Chaos e Kosmos XIV, 2013 – www.chaosekosmos.

it

Sharing the Will of Gods: Angels and Oracles in Roman Imperial

Anatolia

Iulian Moga

There are numerous contributions presenting the role of the angels

within the Jewish, Christian and pagan environments, but very few are
devoted to Asia Minor. Two among the latest are particularly
interesting: Arnold’s Colossian Syncretism. The Interface between
Christianity and Folk Belief at Colossae (1996) and Cline’s Ancient
Angels. Conceptualizing Angeloi in the Roman Empire (2011). They
are valuable contributions not only because they continue the
predecessor’s efforts – like Cumont, Sokolowski, Sheppard and more
recently Hirschmann – to unveil the nature, functionality and purpose
of the supernatural assistants, but for their contextual analyses related
to the local ground.
Occurrences of the mentions regarding angelic beings in Asia
Minor are highly diversified. They vary from the magical texts on the
local apotropaic amulets or defixiones to the funerary formulas of
curse in the central-western area of Anatolia and answers provided by
Apollinic oracles. But most of them are related to judicial prayers, and
this is why we will also stress this part.
From different perspectives, we could say that, in the north-
west Anatolia (especially in Caria, Phrygia, and Lydia) gods and their
messengers played their part as regulatory factors of the social life
within the small local communities or as patrons of the individual and
collective destinies. Even in the Microasian pagan environment of the
first Christian centuries – under the influence of theological and
philosophical-religious trends of that time – the presence of certain
ideas related to the perception of the divine world as an ordered
society became ever more obvious. Intermediary – angelic or demonic
beings – which had to monitor various regions of the Universe,
populated this ordered society. However, they could also interfere
with the individual’s life as a messenger of the divine will, as a
mediator, transmitting the commands of a supreme divine power
(most of the times, Theos/Zeus Hypsistos, Men or Hosios kai
Dikaios), through oniric visions or epiphanies, or punishing them at
times for moral crimes. Such supernatural beings were also justitiary

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when interacting with the humans, thus becoming “angels of fire”,

invoked to set away the divine wrath and to avenge the injustices,
such as one can read in an inscription of Kidrama in Caria1.
Some judicial prayers like that of Claudiopolis in Bithynia, are
addressed both to the lord gods and the angels in a strictly ordered
hierarchy. In this very instance2, a certain Kapetolinos seeks to bind
(katadein) several men and women in order to prevent them from
providing information about him:

“... let all these (people) cease from speaking ill, gossiping from
spying; rather, let them be silent, dumb, making no accusation
against Kapetolinos, to whom Danae gave birth, also called
Beautiful, through the power of the names: Lord Gods, restrain
all those inscribed (herein)!”

And then, after a series of common voces mysticae, the text follows:
“Lord Gods, angels, restrain all those inscribed (herein) – every bit of
their strenghth (which they might use) against Kapetolinos to whom
Danae gave birth, also called Beautiful”.
It is possible in this case, as well as on another similar magical
invocation addressed to Theos Hypsistos from Oxyrhynchos3 that the
dedicant be of a Jewish origin because of his matrilineal line. This last
example is also very useful because it is one of the two preserved texts
mentioning the Most High God in a magical context. Here the god is
requested to eliminate any potential harm from “every spirit wicked
and evil”. Two other elements could indicate in this specific case the
Jewish origin: the use of the seal of Solomon and the mention that it
was this god “who created heaven and earth”.
Particularly interesting is a series of texts where pagan
elements are mingled with the Jewish ones. According to some views,
it is possible that the clients who requested the magical rituals to be
non-Jews, but the specialists who were practitioners of this kind of
magic be Jews4. The first example in this respect is that of a silver
tablet, found in a tomb of Amissos in Pontos, which state that:

1
Sheppard 1980-1981, p. 86, nr. 7.
2
Gager 1992, p. 137, nr. 47.
3
PKöln 338.
4
See the explanations on PKöln 338, p. 54, n. 4.

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“I am the great one who is sitting in heaven, the wandering

hollow of the cosmos ARSENONEOPHRIS, the safe name
MIARSAU as the true daimon BARICHAA KMEPHI who is
the ruler of the kingdom of gods. ABRIAOTH ALARPHOTHO
SETH. Never let evil appear. Drive away, drive away the curse
from Rouphina, and if someone does me an injustice, revert (the
curse) back to him. Nor let poison harm me. King of kings
ABRIAON TO ORHIARE. I am the one ruling the place in
Moses’s name”5.

In a similar magical papyrus providing a recipe for a defixio to

gain victory in chariot races, the archangels like Michael, Souriel,
Gabriel and Raphael are mentioned as gods, together with Iao, Abaoth
and Adonai6. A third example could come from a text where the
oracular god Apollo is perceived as lord and master and is invoked as
the “first archangel of the god, great Zeus” together with Michael,
“who rule heaven’s realm”, and the archangel Gabriel7. In a similar
way, the notion of the spirits of the underworld becomes
interchangeable with that of the gods of the underworld as well8.
One of the most interesting and debated inscriptions
mentioning angels is the one discovered at Oinoanda, in Northern
Lycia, which represents the reply of the oracle from Claros. It was
placed at very little distance on the same wall with another inscription
– mentioning that a certain Chromatis dedicated a lamp to the Most
High God after making a vow9. Both of them confined a space that
marked the precinct of such a house of prayer (or proseuchē, a
common term for both the Jews and the Hypsistarian pagans). The
epigraphs were carefully placed in the north-eastern side of the city
wall, near the entrance, so that the first rays of sunrise would fall
exactly above the altar, thus indicating the direction for the prayers of
the worshippers. What is particularly interesting for the this oracle of
Oinoanda is not only the conception regarding the divine hierarchy
that was supposed to be obedient to a higher god, but also the fact that

5
Gager 1992, pp. 225-226, nr. 120.
6
Arnold 1996, p. 29.
7
Arnold 1996, p. 24.
8
Gager 1992, pp. 178-180, n. 17 and 20.
9
Robert, 1971, p. 602; Hall 1978, pp. 263-267; Athanassiadi 1992, p. 54; Lane Fox,
1997, pp. 180-181.

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the subordinate gods, including the oracular Apollo, are assimilated to

immaterial angelic beings.
Equally important in this case is both to perceive the content of
the inscription itself, and the context in which the oracle was given.
The fact that Chromatis placed her dedication near the existing one
that unveiled the nature of this polyonymic, aetheric, celestial god
proves that she totally identified her personal Most High God from her
ex-voto with the Clarian one, whose association with the idea of light
and fire is also obvious. On the other hand, the fact that the content of
the oracle was preserved in the Divine Institutions of Lactantius and in
the 5th century collection currently known as the Theosophy of
Tübingen underlines the importance it had, even for the Christians
themselves, in striving to prove their theory on praeparatio
euangelica10.
Timing and place are also important. The oracle was composed
in Claros, near Colophon, in a very prolific period for the Microasian
oracles, that started from approximately the times of the great
epidemy (loimos), after the campaign of Lucius Verus in
Mesopotamia, and ended at the middle of the 3rd century AD11.
Honorary inscriptions dedicated to the prophets, priests and
priestesses as a token of appreciation for their piety regarding the gods
and the purity of their life present them as having been a sort of pagan
“saints”, in any case as provable models of reverence and piety to
follow12. Besides, it is not by hazard that several times the offices of
priests and prophets of Claros and Didyma were held by
Neoplatonists, later Stoics and Neopythagoreans13. This is why the
oracle of Claros proved itself one of the most eclectic ones regarding
the origin of the pilgrims, the approached subjects, and the prescribed
rituals. Unlike Didyma, most of the individual clients or those grouped
in special embassies send by various cities – that were not situated in
the very proximity of the sanctuary – came from rather lately
hellenized or non-fully hellenized cities that had a slightly different
religious orientation than common Greeks. The authorities of the
oracle gradually adapted to fit their demands and expectations,
according to Zsuzsanna Várhelyi, and provided a peculiar dynamics of

10
Cline 2011, pp. 30-34.
11
Moga 2011a, p. 264.
12
Busine 2005, p. 181.
13
Lane Fox 1997, p. 209; Moga, 2011a, p. 264.

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oracular consultation14. This is how similiarities with confession

inscriptions could be explained sometimes, or clear prescriptions
involving expiatory magical rituals in order to get rid of the plague
and all its subsequent disasters. The religious language involved, not
only in the case of this oracle, but on many other theological ones,
represent a clear testimony of a common, plurivalent religious
language proper to the so-called second paganism in approaching
subjects related to afterlife or nature of divine and of the human soul.
People punished by the god were not always aware of what
exactly caused the divine wrath to come and they asked about directly
so as to get clarified over the matter or else they chose to consult an
oracle or a prophet. Glykia, the daughter of Ioulios, son of Agrios,
having been punished at the breech by Anaitis of the metroon
(Anaeitis eg metroō), addressed questions to the goddess most
probably related to the origin of the divine wrath and receving the
proper answer she dedicated an offering15. Even if they knew or not
the real reason of the punishment, the culprits addressed prayers to the
gods so as to be pardoned for the sins committed deliberately or the
unintentional ones, as well as for those known to them or not
ascertained16. Thus, an angel of Men Petraeites Axiottenos clearly
revealed himself to Chryseros and Stratonikos who questioned the god
about their known and unknown guilts17. A certain Aurelios
Stratonikos admitted on a stele dated in AD 236-237 the guilt of
cutting some trees from the sacred grove of Zeus Sabazios and
Artemis Anaitis without having any clue of the fact that they belonged
to the gods18 and someone named Metrodoros, son of Glykon was
speficifically asked by the goddess, probably Anaitis, to erect another
stele to replace the one unattentively broken by him at an early age19.
The nature of the question was normally mentioned in the
inscriptions regarding these oracles. Yet, some are not specified.
Glykina raised a small marble altar to the Most High God according to
a vow together with someone else, but the nature of the inquiry
remains unclarified20. In a similar way, Hermias give his thanks at

14
Várhelyi 2001, p. 15.
15
Diakonoff 1979, p. 151, nr. 31 (fig. 34); Petzl 1994, p. 98, nr. 75.
16
Chaniotis 2004, pp. 23-24.
17
Petzl 1994, pp. 47-48, nr. 38; Petzl 1998, p. 11; Moga 2011a, p. 243.
18
Diakonoff 1979, 148, nr. 20; Petzl 1994, pp. 99-100, nr. 76.
19
Petzl 1994, pp. 101-102, nr. 78 (and fig.) = Diakonoff 1979, pp. 154-155, nr. D1.
20
Mitchell 1999, p. 140, nr. 187; IPergam, 331.

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Didyma to Zeus Hypsistos after consulting the oracle without sharing

its content21.
Inquiry requests were determined by various motivations. The
gods could be asked by means of an oracle regarding a lack in
properly fulfilling a vow. Erpos or Herpos, mentioned on an
inscription dated in AD 235-236 from Ayazviran, could not honour
her promise to provide a bull as payment and asked Men Axiottenos
who agreed to advertize the decision by raising a stele instead 22. A
certain Trophime questioned in AD 118-119 Meter Tarsene, Apollo
Tarsios and Men Artemidoros Axiottenos about their will after being
driven to insanity for disobeing the request of divinity23. An unknown
male individual also consulted an oracle as he was convinced that
when he was born the constellation was unfavourable, being punished
at his knees and entrails by Artemis Anaitis24.
Three other examples involving inquiries through oracles are
worth mentioning as they concern extremely serious sins. On a
confession inscription from 205-206, discovered at Gölde, we find
that two brothers, Ammianos and Hermogenes went to the temple to
ask Men Motylittes, Zeus Sabazios, Artemis Anaitis, the Great Senate,
the Council of Gods, as well as the village and the sacred association
(hieros doumos) if they could find mercy as they were punished for
challenging their father while he confessed the power of the gods. The
confrontation must have been really harsh as we are informed that the
father did not get any ruth and passed away25. In the second case the
question to the god Apollo Azyros about the redemption of the
culprits was put by the parents of the children Melite and Makedon
who becaume hierosyloi by stealing from the sacred property26. The
last example here is that of a woman named Julia, who cursed her
forster child allegedly just reason. When she asked the gods about the
event they apparently came down on her, then she atoned, was
redeemed and praised them27.
21
Mitchell 1999, p. 137, nr. 133; IDidyma, nr. 129.
22
Lane 1970, pp. 51-52; Petzl 1994, nr. 61; Moga 2011a, pp. 127-128.
23
CMRDM I, nr. 47; Petzl 1994, pp. 68-69, nr. 57; Sartre, 1995, p. 326; TAM V.1,
nr. 460; Moga 2011a, pp. 124-125, 248, 251.
24
Petzl 1997, pp. 69-70, nr. 1; Petzl 1998b, pp. 66-71.
25
ETAM 24, nr. 85 (fig. 85); Moga 2011a, pp. 439-440, catalogue Men nr. 25 =
Anaitis nr. 16b.
26
Petzl 1994, pp. 31-32, nr. 22; Moga 2011a, pp. 208-209.
27
Herrmann – Varinlioğlu 1984, p. 13, nr. 9; Petzl 1994, p. 20; Moga 2011a, pp.
229-230.

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The redemption of the wrongdoer was a consequence of the

dedicant’s submittance to the commandments given by the god
himself directly, without intercessors, through dreams and visions28.
For instance, on a second century stele found at Buldan the dedicant
had been informed by the deity himself that, as a consequence of a
promise he got impure29. But when the intercessors did appear, they
should represent a “qualified personnel” in the service of the god: (1)
angels or gods subordinated to another higher, greater one, (2) priests
and prophets or even associations of friends of angels. These
conceptions are widespread especially in Lydia, Mysia and Phrygia,
but also in Galatia as well and do not pertain only the category of
confessional inscriptions. In the case of Hosios kai Dikaios (“The
Holy and the Just”), an imprecation stele discovered at
Hadrianoutherai in the central Mysia presents him as a messenger,
angelos, of the god Helios30. To these two solar gods of justice and
vengeance Stateilia’s husband addressed, after her death, a Galatian
epigraph discovered at Karahoca in order to have her dowry back, on
the ground that “Stateilia, while living and conscious gave in trust to
someone a green woolen garment and two silver bracelets and unless
he returns them, may you, Holy and Just, and Lord Helios, avenge her,
a corpse, and her living children”31. Aurelius and a certain Association
of the Friends of Angels made a vow to Hosios kai Dikaios at Yayla
Baba köy, while at Temrek near Borlu (Lydia), a certain individual “...
and Lucia, through the agency of the prophet Alexander of Saittai, set
this up in thanksgiving to ... and to the holy and just angel”32. It is also
to Hosios kai Dikaios that Telesphoros and Hermogenes of Stalla set
up a confession inscription because of their having commited perjury,
even if the name of the deity is not clearly indicated within the text
itself33.
In some contexts, the gods themselves could act collectively as
a council of gods34. This is the case of an inscription from Kollyda in

28
Miller 1985, p. 67; MacMullen 19872, pp. 59-60, 102-106; Mitchell 1993, I, pp.
192-194; Petzl 1994, nrs. 1, 9, 11, 33, 34, 65, 106.
29
Petzl 1994, nr. 98.
30
IGSK 52, nr. 19.
31
RECAM II, nr. 242.
32
Sheppard 1980/1981, nrs. 8, 9.
33
Drew-Bear 1976, nr. 17 = Petzl 1994, nr. 105; Mitchell 1993, II, pp. 25-26.
34
See for example Malay 2003, pp. 13-14; Moga 2011a, pp. 436-437, catalogue
Men nr. 19.

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Lydia, where they are mentioned together with the great Senatus, the
village, and a sacred association called hieros doumos, being asked by
the brothers in need to be delivered from a punishment for having
committed the sin of overcoming their father35. In such an instance,
the position of the gods could be relatively easily to be replaced by the
angels, archangels, spirits of the underworld or maleficent spirits, due
to their frequent assimilation to gods, especially in the magical texts,
within the Jewish both the pagan and the Jewish contexts. In this
position, the angels may become “holy angels” (hagioi angeloi)36,
“holy assistants” or paredroi37, lord angels or supreme angels (kyrioi
angeloi)38. We should take into account, when analyzing their
occurences, similar cases from other areas mostly related to the use of
magic.
Before concluding, we should also take into account three such
mentions of angels of vengeance in relation to cases of theft and
murder which are encountered in both the Jewish and the Anatolian
pagan environment. The first two inscriptions come from the
necropolis of Rheneia, an island next to Delos, and they have a similar
content, except for the names of the deceased to be revenged, meaning
Herakleia and, Martina, respectively:

“I call upon and pray to God the Most high, the Lord of the
spirits and of all flesh, against those who have treacherously
murdered or poisoned the poor Heraclea, who died untimely,
and who have unjustly shed her innocent blood; may the same
happen to them who have murdered or poisoned her and to their
children, Lord, you who see everything, and you, angels of God,
for Whom every soul humiliates itself on this day with
supplications, (hoping) that you revenge her innocent blood and
settle your account with them as soon as possible”39.

In this case, we have to mention that the phrase employed –

usually encountered as heis tekna teknon, indicating that the

35
Várhelyi 2001, p. 15; Moga 2011a, p. 428 and catalogue inscription Men nr. 25 =
Anaitis nr. 16b.
36
Arnold 1996, pp. 26-29.
37
Arnold 1996, pp. 29 f.
38
Arnold 1996, p. 29 = PGM XXXVI, p. 171, ll. 246-255.
39
IJO I, Ach 70; CIJ I, 785a; Mazilu 2001, pp. 81-82; Moga 2011b, pp. 204-205, nr.
A1.

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punishment had to target the successive generations of descendants of

the wrongdoer – appears rather often in the Jewish, pagan, and
Christian environments in the western side of Asia Minor. Another
type of formula spread within all the three interference environments
is the so-called Eumeneian formula, the best expressed in a (most
probably) Jewish inscription, discovered at Eumenia, where there is a
warning addressed to the potential violators of Roubes’ grave
(actually, Reuben). It reads, “If anyone buries another one [here], he
will have to reckon with God and the angel of Roubes”40.
The third mention related to the angels of revenge is that of the
angel of Men, present on a confession inscription datable in AD 164-
165, belonging to the area of Lydia, could be translated as follows:

“Great is Men Axiottenos Tarsi, who rules Tarsi as a king!

Because a scepter was set up in the event that someone stole
something from the bathhouse, when a garment was stolen the
god was displeased, and after some time he made the thief bring
the garment to the god, and he confessed. Therefore, through a
messenger the god commanded that the garment be sold and to
record [the god’s] powers on a stele. In the year 249”41.

Several mentions should be stated about this stele, too. First,

Men plays – in this case – the role of a superior divinity (in other
cases, we encounter Theos Hypsistos or Hosios kai Dikaios), a fact
which demonstrates very clearly that the pattern of the divine world
ordering also applied to other divinities, not only to the Most High
God42. In certain contexts, such as that of Saittai in Lydia, Men was
also considered a supreme god, as shown by the following aretalogical
formula: “One is the god in heaven, great is Men the Celestial, great is
the power of the Immortal God”.
On the other side, concerning this inscription – and numerous
other epigraphs on Men and Anaitis in the Lydian area –, we underline
the presence of a magical-religious ritual through which the temple
priest bound the guilty person or the culprit by a swear, putting the
god’s sceptre on the altar, as the sceptre itself represented the god’s
power (dynamis tou theou). As for the magical rituals properly, only
40
Cline 2011, pp. 99-102.
41
Petzl 1994, nr. 3.
42
For example see Moga 2011a, p. 302: catalogue Hypsistos nr. 39; Mitchell 1999,
p. 141, nr. 202; SEG 31 (1981), nr. 1080; Sheppard 1980-1981, p. 94, nr. 11.

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the person who uttered the spell – meaning only that specific priest –
could break the proffered curse. God’s punishment varied from a
simple warning to dreadful diseases or even death. However, the
victim’s relatives usually felt it was their duty to appease the god of
for the guilt of the deceased, as they believed that the divine
punishment could fall on the successive generations to come.
The role of angels of justice was taken over – in certain cases,
mostly in the Anatolian area – even by solar deities such as Apollo or
Hosios kai Dikaios. The double quality of Hosios is also apparent in
the inscriptions of Temrek or Yaylababa Köyu, where he was clearly
named angel and worshipped by an association of the friends of
angels. As for Apollo, he is also mentioned as an intermediary being
in at least two other situations. First, Plutarch, in his work on the
disappearance of the oracles, De defectu oraculorum43, mentions him
as a daimon before the slaughter of the earth-dragon Python in
Delphi44. As an angel, he could be encountered at Oinoanda on an
inscription noting the reply of the Clarian oracle to a question related
to the nature of the divinity.
Several observations also related to other inscriptions
concerning the Most High are to be made, which also include the
pattern of divine world ordering. First, the hierarchic pattern is rather
clear both at Stratonicea, in Caria and at Kalecik, near Ankara, by
placing the angels in a second position, after that of Zeus and the one
of Theos Hypsistos, respectively.
As for the terminology employed, we also notice other
formulas designating the divine beings besides angeloi and daimones;
we refer here to Theos Angelos, Agathos Angelos, Theios Basilikos or
Angeloi Katachthonioi45. The pattern of divine world ordering can
create great confusions related to the paternity of the inscription and to
the origin of the ethnocultural background of the dedicator. For
example, concerning the epigraph belonging to Kalecik, the only
elements that could lead to the probability of considering the
inscription as Jewish are those mentioned by Paul Trebilco: (1) in the
Jewish texts, as well as in the Septuagint, customarily the definite
article was placed in front of the name of Theos Hypsistos (though
this phenomenon also occurred in the pagan setting); (2) the

43
Plut. De def. orac. 13.
44
Hirschmann 2007, p. 157.
45
See in Moga 2011a: catalogue Hypsistos nrs. 46, 87-97.

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construction “the holy angels” (hagioi angeloi) appears only in the

Jewish sources. For the rest, the mention of the house of prayer
(proseuchē), the name of Theos Hypsistos ascribed to God the Most
High and the divine world ordering are common elements with the
pagan (and even with the Christian) environments.
All these examples underline that we should pay a special
attention to every little detail, as well as to the contextual elements
regarding the place of origin for the epigraphs, as sometimes fatal
confusions and wrong ascriptions may appear due to the use – in
certain cases – of a terminology common to the Jewish, pagan, and
Christian environment in order to define seemingly or genuinely
similar notions.

Abbreviations and bibliography

Arnold 1996: C.E. Arnold, The Colossian Syncretism. The Interface

between Christianity and Folk Belief at Colossae, Grand Rapids
1996
Asirvatham – Pache – Watrous 2001: S.R. Asirvatham, C.O. Pache, J.
Watrous (edd.), Between Magic and Religion. Interdisciplinary
Studies in Ancient Mediterranean Religion and Society, Lanham
Boulder – New York – Oxford 2001
Athanassiadi 1992: P. Athanassiadi, Philosophers and Oracles: Shifts
of Authority in Late Paganism, «Byzantion» 62 (1992), pp. 45-
62
Athanassiadi – Frede 1999: P. Athanassiadi, M. Frede (edd.), Pagan
Monotheism in Late Antiquity, Oxford 1999
Bohak 2008: G. Bohak, Ancient Jewish Magic. A History, Cambridge
2008
Busine 2005: A. Busine, Paroles d’Apollon. Pratiques oraculaires
dans l’Antiquité tardive (IIe-VIe siècles), Leiden – Boston 2005.
Chaniotis 2003: A. Chaniotis, Negotiating Religion in the Cities of the
Eastern Roman Empire, «Kernos» 16 (2003), pp. 177-190
Chaniotis 2004: A. Chaniotis, Under the Watchful Eyes of the Gods:
Divine Justice in Hellenistic and Roman Asia Minor, in Colvin
2004, pp. 1-43
Cline 2011: R. Cline, Ancient Angels. Conceptualizing Angeloi in the
Roman Empire, Leiden – Boston 2011

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CIJ I: J-B. Frey (ed.), Corpus Inscripionum Iudaicarum, I, Corpus of

Jewish Inscriptions. Jewish Inscriptions from the IIIrd Century
B.C. to the VIIth Century A.D. – Europe, New York 19752
CMRDM I: E. Lane (ed.), Corpus monumentorum religionis dei
Menis, I: The Monuments and Inscriptions, Leiden 1971
Colvin 2004: S. Colvin (ed.), The Greco-Roman East. Politics,
Culture, Society, Cambridge 2004
Cormack 2004: S. Cormack, The Space of Death in Roman Asia
Minor, Wien 2004
Cumont 1915: F. Cumont, Les Anges du paganisme, «Revue de
l’histoire des religions» 12 (1915), pp. 159-182
Davidson 1992: M.J. Davidson, Angels at Qumran. A Comparative
Study of 1 Enoch 1-36, 72-108 and Sectarian Writings from
Qumran, Sheffield 1992
Diakonoff 1979: I. Diakonoff, Artemidi Anaeiti anestesen. The
Anaitis-dedications in the Rijksmuseum van Oudheden at
Leyden and related Material from Eastern Lydia, «Bulletin van
de Vereeniging tot Befordering der Kennis van de antieke
Beschaving te ‘s Gravenhage» 54 (1979), pp. 139-175.
Drew-Bear 1976: Th. Drew-Bear, Local Cults in Graeco-Roman
Phrygia, «Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies» 17, 3 (1976),
pp. 247-269.
ETAM 24: P. Herrmann, H. Malay (edd.), Ergänzungsbände zu den
Tituli Asiae Minoris, 24, New Documents from Lydia, Wien
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