6-point program of Awami League 1966 and Role of Bangabandhu Sheikh

Mujibur Rahman
Provincial Autonomy in India
The self-government experiments started in British India. The national leaders, however, did
not gain much experience as they were not permitted to have much accountability by the
British Government. With regard to the Lucknow Pact of 1916, both the Congress and the
Muslim League demanded provincial autonomy. Restricted autonomy was established by the
India Act of 1935. Not only because of the vast discretionary powers of governors under the
Governor General, but also because of India's colonial status, autonomy was limited. In London,
the major strategies have been determined. The British government has received many
recommendations on the sharing of power at the regional level.
Pakistan and demand for autonomy
The 1940 Lahore Resolution spoke of autonomous Muslim states enjoying regional
independence. Although the demand for provincial autonomy was so strong, it did not find
much favor in the thought of the ruling elite of Pakistan. Pakistan was ruled under the 1935
Government of India Act until 1956. This law consolidated powers in the office of Governor
General and in the central government to a very large degree. The problems associated with
the birth of a new country, the influx of refugees, the need for capital formation, the lack of
qualified administrators, etc., coupled with initial enthusiastic nationalism and geographical
distance, prompted centripetal forces.
Pakistan soon started to exercise a unitary form of government where the regional
governments became the powerful government's autonomous branches. Because of the
presence of a single political group, the Muslim League, the process could operate in this way.
Such government character, bureaucracy supremacy, all sources of power centered on the WP
soon created great difficulties in establishing harmony between the two wings. WP pretty soon
seemed like a colony EP leader. Because of the widening socio-economic inequalities, Bengalis
have sought self-government and greater regional autonomy.
In 1950, as part of the Basic Concept Committee of the Pakistan Constitution, a three-tier
federal government model was adopted in the Grand Assembly, and the all-party convention in
Dhaka. It proposed a new system of federal government to be regarded as a single province,
considering the geography and population distribution of Pakistan EP. It indicated that there
were provincial governments under the federal government that would have sub federal
governments. By giving the Unified Front a land-based win in 1954, the voters shared their
solidarity with the demand for regional autonomy. Their 21-point United Front Coalition
platform called for regional autonomy, provided that the central government would deal with
security, foreign relations, currency, and inter-wing contact.
Though General Ayub Khan supported the idea in 1954, when he established military rule, he
did not obey his own advice. Under his regime, the Constitution of 1965 loosely stated regional
autonomy and never given any information. Actually, instead of a federal government with
regional administration subservient to the president of the central government, he moved for a
powerful despotic central government. Although Ayub Khan wanted to console the Bengalis
with few significant development steps, such as the extension of the railway network and the
move of few headquarters to Dhaka. However, his constitution and regime absolutely excluded
any pretense of Bengali involvement in Pakistan's political process.
The Background of Six point Programme
Impact of Indo Pak War
It was the 1965 Indo Pak War that ultimately primed the ground for a cautious redefinition of
regional independence. Instead, Pakistan did not go to war to defend the rights of Kashmiris, it
was encouraged by secret dealings with the United States, and the U.S. and China Chinese
diplomats were loyal friends of Pakistan and provided military assistance to it. The U.S. needed
the region's balance of power and not Indian supremacy, it was going through Cuba's missile
crisis and ignored India's offer to support them. China decided to keep India under intense
pressure after the Indo-China war in 1959 and the Dalai Lama's political asylum in India.
As a result, they did not support India. India sought support from Russia, who ultimately helped
to have a truce, was superior in military strength and won, but agreed to have a peace
ceasefire. EP, on the other hand, was absolutely defenseless and without protection for its
citizens for 17 days during this battle. They heard after six months that their safety had been
determined by superpowers and WP did not bother to take any precautions. Foreign Minister
Bhutto himself revealed this when questioned about leaving the majority of the Pakistani
population unsafe and helpless.
The Bengalis were further enraged as their contact to the outside world was not cut for 17 days
but for more than a month as the EP's communications were to WP through the outside world.
The complete dependency of EP on WP goods and services had a significant impact on EP's
economy. There was a shortage of some drugs, baby food, etc. As all powers rested with the
central government and the president, who were out of touch with the EP, there was a political
vacuum in the country. Under the circumstances, the option was a very big measure of self-rule
for Bengalis.
Political factors
The Bengalis were not sure if they would ever be able to regulate the EP's vested interests or
via the vote, be in the central position of power. Among the ministers of Ayub Khan, only 22 of
the 62 ministers were from the EP, and not all of them were of Bengali descent, and none
holding any significant ministry. They were thus more ornamental than real leaders, nor did
they contribute to regional growth.
Economic factors
The economic gap worsened as it was seen that 65 970 crore rupees were invested in 1960 for
the economic growth of EP compared to WP 2150 crore rupees. In the core treasury, EP was
able to contribute more than 200 crores. More than 60 of Pakistan's export businesses have
contributed to the EP, with just 12 of the budgets allocated to it. In addition, the central
government allocated development budget for pe citizens of WP 205 rupee and 80 rupees for
per EP citizen in the first five-year plan Pakistan.
Live and Let Live
The Bengali political leaders thought that the 'Live and let live' approach needed to be
implemented. Under military rule, the EP could no longer acquire central positions of influence.
EP will be permitted to have full economic autonomy in exchange for payment for the
maintenance of the WP military and a shared foreign policy. They hoped that stronger ties of
nationhood could be forged over a period of time with the growth of a strong economy.
The Genesis of Six-point Programme
The six-point movement was a movement led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in what was then East
Pakistan, which called for greater autonomy for EP. The six-point movement marks a landmark
in the history of our freedom struggle. In Bangladesh's struggle for self-determination from
Pakistan's control, the six-point statement has been widely credited as the "charter of
freedom" It was the turning point in the search of independence for Bangladesh.
The genesis of the Six Point Program is rather speculative. It was also believed that WP
Information Secretary Altaf Gauhar was planning the programme. Some senior Bengali civil
servants, especially the Ruhul Qudus, are said to have drafted the six-point specifications.
Ruhul Qudus became the first Secretary General of the Government of Bangladesh. Some have
said it was the CIA's job. The leftists were considered to be supporters of the initiative,
Moscow-oriented communists. Interestingly, these speculations emerged because not all
leaders of the Awami League were aware of the program until it was announced by
Bangbondhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
It is believed that Sheikh Mujibur Rahman has not told anyone as WP may be aware of the
program and may not allow it to be revealed at a public meeting. Therefore only a few close
associates knew of the proposal for Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to declare the program. Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman and professors such as Rehman Sobhan Anisur Rahman, Nurul Islam and
Mozaffar Ahmed Chowdhury were in close touch with economists. They influenced his views on
the economic reformation of the EP. In addition, he was regularly detained and sent to various
prisons where he came into close contact with people from different social sectors. He was also
influenced by their thoughts and ideas. It is believed that he met from various quarters and
received inputs. It is noted that Khan Saheb Qorban Alihad, a veteran politician, played an
important role in bringing the programme together.
The Announcement of Six-point Programme
On 6 February 1966, in order to create the post-Taskent political pattern, the leaders of the
opposition parties of West Pakistan convened a national convention in Lahore. On 4 February,
along with the top leaders of the Awami League, Bangabandhu reached Lahore and put the Six
Point Charter of Demand before the subject committee the day after as the demands of the
citizens of East Pakistan. He generated pressure for his plan to be included in the conference
agenda. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was known as a separatist and the plan was refused.
Bangabandhu boycotted the conference on February 6th. On 21 February, the six-point
proposal was put before the Awami League Working Committee meeting and the proposal was
unanimously adopted.
Bangabandhu revealed his Six Point Program at a press conference in Lahore on 12 February
1966, the same city where Fazlul Haq transferred the Lahore Resolution to independent Muslim
states in 1940. He referred to it as the 'Blueprint for the Right to Live in Bengal’. The moment
Six-Point Movement came out, he was termed as separatist, which means, a person who was
trying to divide the country in two units and like he was also called a traitor. The step by
Bangabandhu raised howls of protest in Pakistan. As a secessionist attempt to dismember
Pakistan, the civilian military bureaucracy and politicians straddling both government and
opposition circles were swift to dub the Six Points. The next day, reports on the Six Point
Program were released by West Pakistan newspapers and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was
predicted to be a separatist. Sheikh Mujib left the conference as a result.
The Adoption of Six point Programme
Before the meeting of the Awami League Working Committee on 21 February 1966, the Six-
Point Programme, along with a proposal for a campaign to satisfy the demands, was put
forward and the proposal was carried out unanimously. A booklet on the Six Point Program has
been published with an introduction by Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Tajuddin
Ahmad. On behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, another booklet entitled Amader Banchar Dabi 6
dafa Karmasuchi (Our Requests for Life 6 Points Programme) was released and circulated at the
Awami League Council meeting held on 18 March 1966. The Six Point Program was introduced
as a charter of demands enunciated by the Awami League to eliminate the disparity between
Pakistan's two wings and to put an end to West Pakistan's internal colonial rule in East Bengal.
The Six-point Programme
1. In the true meaning of the Lahore Resolution and the parliamentary system of
government, the Constitution should provide for the Union of Pakistan with the
supremacy of a Legislature directly elected on the basis of a universal adult franchise.
2. Just two subjects of defense and international relations should be dealt with by the
federal government and all other remaining subjects in the federal states shall be
vested.
 3. Two different but freely convertible currencies should be introduced for two wings, or
one currency for the whole country should be introduced if this is not feasible, but
effective constitutional arrangements should be placed in place to avoid the flight of
capital from east to west Pakistan. In addition, a separate banking reserve should be
created and East Pakistan should follow a separate fiscal and monetary policy.
4. Taxation and revenue collection powers shall be vested in the federal units and no such
power shall be granted to the federal center in the matter. In order to cover its
expenditures, the federation shall be entitled to a share in state taxes.
5. The two wings should have two separate accounts for foreign exchange earnings, the
federal government's foreign exchange requirements should be met equally by the two
wings, or the proportion of fixed indigenous goods should travel between the two wings
free of duty, and the Constitution should allow the units to create trade relations with
foreign countries.
6. East Pakistan should have a separate paramilitary group or militia.
Reaction to the Six- point Programme
Reaction of political parties
It was proclaimed by the Muslim League as a measure against United Pakistan and as a plan at
its council session to divide the region. It was also announced by the Jamat e Islami religious
political party and Nezamat e Islami as a move toward Pakistan's Muslim Ummah. Nawabzada
Nasrullah Khan, the leader of the WP faction of the Awami League, criticized it and left the
party with his supporters. On May 1967, five opposition groups, the renegade Awami League,
Muslim League, Jamat-e-Islami, Nezamat-e-Islami, and Krisak Sramik Party, formed a political
alliance against the Six Point in May 1967 and called it the Pakistan Democratic Movement.
Julfiker Bhutto, the leader of the People's Party of Pakistan, said The six-point formula was
intended to strike at the roots of our nationhood. Five independent states may well have been
formed by Pakistan and later.' The program was not endorsed by a small fraction of the EP
Awami League and they later left the party under the leadership of Abdus Salam Khan. In order
to reduce Pakistan and China's friendship, NAP and Moulana Bhasani declared it a plot by the
CIA. Bhasani, was a very against the whole program from the very beginning, as he mentioned it
as like a capitalist propaganda and also termed it as an economically incompetent condition. In
reality, at the meeting of their Working Committee, NAP declared a 14-point program to
counterattack the Six Point Program of the Awami League.
Reaction of the civil military administration
As soon as it became public, the program came to the adverse attention of WP politicians and
military rulers. The campaign against the programme itself was led by President Ayub Khan. He
visited EP in March 1966 and criticized it at any opportunity possible. In a meeting in
Chittagong, he also stated that it was a destructive ruse to destroy the nation. He also accused
it of being 'Hindu ideology inspired by a United Bengal's unattainable dream' and pointed it to
as a treacherous Awami League project encouraged by India to split Pakistan.
He also threatened to warn of civil war, and he would use the language of weapons to resolve
the program's challenges. He further argued that the autonomous EP would not survive without
the WP as its backbone. He was so fascinated with the program that he alerted them, also at a
political dinner meeting for civil servants, to criticize the program. At every opportunity and
through every voice, he tried to create the fact over and over again that India and the Hindu
community had hands in drafting the software. He was not prepared to accept sincere demands
from Bengalis.
After June 1966, events will pass quickly. Bangabandhu was arrested and sent to jail in March
1968, accused of conspiracy to break up Pakistan. Ayub Khan was not the only one to spot the
program as a threat to the unity of Pakistan. Mujibur was being questioned by his foreign
minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Rahman was refused the chance to be in jail at a public discussion
at Dhaka's Paltan Maidan on the Six-Points Bangabandhu. In the case, Bhutto did not show up.
It was Tajuddin Ahmed who accepted the challenge on behalf of Bangabandhu.
Protest
Thousands of AL political activists were put behind bars under the Protection of Pakistan
Regulations. In opposition, on 7 June 1966, AL had a massive public demonstration. The group
attempted to disperse the rally with police intervention and open fire in which 41 people died
and a thousand more were arrested. On 7 June, in protest of police brutality, members of the
opposition party walked out of the National Assembly on 8 June, and members of the
opposition party and independent members left the Provincial Council the next day. The
authorities launched the mass arrest again on 13 June.
The authorities started to oppress the press and banned the printing of newspapers for the
Daily Ittefaq Dhaka Times and the New Government. Tofazzal Hosaain Manik Mia, the editor of
the Daily Ittefaq, was detained. During this period, there was a massive protest in terms of
cultural repression was going on. On 14 th March, the cultural activists of cultural organizations
have decided protest against the repressive policies of military regime of Ayub Khan, by
wearing black instead of white and red in the Poila Baishak, a indigenous, local celebration. The
Authority imposed a ban on the celebration of Poila Baishak next year and announced the
introduction of Bangla in Arabic script. It is ironical that the actions of Ayub Khan popularized
the program. His initial assault on the program made it successful and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's
involvement in a conspiracy case made it widely embraced by EP people.
Impact of the Six-point Programme
The Agartala case further popularized the Six Point Programme. The collapse of the Ayub
regime in 1969 was accelerated by this. The 1970 election campaign, framed by the Six-Point
Program made it the Bengalis' Magna Carta. The central government's utter lack of concern
about coping with the natural calamities in the EP strengthened Bengalis' conviction that
regional autonomy must be achieved. Their support was expressed in the 1970 elections, in
which 80 EP voters voted for the Awami League and its terms of reference.
West Pakistan's opposition leaders looked at Mujib's Six-Point Program as a device to disband
Pakistan, and thus rejected his plan outright. Sheikh Mujib was projected as a separatist by the
Ayub government, and later instituted the Agartala conspiracy case against him. They arrested
him and put him on trial. The case resulted in widespread agitation in East Pakistan, resulting in
the early 1969 mass uprising. Under public pressure, on 22 February 1969, the government was
forced to release him unconditionally.
In the 1970 general elections, in which Sheikh Mujib obtained an absolute mandate from the
people of East Pakistan in favor of his Six-point, the Awami League sought a public mandate in
favor of the Six-point policy. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, however, refused to participate in the session
of the National Assembly scheduled for 3 March 1971, unless a resolution had been reached
between the two leaders in advance. In a lengthy dialogue on 15 March 1971, Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman and his party were seated. The dialogue failed to achieve any positive outcome. The 25
March military crackdown sealed the fate of the Six-Point, including Pakistan's fate.
Magna Carta, English Great Charter, Charter of English Liberty, granted under threat of civil war
by King John on June 15, 1215, and reissued, with modifications, in 1216, 1217, and 1225. The
Magna Carta formed the basis for human rights in Anglo-American jurisprudence by declaring
the sovereign to be subject to the rule of law and recording the liberties retained by "free
men." In political history of Bangladesh, the Six-Point movement is considered as the magna
carta of the Bengalis, as it is about the demands that the Bengali to live independently from the
internal colonial rule of the West Pakistan and thus it is known as the magna carta of East
Pakistan.