hagiographic
study of Näropa, it is important that the dates given by
Guenther for the birth and death of Näropa be rectified.
The pivotal date in establishing Tibetan chronology is
the year in which Atlsa arrived in western Tibet. According
to the sixty-year cyclical calendar adopted in eleventh-century
Tibet, Atisa arrived in Mnga'-ris in the Water-Male-Horse year
of the first cycle (vab-byung). 5 Through historical and bio
graphical studies, it has been established that Atisa arrived
in western Tibet in the year A.D. 10^2, and that date corre
lates the chronological sequence of the Tibetan cyclical calen
dar with that of the Gregorian calendar. Since each year of
the sixty-year cyclical calendar is singularly identified by
the combination of one of the five elements with one of the
twelve animal designs, events can be dated by computing back
ward or forward from the Gregorian year of Atisa’s arrival in
Tibet.6
688
According to his hagiography, Näropa was horn in a
Fire-Male-Dragon year, which could be any of the following
dates: A.D. 896, 956, 10l6, 1076, etc. The year in which
Näropa died was an Iron-Male-Dragon year, which could be
A.D. 980, 10^0, 1100, ll60, etc. (When dating events, Tibetan
historians and hagiographers seldom gave the number of the
cycle involved and it is necessary to establish it by refer
ence to other datable events.) In fixing Näropa’s dates,
Guenther chose A.D. 10l6 as the year of his birth, and A.D.
1100 as that of his death.7 Guenther’s choice was based upon
an incident in Näropa’s life story in which Mar-pa, during
his third visit to India, told Näropa about his disciple,
Thos-pa-dga'. Thos-pa-dga’ was the given name of Mar-pa’s
disciple, Mi-la-ras-pa.8 Mi-la-ras-pa was born in an Iron-
Male-Dragon year, fixed as A.D. IOU0.8 Guenther concluded,
therefore, that the Iron-Male-Dragon year in which Näropa
died could not have been A.D. IOUO, but A.D. 1100. In a foot
note to his date of Näropa's death, Guenther commented: "in
Alfonsa Ferrari, mK'yen brtse’s Guide to the Holy Flaces of
Central Tibet} p.169, Näropa's death is given as A.D. 10U0.
This is physically impossible because by that time Mar-pa
could never have told him that he had a disciple of extra
ordinary gifts, Mi-la-ras-pa, who was born in A.D.IOU0."10
Ferrari, in note number 695 on page l68 Cnot 169 as cited
by Guenther] simply stated: "Näropä (d. I0U0 ) was an Indian
Tantric and the teacher of Mar-pa."11 Ferrari did not cite
a reference for Näropa's death date. Presumably, Ferrari
regarded A.D.IOUO as the generally accepted date of Näropa's
death and felt no need for a textual citation. Guenther dis
agreed and fixed the death year as A.D. 1100. But, is his
dating correct?
Alaka Chattopadhyaya, in her biographical study of Atisa,
refers to this situation obliquely in a footnote, saying:
"H.V. Guenther, The Life and Teaching of Naropa, Oxford 1963.
The dates given in the book appear to be peculiar."12 Although
she did not elaborate on her footnote, a perusal of Chattopadh
yaya 's study of events in Atisa's life makes it clear that
Guenther's dates do, indeed, "....appear to be peculiar."
The year of Atisa's departure from the monastery of Vikra-
maslla in India on his way to Tibet was also an Iron-Male-
Dragon year; the same cyclical year as the death of Näropa and
the birth of Mi-la-ras-pa. The year of Atisa's departure has
been fixed as A.D. IOU0.13 Now,shortly before his departure,
Näropa came to Vikramaslla and conferred responsibility for the
Buddhist Order and Faith upon Atisa. When Atisa humbly protested,
Näropa insisted, saying: "I am old and am not going to stay in the
689
world very long."14 "After saying this, Näro-pä left the
vihära and went southwards. Twenty days later he received
his nirvana. When Dlpamkara [= Atisa] came to Tibet, he carried
with him Näro-pä*s relics. This C s i c Ü was placed in a golden
oaitya in the sNe-than monastery."15 Thus, according to Chatto-
padhyaya's study, the Iron-Male-Dragon year, in which Atisa
started his trip to western Tibet, also "...was the year of
Näro-pä *s nirvana."16
The hagiography of Mar-pa also contains a reference to
the death of Näropa. While on his third journey to India,
Mar-pa met Atisa, who was then on his way to western Tibet.
When Mar-pa asked him for news of Näropa, Atisa informed him
(according to Bacot’s translation): "Näropa est mort. II gou-
verne la troupe des Asuras et, en dehors d ’eux, il ne se ren
contre avec aucun homme."17 The Tibetan text, rendered by
Bacot as *Näropa est mort', reads: nä ro pa spyod pa la
gshegs ras...1“ This may be literally translated: 'Näropa,
after having gone to consummate-meditation...'; a euphemism
in this context for 'to die'. Since Atisa met Mar-pa when he
was on his way to western Tibet, it is clear that Näropa had
died before Atisa left India in A.D. 10^0.
The euphemistic wording of the report of Näropa's death
in Mar-pa's hagiography is reflected in George N. Roerich's
translation of The Blue Annals. Regarding Mar-pa's third
visit to India, Roerich's translation reads: "When he reached
the country of Madhyadesa, he did not meet Nä-ro-pa who had
gone away for secret Tantric practices (in ancient times in
India the departure for secret Tantric practices was likened
to death)."19 Roerich’s own parenthetical comment does not
make it clear whether he himself regarded that idiom as a
euphemism for 'to die' or not; but, the brief account given
in The Blue Annals of Mar-pa's long search for, and eventual
encounter with, Näropa, portrays their meeting as occurring
in the realm of metaphysical vision rather than on the physi
cal plan of historicity.20
Guenther's translation of Näropa’s hagiography is not
free of ambiguity regarding the state of Näropa's existence
when Mar-pa came to India for the third time. When he arrived
there, Mar-pa was told: "You have come late, on last year's
new moon he (Näropa) passed away.2"21 Guenther's footnote to
this passage (numbered 2 in the quotation given here) offers
an enigmatic statement; i.e., "Meditation is often compared
with death, obviously because in proper meditation man is
'dead to the world'."22 Guenther's translation of the hagio-
graphic text says that Näropa had "passed away"; yet, his foot
note speaks of "meditation", without providing the lexical or
690
idiomatic connection between the two. I do not have access to
the Tibetan text of this passage from Näropa's hagiography and
Guenther did not include it in transcription in his study,
therefore, I cannot comment further on this problem other than
to say (according to my understanding of Guenther's translation
and footnote) it appears Näropa's hagiography uses "passed away"
as a euphemism for "going to meditation", which is just the re
verse of the wording in Mar-pa's hagiography where "going to
meditation" is euphemistic for "passed away".
In view of the chronological format of traditional Tibetan
hagiographic literature, the sectional sequence of Näropa's
hagiography appears far more significant in establishing the
time of his death than the ambiguous translations of presumed
euphemisms. The death and cremation of Näropa is described in
Part III, Section v.23 Section vi, which is the final one in
the hagiography, deals with the third visit of Mar-pa to India.
Now, if Näropa had been, in fact, still alive when Mar-pa came
the third time, one would expect, both logically and chrono
logically, that the section on Mar-pa's visit should precede
the section on Näropa's death and cremation. Since the section
on Mar-pa follows the section on Näropa's death, it is not sur
prising to find the final section replete with revelation, pro
phecy, voices, visions, and miracles.25 Such mystical symbolisms
may well generate and perpetuate a religious tradition, but they
should not be accepted, without other corroboration, as historical
data.
Guenther's rejection of A.D. lOUO as the death year of Näropa
appears to be based solely on an incident related in the final
section. When Mar-pa asked for the teaching on transference and
resurrection, Näropa inquired how he came to ask for it. "Mar-pa
replied: 'I did not receive a revelation, nor did I remember it
myself; I have a disciple named Thos-pa-dga', he had a revelation
by a Däka.'"26 As noted earlier in this paper, Thos-pa-dga' was
the given name of Mar-pa's disciple, Mi-la-ras-pa. Since he
accepted A.D. lOUO as the year of Mi-la-ras-pa's birth, Guenther
concluded that Näropa could not have died in the same year; other
wise, how could Mar-pa inform Näropa about the revelation Mi-la-
ras-pa received? Thus, Guenther assigned the Iron-Male-Dragon
year in which Näropa died to the next cycle, i.e. A.D. 1100.
Considering historical data to the contrary, this paper
proposes that the reporting of Mi-la-ras-pa's revelation by Mar-
pa to Näropa (after his death and cremation as set forth in a
hagiography dating from the "...late twelfth century..."27) is
an instance of post facto mythogenesis: a literary feature found
not infrequently in Tibetan hagiographies.
691
In conclusion, this short study finds no historical evi
dence to support Guenther’s date of A.D. 1100; rather, much
to substantiate the date of A.D. lOUo for the death of Näropa.
Last, but not least, even the R e ’u-mig, the renowned chrono
logical table by Sum-pa Mkhan-po (170^-76), records clearly
for a year of the "Iron-Dragon: Mid-la C= Mi-la-ras-pal
Thos-pa-dga' (born)...Nä-ro Pan-chen (died)."28 This Iron-
Male-Dragon year is assigned in the Re'u mig to the first
cycle; consequently, it can only be the year A.D. 10 ^ 0 . Two
years later, as further evidence of its chronological validity,
the Re 'u mig states in the year of the "Water-Horse: ...Jo-bo
C= Atisa! arrived in Mnga’-ris Cin western! Tibet."29 That
year, pivotal in calculating Gregorian equivalents for dates
in the Tibetan cyclical calendar, was A.D. 10^+2 .
Finally, it is not the intention of this brief paper to
question the scholarly contribution Guenther's study of the
life and teaching of Näropa has made to the field of Tibetan
studies. On the contrary, it was in recognition of the fact
that Guenther's work will long remain the standard hagiogra-
phic study of Näropa that this paper was undertaken to rectify
his dates.
Let the historical record show that Näropa was born in
A.D. 956 and died in A.D. IOUO: the same Iron-Male-Dragon year
in which Mi-la-ras-pa was born and Atisa left India on his way
to western Tibet.
Notes
1. Jacques Bacot, La Vie de Marpa, le "Traducteur”, Paris,
Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1937*
2. W.Y. Evans-Wentz, Tibet’s Great Yogi Milarepa, London,
Oxford University Press, 1951.
3. Alaka Chattopadhyaya, Atisa and Tibet, Calcutta, R.D.
Press, 1967 .
h. Herbert V. Guenther, The Life and Teaching of Naropa,
Oxford, The Clarendon Press, 1963.
5. Sum-pa Mkhan-po, Dpag-bsam-ljon-bzang (hereafter cited
as R e ’u-mig) s IGatapitaka, 8, New Delhi, International
Academy of Indian Culture, 1959, p.8.
6. For a lengthy discussion on the problems of correlating
the Tibetan cyclical and the Gregorian calendars * see
the Introduction to George N.Roerich, The Blue Annals,
Delhi, Motilal Banarsidass, 1976, second edition, pp.
vii-xxi; Chattopadhyaya, Appendix D, pp.563-73.
9 \v j o ^ "\
692
7. G u e n th e r, p . x i i .
8. G u e n th e r, p p .1 0 6 -7 .
9. R e ’u-m ig3 p .8 ; R o e ric h , p.U 27. Garma C .C .C hang n o te s t h a t
The Blue Annals d a te s M i - l a - r a s - p a 's b i r t h i n A.D. ICAO
(w hich a g r e e s w ith t h e Re 'u-m ig d a te o f t h e Iro n -M a le -
Dragon y e a r ) b u t p o i n t s o u t t h a t h i s h a g io g ra p h ic l i t e r a
t u r e p u ts M i - l a - r a s - p a 's b i r t h i n t h e y e a r A.D. 1052, and
h i s d e a th i n 1135. See Garma C .C .C hang, The Hundred
Thousand Songs o f M ila rep a , B o u ld er & London, Sham bhala
P r e s s , 1977, 2 v o l s . , V o l . I I : p .6 9 0 . The T ib e ta n t e x t o f
M i - l a - r a s - p a ' s h a g io g ra p h y g iv e s h i s b i r t h y e a r a s th e
W ater-M ale-D ragon, w hich in d e e d w ould b e A.D. 1052.
A lth ough t h i s i s n o t t h e tim e n o r p la c e t o e x p lo re t h e
d is c re p a n c y i n M i - l a - r a s - p a 's d a t e s , i t s e r v e s a s an
exam ple o f t h e u n c e r t a i n t y o f T ib e ta n c y c l i c a l d a te s when
u n c o r ro b o ra te d b y o t h e r s o u r c e s .
1 0. G u e n th e r, p . x i i .
11. A lfo n sa F e r r a r i , "mK'yen b r t s e ' s G uide t o th e Holy P la c e s
o f C e n tr a l T i b e t " , S e r ie O r ie n ta le Roma XVI, 1958, p . l 6 8 .
12. C h atto p a d h y a y a , p .6 8 .
1 3. R o e ric h , p .2 ^ 7 ; C h a tto p a d h y a y a , p .^ 2 0 .
14. C h atto p a d h y a y a , p.i*12.
1 5. C h atto p a d h y a y a , p p .U l2 -1 3 .
1 6. C h a tto p a d h y a y a , p A 2 0 .
1 7. B a c o t, p .3 ^ .
18. The re a d in g o f t h i s p a s s a g e i n my x y lo g ra p h copy o f M ar-
p a 's m a m -th a r , f o l i o 3 6 -b , a g r e e s w ith B a c o t's t r a n s c r i p
t i o n , p .9 1 .
19. R o e ric h , p .U o i.
20. ib id .
21. G u e n th e r, p .1 0 2 .
22. ib id .
23. i b i d . , p .1 0 0 .
2h. i b i d . , p p . 1 0 0 -9 .
25. ib id .
26. i b i d . , p p . 106- 7 .
27. i b i d . , p .x v .
28. Re 'u -m ig , p . 8 . The T ib e ta n t e x t s r e a d s : lc a g s 'b r u g /
mid l a th o s pa d g a ' . . . nä r o pan chen C sic! = I
,0/ . 1
The two sym bols ^ and j used i n t h e S a ta p ita k a e d i t i o n
o f t h e R e'u-m ig s i g n i f y r e s p e c t i v e l y " to be b o rn " and " to
d i e " . S in c e t h e s e v e rb s a r e n o t w r i t t e n o u t i n t h e t e x t ,
I h ave p u t p a r e n th e s e s aro u n d t h o s e v e rb s i n my t r a n s l a t i o n
t o i n d i c a t e th e y a r e sy m b o lise d i n s t e a d .
29. I b i d . The t e x t r e a d s : chu r t a / . . . j o bo bod mnga' r i s
su p h e b s /
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