16

Social Movements and

This chapter examines the relation between However, attention has become massive since the
network analytical approaches and collective 1960s, when a new generation of scholar (often
action from two distinct angles.1 First, it intro- with an activist background) found themselves
duces the contribution of network analysis to the struggling with the inadequacy of previous
“collective action” dilemma proper, namely, how accounts of collective action as driven by
embeddedness in networks affects people’s deci- “personal pathology and social disorganization”
sions to engage in collective action. Next, it looks (McAdam, 2003: 281). This prompted an
at the emergence of collective actors as the result intellectual movement that stressed how activism
of coalitions and, more broadly, purposively built would normally be embedded in a rich texture of
ties. Here, the focus is on fields, constituted by the social relations.1
interactions between a multiplicity of organiza- Several studies ensued, illustrating how
tions and individuals. I conclude by identifying a involvement in extensive connections to people
few areas for future research. already active facilitated participation (Booth and
While students of social movements and Babchuk, 1969; Snow et al., 1980; Stark and
collective action are increasingly adopting Bainbridge, 1980; McAdam, 1986; Klandermans
network concepts and perspectives in their work, and Oegema, 1987; della Porta, 1988; Diani and
their use of formal network analytical tools is still Lodi, 1988; Opp, 1989; Opp and Gern, 1993;
limited. Accordingly, this chapter also covers Oegema and Klandermans, 1994). Some
studies that do not follow the classic quantitative suggested that networks mattered most for adhe-
approach but focus instead on qualitative observa- sion to groups that were somehow integrated in
tion (a strategy now largely represented even at society, while adhesion to world-rejecting sects
the annual Sunbelt conferences). Instead, it would be largely a matter for isolated individuals
looks far more sparingly at broader theoretical (Snow et al., 1980). For others, involvement
discussions of the role of networks in social in specific networks was most important for
processes (for relevant examples, see Emirbayer participation in demanding forms of activism,
and Goodwin, 1994; Gilchrist, 2000; Livesay, whether religious or political, whereas more
2002; Fine and Harrington, 2004). individualistic, market-oriented, and/or less
confrontational forms of behavior were more
likely to occur without previous connections
(Stark and Bainbridge, 1980; Diani and Lodi,
SOCIAL NETWORKS AND
1988). Embeddedness in social networks not only
COLLECTIVE ACTION mattered for recruitment, but it also discouraged
leaving, and it supported continued participation
Individual effects (McPherson et al., 1992), with substantial
bandwagon effects (Sandell, 1999).
Network processes have always been relevant for Evidence on the important role of social net-
analysts of political behavior (Zuckerman, 2005). works in fostering participation has kept piling up
224 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF SOCIAL NETWORK ANALYSIS

to date (for a review, Crossley, 2007), with Over the last few years, it has been increasingly
examples ranging from local communities in argued that we ought to look for mechanisms
Romania (Vasi, 2004) and Mexico (Holzner, rather than correlations, that is, we should clarify
2004) to university students’ networks in the how networks really operate and what impact they
United Kingdom (Crossley, 2008), from peace have on participation. Kitts (2000) differentiated
(Nepstad, 2004) and civil rights activism (Lowe, between information, identity, and exchange
2007) to white power groups (Futrell and Simi, mechanisms. Along similar lines, McAdam (2003)
2004). Most important, however, is the fact that identified four crucial mechanisms: recruitment
over the years, questions such as “Which attempts, identity-movement linkages, and
networks do explain what?” and “Under what positive and negative influence attempts. Passy
conditions do specific networks become rele- (2001, 2003; see also Passy and Giugni, 2000)
vant?” have been constantly refined. Some have differentiated between socialization, structural-
found previous activism to increase centrality in connection, and decision-shaping functions of
interpersonal networks, which in turn facilitated networks. These functions take different forms
involvement in subsequent campaigns (e.g., depending on the traits of the organization
Fernandez and McAdam, 1988, 1989). The form promoting recruitment and its visibility in the
of prospective participants’ ego-networks, that is, public space.
the distribution and density of the ties between the
actors that one is connected to, also matters. The
number of relevant others, who are already Population effects
involved and densely connected, positively corre-
lates with social incentives to join (Sandell and The analyses presented in the previous section
Stern, 1988). The impact of the context in which treat network location mainly as an individual
recruitment attempts take place has also been attribute, the impact of which is to be evaluated
assessed. Specific political networks have been controlling for education, age, profession, or
found to matter most where countercultural status. However, a structural account of participa-
communities are weak (Kriesi, 1988: 58; McAdam tion requires analysts to look at how individual
and Fernandez, 1990). Where alternative commu- ties combine into more complex network patterns,
nities are strong, more people are recruited through to affect the proportion of people willing to
personal friendship networks or even through contribute to a cause, or the intensity of participa-
other channels, including self-applications. tion in a certain population. These questions have
However, we can also find examples of the been addressed through both formal modeling and
opposite situation, in which milieus with fewer empirical case studies. Marwell and Oliver (1993;
protests see people mobilizing through contacts Oliver and Marwell 2001) used formal models3 to
developed in contexts that are not directly challenge Olson’s (1963) well-known claim that
associated with political protest. People may be only small groups can actually generate collective
embedded in settings, ranging from PTAs to sport action. They emphasized the crucial role of a
clubs, that do not directly promote activism, but critical mass of people (“organizers”), prepared to
create opportunities for people with similar face the costs of starting collective action, regard-
presuppositions to meet and eventually develop less of the size of the group taken as a whole.
joint action (Ohlemacher, 1996). The workplace Their simulations also found a strong positive
has also been found to exert a persistent positive relationship between centralization of a group and
effect on people’s chances to mobilize (Dixon and its members’ propensity to become involved
Roscigno, 2003). in collective action (Marwell and Oliver 1993:
Increasingly, researchers have recognized that 101–29), while the presence of cliques had appar-
people are involved in multiple ties; while ently no effects. Kim and Bearman (1997) found
some may facilitate participation, others may dis- that collective action occurs only if interest in
courage it. As such, neither embeddedness in specific issues and actors’ network centrality are
organizational links nor strong ties to people positively correlated.
already active necessarily predict activism. Lack Network heterogeneity also seems to matter. In
of direct ties may be overcome if prospective highly heterogeneous networks, selective mobili-
participants are embedded in broader organiza- zation attempts, targeting specific subgroups of
tional networks, compatible with the campaign or a population, are more effective than in homoge-
organization they are considering to join (Kriesi, neous networks (Marwell and Oliver, 1992:
1988; McAdam and Fernandez, 1990; McAdam 130–56). This line of argument is consistent with
and Paulsen, 1993). Similar mechanisms may the more general point that recruitment strategies
also occur between people involved in religious differ in how they balance the capacity to address
congregations (Becker and Dhingra, 2001; Smilde, a broad and diversified group of prospective par-
2005). ticipants (reach) with the capacity to mobilize
 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND COLLECTIVE ACTION 225

with strong messages a more restricted yet more work at the collective level. In a rare application to
motivated constituency (selectivity; see Friedman empirical data, Biggs (2005) has shown strikes to
and McAdam, 1992). expand following a power law distribution and a
Explorations of collective action dynamics model he assimilates to the “forest fire,” again
from this particular, systemic angle also address pointing (as Centola and Macy, and of course
the broader question of why networks ultimately Hedström et al. do) to spatial proximity as being a
matter. Some stress that network ties enable crucial element in diffusion processes.
people to calculate the impact of their actions
(Kim and Bearman, 1997). Norms of fairness are
also important in determining collective
outcomes. The denser a network, the higher the Do networks really matter?
levels of collective action, as people do not want
to be perceived as free riders (Gould, 1993b). The empirical evidence demonstrating the role of
Rates of participation also increase much more networks in recruitment processes has been
steeply if those who started collective action in the questioned from different angles. Some have
first place are centrally located in the overall defended the breakdown/malintegration argument,
network (Gould, 1993b). noting that it only refers to collective violence and
Gould (1991, 1993a, 1995) pioneered the disruptive behavior, not to the broader and less
empirical study of the relationship between contentious forms of action that most collective
collective performance and network variables. In action theorists include in their studies (Piven and
a path-breaking project, he showed that levels of Cloward, 1992: 308–9). Some recent studies
collective action by different Parisian neighbor- actually stress the relevance of some of the
hoods in the Commune uprising of Spring 1871 mechanisms identified by breakdown theorists.
were accounted for by organizational and infor- McVeigh (2006) shows levels of involvement in
mal relations between neighborhoods4 as well as activist groups of the left and the right in the
by nonrelational properties, such as levels of United States to be significantly linked to indica-
wealth in the neighborhood, percentage of resi- tors of problematic social integration, such as
dent salaried workers, and percentage of resident ethnic and religious heterogeneity or income
middle-class white-collar laborers. inequality. Anheier (2003) showed the importance
Peter Hedström and his associates also stressed of “isolated members,” that is, people who joined
the link between territorial units and mobilization without previous ties to already active members,
processes, yet with an emphasis on diffusion in the activities of the Nazi party. Or, Biggs (2006)
processes rather than levels of participation. They showed that grievances mattered more than
found that spatial proximity and the resulting integration in church networks to account for
increased likelihood of personal acquaintances to individual participation in civil rights protests in
significantly influenced the spread of trade union the 1960s American South (see also Snow et al.,
and social democratic party organizations in 1980; Luker, 1984; Mullins, 1987).
Sweden from 1890 to 1940 (Hedström, 1994; The network thesis would also be largely
Hedström et al., 2000; Sandell, 2001). Edling and tautological, given the spread of ties across groups
Liljeros (2003) also referred to Swedish unions in and individuals (Piven and Cloward, 1992: 311).
their analysis of the diffusion of new organiza- Even when network effects are discovered,
tional forms. Expanding this line of inquiry, findings are sometimes ambiguous (Oliver, 1984;
Hedström et al. (2000) paid special attention to Nepstad and Smith, 1999). Rather than highlight-
the role of specific activists (“socialist agitators”) ing exclusively those cases in which active people
in creating a macro network between otherwise are involved in network ties, analysts should also
disjointed groups of actors and regions. The visit look at those cases when networks are there, yet
of an agitator made a difference along with the participation is not (e.g., see Klandermans and
strength of ties between regions, given by Oegema, 1987; Dixon and Roscigno, 2003).
geographical proximity, or the number of social The growing interest in collective action in
democratic members in other districts. The countries with nondemocratic regimes has further
presence of committed activists was also found questioned the role of networks in recruitment, as
crucial to the spread of civil rights activities in the this is often dependent on public associational
1960s American South (Andrews and Biggs, activities that are discouraged if not openly
2006). repressed in those settings. For example, Vala and
Insisting on the classic distinction between O’Brien (2007) have looked at the recruitment in
strong and weak ties, Centola and Macy (2007) Protestant denominations in China. They have
have suggested that weak ties may actually impede shown that under repressive circumstances net-
rather than facilitate complex contagion. What works countless for recruitment than is usually
works at the individual level does not necessarily assumed, and networks are often the outcome of
226 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF SOCIAL NETWORK ANALYSIS

recruitment attempts rather than their precondi- of those issues (Schlosberg, 2002: Chapter 5).
tion. Similar indications come from studies of Oftentimes, however, a hybrid model of “network
Islamist activism in the Middle East (Bennani- organization” (Powell, 1990; Monge and
Chraïbi and Fillieule, 2003; Pedahzur and Perliger, Contractor, 2003) develops, combining elements
2006) and in Central Asia (Collins, 2007). The of formality with those elements from a loose
role of networks is similarly ambiguous in network structure. The “network organization”
contexts in which recruitment to a political organ- model is frequently found among organizations
ization may be coerced, as in the case of Central mobilizing on a transnational scale (e.g., Anheier
American guerrilla groups (Viterna, 2006). and Themudo, 2002; Katz and Anheier, 2007;
Similar doubts have been raised in reference to Smith, 2008).
organizational population dynamics. A study of Network organizational forms facilitate
the diffusion of civil rights campaigns in the alliance building, which in turn has been found
American South in the spring of 1960 shows to increase the chances of success for interest
social networks played a limited role in diffusion organizations (Laumann and Knoke, 1987: 387;
processes, as core activists of movement organiza- Knoke, 1990: 208); they also foster the diffusion
tions and news media turned out to be more of ideas and practices, and reduce the negative
important (Andrews and Biggs, 2006). A study of effects of failure in a certain organizational
participation in mass rallies on highly emotional population (Gerlach, 1971). With the legitimation
issues also had the same conclusion, suggesting crisis experienced by political parties and other
that the media play a much greater role than social established forms of political representation since
networks (Walgrave and Massens, 2000). Looking the 1980s, networks are also being regarded as
at survival rates of MADD chapters, Edwards and a desirable, more legitimate, and democratic form
McCarthy (2004) find that, despite the importance of political organization (see Dumoulin, 2006;
of weak ties, stronger ties emerging from bloc on networks and democratic theory, Hadenius,
recruitment mechanisms do not seem to contribute 2001: chap.3).
to organizational survival. On the other hand, although loose network
forms increase the resources available to social
movement organizations, they also raise the
danger of internal conflict, both between different
organizational units and different ideological
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS, COALITIONS, factions (Kleidman, 1993: 39–40; Brooks, 2004).
AND ORGANIZATIONAL FIELDS Also for this reason, the lives of many network
organizations tend to be shorter and less
Social movements as networks stable than that of more bureaucratic organiza-
tions (Anheier and Themudo, 2002: 192–93;
Large-scale collective action has always been Markham, 2005).
organized in network forms (see e.g., Ansell,
2001; Rosenthal et al., 1985, 1997), and the net-
work nature of social movements has long been
Types of ties
highlighted (Gerlach, 1971, 2001; Curtis and
Zurcher, 1973). Recently, Diani (2003a; Diani and While traditionally applied to the study of indi-
Bison, 2004) proposed a relational typology of vidual recruitment and, more generally, individual
forms of collective action that focuses on actors’ behavior, the classic distinction between strong
different responses to issues of coordination and and weak ties has also been used in reference to
boundary definition. Social movements are organizational networks. Within civil society,
collective actors in which coordination takes place weak ties seem to operate mostly as bridges
through informal networks between formally between different organizational clusters, be they
independent actors, who all identify nonetheless – defined by reference to locality (e.g., Musso et al.,
if with variable intensity – with a common cause. 2006), issues (Baldassarri and Diani, 2007), or
They are contrasted to coalitions, organizations, something else. While weak ties better connect
and communities that are driven by different civil society, their bridging functions usually do
logics of action (see also Jackson, 2006). not go beyond information exchange or ad hoc
In many cases, network dynamics remain coalition work. On the other hand, stronger
purely informal. For example, in the environmen- bonding ties may facilitate collective action, but at
tal justice movement of the 1990s, many grass- the cost of reproducing inequalities within civil
roots groups preferred to coordinate through an society (Musso et al., 2006) or encouraging
informal networking strategy, rather than relying the fragmentation of civil society in non- or
on the intermediation of the rigid environmental little-communicating clusters (Baldassarri and
bureaucracies that had so far secured “ownership” Diani, 2007).
 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND COLLECTIVE ACTION 227

Strong ties have often been conceptualized as identifies with member overlaps), knowledge
the overlap of organizational exchanges and the structures (given by shared ideological elements
links provided by individual activists and their between organizations) and affiliation structures
multiple memberships (for general applications of (given by shared participation in events) operate
this principle: Simmel, 1908 [1955]; McPherson, in the same context.5
1983; Cornwell and Harrison, 2004). Looking at
how individuals link organizations through their
memberships generates useful insights on the
structure of social movement milieus. Carroll and Movement structures:
Ratner (1996) analyzed networks of multiple Segmentation and division of
memberships in the social movement sector in labor within movement networks
Vancouver, relating different structural positions
to different activists’ frames and representations. Social movement networks may actually take very
In their study of the organizational affiliations of different forms. Diani (2003a) has proposed a
202 leading feminists in New York State between typology based on two fundamental dimensions:
1840 and 1914, Rosenthal et al. (1985, 1997) network centralization vs. decentralization,
provided one of the earliest and most systematic and network integration vs. segmentation. This
treatment of overlapping memberships as generates four types of networks: “wheel/star”
interorganizational links. Access to diachronic networks, highly centralized and integrated (see
data enabled them to chart the transformation of Diani, 1995, 2003b, and Figure 16.1); “policepha-
networks through different historical periods. lous” networks, consisting of sets of different
Looking at both local and nationwide organiza- clusters, with variable degrees of centralization, in
tional milieus, they were also able to address which the average distance between nodes is
issues of core-periphery relations and division of higher than in the wheel/star model (see, for
labor in the women’s organizational fields. example, Phillips, 1991); “clique” networks,
Most studies of the duality of individuals and totally decentralized and highly integrated as all
groups focus on core activists and movement nodes are adjacent to each other (in reality,
leaders. Schmitt-Beck (1989) has explored the of course, we’ll have most probably 2-clique
connections between central figures in the German networks, as nodes will be unlikely to be
peace movement of the 1980s, and their ties to connected to all other nodes); and “segmented,
churches, trade unions, university, media, and decentralized” networks, consisting of different
other established social and political organiza- components, each in turn made of horizontal
tions. So have Schurman and Munro (2006), if in dyads or cliques (Diani, 2003a: 306–12). More
qualitative terms, in reference to mobilizations recently, Baldassarri and Diani (2007) identified a
opposing genetic engineering in European “small-world” type of structure for local civil
agriculture. Alongside religious identity, cohesive society networks, with dense clusters of interac-
networks have been found to play an important tion connected by rarer bridging ties and overall
role in shaping expectations and ideological lower levels of hierarchy than one would find in
stances of leaders in American evangelicalism random networks.
since the 1970s (Lindsay, 2008). From a historical Looking at global network structures and in
sociology perspective, Hillmann (2008) has looked particular to centrality measures may also illumi-
at political and mercantile elite networks in the nate some aspects of leadership dynamics within
English Civil War, while Han (2009) has explored social movements. While network studies of
the role of individual brokers, most notably Paul profit-oriented organizations have long estab-
Revere, in the American revolution. lished a relation between network centrality and
Some studies explicitly address the multiplicity influence (Brass and Burckhardt, 1993), it is more
of ties within movement networks. I (1995) disputed whether this might also apply to
differentiate between “visible” ties, consisting of networks of nonprofit, often protest-prone, organ-
exchanges between organizations, and “latent” izations. An early influential account of social
ties, consisting of the connections created by movements actually pointed at their nature as
activists’ personal friendships and multiple being policephalous (Gerlach, 1971), or even
memberships. Baldassarri and I (2007) reformu- acephalous, networks (Gerlach, 2001). Brokerage
late the weak versus strong ties dichotomy in roles, bridging otherwise noncommunicating
terms of “transactions,” consisting only of resource milieus, seem particularly relevant for movements
exchanges, and “social bonds,” that combines operating on the global scale (Smith, 2002, 2005,
resource exchange and shared members (see also 2008). Other studies have stressed the relative
Lémieux, 1998). Studying the structure of centralization of movement networks. Phillips
the Korean environmental movement, Park (2008) (1991: 779) showed that centrality, rather than
explores how governance structures (that he resources, explained perception of efficacy among
228 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF SOCIAL NETWORK ANALYSIS

Figure 16.1 Structure of the Milanese environmental movement, mid-1980s

Canadian women’s groups. Diani (2003b) found environmental associations between the 1980s
that high in-degree scores among Milanese envi- and 1990s.
ronmental groups were accounted for by the social Still, neither functional division of labor nor
capital created by members’ multiple member- path dependencies enable us to make full sense of
ships, while high brokerage scores depended more the structure of movement networks. We also need
on organizational resources. However, looking at to look at homophily mechanisms, or, in other
the issue from the perspective of Actor Network words, at what characteristics of actors, of their
Theory, others (Routledge et al., 2007) found no belief systems and identities, facilitate or hinder
correlation between resources and centrality. the building of ties. For example, the development
But what does generate structural patterns? of broad alliances on environmental, gender, or
Movement networks emerge from discrete choices citizens’ rights issues may be hampered by the
that independent actors make regarding their part- strength of cultural differences – in turn based
ners in alliances, their privileged sources of infor- on race, class, or again gender – running within
mation, or, in the case of individuals, the the communities that movements are supposed
organizations to join and the groups to be part of. to mobilize (e.g., Lichterman, 1995; Croteau,
Particular network forms are not, in fact, the result 1995). How movement actors represent them-
of deliberate planning but rather of provisional or selves, their adversaries, and what is at stake in
contingent choices (Padgett and Ansell, 1993). the conflict in which they are involved can also
What determines such choices – that is, the prin- have multiple effects on the selection of potential
ciples behind alliance building – has been the allies, regardless of the political system in which
object of a lot of work recently (Rucht, 2004; van they operate (Diani, 1995; Lichterman, 1995;
Dyke and McCammon, 2010), yet with minimal Lavalle et al., 2007).
reference to SNA tools (see Ansell, 2003). Socio-demographic processes are often
Practical considerations, related to differences shaping network patterns. Let us think for instance
in issue agendas and time and resource con- of the varying salience of ethnic segregation. The
straints, and mechanisms of path dependence chances for the development of pan-Asian
undoubtedly play a significant role in shaping collective action in the United States seem higher
alliances. Despite the rhetoric on movement when American Asians as a whole are segregated
networks’ volatility, there is substantial continuity from the rest of society; if segregation patterns
in the choices of partners made at least by the apply unevenly between Asian subgroups, then
most important and persistent organizations. For the chances of pan-Asian collaboration diminish
example, Shumate, Fulk, and Monge (2005) show (Okamoto, 2003). Drastic changes of the socioe-
that previous ties account for alliances between conomic system like those induced by neoliberal
international NGOs active on the HIV crisis. policies may also affect coalition building. For
I (1995: 152–62) found the same for the Milanese instance, chances for transnational networking
 SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND COLLECTIVE ACTION 229

may grow while opportunities for domestic col- (Breiger, 1974; Borgatti and Everett, 1997), or
lective action may be reduced (Bandy, 2004). the evolution over time of relations between dif-
ferent sectors of civil society (see, for example,
Rosenthal et al., 1985, 1997; see also McPherson
and Rotolo, 1996). Available surveys like the
CONCLUSIONS General Social Survey in the United States or the
World Values Survey can be used (and sometimes
Over the last few years, network concepts have have been used: Cornwell and Harrison, 2004)
gained increasing attention in the study of social to this purpose.
movements and collective action. The contribu- As for organizational data, the major obstacle
tion of networks to individual recruitment in to diachronic research remains the difficulty of
particular has been both widely explored and identifying valid sources of data to chart the
critically discussed (Diani, 2004); in contrast, evolution of interorganizational networks over
despite a few exceptions (Phillips, 1991; Diani, time without depending on data about core
1995; Ansell, 2003; Diani and Bison, 2004; members. Sometimes, media reports mentioning
Mische, 2003, 2008; Park, 2008), applications of the involvement of specific organizations in pro-
SNA tools to interorganizational processes have test events have been drawn upon to map relations
been relatively rare. As a conclusion, I try to between those organizations, again following a
identify a few issues that in my opinion deserve two-mode logic of analysis (Bearman and Everett,
greater attention. 1993; Rootes, 2003; Boudourides and Botetzagias,
We need to take more seriously into considera- 2007). Archival data have also been dug up to map
tion the spatial dimension of networks, which do interactions between collaborating and conflicting
not develop in a vacuum but are embedded in actors in a variety of historical settings (Franzosi,
specific territories (Hägerstrand, 1967). Political 1999; Tilly and Wood, 2003).
and urban geographers have devoted substantial We also have to pay far more attention to appli-
attention to collective action processes both at the cations of SNA to the analysis of virtual networks.
local and the global levels. However, most of that Over the last few years, a considerable debate has
work has been conducted without drawing upon developed whether computer-mediated communi-
SNA tools (Cumbers et al., 2008; Leitner et al., cation (CMC) is capable of creating new social
2008; Routledge, 2003; Routledge et al., 2006, ties or simply expanding and amplifying “real,”
2007, 2008; Nicholls, 2008, 2009), while “face-to-face” ties (on CMC and collective action,
additions to analytical works like Hedstrom et al.’s see, among others, Walgrave and Massens, 2000;
or Gould’s have been far more rare. Earl and Schussman, 2003; Tilly, 2004: 95–108;
We also need to pay more attention to time van de Donk et al., 2004; della Porta and Diani,
dynamics and network evolution. Like in the case 2006: 131–34). However, the available evidence
of space, research covering long time spans is using network analysis tools is still very rare, at
severely hampered by constraints on resources least in the case of social movement studies.
and, most important, data availability. To date, the Among the few exceptions are studies of the
most sophisticated attempt to adopt a diachronic links between websites of global justice organiza-
perspective in the analysis of individual networks tions (van Aelst and Walgrave, 2004), and of
has been Ann Mische’s (2003, 2008) exploration organizations and activists mobilizing on global
of Brazilian youth activist networks from the communication rights (Mueller et al., 2004;
1970s to the 1990s. Mische maps the evolution of Padovani and Pavan, 2009; Pavan, 2009).
networks over time through the multiple member- Finally, more theorizing and research must be
ships of different activist cohorts. To this purpose put into the exploration of the link between
she provides a pioneering application to collective context – in particular, its structural, cultural, and
action processes of Galois lattice techniques political features – and network structures. The
(Mische and Pattison, 2000), which enables her to relationship between context and social networks
combine information on individuals, organiza- has only recently gained attention in SNA at
tions, and events. David Tindall (2002, 2004; large (Entwisle et al., 2007). In the case of social
Tindall et al., 2003) has provided another rare movement analysis, properties of the context, and
example of research by mapping the evolution of in particular “political opportunities” (Tarrow,
activist careers (in this case, British Columbia 1998; Meyer and Minkoff, 2004), are normally
environmental activists) over time, drawing upon taken as explanations for individual or aggregate
a three-stages panel study spanning three decades. behavior. However, it may also be worth studying
A more economic approach than panel studies or how they may shape interaction patterns. For
life histories consists of using available survey example, Stevenson and Greenberg (2000) show
data on individual memberships to map, using that political opportunities affect actors’ network
two-mode network principles and techniques strategies in policy networks. Cinalli and Füglister
230 THE SAGE HANDBOOK OF SOCIAL NETWORK ANALYSIS

(2008) claim that actors mobilizing on unemploy- enlisted in the battalion of district j, divided by the
ment issues generate different coalitions in differ- overall number of i residents enlisted anywhere else.
ent European countries, depending on national Other indicators of linkages included rates of
peculiarities of collective action, in turn linked to marriages between residents of different districts.
dominant repertoires and styles of policy making. 5 See also Molm and Cook (1995) on the role
Carmin and Hicks (2002) look at the impact of of different types of connections in coalition
transnational networks on domestic mobilization processes
in former Socialist countries.
This logic might be extended to collective
action proper, as the salience of traditional cleav-
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