LSI 170

1000

Linguistic Survey of Iodia Series : 7

THE KORAGA
LANGUAGE

by
D. N. S. BHAT

DECCAN COLLEGE
Postgraduate and Research Institute
POONA
1971
THE KORAGA LANGUAGE
 DECCAN COLLEGE
Linguistic Survey of India Series

'
7

THE KORAGA LANGUAGE

by
D. N . S. Bhat

DECCAN COLLEGE
Postgraduate and Recearch Institute
POONA
1971
THE KORAGA
LANGUAGE

by

D. N. Shankara Bhat, M.A., Ph.D.,

Reader in Lingui.stics,
Deccan College Postgraduate and
Research Institute, Poona

POONA
1971
 Code No. LSI 170

First Edition: 1000 copies, April 1971

All Rigl,ts Reserved

Price Rs. 10.00

Printed by Shri M. S. LATKAR at Shrisaraswati Mudranalaya, 76, 'E' Block.

Bhosari, Poona 26, and published by Dr. S. M. KATRE for the Deccan College
Postgraduate and Research Institute, Poona 6.
 CONTENTS

Page

1. Introduction
2. Onti Koraga 4
phonology 4
nouns 5
pronouns 8
verbal bases 9
inflection of the verb 12
3. Tappu Koraga 21
phonology 21
verbal bases 23
verbal inflection 24
nouns 30
pronouns 32
4. Mudu Koraga 33
phonology ' 33
verbal bases 34
verbal inflection 35
nouns 39
pronouns 40
5. A Comparative Study 41
6. Koraga Texts 47
An Onti Story 47
A Mudu Story 68
A Tappu Story 82
7. Comparative Vocabulary 88
Appendix
The Belari Language 119
 1. INTRODUCTION

Koraga is a Dravidan language spoken by about a thousand

Koragas of the South Kanara district, Mysore, southern India. The
exact number of its speakers is not known because,· the census
authorities have been treating it as a dialect of Tulu and hence they
have not given it a separate counting. The sketch of its three dist-
inct dialects given in the present monograph makes it abundently
clear that Koraga is a distinct language of the Dravidian family and
is only remotely connected to Tulu.
The existence of this extremely interesting Dravidan language
was noted by scholars way back in 1880s, but it had failed to attract
any further attention later on. Mr H. A. STUART, in his report for
the 1891 census ( Madras ), had treated it as a dialect of Tulu and
the following comments were offered by him in this connection:
" The Koragas are an uncivilized tribe of South Canara, who
live chiefly by basket-making. The caste returns show 4,355 of
them, but only l,768 have returned Korage as their parent tongue.
The Acting Collector of South Canara, Mr. Vernor BRODIE, writes of
them as follows :-
" Koragas are an aboriginal race. In their intercourse with
other people they speak Tulu, but it is believed they speak a separate
language at home quite unconnected with any other main language.
No one, however, seems to have been able to learn the language up
to this as they will not impart any knowledge of it to others or even
m
talk it their presence'.
" This unwillingness to give information regarding their langu-
age is also noticed in an account of the Koragas given in the Madras
Christian College Magazine for May 1886. Subsequently, however,
Mr. BRODIE obtained for me some good vocabularies of the dialect,
and in forwarding them he said :-
" Though the language appears to have affinity to the other
Dravidian lanuages, especially Tulu, yet it is not greater than what
exists between Tulu and Canarese or between Malayalam and
Tamil. It would, therefore, seem to be more correct to show the
2 KORAGA

language as an independent Dravidian language than as a dialect of

Tulu or other language'.
· "After Mr. BRODIE left the district, I obtained another and
larger vocabulary, and from the large number of Tulu words in it,
I thought it best to show the language as a dialect of Tulu. I do
this with great diffidence, as I have no knowledge of Tulu, but
further investigation is necessary to justifiy the addition of another
member to the Dravidian family".
As had J?een pointed out by Mr. STUART, the Koragas are one
of the most backward communities of South Kanara. Extremely
dirty in their habits, they are kept away by the people of all other
communities in this district. They manufacture baskets, cradles,
winnowing baskets, etc. for their living, and also collect firewood
and honey from nearby forests. They sell to the Muslim traders
the hide, bones and horns of dead animals which they obtain from
the villages. They also find employment with municipalities and
village panchayats as scavengers and sweepers.
Their language is divided into a number of distinct dialects
which are separated from one another by both geographical and
social factors. The present monograph includes short sketches of
three of them, which probably represent the three major dialects of
this language. Informants were obtained for Onti from Udipi, for
Tappu from Hebri, and for Mudu from Coondapur. Antle, its fourth
dialect, was found to be midway between Tappu and onti, and the
dialect spoken in Mangalore appeared to be very similar to Onti. A
detailed study of areas north of Coondapur however, may reveal
additional dialects for this language.
Comparison of these three distinct dialects of Koraga has
revealed that the close similarity existing between Onti and Tuiu on
the one hand, and Mudu and Kannada on the other was because of
strong bilingual interference rather than any close genitic relation·
ship. All the speakers of Mudu are bilinguals in Kannada, and all
of Onti in Tulu. This state of affairs must have existed for the last
thousand or more years, and as a result, Mudu has closely followed
Kannada for many of its recent sound changes, in addition to
heavily borrowing vocables from it, and Onti has followed Tulu in a
similar fashion. The influence of these local languages on dialects
of Koraga is so strong that a separation of retained features from
borrowed ones is hard to make in them.
 INTRODUCTION 3

This has also made it difficult to understand the exact relation-

ship that exists between Koraga and the remaining Dravidian lang-
uages. Whatever similarity Koraga shows with the local languages
could easily be explained as due to bilingual interference. However,
since points of such similarity are too many, once they are discarded
as borrowings, one is left with practically nothing for genetic comp-
arison. This, of course, is the usual difficulty one has to face while
studying the native speech of bilingual communities.
The following are some of the conspicuous grammatical fea -
tures of Koraga which clearly indicate a closer ~tv for Koraga
with the North Dravidian ( NDr) languages, Kudux, Malto, and
Brahui and carry it away from the · neighbouring South Dravidian
languages.
1. The past tense suffix is k.....,g.....,kk in Koraga. EMENEAU con-
siders k ' past' to be a NDr. innovation
2. Non-past (present) suffix is n in Onti and Mudu and n"'
nn"'~ in Tappu. Kudux, a NDr. language also has n 'present'
occurring in Ill person plural ( masculine-feminine ) form and in
verbal nouns.
3. Onti has an imperfect suffix o which may be compared with
the Kudux future suffix o which, again, is said to be a NDr.
innovation.
4. The gender-number distinction found in third person firute
forms of verbs in Koraga is identical with that prevalent in Kudux:
Feminine goes with neuter in the singular and with masculine in the
plural; and no form for indicating the neuter plural.
5. Onti does not add the plural suffix to irrational nouns: an
identical situation exists in Kudux.
6. Other interesting features of Koraga are ( i ) the perfect suffix
a"'a: ( ii) the locative suffix t ( iii ) relative past participle e (iv )
root tar with its restricted sense of ' to give to I or II person ',
and ( v ) the simplicity of its past stem derivation which, it is said,
would be unusual for a SDr. language.
Whatever be its genealogical placing, the importance of Koraga
for the comparative study of Dravidian languages conld not be
over-emphasized.
 2. ONTI KQRAGA

Onti is one of the three major dialects of this language, spoken

in and around Udupi, South Kanara. Its speakers are all bilinguals
and can freely converse in Tulu, the majority language of that area.
The effect of this linguistic contact could clearly be seen in the
presence of innumerablt: Tulu borrowings in Onti.

1. Phonology :
1.1. Phonemic inventory :
vowels: consonants :
i i: i u u: p t t c k
e e: a a: o o: b d cj. g
m n lj
v r y
1
s

1.2. The consonants c and j are affricates; v and y are semi-

vowels; lf, is flapped intervocally and before non-identical consonants;
the nasal n has fo~ allophones: palatal [ fi ] before palatal affricates,
retroflex [ ~ ] and dental [ n ] before retroflex and dental stops
respectively and post-dental [ n] elsewhere; the fricative s and the
lateral l are both retroflexed before retorflex stops; phonetically i is
a high, back, unrounded short vowel; it does not occur in the word-
initial syllables.
1.3. Excepting the three consonants l}, v ands, all the remaining
show single versus geminated contrasts in the intervocalic position;
t. lf, and lJ do not occur initially and there are no word-final conson-
ants except y. Among the medial two-consonant clusters, those
having two non-identical stops necessarily contain d or lf, as the
first element. Clusters with one of the three nasals (especially n ), r,
y or l as the first element are very frequent. The fricative s is rarely
found as the initial element of a consonant cluster, and the nasal lJ
is never found as the second element. ·
 ONTI KORAGA 5

1.4. Contrasts :
(a) vowels: length
danti to stumble da:~ti to cross
tini to eat ti :ri to be able to do
cu'rjku to pinch tu:Yjku to swing
geddu to win ge:rpu to lift
dorpu to pour down mo:i'jtl to chum
( b) vowels: quality .
ari to weep eru yesterday
icci "like this ecci how
uttu this one ottu to press
addi she oddu which one
( c) consonants: gemination
ka.Qi to grind kacj.tji to snap off
sore smooth gourd korru to kill
nikili you gekkili neck
kali to open nalli to dimple
pona corpse anna my
kede cowshed kudde dwarf
( d ) consonants: voicing of stops
kuri to decay guri boil
ta :nti to hit da:nti to cross
deYjgi to hide do'f)ki to kick
butari to fall podari name
ottu to press oddu , which one
katt;i to tie kacj.cj.i to cut
( e ) consonatns: other (eatures
addi she acJ.cj.i to cook
kuttu to prick kuttu to hit
e:ri who e:li seven
ta: nge cheek da:'f)gi to bend
kankati falsehood a'f)kotji hook
ney · clarified butter mey body

2. No1;1ns :
2. 1. Nouns can be divided into two major sub-divisions :
rational and irrational. These are differentiated from one another
6 KORAGA

in the set of inflectional suffixes that can be added to the nouns

included in them. The plural suffix, for example, is added to nouns
indicating rational beings only. In the case of accusatives and
instrumentals also, irrational nouns take these suffixes only after
they have taken the genitive suffix. Rational nouns, however, take
these suffixes directly.
2. 2. The suffix generally used to derive feminine nouns from
the respective masculine nouns is ti alternating with di. It is di
after bases ending in a vowel and ti after those ending in a
consonant.
korayi husband korti wife
pa:rne brahmin ( M) pa:rnti brahmin (F)
ka:re christian ( M ) ka:redi christian ( F)
kelesi barber kelesedi barber's wife
2. 3. Plural forms are derived by adding the suffix llu to
kinship terms and lu to other rational nouns. The suffix ri also
appears in a few cases (probably borrowed from Tulu ).
appe mother appellu mothers
ma:me father-in-law ma:mellu fathers-in-law
kelesi barber kelesilu barbers
batl;edi muslim ( F) batt;edilu muslims ( F)
a:ca:ri carpenter a:ca:rlu carpenters
binne relative binneri relatives
2. 4. There are altogether five case suffixes that can be
added to nouns. No suffix is to be added to form the nominative.
The fives case suffixes are,
accusative Ill
instrumental nta
dative ka,ga
genitive tta, da,na
locative ti, qi
2. 5. The allomorphs ka, tta and ti of the suffixes dative,
genitive and locative respectively occur after nouns of the type
(c)vcv and (c)vc. The allomorphs with a voiced stop, viz., ga, da
and <J,i occur elsewhere. In the case of . genitive, however, this is
true of irrational nouns only, because it has the allomorph na after
the rational nouns.
 ONTI KORAGA 7

2. 6. As noted earlier, the case suffixes are added directly to

a base in the case of rational nouns; locative occurs after the irrat-
ional nouns only; accusalri.ve and instrumental suffixes are always
preceded by the genitive suffix when occurring after the irrational
nouns.
Examples:
( 1 ) accusative :
(a) rational :
appe mother appa.ai
pareyi elder brother pareyini
( b) irrational:
kurve basket kurvecleni
to de river todetteni
parndi fruit parndicl.eni
(2) inst~umental:
( a ) rational :
appe mother appenta
amma father ammanta
( b ) irrational:
kotta house kottadanta
kanji calf kanjidanta
gill parrot gilittanta
ti'fjgolu month ti-r1goludanta
( 3) dative:
( a ) rational :
anna father ammaga
maga son magaka
( b ) irrational :
sa:le school sa:lega
mara tree maraka
( 4) genitive:
( a ) rational:
appe mother apoena
pareyi elder brother pareyina
( b) irrational:
mara tree maratta
tode river todetta
8 KORAGA

kurve basket kurveda

pakki bird pakkida
( 5 ) locative:
( a ) irrational:
kay hand kayti
mara tree marati
ta:di way ta:diqi
pettjge box pettjgeqi
sa:le school sa:leqi
The following are a few interesting Onti nouns:
ta:nge cheek so:ru today
necci gums mede afterwards
me:ke stomuch eru yesterday
naraka phlegm lammayi inside
kotte urine killi small
ku:ji girl korayi husband
tage elder sister birdi marriage
tar1gaqi younger sister
de'tjgi crab biji firewood
mo:la rat's hole majji soot
sette clod of earth avri cooked rice
kanti depth kayari curry
silpi whirl ke:li rice pot
ne:ki fear gille leaf cup
da:vu sun's heat patte alms

3. Pronouns :
3. 1. There are three personal pronouns, ya:ni I, ijji you and
ta : n i oneself. Their plural forms are enkulu, nikilu and tam-
respectively. The reflexive pronoun occurs only twice in the text.
The other two pronouns have the following inflected forms:

I sg. llsg. Ipl. II Pl.

nominative: ya:ni ijj~ e1)kulu nikilu
accusative: aninu nininu aminu niminu
dative: a't]ga ni't}ga amerga nimerega
sociative: annanta ninnanta ammanta nimmanta
genitive: anna ninna aroma nimma
 ONTI KORAGA 9

3. 2. The demonstratives are a: and a remote, i: and i

proximate, u also proximate; the interrogatives are e, e:, o, o:, u and
oa:. The following forms were recorded:
( a ) ikkeli now akali then ekkali when
icci like this acci like That ecci like what
ikke this man a:yi tha(man e:ri who
ikili these men akili those men
i :ti this much a:ti that much e:ti how much
{ b) iqe here aqe there oqe where
ilpa here alpa there olpa where
( c) i: this a: that va: which
( d) uttu this (FN) addu that (FN) oddu which (FN)
(e) - - aba there
etta what
o :lanta from where
unta what

4. Verbal Bases:
4.1. Most of the verbal bases are clear borrowings from Tulu.
Out of the total of two hundred and odd bases, only about twenty
could be considered as really native. The following are some of the
interesting ones among them.
agali to be tippi to sweep
agari to stand du: to overflow
a:~i to throw ne:kili to fear \
kala to bring pi: to pour
korru to kill puqa:li to carry on arms
cilbi to push butari to fall
ju: to keep ma:ti to do
jo:ku to wash mo:rpi to churn
valli to bark sollu to say
tar to give to I bu:Qi to carry on th~
or II person shoulder
4.2. Bases are of a number of cannonical shapes, the most
common among them ( nearly fifty per cent) being (c)vccv.
Next to this in freqmmcy are bases of (c)v:cv type. There are
altogether seventeen monosyllabic roots, of which fifteen end
in a vowel.
10 KORAGA

4. 3. Polisyllabic bases end in one of the three vowels i, u and i

( with three exceptional cases ). Among those ending in u and i
( i) bases having a rounded vowel ( u, u:, o or o: ) in the penul·
timate syllable or ( ii ) those having a penultimate labial consonant
( m, p, b or v) end in u only and the rest in i only.

4. 4. There are three derivative suffixes pi, ri and bi, having

almost identical functions and occurring alone, or two togeiher after
the verbal bases. They are used to change an intransitive base into
a transitive one and a transitive base into a causative one.

(a) After monosyllabic bases, the suffix is always pi.

cay to die caypi to kill
mey to graze rneypi to graze cattle
ju: to keep ju:pi to cause to keep
pi: to pour pi:pi to cause to pour

( b) Bases of the type (c)vcv also take the suffix pi. :Base-final
vowel is usually dropped before it.
kuri to decay kurpi to make to~decay
oli to remain over olpi to retain
tini to eat tinpi to feed
buc}u to leave bucJpi to release
( c ) The following bases,'.however, change their fina~ vowel to e.
bari to write barepi to make to write
boli to grow bolepi to grow plants

( d ) Suffix pi also occurs in the following instances:

( i) bya:vu to be cooked be:ypi to cook
ko:ru to give ko:rpi to make to give
bu:ru to fall bu:rpi to make to fall
pa:ri to fly pa:rpi to make to fly
(ii) koddi to boil kodpi to boil something
kac].cJi to break off kac].pi to break
kocJcJi to sprout kocJpi to make to sprout
kullu to sit kulpi to seat
(iii) nac}avu to walk nac).arpi to make to walk
la:giri to jump la: girpi to make to jump
 ONTI KORAGA 11

4.5. Elsewhere the suffix is bi.

kudpu to cut kudpubi to make to cut
m:ati to do ma:tibi to get done
a:ji to dry a:jibi to dry something
konni to dance kor.nibi to make to dance
bayyi to scold baybi to make to scold
4.6. The suffix ri alternates with bi freely in a number of
instances.
jinji to be full jinjibi to fill
jinjiri
olpi
"
to retain olpibi to make to retain
olpiri " ,,
caypi to kill caypibi to make to kill
caypiri " ,,
4. 7. It precedes bi in some cases for no additional meaning.
In such cases its final i is dropped.
jinji to fill up jinjirbi to fill
nurigi to swallow nurgibi to make to swallow
nU't]girbi
otj.epu " "
to break otj.epubi to make to break
otj.epurbi
"
4.8. Its addition seems to be obligatory in some cases.
naqavu to walk natj.arpi to make to walk
kala to bring kalarbi to make to bring
4.9. There is one instance in which bi occurs twice.
kutt;ibi to make to beat kuttibibi to mak~ to beat
4.10. The suffix ali is used to form reflexive bases.
datti to stand dattali to stand oneself
tini to eat tinbli to eat oneself
mi:si to float mi:sali to float oneself
ko:ri to give ko:rali to give oneself
4.11. The reflexive suffix is found to occur after the perfect
stem in the following cases :
su: to see sakala seing oneself
po: to go pakala going oneself
a: to become agali to be

l
12 KORAGA

5. Inflection of the Verb

5.1. Verbal forms can be divided mainly into two classes:
finite and non-finite. The following suffixes are used in forming
the finite verbal forms :
Personal suffixes:
Singular plural
I e a
II a en
IIIM i MF eri
FN cJi, u
Tense-mood suffixes:
1. past k,kk,g 9. negative3 nj
2. non-past n 10. negativ~ d
3. perfect a, a: 11. concessive acJi
4. imperfect 0 12. assertive oqi
5. subjunctivei v, d, zero 13. permissive oli
6. unreal past mb 14. subjunctives la
7. negative1 na 15. imperative ( pl. ) le
8. neg;:i.tive2 av, ay, an

5.2. By using the above suffixes one can obtain the followjng
verbal forms:
base : kuftu to beat.
Group I
( 1 ) past : he beat.
Verbal base + past suffix +personal suffix.
I kuttuge kuttuga
II kuttuga kuttugeri
III M kuttugi MF kuttugeri
FN kuttugu
( 2 ) non-past perfect : he has beaten.
Verbal base + Perfect suffix + past suffix + personal suffix.
I kuttage kuttaga
II kuttaga ku~tageri
III M ku$gi MF ku$geri
FN kuttagu
 ONTI KORAGA 13

( 3 ) non-past imperfect : he is beating.

Verbal base + imperfect suffix + non-Past suffix + personal suffix.
I kut1;one kut1;ona
II kutl;ona kutl;oneri
III M kutt;oni MF kut1;oneri
FN kuttonqi
( 4 ) simple non-past : he beats.
Verbal base + non-past suffix + personal suffix.
I kut1;une kuttuna
II ku~a kuttuneri
III M kuttuni MF kut1;uneri
FN ku~qi
( 5 ) subjunctive : he may beat.
Verbal base + subjunctive1 suffix + personal suffix.
I kutte kutta
II kutta kutteri
III M kutti . MF kutteri
FN kuttu
( 6) Unreal past: he would have beaten.
Verbal base + perfect suffix + unreal past suffix + personal suffix.
I kuttambe kuttamba
II kut1;amba kuttamteri
Ill M kuttambi MF kuttamberi
FN kuttambu
( 7 ) negative ( non-past perfect ) : he has not beaten.
Verbal base + negative1 suffix +Past suffix + personal suffix.
I kutnage kutnaga
II kutnaga kutnageri:
III M kutnagi MF kutnageri
FN kutnagu
( 8 ) negative (future ) : he will not beat.
Verbal base + negative2 suffix + personal suffix.
I kut1;aye kuttaya
II kuttaya kut1;ayeri
IIIM kut1;ayi MF kuttayeri
FN kuttan4i
14 KORAGA

Croup II
Forms belonging to this group do not show any gender
<listinction in the singular.
( 1 ) negative ( non-past ) : he does not beat.
Verbal base + negativea suffix + personal suffix.
I kuttunji kuttunja
II kutt;unja kuttunjeri
III kuttunji MF kuttunjeri
( 2 ) negative ( non-past imperfect ) : he is not beating.
Verbal base + imperfect suffix + negativea suffix +Personal suffix.
I kutt;onji kunc>nja
II kuttonja · kuttonjeri
III kuttonji MF kuttonjeri
( 3 ) negative (past ) : he <lid not beat.
Verbal base + negativ€4 suffix + personal suffix.
I kutt;udi
kutt;udi II kutt;uderi
III kutt;uderi
Croup III
Forms belonging to this group do not contain any personal
suffix.
1. concessive : kuttaqi let ( him ) beat
2. assertive: kutwc!.i ( he ) should beat
3. permissive : kuttoli ( he ) can beat
4. imperative ( pl ) : kutle beat!
.5. subjunctive: kutla ( he ) may beat.
5.3. Non-finite forms : The following are the additional
suffixes used in these forms :
1. participal :
( a ) non-past a
( b ) past iya, e
2. converbial:
(a) past qa, dara, nta
( b ) continuous a
(c) negative nte
( d ) purposive ere
 ONTI KORAGA 15

3. conditional :
( a) temporal njane
( b causal ( past ) 71ka
c , causal (non-past) qe
d negative dre
5.4. The following non-finite forms are available :
a rtiative Participles:
1 ) non-past : kutfuna one who beats: verbal base + non-
past suffix + the participal suffix a.
( 2) past: :kuf!iya, kuffe one who has beaten: verbal base+ one
of the two freely varying participal suffixes iya and e.
( 3 ) negative : kuftana one who does not beat or bas not
beaten: verbal base + perfect suffix + negativei suffix + the
participal suffix a.
( b ) converbs :
( 1) past1 : ku!fa having beaten: verbal base +perfect suffix.
( 2 ) pasb : kuftaef,a, kuf!adara, kuffunfa having beaten: ( a)
verbal base + perfect suffix + one of the two converbial ( past )
suffixes rja and dara; ( b ) verbal base + the past converbial suffix
nfa. The last of these forms occurs in constructions such as
kuf!unta mittiga after having beaten.
( 3 ) continuous : kuftala bea~g : verbal base + reflexive
suffix + the continuous converbial suffix a.
( 4 ) negative: kuffante without beating: verbal base + per·
feet suffix + the negative converbial suffix nte.
( 5 ) purposive: kuf!ere in order to beat: verbal base + the
purposive converbial suffix ere.
( c ) conditionals:
( 1 ) temporal : kuftunjane as soon as ( he ) beats: verbal base
+ the temporal conditional suffix njane.
( 2 ) causal ( past ) : ku!farika since ( he ) has beaten : varbal
base + perfect suffix + the causal past conditional suffix 71ka.
( 3 ) causal ( non-past ) : kuf!ugwj,e if he beats : verbal base
+ past suffix + the non-past conditional suffix <f,e.
( 4 ) negative: kutfudre if he does not beat: verbal base +
the negative conditional suffix dre.
16 KORAGA

S. S. MorPhoPhonemic variations:
( a ) When followed by suffixes beginning with a consomµ1t, the
following bases drop their final vowel:
( i) bases of the type (c)vcv ending in u or i,
(ii) bases of the type (c)v:cv ending in u or i with a penulti-
mate 'T, s, or l, and
(iii) bases containing three or more syllables with a penultimate
single consonant.
Examples:
(i) butj.u to leave buqke I left
tini to eat tinke I ate
(ii) ko:ru to give ko:rke I gave
bu:ru to sleep bu:mi he sleeps
ta:li to drop ta:lgu it dropped
mi:si to fl.oat mi:sne I fl.oat
(iii) peresi to scrape peresne I scrape
madapu . to forget madapgi he forgot
( b ) When followed by a suffix beginning with a vowel, /'

( i ) all polisyllabic bases ending in u or i drop their final

vowel;
(ii ) all bases of the type (c )vcv . ending in i take y;
(iii) all the remaining bases ending in i drop their final vowel
and except before e and i, they take y.
Examples:
( i) ma:ti to do ma:tage I have done
kuttu to hit kuttone I am hitting
nunu to swallow nunake I have swallowed
(ii) Suri to string suriyaki he has strung
oqi to break oqiyone I am breaking
ori to remain· oriyu it will remain
(iii) konni to dance konnyagi he has danced
tippi to sweep tippyage I have sweapt
sa:ri to filter sa:re I may filter
konni .to dance konni he may dance

5.6. It may be noted here, that among the personal suffixes

given above, third person feminine-neuter singular is shown to
 ONTI KORAGA 11
contain two allomorphs, di and u, of which 4i occurs after non-past
and negative2 stems and u elsewhere.
5.7. Allomorphs of the past suffix:
( i ) past has the allomorph kk
(a ) after baEes of the type (c)vcv ending in i when it is
further followed by III person feminine-neuter singular suffix;
( b) after the monosyllabi~ases bar to come, tar to give and
ru to be; bases bar and tar drop their final consonants before it;
Examples;
(a) oqi to break oqikku it broke
ori to remain orikku it remained
(b) bar to come bakki he came
tar to give takka you gave
( ii ) it has the allomorph k after the following :
( a ) after bases of the type (c)vcv ending in i except when
it is further followed by III person feminine-neuter singular suffix;
( b ) after other bases of the type (c )vcv;
( c) after bases of lthe type (c)v:cv ending in ri, ru or vu;
also, after the base bya : vu to thatch, which has the allomorph
bya : yi before it;
( d ) after monosyllabic bases except those listed above;
( e ) after the perfect suffix a, a:, provided the preceding base
is monosyllabic or of type (c)vcv.
Example:
(a) ori to remain orike I remained
bari to write barike I wrote
(b) nunu to swallow nunke I swallowed
pari to drink parka we drank
(c) ko:ru to give ( to III ko:rka you gave
person)
pa:ri to fly pa:rku it flew
bya:vu to thatch bya:yike I thatched
(d) koy to pluck koyke I plucked
su: to see su:ke I saw
a: to become a:ki he became
18 KORAGA • ·

(e) bar to come barake I have come

su: to see sa:ke I have seen
ari to weep arake I have wept •
buqu to leave buqake I have left
(iii) it has the allomorph g elsewhere.
Examples:
sa:ri to filter sa:rige I filtered
ke:li to hear ke:lgeri they heard
so:ti to be defeated so:tiga you were defeated
konni to dance konniga we danced
pucj.qu to:!catch puqqugi he caught it
ge:rpu to lift ge:rpugi he lifted
ollu to bark ollagu it has barked
kulalu to sit kulalage I have sat
kaburi to strain kaburgi he strained
5. 8. When followed by the non-past suffix n, verbal bases
.:.ihow the following additional alternations:
( a ) those of the type ( c ) v: CV ending in u or i with a stop
consonant in the penultimate position drop their final vowel;
( b) bases bwJu to leave, ma: ti to do, pe:rj,i to put and mu:rj,u
to rise change their penultimate consonant to n;
(=c ) bases bar to come and tar to give change their final
consonant ton;
( d ) base-final vowel is retained in all cases when the ill
person feminine-neuter singular suffix follows the non-past suffix.
Examples:
( a ) ku:tu to sharpen ku:tne I sharpen
mi:si to float mi:sni he floats
(b) ma:ti to do ma:nne I do
pe:qi to put pe:nni he puts
(c) bar to come banni he comes
( d) pe:qi to put pe:qinqi she puts
pari to : drink parincj.i she drinks
pottu to burn pottunqu it bums
5. 9. Perfect has two:allomorphs, (a) the allomorph a: occur-
ing after bases nu: to say, po: to go, su: to see and ju: to keep,
 ONTI KORAGA 19

all of which drop their final vowel before it, and ( b) the:allomo_rph
a elsewhere. ·
Examples:
(a) nu: to say na:ke I have said
po: to go pa:ki he has gone
( b } bu:ru to fall bu:ragi he has fallen
nunu to swallow nunake I have swallowed

5.10. The following additional alternations take place in

bases before it:
( a } bases [Ji: to pour and bi: to be cooked take y;
( b ) base du: to overflow takes v;
( c ) bases a: to become and by: vu to thatch become ag and
bya: y respectively.
Examples:
(a} pi: to pour pi:yake I have poured
(b} du: to overflow du:vaku it has overflown
( c) a: to become agaku it has become
5.11. When followed by the imperfect ~uffix o, bases bar to
come and tar to give have allomorphs ban and tan respectively.
bar to come banone I am coming

5.12 Subjunctive has (a) the allomorph dafter monosyllabic

bases when the following suffix is III feminine neuter singular, ( b )
the allomorph v after monosyllabic bases ending in a vowel and
before other personal suffixes, and ( c ) a zero allomorph occuring
elsewhere. Bases bar to come and tar to give drop their final con-
sonants before it, when it is further followed by III feminine-neuter
singular suffix.
Examples:
(a) po: to go po:du she may go
bar to come badu it may come
(b) pi: to pour pi:ve I may pour
su: to see su:vi he may see
( c) bar to come bare I may come
kuttu to hit kutt;i he may hit
oqi to break oqiyu it may break
20 KORAGA

S.13. Before the negative1 (non-past perfect) suffix n, mono -

syllabic bases ending in u: or o: change their final vowel to a:
po: to go pa:nage I had not gone
ru: to be ra:nagi he had not been (here}

S. 14. The allomorphs ay and av of the negativ~ (future)

suffix are in free variation. The suffix has the allomorph an before
m feminine-neuter singular suffix.
ke:li to hear ke:lave, I will not hear
ke:lave
a:tri to throw a:travi, he will not throw
a:trayi
ru: to be ru:vave, I will not be
ru:vaye
a:tri to throw a:tranqi she will not throw
S. 15. When followed by the negative (non-past) suffix nj,
( a ) bases tini to eat, nunu to swallow drop their second syllable ni
and nu, ( b ) bases bar , tar and ya:r to be sufficient drop their final
consonants, and ( c) bases of the type (c)vcv ending in i drop their
final vowel.
Examples:
(a) tini to eat tinji I do not eat
nunu to swallow nunji I do not swallow
(b)bar to come banji I do not come
( c) ori to remain omja you do not remain

S. 16 When followed by the negati.v~ (past) suffix, bases of

the type (c)vcv ending in i drop their final vowel.
oli to call oldi he did not call
ori to remain ordi it did not remain
 3 TAPPU KORAGA

Tappu is the second major dialect of Koraga discovered by us

in Hebri, South Kanara district, Mysore. Its speakers are mostly
multilinguals, being converasnt in both the two local languages,
Kannada and Tulu. The dialect is quite distinct from Onti and Mudu.

1. Phonology :
1. 1. Phonemic inventory :
vowels: consonants :
i i: i u u: p t t c k
e e: a a: o o: b d c} g
m n ~
v r y
1
s h

1.2. The nasal n has four allophones, palatal [ fi] before the
two affricates c and j; velar [ Y) ] before the velar stops k and g;
dental [ n] befor the dental stops t and d; and the post-dental
nasal o~ng elsewhere.
1.3. The two laterals land! clearly contrast in the medial
position, as could be seen from the instances given below, and so do
the nasals n and ~. However, there are a few items in which the
phonemes appear to vary freely ( l with! and n with~). This is
specially true of the geminated nasals occurring intervocally :
banneri, batztzeri they come; tinni, tititii he eats.
1.4. The fricative h occurs only initially. There are a few cases
of initial <f,, but none of initial f, tz, !, r and l. Initial p is also very
rare. The vowel i does not occur is the initial syllable.
1.5. A few initial clusters with a nasal as the first member,
such as mpl, nt, nd, nc, ng, nk, nkl were noted. Medial two-
consonant clusters are quite common. Consonants do not occur
word-finally.
22 KORAGA

1.6. Contrasts:

( a ) vowels : length
hari to drink ha:ri to fly
huge smoke hu:ce fisherman
kori to kill ·ko:ri to beat
ik)u hiccough i:kcJi this side
eru yesterday ne:vu fear
( b) vowels: quality
meri to pound eru yesterday
addi she eddi which one
ari rice ori to remain
huqi to hold hodi to fry
nigire sleep negi . 'to say
( c ) consonants : gemination
sakali to see oneself okkali to reply to a calf
batali plate kat1;ali can tie1
hudari name kidderi children
naqi to plant nacJqi two
huge smoke megge younger brother
kemi ear kammi to lie down
nani to get wet nanni he is
payali child uyyali to comb
( d ) consonants : voicing ( stops )
cogi to itch jori to leak
karbu eyebrow garb a iron
kotari a caste kocJari axe
hortu time erdu bullock
burpi to cry karbu eyebrow
( e) consonants: other features
u:di to blow bu:qi to make to fall
hatti to climb ka"ti;i to tie
teri to know teli to laugh
kalli stone baJ!i rope
nawe lam ma99e I do
ko9i to dance nani to drench
 TAPPU KORAGA 23-

2. Verbal Bases :
2.1. The following are some of the interesting verbal bases :
kammi to lie down ja:vi to speak
na:vi to get up da:ng_i to bend
hi:nki to start tu:ndi to wear
i:k<U to scribe hu:ji to sweep
uyyali to comb uri to spit
ade to search ogi to oour
negi to say agi to pull
i: to give almbi to gather
terpi to rub ~i;i.i to lift
ningi to fill dirki to get

2.2; Verbal bases of the dialect are mainly of disyllabic type.

with the cannonical shapes (c)vcv, (c) v:cv and (c)vccv being the
most common among them. All these three shapes are of equal
prominence. Base-final vowels can be i. i ore among the polisyll-
abic bases.

2.3. The causative suffix is {Ii added directly to a base. It has

the i:lllomorph <J4i after bases ending in i or e.
ningi to fill ningiqi to cause to fill
~i;i.i to lift - ewicli to cause to lift
ne:li to hang ne:li4i to cause to hang-
tekki to go off ( fire )_ . t.ekkic}i to put off
hije to pick hijeqqi to cause to pick
Changes are noted in the following two bases:
bu:ri to fall bu:qi to cause to fall
ha: ri to fly ha: }qi to cause to fly.

2.4. Reflexive suffix is ali which is mostly added to the base,

itself.
oi;i.pi to hide oi;i.pali to hide oneself
ude to cover uddali to cover oneself
natti to stand natali to stand oneself
The suffix occurs after perfect stem in the following.
su: to see sakali . to see oneself
24 KORAGA

3. Verbal Inflection :
3.1. Verbal forms are derived by using one or more of the
suffixes listed below :
( a ) personal suffixes :
singular plural
I e a
II a en
IIIM MF eri
FN di, u
( b ) finite suffixes:
1. past: k, kk, g 7. negative: di, ddi,
2. non-past: n, nn, :p. 8. concessive: aq~
3. perfect: a, a: 9. assertive: oqi
4. imperfect : ta, tta 10. permissive-: ali oli
5. subjunctive: v, zero 11. imperative: le
6. unreal past: a 12. prohibitive: aga
( c ) non-finite suffixes :
1. participal: a, yi, zero
2. converbial:
past: jara, ja, dara
negative: e
purposive: ara ·
3. conditional: eri, qa
4. negative: nt, n
3.2. Sample paradigm: kaf!i to tie.
Finite (a):
( 1 ) Past : he tied.
Verbal base+ past suffix+ personal suffix.
I kattige kattiga
II kattiga kattigeri
III M kattigi MF kattigeri
FN kattigidi
( 2 ) Non-past: he ties
Verbal base+ non-past suffix+ personal suffix.
I kati;ie kati;ie
II kal;Q.a kati;ieri
Ill M kati;ii MF kati;ieri
FN kattindi
 TAPPU KORAGA 25'.'

( 3 ) Non-past perfect: he has tied.

Verbal base+ perfect suffix+ personal suffix.
I kattage kattaga
II kattaga kattageri
III M kattagi MF kattageri
FN kattagicli
( 4) Non-past imperfect: he is tying.
Verbal base+imperfect suffix+ non-past suffix+personal suffix.
I kattitane kattitana
II kattitana kattitaneri
III M kattitani . MF kattitaneri
FN kattitandi
( 5) Subjunctive: he may tie.
Verbal base+subjunctive suffix+ personal suffix
I katte katta
II katta katteri
III M katti MF katteri
FN kattu
( 6 ) Unreal past: he would have tied. ·
Verbal.base+unreal past suffix+non-past suffix+personal suffix.
I kattane kattana
II kattana kattaneri
III M kattani MF kattaneri
FN kattandi
Finite ( b)
1. Negative perfect: katfaddi ( he ) has not tied.
Verbal base+Perfect suffix+negative suffix.
2. Negative imperfect: kaUitandi (he) is not tying.
Verbal base+imperfect suffix+ non-past suffix+negative suffix.
3. Negative non-past: kattindi ( he) does not tie.
Verbal base+ non-past suffix+ negative suffix.
Finite ( c): verbal base + the respective suffixes.
1. Concessive: kattaqi let (him) tie
2. Assertive: kattoqu (he) should tie
3. Permissive: kattali (he) can tie
4. Imperative (pl ): kat!e Please tie !
5. Prohibitive: kattaga should not tie
26 KORAGA

Non-finite:
(a) Relative participles:
1. non-past: kaf1Ja one who ties: verbal base + non-past
suffix + participal suffix.
2. past: ka!ta one who tied: verbal base + perfect suffix +
participal suffix.
3. negative: kattanta one who did not tie: verbal base + perfect _
saffix + negative nt + participal suffix.
( b ) Converbs :
1. past: kaf!a; katfaja, kattafara, kattadara having tied: verbal
base +perfect suffix ( +one of the converbial suffixes).
2. negative : kattante without tying : verbal base + perfect
suffix + nagative suffix + converbial suffix.
3. purposive kfl#tara in order to tie: verbal base + converbial
( purposive ) suffix.
( c) Conditionals:
kattageri if (he ) ties
kattigi<:Ja
" "
kat1'Alqa if ( he ) does not tie

3. 3. Among the personal suffixes, the feminine-neuter

singular has the allomorph u occuring in subjunctive forms and di
elsewhere.
3. 4. Past has three allomorphs, k, kk and g with the follow·
ing distribution:
( a ) The allomorph k occurs after ( 1 ) bases of the type
(c)vcv ending in i whether the suffix is preceded by the perfect suffix
or not, (ii ) after all monosyllabic bases when it is preceded by the
perfect suffix, and ( iii ) after the monosyllabic bases i: to give, su:
to see, ju: to keep, bi: to grind and ki: to scrape, even when it is not
preceded by the perfect :suffix. Bases of the type (c)vcv drop
their final vowel before it.
Examples:
(i) kori to ~ve korke I gave
maqi to do maqke I did
hodi to cover hodake I have covered
 TAPPU KORAGA 27

1ii) ho: ~o .go _ -, ha:ke-· I have gone

ju: . ' to keep ja:ke I have kept
bar to come barake I have come
(iii) i: ·to-give i:ke lgave
ki: to scrape ki:ke I scraped
( b ) The allomorph kk occurs ~after ( i ) bases of tqe fype
(c)vcv ending in i or e and (ii) the monosyabic bases bar to come, tar
to give to I person, and ho: to go. It does not occur after the perfect
suffix. Bases bar and tar drop their final consonants before it, and
the base ho: shortens its vowel.
( i) negi to say negikki he said
teri to know terikki he knew
ade to search adekki he searched
(ii) ho: to go hokki he went
bar to come bakke I came
The base negi optionally drops its second syllable before the
past suffix: nekki he said.
( c ) The allmorph g occurs elsewhere. Bases of the type
(c)v:cv ending in i drop their final vowel before the suffix, except
when their penultimate consonant is a stop.
je:ki to wash je:kige I washed
natti to stand nattige I stood
havqi to put havqigi he put
bu:ri to fall bu:rgi he fell
ogi to wash ogyage I have washed
ade to search adyage I have searched
kulll to sit kullage I have sat

3. 5. The non-past suffix has three allomorphs (a)~ occurring

after ( i) bases of the type (c)vcv ending in rJ,i which drop their
final vowel and assimilate the penultimate consonant to ~ before the
suffix and ( ii ) after bases of the type (c)vccv ending in tti all
of which drop their last two phonemes before it, ( b ) the allo~orph
nn occurring after bases ending in i or e and also after bases bar to
come, tar to give and iru to be which have the allomorphs ba, ta
and na respectively before it; and { c ) the allomorph n occuring
after the remaining bases.
-
28 KORAGA

However, ( a ) when followed by ( i ) the negative suffix di or

( ii ) the m person feminine-neuter singular suffix di and ( b ) when
preceded by ( i ) the imperfect suffix ta and ( ii ) the unreal past
suffix a, it has the allomorph n after all the above bases.

Examples:
(a) nia4i to do m~J).e I do
huqi to catch hUJ).1).e I catch
katti to tie kaW,e I tie
(b) teri to know terinne I know
ade to search adenni he searches
( c) ju: to keep ju:ni he keeps
kori to give komi he gives
natti to stand nattine I stand
( d) maqi to do maqndi ( he ) does not do
iri to be nandi it is
negi to say negittane I am saying
naqi to plant naqane I would have
planted
3. 6. The perfect suffix has two allomorphs (a) a: occurring
after bases ju: to keep, ho: to go, i: to give and su: to see, and
( b ) the allomorph a occurring elsewhere. Base-final i and e are
replaced by y before it, and all other base-final vowels are dropped.
The base i: has the altemant y before it.

(a) ju: to keep ja:ke I have kept

i: to give ya:ke I have given
ho~ to go ha:ki he has gone
( b) teri to know teryagi he has known
ade to search adyage I have searched
bu:ri to fall bu:rage I have fallen

3. 7. The imperfect suffix has two allomorphs tta occurring

after bases of the type (c)vcv ending in i or e, and ta elsewhere.
All monosyllabic bases shorten their vowels and the bases tar to give
and bar to come drop their final consonants. Bases of the type
(c)vcv and (c)v:cv ending in i drop. their final vowels. Penulti-
mate d occuring in the former gets assimilated to t.
 TAPPU KORAGA 2!1

ogi to cut ogittane I am cutting

uqe to break uqettani he is breaking
maqi: to do maqtani he is doing
ju: to keep iutani he is keeping
bar to come batane I am coming
hodi: to cover hottani he is covering
3.8. The subjunctive suffix has the allomorph v after mono-
syuabic bases ending in a vowel, except when it is further followed
by the III person feminine-neuter singular suffix and the allomorph
zero elsewhere.
ju: to keep ju:ve I may kep
i: to give i:ve I may give
ho: to go ho:di: It may go
natt to stand natte I may stand.
3.9. The negative suffix has two allomorphs, ddi occurring
after the perfect suffix and di elsewhere.
qakki throw qakkaddi has not thrown
maqi to do maqaddi has not done
natti to stand nattindi does not stand
bat to come bandi does not come
teli to laugh telittandi is not laughing
3.10. The two allomorphs ali and oli of the permissive suffix:
are in free variation.
3.11. The participal suffix may be added to bases containing (i)
non-past, (ii ) perfect, or ( iii ) negative suffix.es. When preceded by
the perfect suffix, it has the allomorph yi. after monosyllabic bases
of the type (c)vcv and a zero allomorph after the remaining bases.
When preceded by the non-past n or the negative nt it has the
allomorph a.
su: to see sa:yi one who saw
magi to do maqayi one who did
kappi to hurry kappa one who hurried
e\}\].i to lift e~cyina one who lifts
hari to drink hama one who drinks
3.12. The negative participle is formed by adding the negative
participal suffix to bases containing the perfect suffix.
 30 KORAGA

ju: to keep ja:nta one who did not keep

katt;i to tie katt;anta one who did not tie
macj.i to do maqanta one who did not do
3.13. There are altogether four :different verbal forms freely
used as past converbials. We may analyse the~ as consistiiig of
verbal bases followed by the perfect suffix, which may further
optionally be followed by converbial suffixes ja, jara or da1a. The
latter are most probably the extended forms of the former, and a
more detailed study is necessary to make a definite statement
about it.
Bases of the type (c)vcv ending in i change their final vowel
to u and take v before taking the perfect suffix in forming the past
converbial forms.
kudi to cut kuduva having cut
tini to eat tina having eaten
hodi to fry hoduva having fried

3. 14. There are two conditional forms of which one is formM

by adding the suffix eri to a non-past perfect stem and the other
by adding the suffix <f,a to a past stem. The latter suffix can also
he added to a negative stem, made up of the base followed by the
perfect suffix and the negative suffix n.
ho: to go ha:i;iqa if one does not go
tini to eat tina?-4a if one does not eat
3.15. It may be noted here that there are two particles of
address, ne use:i \Vhlle addressing a girl and <f,a a boy.
tar w give tane give! ( to a girl )
taqa give! ( to a boy )

4. Nouns:
4.1. The following pairs o~ masculine-feminine suffixes were
noted:

s uffixes masculine feminine gloss

i, ti kot;ari kotarti a caste
o:Qa:ri o:qa:rti potter ·
konkai;ii konkai;iti a caste
 TAPPU KORAGA 31

e, ti maqqele maqqelti washerman

zero, ti hu:ce hu:ceti fisherman
u:je u:jeti a caste ( Parava)
o:je o :jeti carpenter
ne, ti ha:me ha:rti Brahmin.
ba:reme ba:rerti barber
dare, ti ma:dare ma:ti shoe-maker
ye, }ti mad maye madma}ti bride-groom,
bride
ayi, ti korayi korti husband, wife -
le, ti okkale okkati a caste ( Setti )
e, di megge megdi younger brother,
sister
ye, ddi hariye hariddi elder
"
e, i marje marji grandparents "
ku:je ku:ji boy, girl
e, a}i mage magaJi son, daughter

4. 2. Plural forms are derived by adding the suffix ri to

rational nouns and kli gli to the rest. The allomorph kli occurs
after bases of the type (c)vcv and gli elsewhere. Kinship terms takt
nagli to form pl~~ls.
( i ) ha: me brahmin ha: meri
hu:ce fisherman hu:ceri
ka}uve thief ka}uveri
(ii} kemi ear kemikli
hakki bird hakkigli
hiqk:e basket hiqk:egli ·
(iii) a~i;ia father annanagli
appe mother appenagli
4.3. The following case suffixes were noted:
1. accusative n! 4. genitive: na, ta
2. instrumental: ~tra 5. locative: ti, tti
3. dative: ka, ga

4. 4. Among the two allomorphs of the dative, ka occurs after

bases of the type (c)vcv and ,(c)vc and ga after the rest. Genitive
is na after rational nouns and ta after the irrational ones. The
locative is tti after nouns ending in i or e and ti after the rest.
 KORAGA

(a) accusative: kidderi children kidderni; he<!<f.a stupid hetjfjani;

da:ri way da:rini; dunkeli oven dunkelni;
· ( b) instrumental: mitti above mittatifra; ayi he ayatifra;
( c ) dative: kay hand kayka; mara tree maraka; illa<J.e house
illa<J.ega; korpaje woman korpajega;
( d) genitive: appe mother appana; erdi ox erdita; mo:re face
mo:reta;
( e) locative: u:ri village u:rti; ba:kili door ba:kilti; da:ri way
daritti; dati<J.e shore dan<J,etti.

S. Pronouns :
5.1. The personal pronouns are e:ni I and nci you, having the
plural forms enklu and ni:klu respectively. These have the alt.emants
an, nin, amara and nimara respectively before the dative ga, and
a"YJn, ninn, amm and nimm respectively before the genitive a.
Before·the accusativ ni the first two have the altemants an and nin
respectively. Other case forms, however, are not available.
s. 2. The following demonstrative and interrogative forms
are noticed:
(a) nki this man a:yi that man
nkeli these a:kli those persons a:ri who
persons
( b) nti this woman, addi that woman, eddi which
thing thing woman, thing
(c)nge like this ange like that e:nge how
( d ) ikkali now akkali then ekkali when
illi here alli there elli where
iqaga here aqaga there ec}aga where
( e) i: this a: that·
i:kqi here a:kqi there
i:tri this much a:ti that much
( f) ...... mpa here ndi where
{g) •.•... itta what
nde
ntadi
..
"
 4. MUDU KORAGA

Mudu is the third major dialect of Koraga recorded by us while

conducting a survey of Koraga dialects in South Kanara district,
Mysore. The paradigmatic material available for this sketch is
somewhat deficient and hence some of the allomorphic statements
could not properly be formulated. The sketch is mainly based on a
beautiful story narrated by a Koraga woman who belongs to the
Coondapur town proper. One can clearly see the influence of
Kannada in this Koraga dialect.

1. Phonology :

1.1. Phonemic inventory:

vowels: consonants:
i u i: u: p t t c k
e a o e: a: o: b d q g
m n ~
nasalization: ,...., v r y
1
s h

1.2. The nasal n is palatal before the palatal affricates, velar

before the velar stops and also before ~. dental before the dental
stops and post-dental elsewhere. The vowel a is phonetically [a ] •
1.3. The consonant y, r, v, sand h do not occur geminated;
<:lusters with two non-identical stops are quite common; a few
initial clusters such as my, nk, nc, mp, nt and nkr were also noted;
h occurs only initially and p very rarely in that position; y, r, and v
are very rare initially; t, if, tz, l and ?are non-initial; excepting a few
cases of y,v and!· consonants are not found word-finally; vowel i
does not occur in the initial syllables of words.
1. 4. Contrasts:
(a) vowels: length: tini to 'eat: si:ni to sneeze; unji one: hu:nji
cock; negi to lift: te:di to rub; k~i to dance: ko:~ room.
34 KORAGA

( b) vo~els: quality: deni: cow: tini: to eat; migi: deer: negi to

lift; mU<jki: moss: mongi: a fish; ku:ji girl: ko:ji boy; eru yesterday:
heri to beget.
( c ) vowels: nasalization: kay hand: kay bitter; to:rf,a stream:
to:ta garden; hay<f,i: to spread: haygi sand.
( d) consonants: gemination: ka<f,i a piece: karf,<f,i a drum; haji
green: ajji grandmother; eli rat: elli where; ka'!J.(J court-yard: att?ta
elder brother; naku{u earthworm : hakkafa cockroach; su{i top of
tree :ju{{i beak.
( e ) consonants: voicing: ko:<j,a horn: go:rf,a wall ; CU1;i1;ii
grandfather: jf4{i beak; katti: to tie; kalf4i a drum; acci father: ajji
grandmother; kanti to kindle: tindi: to dine.
( f ) consonants: other features: hili tiger: hiri to be relieved
of spirit; ha1;i<j,i fruit: handi yes; e:ri: to rise: e:li to get up; mullu
corner: sf4{u falsehood; ne:li to plough: ke:{i to hear; da:1;ii seed;
ma:na again; hu{i worm: su{i top of tree; otta hole: hotta time.
2. Verbal Bases :
2. 1, Quite a number of bases of this dialect are borrowed
from Kannada. It is possible to consider a few others as borrow·
ings from Tulu, obtained at an early stage. The following _are
some of the verbal bases which may be of special interest to
Dravidian scholars.
u:!u to spit tippu to squeeze
ojji to say ni:ki to peep
ocj.ki to sweep ne:li: to plough
kanti to kindle bali to pull
kamcJi to steal bo}a to float
kippu to pluck maja to sharpen
kucQi to keep on the oven haji to search
canci to carry a child maycj.i to hide
jappu to beat haycj.i to dig up
ja:cj.Qi to climb down hu:cj.Qi to hurry
2.2. Causatives are formed by adding the suffix cirf,i: to verbal
bases.
kati;i to tie katcicj.i to cause to tie
hari to drink harcicj.i to cause to drink
" ho:ga tog~ ho:gcicj.i to cause to go
bu:tu to fall bu:!cicj.i to cause to fall
 MUDU KORAGA 35

2.3. The suffix is Of/,i after the following base:

to stand ettagi to cause to stand
2.4. The suffix ani is used to form reflexive bases.
ojji to say ojjani to say oneself
tini to eat tinani to eat oneself
bu:!u to fall bu:!ani to fall oneself

3. Verbal Inflection:
3.1. Mudu uses the following personal suffixes in its finite
verbal forms:
singular plural
I e u
II a ri
IHM i MF n
FN di
Other suffixes used are:
1. past: k, kk, g 6. imperative la
2. non-past: n 7. concessive: I mu
3. perfect: a, a: Ill 1i
4. subjunctive: b 8. assertive: OQU
5. unreal past: er 9. subjunctive': ala
3.2. Sample paradigm: base ojji to say.
( 1 ) past: he said.
verbal base+ past suffix+ personal suffix.
I ojjige ojjugu
II ojjiga ojjigri
III M ojjigi MF ojjigri
FN ojjigidi
( 2 ) non-past perfect: he has said.

verbal base ~ Peefect suffix + Past suffix + personal suffix.

I ojjage ojjagu
II ojjaga ojjagri
III M ojjagi MF ojjagri
FN ojjagidi
--
36 KORAGA

( 3 ) non- past : he says.

verbal base + non-past suffix + Personal suffix.
I ojjine ojjunu
II ojjina ojjinri
III M ojjini MF ojjinri
FN ojjindi
( 4) subjunctive: he may say.
verbal base + subjunctive suffix -:"" Prosonal suffix.
I ojjibe ojjubu
II ojjiba ojjibri
III M ojjibi MF ojjibri
FN ojjibidi
( 5 ) unreal past: he would have said.
verbal base + unreal past suffix + non-past suffix + personal
suffix.
I ojjerne ojjemu
II ojjerna ojjemi
III M ojjerni MF ojjemri
FN ojjemdi
( 6 ) imperative (plural ):
ojjila you ( pl. ) say !
( 7 ) conscessive :
I person plural ojmu let us say.
III person: ojli let ( him ) say.
( 8 ) assertive : ojjoqu ( they ) should say.
( 9 ) subjunctive~: ojjala ( they) may say.
3.3. Non- finite forms show the following additional suffixes :
1. participal: 3. conditional:
( a ) non-past: a ( a ) temporal: itte, e
( b ) past: zero ( b ) causal: iqta, ita
( c) negative: tit 4. past (causal): d
2. converbial: 5. negative (causal): l •
( a ) past1: a, aka 6. completive: ri
pasts: J?.t
( b ) continuous1: t
continuous,: aki
( c ) negative: ante, te
( d ) purposive: nta
 MUDU KORAGA 37

3.4. The allomorphs a, ante and itte are in free variation with
alla, te and e respectively. Among the conditional (causal) altema·
nts, itz!a occurs after the past and negative causals d and f
respectively and ita after the past suffix g.
3.5. Sample paradigm :
( a ) relative partici:ples:
1. non-past: ojjina one who says: base+non-past suffix+the
participal suffix a.
2. past: ojji one who said : base+ the participa] suffix zero.
3. negative: ojjitit one who did not say : base +the participal
suffix tit.
( b ) converbs:
1. past1 : ojja having said: base+ the converbial suffix a.
2. pasts: ojjra having said it off: base+the completive suffix ri-
+the converbial suffix a.
3. pasta: ojjaka having said: base+the converbial suffix aka.
4. past4: ojjit)fri after having said it: base+ the converbial
suffix tit+the completive suffix ri.
5. continuous1: ojjit saying: base+the converbial suffix t.
6. continuouB2: ojjaki s<1ying: base +the converbial suffix aki.
7. continuous3 : ojjakri saying it off: base+the converbial suffix
aki+the completive suffix ri.
8. negative1: ojjante without saying: base+the converbial suffix
ante.
9. negative,: ojjite without saying: base +the converbial suffix te.
10. purposive: ojjinta in order to say: :base+the converbial
suffix nta.
( c ) conditional:
1. temporal: 01jigitte as soon as one says: base+the past suffix
+the conditional suffix itte.
2. temporal2: ojjige while one says: base+past suffix+the
conditional suffix e.
3. causal (past) ojjiditsta since one has said: base+the past
(causal) suffix +the conditional suffix itifa.
4. causal (non-past) : ojjigite if one says: base+the past
suffix +the conditional suffix ita +the conditional suffix e.
38 KORAGA

5. causal ( non-past )~ : ojjigifa if one says: base+ the past

suffix+ the conditional suffix ifa.
6. causal (negative): ojjilitzfa since one did not say: base+the
negative suffix (causal) l +the conditional suffix itzfa.
3.6. It may be seen that compared to Onti, Mudu shows very
few finite verbal forms. One reason for this may be that compared
to Kannada, Tulu has quite a number of finite verbal forms, and
Onti has evidently borrowed a. number of them from Tulu. It is
also possible that a more detailed study of Mudu would give addi·
tional inflected forms.
3. 7. The morphophonemic variations occurring in the "suffixes
as well as the bases are not very clear, as the material in hand is
rather limited. The allomorphs of the past tense suffix, k, kk and g,
for example, are conditioned mostly by the syllabic pattern of the
preceding base: k after bases of; the type (c)vcv and (c)vc, kk
after monosyllabic bases ending in a vowel and g elsewhere.
( i ) tini to eat tinki
negi to lift negka
hari to drink harka
(ii ) ba: to come bakka
co: to appear cokke
(iii) ojji to say ojjige
ma:qi to do ma:qga
3.8. There are, however, quite a number of exceptions, such as
bu: /i to fall, bu:/gu she fell, bu:/ki he fell; kocci to cut, koccike I cut;
and the alloinorphic distribution is not very clear.
3.9. The following bases show two sets of freely varying forms
before the past suffix, which is k after those of set I and kk after
set n.
base gloss set I set II
co: to see co: co
ho:gu to go ho: ho
a: to become a: a
bar to come bar ba
tar to give tar ta
3.10. After the root a: to become, however, the past suffix is
kinbath cases.
 MUDU KORAGA 39

3.11. Instances of other tense forms showing irregularities in

the bases are given below :
( 1 ) non-past perfect :
ba: to come baraki he has come
tini to eat tinaki he has eaten
co: to see cva:ki he has seen
ho:gu to go hva:ki he has gone
( 2 ) non-past :
ma:c:j.i to do ma:1;u;1e I do
kurtu to beat kutQe I beat
bar to come banne I come
tar to give tanne I give
e: to be enni he is
ma:qi to do ma: i;iri they do
( 3) subjunctive :
bar to come barbi he may come
tin to eat timbi he may eat
ho:gu to go ho:bi he may go
e: to be irbi he may be (there)
a: to become a:bidi it may become so
( 4 ) unreal past :
e: to be ereme I wouldhavebeen
ho:gu to go ho:gemi he would have
gone
4. Nouns:
4.1. The following case suffixes are noted:
accusative ni, na genitive ti, na
instrumental ri locative ti
dative ka,ga
4.2. The final vowels of these suffixes are freely dropped in the
word-final position.
4.3. In the accusative, ni freely varies with na. . It is added
directly to a base in most of the cases. In one instance, however, it
is found to occur after a ginitive case form.
illi house ill in
ya:ri who ya:rna
maqka pot mac:].kani
ho}a river ho}atna
40· KORAGA

4. 4. The instrumental suffix r is always preceded by the

genitive suffix: kisetra from the pocket maratra from the tree man·
catra from the cot.
4. 5. The allomorPhic distribution of dative ka, ga is not very
clear. As in the case of past tense suffix, a more detailed study is
necessary. sa: le school : sa: lega; manti woman : mantiga; ku;ii
girl: ku:iika; maga son: magaka; mansiri men: mausirka.
4. 6. The genitive suffix has the allomorPh na after the
rational nouns and ti: after the irrationals: ku:ii girl: ku:}ina; maga
son: magana; illi: house: illiti; mara tree: marati.
4. 7. Locative: ci:la bag:~ci:lat; kay hand: kayti; illi house: illiti
mara tree: marat.
4. 8. The following post-positions may also be noted; agi he:
aginkat with him; mara tree: maratginta than the tree.
5. Pronouns:
5.1. The personal pronouns are ne:ni, e:ni I, and nci you, having
the plural forms na: vu and ni: vu respectively. No reflexive forms
are recorded. Before the case suffixes the pronouns have the allo·
morphs nan; nin nam and nim respectively.
5. 2. Tue following demonstrative and interrogative forms are
noticed :
nki this man agi that man ya:ri who
idi this thing, adi: that thing,
woman woman
ikli: now akli then eklika when
mpa here all a there elli where
i:gqi this side a:gqi that side
innan still a9-ta in that case
ha:nge like that he:nge like what
a:bqa that side i:ti what
 5. A COMPARATIVE . STUDY

1. A comparative study of Koraga dialects is fascinating for

two main reasons. Firstly it is the only Dravidian language spoken
in the south showing a number of morphological features in common
with the three north Dravidian languages Kudux, Malto and Brahui;
secondly it provides a test situation for understanding certain
complex aspects of language variation and bilingual interference as
its speakers were divided into atleast three different communities
and these were exposed to different second-language impacts during
the last one thousand years.
2. Three distinct dialects of Koraga have been recorded so far,
which are northern ( Mudu ), southern ( Onti) and central or eastern
( Tappu ). It is possible that additional dialects are preva.lent,
especially to further north, and a more detailed search may turn out
to be rewarding. The above three dialects are quite distinct from
one another and because of certain major sound changes and also
of heavy lexical and grammatical borrowings they retain very little
of mutual intelligibility today. The influence of Tulu is quite marked
in Onti, whereas in Mudu, Kannada influence is equally strong. Tappu
Stays midway between the two, showing impacts of both these local
languages Kannada and Tulu, with a slight lean towards Tulu.
3. The following phonological correspondances may be noted:
3. 1. Initially, p of Onti corresponds to h of Mudu and Tappu.
gloss On ti Mu du TapfJu
to drink pari hari hari
to fly pa:ri ha:ri ha:ri
to catch pucj.qu huqa hucj.i
tiger pili hili hili
outside pedmayi hermi hidmayi
to go po: ho:ga ho:
3. 2. There are quite a number of lexical items in Tappu which
are clear borrowings from Tulu, but all of them are affected by
the above change.
42 KORAGA

Tappu gloss Tulu Tappu gloss Tulu

haji fresh paji hijini ant pijini
haje mat paje hugari to praise pugari
hadpe greens padpe hattonji eleven pattofiji
harba festival parba hadra:qi twelve padra:qi
hetta cow petta hudari name pudari
he:ri milk pe:ri hergucJe field rat pergutj.e
Note: The change of initial p to h has also affected all kllown
dialects of Kannada and could be reconstructed on inscriptional
evidence to have taken place sometimes in the 10th century A. D.
3. 3. The Proto-Dravidian continuent *r has become? in Mudu
and r in Onti and Tappu.
gloss Onti Mudu Tappu
worm purl hu}a hurl
to fall bu:ru bu:tu bu:ru
plantain ba:re ba:}e ba:re
to give ko:ru ko:tu ko:ri
rain mare ma}e mare
to kick torpu top. tori
Note: Most of the non-Brahmin dialects of Tulu have also
changE>.d the PDr. *r tor, whereas Kannada has changed it to l
intervocally (in the ioth century A. D. ). .
3. 4. The two laterals land {have merged together to l and
the two nasa!s n and ~ have merged together to n in both Onti and
Tappu. Descriptively, however; all these four consonants are
phonemically contrastive in Tappu, which is probably due to
subsequent borrowings from Kannada. In addition to this, Tappu
differs from the rest in showing free variation between members of
these sets ( betw~n l and l on the one hand and n and ~' on the
other ) especially when they occur in gemination.
gloss Onti Mudu Tappu
to hear ke:li ke:}i ke:li
rope balli ba!!i
to call oli o}e ule
to sit kulali koUani kulli'""'kulli
eye kanni laqlpi kanni'""'kai;i.pi
to swallow nunu nui;i.udu nunu
to dance konni kmµ ( kopi)
 A COMPARATIVE STUDY 43

Note: A similar merger between retroflex and alveolar sounds

( laterals and nasals only ) has taken place in most of the non-
Brahmin dialects of Tulu.
3. 5. In Onti, the vowels i and u have become e and o
respectively when followed by vowels e or a with a single consonant
intervening. The words affected by this change appear to be mostly
Tulu borrowings.
On-ti gloss Tulu On-ti gloss Tulu
tega honey tiga kede cowshed kide
toqad lamp tuqad odali white ant udali
pona corpse puna kobali top of roof kubali
ere leaf ire podari bush pudari
mere breast mire modeli bottom mudeli

3.6. The dialects Mudu and Tappu were not affected by this
change as could be seen from instances such as ( a ) Mudu hUf/,a to
catch, gu4a hill, sivt4a tender cocount, hudani to carry on the head
and ( b ) Tappu mire breast, hudari name, hina corvse, hugari to
praise, ule to call etc.
3. 7. In words of (c)vcvcv type, if the second syllable is
rv, it gets replaced by y in Mudu. A number of words affected by
this change appear to be Kannada borrowings.
gloss Mudu reference
two eyqi Ka. eradu
to roll hoyqi Ka. hora!u
coconut shell geyt;.e Ka. gerat;.e
to spread hayqi Ka. haraqu
dried cowdung beyt;i Ka. bera~i
hen heyqe Tu; peratj.e
to weep mayqi Tu. muretj.i
4.1. As to morvhophonemic changes occurring in these dialects,
the doubling of stops and nasals of certain suffixes such as the
past, non-past, imperfect, causative and locative, when preceded by
bases ending in vowels i or e in Tappu is rather interesting.
(a) negikki he said je:kige I washed
adekki I searched nattige I stood
44 KORAGA

( b) terinne I know ju:ni he keeps

adenni he searches korni he gives
( c ) ogittane I am cutting jutani he is keeping
ucj.ettani he is breaking batane I am coming
( d) hijeqcj.i to cs. to pick ningiq.i to cs. to fill
tericj.qi to teach ei;ii;iiq.i to cs. to lift
( e) da : ritti on the way u:rti in the village
daWetti on the shore erditi on the ox

4. 2. All the dialects, however, go together in having certain

suffixes such as the past and lhe dative with voiceless stops after
monosyllabic bases and bases of the type (c)vcv and with
respective voiced stops elsewhere. Onti has comparatively more
number of suffixes showing allomorphic variations of the above type.

Tapf>u:
(a) i:ke I gave je:kige I washed
mac].ke I did nattige I stood
(b) kayka to the hand illacj.ega to the house
maraka to the tree hecJcj.aga to the stupid ~n

Onti:
(a) bucj.ke I left madapgi he forgot
a:ki he became ta:lgu it dropped
(b) magaka to the son ammaga to the father
maraka to the tree sa:lega to the school
( c) maratta of the tree kurveda of the basket
( d) kayt;i in the hand ta:dicj.i on the road
marati on the tree pettigeqi in the box
Mudu
(a) tinki he ate ma:cj.gi he did
co:ki he saw ojjigi he said
(b) magaka to the son sa:lega to the school

5. 1. The three dialects are quite distinct from one another in·
their morphology too, with Tappu forming a connecting link between
the remaining two dialects. For example, Tappu goes with Mudu in
having a suffix with a retroflex consonant to indicate causation
( Tappu {ii Mudu citji), whereas Onti has a bilabial consonant (or an
alveolar trill ) in its causative suffix ( /Ji, "'-'ri ). Tappu, however, goes.
 A COMPARATIVE STUDY 45

with Onti in having a lateral in its reflexive suffix whereas in Mudu

the suffix contains a nasal consonant.
5. 2. Tappu is identical with Onti in its personal s.uffixes
except that its third person non-masculine singular suffix is tji
which is identical with the Mudu suffix. The Onti suffix, however,
contains a dental stop ( di ), rather than a retroflex one. All the three
dialects show the additional altemant u for this suffix.
5. 3. Past, non-past and perfect suffixes are basically the
same in all the three dialects ( k, n and a). Mudu has no imperfect
suffix as such, whereas Onti has it as o and Tappu as t. ( The latter
is probably borrowed from Kannada ). Subjunctive is mainly
represented by zero in Onti and Tappu ( i. e. by directly adding the
personal suffixes to verbal bases ), whereas Mudu has an overt suffix
b. All the three dialects have what may be called the unreal past
forms, ( meaning '... would have done' ), which, however, are
derived by adding the suffix mb in Onti, er in Mudu and the suffix a
plus the non-past suffix n in Tappu.
5. 4. Onti has a number of negative forms of which many are
Tulu borrowings. Tappu also shares a few of them. Other finite
forms such as concessive, assertive and imperative plural '1re also
very similar to the respective Tulu forms. It is difficutt to rule out
possibilities of borrowing in all these cases.
5. 5. Tappu is nearer to Onti in its non-fiajte forms too.
These are rather numerous in Mudu. Among the case markers, the
instrumental is interesting in that the Tappu suffix ~tra appears to
contain the ~ta of Onti and ri of Mudu. As to the locative marker,
however, Tappu goes with Mudu in having a dental consonant (ti)
whereas Onti shows a retroflex consonant in it ( ti ). The latter is
probably influenced by the Tulu locative ti.
6. 1. As has been already pointed out, a comparison of the
lexical items occurring in these three Koraga dialects indicates that
whereas Onti has profusely borrowed from Tulu and Mudu from
Kannada, Tappu shows borrowings from both these languages with
probably a slight lean towards Tulu. Mudu also has a number of
Tulu borrowings which indicate an early contact between these
two communities. At present Mudu speakers generally do not have
any knowledge of Tulu.
46 KORAGA

6.2. There are altogether .about a hundred and eighty voca·

bles which could probably be considered as straightline retensions in
these dialects. Of these, fifty·seven are found in Tappu only and
fifty each in Mudu and Onti only. Ten of the remaining are
common to Onti and Tappu, five to Mudu and Tappu and the rema-
ining eight are common to all the three dialects. The following is
a sample list of such vocables whose etymological relationship with
other Dravidian languages is indicated by giving references to the
relevant entry number of DED (A Dravidian Etymological Dictionary
by T. BURROW and M. B. EMENEAu,:Oxford 1961 ).

agari ot, to stand kaqq.i m, a drum

age o, sound of cooking kankati o, falsehood ( 1156 )
ade t, to search ( 265 ) kaba mt, to bring
ambari t, to gather kammi t, to lie down
armbi t, mushroom ( 242 )
a: 1;ri o, to throw ( 290 )
a:~e t, hill
kayari o, curry ( 1220 )
kala mt, unripe fruit ( 1076 }
kali o, to open ( 1093 )
a
i:kcij t, to scribe ka:vu mt, leaf
ugi t, to pull kippu m, to pluck ( 1271 )
ujji m, to keep ( 446) kibari t, wall
ude t, to cover ( 621) killi o, small ( 1308 )
uri t, to spit ( 591) kucq.i m, keep on the oven
u:\i, t, to bark ( 647 ) ( 1363)
ekki ot, to winnow ( 652 ) kunpu o, to box ( 1336 )
ekkana m, to be ( 407 ) kusi m, below ( 1363 )
el)kili m, branch ( 705 ) ku:qi t, to enter ( 1563)
eqe m, leaf for dining kencili mt, udder ( 1632 )
eiw.i t, to lift kedavu o, to open the eyes
ettani m, to stand ( 681) kederpu o, to dig ( 1624)
eru omt, yesterday ( 719 ) ke: li o, rice pot
elkiri o, to weep ( 711 ) kojape o, dried leaves
elciqi m, to make to play kotte o, urine ( 1540 )
ogi t, to cut ( 783 ) korayi mot, husband ( 1803 )
ogi t, to pour ( 480 ) koru mot, to kill ( 177 2 )
ojji m, to say ( 616 ) ko!~ari t, devil ( 1788 )
o:ppi t, to hide ( 817 ) ko : ri mot, to give to III person
onnbi t, to drive cattle ( 575) ( 1708)
kacci m, to wash vessels ( 924 ) gadda m, earthen plate
kaqu m, door of cowshed (929) gurngi t, theft
 A COMPARATIVE STUDY 47

cilbi o, to push away paqi o, to take ( 3191)

civ!i t, peel patte o, alms ( 3320 )
ci : mpu o, to clear the nose payali t, child ( 3248)
( 2153) pi: o, to throw water { 3460 )
CUQ9i m, grandfather baraqige t, belch ( 32 87 )
co: ru m, today biji ot, firewood ( 4467 )
co : ra m, milk pot ( 2355 ) birdi o, marriage ( 4476)
jappu m, to beat ( 1928 ) bisirige t, homesickness ( 3405 )
ja : vu t, to speak butari o, to fall ( 4457 )
ju: ot, to keep bu:Qi o, to carry
jeri t, to pour out bovcJi m, lid
jo: ku ot, to wash ( 2242 ) boJa m, to float
tage o, elder sister mandara o, forehead
tappena t, much ( 2497 ) mare t, to be slant
tar mot, to give to I or Il person marje t, grandson ( 3903 )
( 3526) maaji t, to sharpen ( 3890 )
ta :nge o, cheek ma:na m, again
ta:ri o, to wait ( 2460 ) mede o, and ( 3966)
tippi o, to sweep ( 2641) meli t, to beat
tippu m, to squeeze ( 2655 ) me:ke o, stomuch
tu: ndi t, to wear ( 2238 ) sada m, rubbish ( 1916)
tenqi t, herd samayi t, meat
terpi t, to rub sa:ri o, to filter ( 2611)
te:pi o, to suck silpu o, whirl ( 2118 )
d~~i o, to stumble ( 2835 ) sollu o, to say ( 2335 )
da:l]gi ot, to bend ( 2597 ) so :ru ot, to~ay
durmbi t, to drizzle ( 2794) haji m, to search
du: o, to overflow ha9Qi mt, fruit ( 3299 )
naraka o, phlegm hayqi m, to dig up (3267)
na:vi t, to get up ha:ra t, to wait
nikki o, to sob ( 3120 ) higeli t, branch
nelki t, to obtain ( 3043 ) hircacJi t, to squeeze ( 3440)
nuglu m, thread ( 3087 ) hi:nki t, to start ( 3456)
nu: o, to say ( 3137) htaju m, to fear ( 3631)
ne: kli ot, fear hu:q<Ji m, to hurry (3588)
 6. KORAGA TEXTS

Oati dialect:
kudkana kate
The Story of the Fox

t>n]i u: ruti onji baqe : pa: me I a : yagonji korti onji magali

rtikku/ icce ru: naga akilu paqi na tl;adara ji : vano ma : tla rukkeri I
In a certain village there was a very poor brahmin. He had a
wife and a daughter. When it was like this, they were living by
begging alms.
icce ru: naga aqega onji kudke dina: na pakala rukku I a: kudke
a:' pa:mana magaleni sa:dara addu a:ye kayti ninna magaleni
a'tjga tanya: nukku I adekka a: ye pa: me sollugi uttu e: ri I na: dara
aba ippa su:ki/
When they were like this, a fox used to come there every day.
Having seen the daughter of that brahmin, the fox asked him, " Will
you give me your daughter?". To this the brahmin said, ''Who is
this?". So saYing, he looked here and there.
addu kadke/ uttu ettega icci sollunqu/ ette: a:gaqi/ nukki a:yi
ma:ta tanno biksedo canci puggelqi pe:qla biksegi pukki/
O! That was the fox. '' Why is this saying like this? Whatever
it may be ", so saying he put his begging bag etc. on his shoulder
and went for begging.
bikse pa: dara bakki I bakki tanno ma: ta biksedo lekka su: ki I
kortini olyadara atili ma:ti be:ga a'tjga baqa:vonqu nukki/
a:ndina onasi aga bu:rkeri/
He went for begging and came back. He came and looked at the
accounts of his begging. He called his wife and said, " Cook the
food very quickly. I am hungry". They took their food on that
day and went to sleep.
manada: ni ka: nqe tareka mi: yki kuqa pu: jega ku1naga kudke
bakku/ pa:ma pa:ma a'tjga ninna magaleni tanna: idya: nukku/
Next day morning when he was sitting for worship after taking
bath, the fox came. It said, "0 brahmin, are you giving your
daughter or not? "
 KORAGA TEXTS 49

adeka pa:me sollugi o:ho nil}ga ikkeli anna magaleni taroqa: I

tanna:kuta takka nukki I
To that the brahmin said, " O! Should I give you my daughter
now ?" The fox said, " If you are willing to give, give her''.
a: ndinana manada: ni ka: nqe lakkadara kuqa tareka mi: yara
keduka pukki I mi: yala bakki I akala kuqa kudke sollugu pa: ma
pa: ma nina magaleni tanna: idya I
Next day morning, he got up and went again to the tank to
bathe. He bathed and came back. Then the fox said again,
" 0 brabmin1 are you giving your daughter or not?"
tanna: kiq.e taroli ma: ra: ya I ekala birdi ma: nno I ariga karciga
iddi / ya:ni baqave / dinatta dina a'fjga banjide: kasta / o: namuni
ya:ni birdi ma:nno/
"My dear fellow, 1f you want me to give, I will give her."
"When should be the marriage?". "I have nothing to spend. I am·
poor. It is difficult for me to get even the day to day things for the
stomach. How shall I conduct the marriage ? "
o: ho adeka ijji vasano ma: nna baqanji I so : ru ijji anno ottuga
kaqappuqd a: vu acca: kiqe/ olye po: I
'' O! You need not worry about that. You send her with me
today". "0.K. if that is so. Take her with you".
pa:me sollugi kortina kaytu anda ma:radi / namma magaleni
kudkaga kaqapqoquge I a: kudke namma niagaleni olpa tina pe: nqo
nto I nar1kili a: sene buq.adara kaqappuquga I
The brahmin said to his wife, " Look here, my woman, it
seems, we have to send our daughter with the fox. And, this fox
may eat her away somewhere. So, we have to send her leaving all
hopes.
addu onji til}goludanta,rbi ke:lonqu / nal}kili kaqapqante kullu·
guqe namini i: buqaraqi kulyara buqonji I aytagadara pa:qi/ accana
iccana ammere nasta I
" It is asking since a month. If we sit here without sending
her, it will not allow us to stay in this house. Therefore let her go.
Whether it is this way or that way, we have to lose".
adenta mittiga i: kudke magaleni olya pa: dara onji varsa a: ki/
pa:me magali ranqa idya na:dara su:vere pa:nji/ adeka kudkene
bakku/
After that the fox took away the daughter, and one year elapsed.
50 KORAGA

The brahmin did not go even to see whether the daughter is living
or not. So the fox itself came there.
pa:ma pa:rna ninna magaleni su:verega banna: idya/ nukki/
adeka pa: me sollugi / o:ho ijje: anna magaleni olya po:yeva: /
It said, ·' 0 brahmin, are you coming to see your daughter or
not ? " To that the brahmin replied, " O! Are you the one who took
away my daughter? "
anqi/ iiii magali ceyyaka: ju:vo ranqa: su:verega banno idya/
elle ya:ni ninna koWtga banne / erilrulu ottuga elle po:yi/ a:vu elle
be: ba: I ikkel po: nukki I ·
" Yes, you did not come to see whether your daughter is living
or dead. I will come to your house tomorrow. Let us go together
tomorrow." "0. K. come early tomorrow. Now you go".
bicj.a:ra pukki / pa:me kortina kayt;i ancj.ani marade kudke bakki
so:rna I nammo magaleni su:vere banna idya na:dara ke:lgi I
And he went to the house. The brahmin told his wife, " Look
here, my lady, the fox came today also. He asked me whether we
are going to see our daughter or not.
adeka ya:ni solluge I anna magali ranqi na:dara ya:ni ennanage I
a:yi so:ru barla / ninna magaleni su:verega banna idya na:dara
sollugi/
"To that I said. 'I did not think that my daughter is alive'.
Today he came and asked me, ' Are you coming to see your
daughter ·or not ? '
elle ikyali namini olya po:yerega banni I na'rjkli ·ikyali ottucj.u
po:cj.u a:ya sa'rjgacj.a I ecci po:yiya: I a:vu po:yi I su:vera:kincj.a a:ncj.i I
ecci rancj.a untava nukku/
"Now he will come tomorrow to take us. We should go with
him now. What do you say? Shall we go?" The wife said, "O. K.
Let us go. If it is possible to see her, well and good. We do not
know how she is ".
manadani ka: nqe kudke bakki I po : yiya ma: ma nukki I
pa:me sollugi ba: maraya onte kullu/ ba:jalu bo:qaka ba:jalu
paru I nukki/
The fox came the next day morning. It asked, "Shall we go,
father-in-law?" To that brahmin said, "Come, my dear fellow,
just sit for a while. If you want something to quench your thirst.
drink it".
 KORAGA TEXTS 51

kudke sollugu a't)ga ba: jalna bac}anji ettana bacj.anji I po: yi

nikilu I nukki I
The fox said, "I do not want either to drink or anything else.
Let us go''.
adeka pa:me sollugi / ando maraya ikyali po:no sama / anna
tirga:ta oriku/ aroma pattene so:rto orikku/
To that the brahmin said, '' Look here my dear fellow, now our
going is 0. K. for me. But my today's wandering will remain, and
Qur today's meal also will be lost".
oriya: qi balle I anno onji ko~ su: na lakka a: nqi/ ninna magal·
enna su:na lakka a:nqi/ po:yi nukki olya pukki/
" Let it be lost , you come. You can see my house. You can
-see your daughter also. Let us go". So saying the fox took him
along.
pa : pa po : naga onji vana I vana toji kani I a: kani: ~ olya
pukki/ alpa onji mo : la rukku I
When they were going on and on, there was a forest. In .that
forest there was a trench. It took them along the trench. There was
a cave.
mo: lada olamayi po: yi nukki I pa:magana, a:yana kortigana
ne:kli a:ki/ i: mo:laga e:rappanu:mo i e't)kli banji maraya/ adeni olya
hara so:jri I er1klu ilpe: dattina nukki ".
It said, ''Let us go inside the cave''. The brahmin and his
wife were frightened. He said, '' Who will creep into this cave ?
We are not coming there, my dear fellow. Bring her here and show
her. We will stay here itself".
adekka kudke sollugi I ce: nikilu anno koWt su:voc:Ju na:dara
barakeri/ nikilu pedamayi dattigi<Je anna kotl;ado porlu nimere so:
junqa / olamballe po:yi nukki /
To that the fox said, "O! You have come to see my house.
If you stand outside, how can you see the beauty of my house?
Come in, let us go ".
ma:mana kay1;i puqqugi oypala pukki/ a:yaga ne:kli<Ji manasa:·
vonji I kayka:ri nacJgonqu I a:kinno dayra m3:_:ta olama: yi pukki I
And it caught hold of the :father-in-law's hand and went in
pulling. Due to fear, he had no mind to go. His hands and legs
were trembling. Still bravely he went in.
pa:naga suma:ra onji parla:'t)gu muWtia nu:rla pukkeri/ aba
 52 KORAGA

po:naga ba:ri mallo aramane I adeni su:naga ba:ri a:serya a:ku I

So they crept for nearly a furlong. When they went there, there
was a very big palace. When they saw it they were very much
surprised.
o:ho: su:verega kudke a:kinna ba:ri so:kuda aramane f na:dara
santo:sa a:ki/ mide bi:sa bi:sa naqavugeri /
" O! Even though it is only a fox: in appearence, the palace is
very beautiful." Thus they became very happy. Then they walked
very quickly.
a:yano aramaneti ru:yari binne:ri bakkeri binne:ri bakkeri
na:dara akile kullerega kursu ju:keri / olya pa:dara alpa kulpigeri /
bella ni:ri baccire manta kalara ediri ju:keri /
Those who were in his palace said, " Relatives have come,
relatives have come", and placed chairs to sit for them. They took
them by hand and seated them there. They brought jaggary, water,
betal leaves etc. and placed them before them.
adena akili tinkeri / magaleni so:jirle nukki I a:ti pakkane kudke
olikku / ala ninna ammena appena bakkeri / ba: onte sa:qi I
Then they ate them and said, " show us the daughter".
Immediately the fox called her, " See, your father and mother have
come. Come, let them see you a bit ".
bakku magali / amma appa nimerega i4e banno ta:di gotta:ka
nukku /
The daughter came and said, "0 father, mother, did you know
the way to come here ? "
adeka pa:rne sollugi ninna korayi olya bare amerega ta: di
- gottudi/ e'1jkulu ninna ~:sene buqaka I a: kudke olpa kalpadara tinak-
ento: na:dara e'l)kulu ennaga/a:kiq.e ijji ba:ri: santosaqi ranna nukki/
To that the brahmin said," Your husband brought us here.
We do not know the way. We had lost your hope. We had thought
that the fox might have taken you somewhere and eaten. But you
are living here very happily ".
a:ndina e1Jkulu nana po:na nikili kullule nukki/adeka kudke
sollugi anqa ma:ma ninna magaleni ya:ni olya barake/ aden nana
ariga da·re ma:ta taroqu nukki/
That day he said, " Now we will go, you stay ". To that the
fox said, " Look here father-in-law, I have brought your
daughter with me. Now you should give her to me in marriage "
 KORAGA TEXTS 53

adeka ma: me sollugi I a't}ga anukula iddi I dutj.cj.u iddi I ari iddi/
<mjana iddi I ya:ni ecci birdi ma:ti tanno I ijje karci ma:tigacj.e e'l)kulu
icj.ege hara da:re pi:na nukki/
To that the father-in-law said, "We have no conveniences.
No money, no rice, nothing. How shall I conduct the marriage? If
you yourself are willing to spend, we will come and do the
marriage" •
adeka kudke sollugi/ a:vu acca:kucj.e/ nil]ga bo:qa:no bo:qa:no
janakleni ottil pe:lla dibbana agadara ba: I ilpe: da:re ma:tiga nukki I
To that the fox said, "0. K. If that is so. You collect all
the people that you want, and come in procession. Let us do the
marriage here itself."
kacj.e:ka:naga pa:me sollugi I ninn~lpa etj}rnlu ponnudeni kalara
da:re ma:tigicj.e aliki a:nja / adekka ijje ammaqega dibbana kala ba:/
e'fjkulu ninnaqega dibbana kalanji/ amma u:rta:ri anini alki ma:nneri
At last the brahmin said, " If we bring the girl to your place
and conduct marriage, does it not become bad ? Therefore you
yourself bring the procession to our place. We will not bring the
procession to your place. People of your place will laugh at me.''
kudkaga dibbana kala pukki na:dara u:rtu pu:ra alki ma:nneri/
nikile: balle/ ammerega onte sa:ya ma:tocj.u karciga / nikilu acj.e:ge
balle nukki/
"They will laugh at me saying, 'He took the procession to a
fox'. You yourself come. And, you should do us some help for
meeting the expenses. You come there yourself ".
a:vu acca:kucj.e I ya:ni onji pettige tanne/ adeni kalpadara
tareka mi:yadara a: pettigedeni ja:dara ni'flga bo:cj.a:no vastudenu
ninepugaqe say I aytu ni't}ga bo:qa:no vastulu a:ncj.u nukki I
"0. K. if it is so. I will give you a box, You take it with you
and after taking a bath only you should open it and think of the
things that you want. All that will be there ".
a:vu acca:kuqe/ nukki/ pa:me ke:lgi / ar,ga suru: kotta a:vocj.u/
ari a:voqu / nammerega kottaga bo:cj.a:no sa:ma:na:voqu / sombu
cerigena: uppu munca: ari ducj.cj.a: tuttu podeppa: pu:rana a:voqu/
nukki/
"0, K. if it is so". And the brahmin asked, "We should first
of all have a house. And then rice. And we should have things that
are needed for the house. Vessels and pots, salt and chilly, rice
54 KORAGA

and money, cloths to wear and to cover oneself - we should have

all these things".
adekka kudke soll ugi I ninna manasuqu va: namnita a .voqu
c

aden ninepu / pu:ra: a:nQ.u nukki /

To that the fox said, ''You think of anything in your mind that
you want to possess. Everything will be there ".
a: pettigedeni pa:rnana kayka ko:rki I adeni acce pulla rnardina
ka:nqe pedaQ.a tamma buQ.araga bakkeri I
And he gave that box to the brahmin. Holding ~t like that,
they started next day morning and came back to their house.
pa:rne sollugi kortina kayti andani marade kudke onji petige
takki/ utteti etta:ncj.a etta po:nqa/ agaqi ma:ta suka/ nukki/
The brahmin told his wife, " Look here my lady, the fox has
given us a box. We do not know whether something will happen
in this or not. Anyway let us do it and see ''.
mardina ka:ncj.e lakkigi/ pa:rne mi:yala bakki petige ju:ki
kantappa petigega acj.qa buta :ri/
Next day morning he got up. The brahmin bathed and came
back, placed the box there and fell prostrate before it.
so:mi de:vere kudke onji petige taraki/ eqqena paqkena ammere
gottuddi/ otta:re a:yi solli lakka amma manasuga bo:qa:na ennadara
aqcj.a butC1:rne/
"O! God, the fox has given us a box. We do not know whether
it is good or bad. Anyway I will prostrate as he has asked me to do,
thinking of things that we need.
addu a: ki:Qe anna punya I a:ddiqe elJkulu i:ti dina kalyave ri:ti
a:nqi/ nukki acj.cj.a buta:rgi I
" It will be my good luck if it happens like that. If not, it will
only be like the way we were spending our time on all these days".
Thus he prostrated.
ikkega suru: sollugi atilda ko:ne ca:vocj.i bu:mo ko:ne amere
bo:Q.o bo:cj.a:no a: vocj.u nukki I adde ku:qle lakkadara kannu kedava
su:naga ikkeni onji ko:neQ.i pucj.qa pe:qe 1akka a:ki/
Now, he first said, ''We should have a kitchen, veranda, bed-
room, and all that we want ". Immediately when he got up, opened
his eyes and looked , he felt as if he was caught and placed in
a room.
 KORAGA TEXTS 55

oppa I amJiya I kudke solla sama I malla ille a:k~ amerega I

nukki /
He said, "O! Really, what the fox said is true. We got really
a big house".
kortina kayti sollugi I e:ti ko:ne rancj.i su: I mitti e:ti rancj.i
ma:ligeqi I tirti e:ti ranqi sa: rcj.a ba: I nukki I
And he told to his wife, ' ' See how many rooms are there. How
many are upstairs and how many are there below? See and come".
addi onji ko :nega pukku / ancj.a ma:rare utteti pu:ra: arta
muqiye: rancj. i I nukku I
She went to one of the rooms and said, '' O! Look here, here
we have simply bwidles of rice."
adeka a: yi sollugi ra:tji ra:qi nana onji ko: necJi etta ranqi su: I
nukki/
To that he said, " Let it be there, let it be there. See what there
is in another room".
adi kuqonji ko:negi pukku / utteti onji pet}geqi duqc).u ranc).i /
ba:ki pura: sa:ma:nulu ma:ta ranc:j.i / nukku/
She went into another room and said, " Here in one box there
is money. Also there are many other things".
atilda ko :neqi su:naga avri be:yaki / kayyeriranqi / tinqi ma:ija
rancj.i/ pura: taya:ra ranqi/ bendrida ko:necj.i bendri beccagala ranc). ii
When she went to the kitchen and looked, rice was cooked and
kept ready; curry was there; everything was ready. In the bathroom.
water was kept hot.
na'l']klora mi:yadara onasi ma:tiga I mide pu:ra su:ka oddoddu
ranqi oddoddu iddi/ sa:dara mide bo:qa:no ninepuga/ nukki/
He said, " Let us now take bath and have our meals. Then
we will see what all things are there and what all things are not
there. After looking, we can think of what we want ".
adde ku:qle korayana kortina mi: yakeri I onasi ma:tre vukkeri l
onasi agadara elle kudke bakkiqe a:yanta solluga I ellanje dibbana
baratji na: dara solluga I nukki I
Afterwards the husband and wife bathed and went to take their
meals. After taking their meals he said, "If the fox comes tomo·
rrow, let us tell him, "Let the marriage procession come day after
tomorrow itself. "
56 KORAGA

a:ndina bu:rkeri / mardina ka:nqe korti ni:rka pukku / pa:dara

ni:ri kalinaga neramanetari ke:lgeri / uttu va: namni illa:ye nimerega I
na:dara ke:lgeri/
So, that day they went to sleep. Next day morning, the wife
went to fetch water. Having gone, when she was bringing water, the
neighbours asked, " How did you get this house? "
adeka anna magaleni kudkaga ko: raga addi ma:ta ammerega
bo:qa:no sa:ma:n ma:ta taya:r ma:te kudke/ ikkeli elle kudke dibbana
kala banni / ilpa anna ~agalega birdu / nukku/
To that she said, "We have given our daughter to the fox and
that fox has given us all the things that we want. Tomorrow the
fox will bring the marriage procession. There will be my daughter's
marriage here ''.
anqa / ba:ri gammatta / nukku / nimere ma:ta er1kulu e:like
sonna I ikili ma:ta enna magaleno birdiga baroqu/ nukku /
" Is it so ? Will it be a very big ceremony? ", thus they asked.
"We will invite you all. You should come to my daughter's
marriage"
i: kudke uttega bo:qa :no sa:ma:ni jana dibbana agadara bakku/
adde ku:qlega ilpana bo:qa:no batru pureyteri ma:ta oti;agadara
ma :ta ba:re gaqdido madme a:ki.
This fox came in procession, taking neccessary things, people
etc. After that, here also, having brought together priests and such
other people, the marriage was conducted nicely.
a:nida dibbana bannaga dantj.igetj.i bakku / a:kicj.e ma:tra kudke
marmaye/ ilpa bakku da:re a:ki I
When the bridegroom's procession came, it came in palanquin.
But alas, the bridegroom was only a fox. It came here and the
marriage ( da :re ) took place.
u:rta:ri pu:ra madma:ligini usa:r ranqi / a:kiqe madma:yan
su:kuqe kudke nukkeri/
All the villagers said, '' There is a good girl for the bride today,
but if one looks at the bridegroom, it is just a fox".
da:re kulnaga kudkani otta pulle / adi aba po :nqi/ ora ilpa
po:nqi / ecca:na da:re a:ki / dibbana ku:qle peravu pukku/
When they sat for da:re, they caught hold of the fox. It went
to this side once and to that side once. Somehow the da:re was over.
The procession went back immediately.
 KORAGA TEXTS 57

i: pa:manalpa ko:re petige ranqata adena mittu u:rt rannarega

ba:ri onji kanna:ki I
There is that box with this brahmin, is not so? The villagers had
an eye on it.
i: bacj.e pa:maga kudkaga ponnu ko:radara i:ti garsa:ki/ amma
illaQ.i paqi natla pa:dara ka:ncJ.egetto bayyagetto nakala ru:yayi. i:ti
malladige bakkatta I na:dara a:yana mitti ba:ri: onji taratto Jticci
a:ki/
"This poor brahmin got this.much wealth because he gave his
daughter to the fox. He was living here coming to beg alms in our
house and not knowing what he will have for the morning and what
he will have for the evening. And, now he has got such a greatness".
Thus the people developped a sort of jeolousy on him.
a: kiccida mitti pa:mano kortina kayl;i ke:lgeri/ va: namni
nikkili malle a:ye I natta ·tina ru:yari na:dara ke:lgi I
With that jealousy, they asked the brahmin's wife, "How did
you become rich? You were begging all this time", thus they asked.
addu ma:tra kelesi ponnu I addu sollugu korayna kayl;i pa:dara/
ancj.acj.i ma:rayre nikili odeka:nari/ su:lege/ pa:me va: namni a:ki/
natta tinla rukki/ a:yana guqcili pa: su:lege/ nukku/
And that was the wife of the barber. She went and told her
husband, " Look here, my dear man, of what use will you be ? See,
what happened to the brahmin. He was begging and eating. Go
and see his house ".
ancJ.a I a:ti malle · a:ke: I sukka acca:kiQ.e I po:yi I ecci ma:ta
ma:nno/ ecci a:ye/ ke:lne/ nukki kelesi pa:manaqega pukki/
" Is it so ? Has he become so big? Let us see if it is so. Let us
go. I will ask the brahmin how to do all those things, how to
become SO, all will I ask". Thus the barber went to the brahmin.
pa:dara pa:mana kayti ke:lgi/ pa:ma uttu va: namnedo ma:te/
uttu ecci a:ye e:ri solla tare I na:dare ke:lgi I
He went and asked the brahmin, " 0 brahmin. what type of
work is this ? How did it happen, who told you all that ?"
acce:kicJ.e maraya ya:ni anna magaleni kudkaga ,birdi ma:tage/
kudke onji kinyo onji pettige taraki/
'' Look here my dear fellow, I got my: daughter married to the
fox. The fox gave me a small box.
58 KORAGA

tareka mi:yadara a: peggedo ba:yideni kaliyadara raqqi sarij

I
bottuguqa say I botta ba:yi mucca ariga bo:qa:no duqqu bariga:ra.
etto bo:qu adeni ninepa aqqa butargucJa say I alJga bo:qa:no vastulu
a:nqu / na:dara sollugi I
'' If we take bath and open the mouth of the box and hit it
twice, that is enough. If we hit it and close its mouth and think of
whatever we want-money, gold etc.-and prostrate, that is enough.
All things that we want happen", thus he said.
o:ho: a:tena / acca:kiq.e adeni ma:ti a:nqa suka / nukki / a
nukki kelesi bakki pera I
"O! Is it only so? Then do the thing, let us see", he said. The
barber said so and came back.
kortina kay1;i kelesi sollugi i: peggedeni ecca:kina ma:ta tappi
roQ.u/ nukki /
The barber told his wife, " Somehow we should steal this box " ..
i: pa:me onji dina onji tanno appeno ka:rya ma:toqu na:dara
u:rtarega tanna ja:tiga pu:ra anna illaga barocJu / anna appeno ka:rya
nikilu unerega racJcj.i gante portuga barocJu / nukki /
One day this brahmin told all the people of the village belong-
ing to his caste, in order to perform the anual ritual of his dead
mother, "Today you should all come to my house. It is my
mother's ritual. You should come at two O'clock for lunch".
u:rtari pu:ra sukka i: pa:me onasi pe:cJigiqe onji ayna:ji janaka
pe:cJi / ba:kittinarega a:yi onasi pe:nya: I marli / nukkeri onji ayva
ajippa jana ottagadara pukkeri I
All the people of the village said, " Let us see. If this brahmin
gives lunch, he will give it to five or six people. Is he going to give
food to others also ? Madness ! ( we do not think so )." Thus some·
fifty to sixty people joined together and went.
solya gantega taya:raga pukkeri / po:naga alpa atilina iddi
janana iddi I irvere korayi kortye kulalageri I
They got ready and went there just in the time they were told
to go. When they went there, there was neither cooking nor people
to cook. Husband and wife, only two were sitting!
i: pa:meri ma:ta anqa ikke appena ka:rya uneregaga baroQ.u
na:dara sollagi/ ilpa ageniddi pugeniddi / ikke etto pe:nni /
All 'these brahmins said, '"See, this fellow asked us to come for
lunch on the occasion of his mother's ritual. There is neither the
 KORAGA TEXTS 59

sound of cooking nor smoke here. What is he going to serve?

ikkel pa:dara onas pe:cJi na:dara jo:ru ma:tocJu/ a:yi onas
pe:cj.idiqe I samma kuttocJu/ kutno baremo I nukkeri onji kamti agala
pukkeri/
Now we should go and threaten him, saying that he should
serve food. If he does not serve food, we should beat him well.
Beating him and then coming back ( that is what we should do' ) ".
Thus they formed a group and went.
anqa maraya onasi olpa ranqi / ragqi gantega barre sollaga
onasi pe:qi/ nukkeri/
"Look here my dear fellow, where is lunch? You asked us to
come at two O'clock. Now serve food ". Thus they said.
adeka va:ma ju:vocJu ka:ryado mantra mini agadara onasu
kulno/ nukki/
To that he said, '' But the sacrifice must be done. We sit for
lunch only after reciting the hymns of the ritual etc."
anca:nta va:mado taya:ri ma:itgeri/ mantra a:ki/ kakkegi avri
jukkeri/ kaqeka onasuga kullugeri / olpa atilida batri / ma:ta balle
balasile/ nukkeri/
When it was so, they prepared for the sacrifice. The hymn was
recited. They kept cooked rice for the crow. At last they sat for
· the lunch. And said, " Where are the cooks and all ? Come on.
serve food! "
balasgeri/ balasidara onasa:ki / adanta mittiga ikkeli pu:ra
daksine paqla pukkeri I
And they served food. They served and the lunch was over ..
After that all these people took money ( daksine ) and departed.
kacJeki cavrada:ye balatka:raqi pa:dara ammerega okkeliga onasi
idya nukki/
At least the barber went there by force and said,'' Is there no
lunch for us, the tenants? " ·
adde ku:qlega ijjonte be:ga barocJambu/ pu:ra muggigu/ nana
nanonji sartiga ya:n solne I nikil ma: ta okkeli baradara kulla po:li I
nukki/
He said, immediately, "You should have come a bit earlier.
Everything is finished. Now I will tell you some other time. All
of you tenants can come, sit and go. "
60 KORAGA

adeka cavrada:yi sollugi/ ikkeli amerega onasu idya/ su:ne

acca:ki<Je / onasi pe:qdiqe nininu bunnena / nukki /
To that the barber said, "Don't we have lunch now ? Let me
see if it is so. Am I going to leave you if you do not serve us food ? ''
adenta mittiga laqa:yi suru a:ki/ laqa:yi ma:ta pa:rnega ra44i
petti kuµdara a:yan nu:kadara a: petigedeni oypa kalya pukki /
After that a fight started. Fighting, he gave two blows to the
brahmin, pushed him, snatched away the box and went away.
po : nene ikkena illaq i da :niddi I ariniddi uppu munciniddi I ka:li
illi- ma:tre randi/
• I
When he went away, there was nothing in this brahmin's house.
There was no rice, no salt, no chilly. There was only the vacant
house.
icci murqugi I ayyo de:vere anna marmayi amere savba:gya
taradara ammo vayrlu adenna tinere buqnageri na:dara arkeri: /
This fellow cried, '' 0 ! God, my son-in-law brought us pros~·
rity, but our enemies do not allow us to enjoy it". Thus they wept.
aradara manenta kullugeri I mardina kudkaga gottaga kudke
bakku/
So weeping, they sat in the house. Next day morning the fox
came to know of it and it came there.
ma:ma: 'ettega aruneri nikili: / etta a:ku / e:ru etto ma:t igeri: /
na: dara kudke ke:lgu I
'' 0 father-in-law, Why are you weeping? what happened?
What was done, and who did it? Thus the fox asked him.
pa:me tanna kate pu:ra sollugi / adeka kalpa:qi / nannonji
peWge tanne / utteni kalpa:dara jakalu / ni't)ga bo:qa:na vastudeni
ninepugaqe ayti a:ncJi.
The brahmin told him all his story. To that the fox said. "Let
them take it and go. I will give you another box. Take this and
keep it. If you think of things that you need, it will happen with
that.
i: petigedeni dumbata ecci ma:taga acce ma:ti I onasi randi
na:dara u:rtarenna okkeltarenna bare sollu/ akili bannene i: petigeteni
pucJqadara raqqi sarti bottu/
''Do with this box ·as you had done with the earlier one. Invite
all the villagers anc1. tenants, saying that there would be a lunch.
When they come, you hold this box and hit it twice.
 KORAGA TEXTS 61

anna petige kala po: yerega e: ti jana ra:keri a:ti janakana sipa:··
yli hara guddu pe:qo(Ju na:dara sollu/ ku:q.Ie banneri /
"Then you say, 'Let as many soldiers as there are people who
took away my box come and beat them'. They will come
immediately. •
akilu dammaya ammere baqanji ninna peijge niY)ge tanne
maraya oraka buqu na:dara solneri / adenta mittiga a: peijge niljga
tanneri / na:dara kudke sollugi /
" They will say, ' Please parden us. We do not want your box.
We will give it back to you, dear fellow. Leave us at once'. After
that you should close the box and all the soldiers will disappear.
They will give you back your box ". Thus the fox told him.
a :vu acca:kucJ.e nukki I ikilega ma:nne bage nukki I pukki u:ruka
pu:ra sollerega / sollugi / ku:q.Ie bakkerakili: /
"0. K. if it is so", said the brahmin, "I will do a thing for
these fellows ". Thus he went to the village to invite every one. He
invited. Immediately, they all came.
marani pa:rnano petige oypa kalyaga / so:ru etta ranqi su:ka/
so:ru onasuga barre sollagi / na:dara sollugeri /
"Day before yei:terday we had snatched away the brahmin's
box. Let us see what there is today. He has asked us to come for
lunch today ". Thus they said.
onasi ma :ijgeri I pukkeri I raqne okkelda :ri bakkeri I ku:qle i:
petige bottugi/ onasi:ga e:re banqi kullule onasiga nukki /
They took their meals and went away. Secondly the tenants
came there. Immediately he hit the box. He said, " who wants
lunch ? Come on, sit down ".
e:ri batri balle balasile ma:ta nukki peijge kuttugi / ku:q.Ie sipa:-
ylu bakkeri/ janaka raqqi jana agadara petti: pe:c}geri/. dammaya
pe:qgeri /
Then he said, " Where are the cooks ? Come on, serve every
thing ,;. And he hit the box. Immedaitely the soldiers came. They
·were two for each person, and gave them all blows. And they
began to shout " Parden me ! "
ninna ammere baqanji/ na:dara petigedeni vapa:s ko:rkeri/ adde
ku:q.Ie a: petj.gedeni kalyadara i: patigedo ba:yi muccugi I
"We do not want yours''. So saying, they gave him back the
box. Immediately he took that box and closed the mouth of this box.
 62 KORAGA

sipa:ylu pu:ra ma:ya a:keri/ nana ninno suddiga banji e11kulu/

na:dara solla pukkeri akili/ ilpa pa:mena pa:mana kortina suka
santosaqi rukkeri/
All the soldiers disappeared. "Now onwards we will not come
to trouble you". So they said and went away. ' Here the brahmin
and the brahmin 's wife lived happily.
ilpa magaieni ko:ryalpa kudke arda ra:tre kudke arda ra:tridant;a
mittiga narama:ni/ icca:naga uttu ra:tre a:yaga bendru becca ma:tiio/
becca:nene i: kudke pa:dara bendrid kaytali dattino sara birdi baracj.i
,gajada kamboli pa:cj.i na:dara solno I
Here, in the place to which the daughter was given, the fox
'Used to be a fox during the first half of the night, and after that he
used to become a man. When it was so, she used to prepare hot
water for his bath every night. When it becomes hot, this fox goes
there, stands near the hot water and says, "Let sara birdi (?) come,
and let the blanket of gaja (?) go".
adde ku:qle kudkana ru:pa icj.i: bokkasane kadelpa ju:ncj.i I
naramani ru:pa:ncj.i: I mide mi:yadara po:no onas ma:nno banno I
Immediately the form of the fox comes out as a whole and rests
·below. And a human shape gets formed. After that he goes to
take bath, takes his meal and comes back.
sara birdi pa:cj.i gajada kamboli baracj.i nunno I adde ku:qle
·manusa ru:po po:no kudkana ru:pa banno/
And he says, "Let sara birdi: go and the blanket of gaja come".
Immediately the human shape goes off and the shape of the fox
-comes.
i: namnecj.i: ru:naga pa:rnana magali: ikke va: namne a:voli
su: vocj.u na:dara ecj.cj.e bendru becca ma:t;a ka:yti ni:ri mut;re aganlakka
ma:t;adara ju:ku I
When it was like this, the brahmin's daughter thought, ''I should
-see how all this happens ". Thus she makes the water very hot
.and keeps it as if one cannot even touch the water with hand.
cappe ni:ri onji bott;ana iddi / du:ra hara datala su:ku I ikki
pukki / mi:yara dattigi I ni:rka kay pa:cj.a su:naga becca benki agaki I
There is not even a drop of cold water. She comes away and
-stands at a distance to see ( what happens ). This fellow comes and
stands there to bathe. When he puts his hand into the water, it
had become hot like fire.
 KORAGA TEXTS 63

ni:r ku: trega ni:r su:naga ni:riddi I pakka pa: dara cappe ni:r
kala banne nukki ni:ri:ka pukki I
When he searched for water to add, there was no water. " I
will go quickly and fetch some cold water ''. So saying he goes
out for water.
ni:ri: kalla bannayta olamayt;i: ikkena gajjida kamboli kaledara
bendri:da dikkelda olmayi ja: dara tu: pe:qa pottirgu I
Before he brought the water and came back, she took his blanket
of gajji, placed it inside the oven, put fire and burnt it.
pottirnaga kamti:na kammene bakki / ayyo de:vere anna kam·
boli ecci buta:rgu nukki ni:r pulla pa:ra bakki/
When it bUrn.ed, there came a scorching smell. " 0 ! God, how
did my blanket fall'', so saying he came running, carrying the water.
pa:ra bannene uttu rumma eduru pa:rgu/ ,totta puµ-ega eduru
pukku/ a:ye pakka su:ki/ ta:ri ta:ri nukki / dattu du:ra nukki /
When he came nmning, she ran quickly towards him. She
went to embrace him. Suddenly he saw her. He said," Wait,
Wait! Stand away".
ettega du:ra dattuna / aninu mul;tugaqe ijji potta po:na/ anno
parise ma:nne I mu:ji kopparige cappe ni:ri jinjri I anna parise su: I
nukki /
" Why should I stand away ? " " If you touch me you will be
burnt off. Let me test myself. Fill up three drums of cold water.
And see my test ". Thus he said.
onji kopparige ni:rka la:giri I la:girne addu guju guju koddigi/
adenta mittiga kuqonji kopparigega la:giri / addi ada: becca:ki / mide
onji kopparigega la:girnene addi ugur beppa:ki I
He jumped into one drum filled with water. As soon as he
jumped in, it boiled with the sound guju guju. After that he jumped
into another drum. That too became sufficiently hot. When he
jumped into a third drum, it became slightly warm.
adenta mittiga mitti bakki / nana mul;tu ma:rade nukki/
muttadara akilu korayi kortya ottuga olampa:dara kulla suka santo:
sa pa:tra raqne kuqa onasa:ga bu:rkeri /
After that he came up. And said, '' My dear lady, now touch
me ". She touched him and then they, husband and wife went in
together and sat and talked happily and then took their meals and
lied down.
· adenta mittiga akili korayi kortya santo:saqi rukkeri/
After that both husband and wife lived happily.
64 KORAGA

About Marriage

onji a:niga korti bo:qa:ki pukki / oc].e oqe pukkunna a:yagi

oppunna ponnu sikkanaka / kaqe:ka onji kac).eti;i a:yaga oppunno
ponnu sikkugu/ a:yana:te: du:raqi su:ki tanna kottaga bakki /
A man wanted to have a wife and he started (in search of her).
Wherever he went he did not get a woman who will be agreeable to
him. At last in a certain place he found a woman who will be
agreeable to him. He looked at her from a distance, of his own
accord, and came back to his house.
tanna koti;aga baradara a:yana koqtayanµ sollugi / unta nukkuqe
koqaya ya:nonji ponnu sa:qcJ.a bakke / jjji ku:c).le a: ponnuta koqtayina
kaytalpa pa:dara a: ponnudeni tannera idya na:dara ke:locJ.u I
After coming back to his house, he told his clan-headman
thus. What is said is that, '' Headman, I have seen certain girl and
come back. You should immediately go to the clan-headman of
that girl and ask him whether they are going to give that girl or not".
a: nukki a:yani sal)gaqa olyadara pukki / aqega pa:dara ponnuda
koqtayana kayti nimma ponnudeni amerega taroqu/ na:dara sollugi/
adekka ponnuda koc].tayi a:vuna sollugi I
He agreed and taking the man with him went there. Having
gone there, he told the clan-headman of the girl, "You should give
your girl to us". To that the headman said, " 0. K."
akkalaga ponnuda kayti: kusi ke:ladara birdiga dina ma:ti:geri/
onji ayna:ji dinattanta mittiga birdiga madma:yani singa:ra ma:µ
dibbana pukkeri I
After that, having enquired the wishes of the girl, they fixed
the day for the marriage. After about five or six days, having
dressed the bridegroom nicely for the marriage, they went in
procession.
dibbana koti;ada lammayi poggigene kay ka:ri jo:kerega ni:ri
korkeri: / kullerega sa:lqi paje pe:qi:geri:/ binneri ma:ta kullugeri/
As soon as the procession entered the house, they gave water to
wash hands and legs, spread mats in rows to sit down, and all the
relatives sat down.
a: koti;ada koqtayi binneri kulla ·a:njane sammana ma:trega
lakka datt@ I manqega mu:qe ju:ki I binnere :eciuru bakki I bakkere
binnere na:dara akilega sammana ma:ti:gi /
 KORAGA TEXTS 65

When the relatives have sat down, the headman of the house
stood up to welcome them. He placed the cap on hii:: head and went
and stood in front of the relatives. And he welcomed them by say-
ing, "Relatives, did you come?"
sammana ma:ta a:njane ba:jali bo:cjana ke:ligi I mide dibbanac].i
bariya je:rega pallayida avru ko:rlJ. /
After welcoming them, he asked them whether they wanted
something to quench the thirst. After that he gave cooked rice in
small plates to children who had come there in the marriage proce-
ssion.
mide a:ndo koc].tayina kayti sollugi/ namma a:no krama
ma:tiga/ nikilina a:nideni siljgara ma:tile / erJmlna pondeni si1Jgara
ma:nna/ na:dara ma:ta taya:ra ma:tigeri /
Then he told the headman of the bridegroom's party, "Let us
undertake the things that are to be done. You dress your boy and
we will dress our girl". Thus they got everything ready.
da:rega kulpigeri / madmayi madmayeni da:rega kulpi a:yanta
mittiga ')nji ballac].i ari kalara madmayana ediri ju:keri/ suru:
balitta:ri madma:y madma:legi ari pe:c].igeri / :a: ottu balittari
bakkeri / acce na:li balittarna ari pe:c].igeri/
They seated them for da:re ( marriage ). After seating the
bride and bridegroom for da:re, they brought rice in one round
vessel and placed it before the bridegroom. Members belonging to
the first clan came and put rice on the bride and bridegroom. Then
those of the next clan came there. Like that, people belonging to
all the four clans came and sprinkled rice on them.
mide ma:tema pe:cj.igeri/ kacj.ekka muyitta krama a:ki/ ponnuga
onji rupa:yi a:ni ko:roc].u /
Then everybody come and sprinkle rice. After that the present-
ing ceremony ( giving presents to the couple ) took place. The male
( bridegroom ) should give one rupee to the girl ( bride ).
korayi kortiga rac].c].i pallayic].u avru kalara jo:keri rac].qi janatta
ediriga/ onjLba:yito a:ni tinllaga onji ba:yito ponnu tinku/
Then they bring cooked rice for the husband and wife in two
plates and keep them before the two, When the male ate one
mouthful of it, the female also ate one mouthful.
66 KORAGA

ponnu tine pallayideni a:nida kaytale ju:keri/ a:ni tine pallayid-

eni ponnuda kaytale ju:keri / utteni kucj.a onjonji ba:yta tinkeri / adeka
macj.e cuccirno na:dara podari /
They kept the plate from which the girl has eaten in front of
the boy, and the plate from which the boy lras eaten is kept in front
of the girl. From these also they ate one mouthful each. This is
called biting the pollution.
-adenta mittiga madmayi madmaleni ge:rpa datrigeri/ binnerega
ma:ta sa:luga paje pe:qadara avru parrega ta:yara ma:tigeri / onasi
a:njane baccire pu:lu ko:radara madmaleni madmayena ottuga
olyadara po:neri/
After that they make the bride and bridegroom stand up. They
spread mats in rows for the relatives and keep everything ready for
drinking rice ( i. e. dinner ). After taking meals and after having
the betal leaf and nut of dispersal, they take the bride and bride-
groom with them and go back.

About Death

cayya po:yanta mittiga bo:qu bo:qa:yeri ottagadara a: ponatteni

mi:padara lammayi kalapa: bu:cj.ibyadara kuntu pe:cj.a adenta mittiga
adde: bu:rya pajeti bedirida bacj.ige ja: mu:ji katta kattadara adeni
puggelicj.i jakala kapperega po:neri/
After someone has died, all the relatives and friends join
together, bathe the corpse, take it inside, put a cloth over it, keep a
bamboo pole, tie it in the same mat on which it is lying down put-
ting three knots, and keeping it on the shoulder, they go to hurry the
corpse.
alpa pa: guri to:cj.a a:njane a: bedirida bacj.igedeni gurika sari:
ja:dara katyo kattadeni bediridanta bucj.pineri I a:ji jana ballideni
pucj.cj.a mella ponatteni guritl;i ju:neri I
Having gone there, they dig a pit, keep the bamboo pole after
that, just adove the pit, and remove the knots tied to the bamboo
pule. Six persons hold the corpse with ropes and place it slowly· in
the pit.
adenta mittiga manni pe :cj.na I pe:cj.a tirga bannaga kay mugya
sollalneri/ erikulu ninna kelasa ma:nna muttaga ijji e:regana ne:kli
ma:tante upadra ma:tante porlucj.u a: lo:kocj.u ru:vocj.u/

'
 KORAGA TEXTS 67

After that the earth is put ( over it ). Having put the earth,
when they come back they salute and say: '' Until we perform your
functions you should stay in that world without giving trouble or
causing fear to anyone •'.
adenta mittiga a: ja:ga buqadara banneri/ ka:ve:rida mara sa:
alpa puggeli ma:tino krama ma:nneri / ka:ve:rida maraka pikkasi
ko~edeni ta :gira kedukka pa: tare meyka mi :yadara kottaga po:neri I

After that they leave that place and come back. When they
see a Ka:ve:ri tree, they do the function of changing the shoulder
there. Having touched the ka:ve:ri tree with the pickaxe and spade,
they go to the tank and bathe both head and body and then come
back to the house.
adenl;a mittiga padra:cJ.i dina atava onji ti'l)golu po:yanl;a mittiga
bojja ma:nneri/
After that when fifteen days or one month has elapsed, they
perform the bojja.
bo:qu bo:cj.a:narega ma:ta solla jana ku:cj.ibya a:njane ma:voto
maratto biji pelatta maratto biji onu ma:l;a onji punqi bayta esalideni
kalara manusyana ru:pu kat;1;adara a: bijitteni ka:l;a ku:qibya a:yani
kapya mannideni mu:ji dikkida kalara i: bayta ru:puda lammayi
pe:qa ka:l;aqi ja: potre bonya ma:nneri I
They invite all those who are needed and when the people have
gathered, they put together dried logs of mango and jackfruit trees,
bring a handful of straw, tie it together into the shape of a person,
gather the logs into a funeral pile, bring earth from the place where
the dead person was hurried-selecting the earth from three different
places - put inside the straw-man, keep it on the funeral pile and
burn it into ashes.
ma:l;adara adenl;a mittiga alpe: adeni cit;1;e ma:l;adara kol;ada
lammayi pa: racJqi ba:reda kocj.iyare kalara kunl;a:sa ade mitti ja
bo:cj.u bo:cj.a:yinari ma:ta ottaga avuru erekka pe:qadara ma:ta
oriyoriye mu:ji mu:ji sarti balasa:yan~a mittiga adeni ganti katta
cumbaladara pa: cit;1;e ma:l;a ji:yaqega kalapa ja:dara kay mugya
peravu banneri I
After doing that they prepare a small platerform out of it, go
into the house, bring two top-leaves of a plantain tree, spread a
cloth, keep the leaves over it, and all the relatives and friends put
cooked rice on the leaves. After all ot them have served rice one
68 KO RAGA

by one-three times each-they tie it together, carry it to the place

where the plateform was prepared, keep it there, salute and come
back.
peravu baradara onasi ma:nneri / adent;a mittiga muYita kramo
ma:nneri / muyita krama a:yant;a mittiga ba:jali: ma:nneri/ adent;a
mitbga akilakili akilakile kott;aga po:neri/
After coming back they take their meals. After that they do
the f~ction of muyi ( present-giving ). After the function of muyi,
they take the drinks of muyi. After that they go to their respective
houses.

A Mu:4u Story:
The cow and the tiger

ha:nge onji u:rh ori bat9 / 2giki otti korti / agri ya:va:gana
da:na daksani kale banna mansri / agrika onji divsa onji dena da:na
ko}agri I
So in a certain village, there lived a brahmin. He had a wife.
They were the type of people who always bring presents etc.
(from others). One day sornebody gave them a cow.
adni ka}e hara kortin kayti sankiti: ko!aki I adi o!ed ma:q
sa:nkigi/ a va:ga adi kari ho:qkidi/ kara ho:qi ku:q!e adki cay ro:g
suru a:kidi/ ha:l ko:Jn kayd ma:cJkidi/
He brought it home and gave it to his wife to rear up. She
reared it up nicely. Then it gave birth to a calf. As soon as it
gave birth to a calf, it caught T. B. It stopped giving milk.
a:va:ga sa:nki .mantik sitti bandi/ denuk sa:po ko:!ndi/ nci
nnonji gabba katt;a kari ho:pqro}mi ninna hili tinbuqu na so:pa
ko:Jndi / sa:pa koja holk be:rsandi/
Then the woman who reared it up became angry. She cursed
the cow: "After being pregnant, before you calve again like this,
let a tiger eat you ". Thus she cursed it and drove it to the plain.
hola:tki ho:ndadi:/ ho:ydi hilit ba:yka sikkindi/ a:va:ga hili
ojjindi / mu:ji divsa akkidi u:t irte / nan u:tti hottigi sariya:ga bakka
na ojjigidi / ne:n nin tinne / na:n hottiki osi andi/
So it goes to the plain. It goes and falls .to the month of a
tiger. Then the tiger says, " Since three days I had no food. And
you have come just in time for my food", thus the tiger said. "I
will eat you. I feel hungry in the stomuch ".
 KORAGA TEXTS 69

akllka dano nan tinbaqa/ ne:n nin ha:ge basri I ne:nan ninha:ge
bep.tm/ nan canda ma:qi sa:nki / ne:n ningi:dakni upka:ranne/
a:va:ga canda ma:cJi samkindil ottuga eyqana jotege meyta ho:ndi/
jote:ge illik bandi I
Then the cow said, " Do not eat me. I am pregnent like you. I
am also a female like you. Rear me up nicely. I will be of some use
to you". Then the tiger rears it up nicely. Both of them go
together grazing. They come back to the house together
onjella onji dina hill onji marl hocJkidi/ deno onji kari
hoqkidi / hilit marl denot kari otta:ga me:ykrekkani/ hili deni
otta:ga me:ykrekkani/
One day the tiger gave birth to a cub. The cow gave birth to
a calf. The tiger's cub and the cow's calf were grazing and living
together. The tiger and the cow were grazing and living together.
onjella onji devsa denoka eycJi kali kacJi sikkigidi/ adin kabara
magan ett ko:}gidi/ hilit marl denot kari al)p.i megi a:gi iraka
. agragre hili ra:ja basv ra:ja na osri hoqakri/ basv ra:je hili ra:jan
-o}iya hili ra:ja namma appa kali kacJi kabri tarkidi / etj.qa}an timu/
One day the cow got two halves of a coconut. It brought and
gave them to its son. As the tiger's cub and the cow's calf were
living together like an elder brother and a younger brother, they
had given them names Hiliraja and Basvraja. So, Basvraja called
Hiliraja and said; " Hiliraja, my mother has brought and given me
two halves of a coconut. Let us both eat it".
a:va:g hilira:jka sini bandi / sitt,i bari ku:tj}e ninna appa ninga
tipcJi kabar tandi I nanna appa nang i: tank kabari tandiddi I ne:n
co:ra nann apna ha:l hamdiddi /
Then Hiliraja became angry. When it became angry, it said,
~· Your mother has brought and given you food. My mother has so
far not brought and given me food. Today I will not drink my
mother's milk".
a:va:ga ba:}a sitt;a:ga hilira:je du:re ekani I a:va:g hili bandi /
bill hara magan ke:ti ha:l hart ojjindi/
Then, being very angry Hiliraja stayed away. Then the tiger
.came. Having come, the tiger askes its son to drink milk.
e:n ha:l harndiddi I basvra:jna appe basvra: jga tip.cJi kabra
ko: !ndi/ nci nang i:tank kabr tandidi I ninn ha: I hamdiddi I
70 KORAGA

" I will not drink your milk. Basvraja's mother has brought
and given Basvraja food. You nave never so far brought and given
me anything. I will not drink your milk "
a:va:ga sitt;a:ga ninna ne:ni sa:nka nannu magaka nanga iro:d
ma:qga / ninna ne:ni elle hanneyqi ga:p.1;ga nin huqa:tinne / na sa;pa
ko:}gidi /
Then the tiger became angry and said, " Because I protected
you, you are causing enimity between me and my son. I wlll catch
and eat you tomorrow at twelve O'clock ". Thus it gave a curse.
a:va: ga denok gottakidi I hottenrak e}uva magak ha:l hari in
ning ha:l sikkindiddi I magi adi:dan ke:jni I
Then the cow came to know of it. Early in the morning it got
up, and said, "Drink milk, now onwards you will ·not get milk".
The son asked, " Why is it so ?
nin ha:l be:qa / ojjigite ha:l hame/ idda\lta harndiddi/ ma:n
i:tganalla/ nan hili co:r huqa tindi/ e:n ce:ynei nanna a:si iddi I
" I do not want your milk. I will drink milk only if you tell
me that. Otherwise I will not drink it". "It is: for nothing else.
The tiger will catch me and eat me today. I will die today. There
is no hope for me ".
akl ika mage mayqni I ne:n ninna ha:l harndiddi I istu ojji:ptri
me:l nin ha:l nang be:qa / aklika eyqi matiQi hol}.cj ma:qa eyq bo:cit
ha:li eyq ho-i;i.qak hayndi /
Then the son wept. " I will not drink your milk. After you
have said this much, I do not want your milk". Then it prepared
two pits of mud and poured the milk of two breasts on those two pits.
eyq ho-i;i.qat ha:lna co:kr ekka/ co:ydal}ta ya:v namne andi/ nan
huqi ku:qje kapp andi/ tini ku:q!e kempandi/ annojjindi deno I
•·Stay here, looking at the milk of these pits. See what happens.
As soon as I am caught, it .will become black. As soon as I am
eaten, it will become red". Thus the cow told him.
aklika magi adne: co:kra mayqkra ko!!ani / deno ka:nk ho:ndi/
deno ho:yi ku:r~Je hili bertre ho:ndi I bertre ho:ga denok huqandi/
tindi hucJ.a/
Then the son sat there looking at it and weeping. The cow
goes to the forest. As soon as the cow goes there, the tiger follows
from behind. Going behind, it catches the cow. It catches and
eats the cow.
 KORAGA TEXTS 71

aklika i: mage ha:l co:kra ko!Jakeri / hilira:jani o)iya mpu co:ra

hilira:ja nann apna ninnappa huqa tinkidi / nangin ya:ran gati iddi/
ne:n in ellak ho:na nnojjak mayqni I
At that time this son is sitting there, looking at the milk. He
brings Hiliraja and says, " Look here, Hiliraja, your mother has
caught and eaten my mother. Now onwards I have no one to look
after me. Where shall I go now ? " So saying he wreps.
akli:k hilira:ji hedr be:tj.a basura:ja e:nekke / ninnapna nannappa
hutj.e tinkidi/ nannapna e44a! otl;u ku:tj.a kormu / nnojjakojjini /
a:va:g basvra:je may~..ndiddi /
Then Hiiiraja says, "Do not be afraid, Basvraja. I am here.
My mother has caught and eaten your mother. Let us both join
together and kill my mother ". Thus he said. Now Basvraja is not
weeping.
hili ban hottakkidi/ docJQ.i h01;1tj.a me:l docJ.tj.a parvat/ a:ho~tj.at
me:le doq kal kabar ujjinri / hili bakkidi /
It is time for the tiger to come. There is a big pit, above which
there is a big hill. They bring big stones and keep them above the
pit. The tiger comes. ·
hili baride magan ke:ti ha:l hari ojjindi / nang be:tj.a nin ha:li/
ne:ni cu~Qut ammi/ basvra:jan ammi / agin appa barte ne:n ha:l
hamdiddi / again appa bari1;ri me:le etj.cj.a:Ji ottu ku:tj.a ha:l hamu /
astra origna nin ha:l hamdiddi I
It comes and asks its son to drink milk. " I do not want your
milk. I am a small child. Basvraja also is a child. Unless his
mother comes I will not drink milk. After his mother has come
we two will join together and will drink milk. Until that I will not
drink your milk".
ada:ga / adnu:ra:r sappu koqi tinabandi/ ba:Ja tatj.uv andi/ e:ni
onjo:ti mart kojbu tina bakke / nan bo:ct ha:l tumbakidi / ku:tj.Je bo:c
har maga/
" That will not do. It comes after eating hundreds of tender
leaves. It will be very late. I came after eating some barks of
wood. There is a lot of milk in my breast. My son, drink my milk
immediately".
estojjigunu ne:n hamdiddi / aklika hili kaQQi:r hutj.un mayqunu/
ne:n ojjinginci ke:Jbutj.u / ha:ngakkite ha:l hame/ illeQta hamdiddi/
nci i:tojjikkunu ne:n ke:}ne/
72 KORAGA

"However much you may say, I am not going to drink it''.

Then the tiger sheds its tears and weeps. "You do as I say. Then
I will drink milk ' 1• "I will do whatever you may say".
aqta kusi hoi;iqat ho:g ettani/ ne:n banne bo:c harta/ aklika
hili ho: g hoqqat' ettandi I hilira:j bo:c hart ho :ni I bo:c haman ba:y
ho:qa hoqqak du:qni/ basura:ja kall kale huqaqi nni /
··Then go and stand near the pit for a while. I will come to
drink your milk". Then the tiger goes and stands near the pit.
Hiliraja goes to drink milk. He puts his mouth to drink milk and
pushes it to the pit. And says, " Basvraja, bring the stones and
~p~m~ ~
basvra:ja kal ka]e hucJaQ.ni / a:va:ga hili ca:y ho:ndi/ basvra:jna
appna hilira:jna app huqa tinkidanojja hilira:jna appna eQ.qa:} ottu
kutta korku I
Basvraja brings the stones and drops them. Then the tiger
perishes away. Since Hiliraja's mother has caught and eaten the
mother of Basvraja, both of them joined together and killed the
mother of Hiliraja.
ecj.qa: jkan gati iddi / eqqa:Jan ellak ho:nu I eqcJa:juk appa iddi/
ya:r gati ekkiri / ya:ran irte i:t ma:qindi /
Now both of them have no one to look after them. Where
should they go, both of them ? Both of them have no mother. Who
is there to look after them ? If nobody is there what should be done ?
a:va:g ka!l!J.i:r hucj.un mayQ.naklika na:re:i;i de:vr kori korti
banri/ ya:rappa ni:v mayQ.indi / i: aqvitti nimak i:t kasta bakkidi/
When they began to weep, sheding tears, God Naren, both
husband and wife came there. " Who are you, children weeping
here ? What difficulty came to you in this forest? ".
nammak i:ta:niddi/ nannapna aginappa huQ.a tinkidanojja agin·
appan na:v eqqa:} ottu korka}ku / ikkil nammarki ya:ra:l gati iddi/
na:vi:t ma:Q.ucJa:kidi / nam ru:pu mansralla I nam osri: hilira:je
basvra:je/ namru:pu ma:tra mansiralla / nammark i::takkini
ji:vita: da:rini talla de:vire I
"We have nothing. Since his mother caught and ate my
mother we two together have killed his mother. Now we have no
resort whatsoe.ver. Whatever we may want to do, our form is not
human. Our name is Hiliraja and Basvraja, but our form is not
human. O! God! please give us something to live upon".

'
 KORAGA TEXTS 73
ecJtjaji eycj.eyqi kal haje balla/ ecj.qa}ikka eycj.eycj.i vajrat oi;iti
ma:q ko:lni/ i: oi;iti kemik hoqalla/ i: oi;iti be:re:r kayki sikkigite
mal].:go}mi hokkite nimmak ji: vik apa:ya I ille!].ta ni:v cayniddi I
" Both of you pick up two stones each and come ". He
prepared two diamand ear-rings for each one of them and gave it to
them. "Put these ear rings to your ears. If this ear-ring goes to
others hand or goes into the ground, there is danger to your life.
Otherwise there is no danger to your life. You will not die ".
a:va:g de:vru ho:nan ojja ho:nri/ svalpa du:ra ho:yi ku:cHe ma:n
maycj.inri/ ma:na de:vru va:pa:s bara nimak i:t be:ki/ vajra:ys tarke
ma:ni=t:be:k nimaka/
Then the god said that he would be going and went. After he
had gone to a little distance, they wept again. The god came back
and asked, ''What do you want? I haye given you vajra: ys, what
more do you want? ".
ma:ni:tan be:cJ.a de:vre / kayti:takni onji a:yda be:ki I a:vga eycj.
ko:l ocJ.o balla / ecj.cj.a:l eycj. ko:l ocJo: banri/ · · ·
'' 0 God, we do not want anything else, but we should have
some weapon in our hands". Then he said," Break two sticks and
bring them here ''. Both of them broke two sticks and brought
them.
e:q pistu:l ma:q ko:lni / i: pistu:lu sa:vra:r ji:va:tmo bakkunu
onje: i:cj.itno bu:lnu / ojji ko:}ni / a:va:g ec:Jcj.a:}ana u:r manka ho:nri/
He prepares two pistols and gives them. " Even if thousands
of beings come, they will fall to a single aim of this pistol". Thus
he uttered and gave it to them. Then both of them go towards the
village.
hi:nge: onji ra:jn u:rki onji docj.cj.a sa:rdu:l ekkroi/ adi mansin
tindi hecci/ hotti ho:y ku:cj.}e mansrin hucj.a tindi hecci/ adni edri
ya:r ya:rna sikkindiddi /
When it was so, in a king's village, there was a big lion. It
started eating people. As soon as the · sun sets, it starts to catch
and eat people. Nobody is brave to stand before it.
a: ra:jocJti ya:rya:rna mansri hermindiddi I a: ra:jan illi bucj.te
onii kere/ a: kere bucj.ti prati divsa ni:r hart bandi/ adika a:ri ga-pti
hotge pe:teye: bandi/
No man stays out in that kingdom. There was a tank near
the house of that king. It used to come daily to that tank to drink
water. Therefore, by six o' clock the whole city becomes closed.
74 KORAGA

a: divsa nkreqc].a}i a: kere bucj.k ho: ga nidra ma:nri/ a:vgotti

mudki all ho:ga agrin co:ga ni:v ya:rappa: ya:vta:y mak!u ni:vu
alli:t bo:}a:kekri/
On that day, these two persons go to the banks of that tank
and sleep. Then one old woman goes there and sees them and
~ays: "0 ! Who are you? :which mother's children are you? Why
are you sleeping there ? "
sa:rdu:l bandi/mansrin huc].a: tindi/ o:mpe ra:jan illekidi /
all akin ban bo:!ala I agri ajjin ma: t ke:jidalla I a: va: g suma: r
ra:triga sa:rdu:l bakkidi I
"Lion comes, catches people and eats. There is the king's
house nearby. Go and sleep there itself". But they did not heed
to the old woman's words. Then, when it ·became very dark, the
lion came. ·
• adi bannaklika hilira:jk eccarike iddi I basvra:jk eccarike ekidi I
basvra:j onji i:c]. kutni/ hilira:je a: sabdi ke:ja e!uva ta:nan onji i:d •
kul;ni I
When it comes, Hilraja is not awake. But Basvraj is awake.
Basvraj aims at it and shoots. Hiliraia hears that sound, gets up
and himself also aims at it and shoots.
ecj.c].a :Ji ottu koc].i ba:l kivi co:ti mu:jan kabra tuva:l tm;1c].ut
kattuiaka bu:Jonri/ hottenrake mocj.uva!e ,a: kerek ostra oget banni/
Both of them together bring its tail's end, nose and co:tu (?)
and tie all the three in a piece of cloth and keeping it there they go
to sleep. In the morning the washerman comes to that lake to wash
cloths.
bari manse sa:rdu:l co:ga hedarani/ kal ba:c bisa:c].ni/ ji:v
ikkidinnojja kalli ba:ci bisa:c].ni/ adi ca :yho:kidi / a:va :g si:da
ho:ga moQc].u ba:la moljlc].u kemi mm;ic].u co:tu kattarse:ka kattak
ho:ni/
Having come, he sees the lion and gets frightened. He gathers
some stones and throws them. Thinking that the lion is alive, he
gathers · stones and throws them. But it is dead. Then he
straightaway goes and cuts away the broken tail, broken ear and the
broken co:tu and ties them together.
ra:jan illiga ho:ni/ a: ra:je a: sa:rdu:l kutta kori mansrika
tanna ra:jsta:n buqtanne tan mog}inna darmak da:r haytanne/
nnojjeka ojjini I
 KORAGA TEXTS 75
And he goes to the king's house. That king had proclaimed
that he would give away his kingdom and also would give his
daughter in marriage free of charge to t!ie person who kills the lion.
a:va:g i: maquva}e a: moQqu ba:l mo:p.cj. kivi ka)e ho:ga
ne:n sa:rdu:l kutt;u korke nin mag}un dibba:p. ma:q tarocj.u /
So this washerman goes there taking that broken tail and
broken ear and says, "I have beaten and killed the lion. You should
give me your daughter in marriage ".
a:va:ga ra:je agin meyciqiya one vastra ho:qa madma:Jn
singa : r maqak balla anni I a : va : ga i : ajji andin sa: yanka:la kere
buqti agri ecj.qa:}in co:kidi/
Then the king asked them ( his people ) to get the bride bathed,
nicely clothed and to come with her well beautified. But this old
woman had seen on that day evening those two persons near the
tank.
i: maquva!e sa: rdu: 1 kuttjt suHu I be: re ya :ro: kuttirbucj.u I
agyalla kutt;idi / allecj.qa:}un co:ke / agrin ho:ga o}e balla/ a:va:g
ra:je jana kacj.ni / ·
She says,'' It is a lie that this washerman has killed the lion.
Somebody else must have killed it. He has not killed it. I have
seen two persons there. Go and bring them here". Then the king
sends his servants there.
a: janu ho :ga bant ojjinri / agri ma:ta:qniddi/ a:va:g ra:je ta:ne:
ho :ga bantojni/ banri I :r:ii:vu sa:rdu :1 kuWdi hande ke:Jni/
Those servants went there, came back and said, " They do not
speak". Then the king himself goes there and asks them to come.
They come. And he asks, "Is it true that you have killed the lion?"
na:v kuWd handi / i:tga na ke:lnri/ nimmarka i: ra:jpatta /
kuttj mansrika buqtanne / nammarka i:tan be:da/ ni:ve: olleda:-
girla/
They say, " It is true that we have killed the lion. Why bo you
ask?" " The throne is for you. I give it off to those persons who
kill the lion". "We do not want anything. Stay there yourself
nicely''.
adandiddi I ra:jpatta:ga nanmogl dibbaQa ma:cj.aka- mpe
irbuqu/ a:va:ga aQQ.i megin suddi / ojni / ne:nalla kuttjdi/ basvra:j
kuWdi /
" That will not do. Take the throne, marry my daughter and
stay here itself." Then the elder brother looks at the younger
brother and says, " It is not I who killed it. Basvraja killed it ".
16 KORAGA

megi ar;ir;ian suddi ojni/ ne:nalla kuttidi hilira:j kuttidi/ a:va:g

hilira:jki dibba'r;Iandi/ ra:jpa~ agike andi/
The younger brother looks at the elder brother and says , "It is
not I who killed it. Hiliraja killed it". Then Hiliraja's marriage
takes place. The throne also goes to him.
dibba'r;Ia:ga esto: divsaka basvra:je a'r;I:tJ.a a:ti:tia ne:nello: be:re
u:rka ho:ne/nci umpe: ekkani/ne:nininna ha:nge illakkiniho:ga
onji dibbar;io ado nto ma: qak banne I nnojra ho :ni I
Many days after the marriage, Basvraj tells him, "Elder brother,
elder brother, I will go to some other country. You stay here itself.
I will go somewhere and somehow get myself married like you and
come back ". Having said so, he goes.
ho:n manse ra:mtu}si naquva kallo(j.i.ya di:p kantya ni:r hayra
ho:ni / e:} hagli e:J ra:tri neQ.oni /
Before going, he plants a Rama basil, breaks a coconut, burns a
lamp, and pours water to the pllffit and goes. For !:even days and
seven nights he walks.
onji docj.qa go:}ar mare/ allonji kere/ a: kere bucj.ta kuJ!ani/
all ko}akireklika e:} haq.i ma:sesi allak banni/ bari ku:Q.!e ma::gik
kabra e:} gavud du:r ujra meyt ho:ni/
There is big banian tree, and there was a tank. He sits near
the tank. When he was sitting there, a serpent having seven hoods
comes there. As soon as it comes, it removes the pearl and keeps
seven gavud away and goes to bathe. ·
a:va:g nki san!}i ka}yaka a: ma::gikak kutni I a: ma::gikat be!ki
aqcj.andi/ a:va: g ka:Jinge o:q bandi/ adi bannastotga nki mara
hattani/
Then this fellow brings some cowdung and . applies it to that -
pearl. The light of the pearl gets obstructed. Then the serpent
.comes running. By the time it comes there this man climbs the tree.
adi marak jappa jappa ta:ne cayhondi / hottenrake maratri kusi
ja:ya a: mar;iika kale ho:ga kereti kaccni/ kereki raste bu:}ndi / .
It strikes its head to the tree again and again and dies away.
In the morning, he gets down from the tree, takes the pearl, goes
to the tank and washes it. Then a road falls ( appears ) in the
tank.
adno}me ho:ni / ho:naklika onji illi sikkindi/ oJni / ya:raniddi/
mund ho:ni/ e:}i ko:)fi ekidi/ a:ri ko:r;ietoJmi ho:ni/ ya:raniddi I
e:Jne kor;ieki ho:ni I
 KORAGA TEXTS 77
He goes into it. When he goes like that, he ·reaches· a house.
He calls. But there is no one there. He goes ahead. There are
seven rooms. He goes into six rooms. But there is no one there.
He goes to the seventh room.
alli ya:r ekiri o]mi/ na ke:Jni / e:J heq ma:sasna magju ya:rappa
nci mpak i:ti bakka I nannacci barida11ta ninna tine buqni I
He calls and asks, "Who is there inside?'' The daughter of the
seven-hooded serpent says, '' Who are you, my dear fellow ? Why
did you come here? If my father comes, he will eat you away".
ninnacna cucj.uva bas ma ma:qra barke I bas ma nci he: ng
ma:qka I nannacni korta ya:rka:n sa:dya iddi I nci nannaccan korka I
satya:g handi ne:n koridi /
"I have come here after burning your father into ashes". "How
did you burn him into ashes? Nobody can kill my father. Have you
(really) killed my father?" "Surely I have killed him".
ha:ngakkite icce kori ne: ne: korti I na:vu inni ya:va kastanirte
mpe : irmu/
"In that case, you are the husband and I am the wife. Now
onwards let us stay here itself without having any difficulty".
hange onji u:rtu ori ra:je I agika orimage I a: mage ondivsa a:
kere butj.k mi:t banni/ alla: kalme:le cinnad ku:dli bo:]kidi/ adna
hajya angi kisik hoqak ho :ni I
When it was sq, in a certain country, there is a king. He has
a son. One day that son comes to that tank to bathe. On that
stone there, there is a golden hair. He picks it and puts it in his
shirt pocket and goes home.
appacci kayti nte: ku:dlu eri he1111i nang dibba:11a ma:tj.odu
anni/ a:va:g ra:je na:ku: u:rkana jana kaqni / cinnat ku:dlut
hett9-u elleknu oJe barbuqu nnojjek ojni I
And tells his father, "You should marry me only the girl who
is having this hair". Then the king sends people to all the four
countries. He sends them saying, "Come bringing the girl having
the golden hair''.
ellel ho:n cokkunu cinnat ku:dlut he9- sikkindiddi / a:va:ga
otti kumba:rra ku:ji a: he9-9-in co:kidi / adi ra:ja: e:nonji heQQin
kale banne nangi:t tanri ke:lnd i:/
Wherever they go and s~, the golden- haired girl is not awai·
lable. Then, the girl of a potter sees that girl. She asks the king,
"0 ! King, I will bring a girl. What will you give me?"
78 KORAGA

nci i : t ke: !k i ad in tarma I a : va :ga nang e : ! gutti katti talla I

a:va:g ra:jnilliteriri e:J gutti kat kojnri/ ka!eka kumba:r ku:ji
ho:ndi/
''We will give you whatever you may ask". '' In that case, get
me seven packages of food tied up". Then the people living in the
hom!e of the king tied seven packets of food gave them to her.
Taking them the potter's girl goes there.
a: kere butj.k ho:ga haje: kortin vya:s hotj.a:ka al ho:ga kal
-buc].t ho:g kojandi/ divsa e:J hetj. ma:sasi mag!i allak mi:yak
bandi/ mi:yat ho:nklika ne:n bande maga na ke:jndi/
She goes to the bank of that tank, puts on the robe of an old
woman and going there near the rock, she sits. The daughter of
of the seven-hooded serpent comes there daily to bathe. When she
goes after bathing, she (the potter's girl) tells her, " My child, I too
will come".
nti divsa ma:ta:qndiddi/ a:ri divsakidi/ e:]ne divsika ba:jji·
nnojre ho:ndi / ajji bertre ho:ndi/ ajje ajje divsa sa:na ma:qatj.i/
divsa: sa:na ma :tj.idai;ita ji:vak o!!e:dandi / nnojjak ojjndi/
That day she does not answer. So,. six days elapse. On the
seventh day she says, " Come grandmother ", and goes. The old
woman goes behind her. "0 Grandmother, you should bathe every
day. If you bathe daily it will be good for your life''. Thus she says.
ajji divsa sa:na ma:tj.indi/ onii divsa ajje ajje nnojjikar ekki-
ndi/ ikkli cokkite pra:yati ku:ji/ ~ :va:ga akka akka nimmarka atj.i
ma:tj. ho :tj.ne I nang mpak bari la:gati pra :yat ku : ii a: ke e: nil inni:t
kelsa ojgiinu ne:n ma: qne I
Then the old woman bathes daily. One day she called her
as grandmother. Now, when she looks at her, she appeared to be a
grown up girl. Then says, " 0 Elder sister, I will cook your food
and serve you. After comming here I have become a yound girl.
Now onwards I will do whatever work you may ask me to do".
mardivsa akka akka nin koran ji:v ellekid i I i :t ma : Q.k it ceyni I .
adi:donange:n gottu / nci ke:jbutj.u / i:t ma:tj.kit ceyni / ya:vadrind
ji:v ho:ndi/ co:r ra:trika ke:li/
Next day she asks, " 0 Elder sister, where is the life of your
husband ? For doing whet does he die? ". " Whatever it may be,
how do I know?". "You just ask him. For doing what does he die?
By what does the life goes away? Ask him tonight''.
a:va:ga a:divs sa:yanka:la ke:jgidi/ nci i:d ma:c).kita ceyna/
ya:vadrind nin ji:v ho:ndi/ kortinojja:ka satyava:g ojjini/ nandeytj.i
o~ti kajedaqte cay ho:na/
 KORAGA TEXTS 79

So, that day evening she asks him, '' For doing what do you die?
By what does your life goes away? " " When the wife questicns, he
tells her the truth, "If I lose my two ear rings I will die".
a: ma:ta i: kumba:r ku:ji ke:Jkr ekidi/ suma:r arda ra:trika
a: o~ti eytjani kajeya bu: dit ra: sitatjik ho: qidi I hottennastotga
ji: viddi I cay hokki/
This potter's daughter hears this talk. At about midnight, she
removes those two ear rings and puts them at the bottom of the ash
heap. In the morning there is no life in him. He has died.
hottenrak ejuva korti maycJ.indi / ayyo de:vre koryan cay hokki/
·e:n ella ho:ndannojja mayqndi/ i: kumba :rra ku:ji nci :tiki mayqna/
ha: nammilkakkin ho: ma I o!!e dibb~ ma:q~/
In the morning she gets up and weeps. She weeps saying,
'' 0 God, the husband had died. Where shall I go? " This potter's
daughter says, " Why do you cry? come, let us go atleast to my
house. We will arrange for a nice marriage".
satye:n giresyaka hokkidi/ ho:ga a: ra:jan armaneka kajek
ho:buqndi / a:va:ga dibbaqak suru ma:~i /
Thinking that it is true, she goes. So going, she takes her to the
palace of the king. Then they prepare for tht: marriage.
a:va:ga nti ojjindi/ ne:ni dibbaqa:bqiguW! nanga accappan harke
ekidi/ a: harke ti:qqite ne:n dibbaq.a andiddi / i:t harke / sa:vr eqki
u:t ho:qa sa:vra eqet tuppa balsa sa:vraeqka ha~a da:na ko}oqundi/
Then she says, " If I am to marry, I have a vow towards
Accappa. Unless I complete that vow, I am not not going to marry".
"What is the vow?" "You should serve food for one thousand
plates, serve ghee on those thousand plates and also give money to
those thousand plates ".
aste: ma:qri/ sa:vra janok u:tuk osun taya:r ma:Qri / a:va:g
i: hilira:ji hottenra e!uva co:naklika tu!si ca:y ho:ndi / di:p tek
ho:ndi I ade: ku:<J.le megin hadiyekra ho:ni I
They do like that. They .invite thousand people for dinner and
make the necessary preperations. Now, this Hiliraja gets up in the
morning and when he looks there, the basil plant has died. The lamp
has got extinguished. Immediately he goes searching for his
younger brother.
ho:g ho:ga e:}i hagli e:}i ra:tri ade: kere buqk ho:ga ko}lani/
nidra banti sapna kattindi/ nte: kere o!ini ninna megi ekki / ho:g
nojja sapna kattondi I
80 KORAGA

Having gone so for sev~n days and seven nights, he reaches

that same tank and sits on its bank. He sleeps there and dreams.
" Your younger brother is in1:1ide this tank. Go there " , thus
he dreams.
dabkaneJu ho:ga mak kaccini/ mak kaccinaklika ni:reyq ba: ga:-
ga raste andi/ oJmi ho:naklika megi ekki/ ji:viddi/ ca:y ho:ni/
0

He gets up immediately and washes his face. When he washes

his face, the water devides itself -into two and a road is formed.
When he goes in, his younger brother is there. But there is no life.
He has died.
e: de:vere I nan megin ji:vi:dakidi/ alle koJlaka ja:nsigri
kol!aklika man sapna kartindi/ alle: bu:ditolmi nin megin O!}ij. ekidi/
adni kale barida~te nin megi ji:vanni/
'' 0 God, what happened to the life of my younger brother? "
When he sits there thinking, again he dreams: " There itself inside
the ashes, your younger brother's ear ring lies. If-you come here
bringing it, your younger brother will become alive."
ade ku:qJe ho:ga bu:di pu:rgo:ra onji ostrak ha:qaka kerek
ho:ga adnon kacca OQij. haja banni/ aklika megik ji:v anni/ megin
kayl ke: }nil ya: r basvra: ja nin ji: v ka}ed ya: r ke: Jni I
Immediately, he goes, gathers all the ashes, puts it in a cloth,
goes to the tank, washes it all and picks up the ear ring and comes
back. Then the younger brother becomes alive. He asks the younger
brother, " Basvraja, who removed your life? "
ya:vdo: otti mansti ka}idi/ allak ho:ma/ adek kmUe me:lk
banri/ bari mansri onji baylti ho:naklika onji kere/ kusi kere me:l
kere / me:l kerti onji bedri maW/ adit onji mangi/
" Some woman has removed it. Let us go there. " Immediately
they come up. When these people who come up go to a plain, there
is a tank. There is one tank below and one tank above. There is a
bamboo grove in the upper tank. In that there is a monkey.
a: mangi a: ni:rki harndi/ mansiya:g me:l hattindi/ a: manse
kusi kerek ho: nil a: kerk ho: g ha:ri ku: 4le mange anni I eqqa: }a
al1l1i megi ma:ta:qaka kusi keretristi ni:ri bedra~qik hoyya eyqi
a!14it tum4inri I
That monkey jumps into that water. It climbs up becomm.ing a
man. That man goes to the lower tank. As soon as he goes and
jumps into that tank, he becomes a monkey. Both these elder and
younger brothers talk among themselves and take some water
 KORAGA TEXTS 81

from the lower tank and some water from the upper tank and fill
them seperately in two different bamboo vessels.
megin so:p.tki baUi ho:da mangan ma:ta hucj.ani I huqa:ka
dibbaQ.t ilka ho:na/ ho:yi ku:cj.Je mangan elcicj.ni bakki nnojja agikan
onji ecj.e ho:cj.nri/ agik mangak be:re be:re eycj.i ege ho:qinri I
He puts a rope to the waist of the younger brother, makes him
a monkey and holds him. Holding him, he goes to the marriage
house. As soon as he goes, they say, " The man who plays monkey
has come '' and put a plate for him also. They put two different
plates for him and the monkey.
a:va:ga i: e:J he!Je ma:sa:sna mag}i sa:vra e4i me:l tuppa
baJsankra bannaklika mangan kemiki mansan kemiki onje namunta
o:p.ti ekidi: / adin co:ka gurt hucj.va nte nan kori nnojja manganottuke
u:tak kuJndl/ a:va:ga ra:janillitte:rka sitl;i bandi/
Then, when the daughter of the seven-hooded serpent comes
to serve ghee to these thousand plates, there were this man and the
monkey having identical ear rings. Seeing that, she identifies them
and saying, " This is my husband,'' she sits near the monkey for
dinner. The people of the king's house become angry.
na: vu o!e bari h~i mangan ottug h_o:g tindi/ nnojj_e sitti bandil
a: va: g nki ku: cl.le eJuva a: mangan kere ni: ri mansan meyk osun
hayya pu: ra mangan ma: cj.a bucj.ni I pu: ra mange a: g hola hat
ho:nri/
'' This woman whom we brought here goes with the monkey
and eats !" So saying they become angry. Then this fellow quickly
gets up, pours the water of that monkey's tank on those people and
turns them all into monkeys. All of them become monkeys and
climb onto the fields and go away,
a: va: g i: mapstin ma: tra nkri o!e banri/ i : oJek ho: yi
manstina ma:tra kocci ji:va ka}nri I na:ki jana kori korti a:ga i:
ra:jna armaneki hara santo:sta ekkanri /
Then they bring this woman with them. As to the woman
who went to bring her, ( the potter's daughter), they cut her and
remove her life. All the four become husbands and wives, come
to the king's palace and live happily.
.82 KO RAGA

A Tapu Story:
The grandson and the thieves

onji u:rti baqe: ajji/ ajjiga ori marje/ baji:hecJqe/badkimaqra

hajji kajve / ayenkala denayna illaqti badkigi havqgidi/
In a certain village there was an old woman. The old woman
had a grandson. He was very stupid. And extremely lazy to work.
She took him to the landlord's house and put him for work.
surta dina sappu kalla ba: na denayna illaqti katte ko: rgeri I
katte kala erdita hiq.qita kidderega katte i: ne onji ka~a sappu kuduva
tale I neggejara katte ko : ra sappu kalla bakki I
On the first day the people of the landlord's house gave him a
lrnife and asked him to bring ( a load of ) leaves. He took the knife
with him and told the cowherd boys," Cut :and bring a bundle of
leaves and I will give you the knife". So saying he gave them the
knife and brought back the bundle of leaves.
denayna illaQ.ti sappu ho: 1;u;1anakka katte ndekkidi ke: lgeri I
katte erdita hi9qita kidderega ko:rajara sappu kalla bakke:nki/
denayna illadtari a: ntina mellagalgeri I
When he was dropping down the bundle of leaves in the land-
lord's house, they asked him where the knife was. He said he had
given the knife to the cowherd boys and brought the leaves.
Those of the landlord's house kept quiet on that day.
mandani kat}qata onji margelta hortl. i maqdara ba : na ko tre
ko :reri/ ko1;re huUajara ka~qata margilga ha :dara ·erdita hi9qita
kidderenulya i: kat}qata hordi maqa i: kqa kotre nimerega i: ne nki I
Next day they gave him a spade and asked him to cut one side of
the field's edge. He took the spade, went to the rice-field's edge,
called the cowherd boys and said, "If you cut the sides of this field's
edge, I will give you the sp~de ''.
a: kidderi oriyai;itra ori adki ja: valajara ma:ta ot~gala onjonji
ko1;re hordu kaquva kotre kalla hokkeri/ illaqe bai;ii;ianakka kotre-
ndekkidi ke : lgeri I
The boys talked among themselves, joined together, cut one
spade-ful of earth each; took the spade with them and went away.
When he came home, they asked him where the spade was.
erdita hi9qita kidded hordi maqayi i:keri/ akilega kalya ko:rd-
ara bakke nekki I ittina:na i: namuni ka}uvatana maqkiqa badki
e : nge mai;iqa nkeri I a : ti negya mellagalgeri /

'
 KORAGA TEXTS 83

He said, "The cowherd boys had cut the rice-field's edge for
me. So I gave the spade to them and came back''. They said,
" If you do such a lazy work any more, how are you going to conti·
nue ? " Having said so they kept quiet.
mandani kocJari ko:rdara onji katta cakke uc].Q.yala ba:nkeri/
koc].ari gic].ari ko: rdara bakkic}a kap{li nac].c].i buqa kappine nkeri I
Next day they gave him an axe and asked him to break a load
-of firewood and bring it home. They also told him, '' If you give
away the axe we will hurry you leaving your eyes only above the
earth".
nki hu:nki ade: erdita hi:gc].ita kidderac].ega koc].ari hu!!a hokki/
so:ru onji katta cakke ucJ.c].ya i: kc].a koc].ari nimerega i:ne nki / kidderi
ma:ta ottaga koc].ari onji dirkinac].aga amari nde nkeri ma:ta otl;agala
-onji katta cekke uc].cJ.ya ko:rdara kocJ.ari kalalgeri/
He said, " All right ! " and went to give the axe to the same set
of cowherd boys. "If you break a load of firewood today, I give you
this axe". All the boys said, "Why not, if it is awailable ", and
they joined together, broke a load of firewood and took away the axe.
denayna illac].ega nki ho:nanakka e:ni negayedi: ntadi nci
maqdigitta I ka1wi nac].cJ.i buc].a do: ritti kappucj.geri I
When he went to the landlord's house they said," What did we
.say and what did you do?" and they hurried him on the road leaving
his two eyes only ( above the earth ).
ade: denayni illac].ega bayyaga illac].e ku:qnadi ka!uveri ma:ta
ottaga nkeni kappa da:ritti bakkeri/ '. adetti ori co:gte erki/ nkya
mo:reta me:lga ka:ri ju:ki/ hoQc].atterayi heqqe ikkali kaJPti so :yta-
ndya ana jo:ru ma4ki/
Certain thieves who had planned to rob the same landlord's
house, joined together and came by the road in which this fellow was
hurried. There was a lame person in that group. He placed his
leg on this fellow's face. The stupid fellow who was hurried in the
pit shouted at him saying' "Can't you see through your eyes?"
ka}uveri nekkeri gavji mac].ba4a/ enkli ka!uveri/ ninni ewana/
ana nekkeri/ nekkuqr;iaku:g:ga gavji maqki/ mawadakka ninni e:gr;ia
amasangati ulela ho:na/ ana neginnadakka gavaji kaydi macJki/
The thieves said," Don't shout like that. We are thieves. We
will lift you up". Thus they said. Even though they said like that,
he continued shouting. They said , " Don't shout, we will lift you
84 KORAGA

up and take you with us ". He stopped shouting when they-

lifted him up.
aqaga el}l}a ulella hokkeri I denayna illaqega ha: jara nci mple·
nattina nekkeri / neggejara o}ma ku:qgeri/ nki hire: nattayi marsanta
kal]qata ho :ltina ba:y cojinadakkad o}me ku:qa ka}uvere eddi-
butj.kana bucJ}e I huji uppu nacJ.cJi bucJepale ana vamda burupugi I
So they lifted him up and took him with them. Having gone
to the house of the landlord they told him, " You stay here itself ".
Having said so, they went in. This fellow who was standing out·
side ate the pieces of yam root ( placed there for preparing the
curry), and when the mouth started to itch, ·he shouted at the thieves
who had gone in, "Leave whatever thing behind, please do not leave
behind the two items, salt and tamerind ".
gavji ekkidi/ gavji acyl}anakka illacJtari ma:ta na:va kajuveri-
ku:qageri ana gavji maqkeri / ka}uveri ma:ta ott;aga nkenu:
ulella huqra dirkante o:cJa hokkeri /
So there was shouting. When the shouting took place all the
people cf the house got up and shouted saying, "Thieves have
entered ". All the thieves joined together, took this fellow also with
them and ran away without being caught by them.
a:ntena bayyatti gumgi macJra agantadakka ncori elliderkiga /
ama sangate bakkere bakkeri ama badki ha:}i macJ.ka I elleterava
gavji givji macJ.ante ama sangate illatj.e ku: cl.a gurngi macJra abyasa
maqoqu/ ana ka}uverihecJ.cJaga negya ko:rgeri / ayi hum oppalgi /
They told him afterwards, "You were responsible for the
failure of tonight's robbery. Tomorrow onwards you should learn to
enter and rob houses with us withont making any noise. " Thus
they taught the stupid fellow. He agreed to all those things.
mandani bayyatti pu:ra ott;aga illaqe ku:cJgeri / ka}uveri ma:ta
kanci ta: mra addera hokkeri / heqqe ori acJgeta illacJega ku=cJgi I
ku: qa su: naqege onji kappali it:ri horo}i dunkeli dai;iqetti: nandi I
Next night they all joined together and entered a house. The
thieves had all started to collect copper and brass vessels. The
stupid fellow, however, entered the kitchen. Having entered the
kitchen, when he looked around, he saw a handful of horse-gram
in a potshred placed on the platform behind the oven.
adan sa:yi tu: otq.ya horo}i hoduvara suru rma4ki / dunkelta
ba:kilti kammi korpajega tu:ta ravsi ka}jara mey muri kalnaqege
kay ni:rgidi I

'
 KORAGA TEXTS 85

Having seen that, he lighted the oven ond started to fry the
borse.gram. When the heat of the fire touched the woman who was
lying near the hearth, she stretched out her hand ( unconsciously )
~hile stretching in sleep.
akkalaga i: hecj.cj.e ana horo)i bo:qtandana ha:ra martye beydi
·nki / akUQQakuQQa meymuri kalkidi I akuQQaku@a bo:tj.tandana
becca horo)i kallajara kayka tinina ho:qgi /
Then this stupid fellow imagined that she was begging for the
horse-gram and said, " Wait, lady, it is not cooked yet." She
stretched herself again and again. He thought that she was begging
.again and againand put the horse-gram on her hand, saying, "Eat it.''
kay sucj.a hajara eccarige aga katuveri kuqageri ana bobbe
hutj.agidi / illaqtari pu:ranava gavji maqkeri / kaJuveri pu:ra onagala
o:cj.a hokkeri/ o:qa ho:qadakka hajara ka:cj.ti kammya a:ntina
bayyati allyagala mandani bayyati hecj.qanulyala kutj.onji illacj.ega
hokkeri/
When the hand got burnt, she woke up and started to shout
-saying, "Thieves have entered the house". All the people of the
house also started to shout. The thieves gathered together and ran
.away. Having run away they went to the forest, lied down and
having stayed there on that day, they went to another house on the
following night taking the stupid fellow also with them.
hajara kide ba:kilti natrijira nci so:ru illaqe ku:qnadi bo:qa/
mple natti/ enkli illaqe ku:cj.a ari batta gumgi mal!a baQQa/ ana
negyadara illaqe ku:qgeri/
Having gone there, they made him stand at the door of the
·cowshed and said, " Today you need not come into the house. Stand
here itself. We will enter the house and will come back after
-stealing rice, paddy etc." Having said so, they entered the house.
a:kili gumgi maHa bai;:ic].acj.ige nki onji erme kanjige mm;1qu
ne: veli mui;:iqu nuga kana sumbala nattagi I ka!uveri mui;:iqu ne:veli
muqcj.u nuga ittadaka ana hecj.cj.aga jo: ru macj.keri I
When they returned after stealing them, this fellow was standing
there carrying a buffalo calf, a worn out plough and a worn out
-yoke. The thieves scolded him saying, " What is the use of this
worn out plough and yoke? "
a: yi nte: kanjigeti nte: ne: velti benni maqra antadiyana lacj.ayi
macj.ki/ ka!uveri nekkeri/ ninga bo:qa:kc].a huc].ali maraya gavji
maqbaqa / ana negya·ulela onja:nonji u:rta ko:laga hokkeri /
86 KORAGA

He started to quarrel with them, saying, " Can't you cultivate

crops with the help of this calf and this yoke?" The thieve~ said,
"My dear fellow, carry them along-, if you want to have them. Don't
shout like that ". Then they took him with them and went to a
devil dance being conducted in a certain viliage.
ko:la su:vara ba:ri malla go: }ita mara hattigeri I hattina surka
mui;itj.u nuga mu~1tj.u ne:veli erme kanjige ja:jara hatti ana nekkina
ke:lante hucj.ja hatta kai;ii;ii ku :rgi I nigirta karwiti mui;icj.u ne:veli
mui;itj.u nuga kay tappa ko:lata handalga bu:rgidi/
They climbed a very big tree in order to see the devil dance.
Before climbing, they asked him to keep the worn out plough, worn
out yoke and the buffalo calf below the tree, but he climbed up the
tree carrying them all with him, and (after some time ), he started
to feel sleepy. In his Eleepiness, the worn out plough and the worn
out yoke slipped from his hand and fell down on the pandal of the
devil dance.
all i se: ra janakiaga itti ma: ta mittaJ:?.ta bu:ra sa: ne:klaga o: cj.a
hukkeri/ o :c)a ho:!].alakka kajuveri nekkeri/ natj.cj.i dina gurngi mac}ra
buc:j.antirki!].l].a ca:nsi mac}ki heqqe ana nekkeri/ negyajara alli nal].i;ia
suttu pu:ra geJ:?.ti ka~tigeri I
All the people who had gathered there started to run being
terrified, seing these objects falling from above. When they ran
away like this, the thieves said, " Even though this stupid fellow has
not allcwed us to steal on the first two days, he has really given us
a chance now". So saying they gathered together all the objects that
were there.
i: hecj.cj.e ko:latara cj.ressi pu:ra hijja huqa:lgi/ ma:ta ottaga
ka:cj.ti hajara santo:sti kajuveri ma:ta kammiger i/ i: hecj.cj.e kaju -
verega nigire bal].l].adakka ba:ri la:yka macj.a ko:la kattigi/ nacj.c:j.i
kayka na(c:J.i tu: te hucj.jajara kajuvere edriga hajara kol].ki I
This stupid fellow took with him all the dresses of the devil
dancers. All of them went to the forest together and the thieves lied
down happily. When the thieves were asleep, this stupid fellow
dressed himself nicely as a devil. Holding two torches in his two
hands, he came before the thieves and danced.
kajuverega ma:ta ne:kli aga gurngi macj.a ducj.qu pu:ra bucj.adara
o:cj.a hokkeri' i: hec:J;e anni pu: ra bucj.jara o:tja hokkeri ana
malladonji ducj.quta ci:la sumbalajara ha:dekalli hattigi/
 KORAGA TEXTS 87

All the thieves got frightened and ran away leaving behind all
the stolen money. This stupid fellow started saying, " All have left
me behind and have run away ". He then climbed a big rock,
carrying with him a big bundle of money.
ha:dekalliti nettit kala duc).c).u pu:ra jerc).igi I duc).cJcj.u pu: ra
hurella hokkidi/ pu:ra cetti hureja ho:l}.adakka pu: ra cetti ana
negya kalla cec).itti erdi onji huc).jajara ajjinillacJega hajara ajjina
kayti e:ni badki mac).a duc).c).u barti ya:keri/ addi pu:ra cetW uriyadi
onji duc).c).i ma:tra o!!edinna nekki I
Having taken it to the top of the rock, he poured down all that
money. All the coins went down rolling. He said that all that
money was blighted because they were all rolling down. He picked
up one single coin that had remained in a crevice on the rock, went
to his grandmother's house, gave the coin to her and said, "I did
the work, and they had given me a lot of money. But they were
all blighted. Only the one coin that had remained over was good".

addi ke: ladi ci: hec).c).enkic).a hec).c).e/ duc).c).iti cetti oJ!edi iddi
maga I pu:ra ducJc).i oJ!edana negyajara ayeni ulelajara onji ci:la
duc).c).i go:rla hara ba:ri onji mallastigetti suka santo:sti nal}.l}.eri !
Hearing that the grandmother said, " Oh, You are really stupid.
My dear boy, there is nothing like blighted or unblighted in money.
All the coins are good". So saying, she took him with her, gath-
ered a bag-ful of coins, came back, and then they lived in happiness
and plenty of luxury.
 I

7. COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY
of the Koraga Dialects

akali o, akli m, akkali t, then: Ka. a: ga~ id.

akili o, agri m, they.
akka m, elder sister: Ka. akka id.
agappu o, to disperse: Tu. aga to be removed.
agari o, to stand, agali t, to stay.
agali o, to be: Te. agu to be.
agi m, he.
age o, sound of cooking.
aggi o, to chew: Ka. agi id.
anko4i o, hook for hanging the sickle on the hip.
angi o, to yawn: Tu. a'fjga: id.
angi o, shirt: Tu. a'fjgi id.
ange t, like that.
acci o, like that.
acci m, father: Ta. accan id.
accige o, a basket.
ajikl:;e t, speech: Ta. a.rai to speak.
ajippa o, sixty: Tu. ajippa id.
ajji m, grandmother: Ka. ajji id.
a~ili o, cooking: Tu. aHili id.
a Ha m, upper storey: Ka. aHa id.
ade o, there: Tu. ade id.
aclgi m, cooking: Ka: adige id.
a44ige o, necklace. ·
aqqi o, aqi t, to cook.
aµµa m, elder brother: Ka. aµµa id.
andi m, tube: Ka. ande id.
a~4i o, yes: Tu. andl id.
ade t, to search: Ka. a.tasu id.
addi o, t, adi m, she, it: Ha. adu id.
andi o, t, yes: Tu. andi id.
ando:ji o, estimati.on: Tu. anda:ji id.
appe o, t, appa m, mother: Tu. appe id.
\ COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY 89

aha o, there: Tu. avJu id.

ambari t, to gather.
ammi m, child
amme o, father: Tu. ammeri id.
avni o, five: Tu. avni id.
ayva o, fifty: Tu. avva id.
aramane o, palace: Ka. aramane id.
ari o, in, t, rice: Tu. ari id.
ari o, to drip: Tu. ari id.
ari o, weep: Tu. arpu id.
arta o, present given to a bride by the bridegroom: Ka. arapa
a nupital present.
ardi o, to wash: Tu, ardi id.
arbili o, water particles drifting in when it rains: Tu. aruYi
waterfall.
armbi t, mushroom: Ka. a\mbe id.
arli o, m, to blossom: Tu, arali id.
alki o, degraded. .
algiri o, to shake the head: Tu. algi to move.
alcidi m, to shake: Ta. alacu id.
alpa· o, there.
album, to wash cloth: Ha. almbu id.
almbi t, to gather.
alla m, alli t, there: Ka. alli id.
avri o, cooked rice: Ta. avir boiled rice.
a\u:ba: galu m, mouth of a river: Tu. a\uva id.
a: o, to become: Tu. a: id.
a: o, that: Tu. a: id.
a: gdi m, a: kdi t, that side.
a:ji "o, aji4i ni, to dry: Tu. a:ji id.
a:tri o, to throw.
a:p.e t, hill.
a:ti o, that much: Tu. a:ti id.
a:ni o, male: Tu. a:ni id.
a: h4a m, that side.
a:vi o, t, he: Tu. a:ve id.
a:ri t, who.
a:va\su m. to yawn: Ka. a:kaUsu id.
a; sa m, mat
a:se o, hope.
 I
90 KORAGA

a: serya o, surprise.
ikki4i m, iklu t, hiccough: Ha. ekkudu id.
ikke o, this man.
ikkeli o, ikli m, ikkali t, now.
icci o, like 1his.
ijji o, you.
i4e o, here: Tu. ide id.
itre o, otherwise.
iddi o, m, does not exist: Tu. iddi id.
ibbi o, to spit: Tu. ubbi id.
imbi m, soft jackfruit.
iro:d m, enmity.
irveri o, two persons: Tu. irveri id.
ilpa o, here.
illi o, illa m, illa4e t, house: Tu. illi id.
i: o, m, this: Tu. i: id.
i: t, to give: Ka. i:yu id.
i:k4i t, to scribe.
ikdi t, this side.
i:4i m, aim: Tu. i:4i id.
i:ti o, this much: Tu. i: ti id.
i:ti m, itta t, what: Malto indru who.
ugi t, to pull: Ka. ugi id.
ujji m, to keep: Ka. iru to stay.
unji m, one: Tu. on.ji id.
uµga m, tick: Ha. uµu'ljgu id.
uttu o, this woman, this thing.
ude t, to cover.
unu o, to dine: Tu. unu id.
unta o, what: Ha. enta id.
upka:ra m, help.
uppu o, salt: Tu. uppu id.
ubbu o, to swell up: Ha. ubbu id.
umi t, saliva.
uyyali t, to comb.
uri t, to spit (see u:Ju ).
uri t, to plough: Ka. uJu id.
ure t, deer : Tu. urs id.
urku o, to swell out: Tu. urku id.
urgu o, to ferment: Tu. urgu id.
 COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY 91'

urdu o, to rub: Tu. urdu id.

urbu m, to pluck leaves: Ha. urmbu id.
ulku o, to sprain: Tu. ulku id.
u!n2u t, tick: Ha. m;mi)gu id.
u: jegli t, a caste name.
u: !a m, meal: Ka. u:ta id.
u:ru o, village: Ka. u:ru id.
u: reli o, wooden latch.
u:rpu o, to blow: Tu. uripu 1d.
u:!u m, to spit: Ka. uguE id.
u:H t, to bark.
ekkana m, to be: Ka. iru id.
ekkalaga o, ekkali t, when : Kocj.agu ekka id.
ekku o, ekki t, to winnow: Ka. ekku to card cotton.
ef)kulu o, e:nklu t, we: Tu. e'flklu id.
enkili m, branch: Tu. egge id.
eccarike m, wakefulness: Ha. eccarige id.
ecci o, how.
ede m, leaf for dining.
edega t, where.
e4cJali m, two persons.
eqqe o, good: Tu. eqqs id.
eµµali t, to carry a child.
eµµi t, to lift.
etta o, what
ettani m, to stand ; Ka. ettu to raise.
ettega o, why.
ediri o, in front: Tu, ediri id.
ede m, chest: Ka. ede id.
edd i t, which one.
enni o, to think: Tu. enni id.
ebbu m, to drive: Ha. ebbu id.
eyqi m, two.
eru o, m, t, yesterday Tu. ells tomorrow.
ere o, leaf :Tu. irs id.
erµe t, lizard: Ha. araµe id.
erdu m, ant: Ha. erutu id.
erpu m, bull: Ha. erugu id.
eli m, t, rat: Tu. eli id.
elkaH m, elkade t, bone: Ka. elugu id.
 92 KORAGA

elkiri o, to weep: Te. eliigu voice

elcidi m, to make to play.
elmi:inji m, day after tomorrow (see elle ).
elli m, elli t, where : Ka. elli id.
elle m, t, tomorrow: Tu. ells id.
esa4i m, crab: Ka. esa4i iq.
esru m, green gram: Ka. hesru id.
e:nge t, how: ij:a. he:Jlge id.
e: ti o, how much: Tu. e:ti id.
e: ni m, t, I: Tu. e:ni id.
e:ni o, ladder: Ha. e:~ id.
e:ri o, who: Tu. e:ri id.
e:ri m, to rise up: Ka. e:ru id.
e:like o, invitation: Ha: he:\ike id
e:li o, to melt: Tu. e:li id.
e:li o, e:ri t, seven: Ka. e:\u id.
okkali t, to answer a call.
okki t, to spread ( paddy ).
okkedayi o, okkele t, a caste name
ogi t, to cut.
og-i t, to pour.
oge m, to wash: Ka: oge id.
.oggi o, to crush mite.
ojji m, to say : Ka oial to cry.
cnji o, t, one: Tu. onji id.
onjitri t, a little.
·Otta m, hole: Tu, otts id.
-0tta:re o, somehow: Ha. otta:re id.
ottu o, together: Tu. ottugu id .
.odi o, ude t, to break: Ka. ode id .
.od.i m, t~ pluck, odpu o, id. : Tu. odpu id.
0

-o4e o, where: Tu. ·o4e id. ·

• ·O:Pti m, ear ring: Tu. onti id .
·O:ppi t, to hide.
ot4i t, to kindle fire.
otti m, single woman: Tu. orti id.
ottu o, to press: Tu ottu id.
·otti m, to row a boat: Tu. ottu id.
odali o, white ant: Tu. udali id.
.oddu o, which woman, which thing.
 COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY 93

onasi o, oµasi t, meal: Tu. onasi id.

onte o, little: Tu. onts id.
oppu o, to be agreeable: Tu. oppu id.
oypu o, to pull: Tu. oypu id.
ori o, t, to remain: Tu. ori id.
ori m, single person: Tu. ori id.
ore o, ure t, antelope: Tu. ure id.
oresi o, to wipe: Tu. oresi id.
orgi o, to lean: Tu. orgi id.
ormbi t. to drive ( cattle ).
orle m, t, white ant: Ha. ora\e id.
oli o, o\e m, ule t, to call: Tu. o\epu id.
olpa o, where: Tu. olPa ic:l.
ollo o, to bark.
oJmi m, olmayi t, inside: Ka. oJage id.
osu m, hunger: Ha. hasu id.
osu m, to fry.
osun m, all.
ostala m, frame of the door: Ha. hostilu threshold.
osri m, name: Ka. hesaru id.
o:je t, carpenter.
o:tu m, that much.
o:du o, to run: Ka. o:qu id.
o:du o, to read: Ka. o:du id.
o:pu4u o, to scrape: Tu. o:pu polish.
o:lu o, where: Tu. o:lu id.
kakki m, to vomit: Tu. kakki id.
kakke o, crow: Tu. kakks id.
kacci m, to wash vessels: Malta kaje to wash (as clothes).
katti o, t, m, to tie: Ka. kattu id.
kaqappuru o, kaqi m, to send: Tu. ka4appu id.
kadi m, half of a coconut: Ha. kadi id.
kacli o, to grind: Ha. kade id ·
kadu m, door of a cowsh~d: Ka. kade to pass.
kaclgi m, very tender jackfruit. ·
kacldayi, kind of a drum
kaddi o, to snap off ( string ~ : Tu. kaddi id.
kaddi m, a drum. , ··
kaddi o, to cut.
ka4ia t, skin.
 KORAGA

kaµa m, outer courtyard: To. kaJam open place.

kaµta m, border of rice field.
kaµµaye t, a caste name.
kaµµi m, kaµµi o, eye~ Tu. kaµµi iq.
kattarsi m, to cut: Ha. kattarsu id.
katte t, knife.: Tu. katti id.
kani o, ditch: Tu, kani id.
kanon kali o, to steal: Ka. kal id.
kankati o, fal~hood: Ka. ka\ id.
kanji t, cooked rice: Ka. ganji id.
kanjige t, calf: Tu. kaiiji id.
kan4a o, field: Tu. kan4a id.
kantappa o, prostrate: Tu. kantans inclined.
kanti m, to kindle {lamp): Ka. kattu id.
kanti o, depth: Ka. kantu to sink.
kantri o, to immerse: Ha. kantu id.
.kannubbu o, eyebrow: Ha. hubbu id.
kappu o, to hurry , kappu t, to close: Ka kappu to cover.
kaba m, t, to bring.
:kabiri o, to strain.
.kabere o, kapra t, upside down: Tu. kabbe id.
kam4i m, to steal: Te. kamucu to size.
kammi t, to lie down.
_kayo, m, hand: Tu. kay id.
kay m, kayye t. bitter: Ka. kahi id.
_kayari o, curry.
kaykaJa m. kind of lizard.
_kaykonji o, cattle: Tu. kavkanji id.
kaydi m, t, stoppage.
_kari o, to crow: Tu. kare id .
.kari m, calf: Ka. karu id.
karkila4i t, armpit.
karci m, expense. -
.kartale t, darknese: Ka. kattale id.
kardi t, black: Ka. kari id.
_karbu t, eyebrow.
.karsa m, kind of fish.
kala o, _to bring.
:kala m, kale t, unripe fruit: Tu. gargayi unripe.
 COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY 95

kaladi o, to become turbid, kaJcJi t, turbid: Tu. kala4i id.

kali ~. to open.
kali o, to shout like· a demon: Ha. ka\ku id.
kali m, coconut.
kalli o, t, to learn: Ka. kali id.
kalle o, thief: Ka. kaHa id.
kalsi m, to mix: Ka. kalasu id.
kaJe m, kale t, to remove: Ka. kar.i to pass.
kavci m, to sleep: Ka. kavucu to be upset.
ka:ki m, crow: Ha. ka:ke id.
ka:4i o, forest: Ka. ka:4u id.
ka:nt¥avu o, a caste name.
ka:n4e o, morning: Tu. ka:µc!.e id.
ka:y m, to watch: Ka. ka:yu id.
ka:ypu o, to tighten: Tu. ka:ypu id.
ka:ysal m, cymbal.
ka:ri o, m, leg: Tu. ka:ri id.
ka:re o, christian.
ka:vu m, t, leaf.
ka:ve:ri o, kind of tree: Tu. ka:yeri id.
kicci o, jealousy: Tu. kicci id.
kitti m, to touch: Ka. kittu id.
kidane o, father's younger brother: Ka. kiru small.
kidderi t, children.
kinnige t, young one.
kinyo o, small: Tu. kinyo id.
kippu m, to pluck: Gondi kiciina to pluck.
kibari t, wall.
kirpili o, extended roof.
killi o, small: Te. cilipi small.
ki: t, to scrape:
ki:ri, to strike matches: He gi: ru id.
kuc4i m, to keep on the oven.
kuttu o, m, to beat: Tu. kuttu id.
kuda o, again: Tu. kuda id.
ku44u o, to shake off d~st from the cloth: Tu. kudpu id.
kuttu o, to prick: Tu. kuttu id.
kudi t, to saw: Tu. kudpu id.
kudke o, fox: Tu. kudke id.
kudde o, dwarf: Tu. kudya short.
96 KORAGA

kudpu o, to cut (see kudi ) .

kuntu o, cloth: Tu. kuµtu id.
kunpu o, to box. .
kumba:ri m, potter: Ka. kumba:ra id.
kuri o, to decay: Tu. kuri id.
kursu o, ehair: Tu. kursu id.
kulali o, kulli t, to sit: Tu. kullu id.
kusi m, below: Ka. kusi to be lowered.
ku:ji o, t, girl: Ka. ku:su id.
ku:je o, t, small boy.
ku:tu o, to sharpen: Tu. ku:tu id.
ku: di t, to enter.
.
ku:dle o, immediately: ka. ku:dale. id.
ku:dlu m, hair: Ka. ku:dalu id.
ku: mi m, kind of tortoise having a thick shell..
ku:ru m, to be drowsy: Tu. ku:ru id.
ku:li o, to show one's teeth: Tu. ku: li id.
ku:lu ni, meal: Ka. ku:lu id.
kekki i, neck: Tu. kekkili id.
kekkiti koranke t, throat.
kencili m, kenceli t, udder: Ka. keccalu id.
ke!kaJa m, rotton arecanut: Ka. kequ to decay.
ketti o, to chop off: Tu. ketti id.
kedavu o, to open the eyes.
kedu o, tank: Tu. kedu id.
kede o, cowshed: Tu. kide id.
kederpu o, to dig: Ka. kettu id.
kemi m, ear: Ha. kemi id.
kemni m, cough: Ka. kemmu id.
kemmu m, to cough.
kere m, tank: Ka. kere id.
kelappu o, to cry (fowls): Ka. kele id.
kele'ljgi o, kelngi t, house-fly: Tu. kilenji id.
kelesi o, barber: Tu. kelesi id.
kelbu o, green dust on copper: Tu. kilembu id.
ke:H o, t, ketli m, to hear: Ka. ke:\u id.
ke: Ii o, rice pot.
ke : seri t, red ant.
kokkayi t, beak: Ka. kokku id.
kocci o, m, to cut into pieces: Ka. koccu id.
 COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY 9'{

koctari o, broken rice.

kojape o, dried leaves.
kotari t, a caste name.
kot~a o, house: Tu. kotva shed.
kodi m, tender leaf: Ha. kodi id.
kocliyare o, top part of a b~ana leaf.
kocldi o, to sprout: Tu. koddi id.
kodt~yi o, chieftain: Tu. k~di top, end.
koclpa:na m, water pot: Ha. kodappa:na id.
kopi m, t, konni o, to dance: H~. koµi id.
koµµe m, dried plants of horse gram: Tu. ko\ horse gram.
kotte o, urine: Ta. kurumpi id.
kodu m, koddi o, to boil: Tu. koddi id.
kontalgi m, stalk of a coconut branch: Ha. kotta\ige id.
kobali o, top of the roof: Tu kubali id.
kobe o, top of a coconut tree: Tu. kub& id.
koy o, m, to pluck: Tu koy id.
korayi o, t, husband, kori m, id.
koru m. kori t, korru o, to kill: Ka. kol id.
korti o, t, m, wife.
korpaje t, woman.
kormbetayi t, a caste name (devil dancer ).
kolanci o, koJnci t, ko\ci m, hoof: Ka. ko\agu id.
ko\p.ari t, devil.
koJlani m, to sit ( see kullu ).
ko:ji m, boy ( see ku:ji ).
ko:4o m, horn: Ka. ko:qu id.
ko:µi m, ko:ne o, room: Ka. ko:µe id.
ko:ru o, t, ko: Ju m, to give to III person: Tu. koru to give..
ko:ri t, to beat.
gap.ti m, cattle: Ta. ka~_ru calf.
gap.4e m, bulbous root: Ka. gaµde id.
gadda m, earthen plate.
gante o, hour: Ka. gaµte id.
gabba m, pregnency.
garpu m, to dig: Ha. garpu id.
garba t, iron: Tu. karba id.
ga:nda:ri o, oilman.
giddi t, short: Ka. gidda id.
gi4\~ t, eagle. ··
.~8 KORAGA

gimci m, to squeeze: Ka. kivucu id.

giresi m, to believe.
girpu o, to pluck: Tu. giri to untie.
gille o, leaf-eup.
guda m, hill: Ka. gudda id.
gucj.cili m, hut: Tu. g~~.cili id.
gutti m, tiffin 'ied up to be used in a journey: Ka. butti id.
gutti t, small plant: Ha. kutti stump of a plant.
gumba~a m, 11shgourd: Ka. kumbaJa id.
guyyeli t, a well: Tu. guveli id.
guri o, a boil; Tu. kuri id.
guri o, pit:· Tu. guri id.
gurngi t, theft.
gurbu m, kind of unbrella~ made of leaves.
gu:ru o, to cry (owls): Tu. gu:ru id.
gekkili o, neck: Tu. kekkili id.
gegge o, small tinckling bells: Tu. gejja id.
ge4ga m, water pot: Ka. ga4ige id.
geµagi m, sweet potato: Ha. geµarjgu id.
gedda m, field: Ha. gedde id.
geddu o, to win: Tu. gedi id.
genqa o, burning charcoal: Tu. geµ4a id.
geyte m, coconut shell: Ka. gerate id.
gereJlgi o, gerngi t, sweet potato: Tu. gireJlgi id.
gersi m, winnowing basket: Ha. kersi id.
. ge:rpu o, to lift.
_goqe o, rat's hole: Tu. guqs id.
gottu o, knowledge: Ka..gottu id.
. govte m, mango seed: Ha. goratu id.
~ goranti o, wooden plank to sit on: Ka . . kora4u log of wood.
go:qa m, wall: Ka. go:4e id.
go:rayi o, kind of pot.
go:ru o, to scoup out, go:ru m, to gather: Tu. go:ru id.
: canci o, bag.
. canci m, to carry a child .
. .caµ4i m, kind of drum: Tu. ceµqa id.
cappu o, leaf: Tu. sappu id
came m, tender bamboo.
. cay o, m, to die: Tu. say id.
. cavu o, kind of bulbus root.
 COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY 99

-cavµa m, bed bug: Ha. savaµe id.

carbu t, moss.
ca: ta m, kind of fish.
ca:vu m, cucumber: Ha. savte id.
ca:vo4i o, verandah.
cicci t, to bite.
cifte o, earthen seat: Ha. citte id.
citbiri m, sling to throw stones.
cippu m, rice ladle.
cippud.u m, feather.
cimili o, to sneeze: Ha. semilu id.
-ciniki o, to splash: Ka. cimuku id.
cimci o, to sprinkle, cimsi m, id.: Ka. cimukisu id.
cilbi o, to push away. ·
cilbi o, to splash water with the finger: Te. ciluku to sprinkle.
civ~i t, peal
.ci: ku m, splinter: parji cik to tear.
ci:ntu o, to scrape off ( vessels ): Ka. civu id.
ci:mpu o, to clear the nose: Ta. cintu to blow the nose.
ci:ri t, to split.
curiku o, to pinch: Kur. cingna id.
cucci o, to bite: Tu. tucci id.
cuµµi m, grandfather.
cuµµutu m, small: Kar. cinna id.
-cu: m, to see: Tu. tu: id.
· cejji o, to itch (see coji ).
cedbila o, kind of basket.
cedJi t, thunder: Ha. sedilu id.
. ce.P4.upaJa m, very tender coconut: Ha. ceµ.4upJe id.
. cepputa baµ4i t, outer cover of coconut.
. cerige o, pot: Ha. cerige id.
. cev Ju m, kind of red' ant.
coji m, cojji o, cogi t, to itch: Ta. cor.i id.
cottu m, stem of the jackfrult: Tu. tottu id.
. cotta kurkeli t, small basket.
cop,te t, lame person.
-corku o, to play: Tu. torku id.
colpu o, to peel: Ha. soli id.
. co: m, to appear: Tu. to:ji id .
. co:ra m, milk pot: Pa. cora earthen pot.
100 KORAGA

co:ru m, today.
jakkeli o, lap: Tu. jakkeU id.
jana o, person.
japp-g m, to beat: Ka. cappa!isu to slap.
jamba:ri o, shoemaker.
jarippi m, to make someone catch a devil
ja:44i m, to climb down: Tu. jappu id.
ja:ti o, caste.
ja:nsi m, to think.
ja:ma t, morning.
ja:ra m, kind of white crab.
ja:vu o, t, to descend (see ja:44i ).
ja:vu t, to speak.
ja:vla m, kind of worm.
jigin tuppu m, honey: Tu. tiga id.
jinji o, to fill: Tu. jinji id.
juJH m, beak: Ka. cuµ4u id.
jumbu o, to suck: Ha. ujumbu id.
ju: o, t, to keep.
jeqqi m, mole
jembu t, bad smell.
jeri t, to pour out.
jerpi t, to thrash.
jevu t, a small insect.
jori t, to leak.
jo:ku o, je:ki t, to wash: Kui joga id.
jo:ru o, threatening: Ha. jo:ru id.
4akki t, to stumble: Ha. 4aqku id.
dakki t. to throw: Tu. a4akki id.
4akke t, arecanut: Ha. agakke id.
tage o, elder sister.
ta'l}gaqi o, younger sister: Ha:ta'f}ge id,
taHi o, to stroke:Tu. tttai to beat.
ta~te o, plate: Ka. tatte id.
tadambe o, a gate: Tu. tadamms id.
tacluvu m, delay: Ha. tada~u id.
ta.;anta kanji t, cold ric~: Ha. taµµane id.
tappiri o, to steal: Ta. tavvu to lessen.
tappena t, much.
taya: ra o, ready
 COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY 101

tar o, m, to give to I or II person, tar t, to give to I person:

Ta. ·tar id.
tara o, type.
tarepu o, to rub: Tu. tare id.
tarmbde t, cape made of areca spathe.
tale o, head: Ka. tale id.
talpi o, sprinkle: Tu. tali id.
talli o, cold: Ka. caH id.
talli o, to stuff in, talli t, to push: Ha. taHu id.
tavnte t, cucumber (see ca: vu).
tali m, window. .
ta:gi o, to touch: Tu. ta:gi id.
ta:di o, way: Tu. ta:di id.
ta: ni o, oneself: Tu. ta:ni id.
·ta:nge o, cheek.
ta: nti o, to hit: Tu. ta::p.!i id.
·ta:y m, mother: Ka. ta:yi id.
ta:ri o, to wait: Ka. tacJe id.
ta:H o, to drop off: Tu. ta:U id.
·ta:\a m, ta:li k, bolt: Ta. tar id.
tikki m, to rub: Ka. tikku id.
·tingi m, big ladle for water~ : To tegy id.
:til)go\u o, month: Ka. tif\gaJu id.
tiµcJi m, food: Ka. ti:p.Q.i id.
tini o, m, t, to eat: Tu. tini id.
tindi m, to dine.
tippi o, to sweep.
tippi t, coconut shell: Tu. tippi id.
tippu m, to squeeze,
tirga o, again: Ha. tiruga id.
tirga:ta o, wandering.
tirti o, below: Tu. tirti id.
ti:cJQ.i m, to fulfill; Ka. tir to end.
·ti:pi t, sweet: Tu. ti:ps id.
·ti:ri o, to be able to do: Tu. ti:ri id.
tundu m, cloth: Ta. tuni id.
tuµ4u m, piece: Tu. t~:p.cJu id.
tuttu o, to wear cloth; cloth: Tu. tuttu to wear cloth.
t umcJi m, to fill: Ka. tumbu id.
tullu o, to roll: Tu. tullu id.
102 KORAGA

tu: m, t, fire: Tu. tu: id.

tu:f}ku o, to swing: Tu. tu:fjku id.
tu:ndi t, to wear: Tu. sundu to wind.
tekki o, t, to be extinguished: Tu. tekki if
tek~i m, to extinguish.
tega o, honey: Tu. tiga id.
tegale o, chest: Ha. tegale id.
teµqi t, herd.
tene o, outer verandah: Tu. tinE id.
tenkayi t, south: Tu. tenkayi id.
teri o, t, to know: Tu. teri id.
terpi t, to rub.
teli o, to become clear ( liquid ) : Tu. telli iC:
telli o, teli t, to laugh: Tu. telpu id. -
te: gi m, belch: Ka. te:gu id.
te: di m, to rub: Ka, te: yu id.
te:pu o, to suck.
tonu o, to carry a child: Ka. toQ.u to put on.
to!!u m, cradle: Tu'. toHili id.
todari o, lamp: Tu. tuQ.ari id.
tode o, thigh: Ka. tode id.
todme m, kind of gate· (See tadambe)
to~di m, lip: Ha. to~i id. .
tode o, river: Tu. tudE id.
torku m, kind of fish.
to!i m, to kick tori t, to trample: Ha. to!i id...
to!nki t, to overflow: Ka. tuJuku id.
to:ta m, garden: Ka. to:!a id.
to:4a m, stream: Ha. to:4u id.
to:ru o, skin: Ha. co:li id.
dakki o, to plough ( see Q.akki ).
da<Ma m. big: Ka. do44a id.
daµ4igi m, trench.
datti o, to stand.
danti o, to £.tumble: Tu. daµtuni id, Ha. dariku id
dayra o, boldness. ·
darki t, to obtain: Ka. doraku id.
darla m, dried leaves: Ka. taragu id.
da: o, not to have.
da:fjgi o, da:ngi t, to bend: Ka. tagu bending.
 COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY 103-.
-
da:ti m, to cross, da:nti o, id.: Tu da:ptiid.
da:pi m, seed of jackfruit.
da: vu o, heat of sun or a big fire.
dina o, day.
dibbapa m, marriage, dibbana o, marriage procession: Tu.-
dibbapa marriage procession.
dirki t, to obtain ( see darki ).
di: pu m, lamp.
dunkeli t, oven: Tu. dikkeli id.
duddu o, money: Ka. duddu id.
du~~bu t, to drizzle. ··
du : o, to overflow.
du: ra m, away.
du:Ju t, ashes.
def}gi o, crab: Tu. denji id.
def}gi o, to hide: Tu. defjgi id.
dedambu o, topsyturvy: Ha. pedambu id.
denu m, cow.
dempa o, pandal: Tu. dompa id.
de:ndi t, not possible (see da: )
de: veri o, god.
dof}ku o, to kick: Tu. daf}ki id.
dotte m, kind of waterlift: Ha. jofte id.
dorpu o, to pour dowri: Tu. dorpu id.
dolle o, saliva (sticky): Ka. jollu id.
nakuJu m, earthworm: Tu. nakkuru id.
nakki m, to lick: Tu. nakki id.
nafti o, to beg: Tu. natti id.
nadavu o, to walk: Tu. nadappu id.
naclgi o, to shiver: Tu. nadgi id.
nacldi o, nadi t, to plant: Tu. nadi id.
0

nad.d.i t, two see raddi )

( ·
na#e o, middle: Ka: ~a4u id.
natti t, to stand.
nani o, t, to drench: Tu. nane id.
namuni o, way, method.
naraka o, phlegm.
narnci o, to clear the throat.
nalli o, to dimple: Ha. naH id.
na:ke o, a caste name.
104 KORAGA

na:ti o, to smell badly: Ha. na:ta bad smell.

na:li o, four: Tu. na:li id.
na: lki m, tongue: Ka. na :lige id.
na:vu m, we: Ka. na: vu id.
na:vi t, to get up.
nikil o, ni:klu t, you (pl.): Tu. nigulu id.
nikki o, to sob: Kur. nikhearna id.
nigire t, sleep.
ninepu o, to think: Ka. nene id.
niburu m, to lift hand to beat: Ta. niva to rise.
ni:ki rn, to peep: Tu. nilki id.
ni:4i o, to stretch: Tu. ni:4i id.
ni:ra m, ni:ri o, water: Ka. ni:ru id.
ni:vu m, you (pl. ): Ka ni:vu id.
nuglu m, thread: Ka nwu id.
nu'l}gi o, to dry: Tu. nu'l}gu id.
nupudu rn, swallow, nunu o, id: Kur. nuny id
nurki t, to lift hand to beat.
nurngi t, mosquito.
nu: o, to say: Ka. nu4i id.
nu:ku o, to push: Ka. nu:ku id.
nu;ru o, to creep in: Tu. nu:ru id.
negi t, to say.
pegi m, to lift: Ha. neggu id.
need o, gums: Ha. nidi id.
nefti t, top of the head: Tu. netti id.
ne4e m, to walk: Ka. naqe id.
nenapu o, memory: Ka. nenapu id.
ney o, clarified butter: Ta. ney butter.
neramane o, neighbouring house: Ka. neremane id.
nela m, floor: Ka. nela id.
nelki t, to obtain.
nesli m, forehead: Ka nesalu id.
ne:ki o, ne:kli t, fear.
ne:ni m, I: Ka. na:nu id.
ne:li o, t, ne:lci4i m, to hang: Tu. ne:li id.
ne:vali o, ne:vu t, fear.
ne:veri t, plough: Ha. na:yaru id.
noy m, to pain: ka. no:yu id.
nore o, foam: Ka. nore id.
 COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY 105

no:pu o, to crush cooked rice for the baby.

nki m, t, this man .
.nkri m, nkeli t, these people.
nge t, like this.
nci m, t, you ( sg. ).
·nti m, t, this one.
nda t, why.
nde t, what.
pakka o, wing .
.pakka o, quickly: Tu. pakka id.
pagapu o, to change: Tu. pagapu id.
paje o, mat: Tu. paje id.
patani o, fisherman.
padi o, alms: Tu. padi id.
.padi o, to take: Ka. p~du to get.
pa4ke o, bad: Tu. pa4fu. id.
paµgi t, civet: Ha. puµuflgu id.
.Patte o, food ( alms ).
pandi o, to shake: Tu. pandi id.
,panni o, to drizzle: Tu. panni id.
i;fayaH t, child.
pari o, to drink: Tu. pari id.
paredi o, elder sister: Tu. pardi id.
parndi o, fruit; to ripen: Tu. parndi id.
parpu o, to uproot: Tu. parpu id.
pallayi o, small plate: Tu. pallayi id.
,pa:4i o, forest: Tu. pa:4i grove.
pa:tri o, to speak: Tu pa:teri id.
pa:tra o, speech.
pa:rne o, brahmin.
pa:ri o, to fly; to run: Tu. pa:ri id.
pijariki o, to crush: Tu. pije11ki id.
pijiri o, kind of ear ornament.
pijji o, to pick up: Tu. pejji id.
pitari t, bag.
pirpi o, to make the spirit leave a person: Tu. pirpo: id .
.Pi: o, to throw water.
pi:riki o, to slip out: Ha. pi:riku id.
puge o, smoke: Tu. pugs id.
,puggeli o, shoulder : Tu puggeli id.
106
I
(
KO RAGA

puHu o, to be born: Tu. puHu id.

puda:li o, to carry on arms: Ka. pidi to catch ..
pucfqu o, to catch, hold: Ka. pi4i id:
puntu o, to squeeze: Tu. pu~tu id.
pun4i o, handful: Tu. pu~qi id.
pun ya o, luck.
purayteri o, priests.
puri o, worm: Tu. puri id.
pulcu o, to feel sour in the mouth: Tu. puli sour
pu: o, flower : Tu. pu: id.
pu:je o, worship.
pu:mpu o, to fart: Tu. pu:puni id.
pu:ra o, all.
pettige o, box: Tu. pettige id.
pedadi o, to come out, to start: Tu. pidadi id.
peda~ayi o, outside: Tu. pidayi id. ·
peddi o, to give birth to a child: Tu. peddi id.
pera4e o, hen: Tu. pera44e id.
peravu o, back: Tu. piravu id.
peresi o, to scrape: Tu. piresi id.
perdane o, grating instrument: Tu. perdane id .
pe:te o, market: Ka. pe:te id.
pe:4i o, to put: Tu. pa:4i id.
pogari o, to praise: Tu. pugari id
poggu o, to enter: Tu. poggu id.
po4aye o, basket: Tu. puqayi id.
poqavu o, to ache: Tu. puqavu id.
po4avu to explode: Tu. pu4apu id.
pottu o, to burn: Tu. pottu id.
podari o, name: Tu. pudari id.
podeppu o, blanket: Tu. podeppu to cover oneself.
podeli o, bush: Tu. pudeli id.
poddu o, to bum: Tu. pottu id.
podpu o, to fry: Tu. podpu id
pona o, corpse: Tu. puna id
ponnu o, woman: Tu. ponnu id.
porlu o, beauty: Tu. porlu id.
pollu o, to stitch: Tu. pollu id.
po: o, to go: Tu. po: id.
bakki m, a hard type of jackfruit: Tu. barks. id.
 COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY 107

bagdi m, to bend: Tu. baggi id.

ba'fjga:ra o, gold: Tu.: ba'fjga:ri id.
bacci o, to.dry up, bacci t, to decrease: Ka. battu to dry.
baccire o, betal leaf: Tu. baccirs jd.
banji o, stomuch: Tu. banji id.
ba4a o, hunger : Tu. ha4avu id.
ba~ali t, dining plate: Ka. battalu id.
battade o, Muslim.
bada~e o, poor: Ka. badava id.
badige o, pole: Ha. badige id.
ba4gayi t, north: Tu ha4ekkayi id.
badki t, work: Ka. baduku to live.
bay m, straw: Tu. bay id.
bavva o, night: Tu. bayya evening.
bayyi o, to schold: Ka. bayyu id.
bar o, m, to come: Ka. baru id.
barati o, to grope: Ha. para4u id.
baradige t, belch.
bari ~. to write: Tu. bare id.
balasi o, ba\ci t, to serve food: Tu. balasi id.
bali o, clan: Ka. balaga relatives.
bali m, to pull: Tu. vali id.
balli o, baUi m, baHi t, rope: Ka. ba!Ji, Tu. baHi id_
basri m, pregnent: Ha. basari id.
ba:kali m, door: Tu. ba:kili id.
ba:gi m, to strain: Ha. ba:gsu id.
ba:ci m, to comb: Ha ba:cu id.
ba:ci m, to gather: Ha. ha: cu id.
ba:jali o, drink: Tu. ba:jeli id.
ba:4i o, to wither: Tu. ba:4i id.
ba:4i t, curry.
ba:µa t, sky.
ba:mi m, well ( water ) : Ka. ha: vi id.
ba:ya:ri m, thirst: Ka. ba:ya:rike id.
ba:yi o, m, mouth: Ka. ba:yi id.
be:ri o, very.
ba:re o, ba:la m, plantain: Tu. ba:ra id.
ba: rerne t, barber.
ba:Ja m, very much.
ba:Ja m, kind of fish: Ka. ba:\e id
108 KORAGA

bikse o, begging.
biji o, beji t, firewood: Ta. vi!.aku id.
bijila m, bijili t, sunlight: Ka. bisilu id.
bitti o, to sow: Tu. bitti id.
binneri o, guests: Tu. binne relative.
birki o, to scatter: Tu. birki id.
birdi o, marriage: Te. viyyamu marriage connection.
hisale o, kind of pot: Tu. bisala id.
bisirige t, homesiclrness.
bi: o, to be cooked: Tu. beyyi id.
bi: t, to grind: Ka. bi:su id.
bi:sa o, quickly: Tu. bi:sa id.
bi: si o, to blow: Tu. bi:jiid.
bi:\i m, creeper: Ka. bi:\alu id.
bukki m, black-faced monkey Ka. musu id.
budara o, house: Tu. buda:ra temperory lodging.
hu4u o, to leave: Tu. hu4u id.
hu4ci4i m, to untie.
butari o, to fall: Ta. vi!u id.
budali o, to get soaked: Ha. bodulu id.
·burpi t, to cry: Tu. bu\pu id.
·bu:di :o, to carry 'on shoulder.
·bu: dibi o, to make to lie down: Ta. viru to fall.
·bu:di m, ashes: Ha. bu:di id. "
·bu:ru o, to lie down, to sleep.
~bu:ru t, creeper (see bi:Ji) .
·bu:\u m, bu:ru t, to fall: Tu. bu:ru id.
hegari m, to sweet: Tu. bigari id.
.becca o, t, warm: Tu. becca id.
·bejakre t, dried leaves: Tu. bijakrs id.
bediri o, bamboo: Tu. bedri id .
.bentyare m, unboiled rice: Ha. bap.tekki id.
bendri o, hot water for bathing: Tu. bendri id,
benni t, cultivation: Tu. benni id.
bey m, to be cooked: Tu. bevvi id.
bey~i m, dried cowdung: Ha. berafi id.
beri m, back: Tu. beri id.
berolu o, berli m, finger; Ka. bera\u id.
bella o, jaggery: Ka. bella id .
.beJki m, light: Ka. be\aku id.
 COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY

be:, be:ga o, quickly: Ka. be:ga id.

be:ku m, want, to be necessary: be:ku id.
be:da m, do not want: Ka. be:da id.
be:di m, to beg: Ka. be:du id. ·
be:t~ o, separate: Tu. be:te id.
be:ne t, pain: Ha: be:ne id.
be:yi t, to be cooked ( see ~bi:, bey ).
be:ri o, root: Tu. be:ri id.
be:rsi m, to drive away: Tu. be:ri to lift hand to beat.
be: li o, fence: Tu. be: li id.
be:le o, work: Tu. be :le id.
bottu o, to beat a drum: Tu. bottu id.
borol kalli o, white stone: Tu. borgalli id.
boli o, to grow, Tu. bule id.
bole o, crop: Tu. buls id.
bolli o, star: Tu. bolli a group of seven stars.
bovdi m, lid.
bo\a· m, to float.
ho :ci m, breast: Ta. pacci milk.
bo:4a t, do not want.
bo:du o, t, to be necessary, want: Tu. b.:>:du id.
bo:du t, to beg: (see bo:di ). ·
bo:;i o, ox: Tu. bo:ri id. ·
bo:la m, to lie down (see bu:ru)
bya:vu o, to thatch: Tu. be: id.
maga m, earthen pot: Ka. mage small earthen vessal.
magali o, magaU t, daughter: Ka. magalu id.
magi m, son: Ka. maga id.
mangi m, monkey: Tu. ma'f)ge id.
mangila t, marriage.
maja m, maje t, to sharpen Ka. mase id.
majji o, soot: Tu. maji id.
matti m, grove of bamboo.
made o, polluted food: Tu. mads id.
madi t, to do: Ka ma:du id. ·
madka m, pot: Ka. madike id.
matldele t, washerman: Tu. maddele id.
matlpi o, madi t, to fold: Tu. ~adpu id.
mapqa m, ma.;_4e o, map.4e, t, head: Ka. map.4e id.
mati4igi m, dining plate.
110 KORAGA

maµµi m, manni o, soil: Ka, maµµu id.

m.adavu o, to forget: Tu. madappu id.
m.admayi, o, t,·bridegroom: (see madme ).
m.admali o, madma\ti t, bride ( see madme ).
m.adme o, marriage: Tu, madma id.
m.anada:ni o, mandani t, next day: Tu. manadani id.
manasi o, mind."
mana:dige t, big basket.
manippu o, rope tied over the thatch: Tu. manpu strong
rope.
manta o, all: Tu. ma:ta id.
manti o, saying ' no ' by moving the fist down.
mandara o, forehead.
manni o, to speak (used with the negative suffix only; Tu.
manpu to speak a little.
mansi m, man.
mansti, manti m, woman.
maydi m, to hide: Ka. maresu id.
mav4i m, to weep: Ka. morevi4u id.
maymi m, mother-in-law: Tu. ma: mi id.
mara o, tree: Tu. mara id.
mara: ni o, maraµi t, day defore yesterday: Tu. mara:ni id..
mad m, cub: Ka. mad id.
mare o, t, ma\a m, rain: Ka. ma!e id.
mare t, to be slant.
marji t, grauddaughter.
marje t, grandson.
mardi t, to sharpan.
marclina o, next day: Ka. maru- next.
marmayi o, son-in-law: Tu, marmaye id.
marmpu t, knee: Tu. marampu id.
mala m, rabbit: Ka. mola id.
malladige o, greatness.
mallo o, big: Tu. malla id.
ma\kap.i t, upside up: Tu. ma\a'flka~1i id.
ma:ti o, ma:du m, to do: Ka. ma:du id.
ma:4u m, ro~f: Ka. ma:4u id. .
ma:nta o, all: (see manta ).
ma: tu o, to change the cloth: Ha. ma: tu id.
ma:diga t, shoe-maker: Ka. ma: diga id.
 COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY 111

ma:na m, again.
ma:ma m, ma:me o, father-in-law: Tu. ma:me id.
ma:mi o, mother-in-law ( ree maymi ).
ma:yi t, broom: Tu. ma:ypu id.
ma:vta m, kind of fish.
ma:radi o, term of address ( F ).
ma: raya o, term of address ( M ).
ma:lige o, storey: Tu. ma:ligs id.
ma: vu o, mango: Ka. ma: vu id.
ma: sesi m, serpent.
migu m, deer.
mitte o, tender bud, mit~e t, flower bud, Ka. mi4i unripe
young fruit.
mitari o, to climb: Tu. mittari id.
mitti o, above: Tu. mitti id.
mide o, afterwords: Tu. mide id.
mini o, et cetera: Tu. mini id.
mire t, breast: Tu. mirs id.
mi: o, to bathe: Tu. mi: id.
mi:ndi o, to swim, mi: sa4i m, mi:si o, to float: Tu. mindi
to swim.
mungri m, mongoose: Tu. mul}guri id.
mucci o, m, to cover, to close: Tu. muccu id.
munci o, munji m, chilly: muiici id.
.. o, healed ( wound): Ka. mudi. to end.
mutta
muttu o, to touch: Ka. muttu id.
mudayi t, east: Tu. mudayi id.
mudi o, bundle of rice: Tu. mudi id.
mutlki m, moss. ·
muttulu o, kind of basket.
mudki m, old woman: Ka. muduki id.
mundaltayi o, a caste name.
mundare t, forehead ( see mandara ).
muyi o, present for a newly married couple: Tu. muyi id.
muv4a m, kind of fish.
murku o, to sink: Tu. murku id.
murdu o, to cry (bird): Tu. muredi to cry.
mull~ m, corner: Tu. mulls id. .
mu:ku t, nose: Ka. mu:gu id.
mu: nku t, tender shoot.
112 KORAGA

mu:ke o, flower-bud: Ka. mukke id.

mu:ji o, m, t, three: Tu. mu:ji id.
mu:du o, to rise (sun): Ka. mu:du id.
mu:4e o, kind of cap: Ta. m\i4u to cover.
mu:re t, in front: Ha. mo:re face.
mu:su o, to smell: Tu. mu:su id.
megi m, megge t, younger brother: Tu. megge id
megdi m, t, younger sister: Tu. megdi id.
mejappu o, to hit i;:ym bals.
mej ji o, to husk paddy: meypu id. ·
mede o, and, afterwords: Te. midi next,
mey o, body: Tu. mey id.
meri t, to pound: Ha. meri id.
mere -o, breast ( see mire ) .
meli t, to beat.
mella o, slowly: Tu. mella id.
me:ke o, stomuch.
me:yi o, to graze: Tu. me: id .
mog1i m, daughter: Ka. maga\u id.
motte m, egg: Ka. mot~e id.
modayi o, east: Tu. mudavi id.
modi o, to weave basket; mude id.
.
0

. . m, washerman: Ka. madiva:la

moduvale . id.
moµgi m, kind of fish.
mopcJi m, broken: Tu. muti4u ip.
moµpi m, soil ( see maµµi ).
modale o, crocodile: Tu. mudals id.
modeli o, bottom: Tu. mudeli id.
morjiJi m, kind of ant.
mo: ci m, to churn.
mo:rpi o, to chum.
mo:la o, cave; rat's hole: Ta. mur,ai cave.
mpa m, mpli t, here.
mya:µa m, wax: Ha. me:µa id.
ya:ni o, I (see e:ni ).
ya:ri o, to be sufficient: Tu. ya:ri id.
va:ri m, who: Ka. va:ru id.
vo:\u m, seven: Ka. e:Ju id.
ratti o, to scatter: Tu. rafti id.
ratti o, to search.
 COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY 113

ra44i o, two: Tu. ra44i id.

ra: o, to fly: Tu. ra: id.
ra:gati m, pully.
ra:tri m, night.
ri:ti o, manner.
ru o, to be: Ka. iru id.
lakki o, to get up: Tu. lakki id.
lammayi o, inside: Ka. o\age id.
la:giri o, to hop.
lekka o, account.
vatfa o, lip.
va44i o, to bend and break: ka. o4e to break.
varsa o, year.
vala m, fireplace: Ka. ole id.
valli o, to bark: Ta. oli to sound.
vastu o, thing.
vaJtha:vu ril, watersnake: Tu. oHe id.
va: o, which one: Ka. ya:va id.
va:ma o, sacrifice.
vesano o, sorrow.
sanµi m, cowdung: Ha. sagaµa id.
sada m, rubbish.
sadra t, small.
santo:sa o, happiness.
sapi o, curse.
sappu m, leaf: Tu. sappu id.
sama o, currect.
samayi t, meat.
say o, that is all !
sarti o, times: Tu. sarti id.
savru m, to scrape ( grass): Ka. savaru id.
sa:4a m, kind of fish.
sa:na m, bath.
sa:pa m, curse.
sa:mani o, materials.
sa:ya o, help.
sa:ri o, to filter: Ta. tanu id.
sa:ri m, outer rind of jackfruit: Kol. sar thorn.
sa:la m, stream.
sa:U t, to be enough: Ha. sa: la not enough,
114 KORAGA

sikka m, rope net to hang pots: Ha. sikka id .

sikki o, to be obtained: Ka. sikku id.
sigiri o, sprout: Ka. ciguru id.
sitti m, anger: Ka. sit!u id.
sibli m, sieve.
sima t, cold.
silpu o, whirl.
sivaJa m, tender cocount: Ka. si:va:la id.
sI: m, sweet : Ka. sihi id.
si: ni m, sneeze: Ka. si:nu id.
su44u o, to bake: Ka. su4u id.
sutta m, to wear : Ha. suttu id.
suttu t, wealth.
sundu o, to wind: Ha. sundu id.
suma:ri o, about.
sum bu o, to carry on the head: Tu. sumbu id.
suri o, to string: Ka. suri id.
sulCm, top of a coconut tree.
suJe t, pulp of jackfruit (see sola ).
sulJu m, lie: Ka. suJ!u id.
su: o, t, to see: Tu. su: id.
su:4i m, torch made of coconut leaves: Ha. su:te id.
sene o, clod of earth.
seddi o, to splash: Ka. sidi id.
sefe' m, to rinse clothes. ·
soµtu m, middle: Ha soµta hip.
sombu o, goblet: Ha. cembu id.
soru m, to leak: Ha. so:ru id.
sore o, smooth gourd: Ka. sore id.
solaba o, easy.
sollu o, to say: Ka. sollu id.
soJa m, pulp of jackfruit: Ha. soJe id.
so:ku o, beauty.
so:ju o, so:ju t, to appear: Tu so:ju id.
so: tu, so:ti, t, to be defeated: Ka. so:lu id.
so:ru o, t, today.
hakka!a m, t, cockroach: Ka. akkale id.
hakki m, bird: Ka. hakki id.
hage Ii t, daytime: Ha. hagalu id.
haji m, fresh, green: Tu. paji id.
 COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY ll!'i

ha.ii m, to search: Ka. pa:r to look for.

hajikavu m, kind of snake.
haje t, mat (see paje ).
hajji t, to be tom: Ha. paji to be broJ.:e11.
hatti m, cowshed: Ka. hatti id.
hatte:ri t, bed-bug.
hadi m, hood (of a serpent ): Ka. hede id.
hadu t, uncultivated: Tu. pa4~i id. .
haclka t, ladle.
haµa t, money: Ka. haµa id.
haµe t, water-lift: Tu . paµe id.
haµ4i m, t, fruit: Tu. par.u to ripen.
hatti t, to climb up: Ka. hattu id.
hatte t, smear: Ka. haccu id.
hattonji t, eleven: Tu. pattonji id.
hadpe t, greens: Tu. padps id.
hadra:4i t, twelve: Tu. padra:4i id.
handali t, pandal.
handi t, to shake: Ha. handu id.
handi m, yes.
hanney4i m, twelve: Ka. hannera4u id.
hambali m, memory.
hay m, to pour: Ka. huy id.
haygi m, sand: Ha. hoyge id.
hav4i m, to dig up.
hav4i m, to spread: Ka. hara4u id.
hari m, to flow: Ka. hari id.
hari m, hot-water pot: Ha. harvi id.
hariye t, elder brother: Tu. paraye id.
had m, tooth: Tu. pari id.
had m, t, to drink: Tu. pari id.
hareddi t, elder sister: Tu. pardi id.
harke m, vow: Ka. harake id.
hargi m, kind of animal.
harngi t, stale.
harta t, sharp: Ka. harita id.
harti t, old: Tu. paratti id.
harba t, festival: Tu. parba id.
halaga m, wooden plank: Ha. halage id.
halta mara t, jackfruit tree: Tu, pila id.
116 KORAGA

halli m, house lizard: ·Ka. halli id.

havdayi t, west: Ha. paduva id.
hav4i t, to put (see ho:4~ ).
ha:nge m, like that: Ha. ha:'flge id.
ha:di m, t, forest: Tu. pa:di grove.
ha: de t, rock: Tu. pa: ds id:
ha:yi t, to hit.
ha:ra t, wait ! .
ha:ri m, t, to fly: Ka. ha:ru id.
ha:me t, brahmin.
ha:rpe t, to drive (birds).
ha: la m, spathe of arecanut tree: Ha. ha: Je id.
ha:vu m, snake: Ka. ha:vu id.
higeli t, branch.
hiji m, to pick up: Tu. piji id.
hijini t, ant: Tu. pijini id.
hijirpi t, to twist: Tu. pijirpu id.
hije t, to pick up ( see hiji ).
hidke t, basket.
hi~di t, handful: Ka. hidi id.
h41¥ m, to squeeze: Ka: hiµ4u id.
hidmayi t, outside: Tu. pideyi id.
hina t, corpse: Ka. heµa id.
hiri m, to be relieved of a spirit: Tu. piri id.
hiriki m, ring kept under a rice pot: Ha. irikke id.
hiru t, tender grass.
hircadi t, to squeeze.
hili m, t, tiger: Tu. pili id.
hi:nki t, to start.
hugari t, to praise: Tu. pugari id.
huge t, smoke: Tu. pugs id.
hujigavu t, tobacco.
huda m, to catch, hudi t, to hold: Ka. hidi id.
hucj.u m, to fear: Ta. peti fear.
hudani m, to carry on the head.
hudari t, name : Tu. pudari id.
hunca t, anthill: Tu. punca id.
huntu m, anthill: Ka. hutta id .
huri t, boil: Tu. puri id.
huri t, huii m, worm: Ka. huJa id.
 COMPARATIVE VOCABULARY 117

hureli t, to roll: Tu. pureli id.

hurga t, over-boiled rice: purga id.
hu:ce t, fisherman.
hu:ji t, to sweep: Tu. pu:ju to gather.
hu:nji m, cock: Ka. huii.ja id.
hu:qqi m, to burry: Ka. pu: r. id.
hecci t, to increase: Ka. heccu id.
heHi m, to prick: Ha. hettu to beat in.
he4e m, leaf of arecanut tree.
henku :ji t, woman.
hetta t, cow: Tu. petta id.
hetmanti t, lying-in- woman. ( ;;ee hedi )
hedambu t, topsy turvey: Ha. peda1nbu id.
hedi t, to beget: Tu. pedi id.
hemman m, woman: Ha. hemmakko id.
h ev4 e m, hen: Tu. pcra44c: id.
heravu t, behind: Tu. piravu id.
h eravi t, to grate: Ha. here id.
heri m, to beget: Ka. heru id.
herguqe t, big rat: Tu. perguqs field rat.
herce t, thorns of jackfruit: Ha. recce id.
hermaµa m, instrument to grate coconut: Ka. herema~1c id.
hermi m, outside: Ha. hera id.
helt haµ4i m, jackfruit ( see halt mara ).
he:nge m, how: Ha. he :V}ge id.
he:ri t, milk: Tu. pe:ri id.
hokkala m, outer cover of a jackfruit seed.
hokru t, naval: Ha. hokku~u id.
hoga m, smoke: Ka. hoge id.
hoc4i m, to thatch.
hone m, stomach: Ka. ho!te id.
hoµq.a m, pit: Ha. hoµqa id.
hotta m, hortu t, time : Ka. hottu id.
hodi m, to cover oneself: Ka. hode id.
hodi t, to fry: Tu. podpu id.
hoddiga m, hordi t, near: Ka. pordu to join.
hov4i m, to roll: Ka. horaiu id.
hoydi m, to start: Ka. horadu id.
hoyye t, sand (see haygi ). ·
hoyli t, current of a stream: Ha. oylu id.
118 KORAGA

horoH m, t, horse gram: Ka. huruH id.

hordi t, edge.
horpi t, to pluck: Tu. porpu id.
hola m, plain: Ka. hola field.
holi m, to stitch: Ha. holi id.
hoJa m, river: Ka. ho~e id.
ho:ga m, to go: Ka. ho:gu id.
ho:4a m, to put: Ta. potu id.

Abbriviations used: o: Onti, t: Tappu

m : Mudu, Tu. : Tulu, Ka. : Kannada,
Ha. : Havyaka, Ta. : Tamil, Te. : Telugu, Kol.: Kc-lami.
 8. APPENDIX: THE BELARI LANGUAGE

1. Beja: ri is the name of a tribe mainly engaged in making

baskets from bamboo sticks, inhabiting the slopes of the Westem
Ghats to the east of Coondapur in the South Kenara district, Mysore.
STURROCK has referred to them as Bellara (in his Manual of South
Kanara, 1894 ), and their speech is considered to be a dialect of
Kannada by him. A recent study has revealed that the language is
quite distinct from both Kannada and Tulu, even though it contains
a considerable amount of borrowings from them. Structurally it
appears to be nearer to Tulu than to Kannada. It also shows
similarities with · the Koraga language spoken by another basket
making tribe of that area who use creepers and not bamboos in
their profession.
2. We may introduce the language here wito the following list
of vocables:
(a) hoy to beat ujji to keep
hu:ju to smear upparsi to climb up
ha pi to bend ija to climb down '
soccoqi to throw u!u to wear
simbi to carry u: to blow
bo:qi to beg ogi to pull
noq.i to wash sey to die
to}aga to rub ba}i to float
tari to dig kolu to give to III
person
i!a to get up itta to give to I or II
person
(b)eyda all hac!i green, fresh
be}idi which one si:ge sweet
je:yendi what seypi beautiful
enti where dabra rough
haragi behind gantadi good
illeyi inside sat:ri blighted
ga~tj.ya much kup.\;ra short
sigiQi a little hoq1e small
120 KORAGA

( c) go:ke neck bergi back

hoQ.ali stomach ja'ljgi leg
hodku}u navel odi
.vu blood
( d) tanne mother marjedi grandchild
me: ti wife burde relative
himbacj.i son-in- law madiyeri marriage
baggeri boy beggi girl
{ e) argi rice ijQ.e mortar
moJesi chilly ijgeri pestle
ma}gi medicine otre hole
seyle firewood kattige knife
mi:keri a big pot ka.Q.vayi drum
aQ.a:kina lid kadevi Holeya ( a caste )
(f)teru way h~di fruit
sa:ro bridge ba:tre betel leaf
hu!e river debiri bamboo
hula forest sa:go pig
gal de field haysa:re snake
hakkah plain hurl slough

3. There are quite a number of Tulu and Kannada borrowings

in this language, of which the latter are apparently of more recent
ongm. Almost all the Belari speakers can freely converse in
Kannada which is the majority language of the region inhabited by
them, and because of the existence of a large number of Tulu
borrowings in their speech, they can also understand Tulu to a certain
extent. The Tulu borrowings appear to have taken place at an early
stage in Belari, and have undergone many interesting sound changes,
It is possible, of course, that these vocabulary items are also native
to the language itself, and in that case the relationship between Tulu
and Belari will tum out to be closer still.

4. A word-initial p of Tulu regularely corresponds to h in

Belari.
Belari gloss Tulu
hai;ii to say paQi
ha}di elder sister paldi
hijini ant pijini
 THE BELARI LANGUAGE 121

Balari gloss Tutu

hudari name pudari
hugeli !?houlder pugeli
hu:ji to smear pu :ju
ho}ti time po}tu

5. Proto-Dravidian *1:. is represented by f in Belari: ba:fe

banana, gafde field, ko:fi fowl, afi to weep, to{i to kick, oU to remain,
gi{erlgi sweet potato.
6. The personal suffixes used in the finite verbal forms of
Belari partly rnsemble Tulu suffixes and partly the Koraga ones.
The following are the Belari suffixes:
singular plural
I e 0
II M a ari
F ari
IIIM i MF eri
FN icji N 0

( a ) The suffixes of I and II person are identical with those of

Tulu, except that in II singular, Belari :makes a gender distinction
which is absent in Tulu, and the suffix used while addressing a
female person is identical with the II plural suffix.
( b ) In the III person, the gender distinction is between mascu·
line and feminine-neuter in the singular and between neuter and
non -neuter in the ·plural. The system and the rnffixes used are
identical with those of the Koraga language ( Onti dialect), except
that Koraga has no form to denote neuter plural in III person, and
the Belari suffix in this case happens to be identical with that
of Tulu.
7. The following is a sample paradigm of the root bar to come.
Finite:
(a) non·past: singular Plural
I barke barko
II M barka barkari
F barkari
HIM barki MF barkeri
FN barkicji N barko
122 KORAGA

(b) past:
I battige battigo
II M battiga battigari
F battigari
ffiM battigi MF battigeri
FN battiq.i N battigo
( c ) subjunctive:
I brave bravo
II M barva barvari
F barvari
IIIM barvi MF barveri
FN baru N barvo
( d) imperative: •
M ball a balle
F balle
( e ) prohibitive: M bara barali
F barali
( f ) negative: barkidi does not come
battidi did not come
( g) concessive: barmo let us come
barli let ( him ) come
barka ,, ,, ,,
( h ) assertive: bara]di should come
Non-finite:
( a ) infinitive barkina (non-past)
battina (past)
( b ) converb: batti having come
barande without coming
( c ) conditional: barktj.a if ( you ) come
battindek since ( you ) came
8. As has been already noted, the forms denoting II feminine
singular are identical with those of II plural. This is also true of
personal pronouns as can be seen below (see 12 ).
9. The occurrence of the suffix k"-'g in both the past and non-
past finite forms above ts rather interesting. Its absence in the third
person feminine-neuter singular form should also be noted. It is
possible that the suffix was originally a present tense marker (cf.
Tamil kir ) and the so-called past forms are perfect rather than past.
Koraga has a k ~g suffix indicating past tense, which may or may
 THE BELARI LANGUAGE 123

not have anything to do with the above complexity. Obviously a

more detailed study is necesrnry in this context.
10. Normally, past forms are derived by adding the suffix d
to a base.
bu:)ki he falls bu:]dki he fell
ubiki he spits ubidki he spat
ka:rki he vomits ka:rdki he vomited
The following al tern ants of the past suffix were also noted.
( a ) t ( in which case the following k becomes g)
barki he comes battigi he came
ma:]ki he does ma:tgi he did
bi:ki he cooks bi:tgi he cooked
(b) nd
mi:ki he bathes mindki he bathed
( c) y
akki he becomes ayki he became
hokki he goes hoyki he went
ittaki he gives ittayki he gave
sukki he sees suyki he saw
11. In the case of the feminine-neuter singular forms, however,
the consonant k "'-' g gets elided after the past suffix. Atter the last
rour 1 ases given above the past also has a zero alternant, but the
base- fi nal vow J are regularly lengthened: battiqi she came,
ho: qi it went, su : (li she saw, itta;4i she gave.
12. The pronouns are e: ni I, e't]k{o we, vu:yi you (male
singular), mukfa:ri you (female singular), you (plural), ay.i he
(remote), be :yi this man , adi that woman, thing, uttu this woman,
thing, a:kfi those persons, be:k!i these persons, hu:fu here, o:fu there,
evfu where, u: tega this much a: tegae that much, e:tega bow much,
hu;4eki to this place, a;4eki to that place, e:4eki to which place, etc.
13. Case suffixes are identical with those of Tulu except that
the locative suffix is t as in Koraga.
14. Plural suffixes are added to rational nouns only. They
are kfu after some nouns and ri after the rest.
15. On the whole, the language is extremely interesting, and
deserves to be studied in greater detail.