Benfer 1990. The Preceramic Period Site PF Paloma-Peru Bioindications of Improving Adaptation To Sedentism
Benfer 1990. The Preceramic Period Site PF Paloma-Peru Bioindications of Improving Adaptation To Sedentism
Adaptation to Sedentism
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THE PRECERAMIC PERIOD SITE OF PALOMA, PERU:
The nature ofthe adjustments made by the steadily increasing population of central coastal Peru in the Middle
through Late Preceramic time periods can be examined by careful study of bioindicators. Nonspectfic indicators
of stress (NSZS) preserved in human remains provide independent evidence for validating paleodemographic
hypotheses. If life expectancy improves over a period of time, one expects diminished indication of nonspectfic
stress. Decreasing stress over time also may imply increasing fertility in precontraceptive peoples, which, along
with declining mortality, would lead to population growth. However, the converse does not follow; populations
may grow over time whether responding to increasing, stable, or decreasing stress. Other factors, such as changing
subsistence strategies or hybrid vigor, also may be useful in explaining diminished indications of either nonspectfic
stress or population increase. The complex relations among (a) population structure and density (PSD), (b)
nonspecific indicators of stress, and (c) diet have not yielded deductions that could form a universal set of expec-
tations. However, several kinds of adaptation that are distinct with respect to population growth and health status
are considered and illustrated with analyses of 201 skeletons from the preagricultural village of Paloma in central
coastal Peru.
Nuestro comprehensidn sobre la naturaleza de las adaptaciones realizadas por la poblacidn que aumenta
constantemente en la costa central del Perii durante las ipocas Precerdmicas Media y Tardia se puede mejorar
por el estudio cuidadoso de 10s indices bioldgicos. Los indices no-especificos de la presidn que son preservados en
10s restos mortales de 10s humanos proveen evidencia independiente para validar las hipbtesis paleodemogrdjicas.
Si el indice de la longevidad mejora durante un periodo de tiempo, se espera un indice disminuido de la presidn
no-especifica. La presidn que disminuye durante un periodo de tiempo con aumento en la fertilidad en una
poblacidn pre-anticonceptivos induciria un aumento [acrecentamiento) en la poblacibn. Sin embargo, lo inverso
no se sigue; las poblaciones pueden aumentar a1 paso del tiempo por responder a la presibn, sea que aumente,
quede estable o disminuya. Otros elementos, tal como cambios en las estrategias de subsistencia o una robustez
hl;hrida, tambikn pueden servir para explicar indices disminuidos de la presidn no-especffica o del crecimiento
demogrdfico. Las relaciones complejas entre (a) la estructura de la poblacidn, (b) 10s indices no-especificos de la
presidn, y (c) la dieta [rkgimen alimenticioj no han producido las deducciones que pudieran formar un juego
universal de expectaciones. Sin embargo, varios tipos de adaptacidn que son distintos en cuanto a1 acrecentamiento
de poblacidn y a1 estado de salud se consideran y se ilustran con andlisis de 201 individuos del pueblo preagricola
de Paloma en la costa central del Perii.
Demography, especially population density, has long been invoked as a prime mover for the
development of civilization. In the case of Peru, Cohen (1975) argued that population pressure
drove people to adopt food production. Moseley (1975) proposed that dense populations, prerequisite
to the development of later complex societies, could have been supported on a maritime economy.
However, population numbers and density alone are insufficient to predict a dynamic, evolving
society. The quality of life of the population needs to be considered. As the experience of developing
countries shows, rapidly growing, dense populations may be associated with declining life expec-
tancies and increasing morbidity (for example, see Furbee et al. [I9881 for a study of modem Maya
and Saul [I9741 for a prehistoric instance). Such societies are fundamentally different from those
that are improving their adjustment to an environment and expanding in numbers. Only the skeletal
record preserves life experiences of the individuals themselves.
This bioarchaeological approach has proved effective in studying the transition to agriculture
(Cohen and Armelagos 1984). The design of most studies has been to compare one population
before the adoption of agriculture with another after agriculture was adopted. The thousands of
Figure 1. Map of South America showing locations of Lima and the Paloma site.
years of experience with plant andlor animal management preceding dependence has been studied
less frequently. Also, the effects of sedentism often are confounded with those of food production.
The present study focuses on a case where the relation of sedentism with health and demography
can be unlocked from the effects of dependence on agriculture. Coastal Peru provides a good
laboratory for such a study owing to the excellent preservation and the appearance of pristine ranked
societies.
Following Bird's (1943; Bird et al. 1985) pioneering work in preceramic sites on the west coast
of South America, Engel (1966:95) investigated ancient sites in central coastal Peru, reporting several
radiometric determinations approaching 9,000 radiocarbon years before the present for the site of
Pampa de Santo Domingo, on the Paracas Peninsula south of Lima. Engel noted that large settlements
followed these early settlements 3,000 years later. Work by Lanning (1963, 1967), Parsons (1970),
Patterson (197 I), Moseley (1975, 1986) and Engel (1980, 1987) provided data from these later
coastal sites that documented the early development of societies aggregated into villages. The main
occupation at the site of Paloma, Chilca Valley, Peru, began approximately 6,500 radiocarbon years
ago (Figures 1 and 2). This time corresponds to the final deglaciation of the Laurentide ice sheet,
and more importantly, the rising of mean sea levels to their modem state (Ruddiman and Wright
1987).
Many of these early coastal sites were occupied briefly and then abandoned. More successful
settlers left remains at early sites from the north, in Ecuador (Stothert 1985), to the south, on the
far south coast of Peru (Richardson 198 I), and in northern Chile (Schiapiacasse F. and Niemeyer
F. 1984), which provide comparable materials for exploring the range of the coastal adaptation.
LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1, No. 4, 1990
0 1 2 3km
6 . 0 .E . .
Fog-Nourished V e g e t a t i o n
Figure 2. Northern half of coastal section of Chilca Valley, showing location of the Paloma site.
Moseley (1975) argued that the origin of coastal civilizations lay with the growth and organization
of the population. Paleodemographic estimates of growth need to be considered along with settle-
ment-pattern estimates of growth, as each provides an independent check on the other.
Goodman et al. (1988) have argued that one should test interpretations of stress from paleode-
mography with other independent bioindicators. One such basis for validating paleodemographic
hypotheses is the severity of nonspecific indicators of stress. A theoretical justification for using
nonspecific indicators of stress has been provided by Goodman et al. (1988). Diet is a celebrated
indicator of changes expected with population stress. Dietary indicators from the very skeletons
from which paleodemographic inferences are made would seem to be another useful set of cross-
validation indicators. Reviews of skeletal indicators of diet such as that by Martin et al. (1985), on
the other hand, have not directly discussed the relation of diet to stress, disease, or population
structure.
Good discussions of the problems inherent in paleodemographic reconstructions of population
structure are available (Acsadi and Nemescari 1970; Buikstra and Mielke 1985; Weiss 1973). I will
show that, problems notwithstanding, specific hypotheses developed from bioarchaeological data
can be cross-validated by deducing expectations from population structure and density (PSD), for
nonspecific indicators of stress (NSIS) and for paleonutrition, or for diet.
The abundant shellfish remains associated with most of these sites and their location close to the
coast naturally caused much speculation about the maritime component of diet. Lanning (1967)
Benfer] BlOlNDlCATlONS OF SEDENTISM AT PALOMA 287
PALOMA
12b VII 613
B Ojeda
1982
Fieeld plots
0 50
buHuh:-------I
-
Figure 3. Map of the site of Paloma.
and Moseley (1975) argued that marine resources were sufficiently abundant to have sustained
complex polities without a substantial agricultural component of production (also see Parsons 1970).
The criticisms by Osbom (1977), Raymond (198 I), and Wilson (198 1) helped direct the search for
more quantitative evidence for this view. Glendon Weir and I were able to sustain what has come
to be called the "maritime foundation of andean civilization" hypothesis (Moseley 1986) by analysis
of floral, faunal, and skeletal materials excavated from a series of coastal sites (Benfer et al. 1985;
Weir et al. 1988). Here I present materials from the single large stratified site of Paloma, Peru, using
the method of cross-validated bioindicators to examine the nature of the adaptation to sedentary
life in coastal Peru.
In particular, two related questions are explored using the method: (1) What is the nature of the
early Peruvian coastal adaptation to sedentary life? and (2) What was the role of increasing population
and diminishing terrestrial resources in driving the system toward greater sedentism in the preag-
ricultural Middle Preceramic period in central coastal Peru?
Level
Figure 4. Radiometric determinations from Paloma.
tigations primarily were directed toward understanding the demography of one of the earliest New
World village populations that could be excavated stratigraphically. Stratigraphy has been impossible
to establish in some village sites (Rivasplata 1978) and coastal middens (Lanning 1963) from the
preceramic period. At Paloma, however, several periods of intense precipitation sealed large areas
of the Paloma site with caliche caps, permitting relatively good stratigraphic control for a preceramic
village site (see Benfer 1982; Engel 1980). These caps can form over a series of wet years. In the
1979 field season we found that wooden survey stakes driven into the ground in 1976 were encased,
at times completely covered, with caliche. Despite the moisture that creates surface caps, the site,
occupied between 7,800 and 4,800 radiocarbon years ago, had excellent preservation of undisturbed
organic materials (pH averages 6.0). Thus it provides a good laboratory for intensive bioarchaeo-
logical study of the adaptation to sedentism and the demographic changes predicted to accompany
this shift.
Two extensive five-month field seasons in 1976 and 1979 were followed by more limited exca-
vations and rechecking of stratigraphy in 1982. Two-hundred and one human skeletons were re-
covered and analyzed by a battery of techniques directed toward learning more about paleode-
mography, stress, and diet (Benfer 1982, 1984, 1986). In addition, zooarchaeological (Reitz 1976,
1986, 1988), and ethnobotanical studies (Dering and Weir 1982; Weir and Dering 1986; Weir et
al. 1988), and trace-element analyses (Edward 1987) complemented the skeletal and dental studies.
A series of 16 radiometric determinations (Figure 4; see Benfer [1982, 1984, 19861 for details)
identify three major cultural strata at Paloma presented by phases defined by Lanning (1967). For
the present study the lower three levels are combined as Luz, and the upper two as Encanto 1 and
Encanto Temprano or Corbina (Table 1).
Ravines (1982) has reviewed radiometric determinations from the central coast and presents a
Paloma
Levels Uncorrected Dates Phases
200 4700-5 100 B.P. Encanto 1
300 5100-5300 B.P. Encanto Temprano (or Corbina)
400 5300-7800 B.P. Luz
Benfer] BlOlNDlCATlONSOF SEDENTISM AT PALOMA 289
recent subdivision of the Encanto phase. He would place Level 200 in Lanning's Corbina phase
and Level 300 in Canario. Chauchat (1988) argues that only the Luz complex of the early periods
Luz, Canario, and Corbina is well established. Until artifact analyses are completed for Paloma,
the resolution of this issue must wait. Only the upper two of the three lower levels contained human
remains (levels 400 and 500). These remains date from 5,300 to 6,500 radiocarbon years ago; the
lower three (400, 500, and 600) have been combined (into 400) as they were not always reliably
distinguished during the 1979 field season. The lower levels, though recognizable in Engel's contig-
uous excavations (Engel 1980), were difficult to distinguish, especially in the 1979 field season. The
upper level, 200, includes another very thin occupation, level 120 (Benfer 1982), but this distinction
will not be discussed here. The three major groupings of Paloma levels (200, 300, and 400) closely
correspond to periods of increasing population identified by Rick (1987) as modes in the distribution
of all radiometric determinations obtained from those periods in coastal Peru. Rick interprets these
clusters of radiometric dates as accurately indicating population expansion. The Paloma levels
support this interpretation as the radiometric determinations presented in Figure 4 match the modes
presented by Rick.
Inbreeding depression
Figure 5. Some expected relations among concepts of paleodemography, nonspecific indicators of stress
(NSIS), and related variables.
excavated burials and houses was representative of the site as a whole. This was the case. A second
purpose was to collect fine-screened samples from carefully excavated columns for pollen, plant
macrofossil, and zooarchaeological studies. Owing to an error in cataloging procedure, large bones
(those that did not fit into 5-liter plastic bags) were not initially included in the zooarchaeological
sample studied, which complicated the interpretation of the macrofaunal remains (Reitz 1976,
1988). This problem will be discussed further below.
In our first, preliminary analyses, after the completion of the 1976 season and before the later
excavations of 1979 and 1982 (Benfer 1982), we found that proportions of dead significantly de-
creased by age categories over time periods. The decrease in the numbers dying in early life over
time was interpreted as due to increased life expectancy. This finding was interpreted as a consequence
of increasing health of peoples who steadily were improving their adaptation to the habitat (Benfer
1984, 1986). Decreasing NSIS, also observed in our preliminary studies, suggested an improving
diet. Such a change might have evolved as early coastal settlers gradually intensified and perfected
marine exploitation. Initial marine exploitation itself may have been in response to degradation of
terrestrial environment, brought on by either climatic deterioration (Lanning 1967; MacNeish et
al. 1975; see Vehik 1976), or human-induced fuelwood deforestation (Benfer 1986; Weir and Dering
1986; Weir et al. 1988).
Patterson (1 97 1) had predicted that an early increase in nutritional levels as a result of utilization
of fog-oasis plant resources would lead to overexploitation. In such a fragile habitat, a drop in
nutritional levels would occur as population density increased. In an attempt to ameliorate the
resultant stress, inhabitants would have placed more emphasis on marine resources, ultimately
leading to a degree of success that would permit sedentism. The adoption of sedentism would lead
to further population increase (Lee 1968; Sussman 1972) if not accompanied by too many of the
ills of living in close proximity (Bender 1978; Polgar 1972).
Even if existing maritime resources were intensified, however, it does not necessarily follow that
the quality of the diet changed in any significant manner. Food taken from the sea may have changed
Benfer] BlOlNDlCATlONS OF SEDENTISM AT PALOMA 29 1
over time in species composition even as the maritime component continued to be of equal im-
portance with terrestrial components (Edward 1987; Reitz 1988). Population increase probably was
restrained by the methods available to all human societies (Cowgill 1975; Hassan 198 1). Nonetheless,
there was an increase either from excess production of children at Paloma or from the agglutination
of outlying smaller settlements. The productivity of the fog oasis just below which Paloma is situated
did diminish over time. Fuel wood at Paloma decreased significantly (p < .01) in the average
diameter of twigs, in the variance of the diameters (p < .05), and in species abundance and quality
(Benfer 1986; Weir and Dering 1986), while the number of collected ecological samples containing
fuelwood increased (Weir et al. 1988). A decrease in grass seeds and other fog-oasis food during the
last major occupation presumably directed more attention to the sea. This would seem to be clear
evidence of increasing stress on the terrestrial component of the diet, and is explainable in terms
of increasing population density, indicated by increasing numbers and sizes of the houses in Encanto
1. The human remains have been studied to evaluate these hypotheses.
FINDINGS
Paleodemography
Age primarily was determined from dental-eruption patterns (Ubelaker 1978), appearance of
ossification centers and epiphyseal closure (Bass 197 I), observations of the os pubis (Gilbert and
McKern 1973; McKern and Stewart 1957), and pattern of dental attrition. Some of the paleode-
mographic results have been presented elsewhere (Benfer 1984, 1986). For this analysis, I have
made a change in the classification of specimens. For some individuals age could not be estimated
as narrowly as the five-year intervals used in the life table. However, these individuals could be
described as infant, child, or adult. Such individuals, following Ubelaker (1980), were inserted
separately, proportional to the numbers observed in each age category in the life table (see Table
2). The differences in the life table created with the specimens of relatively precise age and the one
created with the larger sample presented here is less than one year for most e,,,s. One would only
expect a significant difference where there was a tendency for individuals of certain age ranges to
be more difficult to age, which is apparently not the case here. The Paloma sample includes more
individuals judged to be fetuses than commonly is reported.
Life Expectancy. Increased life expectancy is a criterion of successful adaptation. If it is assumed
that, over the many generations of time represented by the remains of the prehistoric inhabitants
of Paloma, the fertility and mortality risk for each age interval did not change (the stable-population
assumption), and that overall, the population neither increased nor decreased in numbers (the
stationary-population assumption), then it is possible to deduce the expected life remaining for each
age category by standard-life-table methods (Acsadi and Nemescari 1970; Weiss 1973). Settlement-
pattern studies at Paloma (Engel 1980) and frequency of dated sites (Rick 1987) indicated growing
populations, so the life-table analysis is of comparative use only if the rate of growth is equivalent
for units being compared. Two major problems in life-table analysis are the possible underenu-
meration of the very young and underestimating the age of older individuals. Possible bias in
inhumation and recovery of individuals IS the one important problem. At Paloma, individuals were
buried in and immediately adjacent to houses and there is no cemetery area (Benfer 1982; Engel
1980); a seemingly complete cross section of individuals is present. Recovery of very young indi-
viduals was complete due to the excellent preservation. In fact, the number is unusually large, but,
as will be argued below, the numbers of infant burials at Paloma is just what is expected where
children are recovered proportional to their original numbers.
Because many of the individuals were close to the neonatal stage of development, as estimated
by limb-bone length and dental development, fetuses are included in the life-table category 0-1 year
in Table 2. I will return to the demographic significance of the large number of fetuses and neonates
recovered below.
With the 16 fetal specimens removed from the life table, the life expectancy at 6 months, e, ,,,
increases from 20 to almost 22 years. If fetuses and neonates (1-2 months at death) are omitted in
LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1, No. 4, 1990
Age
(Mid-
point) d, dxlOO /, Lx Tx ex
order to make the life table comparable with modem anthropological populations where neonatal
deaths are underreported, life expectancy at birth would be increased to 24.3 years. By adding 10
years to the older specimens in order to make up for the possible underaging of the old, the expected
life at birth would be increased slightly more, by less than 2 years, to 26. To the extent that the
population was increasing over the millennia, these life expectancies are underestimates. It is assumed
that the overall growth rate for the approximately 2,000 years was low. A low growth rate, even a
fraction of a percent per year, would still double the population in one or at most a few centuries.
This rate of increase probably only could be sustained by fission and emigration away from the
Paloma village. However, there are few other sites of its size during this time period. Of course,
differential preservation could explain the apparent absence of these sites. But with present evidence,
it is assumed that Paloma was the largest village settlement on the central coast.
Large numbers of (dead) children in an archaeological site could result from a high death rate for
the young, a possibly recently increased fertility rate for their mothers, or increased survival of
females. A recent increase in the rate of growth of a population would produce more children, some
of which would die, leading to an unusually high number of fetuses and infants recovered (see
Horowitz et al. 1988). The lower levels of Paloma, covering over 1,000 years of time when human
remains were found, could not have averaged a very high intrinsic rate of increase, though there
could have been short bursts of rapid growth. The upper levels, perhaps representing 10-1 5 gen-
erations each, could not have maintained a high rate of increase without emigration. Rates of increase
are discussed below, but next I turn to changes in life expectancy over time at Paloma, estimated
by assuming, as a first approximation, that the rate of increase was a constant for the three levels.
Changes in Life Expectancy at Paloma. In general, it appears that life expectancy increased over
time at Paloma. Figure 6 shows the Paloma expected life, assuming overall stable and stationary
populations by levels, pooled over 10-year periods. The sample is too small to permit comparisons
by individual age categories (as illustrated by Moore et al. 1975). The overall pattern is more likely
to show real differences, should they exist, than age-by-age comparisons for small samples. The
differences observed across the levels in the frequencies of the 145 individuals (with good age
estimates and accurate stratigraphic provenience) by age group are greater than would be expected
by chance (x2 = 18.7, df = 11, p < .01). It can be seen from Figure 6 that the life expectancy
improved across all age levels in all but the oldest age categories, which are the smallest and least
reliable. If the archaeological indications are correct in suggesting that growth rate increased more
rapidly in the last two occupations, then the life-table results underestimate the true increase in life
expectancy over time.
Benfer] BlOlNDlCATlONS OF SEDENTISM AT PALOMA
a ! . I . , . I . I . , . I
0 10 20 30 40 50 60
How are we to explain an improvement in life span over these Middle Archaic time periods-
periods that have not previously been identified as ones of considerable change (see Cohen 1977)?
We now know that significant population growth occurred in coastal Peru during the same time
periods (Rick 1987). From the viewpoint of adaptation, increasing life expectancies and increasing
population size suggest successful adaptation, both at the individual and population level.
One might wonder whether there could not be other problems associated with possibly biased
samples for infants and children that could cause expected life remaining to be seriously misestimated
for the early age categories. One such source of bias might be a shift in the mortuary treatment of
newborns over time, such as not according them formal burial in and around houses but intemng
them in middens instead. The resulting decrease in recovery of the very young would cause expected
life for that age category to be overestimated. However, because the drop in the number of very
young individuals recovered in the upper levels is matched by a four-fold increase in the number
of people living to be older than 40 years (Benfer 1986), bias in recovery of infants can be ruled
out. Changes in mortuary treatment of infants would not affect life expectancy of older adults, so
the decrease in the percentage of infants recovered from the lowest levels to the upper ones is
interpreted as a consequence of improving health and adequate diet for all ages. If fetal remains are
excluded from consideration, 19 percent of the deaths at Paloma occurred before one year. By way
of comparison, Ubelaker (1980) reported a slightly lower figure of 15 percent for infants at Sta.
Elena. At Paloma, the percentage of infant and fetal deaths decreased from levels 400 (38 percent)
to 300 (26 percent) to 200 (17 percent). This pattern also is observed in the other age categories
through young adulthood (see Figure 7). The decrease in infants has been interpreted in the life
table analysis as an indication of a population with improving health, an inference that was supported
by decreases in deaths in all younger age categories, not just the earliest. Infanticide may have been
practiced more commonly among earlier inhabitants than among later dwellers at Paloma, though
this would not explain changes in the composition of older age categories.
Female Infanticide Indicated by Infant Sex Ratio. Assuming that the stresses of weaning in a
preagricultural site would be severe, I had predicted that we would find a peak of childhood mortality
in the 3-5-year range, since weaning might have been late due to the absence of agricultural tran-
sitional foods. Such a peak was not observed at Paloma. Decreasing infant and fetal deaths might
have been influenced by preferential treatment of boys over girls. Female infanticide, if practiced,
would have permitted more resources to be directed to survivors, a topic to which I will return
below. More successful weaning would be expected to reduce indicators of childhood stress such as
cribra orbitalia or H a m s Lines (see Buikstra et al. 1986).
To investigate female infanticide, one must attempt to sex newborns. Using Weaver's (1980)
LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1, No. 4, 1990
-13- P a l o r , a e(x)
-+ S t a Elena e ( x :
M I D P O I N T OF AGE INTERVAL
Figure 7. Expected life remaining: Paloma and Sta. Elena.
experimental technique for judging the sex of fetuses and newborns, one finds only seven male but
18 female infants less than one year of age. A difference this large is not likely to be due to chance
(xZ= 5.8, df = 1, p < .01, one-tailed, since females were predicted to exceed males). But these
results could be due to bias in the untried method. Furthermore, an unusual sex ratio at birth also
could be a factor. Chagnon et al. (1979) agree that preferential infanticide might explain Yanamamo
population skewing by sex, but argue that other factors should be considered. Even if the sex ratio
is estimated adequately at Paloma, other evidence is needed to test the interpretation of female
infanticide.
Female Infanticide Indicated by Adult Sex Ratio. One can test the prediction that the difference
in the infant sex ratio is the result of preferential female infanticide by looking for a consequent
decrease in adult women compared to men. Preliminary sexing and aging at the end of the 1979
field season produced a distribution that suggested that there was a greater than 2: 1 ratio of adult
males to females in the Encanto periods (Benfer 1982), with 34 male and 15 female adults for a sex
ratio of 227 for the total sample. Results presented here (Table 3) show the frequency distribution
of the 3 1 adults from the prime reproductive period (1 5-29 years of age) that could be assigned to
a specific level. As can be seen, the predicted imbalance occurs with a sex ratio of 183 overall for
young adults. However, when older adults are included, the overall sex ratio is closer to normal.
The latest time period, Encanto 1, shows the most extreme deficit of adult women in the 15-29-
year interval (6 males and 1 female), and this is the period from which the fewest infants have been
recovered.
Another mechanism to explain the decline in the number of children recovered over time periods
at Paloma is change in fertility pattern. Such a mechanism is not inconsistent with increasing health
and life expectancy and reduction in the practice of infanticide.
Fertility Change. Recently there has been increased interest in paleodemographic study in the
consequences of changing fertility (Buikstra et al. 1986; Horowitz et al. 1988; Sattenspiel and
Levels
Sex 200 300 400
Female 1 6 4
Male 6 7 7
BlOlNDlCATlONS OF SEDENTISM AT PALOMA
Harpending 1983). Sattenspiel and Harpending (1983) propose that one can infer birth rate from
mean age at death for populations whose rate of increase does not differ too much from zero.
Horowitz et al. (1 988: 192) show that for nonstationary populations whose mortality varies across
age categories, mean age at death is more related to average age at death and life expectancy than
to birth rate. However, Horowitz et al. (1988:194) concede that a strong relation exists between
mean age at death and birth rate for most populations that have life-table mean ages at death
between 20 and 30 years, the range typical for most prehistoric peoples. Buikstra et al. (1986) note
that mean age at death will tend to be biased when estimated from skeletal remains, since infants
will, because of preservation bias, be underrepresented, and the method depends on accurate aging
of the individuals recovered. They propose instead ratios of age groups to infer a function of birth
rate. However, they also present the full regression equation derived from the 3 12 stable-population
models with varying growth rates that were presented by Coale and Demeny (1966) from the Model
West Female life tables.
Decreases in birth rates, even if the population continued to expand, could lead to a finding of
fewer infants in the Encanto periods at Paloma. Table 4 contains the D30+/D5+ ratio developed
by Buikstra et al. (1986), as well as the birth rate estimated from their regression equations, a
technique not recommended by Buikstra et al. Table 4 also presents the birth rate estimated by the
inverse of the mean at death as recommended by Sattenspiel and Harpending (1983). Buikstra et
al. (1986) suggest using the ratio as an indicator of birth rate rather than the regression estimate
itself, but the regressed estimate is obtained by multiplication of the ratio by a constant (b) and
addition of a constant (a), which will not change the relative order of the index, and I prefer to use
the regression estimate here to permit direct comparison with the estimate of birth rate obtained
from the reciprocal of mean age at death. The birth rate estimated by regression for the total Paloma
sample is .06. The same value (.06) is estimated by the reciprocal of the mean age at death (Table
4). This value is somewhat higher than the .05 value from the stationary model table (MT: 22.5-
55.0) presented by Weiss (1973) that closely resembles the Paloma life table (Table 2). The average
age at death at Paloma is 1.5 years younger than that calculated from the model table; this discrepancy
could be due to including fetal remains in the 0-1-year category. Correspondence between the two
indicators with the Vegas Culture Sta. Elena skeletal sample (Ubelaker 1980) is not as good. Using
the regression estimate, r = .06 also is obtained; however using 1 over the mean age at death produces
a lower estimate of .04. It is presumably lower than the regression estimate because it depends on
having the full range of the dead of the population; in the Sta. Elena sample infants may be
underrepresented. If true, this confirms the criticisms made by Buikstra et al. (1986) of the mean-
age-at-death statistic. That statistic will be much affected by underrepresentation of infants. On the
other hand, the model table MT: 25.0-65.0 from Weiss (1973) produces a crude birth rate of .04
for the Vegas culture Sta. Elena sample, which is identical to that obtained from the mean age at
death. At Paloma, because of excellent preservation and mortuary customs of burying all the dead
in and around houses, there was very good recovery of infants. Where there is good recovery of
infants, the method based on mean age at death should give comparable results to the index of
Buikstra et al. (1986).
296 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1, No. 4, 1990
Table 4 suggests that birth rates were decreasing at Paloma over time. There are not enough
degrees of freedom in the demographic data to make inferences about fertility independent of
assumptions about mortality. Decreasing fertility would produce fewer children, which would result
in fewer deaths unless child mortality increased. One mechanism that would reduce fertility is
delayed marriage. Furthermore, any delay in age at which reproduction begins would diminish the
risk of death to the mother during childbirth as well as reduce the number of children, some of
whom would have died.
Changes in the Age of Marriage. A peak (see Figure 8) in the deaths of adult females is found
in the third decade at Paloma (Benfer 1982, 1984, 1986) and also at Chincheros, a northern Chilean
site from a similar time period (Schiapiacasse F. and Niemeyer F. 1984). If mamage were delayed
into the middle or late twenties, thereby reducing total exposure to the risk of pregnancy, the chances
of death during childbirth in premodern societies would fall most heavily on mothers in their third
decade of life, rather than in the second as is the case for women who married in their late teens.
At the earlier Sta. Elena site in Ecuador, the female peak was in the twenties. I have interpreted the
third decade peak as due to delayed mamage, pushing the consequent risks of childbearing to a
later age. However, Buikstra and Mielke (1985) have argued that elevated female deaths in the third
decade are typical of premodern societies. This is an empirical question. I had found a female peak
in the twenties in the agricultural Casas Grandes population (Benfer 1968) of Chihuahua, Mexico.
Very slight shifts in the age of childbearing, which is known to vary widely among human populations
today, could be expected to influence the female mortality risk dramatically. Earlier marriage would
increase the number of years of risk associated with childbirth as the reproductive period lengthened
in a noncontraceptive population, unless child spacing was increased. It is possible that the increasing
population pressure in Encanto 1 led to mamages being most delayed in that period. If so, this
might explain the paucity of infant deaths as well as the scarcity of females dying (sometimes in
childbirth) between 15 and 29 years of age. If mamage were delayed sufficiently that parents would
not live long enough to raise the child to 8 or 9 years and probable self-sufficiency, then there must
have been social mechanisms to insure survival of the orphans (Vallois 196 l), otherwise there would
have been a higher mortality of children observed.
Age of Menarche. The age of menarche also could influence the length of exposure to risk of
pregnancy, but at present no indicators are available for this important variable. It might be possible
to detect a slowing down in metabolic processes that results in the increase in some trace elements,
such as fluoride. These changes might be especially apparent in the compacta of the metaphyses at
menarche during the interval from 9 to 18 years, when bone ceases its rapid modeling period and
enters the period of adolescent decline (Frost 1987). However, this is only a conjecture. There are
usually too few juvenile deaths to permit skeletal estimation of this important parameter. Delayed
menarche would be difficult to distinguish from delayed mamage. However, it will be argued below
that the Palomans had a high-protein, adequate diet, which tends to argue against delayed menarche.
In summary, for the villagers of Paloma, the percentage of dead youths significantly decreases over
time. Some of these young may have died as the result of population-control methods. It is possible
that life expectancy was increasing for all ages, as suggested by the life-table analyses. However,
decreasing birth rates could produce a similar result. Interpreting the birth rate from the inverse of
the mean age at death or the proportions of dead who were over 30 years to all dead who lived to
be five years old or older (with a changed sign) (regression based on the West Tables) could lead
one to the second conclusion (see Table 4). Both mechanisms, increasing life expectancy and de-
creasing family size, plausibly could have operated simultaneously, of course.
It is perhaps easier to visualize gradual improvements in health over thousands of years than it
is to imagine slight increases in birth rates, but the two are related closely. Marriage may have been
delayed in the Encanto phase compared to previous time periods, thereby producing fewer children.
The lower number of children would in turn result in a smaller absolute number of deaths in these
age categories even if the mortality rate was stable. Deaths in younger adult age categories become
less frequent over time; this finding is invisible to Buikstra et al.'s (1986) index of fertility (but not
to the reciprocal of mean age at death). Children as well as adults seemed to have enjoyed improving
vitality, which allowed more of them to survive the rigors of childhood. Perhaps the most reasonable
BlOlNDlCATlONSOF SEDENTISM AT PALOMA
20
3
u
2
k
10 Male
Fevaie
Age
Figure 8. Distribution of dead by sex and age intervals at Paloma by sex for age intervals.
interpretation is that as general health improved and the likelihood of infants surviving to maturity
increased, the Palomans adjusted their birth rates downward.
There remains the problem of the unrealistically high birth rates; Buikstra et al. (1986) created
the regression equation I have used from model tables that averaged a growth rate of .02. Over
several thousand years, the population did increase locally, but it could not have increased at a rate
that would have resulted in the population doubling every 35 years; the regression equations de-
veloped from the model tables are probably too high for such a long period of time and may have
led to overestimating the birth rate.
Level
Figure 9. Paloma stature estimated from limb-bone length.
stature was estimated from lower limb bones by formulae presented by Genovks (1967), and it was
found to increase significantly (see Figure 9) over time (F= 3.43, df = 2, p < .05). Ubelaker (1 980)
reported that statures stayed essentially constant over a longer time in Ecuador.
Exogamy is one possible explanation for finding increasing stature among previously isolated
groups. Nonetheless, village endogamy rather than exogamy had been suggested as characteristic of
coastal Peru during the period when Paloma was occupied (Ericksen 1962). Furthermore, Page
(1974) found some evidence for diminished variability in cranial measurements in a time period
that included the occupation of much of Paloma plus the later Cotton Preceramic period (the Pacific
Littoral period of Willey [1971]; see Rowe [1962]). Erickson had predicted that endogamy would
break down with the beginnings of agriculture; we now know, however, that agriculture was de-
veloped over millennia in Peru (see Lynch 1967) and elsewhere. Thus, sedentism is probably the
more critical factor in the reproductive isolation of populations.
For whatever cause, inbreeding depression should lead to decrease in both size and variance of
quantitative characters (Relethford and Lees 1982). On the other hand, if endogamy or immigration
into a successful village was practiced, variation and size would be enhanced within the group
(Falconer 1960), causing hybrid vigor, another plausible explanation for increasing stature. No
change in variance of stature estimates was observed at Paloma.
If the Paloma village was successful enough to attract females from without, then we would predict
increased variance in adult females for quantitative characters. T o the contrary, there is no indication
of change in the sexual dimorphism of the variances of stature (Benfer 1984). "ForeignM-bornwomen
might differ from those born at Paloma because they could perhaps have come come from bands
with different gene frequencies and different habitats where their life experiences, such as diet and
activities, would have been different from those at Paloma. However, environmental influences in
the backgrounds of wives brought from elsewhere would not affect children raised at Paloma. Genetic
differences, which I would think to be slight due to the previous admixture, would of course affect
both male and female children. Habitat differences within 50 miles include the western slopes of
the Andes, river valleys, coastal settings, and hilly fog oases; these differences could be more
important than between-group genetic variation. The differences in the genetic component of the
character would be less evident in the skeletal remains of individuals who died at Paloma, since
they would be made up not only of foreign-born women but also their female (and male) progeny.
Stature has been interpreted as varying over time primarily due to environmental influences, but
if the inhabitants of the later periods at Paloma possessed a gene pool richer in genes for tallness,
migration could be invoked to explain the increases.
Benfer] BlOlNDlCATlONS OF SEDENTISM AT PALOMA
Level
a
Level
b
Figure 10. Mortuary change at Paloma over time: (a) three mortuary clusters by level (Quilter 1989); (b)
multidimensional-scalingdimension I11 by level.
Shifts in Paloma mortuary customs suggest the possibility of population replacement in the
Encanto phase (see Figure 10). Figure 10a shows three groups of burials, obtained by cluster analysis
of mortuary characteristics (Quilter 1980, 1989). These three have a nonrandom distribution with
levels. A multidimensional scaling of these data (Benfer 1987) produced one dimension, which has
been identified as treatment of the dead with respect to age at death. That treatment shows a
dramatic break between the Encanto phases and the earlier inhabitants (Figure lob), suggesting
possible population replacement. Another line of evidence also points in this direction. Dental
characteristics (Christy Turner 111, personal communication 1982) suggest population replacement
in the Encanto Temprano phase, where the differences between the Encanto phase teeth and earlier
teeth was the same order of magnitude as the differences observed between East Coast and California
samples in North America (Christy Turner 111, personal communication 1982). Increasing stature
with each successive occupation (see Figure 9) due to gene flow is possible.
LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1, No. 4, 1990
Level
Figure 11. Anemia (frequency of cribra orbitalia) at Paloma by stratigraphic level.
Compared with the population from Sta. Elena, Ecuador, the Palomans average 5-9 cm taller for
males and 2-7 cm taller for females. The increased size of Palomans may indicate a better diet, a
better state of health during childhood, or both, rather than gene flow.
Anemia. Another indicator of childhood resistance to stress and dietary sufficiency in iron is
anemia. Childhood anemia is signaled by cribra orbitalia of the frontal bone or porosity of the
parietal or occipital bones of the skull. Active lesions in children who died are more ominous than
are the healed lesions in adults who survived the anemia of childhood. At Paloma, orbital pitting
was common, but very weakly marked; both the pits and the affected area were small. Porosity of
parietal or occipital bones was also very slight, but some cases of expanded diploe were observed.
The following analysis is restricted to the more clear cut observation of oribital pitting. When
percentage of active and remodeled lesions is plotted against the levels (Figure 1 I), a very clear
trend toward decreasing anemia is obvious. Furthermore, the anticipated decreased iron was ob-
served in the bones of children who died exhibiting cribra orbitalia (data from Edward [1987]; see
Figure 12). This finding validates the use of cribra orbitalia as an indicator representing anemia. It
No Cribra orbitalia
20 . 1 I
C P I ' U ( ( I4) Aau't ( I S + )
Age
is worth noting that no adults from the last occupation (Encanto 1) of Paloma showed active lesions.
This trend suggests that childhood diet was improving and that parasitism was not excessive, since
the anemia that results from excessive parasitism in children was not observed. No parasite ova
were found at Paloma, despite the fact that a substantial collection of dessicated fecal masses and
intestinal contents were examined by a parasitologist experienced with Peruvian materials (Michael
Kliks, personal communication 1988). A "latrine area" in one section of the site may have con-
tributed to better than expected sanitation. Walker (1986) concluded that there may be a link between
anemia and a diet heavily dependent on maritime resources, perhaps because of ingesting parasites
from fish and sea mammals. Walker (1986) reported 35 percent anemic individuals from the Channel
Islands of California; it can be see from Figure 12 that the lower levels from Paloma approach that
percentage, but the upper ones do not. Thus at Paloma, the frequency of anemia decreased rather
than increased over time. However, it will be argued below that more sea lions, not fewer, were
taken in the later time periods. Decreasing anemia supports the interpretation of increasing stature
being due to decreasing stress.
Infections. Remodeled deposits of periosteal bone were present in the relatively sterile coastal
desert environment at Paloma in moderate frequencies, especially on lower limbs. The frequency
did not change significantly over time, osteitus varying from 10 percent to 16 percent and periostitis
between 22 percent and 25 percent. Since the frequencies neither increase nor decrease, they neither
support nor reject a hypothesis of increasing health; rather they suggest stability.
Carious Lesions. Only three cases of carious lesions were found at Paloma (Christy Turner 111,
personal communication 1982), and these were in Level 300, the level with the greatest evidence
of grass and carbohydrates. This is the low frequency expected with preagricultural diets. The high
rate of wear probably protected Palomans from occlusal caries (see Scott and DeWalt 1980).
Enamel Hypoplasia. Hypoplasia has been scored for a substantial percentage of the Paloma
teeth, but the results have not been analyzed. Nonetheless, it can be said that hypoplastic lesions
are relatively common.
Histomorphometrics. Diet, disease, and activity can affect the rate of bone turnover. Adult bones
preserve a record of the sum of mineral activity over life. Jackson (198 1) studied a small sample
of 22 rib specimens and found a slightly higher rate of bone turnover, especially in older individuals,
in specimens from the earliest levels at Paloma than from the Encanto periods. One explanation is
that the ages determined by gross osteological methods underestimated the true chronological age
at death. That osteological aging underestimated adult chronological age at death, by between 10
and 15 years for older individuals, was suggested for Paloma individuals from regressed age-at-
death estimates from gross osteological ages with ages estimated by root-transparency methods
(Maples 1978) as well as osteon density of ribs (Stout 1983). This problem may be common to most
studies that rely on gross osteological methods of aging, as it is well known that changes become
slower and more erratic in older individuals. Stout (1 983) noted that Paloma resembles more the
preagricultural Middle Woodland populations he has studied than the Late Woodland samples.
Dental Wear. If the coastal populations were experiencing increasing stress from the increase
in population, then dental wear might be expected to increase as more coarse, unpalatable, foods
were consumed. Findings were to the contrary; wear decreased over time at Paloma (Figure 13).
Wear is indicated by the intercept and less directly by the slope obtained by plotting the differences
in wear scores between the first two molars, and passing the principal axis through the scatter (Benfer
and Edwards 199 1, Benfer et al. 1989; Scott 1974). The intercept (Figure 13a) estimates the amount
of childhood wear, while the slope (Figure 13b) indirectly measures the adult wear (Benfer et al.
1989). In order to test this interpretation, age was regressed on crown height, and the rate of wear
measured by the slope for the three time periods was found to correspond to the pattern of decreasing
wear over time suggested by the principal axis procedure (Benfer and Edwards 1991). As can be
seen in Figure 13, wear decreases over time. Earlier interpretations of these data were incorrect
(Benfer 1984; Edwards 1983). The indications are clear that wear was decreasing, not increasing at
Paloma over time. More palatable, less abrasive foods were being prepared and eaten. Tooth size
was decreasing slightly during this same time period (Benfer et al. 1989) suggesting that natural
selection for increasing wear was absent, another indicator of relaxing stress. Smaller teeth were
LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1, No. 4, 1990
2 Max. Slope
-2 Mand. Slope
5
5
-0.
0
V)
-.a-
%
1 u
.-
Y;
d
2L
L
*
0
0
.-
0
2
5 Ui
.-VI
U
2
0 B
Level
Level
b
Figure 13. Molar wear rates at Paloma from Scott wear scores (data from 37 complete dentitions): (a) slope
of major axis of MI-M, near scores; (b) intercept of major axis of MI-M, wear scores.
associated with larger, taller individuals in the later time periods. One would imagine that these
taller individuals, if larger in body mass, would have had greater caloric needs. Muscle mass should
be a good indicator of caloric need. A measure of bony response to musculature (Benfer 1984, 1986)
did not change over time when the sexes were pooled. However the pattern was one of decrease in
muscle mass in males over time, with increase observed in females. Thus, the Scott system of scoring
(Scott 1979), which does not take tooth or body size into account, may underestimate the rate of
decrease of wear.
Cortical Involution. The amount of compact bone also has been used as a measure of dietary
sufficiency (Van Gerven 1969) and activity patterns (Ruff and Hayes 1983). Results from study of
this indicator suggested activity changes between the sexes more than dietary changes. Note that
BlOlNDlCATlONS OF SEDENTISM AT PALOMA
36 Yrs.
Female
Level
Figure 14. Paloma humeral cortical area by level and sex.
two different outcomes can be associated with change in cortical bone mass, and other indicators
are necessary to help decide whether one or both outcomes are predictable. Activity change will be
discussed below.
Direct measurements of endosteal and external anterior-posterior and medial-lateral dimensions
were obtained from midshaft sections for the humerus, femur, and tibia from Paloma adults (McNair
1988). Areas for the humerus and femur were estimated by calculating the area of an ellipse defined
by the measurements.
The humerus increased slightly in cortical area in Encanto Temprano (Figure 14). The cortical
area of the femur (Figure 15) decreased slightly across levels ( p = .09), and the differences by sex
were quite pronounced in all but the Encanto 1 phase. Perhaps the decrease could be interpreted
as dietary influenced, but activity changing from a more mobile to a more maritime-focused sub-
sistence will be considered as a more adequate explanation below. However, humerus and femur
cortical areas seem to show a peak in Encanto Temprano, possibly related to the fact that it is the
level in which carbohydrates were most abundant at Paloma.
1 33 Yrs.
LEVEL: p = .09
Sex: p = .002
Level*Sex: p = n.s.
36 YRS.
27 Y rs.
---
Females
ZOO 300 400
Level
Harris Lines. Harris lines, or lines of accelerated growth following cessation of growth, have
been evaluated critically (Clarke 1978; Goodman et al. 1984). However, we have found them to be
useful NSIS when considered as one element in the web of bioindicators. Williams (1983) found
that in a Paloma sample of 78 adult tibiae the number of lines was similar to that reported for other
coastal groups (Allison et al. 1974). She also noted that a significant decrease in H a m s lines occurred
in level 300 for males, but that there was no corresponding change in females. In addition, she
found sexual dimorphism in the relation between tibia length (presumably a measure of successful
growth) and number of H a m s lines. For males there was the anticipated negative correlation, which
one would expect if H a m s lines measure stress that would have inhibited growth rate and final
achieved size. For females, the correlation was positive (see Goodman and Clark [198 11 for a similar
positive correlation for females). Williams reports a slight increase in numbers of lines in Encanto
1, which she interprets as a result of the increasing stress brought about by population pressure
reducing available resources. This is one of the few indicators that suggest increased stress in the
last occupation of Paloma.
In order to further investigate childhood stress implied by lines surviving into adulthood, Ferguson
(1982) included adolescent Paloman tibiae in her study of H a m s lines. She accepted shorter radio-
opaque lines than did Williams, accepting as lines those which spanned just one-third of the bone.
Thus, she included more lines that had been removed partly by remodeling. Her most interesting
finding bears on the hypothesis that sporadic climatic disruptions such as El Nifio could have caused
severe problems for these maritime peoples. One might expect to find occasional but strong lines
associated with famines from these cycles. Instead, among specimens that had H a m s lines, Ferguson
found that all females had two or more "yearly" lines, but only some males had the plural yearly
lines. Such multiple H a m s lines spaced a year apart signal a seasonal time of stress, rather than a
single isolated period of severe stress. Storage of fish and other foods, preserved with salt available
at the nearby Las Salinas mine (Benfer and Edward 1988), served to ameliorate the occasional
effects of an El Nifio, but not the effect of a recumng annual stressful season.
In a smaller sample of 17 tibiae and femora from the subsequent Cotton Preceramic period, weak
yearly lines were present in some specimens, whereas others showed more sporadic and stronger
lines (Femll 1986). Sporadic stronger lines are associated with beginning horticulture (Weir et al.
1988). This later sample is too small to do more than suggest that storage or some other factor of
life may have changed in the period when monumental architecture first was erected in Peru.
Activity Change
There was a significant decrease in sexual dimorphism in bony response to musculature over time
at Paloma (Benfer 1984, 1986). Figure 16 shows the decrease in bony response to musculature
estimated by examining the whole skeleton. Change in sexual dimorphism in muscle mass was not
associated with change in bone mass, as reflected by the diameter of the head of the femur (Benfer
1984), so the difference between the sexes more likely reflects gender-specific activities then, say,
sexual selection for smaller women. These results could be explained by both men and women
spending more time obtaining fish and shellfish, where the use of nets and simply stooping over to
obtain clams would require more upper-body musculature than required for previous more gen-
eralized, more sex-specific foraging activities. The sample is too small to examine the relation within
levels, but given the increasing muscle mass of increasingly taller women over time, a change in
somatotype is suggested. Sexual selection is possible, as is improved survival and fertility of smaller-
boned, stronger females. Shifts in activity toward more sedentism and fishing in place of extensive
walking and carrying of plants and small animals also could account for the observed pattern. Dental
wear of pooled males and females decreased over time, documenting a change in diet toward less
abrasive foods, perhaps including fewer tuberous plants. Further research is necessary to elucidate
the relations among body size, tooth size, tooth wear, and sex of individual.
In order to further investigate changes in activity, McNair (1 988) studied the size and shape of
the principal limb bones (see Ruff and Hayes [I9831 for another example). She found a very large
change over time in the humeral but not the femoral shape, as measured by the ratio of (M-L
BlOlNDlCATlONS OF SEDENTISM AT PALOMA
Level
Figure 16. Paloma total bony response to musculature by level and sex.
diameter/A-P diameter) x 100. Figure 17 shows that a trend was repeated for both sexes with
humeri becoming more flattened over time. This finding possibly is associated with an unusual
double insertion of the deltoid muscle. Presumably this change in shape is measuring a change in
activity, possibly one associated with more-intensive maritime fishing tasks such as greater use of
the arms in netting small fish, or with the use of the sling. Figures 14 and 15 show very slight
increases in cortical area for the humerus and somewhat stronger decreases for the femur. These
cortical-area changes are compatible with a shift to activities that involve the upper body more.
Several other indicators of sexual differences in activity are preserved in the skeletal remains.
Only males show the bony growths in the ear that indicate significant time was spent swimming
and diving in the Pacific Ocean (see Kennedy [I 9861, for a demonstration of the causative relation
between cold water and auditory exostoses). Reaction areas on femora, possibly due to swimming,
are more common in males than females (Benfer 198 1, 1984). Thus, it is very probable that the
men did most of the diving for the molluscan species that occur in deeper water (see Reitz [I 9881
for a discussion of habitats).
Level: p = .02 /
Covariate Age: p = -
Level
Figure 17. Paloma humerus shape (medio-lateral diameter/anterior-posterior diameter x 100) by level and
sex.
LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1, No. 4, 19901
Dietary Changes
Archaeobotany. The vegetable component of the Paloma diet has been described broadly (Weir
and Dering 1986), but a stratigraphic analysis is not yet available for the extensive samples collected
during excavation. A comparative study of plant and animal contents of a small sample of coprolites
and ecological samples from Paloma and several Cotton Preceramic period sites has been reported
(Jones 1988; Weir et al. 1988). Wild plants from the lomas and nearby Chilca River valley pre-
dominate. Grass seeds (probably a species of Paspalum) and probable tubers, tentatively identified
as tuberous begonias, were common in Paloma coprolites, with beans, gourds, and squash occa-
sionally present. Gourds, present in small amounts, might not have been so much a minor staple
as serving the more important functions of floats (Pozorski and Pozorski 1976) and containers.
Grass seeds were important especially in level 300, Encanto Temprano, a time when plant remains
were most common at Paloma (see also Cohen 1975).
Zooarchaeology. The zooarchaeological findings of the small probability samples as well as the
much larger number of specimens collected opportunistically during excavations point to the im-
portance of marine resources (Reitz 1988). A defect in the method of probability-sample cataloging
permitted large bones to be sent to the labs separated from matrix that usually was fine screened
in the field. The specimens studied from the probability sample were restricted to those that could
be placed into a 5-liter plastic bag. Thus only six individuals out of a minimum number of individuals
(MNI) of 4,575 were identified as terrestrial mammals (Reitz 1988). Despite the fact that large bones
from the probability samples were not included with these samples, which were being drawn by
investigators more interested in pollen and plant macrofossils, I believe it unlikely that few pro-
veniences for which mammals were present were overlooked in the "grab" field sample. Workers
and archaeologists made a special point to include mammalian remains for later study that we knew
would be conducted by a zooarchaeologist.
While study of opportunistically gathered faunal material should be viewed with caution, it is
nonetheless useful to compare the ratio of land to sea mammals. Assuming that camelid, deer, and
sea-mammal bone would have been equally likely to have been collected, the increase in the ratio
of land to sea mammals in Encanto 1 can be interpreted as a genuine change (see Figure 18a). An
independent source of information is available by which one may cross-validate the interpretation
of increasing reliance on sea mammals-the ratio of burials with fur to those without fur. Figure
18b shows that fur practically disappears in burials from the upper levels, as noted earlier by
McAnulty-Quilter (1976), a trend that continued as indicated by the near absence of wool at the
nearby Chilca I site that overlaps the upper levels of Paloma in time (5800-4500 B.P. [Engel 19871;
5070-3320 for a recent test pit [Weir et al. 19881). The percentage of probability samples containing
anchovy bones also increased in parallel with the increase in sea mammals (see Figure 18c). Anchovy-
sized fish found in the probability sample increased in the uppermost levels (Reitz 1976, 1988). It
appears that marine mammals became more important as indicated by their occurrence in coprolites
from time periods immediately subsequent to Paloma's occupation (Jones 1988). Marine inverte-
brates increased in biomass from seven percent in the earliest occupation to 23 percent during the
Encanto periods (Reitz 1986). Reitz found that marine vertebrates contributed 71 percent of the
biomass, overall, with marine invertebrates contributing a not-insignificant 20 percent.
Chemical Analysis of Human Bone. Trace-element analyses of bone (Benfer and Edward 1988;
Edward 1987) confirm the zooarchaeological interpretations of the importance of marine resources
at Paloma. Magnesium, which may have been affected slightly by diagenesis (the indicators are
contradictory, see Edward [1987]), decreased significantly from the values observed in Paloma bone
when compared with Cotton Preceramic samples. This result could have derived from an increased
plant component in the diet, diminished consumption of seaweed, or both.
Strontium (Benfer 1982; Benfer and Edwards 199 1) also has been studied. While ribs may have
been affected by the passage of time, the tibiae more likely were not affected in strontium (Edward
1987). Direct indicators of diagenesis were not present in strontium in the Paloma sample, so
strontium concentration reflects the amount of animal protein ingested (see Edward [1987], for a
discussion of the effects of seafood and seaweed). Figure 19 shows the values of strontium, by levels,
Level
a
I I I
Level
b
Level
Figure 18. Indicators of increase in emphasis in Paloma marine resources: (a) ratio of land to sea mammals
by level; ( b ) ratio of fur to no fur in well-preserved burials by level; (c) percentage of anchovy bones by level.
LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1, No. 4, 1990
Level
Figure 19. Strontium in log parts per million by level, all Paloma bones by age and sex.
for adults. Significant sexual dimorphism in Encanto Temprano ( p < .05) shows that females have
higher values, possibly due to eating more plant foods during collecting; plant foods were abundant
in that time period. Children show the anticipated higher levels of strontium in a pattern of change
over time which mirrors that for adult males. The least sexual dimorphism in strontium is in
Encanto Temprano. Zinc values (Figure 20) were unaffected by diagenesis (Edward 1987). Some
species of shellfish have very elevated concentrations of zinc, and since Encanto Temprano showed
a shift toward increased exploitation of marine invertebrates, it seems possible that both sexes began
to collect and eat them in that period, reducing the sexual dimorphism evident in the early period.
To investigate this change further, Edward examined fluorides. Fluorine is an element heretofore
unstudied for dietary significance. In studies of maritime peoples, it may prove useful, since it is
known to occur in very high concentrations in fish. Although the first measurements of fluoride in
bone were for relative dating, fluoride exhibited no diagenic effects at Paloma (Edward 1987). Figure
2 l a shows the increase in fluoride during life in the cross-sectional age categories at Paloma; the
pattern is the same as that exhibited by modern individuals over their lives. This behavior suggests
that the prehistoric trace-element activity is mirroring past physiological, not diagenic factors. Figure
21 b shows the fluoride values plotted by levels. No statistically significant differences occur over
Level
Figure 20. Zinc concentrations in parts per million by level and sex, all Paloma adult bones.
0J
Increasing Age in Years
a
-
Adult Female
Adult Male
- a Child
Level
b
Figure 21. Fluoride concentration in parts per million: (a) fluorine by age at death at Paloma, pooled sexes;
(b) fluorine concentration in parts per million by level and sex.
time, though the differences in sexual dimorphism are apparent. Edward (1987) had anticipated an
increase in fluoride if there had been an increasing reliance on vertebrate fish over time. Reitz (1988)
did not find evidence from the zooarchaeological analysis of an increase in the amount of food
supplied from the sea, though she did find increasing exploitation of anchovies in the upper levels.
Sexual dimorphism in fluoride is quite noticeable in Encanto Temprano. Zinc and fluoride,
unaffected by diagenesis, suggest that females had greater access to fish and shellfish in the earlier
time periods. Strontium, possibly very slightly affected by diagenesis, suggests the contrary, especially
in Encanto Temprano. The decrease in sexual dimorphism for all three elements in Encanto 1 does
accord well with the hypothesized concentration of both sexes on maritime resources, in agreement
with observed shifts in the sexual dimorphism in musculature and cortical bone mass. Patterson
(1983) has conjectured that the social formation during the Archaic period was one in which division
of labor by sex was stable; to the contrary, the Paloma materials document dynamic changes in
sexual division of labor associated with increasing maritime specialization.
310 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1, No. 4, 1990
Changes in diet at Paloma seem to have not affected health adversely. As time passed, the Palomans
appear to have lived healthier lives. On the basis of zooarchaeological findings, Reitz (1988) suggests
that there was a shift in the inventory of protein sources exploited rather than a change in total
protein consumption. The trend was not toward a more protein-rich diet. Trace-element data support
this interpretation, suggesting relative consistency in the ingesting of animal protein in the Middle
Preceramic periods recorded at Paloma. Specifically, increased reliance on shellfish, anchovies, and
sea mammals is suggested. Increasing reliance on meat from sea mammals is documented from
coprolite studies as increasing in time periods immediately subsequent to the occupations at Paloma
(Jones 1988).
available either for direct exploitation or for exchange relations with inhabitants, including the
nearby (7.5 km) Chilca and Mala (20 km) river valleys, one and four hours walking distance,
respectively, and the lower reaches of the western flanks of the Andes (Dering and Weir 1982).
Gradually increased exploitation of the local environment finally may have passed a threshold of
environmental degradation, perhaps most especially in reduced water production by denuded fog
oases, after which much of the population relocated to nearby river valleys.
The problems of dealing with both predictable annual variation as well as the sporadic, but
dramatic effects of the El Niiio perturbation, could only have been solved by flexible harvesting and
storage of available food. As population increased, people intensified both maritime and terrestrial
resources. When population increase temporarily caused population pressure, people expanded into
nearby river valleys where wild plants were more abundant than in the ultimately degraded lomas
setting. It is in this period, the Cotton Preceramic, that I predict NSIS will increase. Engel (1987)
argues that although the nearby Chilca I site, which has both Middle and Late Preceramic com-
ponents, overlaps Paloma in time of occupation and general appearance, there remain differences
between them such as the fact that fiber objects are finer at Chilca I. The cultigens at the multicom-
ponent Chilca I site that are rare or essentially absent at Paloma are present at Chilca I in numbers
too small to suggest dependence. Engel ( 1987) has suggested "incipient agriculturists" to describe
this occupation.
Moseley (1986) may have somewhat overstated the importance of processing of small fish into
meal as an economic foundation of large sedentary populations, though the need for storage of
resources against El Niiio years and at least one difficult season, is obvious. Redding (1988) suggests
storage as one of the first responses to stress, but as we have seen, stress (NSIS) was decreasing, not
increasing over t i n e at Paloma. Nonetheless, storage was very important at Paloma judging by the
over 500 p its excavated.
In experiments, we found preparation of fish meal for storage to be labor intensive with little
reward (Weir et al. 1988). As Marcus (1987) notes, removing the head is about all that is necessary
in order to prepare small fish for storage. Beheaded small fish were excavated from a storage pit at
Paloma. Anchovies certainly were taken. But anchovies are very deficient in oil and calories. Grinding
would further remove calories. Some fish meal was excavated at Paloma (Benfer 1982:46); Engel
had obtained a laboratory identification of fish meal before the University of Missouri excavations
(Frederic-Andre Engel, personal communication 1976). However, we did not identify large quantities
of the fish meal (Quilter 1989). The nearby Las Salinas salt mines between the modem town of
Chilca and the Mala River valley would have supplied all the salt needed for preservation of dried
fish or meat from other animals. We have recently studied the salt content of Paloma sediments
(Benfer and Edward 1988). Extremely high concentrations of salt, up to 50 percent of the matrix,
have been identified in some areas of the site. There can be no question that salted fish were being
preserved at Paloma. Most of the fish biomass was preserved with minimal processing.
Sea mammals, in contrast to small fish, are fatty and contain many calories. At Camarones 14
in northern Chile, 92 of the 104 mammal bones recovered were from sea lions (Schiapiacasse F.
and Niemeyer F. 1984). At Paloma, sea lions represented 65 percent of the mammal biomass (Reitz
1988), and they increased in importance over time (see Figure 18a). At the Quebrada Las Conchas
coastal site, near Antofagasta, Chile, sea lions and camelids were taken by hunters as early as 9,500
radiocarbon years ago (Llagostera Martinez 1979). Their dietary importance has been underesti-
mated.
The importance of shellfish to the diet has been a topic of much controversy (see Erlandson 1988).
Paloma project investigations have found that meat yield as a fraction of dry shell weight varies
between approximately 33 and 50 percent, depending on species and method of preparation (Capps
1987; Tomka 1980: see also Reitz 1986). Shellfish increased in biomass, from 7 percent in the lower
levels at Paloma, to 24 percent in the Encanto periods (Reitz 1986, 1988), and is an indicator of
intensification of maritime resources. The diet was rich in protein (see Weir and Dering [I9861 and
Weir et al. [I9881 for a discussion of the floral component). An exclusively marine meat diet can
be an excellent one so long as it includes seaweed and the fat and organ meat from sea lions. Recall
that anchovies and sea lions increased dramatically in level 200, Encanto 1. With the probable
312 LATIN AMERICAN ANTIQUITY [Vol. 1, No. 4, 1990
addition of seaweed, the diet at Paloma was a very good one, and the amount produced from
resources in the vicinity of Paloma steadily increased, judging by the increase in population size
and improving health as measured by NSIS. The exploitation of the lomas did not cease during the
last occupations of Paloma. There was greater emphasis placed on marine resources as the population
continued to expand, even as social controls such as delayed marriage and female infanticide slowed
the birth rate.
Populations that increase in numbers while decreasing in skeletal indicators of stress may be more
likely to become sociopolitically complex and successful. The positive relation between population
size and social complexity is well documented for ethnographically known societies (Carniero 1967;
Naroll 1956). The population density necessary for the rise of andean civilization (Moseley 1975;
Moseley and Willey 1973) may have been reached by the successful fisher-foraging strategy, perfected
before overpopulation became a factor. The Cotton Preceramic period that followed the main
occupation at Paloma saw the florescence (Engel 1987) of the cultures that for millennia successfully
had adapted their subsistence methods to a somewhat unpredictable coastal habitat. Adjustments
in the preceding Middle Preceramic periods left clear indications of improving biological vigor in
the human bones. Settlement-pattern data indicate that the population was increasing, at least the
numbers who lived a relatively sedentary life at Paloma were increasing, and theirs was, in fact, the
largest such settlement from the time period. Increasing population size, coupled with increasing
life expectancy, decreasing birth rate, and decreasing indications of stress in the human remains
characterize a healthy, vigorous, and flexible population, poised to expand.
In central coastal Peru, Binford's (1968) prediction of increasing population among early maritime
peoples is verified. Population stress, if defined as decreasing exploitation of wild terrestrial food
resources (Harner 1970), may have occurred in the last occupation, Encanto 1, but the results of
the adaptation were more, not less, favorable to health and reproduction. Increasing population
pressure, evident in the destruction of the fuelwood of the fog oases, did not lead to increased levels
of stress in humans. Instead it provoked adaptive responses that led to successively better adjust-
ments of larger, more densely settled, more sedentary peoples. Patterson's (1971:201) model de-
scribes the Paloma situation. In that model, nutritional levels rise through a series of steps that
include more efficient use of plants, accompanied by overexploitation of the fragile habitat, leading
to more dependence upon marine resources, and then to partial sedentism. However, the oppor-
tunities for intensification in the fog oasis, beach, river valley, and lower western flanks of the Andes
were apparently greater than previously reckoned; agriculture was not necessary for the growing
populations until well into the Initial period (Weir et al. 1988). The quality of the diet at Paloma
probably did not much change over time; to the extent that it changed, it appears to have improved.
At Paloma, the quantity obviously increased rapidly enough to allow a growing population to
experience improving levels of health. If the central coastal peoples of Peru experienced the increasing
demands for a surplus, which are characteristic of an expanding tribal economy (Friedman and
Rowlands 1977), they were able to produce it without the necessity of agriculture well into the Initial
period primarily by intensifying collection of wild plant and marine resources (Weir et al. 1988).
An ideological basis for this adaptation is possible: If a semisedentary population was able to support
increasing numbers for several generations, this may have been long enough for the worldview of
the people to change from equilibrium preserving to expansionist.
These statements of expected relations bear on the question, why did people adopt sedentism, at
Paloma or elsewhere? If the fog-oasis habitat was a place for sedentary foragers to recover from
previous population decreases (see Rowley-Conwy 1983), then each occupation or series of occu-
pations might have been characterized by rapid increase. It is easy to imagine a small resident
population in Luz times (level 400) augmented from time to time by other band members in periods
of exceptional productivity of the fog oasis, or in dry times when the oasis produced the only
available water.
Of course, it is possible that unique circumstances and unusual sensitivity to initial conditions
overwhelm knowable processes and that an answer to the question of why sedentism must always
be phrased in the metaphor of cultural history. However if a discoverable process that explains
sedentism exists, it might be found through a research design structured toward specifying the
Benfer] BlOlNDlCATlONS OF SEDENTISM AT PALOMA 313
expected relations among the gamut of changes that would have preceded and evolved along with
a change in settlement pattern and in humadplant and humadanimal relations. As the Paloma
Project demonstrates, the human remains are a rich source of information on population stress and
structure. These data, interpreted in the context of other archaeological data, permit testing of
formerly inaccessible hypotheses.
Acknowledgments. The National Science Foundation has provided funding for the Paloma Project (BNS 76-
12316, BNS 78-07727a/b, and BNS 8 1-053940); the Research Council of the University of Missouri-Columbia
provided funding for the original work on the coastal-series skeletons; the coastal-series dental data were gathered
by Eugenie S. Scott. Frederic-Andre Engel, Director of the Centro de Investigaciones de Zonas Aridas, provided
laboratories, colleagues, and friendship. He excavated the original coastal-series skeletons; much of the archae-
ology of this work is published by Humanities Press in a series of monographs edited by him, Prehistoric Andean
Ecology. Jeffrey Quilter and Christy Turner 111 made valuable data available to me. I wish to specially thank
Lisa Sattenspiel whose criticisms were especially useful. Louanna Furbee read and made valuable editorial
improvements to this paper for which I would like to express my appreciation. Anonymous reviewers, Teresita
Majewski, and Christopher Pulliam contributed greatly to the clarity of this paper. The many students and
colleagues-both Peruvian and American-who contributed to the Paloma Project deserve the most credit.
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NOTES
I Some of the findings reported here differ slightly from earlier reports (Benfer 1982, 1984), in that some
stratigraphic designations for a few burials have been changed. The paleodemography reported in 1984 and
1986 is the same as that presented here, except that additional specimens are added to the life table as described
below. The trends in the nonspecific indicators of stress differ slightly in some cases but in no instance has the
original pattern differed enough with the new (1982) stratigraphic designations to require altering its interpre-
tation. The interpretation of tooth wear as estimated from the principal axes of Scott wear scores differs from
Scott (1979), whose presented values appear to be for variables with reversed axes.
There was, however, a weak inverse relation between the diameter of the head of the femur and age at death
for females (r = -.3, p < . I , n = 33). Enhanced survival for smaller females, if present, could have been due to
their ability to survive on fewer calories or to male investment in smaller females. This topic requires further
research with a larger set of indicators.
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Addendum: Child Transport, Family Size, and Increase in Human Population During the
Neolithic
Robert W. Sussman; Roberta L. Hall
Current Anthropology, Vol. 13, No. 2. (Apr., 1972), pp. 258-267.
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Of Maize and Men: A Critique of the Maritime Hypothesis of State Origins on the Coast of
Peru
David J. Wilson
American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 83, No. 1. (Mar., 1981), pp. 93-120.
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