V s IRS POTCHEFSTROOM

19 February 1988
X
THE CURRENT CRISIS IN EDUCATION
AGAINST THE B A C K G R O U N D OF T H E IDEOLOGICAL-POLITICAL SITUATION
IN S O U T H A F R I C A

KEN H A R T SHORNE

Education policies and systems in any country reflect its

"political options, its traditions and values, and its
r conceptions of the future"(l), as also the realities and myths
of its past.

Education is never neutral or aseptic, but exists in the context of a

particular social,economic,political and (in the case of South Africa)
rnnRti tntionai order.F.dnnatinn systems are most effective and relevant when
they have the acceptance and support of the "user”
(learner .teacher .parents,community), when the user is involved and
participates in the education decisions that are wade, and when the user is
in broad, general agreement with the view of wan and society that informs the
philosophy/ideology on which the education system is based. Where this is not
so there _ will_ be dissatisfaction and protest. In a democratic society
attempts will be made to change the situation through the exercise of the
political power of the user. However, where the user has very limited
political power to change the education system, as has been the experience of
the Black South African, not only is the education system constantly
challenged, but in the end the legitimacy of the authority that lies behind
it is also challenged and ultimately rejected, as is now the case in South
- I
Africa. j '’ >^ ^ eCr'1

It is therefore naive to expect that politics can be kept out of education:

this is true both for the politician who put it there~lrf"ffie first place and
who sees politics in education only when it is not his own politics, and for
the educationist who tries to act as though education exists in some kind of
vacuum,untouched by the realities of the world, that it can be dealt with
purely ’
’scientifically*’
, and that politics should be left to the government.
Education, because it has to do with our children and the basic values we
believe in. is not only one of the «ost important of huwan endeavours but
also one of the lost political. I do not lean this in the narrow party sense
but in the sense of the great issues of society and governwent —
representation .democracy,equal i ty •Jus tice, f reedoms.rlghts ^d
responsibilities. One cannot hope to understand the current crisis in
education except against this broad background and against the MM.9 ^Mediate
canvas of political ideologies and practice in South Africa.

PERSONAL PLATFORM j f"V- " c' *0'?' 'i ^ 'C

fo O >
In the light of the above, and because of the coaplex,tangled watrix of
political,religious,economic and educational- I d e o l o g i e s , attitudes and
prejudices which lake up the South African scene, any coaientator seeking to
describe and analyse the educational situation has a responsibility to
declare his interests and clarify the standpoint froa which he approaches
this difficult task. This I shall now attempt to do. /

What I have already said must in any case have given some indication of this
standpoint, but it needs further clarification and extension. If one looks at
education in South Africa in the social,economic and political context which
determines the ecology in which it seeks to survive and develop, it is clear
that education has both a conserving drive and a creative drive. In its
conserving role it inevitably reflects the existing social.economic and
political order : education systems are used as instruments of national
policy and therefore have a strong tendency to maintain and protect the
status quo- Because of this, when one is concerned with fundamental change
and transformation in education,one must avoid the trap "of searching for a t

purely educational answer to a problem that has social,economic and political

as well as educational dimensions”.(2) However, education is also a "futures"
activity and has creative purposes and outcomes that lay be very different
from those intended by the p o l i t i c a l authority. At its best it is concerned
with Kant’
s "better condition of Man in the future". That better condition is
'not only concerned with the individual,his liberation,hopes and aspirations,
but alsp with the society in which he has to live out his life and which is
the~war£ and weave of his existence-
 i > A m
' While the quality of society will always depend upop the quality of the
individuals making it up. and education will aj^fays be crucial to the
individual in liberating the human mind and spirit in the service of others
in society,the old classical view of a Liberal education is now not
sufficient. As it has been put very bluntfy/’
what is the use of a 'liberal
- /
education* if people are poor.starving and oppressed?" In Africa education
cannot remain remote
f-rom the two major challenges to the very survival of
/ /
this continent : / /
the rteed to /"learn to live together in peace and understanding through
the conquest of inhumanity.prejudice and selfishness ; and
the need to cope with the economic imperatives of society through the
/ • /
conquest of poverty,food shortages and unemployment.

In South Africa,instead of contributing to the resolution of these major-

issues and instead of having a creative,common national purpose directed
towards the future, education has been too concerned with the preservation of
our past, and the maintenance and reproduction of the privileges of the
present.lt has been too concerned, in this reflecting the society in which it
is encapsulated -
with protecting group identities and interests;
with differences and diversity instead of a common South Africanism and
a common humanity;
with obedience to authority.particularly that of the State,instead of
encouraging creative thinking,independence and dissent;
with preparing people for their place in society instead of liberating
the potential of all our people so that all the resources of our country
could be directed to the major challenges which lie ahead of us.

It has been used to discriminate against people on the grounds of colour

alone and against the poor,the weak and the oppressed, and still does,
instead of being used to throw open the doors of opportunity. It has been
more concerned with protecting those with power.whether political or
economic,than sharing the benefits of education in an open,democratic
society.Above all, education has divided the children of our land,white and
black,so that they are estranged from one another.creatures of two worlds in
the same country. Whatever excuses we make,whatever reasons we find in
history,in "cultural differences” or in "scientific” analyses,what has
happened has been un-Christian, immoral,humanly sinful and self-destructive^

If this be "ideology", so be it. It has led me along a path of commitment to L.

 ' X>/VZ<5
a * non-raclal.democratic.unltary» Just and equitable future society— and
political dispensation for South Africa. I know only too well that there are
difficulties with lost of these terms,that there is a wide range of
interpretations and that a large part of the present debate is concerned
with clarifying then.But I use them simply to indicate the platform from
which I approach the subject that the organisers of the Conference gave
me.To do justice to these concepts is impossible within the scope of this
paper, so let me content myself with a few annotations.

1 use "non-racial" (as against multiracial) to indicate that I beli^/e the

individual is more important than the group and that his colour i^rrelevant
to his place as a South African and a human being. Politically I am a strong
believer in "democracy",which with all its faults and pj-dblems,is still the
fairest and most moral political ideology that fallible Man has been able to
devise.More specifically 1 believe in universal" suffrage and proportional
representation of\ conflicting interests. Jn stating my commitment to a
"unitary" state I aift guided by the reality that only a strong central
government will be able to monitor £outh Africa s progress to greater
equality of opportunity and a faiydeal for everyone. While this does not
negate the idea of decentralisation and the accommodation of local and
regional interests, too great a devolution of authority in our situation will
lead to the persistence of privilege and inequality. In using the concept of
"justice" I am expressing my belief in the rule of Law (not laws),the need
for a Bill of Rights and the basic freedoms of religion, speech, the
press,association,assembly,dissent and protest, and man’
s right to a fair
trial in the courts. When I consider a future economic dispensation for South
Africa in terms of it being fair and "equitable* ithere is an imperative, if
we are to achieve our other goals, both to increase the wealth of our country
and to redistribute it more fairly. I do not see\his being achieved by
either free enterprise/capitalism or by communism in their present forms.
Neither are democratic in their outcomes : both in the end favour the
privilege*}/few. What I do accept .however, is that socialism is a crucial
factor In our future, and that out of the tension between F T ^ d capitalism
■ust^/come an economic system that will do away with both the abject poverty
and the flagrant affluence that exist side by side in South Africa.

Finally,the education system that I could supjSort would have to^>e compatible
with and reflect/ these kinds of vaiues and ideals. The educational
initiatives I would support now would be those that^were conceived in these
tens,that did not aerely bolster up the status quo but were lnnovfltTvtTand
change-oriented, and did not Just provide "aore of the samp". In practice
this leaves aany grey areas on t£e'fringes of the exlsting^systens, and even
within the*. The ultimate ^test Is probably whether what we are doing is
creative rather than /conservative,future-oriented rather than directed
towards maintaining"6r strengthening the present situation in education.

I realise that I have still left many unanswered questions. In the li?ht of
the subject.however.it was necessary to sake the attempt to give some
indication of ay perceptions of the ideological-political situation in South
/
Africa.

THE HISTORICAL PROCESS

Crises do not just "happen". While I do not want to worry you with a long J?
historical introduction to the present educational crisis, it is nevertheless^
crucial that there should be an understanding of the historical process (;
leading to itrThe roots go deep into the past, a past which has been
analysed by liberal historians in teras of/racial and political
discrimination and by Marxist/revisionist historians in terms of class and
economic docination : both have been the ideological background of education
over the years. Perhaps a few indicators^/will be of value. In 1868.Dr
Dale,Superintendent General of Education iri the Cape for 33 years,reported
that "The spread of civilisation by school/instruction and the encouragement
of industrial habits among the Natives in the Border districts are of
importance in the political security and social progress of the Colony."(3)
At the end of his career in 1891 he wa's to write "It was not the intention to
train the whole of the male Bahtu youth to become expert tradesmen, but
rather to instruct them to use efficaciously the spade and the hoe,the plane
and the saw,the mason's trowel/and the plumb-line."(4) By 1910 the Director
of Education for the Trans/aal was able to say that in "educating White
children and Coloured (including Black)chiidren... the principle of social
segregation is carried /6ut and it is a principle that no one has
challenged."(5) Education policy and resources were to be used, or withheld,
to ensure that economfc power and political privilege reaained in the hands
of Whites. A "laissez faire". "festina lente" attitude of neglect continued
through to the Second World War, and the basic patterns of segregation,
 V / a i ' h
aUcri.inaHon andXnequality becajwT f l r m l ^ S t a b l 1shed, in spite of the
effort s / of som^* of the miss-i'on chui'cfies .particularly In their major
institutions, k o provide (wHfisome success) education of good quality.

Edgar Brookes, summing up the position in the first half of this

"century.consented about South Africa’
s attitude to black education that it
had been "too humane to prohibit It....too human to encourage it”and that
"not to educate.and at the same time to hold down by repressive barriers,is a
possible and logical policy. To educate, and to give generous opportunities
of advancement,is equally logical and more defensible- But to educate^and
then to repress is to invite disaster... Toleration of Native Education will
not do as a ploicy.”( 6 2 ^ ? 3 ^

The more immediate background to the present c r i s i s , however.dates from 1948

with the coming to power of the National Party,with the disappearance of
"toleration” and ’
’laissez faire"attitudes and the placing of black education
under strict .unequivocal central State control. It was now to be used as one
of the major instruments of State policy in a doctrinaire,Ideological style
not previously experienced in South Africa. The ideological base for Bantu
Education"is to be found in the concepts of Christian National Education and
"separate development^The first was expounded in the definitive document of
1948,issued by the Institute for ^CNE. At the tli 'One of its major
authors,Professor JCCoetzee said that it was a blueprint for the education of
Afrikaans-speaking children only and that^b^knows that people with other
views exist and hold the same rights as he-does.Therefore he supports them in<
their wishes for an education of thei^hildren according to their philosophy
of life.”(7) Unfortunately, thills neither consistent with what was to
happen in practice, nor with Article 15 of the CNE document

”We b/lieve that the calling and task^of White South Africa with regard
to the native/is to Christianis/him and b^lp him on culturally, and
thax this calling and task has already found its nearer focusing in the
principles pf trusteeship,no./equality.^nd segregation ../ we believe
tfiat the /teaching and education of the native must be grounded in the
/life and/world view of / t h e Whites^most especially tj>6se of the Boer
''nation ,6s the senior Whi/te trustee/:.. [and that the native must acceptj
the Christian and national prl/ciples in our teaphing--- It Is the
right/Land__ task of the Suite ... to give ind control native
educiition.”(8)

The educational expression of the'second concept."separate development".is to

be found in the Eiselen Commiftion Repyt, in the subsequent statements of Dr I
r
Verwoerd and in the Bantu Education Act of 1953. Even the t e n s of reference
given to the Commission,which was entirely White in composition,and in the
end was to ignore the weight of evidence from Black witnesses, Indicate
clearly the direction that was to be taken :

"The formulation of the principles and alas of education for Natives as

an independent rac^.in which their past and present, their inherent racial
qualities,their distinctive characteristics and aptitude,and their nesds
under ever-changing social conditions are taken into consideration ... The
extent to which the system ...should be modified ... in order to conform to
the proposed principles and aims, and to prepare Natives more effectively for
their future occupations."(9)

The basic point of departure for all the recommendations was that "Bantu
Education" was justified and necessary because it was dealing with children
"trained and conditioned in Bantu culture, endowed with a knowledge of a
Bantu language and imbued with values, interests and behaviour patterns
learned at the knee of a Bantu mother" and with children who have to find
their place as adults in "Bantu society".(10) There is a strange mythology
in the Eiselen report and in the debates leading up to the Bantu Education
Act that suggests that "Bantu society",a "Bantu economy" and "Bantu socio­
economic development" can all be isolated and separated out from the
realities of the single South African society and economy. While the harsh
doctrinaire corners of the Verwoerdian model have been smoothed off ^nd
arguments are now bland and technlclst (e.g. in relation to manpower needs),
this mythology has remained the ideological base of Black education up to
this day. Equality is grudgingly and theoretically granted, but it must be
separate.

The grand design of 7 the Verwoerdian social engineers has had disastrous
consequences for Soiith Africa, consequep^es that are only now being
realised. The neglect of Black educations starving it of resource^ln tlad^Zb U
years/following on the 1953 Act has/oeen comprehensively documented in
studies and J'do not plan to argup it here.(11) The gram^design has leiA us
witn an education system fragmented into 19 septate structures (the
Department of National Education, 5 White departifents, one "Coloured", on^/|
Indian /and eleven Black)/ all tightly controlled within a segregation mod'
in which a discriminatory hierarchy of cing, resources, facilities and /
£'7
outcomes developed, .th Whites faring ther best and Blacks by far the worst, y '
In the end. after a surprising period of quiescence in>he sixties following
on the t r a g e d y of Sharpeville, the inevitable exp^ilon of 16 June 197£-was
sparked off by issues of language, issues on ifatch the education <iutM>ritles
had been particularly dogmatic and unreler^rmg*(12) However^tfie underlying
causes are rather to be found in the segregation and genpr'al inferiority of
black education, 'the obvious discrimination in terms of finance and resources
and its ideological direction, all in the context of the social, economic and
political position of black Spilth Africans, together with the more immediate
issues tf" rents, housing, transport and citizenship. (Transkei
"independence", for example, was to jemove SA citizenship from millions o!
Xhosa who regarded South Africa, and not Transkei, as their home.)

V r ,o e i
The education revolt of 1976 was to grow in intensity throughout the years
until 1980, spreading fiercely to
"Coloured”, educational institutions
[ /
particularly in the Western Cape. By i380 a major breakdown in education was
threatening, and under this pressure the government requested the Human
Sciences Research Council to institute an investigation into the state of
education in South Africa. Thus came into being what has come to be known as
the de Lange Committee, after its Chairman, Professor P i de Lange, then
Rector of the Randse Afrikaanse Universiteit (RAU) and later to become the
Chairman of the Broederbond. (13) The Committee commenced its work in August
1980 and reported at the end of July 1981. During this period there was
something of a truce, a "wait and see" attitude in black communities, who
with considerable scepticism and aloofness, stood back to await the
recommendations, and more importantly government’
s response to them. By 1983,
with the issue of the government White Paper on Education(14), it was clear
that community scepticism^as justified, government was not prepared to make
any fundamental response/to what was a moderate (some would say conservative)
negotiated report, and segregated, discriminatory education systems were to
continue. Tne basic spirit of the report was Ignored, the new slogan became
"equal but separate", more(but not nearly enough) money was channelled into
Black education,and technical,"career" education was seized upon as though it
were the only /important recommendation of the de Lange report. But the
fundamentals /emained unchanged, the crisis continued, exacerbated by_the .— -
1983 elections based on a tri^cameral system which ignored Blacks, w*o were^
" a s ' thougiTThey~wene sTrangers in their own country. From the middle""?, </''r
/ / _ -- ----- - t >
of 1984 /onwards, against ^the~background of tragedies such as those of
Sebokeng' and Langa, resistance in the schools escalated and by the end of
1986" / t h e disruption of schooling and the breakdown of the learning
environment were worse than at any time in the history of Black education.
 p/
The crisis had cone to &y, in a sop-Ial and politJU&l environment^aarked by
the declaration of a y,state of emfergency" thaj Ls in danger of/coming to be
accepted'as part o|/our normal .Existence.

1>A
THE PRESENT CRISIS

Where do thfngs stand at present ? (/\ ^> ______ --

It is a highly risky endeavour even to try to analyse the position in which

education is at present, because of the extreme complexity of the context and
the rapidity
with which situations change. Education is taking place within
7
an untidy laze of ^Titeractions that themselves are volatile and often
unpredictable, and which differ radically from place to place, from situation
to situation, often the whim of the local security apparatus, officials or
youthful activists/The participants in these interactions are the State, its
security apparatus, the education departments, black political forces,
educational l/aders, community groupings, trade unions, teachers’
associations /and local groupings of teachers, students and pupils in both
•ju
. organised and spontaneous action, young people outsidej>f the schools ,__the -f
ctToTTThi jfijen, parents, churches, ~~ the business community, International 11
f fffef^^^TT^poiitical and economic - all of these, in one way or another,
have concerns in the field of education and are exercising an influence, to a
greater or lesser degree, on what is happening at present. In the face of
these complexities a neat analysis of the position of education is not
possible. What is perhaps possible is to identify some indicators of broad
tendencies and of the stances of some of the main actors in the drama that is
being played out. ^ J 10 .

GOVERNMENT )/1
(. l^
-C f ^ X A______ v v
In the first place it is clear that the government shows fpw^if any signs of
giving way on the principle of segregated education systems. This ls a basic
tenet that has been reiterated again and again at the highest levels. Not
unexpectedly it is found in the strongest fopnf in the debates on education
votes inthe White House of Assembly. Thecalr becomes thicK with such words
as ’
’identity”,’’
culture”,’diversity.ft ft-
’ determination’
^ all of which can
only be preserved by ’
’own affairs education”. One gains the impression, on
 10

reading Hansard, of a rather desperate rearguard action. Even if it is

clear that apartheid in education is costing Sou|h Africa dearly in
economic ter*s (for example, in the duplication of expensive services and
"White facilities” lying unused - over 200 OO^^vacant places in prinary
and high schools and about 3 000 in training) it must still he
preserved on ideological grounds. The government would rather retain
unused facilities in White hands, even/for non-educational purposes, than
■ake then over to Blacks. In Whi-te residential areas, facilities will
remain idle rather than be made available to Blacks for the educational
purposes for which they were lp^ended.(15) However, limited possibilities
have been left open for th^'establishaent of private schools to «eet the
needs of those people fo; whom the State systems are unacceptable, and a
partial subsidy procedure has been instituted. Not only do private schools
offer a refuge to A small number of pupils but because of cost are
inaccessible to the liajority of parents. White or Black. Private schooling
is being used by government both as an attempt at producing a ’
’safety
valve” and also'as a aeans of evading responsibilities quite clearly those
of the State/

In the area of financing it has to be acknowledged /that there has been

considerable improvement in the funds Bade available to Black education;
for example, from 1981-2 to 1986-7 per capita expenditure for Black pupils
(excluding capital expenditure) increased fj<5m R119-68 to R368-56. This,
however, is still only 17% of per capita/^xpenditure for White pupils.to
It is said that this funding is now in'terms of a subsidy formula linked
to the concept of ’
’equal but separate^/ and in practice to the government’
s
Ten Year Plan for education, wjilch assumes a real increase in total
education expenditure of at least 4, IX per annum, and an annual
expenditure of R10 bn in 1#96 (i.e. in 1986 rand terns). Repeated
questions in the House of Assembly and elsewhere, however, have failed to
elicit the basis on which/the subsidy foraula is being applied.(16) What
is clear is that equality will not be reached in ten years, particularly
when one looks more closely at what is actually happening under the plan.
One White college of ejiucation is to cost R85m (at an average capital cost
per student place h f R38 636), while in the same three year period six
Black colleges of education are to be built at a total cost of R42a
(average capital/ cost per student place of R10 606). (17) Further, the
Minister of National Education has resisted ’
’the setting of specific
target dates /and rigoristic noras to achieve” the objectives of the Ten
Year P l e n . O i i l
 3> A ^
It has to be noted, too, that the plan deals only with provision and
finance, and assumes that the present segregated systems w111^continue. As
a spokesman of the National Education Crisis CommittefrffiECC) has said,
this continued ethnic separation of education plannHig M* ’
’indicative of f \
insensitivity and arrogance. 'To expect our peopfe to wait for ten years
for an insignificant shift in apartheid education Is to expect too
much .”(19) /

v x The other aspect of importance in government attitudes towards education

is the continued use of the secur 1ty ap£ara^s to buttress education
policy and to silence all opposition by detaining those voicing it»/This
haps best illustrated by the all-out attack on the-NECC leadership,
of wnom have now been removed from the education debate. It^p^eds to
ememberedtfifat in the first twelve months of emergency i m e than 700

sons ii( the field of e d u c a t i o n wej^e d e t a i n e d trfx varyin g

)ds./20) Of these 147 w e r e t e e n e r s in the j^ervice of the m < s
tment of E d u c a t i o n and T r a i l i n g (79 from/the Cape),^ fh
including the secretary-genej-efl of the natipfial teachers ^
sation, A T A S A . ( 2 1) D i s s e n t i n g v o i c e / a r e not to be 2 ^
fred to be heard, o p p o s i t i o n is to b p ^ b r o w b e a t e n , no
iamental changes i n ' i d e o l o g y or stLtfcture can be expected,
s e g r e g a t e d , d i v ^ i v e e d u c a t i o n is/to remain whether the
s like it or/not

THE SCHOOLS

If one turns to the schools themselves, in particular those in the urban

areas under the DET, the picture is one of continuing deterioration in
relationships between the department and the teaph€rs and pupils,in spite
of official claims of a "return to normali£rj.n 1987. Over-all in Black
schools there is a slow but steady improvement in the teacher:pupil ratio,
the drop-out rate and the formal qualifications of teachers
(especially those with sefiior certificate), These
qualifications are often being obtained at the cost of pupils
not being given full attrition while the teacher is pursuing
his own studies, under pressure, it has to be said, from the
department which/employs him. In contrast to the general
pattern, the/arop-out rate in DET secondary schools has
worsened. /

/
 h/*JV * V - ^ r c'. (rXJcJl S

In 1985, of the 25 584 pupils enrolled In Std 10 at the beginning of the

year, 24 231 registered for the senior certificate examinaticy^ but only 10
523 took the exam and 4 897 passed (19, IX of the original enrolment). DET
enrolments at Std 10 level conctituted less than 25%/of the total In all
Black schools, but DET accounted for 70% of the drop-outs during the
year. (22) In 1986, of the 29 649 enrolled In Stjf 10 in DET schools at the
beginning of the year, 16 539 wrote the whole examination, 2 087 wrote some
papers, and 8 943 of those wno had registered for the exam did not write at
all. However, official results were recorded for only 11 295 candidates, on
the grounds that the others were ir/schools that had been disrupted by
protests and boycotts -(23) For tej/years, over-all passes for all Black
candidates have fluctuated in tKe 47-53% range, and passes at the
matriculation exemption level at between 10-13%. (White candidates show a
bout 93-94% over-all pass j'ate, with about 45% gaining matriculation
c* % exemption.) Preliminary results for 1987, which experience has shown have
to be treated with great'caution, seem to indicate some improvement : an
over-all pass rate of 56,3% and about 16% matric exemption. The
Johannesburg region / (Soweto and Alexandra), however, shows senior
certificate 26,1%; matriculation exemption 7%; over-all passes 33,1% (24)
The statistics over a number of years show that the greatest improvements
have occurred in some "homeland” areas (such as Venda.Gazankulu and
Bophuthatswana) and not in the urban areas, where for ten years now at
least half of all Std 10 pupils have left secondary school without any
certificate. -if q u .> [ f,u [ , ri , )>
o

What I believe this >fidicates iythat particularly (but not solely) ip7 the
urban areas South 'Africa faced w^di a creeping deterioration and
disintegration M the learning environment, consequent upon J^n years
satisfaction^ unrey;^ protest lent obduF&cy,
of departmental control arx^ the steady erosion qf'the mora of the
/teachers/ Attendance at sch^eQ
is no guarantee that learning is taking
does on< explain the Soweto itric results against th6
return normalcy" in 198^ ? Pupii are restless and
going on around them, regulaf learning habits are
/ / / y to school,
/ /
/breaking/down, they/do not bring boolts are negligent about
homework and distrust tests and examinations^ even the external senior
certificate/matriculation examination Since 1976_puplls have experienced
the heady feeling of power over their teachers and. as with all power that
is not accountable, this sometimes leads to youthful arrogance in speech
jtT' O ■ _______ - •
J , r»^ and action. All authority is questioned and it is the exceptional high
/»v> ------— —
 P 'hn.C>
school teacher who has the stature and respect sufficient to restore the
discipline of learning in his classrooa In such areas as the PWV. Eastern
a n d J le s te n ^ C a p e . U M J) 1^ I

Added to this are the young people who are not in school, who have dropped
out, failed in one way or another, been rejected by the education system,
and who have a continual negative effect on those who are at school,
ranging from the pressures of brothers and friends ("what's the use ?
where's it going to get you ? it's not going to help you get a Job ?) to,
on occasions, blatant intimidation. Altogether,this growing breakdown in
the urban areas bodes ill for the future : there can be no guarantee that
even a radical change in the political dispensation would restore a
positive learning environment in which post-apartheid education could
develop. This concern is expressed by Lebamang Sebidi when he says
••"However instant political coups’
d'etat Bay be, they cannot bring about jj
instant radical educational changes ... there are no educational coups /'
d'etat."(25)

Over the last ten years, about 250 000 youngsters have completed a
secondary school education without gaining a senior certificate. If one
takes this in conjunction with a recent aarket survey that indicated that
less than 20% of Black youths between the ages of 16 and 24 were in full­
time employment, then the magnitude of the educational and social
implications must be apparent. In the urban townships (for example at
present, in the Durban/Maritzburg area) there is a new and different
generation of "street children” led by young adults rejected by the
education system, disillusioned by failure and lack of work opportunities,
who* the recognised political and community organisations, such as the UDF
and its affiliates, are not able to control when direct political
confrontations arise.(26) One questions whether these schools can succeed
under any dispensation, unless something is done to help these young people
find their way, through "second chance", alternative forms of adult
education and training.

THE TEACHERS

In the Biddle of the ground contested by, on the one hand, the State and on
the other by pupils,parents and community.stand the teachers, at one and
 Ik P ((ZCi
the same tine employees of the State and members of the community. The
generally negative image of the teacher* to be found even anong teachers
themselves, is no small contributor to the breakdown of the learning
environment* discussed above. Pressured and criticised from all sides*
often for inadequacies for which they are not to blame* treated often by
departments not as professionals but as instruments of policy (as in recent
instructions on security in the schools), it is not surprising that in many
areas the morale* confidence and self-image of teachers is at a low ebb.
They are - in an unenviable position, and that so many, in spite of all the
personal and external constraints, still care about their pupils and do
their best for them, speaks well of many teachers and the profession to
which they belong.

The professional associations, such as ATASA and the Cape Teachers

Professional Association (CTPA), are under pressure, particularly from
their younger members, to take up a more militant stance of the kind
adopted by the newer.officially unrecognised associations, such as the non-
racial National Education Union of South Africa (NEUSA). Involvement in the
NECC movement has brought about a review of relationships with State
departments, and during 1986 both ATASA and CTPA withdrew their
representatives from the SA Council of Education (SACE) and from all
departmental comm ittees.//"The associations have exercised moderation,
patience and courtesy over a period of at least 50 years, .but are now
clearly moving away from the employing departments and much closer to the
communities they serve, in the ptocess taking a much_flXBLgJ_si.ao.d-fiD—
social and political issues that are bedevilling _£dycgLtl9n,._J-S-Frank lin
So m n — President of the CTPA, has said :"We cannot leave politics alone,
because politics will not leave us alone ... Teachers must retain the
respect of their children as a priority and this will only occur if they j
are seen to be part of the struggle for liberation."(27) The hardening of j
attitudes is likely to continue in nearly all teachers’associations (with
the exception of the powerful Transvaalse Onderwysersvereniging and a few
others) as they strive for greater unity through acceptance of the
Teachers' Charter, which specifically rejects apartheid and segregated
education systems.
 lb
3 > A ^
THE BLACK COMMUNITY s

^ / l^ A ^

Community responses to the continuing education crisis have, in the lain,

began to crystallise around the NECC jovement and the Idea of "People’
s
Education", both of which I shall discuss later In this paper, and which
also lor* the subject of several other papers at this conference. Although
the NECC Bovement is of great significance, the NECC itself is not without
its problems and constraints, apart from those imposed by government. To
the extent that it has links with particular political groupings of a
broadly United Democratic Front (UDF) nature, its authority and influence
will be challenged in certain areas and among groupings of a different
persuasion. It is not yet clear whether NECC leadership is fully accepted
by certain student groupings who feel the Initiative has been taken away
from them, and who are often impatlent-for aore radical action to be taken.
Local situations vary very greatly and are influenced powerfully both by
the immediacy of issues (such as the actions of the security forces) and
the personalities of local leaders. The development of national strategies
is no easy task. Nevertheless there is no question but that the NECC
movement is easily the strongest initiative to emerge in the educational
arena since the crisis came to a head in 1976. I use the word "movement” to
idicate that it is wider and stronger than the NECC as an organisation,
because it has a popular groundswell of support. There is also some
evidence to show that since the end of 1986, particularly in the field of
education, there has been the growth of an "education network”which
includes groupings that have differing political agendas.

/
In attempting to understand the education crisis of ^1984-88 and the
messages couched in terms such as people's education, community-educatlon,
alternative__ education, liberation ~~jjducation, worker education, post­
apartheid education, it is essential to realise - and this is the new
emphasis of 198S compared with 1976 - that many of these new messages,
particularly in the voices of younger people, are rooted in perceptions of
socialist principles. Scepticism as to the benefits of capitalism, evidence
of exploitation by those holding economic power, disbelief in the
inevitability of the rewards of economic growth "filtering down” to those
economically as well as politically disenfranchised, have been well
documented in various free enterprise surveys conducted in recent years.
 All this is very understandable in the historical light of frequent
A
collaboration between the State and capitalist Interests in the past, and
coapromises in the present. So that the recent very much clearer pressures
for change in education and society emerging in the statements of powerful
private sector interests, are received at best with caution, scepticism or
a wait-and-see attitude. The rise of the trade union movement, with its own
special feeling for the crucial importance of education, has also led to a
greater awareness of the economic as well as the political factors involved
in societal change. Economic as well as political reconstruction is now on
the agenda, and any serious consideration of the future of education in
South Africa has to take this into account.

DIFFERING PERCEPTIONS OF THE CRISIS

I realise that many, probably most White people, even if they accepted much
of what I have said of the past, would be likely to say "Yes, but hasn't
all this changed with "the return to school" in 1987 ? Does this not
signify an acceptance of the stated intentions of government to improve
educational conditions and of the sincerity of the government's reform
process ? Haven't things now returned to normal with disruption of the
educational process something of the past ?" Certainly this is the official
point of view, which is accompanied by rather complacent claims that this
is due to departmental action and strong security steps to restore
"normality" and "stability". Quite rightly "the return to school" has been
welcomed in all quarters, nowhere more strongly than in the Black press,
which gave expression to the Black community's longstanding commitment to
education. But the press was also realistic in its understanding that the
development of education was taking place in a hostile environment, within
a school system that is rejected by the community from which the pupils
come. This rejection was expressed by The Sowetan in the following terms :
"Bantu Education cannot be improved. It has to be eliminated, and buried.
with its origination. Liberation with education certainly hodes .fat-better
for all of^ us in this country. Let us go for it,"(28) 4t_is-jtealised that
'the return to ..school" is a fragile, vulnerable plant that will need
Icareful, sensitive nurturing.

The "return" was achieved, not by the persuasion or pressures exerted by

 the State apparatus, but by negotiated decisions taken by the pupils and
their parents In strenuous discussions with church bodies, community,
educational and political organisations. It is therefore important to note
that "going to school" is no longer a routine, accepted matter in many
areas, but a matter to be decided on, to be reviewed, to be seen as part of
wider strategies for the achievement of both educational and political
objectives in the struggle for liberation. The return to school does not
■ark an acceptance either of the education system, of the society in which
it is encapsulated, or of the government's reform process. It is absolutely
imperative that this be clearly understood if there is to be any hope of
effective approaches to the resolution of the crisis and conflicts in
education.

Majority White perceptions are that there have been considerable

improvements in Black education : much is made of the increased funding,
better buildings and facilities, the supply of books and stationery, the
growth in enrolments, the government’
s commitment to "equal but separate”
education and the Ten Year Plan. The emphasis is on material improvements,
finance, numbers and quantity. Black concerns on the other hand have to do
with issues of quality, relevance, underlying philosophies, Black
participation in decision making and control. Important as the financing of
education is recognised to be, increased funding of the present system to
produce ”
more of the same" is not seen as the fundamental issue'. What is at
stake is the basic transformation of the whole education system within a
common, non-racial, democratic and just society. In these terms the return
>to school does not indicate the end of the crisis ; the crisis will remain
with us until fundamental change has taken place.

The intransigence of the formal education systems in their lack of response

over the past twelve years to what are seen as the fundamentals of change
has had two major consequences :
the resolve of Black urban communities and their leaders to pursue
opposition, protest and resistance;
it has also turned the minds and energies of many educators and
others,both within the Black communities and outside of them, to the search
for alternatives beyond the existing systems-
ALTERNATIVE EDUCATION , ■/ f>>-Jm '--1

/
/
The ’
’Alternative Education” aovement (29) has become the tost powerful^
symbol of the rejection of apartheid education, and in the field of
education is the parallel to the growth of extra-parliamentary movements in

the political arena. Moreover, t.:e connection is not only one of

theoretical analysis but is also close and practical because both are
rooted in the sane community aspirations, and in the dternination to have a
rightful say not only in the form of government and the nature of society,
but also in the character of education, its quality and relevance, what is
taught and how it is taught, and who decides. The resources, energies and
enthusiasms that have been released into the field of alternative
education,particulajly in_thelast ten years, have been very considerable.
It lias captured the mind„ and commitment of. some of South Africa’
s best
educators, and much of the most effective action research and innovation in
education has taken place in this context, outside of or on the periphery
of ’
’the system". The strength and scope of the Alternative Education
movement is the most telling and direct rebuttal of those who would claimj
that Black education, in its present ideological cocoon within the system,
can be subject to fundamental reform. If there were general acceptance of
the present system, and all that was needed was more money and material
improvements, why would so much human energy and commitment be invested in
the search for alternatives ?(30)

Alternative education is a world-wide phenomenon expressing dissatisfaction

"with— toriSl ffCflos! systems. As a response to the world education crisis it
has taken on many forms, from Illich and the de-schoolers, through Paulo
Freire and his "Pedagogy of the Oppressed”, Marxist writers following
Gramsci, to less radical education forums in the Western world, such as
teachers' organisations. Among this diversity, however, it is possible to
distinguish some common strands : education is far more than schooling ;
education is for life and a lifelong experience ; individuals Bust be
empowered to take charge of their own learning ; too much has been expected
of formal schooling ; the needs of society are as important as the needs of
the individual ; the important issues are equality, relevance and^quality ;
schools have to move from authoritarian teaching to democratic,
participatory learning.-, Nearly always there is a strong political,
ideological underpinning of the theory and practice of alternative
education ; in many other cases it is religious.
Alternative education is not new in South Africa : the Witwatersrand
Council of Education schools caae into being in reaction against the
policies of the Transvaal Republic; the CNO schools in response to
Milner’
sAnglicisation policies. Since 1953, however, there has been a auch
nore spocific focus to AE_: it has been a reaction against the Verwoerdian
concept of "Bantu Education!!, a reaction that has ranged froo aoderate
at tempts to influence the system through to outright rejection of it.

The present range of ’

’alternatives" is very considerable, from those that
are ad hoc, transitory reactions against the existing system of education,
to those that are forward-looking and more directly related to the process
of social change and linked in some way to ideas of the nature of the
longer-tera education replacement system.

PEOPLE’
S EDUCATION

In the latter category comes the most significant development in the field
of alternative education, the People’
s Education aovement, the broad
objectives and principles of which were first stated at the conference of
the Soweto Parents Crisis Committee (SPCC) at the University of the
Witwatersrand in December 1985, and confirmed at the aeeting of the
National Education Crisis Committee (NECC) in Durban in March 1986. That
the government regards this as the strongest anti-apartheid education
initiative to be taken in recent times is indicated by its attempt to
emasculate the movement by removing its leadership through detention
without trial. PE is the subject of a number of papers at the present
conference. Because of this I shall not enter into a long exposition of it
in this introductory paper. However, in order to Bake sense of the present
subject some reference to it is inescapable. I shall attempt to keep it as
short as possible, leaving fuller discussion to the later papers.

In its broad political objectives, in that it is against apartheid,

oppression, exploitation and capitalist values, and for a unitary, non-
racial, democratic society, PE is an attempt to work out the educational
consequences of the Freedom Charter, and is therefore linked historically
to the African Education Movement of the aid-1950’
s. In the political
context it is inextricably bound up with the concept of "people’
s power,
 - ^

’
which is the collective strength of the community" andean expression of
the will of the people". One of its purposes in the field of education has
beerT^"to ^hanne 1 the militancy of unorganised youth into disciplined
action< accountable to the whole community. (31)

The broad goals of PE are the setting up of a "f r e e , compulsory,unitary,non-

racial and democratic system of education" relevant to and consistent with
the establishment of a unitary, nori-racial, democratic South Africa. In its
structures it is also to be unitary,non-racial and "for all sections of our
people", and so organised that it allows students, parents, teachers and
workers "to participate actively in the initiation and management of PE in
all its forms". Student Representative Councils (SRC) and parent-teacher
organisations would be key structures in this. The values, to be promoted in
PE would be "democracy, non-racialism, collective work and active
participation". The educational objectives, to be achieved through the
stimulation of critical and creative thinking, analysis and working
methods,are
the elimination of illiteracy,ignorance,capitalist norms of
competition,individualism,stunted intellectual development and exploitation
to enable "the oppressed to understand the evils of the apartheid
system" and to prepare them "for participation in a non-racial, democratic
system
to equip and train "all sectors of our people to participate actively
and creatively in the struggle to attain people’
s power- in order to
establish a non-racial, democratic South Africa".
These objectives are to be achieved through "collective input", the
"formulation of programmes to promote PE at all levels" and to implement it
"in our schools"; and by the mobilisation of "the necessary human and
material resources in the first instance from within communities and
regions, and then from other sources."(32)

From the point of view of this paper the importance of PE is that .inter
alia -
it has re-opened the debate on fundamental educational issues, a
debate that was strangled in 1983 by the government's rejection In the
White Paper, of the essentials of the de Lange Report;

justified negative criticism of the concept of "Bantu Education" has

been replaced by a positive search by black political. community and
educational leaders for a relevant and effective alternative.
The strength of PE lies not in that it is a fully-worked out model and
structure that could immediately take the place of the existing systei if
it were backed up by the necessary political power, but that it is a
concept in process, a powerful idea whose time has cone, an Idea with
tremendous emotional drive behind it, because as an idea it has gone beyond
the confines of the organisation (NECC) that first tried to articulate It.

Earlier in this paper I tried to throw light on the education crisis by

analysing the conflicting perceptions of Black and White attitudes and
opinions. The fundamental divide, however, is not Black / White - that is
to put it into far too simplistic terms - but between those who :

on the one hand, wish to preserve the essence of apartheid (population

registration, group areas and separate education systems) and place
emphasis on group interests, the maintenance of capitalism in its present
form and the ultimate preservation of White privilege and domination, and
seek to accommodate crisis situations through 'reform and improvement of
existing political, social and economic structures ,

and those, on the other hand, who, while recognising the diversity of
South Africa's people, nevertheless see the future in terms of a non-
raclal, democratic, unitary. Just and equitable society, who see no
resolution of the present crisis, either politically or educationally, save
through the fundamental change and transformation of the political
structures on the basis of the democratic participation of all South
Africans, and of the economic system through a more equitable division of
wealth, land and property.

Analyses of and attitudes to PE tend to coalesce around one or other of

these broad directions on each side of the divide. PE has in fact acted as
a catalyst in clarifying the basic issues at stake -
whether we believe that the challenge of the education crisis can be
met by improving the present system by the application of more money and
greater resources, by better buildings and facilities, improved teacher
qualifications and greater efficiency, important as all these may be in the
short term ?
or whether the education crisis can be resolved only in the context of
social, economic and political change in which the measures outlined in the
first option would be combined with the search for post-apartheid
alternatives for education, now and in the future, in a process which would
 22 i > A ^ G

lead to an educational dispensation that would be coapatible with a changed

political and econoalc order ?

Even this is all too simple. Within each of the two broad directions that I
have sketched there is a broad spectrum of attitudes, interests and
perceptions that cause tension and conflict, sometimes of a fierce and\
unrelenting nature, directed both within the groupings and across the \
divide. As will become apparent from later papers there are those who ■
accept the inevitability of violence and those who seek reconcillationi ,
those who hope and those who despair; those who do not trust their fellow \
human-beings and seek doctrinaire, authoritarian measures as a solution; .
those who.albeit human and fallible, seek Christian answers to our dilemmai
those who are ready to continue +.he debate and those who have closed their
minds. There are clear divergences of opinion and philosophy over the i
meaning of important .concepts such as democracy, capitalism, liberalism and
socialism, over equality and justice, over the strategies to be used to
achieve a better future and the means to be employed. The papers of ^
Vincent Maphai and Mike Ashley will provide opportunities to look at these
tensions and conflicts in greater detail.
»
\
The crucial and difficult question for education, as the country moves j
painfully but inevitably towards a post-apartheid society, is whether a new j
education dispensation can respond to broad social, economic and political
goals without continuing to be heavily "politicised , in the sense of being j <
committed to and controlled by a particular, narrow, party-political j j
ideology not necessarily supported by all the members of the society served
by the education system, which is our past and present experience. This
particular issue is of najord importance for the teaching profession. It
will be important that teachers show a broad commitment to the idea of a .,
non-racial, democratic future for South Africa based on a philosophy of
freedom, justice and opportunity for all. and yet remains non-aligned to a .
particular party cause. At one and the same time they will have to be able li
to combine this broad commitment with a positive, professional, independent
spirit and position. The difficulties of the teaching profession in
occupying such highly contested ground should not be underestimated, but
without the active involvement of the profession in the process towards |
\>ost-apartheid education the relevance, quality and even the feasibility of
such education would be at serious risk.

CONCLUSION

Will South Africa learn fro* the lessons of the past ? Or is thf past so
painful that it can be exorcised only by repeating it under a different
ideological banner ? This may have no problems for the politician in power,
but for the educator, whose concern is the well-being of children and young
people and the kind of learning environment in which the^ grow up, it is an
/
issue of paramount importance.

In a country where education has been used so obviously as an instrument of

control, where it has been used to protect power and privilege, to divide
and segregate acoording to a hierarchy of provision, financing, resources
and quality, from White down to Bjlck, where it has been the servant of the
ideology of apartheid, ifr will be no easy task to reach agreement on the
nature and form of education in a future non-racial and deaocratic South
Africa. It is relatively easy to break down the old in education - as I
have pointed out in this paper, that process of disintegration is well on
its way in Black urban schools - but ^o build up the new is another Batter,
demanding open debate and hones^ negotiation, a basis of agreement and
common purpose, imagination, energy at>d commitment. There are real dangers
that in the inter-regnum between the old and the new «uch of the education
system could continue to deteriorate, iwiile sectional interests go on
dominating the scene, preventing a common^purpose emerging as to the shape,
nature the goals of a t/ansforning ^ducation for and in post-apartheid
South Africa.

// /
The hurts are deep, emotions run high and the obstacles to understanding
and shared debate ar^ massive. The process in which we are all involved,
whether we like it c/i not, is loaded with complexities, uncertainties and
risks, because it /is all taking place in an unstable and unresolved
context. However, /in a sense/ we have been given another chance. The
upsurge of "alternative education" in all its foris, has given us a new
opportunity to debate and negotiate the realities, the relevance, the
/ /
 quality and style of education in South Africa.

Although this process is likely to be painful and laborious, ere is hope

and there is common ground.

The hope lies in that, in spite of the rejection of auch of we^t at

present is understood as schooling, there is nevertheless a common
appreciation of the fundamental Importance of/education and what it
could contribute to and in a regenerated society.

The common ground, now and in the future, aust be a commitment to a

non-racial, democratic, equitable ano just society, in both the
political and economic sense, of /the parties to the debate and
negotiation.

A White community, whether of educa/ors or of citizens, that does not seek

its place in this common /round, but/stands outside in isolation, from fear,
prejudice or sheer apathy, will b/come increasingly Irrelevant in a process
that cannot be halted and to the search for a better future for all the
citizens of South Africa.
 -r

REFERENCES
p A - Z ' ^

1. FAURE E : Learning to Be, p 170. UNESCO, Paris, 1972

2. COLCLOUGH C : Basic Education - Sanson or Delilah ? In Convergence, Vol

6, No 2, p 60. 1976

3. BEHR AL-& MACMILLAN RG : Education in South Africa, p 379. JL van Schaik,

Pretoria, 1971

4. ROSE B & TUNMER R (eds) : Documents in South African Education,p 212. Ad

Donker, Johannesburg, 1975

5. BEHR op cit, p 387

6. BROOKES E : Native Education in South Africa, ppl7-18. JL van Schaik,

Pretoria, 1930

7. COETZEE JC : The Theory of Christian National Education, in Symposium,

September 1960, p 23

S. ROSE, op cit, pp 127-8

9. UNION OF SOUTH AFRICA : Report of the Commission on Native Education

1949-51, p 1. UG 53/1951, Government Printer, Pretoria, 1951

10. ibid, p 131, pars 772-7

11.For those interested, a comparatively brief survey is to be found in

HARTSHORNE KB : The Unfinished Business - Education for South Africa’
s Black
People, in Optima. Vol 30, No 1, July 1981, pp 16-35

12. For a full account see HARTSHORNE KB : Language Policy in African

Education, in Bridging the Gap, ed DN YOUNG, pp 62-81. Maskew Miller
Longman, Cape Town, 1987

13. HUMAN SCIENCES RESEARCH COUNCIL : Report of the Main Committee of the
HSRC Investigation (Ho 1) - Provision of Education in the RSA. HSRC,
Pretoria, July 1981. NOTE that this was not a government commission.)
 ^ - p A T O
'14. REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA : White Paper on the Provision of Education in
the RSA. Government Printer, Pretoria, November 1983
lb. See, for example, Business Day 13 October 1987, reporting PJ CLASE,
Minister of Education and Culture, House of Assembly

Id . See, for example : Hansard 1986 Questions Cols 1094-5; Hansard 1987
(first session) Ques Cols 15-17; Hansard 1987 (second session) Ques Cols
281-282

17. Hansard 1986, Cols 3472*3

18. Hansard 1986, Cols 3423-5

19. The Star. 6 August 1987

20. Weekly Mail, Vol 2, No 34, 29 August 1986, p 2

21. Hansard 1987(2) Ques Cols 207-8

22. Hansard 1986 Ques Cols 1276-8; also Education and Manpower Production
1985, No 6, pp 14 and 22. University of the OFS, Bloemfontein, 1986

23. Hansard 1987,first session(2) Ques Col 17. Department of Education and
Training : Annual Report 1986, Table 1.8.1, p 235; Education and Manpower
1986 (No 7). p 16. Univ of OFS,1987

24. Sunday Star, 17 January 1988

25. SEBIDI L : A’
’
brick” in the process of ’
’Alternative Education", in Funda
Forum Vol 2, No 1, March 1986, p 1

26. See. for example, the Interview with Archie Gumede, in Leadership. Vol(
6, No 6, 1987,p 50

27. SONN F : Presidential address. Twentieth Annual Conference of the Cape

Teachers Professional Association, Port Elizabeth,16-19 June 1987, pp 6 and
8.

28. The Sovetan, 9 January 1987

*
P A * *

29.Those interested in the wider international aspects and the historical

beginnings in South Africa are referred to a forthcoming article s
HARTSHORNE KB : Conflicting Perceptions of the Education of Black South
Africans, to be published in Africa Insight, the Journal of the Africa
Institute.

30 ; For example, to take just one facet : A recent survey - BOT M : An

Overview of Teacher In-Service Education and Training (INSET) programmes in
South Africa (Indicator Project, University of Natal, for the Urban
Foundation, June 1986) lists more than 55 non-governmental agencies in this

31. SISULU Z, editor of New Nation, as quoted in The Star, 31 March 1986, p
8

32. SA INSTITUTE OF RACE RELATIONS : People's Education for People’

s Power,
in Topical Briefing PD3/86 of 3 March 1986, reproducing the full text of the
resolutions adopted at the SPCC Conference at Wits, December 1985.

Those interested in more detail can consult : People’

s Education - A
Collection of Articles from December 1985 to May 1987, published by the
Centre for Adult and Continuing Education, University of the Western Cape.

A CNE viewpoint of PE will be available in People's Education - ’

n
Model vir Onderwys in 'n multikulturele samelewing ? by JL van der Walt et
al, to be polished by the HSRC later in 1988.
 Collection Number: AK2117

DELMAS TREASON TRIAL 1985 - 1989

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