STUDIES IN VIETNAMESE CASE GRAMMAR

A thesis submitted for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy

in the University of London

by

HUYNH - XUAN - DIEM

School of Oriental and African Studies

1979
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 ABSTRACT

This thesis is primarily concerned with a

description of the syntax of some sentence-types in

Vietnamese in terms of a ’CASE* Grammar. 1C A S E i n

this study, is intended to account for the underlying

functional relationships of noun phrases and of

sentential complements to the main verb of the sentence.

The study of CASES is carried on within the

modified framework of Eillmore’s Case Grammar. The

centrality of the verb is emphasised. The Cases are

predictable from the semantic features of the verb.

Causative constructions, Topicalisation,

Passivisation and Complement-types in Vietnamese have

been examined. To identify Cases, syntactic and semantic

tests have been used. Einally, in order to formalise the

description of the syntactic-semantic relationships

between the verb and the Cases in the sentence, a set of

base and transformational rules have also been proposed.

It is hoped that this thesis will help

Vietnamese students of Linguistics and teachers of

Vietnamese towards a better understanding of their mother

tong u e .
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I wish to express my deep gratitude to

my supervisor, Dr. J.E. Buse, for his invaluable

guidance, assistance and for many of the linguistic

insights presented in this thesis.

I also wish to thank Dr.D.C. Bennett,

Mr. J.H C.S. Davidson, Professor E.J.A. Henderson,

Mr. C.P. Hill and Dr. G.C. Horrocks for their

valuable comments and suggestions.

Einally, I wish to thank the Vietnamese

f a m i l i ^ e s in Sussex (England) for the many hours

they spent discussing the data with me.

 CONTENTS

Abstract
Acknowledgements
Abbreviation and Notational Conventions

0. INTRODUCTION
0,1 Background to the Linguistic Situation in Vietnam 1
0,2 Purpose of the Study 2
0,3 Scope of the Present Study 3
0*4 Orthography 8
0,5 Sources of Data
0.6 Methods of Investigation 9
0.7.Plan and Organisation 11

1. CHAPTER 1i A TRADITIONAL NOTION OF 1CASE ' AND THE VIETNAMESE

1.1 Case Inflections 15
1.2 Vietnamese Word order 16

2. CHAPTER 2; THEORETICAL BACKGROUND OP CASE GRAMMAR

2.1 Chomsky's Aspects (19^5) 19
2.2 Fillmore's Case Grammar 23
2.3 Anderson's Case Grammar 63

3. CHAPTER 38 REVIEW OF SOME STUDIES IN VIETNAMESE SYNTAX IN TERMS

OF A CASE GRAMMAR
3.1 Coverbs and Case in Vietnamese by Clark(1975) 72
3*2 Cases, Clauses and Sentences in Vietnameseby Liem (1975) 79
3.3 General Remarks on the Lexicase Grammar,Clark's and Liem's works 82

4. CHAPTER 4s SOME SYNTACTIC AND SEMANTIC ASPECTS OF VIETNAMESE VERBS

4*1 Syntactic Aspects 85

4*2 Semantic Aspects 89

5.CHAPTER 5: LEXICAL DECOMPOSITION AND CAUSATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS

5*1 Lexical Decomposition 105

5*2 Causativity and Causative Constructions 109

6. CHAPTER 6; TOPICALISATION, PASSIVE AND SUBMISSIVE CONSTRUCTIONS

6.1 Topicalisation 117
6.2 Passive 121
6.3 Submissive Constructions 123

7. CHAPTER 7:A CASE GRAMMAR MODEL FOR VIETNAMESE

7.1 ~ 7.10 Assumption 1- Assumption 10 129
7.11 Case-frame and Lexical Entry 148
7.12 Factors Determining the Choice of a BaseRepresentation 155
7.13 Base Component of Simple Sentencesin Vietnamese 158

8. CHAPTER 8; ORDERING SIMPLE TRANSFORMATIONAL RULES

8.1 Deep Structure of a Sentence 163

8.2 Transformational processes 164
9. CHAPTER 9: THE CONJOINING TRANSFORMATIONS
9.1 Recursive Processes 170
9.2 Coordination
9.3 Prepositional Coordination 171
9.4 Coordination without Conjunction 173
9#5 Coordination with Conjunction 174

10. CHAPTER 10s THE EMBEDDING TRANSFORMATIONS

10.1 Complements in English 187
10.2 Treatment of Complement and Relative Sentences in
Fillmore's Case Grammar 189
10.3 Complement and Relative Sentencesin Vietnamese 190

11. CHAPTER 11s DEEP CASE-RELATIQNSHIPS IN VIETNAMESE

PART I: CAUSAL CASES
11.1 Causative (Ca) 217
11.2 Authoritative (Au) 218
11.3 Agentive (A) 219
11.4 Force 231
11.5 Instrumental (i) 233
PART II: NQN-CAUSAL CASES
11.6 Experienc.er (El 253
11.7 Benefactive (B) 268
11.8 Objective (0) 277
11.9 Factitive (F) 291
11.10 Comitative (Com) 298
11.11 Essive (Ess) 305
11.12 Locative (L) 311
11.13 Goal (G) 330
11.14 Source (So) 337
11.15 Path (Pa) 341

12. CHAPTER 12; REVIEW AND CONCLUSION

12.1 Summary 348
12.2 Strengths and Weaknesses of Fillmore's Case Grammar as
Applied to Vietnamese 349
12.3 Proposals Concerning A Vietnamese CaseGrammar Model 355
12.4 Problems with the Vietnamese Case Grammar Model Developed
in this Thesis 357
12.5 Areas ©f Future Research 361

APPENDIX I ; Summary of Case Inventory, Base and Transformational

Rules, and a Sample of Some Lexical Entries for Verbs 363
APPENDIX II:Notes on Some Linguistic Terms Used in this Thesis 375
APPENDIX III; Glossary of Some Vietnamese Cultural and Historical
Terms 384

Bibliography
ABBREVIATIONS and NOTAT10NAD CONVENTIONS.

A for Agentive Case.

Ad3 " Adjective,

Adv rt Adverb.

Au " Authoritative Case,

g " Bjine^ctoJe Cate. .
BR " Base Rule.

C n Case or Complement.

Ca " Causative Case.

Com f! Comitative Case.

Comp " Complementiser,

Conj. " Conjunction.

Cvb " Coverb.

Bet " Determiner.

E " Experiencer Case.

Ess " Essive Case.

E " factitive Case,

fn " footnote.

G " Goal Case.

I " Instrumental Cose.

IMa. " Instrumental Material Case.

IMe " Instrumental Method Case.

IMo " Instrumental Mode Case.

L H Locative Case

Lit. " literal meaning.

M " multiple occurrence.

N M Noun.

NP " Noun phrase.

NP-Equi Del " Equivalent Noun Phrase Deletion.

0; 01, 02, 03 for Surface Object , first Object,
second Object, third Object,

D.O. " Direct Object.

1.0. ” Indirect Object.

0 " Objective Case.

0 11 A Proposition .functioning as a
complement^wit.Kin the Objective
Case.
<— '
0 11 An 0 in which a relative
construction has been embedded.

(OBL) - (OPT) " (Obligatory) - (Optional)

Pa " Path Case.

Pred " Predicator.

PreTd " A proposition functioning as a

complement is embedded within
the Predicator.

Prep ” Preposition.

Prop " Proposition.

Q " Quantifier.

S " Sentence or Surface Subject.

So " Source Case.

TR " Transformational Rule.

V " Verb.

* An asterisk preceding a sentence or phrase means

that sentence or phrase is ungrammatical or
unacceptable.

? A question mark indicates doubt regarding acceptability.

4 Absence of an element or constituent.

( ) 1) when used either in a Base Rule, in a

Transformation, or in a Case-frame, parentheses
indicate that something is optional. The structure
would still be grammatical without the item in
parentheses. For example, in the following, the
parentheses show that the adverb (Adv) is optional
or could be left out.
The boy was (very) ill.
NP V"" Adv Adj
( ) 2 ) is used for translation e.g.
co the (Lit : have ability) 'can'
Rice is eaten (English)
* ('C3m bi a n ’) (Vietnamese).

( 5 ) The linked parentheses indicate that at least

one of 'ti e linked elements must be chosen.

Either X or Y is selected (exclusive disjunction)

This symbol is used to represent the

rewriting process in Base Rules.

This symbol is used to represent the

rewriting nrocess in Transformational Rules

C+X] X is a. positively marked semantic feature.

t-X] X is a negatively marked semantic feature.

X Abbreviation for a syntactic structure dominated

by a constituent X, where the detailed syntactic
representation below X is not relevant.

Typographi cal Convent ions

1) Single quotation-marks ;'1

- for meanings.
- for literary translation.
- for terms and expressions.

2) Double quotation-marks: ""

- for quotations from, other authors

- for titles of articles.
 1

0. INTRODUCTION

0.1 Background to the Linguistic situation in V i e t n a m .

in Vietnam, before 1954, Linguistics meant

Traditional Grammar which was associated with Traditional

French Grammar. Vietnamese grammarians (e.g. Kim;

Bac, 1950; Thanh, 1956) tried to force Vietnamese into

the French mould. All French definitions of parts of

speech and French nomenclature had been translated into

Vietnamese. In elementary and secondary schools, students

were taught how to analyse the grammatical nature and

function of the lexical items in the surface structure

of a sentence (i.e. 'Analyse Grammaticale1 in French).

On May 7, 1954 the Viet-Minh (i.e. Vietnamese

i
Communists) defeated the French at Dien-Bien-Phu (see

Appendix 3)* The French completely retreated from Vietnam.

The Geneva Agreement was signed on July 21, 1954. Then,

the American troops began to fill Saigon and all

provinces in South Vietnam.

From 1955, 1958 and 1969 American Structural

Grammar, Transformational-Generative Grammar, and Case

Grammar have be e n taught to Vietnamese students of

Linguistics in the Faculties of Letters and Pedagogy.

Because of lack of English linguistic books, Vietnamese

students find that it is difficult to understand these

types of Grammar.
 2

0 . 2 . Purpose of the study

This thesis is concerned with a description of

some relational aspects of Vietnamese syntax and semantics

in terms of a 'Case' Grammar. It is written with the main

purpose of helping Vietnamese students of Linguistics and

teachers of Vietnamese towards a better understanding of

their mother tongue.

A
2_
Vietnamese Case Grammar Studied here can be

sketchily presented as a picture of Grammar built around

the verbs. It is the semantic features of the verb uifocR,

dictate and restrict the kind of Cases may occur with it.

The term Case * in this study refers to the underlying

syntactic-semantic relationship between the main verb of a

'z

sentence and a noun phrase (HP) or a HP complement.*

Specifically, this thesis attempts:

1. To explain why a particular verb has a particular Case-frame

in terms of its semantic features.

2. To explain the co-occurrence restrictions of the Cases in

a sentence as indicated by the semantic features of the

verb.

3. To illustrate some means by which the Cases are

distinguished from each other syntactically and semantically.

4. To demonstrate a regular correlation (though not perfect)

between Cases and their realisation in surface structure.

1. Actually, it is a modified version of Fillmore *s Case Grammar.

2. The terms Case, deep Case, Case-relation and deep Case-
relationship all mean the same. They are used interchangeably
throughout this thesis.
3. To use Rosenbaum's (1967) term.The term 'Propositional
complement* will be used later (see Chapter 1 0 ).
To explain why two sentences using the same verb and

having the same syntactic pattern may be understood

differently by Vietnamese speakers due to deep Case

distinctions.

To explain how Vietnamese speakers make the correct

predictions of the kind of Gases which are not overtly

expressed in surface structure due to the incorporation

process of the verb.

To demonstrate the kind of Gases being embedded inside

other Gases.

To illustrate the relations between the semantically

defined classes of verbs and the forms of the complement

constructions in surface structure.

To describe the uses of Gase-relationships in Vietnamese.

To formalise the description of a Vietnamese Case Grammar.

Scope of the Present study.

Gonsider: Question : On Monday?

Statement: Next week.

Exclamation: Ouch, my foot!

These utterances^* belong to parole (de Saussure,

1915) or performance (Chomsky, 1965).

According to Chomsky (1965), performance involves

many factors including competence (i.e. the speaker-

hearer's knowledge of his language), memory, distraction,

perception and others. Some of these are essentially

psychological in nature, and therefore performance is

primarily the subject matter of the psychologist.

4* utterance: see Appendix 2.

 4

Both de Saussure and Chomsky agree that the

proper objective of the linguistic study of language

is the characterisation of the regular rules of grammar,

and not a description of the utterances produced by

speakers of a language. For this reason, the above utterance-

types are not taken into consideration in the present study.

In addition to the exclusion of the utterance-

types, eight other limitations have been imposed on this

study.

The first relates to the length of the sentence.

Each example illustrated in this study does not contain more

than three ’propositions . The three Propositions may be

conjoined as in compound sentences or one of them is embedded

either within a Predicator

or within a deep Case (See Chapter 1 0 ). The number of

deep Cases in each Proposition is limited to four in

maximum.

The second relates to the Case inventory.

The following sentences are not considered in this study.

(1) Ba cao hon Mai

Ba tall more than Mai
’Ba is taller than Mai •1

Ba dung gay danh con cho.

Ba use stick inorder to hit classifier dog.
'Ba used a sticrila oraor to hit the dogJ

5* Proposition: (see 22).

 5
■j A
(3) Ba mua xe cua co Mai
Ba buy car property Miss Mai
'Ba bought the car of Miss Mai
'Ba bought Miss Mai's car.'

The reasons are as follows:

(1) One assumption of the present Case Grammar model

is that a deep Case may select a preposition. Sentence

(1) contains the Comparative Case (i.e. h<3n Mai 'than Mai') and

Sentence (2) contains the Purposive Case (i.e. de danh con cho

'in order to hit the dog'). These Cases do not select

prepositions but conjunctions. Therefore, they are excluded

from this study.

(2) The Source Case in English selects preposition

from.

(4) Ba bought the car from Miss Mai.

A 0 So

In Vietnamese, a speaker does not say

(5) * Ba mua xe til Co Mai.

A 0 So
'Ba bought the car from Miss M a i .'

The Vietnamese verb mua 'buy' requires the

accompaniment of a Genitive construction marked by the

i
noun cua 'property, possession'.

In example (3) cua states a Genitive relationship

between two nouns; the possessor (i.e. Miss M a i ) and the

possessed (i.e. the car).

Relationships between nouns are outside the scope

of the verb-noun Case-relationships discussed in this

study.

The third relates to all types of Vietnamese

sentences containing negation. Interrogative sentences

are only used as syntactic tests to identify some Gases.

The fourth relates to the internal construction

of noun phrase and verb phrase. Ambiguity and vagueness

are also not discussed. It is traditionally recognised

that each of these 1topics1 would amount to a thick separate

volume by itself. Therefore, it as impossible for me to

study them along with Case Grammar in one volume.

The fifth relates to such elements as Modals

and Aspect. These are essentially the same as the constituent

M of the Base Rules in Fillmore's Case Grammar.

I shall not be concerned with Modals and Aspect because they

do not bear directly on the question of Case-relationships

between nouns and verbs.

The sixth relates to the idiomatic meaning of the

verb, For example;

(6) Ba tang An___ hai____ cai__________ t a t .

A B 0
Ba offer An two classifier slap
'Ba offered An two____ slaps 1

instead of:
(7) Ba tat An hai______c a i .
X “ 1“ “ o
Ba slap An two classifier
'Ba gave An two slaps.'

The verb tang 'offer' in (6) has an idiomatic meaning.

Idiomatic meanings of a verb are excluded from the data.

Only the basic or central sense of the verb is taken into

account.
 7

The seventh relates to the 'encyclopedic

knowledge' as opposed to the 'linguistic facts' including

so-called extra-linguistic human beliefs, perceptions of

time and space.

. . w. / / —
(8) Ong Ba co ba ngrioi________ con trai.
Mr. Ba have three person classifier boy.
'Mr. Ba has three son s '.

(9) Ong Ba do ba______ nguidi_____ con_______ trai cam .

Mr. Ba have three person classifierboy dumb
'Mr. Ba has three dumb______ sons.'

Go 'have' is a Benefactive verb (see 11.7). In this

Case Grammar model when co occurs in a sentence, a definite

role is automatically assigned to the nouns which accompany

it. Por example, Ong Ba 'Mr. Ba* must function as a

Benefactive in both sentences; ba ngtioi con trai (cam)

'three (dumb) sons' must function as an Objective.

It is true, of course, that if one assigns the

Semantic Role Benefactive to Mr. Ba in both sentences, one

cannot capture the cultural knowledge of Vietnamese speakers

that it is a good thing to have sons, but a bad thing to have

dumb sons; but this is not the aim of a Grammar.

The eighthjrelates to the phonology of

Vietnamese. This study is concerned with the relationship

between Vietnamese syntax and semantics, so there does

not appear any need for discussing Vietnamese phonology.

The reader can consult the Introduction to Spoken Vietnamese

by Jones, Jr. and Thong (1957) or Vietnamese-Bnglish

 8

D ictionary by Hoa (1959) if be wishes to know the

Vietnamese phonological system.

It is not the purpose of this study to discover

all the Cases and to describe all syntactic/semantic aspects

of Vietnamese. In order to limit the scope of this study to

a manageable extent, a boundary is thus drawn.

The writing system known as Quoc-Ngd

r
(lit: National language) is used . It is the Vietnamese

language in Roman alphabet script which was worked out in the

17th century by catholic missionaries from Spain, Portugal,

Italy and Prance, and has been officially used since the

beginning of this century.

0.5 Sources of Data

The data illustrated in this thesis are primarily

based on the standard South Vietnamese dialect spoken by

educated Saigonese. However, North Vietnamese is sometimes

mentioned in contrast with Saigon dialect, particularly when

Ha-Noi and Saigon speakers use different verbs and different

prepositions with the same Case in order to express the same

meaning.

According to ly (1968), the structure of the

Vietnamese language is the same in all parts of the country.

It is the same language, but is spoken with three different

/
accents: Ha-Noi (North Vietnam), Hue (Central part of Vietnam),

and Saigon (South Vietnam) and with a small number of different

f <
—1
6. Quoc-Ngd (see Appendix 5 ).
 9

vocabulary items particular to each region.

In order to know clearly how each of the Cases

could be used, I have paid many visits to Vietnamese

families in Sussex to collect data from them and to

discuss with them the semantic aspects of some verbs.

6 Methods of Investigation.

In the American structuralist tradition, the

subject-predicate dichotomy and substitution patterns

play an important part in establishing sentence types.

This is because syntax is c onsidered central.

In this study, the traditional subject-predicate

distinction is abandoned. Semantics is considered central,

and it is assumed that the semantic structure of a sentence

is built around a central verb.

The methods of investigation a Vietnamese Case

Grammar adopted in this thesis can be summarised briefly

as follows:

First, verbs are classified according to their

semantic features (e.g. Action, Process and State verbs.

These three main types of verbs are sub-classified into

small groups called Destruction verbs, Factitive verbs,

Experiential verbs, Benefactive verbs, etc.). Each verb

has a set of semantic relations to the nouns or noun

7
phrases. *

Bext, a set of discrete Case-relationships are

postulated and defined semantically. (I believe that no

investigation could proceed without assuming - a priori -

a set of semantically defined Case-relationships).

7. These relations will be expressed in terms of Case-rejLation-
 10

Then, after examining the set of sentences

having the same verb, and after applying the definitions,

the Cases in each sentence are assigned, e.g.

a .Ba
\
mo
]
cua.
X “ 0
Ba open door
'Ba opened the do

b. Ba
}
mo
1
cua bang_____g a y .
A 0 I
Ba open door by stick,
'Ba opened the door with
■ a stick!

i i
c. Ciia md .
0
Door open
'The door opened'.

t
The verb md 'open1 is accompanied by the nouns

which are a realisation of the following verb-noun

relations: Agentive, Objective, Instrumental (see Chapter

11).
i
cua 'the door' has an Objective semantic relation to the

action of the verb.

bang gay 'with a s tick1 has the semantic relation of

Instrumental to the action of the verb.

Ba is the agent of this action. It has an Agentive

semantic relation to the action of the verb.

The next task is to try to discover how all

Agentive Cases, Objective Cases, Instrumental Cases, etc.,

behave syntactically. The uniformities in the syntactic

behaviour of the Cases are then formalised. Two sets of

rules (i.e. Base and Transformational Rules) are provided

since the set of discrete Case-relationships have both

semantic and syntactic significance.

 11

In general, in studying Vietnamese Case Grammar,

I have used three principal types of information: overt

manifestation (e.g. the occurrence of prepositions, the

syntactic order of the grammatical elements in surface

structure), the semantic features of the verbs and my

intuitive judgments.

As a native speaker of Vietnamese, I have a great

deal of intuitive knowledge about linguistic appropriateness

(or correctness) which I have amassed over the years. It is

not difficult for me to think about Vietnamese and to use

my intuitive judgments to m a t c h the observable grammatical

properties with the reflection of the semantic relationships

between the various noun phrases in a sentence and the main

verb •

The numbe r of sentences examined in this thesis is

quite large, but I am not sure that I have come across all

classes of verbs in Vietnamese - or that I have presented

all characteristics of the Gases. Some uses of the Gases are

bound to have escaped my attention.

•7 Plan and Organisation.

This thesis consists of twelve chapters.

Chapter 1 deals with HA Traditional Notion of 1C a s e 1 ”

I have pointed out that in Vietnamese there are devices

(i.e.prepositions and word order) which are similar to Case

inflections in Sanskrit, Greek and Latin.

 12

A "brief background information on essential

constituents that make up sentences in Vietnamese is

also presented.

Chapter 2 deals with "The Theoretical Background of Case

Grammar". The treatment of Case in a type of T.G. proposed

in Chomskyfs Aspects (1965), Fillmore's and Anderson's

works have b e e n presented. Fillmore's works have been

studied in detail along with my comments on the adequacy

of Fillmore's basic assumptions on Case matters.

Chapter 3 presents a "Review of Some studies in Vietnamese

syntax in terms of a Case Grammar" .

little has b e e n written about 'Case' in Vietnamese. Up to

now, there are only two published works (i.e. C l a r k 's and

L i e m 's) dealing with Vietnamese Case Grammar. Both Clark

and li§m have studied Vietnamese Cases in the framework of

lexicase Grammar developed by Starosta (1971» 1972, 1973).

Chapter 4 presents "Some syntactic a n d semantic Aspects

of Vietnamese Verbs". The verb in Vietnamese plays a

dominant role in the syntactic and semantic structure of a

sentence. It is the most important element upon which all

other elements of the sentence (e.g. noun, preposition,

adverb) depend and by which they are determined.

Chapter 5 deals with "lexical Decomposition and Causative

Constructions" in Vietnamese. The notion of causality, the

syntax and semantics of causative constructions have been

discussed.
 13

Chapter 6 deals with "Topicalisation, Passive and

Submissive Constructions". I have pointed out that those

Vietnamese sentences w h i c h appear to be ‘p a s s i v e 1 sentences

are, in fact, object-topicalised sentences.

presents "A Case Grammar Model for Vietnamese".

Some theoretical assumptions have been postulated. Ihave

emphasised that the study of the relationship between

Vietnamese syntax and semantics in this thesis is carried on

within the modified framework of P i l l m o r e ‘s Case Grammar,

However, no attempt is made to present a comparative study

of Vietnamese Case Grammar and Fillmore's English Case

Grammar.

Chapter 8 presents the "Ordering simple Transformational

Rules". Some transformational processes havebeen postulated.

structure of a number of independent

simple sentences in Vietnamese into the correct surface

structures.

Chapter 9 deals with "The Conjoining Transformations".

Like English, there are various types of conjunction in

Vietnamese. The process of co-ordination with v a 1and 1 has

been discussed as illustrative.

Chapter 10 deals with "The Embedding Transformations"

which allow for the generation of most of the complex

sentences in Vietnamese.
 14

Chapter 11 presents the uses of "Deep Case-Relationships

in Vietnamese", Two types of Cases: Causal and non-causal

Cases have been examined.

Chapter 12 reviews the overall study of a Vietnamese Case

G-rammar and presents some problems which have arisen in the

analysis of the Cases.

Finally, there are three appendixes.

Appendix I summarises two sets of rules (i.e. Base Rules

(B.R.) and Transformational Rules (T.R.)) and Case inventory,

lexical entries of some Vietnamese verbs have also b een

presented.

Appendix II defines some linguistic terms used throughout

the thesis.

Appendix III defines some Vietnamese cultural/historical

terms used in the data.

 15

CHAPTER 1 .

A TRADITIONAL NOTION OP ’CAS E 1 AND THE VIETNAMESE.

The aim of this chapter is to point out

that in Vietnamese there are devices (i.e. prepositions

and word order) which are similar to Case inflections in

Sanskrit, G-reek and Latin.

A brief background information on essential

constituents that make up sentences in Vietnamese is

also presented.

11 Case Inflections

Early traditional grammarians (e.g. Sanskrit,

G-reek and Latin grammarians) have equated the notion of

Case with "the semantic functions of inflectional affixes

on nouns or the formal dependency

relations which hold between

specific nominal affixes and

lexical-grammatical properties of

neighbouring elements" (Fillmore,

1968a ; 2 ).

If ’Case 1 means ’Case inflections’, then

Vietnamese has no Case G-rammar, since in Vietnamese, all

nouns are morphologically invariable despite of their

different grammatical relations with the verbs in the

sentences.

The various modifications of meaning which are

expressed in Sanskrit, G-reek and Latin by adding Case-endings

to the noun are expressed in Vietnamese by placing a

preposition before the noun or by altering the order of the

 16

words in the sentence. For example* to express the

idea of

The hoy loves the girl,

the Vietnamese words must he arranged in the order

shown helow;

(11 ) Ngudi con trai thu’dng ngiioi con gai -

Person classifier hoy love person classifier girl

'The hoy loves the girl/

In Latin* there are six ways of expressing this idea.

1 . puer amat puellam.

2 . puellam puer amat.

3 . amat puer puellam.

4 ° amat puellam puer.

5 . puer puellam amat.

6 . puellam amat puer.

Puellam* the accusative* with its special

inflectional Case-ending* m * can stand initially*

medially or finally in the sentence without changing

the meaning of that sentence.

Since Vietnamese does not have inflectional

affixes on nouns* the traditional description of Case

systems of Sanskrit* G-reek and Latin cannot he accepted

as the hasis for the treatment of Vietnamese Case systems.

1 ^ Vietnamese Word order

Syntactically, Vietnamese is a

S V O language.

(i.e.subject verb object)

(Note that in this thesis, the terms ’subject' (or

’surface subject1) and ’object’ (or 'surface object')

mean ’grammatical subject’ and ’grammatical object’;

 17

the notions ’logical (or deep) subject' and 'logical

(or deep) object' have no place in Case G-rammar.

Since Vietnamese is not an inflectional language,

'subjects' and 'objects' are marked by their sequential

order. In unmarked sentences, 'subject' is the HP which

immediately precedes the verb and 'object' is the HP

which immediately follows certain classes of v e r b ),

Por example:
t \ 1 1
Affirmative: (12) Ba ban sach nay .

S V 0

Ba sell book this

'Ba is selling this bookI

Negative: (13) Ba khong ban sach nay .

S V O

Ba no sell book this

'Ba does not sell this bookl

f
(14) Ba ban sach nay

S V 0
Ba sell book this

'Does Ba sell this book?'

/
(15) Ba ban si ?
S V 0
Ba sell what

'What did Ba sell? i

(16 ) Ai ban sach nay ?

S V 0
who sell book this

'^ho sells this book?'

The SVO order is the unmarked form of a sentence

 18

7.
Whenever 0 is topicalised * the order is OSV

(17) Sach nay Ba ban *

0 S V

Book this Ba, se11

1This book , Ba is selling]

With questions, the order OSY is acceptable if

0 is not questioned®

(IB) Sach nay , Ba ban khong?

0 S V

Book this Ba sell interrogative

’This book , is Ba selling? 1

(19) Sach nay f ai ban ?

0 S Y

Book this who sell

fThis book s who sells ?'

 19

CHAPTER 2_.

THEORETICAL BACKGROTOD OF CASE GRAMMAR.

Case Grammar dates from the mid-1960s and

is an offshoot of Transformational-Generative Grammar

(T.G.) In the sense that

"it was a reaction against the failure of T.G. to

distinguish the Semantic Roles of noun phrases in
relation to their verbs from the positions that the
noun phrases occupy in syntactic configurations."
(Bolinger, 1975: 548 ).

Eor this reason, before discussing Fillmore’s and

Anderson’s Case Grammar, I want to present brief3.y the

treatment of the Semantic Ro3.es of noun phrases in a

type of TG as advocated by Chomsky.

2•1 Chomsky's Aspects (1965)

2.1.1 Syntax. - Semantics Connection .

In Generative Grammar the connection between

semantics and syntax has always been a difficult problem

to elucidate clearly. Chomsky (1957: 93) states:

"There is no aspect of linguistic study more

subject to confusion and more in need of clear
and careful formulation than that which deals
with the points of connection between syntax and
semantics. The real question that should be
asked is: ’How are the syntactic devices available
in a given language put to work in the actual
use of this language’."

Chomsky (1965) discusses cases in which a more

abstract notion of grammatical function than the one

represented in deep structure is needed.. There are such

 20

instances as :

(20) a. John bought the book from Bill,

b. Bill sold the book to John.

in which the clear syntactic - semantic relationship

cannot be described in transformational terms.

2.1.2. 'l ogical’ and Grammatical 1 Subject.

Chomsky draws the distinction between the

’logical 1 (i.e. deep structure) and ’grammatical 1

(i.e. surface structure) subject of a sentence. The

’logical' subject is the EP which, is immediately dominated

by S (i.e. sentence) in the deep structure; the

’grammatical' subject is the leftmost HP which is

immediately dominated by (the topmost) S in the surface

structure (Lyons, 1970: 81).

The logical object can be defined as the

relation holding between an EP and an immediately dominating

VP. For example:

(21) John was persuaded by Harry to take up golf.

John is the grammatical subject. The above sentence may

be represented informally as follows:

 21

SI

NP VP

Harry

persuade John
HP VP

John
V

take up golf

Harry is the logical subject of the matrix sentence SI.

John is the logical subject of the embedded sentence S2.

The logical subject of S2 is identical with the logical

object of SI.

Chomsky claims that logical subject (or subject of)

and logical object (or object of) are semantically relevant

notions, on which the semantic interpretation of the

sentence depends.

2.1.3 Case

Discussing Case, Chomsky (1965: 221) says that

Cases are only surface features.

"Case is usually determined by the position of

the noun in surface structure."

(22 ) John hit her

Hominative Accusative
 22

Since Case often depends on aspects of

surface rather than deep structure, the features involved

in the Case dimension are certainly added to a formative

by rather late transformations.

The underlying structure of (22) would be

represented as follows:

VP

AUX

Tense

John oast hit she

In order to get the actual surface realisation

of sentence (22), it is necessary to apply the Case

transformation to the HP immediately dominated by the

VP

The transformational rule which introduces the feature

[+ Accusative^ to the HP immediately dominated by the

VP converts she into her. Then, further rules will turn

the string:

John + past + hit + her

into
John hit her.
 23

This approach to the study of Case is completely

different from that of Fillmore as we shall see in the

subsequent section.

2.2. Fillmore 1s Case Grammar.

Theoretical Assumptions of Fillmore’s Case Grammar.

The framework of Fillmore’s Case Grammar can be

constructed on the basis of his undermentioned works :

1. "A Proposal Concerning English Prepositions” (1966a)

2. ’’Towards a Modern Theory of Case” (1966b)

3. ’’The Case for Case” (1968a)

4. "Lexical Entries for Verbs” (1968b)

5. "Types of Lexical Information" (1969a)

6. "Verbs of Judging: an Exercise inSemantic

Description" (1969b)

7* "The Grammar of Hitting and Breaking" (1970a)

8. "Subjects, Speakers and Roles" (1970b)

9. "On Generalivity" (1970c)

10. "Some Problems for Case Grammar" (1971)

11. "The Case for Case Reopened" (1977)

Of these, the third expounds Fillmore’s Case

Grammar in detail and still remains the standard treatment.

The tenth sketches the inadequacies that have emerged in

the initial formulation during the intervening period.

The eleventh answers several criticisms of Case theory, and

 24

relates the notion of deep Case to that of

grammatical relation.

The discussion in this review will be based

on the third, tenth and eleventh, since it seems to me

that these works cover the exposition of Fillmore’s

Case Grammar.

2.2.1 Case and Case form.

Fillmore uses the terms Case and Case-form to

name two distinctive concepts associated respectively with

the deep structure and the surface structure.

"I shall adopt the usage first proposed, as far

as I can tell, by Blake (1930), of using the
term Case to identify the underlying syntactic-
semantic relationship, and the term Case-form
to mean the expression of a Case-relationship
in a particular language - whether through
affixation, suppletion, use of clitic particles,
or constraints on word order." (1968a: 21 ).

2.2.2 Case and the Semantic Hotion of Subject and Object

Fillmore1s Case Grammar proposal comes as a

reaction to the TG Grammar as advocated by Chomsky in

Aspects (1965). He questions whether or not the semantic

notion of subject is correlated with the surface subject.

Fillmore shows that in many instances one cannot give a

consistent semantic interpretation to the concept subject

or object . This may be seen from the following

 25

sentences:

(23) a. The door opened.

John opened the door.

c» The key opened the door.

The door, John and the Key are specified as subject in

Chomsky’s framework but it is obvious that John is an

actor in the way that the door and the key are not.

The door, in all these sentences is understood to undergo

the same type of process (i.e. the Role is constant) but

it is a subject in (23a), direct object in (23b & c).

Fillmore proposes a deep structure in which the

Semantic Roles are represented directly, and at such a

level (considerably more abstract, or 'deeper', than that

envisaged by Chomsky) there will accordingly be no subject

and object functions: these functions will be definable

only at later stages in the derivation.

He also proposes to assign constant semantic function

to nouns which apparently play the same Role in different

environments; the door is Objective in all three sentences

of example (23), John is Agentive and the key is

Instrumental.

2.2.3 Basic Assumptions of Case Grammar.

Two assumptions are essential to the argument of

 26

Case Grammar.
8

The first of these is the centrality of syntax.

In Grammars where syntax is central, the forms of words

are specified with respect to syntactic concepts not the

other way around (1968a: 3). This means that in Case

Grammar, the organisation of the sentence as a whole should

be taken as the framework within which the functions of the

individual grammatical morphemes could be stated (1977 : 62 ).

The second assumption is the importance of

covert categories. Some sentence constituents lack obvious

'morphemic’ realisations but have a reality that can be

observed on the basis of selectional constraints and

transformational possibilities. The concept 'covert

category' makes it possible to believe that at bottom all

languages are essentially alike. (1968a: 3 )*

2.2.4 Base Rules of Case Grammar.

Case Grammar consists of a base component and

a set of transformational rules. The function of the

8
*fhe phrase Case Grammar is misleading.Fillmore (1977:62) says
that the proposals he made in "TheCase for Case" did not cohere
into a model of Grammar.
"Instead, they were suggestions about a level of organi­
sation of a clause that was relevant to both its meaning
and its grammatical structure; that provided a way of
describing certain aspects of lexical structure; and that
offered convenient classifications of clause types."
 27

base component is to characterise the underlying

structures of sentences. The mechanism which maps

the underlying structures into surface structures is

constituted by transformational rules.

2.2.4.1 Base Component: A sentence consists of two major

constituents. (1968a: 24). They are:

1* Proposition: A tenseless set of relationships involving

verbs and nouns (and embedded sentences, if there are

any).

2* Modality includes negation, tense, mood and aspect.

The first base rule, then, is (i) abbreviated to (i').

(i) Sentence— ^ Modality + Proposition.

-

(i ') S _____> M + P

The proposition constituent is 'expanded' as a verb and

one or more Case categories.

(ii ) P _____ > V + 01 + 02 + . . . . + On (C = Case ).

Each Case category dominates two constituents.

They are: the Case-marker which is represented by the

symbol K (from Iiasus) and a^EP.

Co se-Marker (K) : The Case-markers in English are

typically prepositions.
 28

"The rules for English prepositions may look

something like this: the A (i.e. Agentive)
preposition is by; the I (i.e. Instrumental)
preposition is by if there is no A, otherwise
it is with; the 0 (i.e. Objective) and
E (i.e. Factitive) prepositions are typically
zero; the B (i.e. Benefactive) preposition is
for; the D (i.e. Dative) preposition is typically
to.... ”
Tl96Sa; 32 ).

(iii) 0 > K + BP

Ov) NP ------ > d + N (d ~ Determiner).

Fillmore (1968a; 32-33) says :

"The position of prepositions can be guaranteed

either by having the Case categories rewritten as
prep 4- BP, or by having prep be one of the obligatory
constituents of BP, I shall make the former choice,
although the grounds for deciding one way or the
other are not particularly clear."

The Gases and the verbs to which they are

related are the primitives which constitute a universal

base component. The surface sentences of different

languages are derived from this base by a set of

transformations which are language-specific.

Rules (i’)j (ii)» (iii) and (iv) will

generate the deep structure like the following

 29

figure.

Cn

K HP K HP

d K d d

In the deep .structure, the noun phrases

9
following the verb ’ are unordered, and furthermore, no

one of them can be said to be the subject.

"The present essay is intended as a contribution

to the study of formal and substantive syntactic
universals. Questions of linear ordering are left
untouched, or at least unresolved." (1968a: 2 ).

A base-component without any sequential

ordering of items of Case Grammar is opposed to the

concatenation - system of the standard theory which implies

a sequential ordering in the base structure (Chomsky ,1965 :

124-127).

Fillmore (1968a; 53) gives rules that

specify the choice of surface subject.

9.
Note that some of Fillmore's termino3-Ogy has changed from
the time of 1968a. Inl968b, 3-969, 1970b Fillmore talks about
'Predicates' rather than ‘Verbs' and '.Arguments' or
'Roles * rather than 'Cases'.
 50

"If there is an A, it becomes the subject; otherwise,

if there is an I, it becomes the subject; otherwise,
the subject is the 0 ."

2.2.4•2 F illmore's 1970b Case-Grammar model

In the 1970b Case-Grammar model, there is no

longer a Proposition (P) and a Modality (M), nor is there

a E-marker for EPs. With the loss of M, the features of

negation, tense, mood and aspect are directly adjoined to

the verb constituent. Similarly, with the loss of K, the

Gase-markers are directly adjoined to the noun phrases by

means of preposition selection rules (Cook, 1971: 11).

Each sentence consists of a verb and a series

of Cases. Each Case directly dominates its own HP.

Cl C2

2.2.4.3 Lexical Selection

Two main problems of lexical selection are that

of the nouns and that of the verbs.

1. Nouns ? Those features of nouns required by a

particular Case are to be specified by obligatory rules of

the type such as the following, which specifies that any

 51

IT is an A or D phrase must contain the feature [h- Animate] .

IT----- > [+ Animate^/ [X— Y].

This context-sensitive subcategorisation rule

applies before lexical items are inserted in the underlying

structure, and is to prevent the insertion under N-nodes

dominated by A or D of lexical entries of nouns inherently

specified Animat el.

+ Animate' Animate.

1c a t’ * ’table’
[+ Animate] Animate]

2. Verbs : The insertion of verbs depends on the

particular array of Gases, the ’Case-frame’ provided by the

sentence. For example, verbs like murder and terrorize may

be inserted into the frame: +-E-- - D + A].

Verbs like give into: + £— - 0 4- D + Al, and so on.

Complex sentences with sentence embedding are generated by

recursion of the category S in the 0 (bjective) Relationship,

(24) We persuaded John that he could w i n .

The Case-frame of persuade is: + ' S + D + A] .

 32

2.2.5 Transformational Rules (1968a Case Grammar Model)

The following transformational rules

can be applied to simple active sentences.

1 . Subjectivalisation.

2 . K-deletion.
3« Ob je ctivali sat ion.

4» Tense incorporation.

Example (25) John gave the books to my

brother.

The structure which underlies the above

example can be diagrammed as follows;

(0 )

M P

V 0 D A

It HP K KP K EP

d M d if

Past give p the books to my brothexjby John

To convert this deep structure into

surface structure, we must apply:

 33

1 . Subjectivalisation: The subjectivalisation

transformational rule moves A to the surface subject

position (which, is in front of Modality). Then, it

is directly subjoined to the category S.

NP

NP

John past give ^ ie booksto my brother

2 . K- deletion

In English, subjects are not preceded by

Case-markers. We, therefore, apply the K-deletion

transformation. At the same t ime we delete the Agentive

node. We will be following a convention which deletes the

node naming the Semantic Role whenever the K has been

deleted.
(2 )

HP I

John past give p the bippkito my brother

 34

5* Ob ject ivali sat i on ; If our original ordering (i.e. Phrase

Marker (o) ) had placed Objective before Dative - as we

could have since we gave no ordering restrictions for the

original tree - we would still perform objectivalisation

even though it applied vacuously, with no change in

ordering.

4" K-deletion ; The Objective Case-Marker K is deleted and

with it the Objective mode.

(4)

V NP D

d K

John give the books to my

Tense incorporation includes the following stepsi

(a) The tense of the verb, welch is under the Modality

node (M) must be incorporated under the verb node

(V), rand the M-node must be deleted.

(b) The tense (in English} becomes an affix which follows

the verb, and it is bound to that verb by subsequent

morphophonemic rules.
 35

NP

UP

John gave the books to my brother

This terminal string has reached the surface structure

We have‘John gave the books to my brother.

2*2 .6 Case Notions

The Case notions comprise a set of universal,

presumably innate, concepts which identify certain types

of judgments human beings are capable of making about the

events that are going on around them, judgments about

such matters as who did it, who it happened to, and

what got changed. (1968 a: 24 ).

Fillmore has modified the number and

description of Cases from publication to publication.

The following Cases are variously postulated in 1968a,

1969a, 1971 and 1977.

1. Agentive (A )
(1968a: 24) the Case of the typically animate perceived
instigator of the action identified by the

verb.
 36

(1969a: 116 ) the instigator of the event.

(1971 s 44 ) the 'principal cause1.

(1977 *. 75 ) the manipulator.

(26) John opened the door.

A o

2• Counter-Agent (C )

(1969a: 116 ) the force or resistance against which

the action is carried out. (Fillmore does

not discuss this Case and he appears to have

rejected it in later publications).

(27) John protected Mary from the dog.

A E C

3. Dative (D )

(1968a: 24) the Case of the animate being affected by

the state or action identified by the verb.

(28) John Killed Bill.

A D

4• Experiencer (E )

(1969a: 116 ) the entity which receives or accepts or

experiences or undergoes the effect of an

action, (it is called Dative in 1968a: 24).

(1971 : 42 ) where there is a genuine psychological

event or mental state verb, we have the

Experiencer.

(29) I suspect that John loves Mary.

E 0
 31

5* Factitive (F )

(1968a.: 25) the Case of the object or being resulting

from the action or state identified by the

verb, or understood as a part of the meaning

of the verb.

(30) I constructed a bridge.

A F

6. Coal (C)

(1969a: 116 ) the place to which something moves.

(31) He went to London.

A C

(1971: 41) The later location, state or time point.

(1971: 42 ) (i) where there is a transfer or movement of

something to a person, the receiver as

destination is taken as the Coal.

( 3 2 ) John sold the car to Bill.

A 0 " C

(ii) since the Coal Case is used to indicate

the later state or end result of some action

or change, it can absorb what I used to call

'Resultative' or 'Factitive1; that is^it

specifies the end-result Role of a thing which

comes into existence as a result of the action

identified by the Predicator, as in:

I wrote a poem.
A C

or I constructed a bridge.
A C
(1977 ;75 ) the thing on which the manipulated

thing acts*

(53) I hit the stick against Harry

A ~ P a

Instrumental (I )

(1968a: 24) the Case of the inanimate force or

object causally involved in the action or

state identified by the verb.

(34) John opened the door with the key .

A 0 I

(1969a: 3.16) the stimulus or immediate physical cause

of an event.

(35) He reminded me of his father.

I E 0

(1971; 42) the Case of the immediate cause of an event.

(36) The accident caused the revolution.

I 0

Locative (L)

(1968a: 25) the Case which identifies the location or

spatial orientation of the state or action

identified by the verb.

(37) Chicago is windy.

L

Objective (0)

(1968a: 25) the semantically most neutral Case, the case

of anything representable by a noun whose role

 in the action or state identified by the verb

is identified by the semantic interpretation of

the verb itself; conceivably the concept should

be limited to things which are affected by the

action dr state identified by the verb. The term

is not to be confused with the notion of direct

object, nor with the name of the surface Case

synonymous with Accusative.

(38) John opened the door w ith the ke y .

A~ 0 I

(1969a % 116) the entity that moves or changes or

whose position or existence is in consideration.

(39) This river flows into the sea.

— 0 "" G

(1971 : 4 2 ) (i) the entity which moves or which undergoes

change. Sentences embedded to Objects can serve

to identify, for example, the content of a

psychological event, as with verbs of judging

or imagining.

(40) I suspect that John loves Mary.

E " 0

(ii) where there is a non-psychological verb

which indicates a change of state, such -;s one

of dying or growing, we have the Object.

(41) M r . Smith died.

0
 40

10. P a th (P a )

(1971 s 50 ) the 1itinerative* additional complement type

to Source and G-oal.

(42) He walked from the cemetery sate to the

' ' m iM n l i.«ii»*a»«*MWdB»*ai»mi.iiijaMWiiiiijii»»iili><«iniw iiTiViirlii miu'ii i iiwui n m m n r n i i in f n m o n

A So
chapel along the canal.
G- Pa

11. Patient (P )

(1977 : 75 ) the thing which, gets manipulated.

(43) I hit the stick against Harry.

A P Or

12. Result (R)

(1969a: 116 ) the entity that comes into existence as

a result of the action.

(44 ) I constructed a bridge.

A R

13• Source (So)

(1969a: 116 ) the place from which something moves.

(1971 : 41 ) the earlier location, state or time point

(1971 : 50 ) the starting point.

14 * Time (T )

(1971 : 49 ) the temporal orientation of action or event.

 41

2.2.7 Criteria for Determining Gases.

Fillmore mentions four

assumptions by which we can determine the Cases.

Assumption 1. No Case-relationship occurs more than

once in a simple sentence (except with coordination)

(1968a: 22 ).

It has been suggested (Baron, 1971: 77) that

Fillmore postulates this assumption because of the

Factitive. In English, the Factitive Case never occurs

more than once in a simple sentence.

(a) There should be a natural ‘stopping point’

in assigning semantic functions to noun phrases

occurring in specific syntactic positions (1971 :40 ).

(b) There is a stopping place in the attempt to list

the semantic functions that go with any given

Jredicator (1971: 40). For example, there are

four semantic functions for the NP subject that jpaite^io6

with the Predicator 'warm' in English,

(45) 1. I am warm.
E
2- The jacket is warm.
I
5* Summer is warm.
"T
4* The room is warm.
1
 42

In sentence (1) I functions as an Eftperiencer of the

sensation 'warm'

In (2), the .jacket is something which when used can

result in someone experiencing the sensation ’w a r m ’.

Thus, it functions as an Instrumental.

In (3)» summer is a time period during which people

can experience the sensation 'warm1. Thus, it functions

as Time.

In (4), the room is a place in which people can experience

the sensation ’w a r m ’. Thus, It functions as Locative.

The above sentences can be paraphrased as follows:

2 f It is warm in this jacket.

3 ’ It is warm in summer.

4' It is warm in this room.

But I 1 * It is warm in me.

Assumption 3- Only noun phrases representing the same

case may be conjoined (1968a: 22). Therefore, (4$)

John and Bill broke the window

A A 0

is an acceptable sentence, whereas;

(4-61) John and trie hammer broke the window,

is an unacceptable sentence.

"In comparative and regular coordinate constructions,

the noun phrases brought together must have the same

Case-relation in the sentences in which they occur.

(1971: 40)". Therefore:

(47) Bill is as sad as Peter.

 43

is grammatical, because Bill and Peter share the same

Case-relation, But:

(48) * Lately I ’ve been sadder than 'Love Story'.

is ungrammatical, because I and 'Love Story' do not

share the same Case-relation.

Fillmore refers to the above three assumptions

as 'principles of contrast'.

Assumption 4 . Earlier - later indications are different

instances of the same Cases, namely, Source and Goal.

With verbs of motion we have earlier - later location.

(49) He went from the top of the hill to the cemetery gate.
A ^Earlier LocationJ ~ ""(Later LocationT"™*
(Source) (Goal)

With verbs of temporal lapse, we distinguish, earlier -

later time points.

(50) The pageant lasted from sundown until midnight.

"("Earlier Time) "(Later Time j
(Source) (Goal. )

With transformation verbs we find earlier - later states

(51) He changed from a 96-pound weakling into a

~TEarlier"^s!Eate7
(Source)
famous football hero,
plater state")
(Goal)
 4-4

This assumption is called the 'principle of

complementarity 1.

Fillmore says that these two principles are

fairly vague

"....they seldom lead to beautifully

unambiguous results, and they are always
subject to other sorts of consideration"
(1971: 42)

Incidentally, assumptions 1 and 4 are contradictory.

2.2.8 Merits of Fill m o r e !s Case Grammar.

Fillmore’s Case Grammar has at least four merits.

1. It enables us to recognise the cognitive equivalence of

sentences which have different surface-structure patterns.

Thus, it enables us to say that the different surface forms

in (52), for example, are derived from a common"*-^ *

Proposition in their deep-structure representations.

(52) a. John broke the window with a hammer.

b. The window was broken by John with a hammer,

c. A hammer broke the window.

d. The window was broken by a hammer.

e. The window was broken.

f. The window broke.

10. ’C o m m o n ’ up to the presence or absence of optional

elements.
 45

(A)

.
11
break the window a hammer John

In the above diagram, the 0 is obligatory,

the I and A are optional. The various forms of (52)

arise as the result of a hierarchically ordered series

of subjectivalisation transformations which would

effectively shift the 0, the I or the A to the front of

the sentence. In the standard theory (Chomsky, 1965),

the sentences in (52) may not be formally syntactic

related.

2. The problem for the standard theory that the

(configurationally defined) sub.ject was not given a

consistent semantic interpretation is avoided. In

(52 a, b, c) all of John, the window and a hammer are

deep-structure subjects in Aspects, but t h e i r Semantic

Role is clearly quite different in each instance.

Fillmore’s Case Grammar is capable of giving each RP

in (52a, b, c) a constant semantic function.

3. Case Grammar is capable of accounting for the

lexical relation between the ’two v e r b s ’ open used in

sentences (55 a & b).

11. Rote that the triangles are used here to indicate that
other details of the full deep structure formulation have
been omitted.
 46

(53) a* The door opened.

b. John opened the door with a key.

Within the framework of Case Grammar, the two

forms of open are related in terms of lexical entry whose

Case-frame specifies that the verb obligatorily requires

the Objective, and optionally the Agentive and

Instrumental.

1 + E 0 (A ) (I) ]

If only the Objective occurs in sentence

(e.g. 53a) containing verb open, then open functions as an

intransitive verb. But if both the Agentive and the

Objective occur with open (e.g. 5 3*b), then open functions

as a transitive verb.

By stating additional constraints on combinations

of Cases such as "only noun phra.ses belonging to the same

Case may be conjoined" (i.e. linked by and). Fillmore

predicts the relative acceptability of sets of sentences

such as (54 ) which the standard theory has nothing to

say about.

(54) a.John and Bill broke the window.

A A 0

? b. John and the hammer broke the window.

A I 0
 47

2.2.9 Some Familiar Problems of Fillmore's Case Grammar.

The aim of this section is to present some

problems of Fillmore's Case G-rammar which have been

cited, in earlier Case Grammar investigations.

Suggestions have been made when these problems occur

in the study of Vietnamese Case Grammar.

1. Problem of Case-Marking Prepositions

Referring specifically to the Instrumental

Case in English., Fillmore indicates that when tne

Proposition contains an Agentive, the preposition with

marks Instrumental, Hilsen (1972:20) says that

"More often than not, this generalization

holds true, but to use it as a means of Case
identification or assignment brings up a number
of problems. The most obvious problem is that
there is by no means a one-to-one relationship
between preposition and Case."

The following examples illustrate that with is used

with different Cases.

(55) a. Instrumental: He hit the dog with a stick,

b. Comitative: He went with Mary.

c - Locative: He remained with John,

d. Manner : He spoke with great enthusiasm.

The same Case may be marked by different

prepositions, as in the following sentences:

 48

(56) a . Instrumental : He hit the dog wit a a stick,

bo Instrumental: He came on horseback..

c • Instrumental She knitted the sweater out

of French Wool.

^ * Instrumental He cast the bell in copper.

e * Instrum ental: He wove baskets of bamboo.

f. Instrumental He went by bus.

Moreover, there are:

(57) a. John was killed by the poison.

“I

b. John was killed with the poison

I

Fillmore rejects the principle concerning

prepositions which relates a particular Case with a

particular preposition in his later publications

(1970b, 1971 and 1977)

2• Problem of Case Definitions

Some of Fillmore's definitions of Cases are

not explicit. For example, the Experiencer and the

Objective.

Experiencer (E )

(1969a: 116) The entity which receives or accepts or

experiences or undergoes the effect of an

action.

(1971: 42) Where there is a genuine psychological

event or mental state verb, we have the

Experiencer.
 49

Objective (0)

(1971: 42) Where there is a non-psychological verb

which indicates a change of state, such as

one of dying or growing, we have the Object.

Consider; (58) Mrs. Smith worried about her daughter.

The noun phrases Mrs. Smith and her daughter

are both related to the verb w orried. One wonders wnich

of them is to be specified as Experiencer.

It may be interpreted (in favour of the

definition 1971 : 42 ) that the noun phrase which indicates

initiation of the psychological event or mental state

verb, is to be specified as Experiencer. Thus, Mrs.

Smith is an Experiencer and not her daughter.

(59) a° Mrs. Smith died.

0

b. Mrs . Smith felt worried.

■jf

According to Fillmore's definitions of E and

0 (1971: 42), Mrs. Smith in (59a) is an 0, but in

(59h)? she is an E.

In fact, whatever process, psychological or

non-psychological may be involved in feeling dying or

worrying, trie way the noun phrase Mrs. Smith1 is affected

in (59a) is not different from that in (59b). In

other words, if no external Agency affects Mrs. Smith

in (59b), so is the case in (59a). Thus, there is no

reason why Mrs. Smith in both (59a & b) should not be

specified either as E or 0.
 50

3* Problem of Fillmore’s two assumptions about the Cases.

According to some linguists (e.g. Huddleston,

Nilsen) Fillmore’s two assumptions about the Cases do

not appear to be consistent with certain facts about

English.

(a) Huddleston says that Fillmore's first assumption

(i.e. Each Case-relationship occurs only once in a

simple sentence) is not reliable enough to serve as a

means to distinguish one Case from another.

"There are empirical grounds for recognising

some simple sentences with two occurrences of
a single Case" (Huddleston, 1970: 510)

(60) a. The post-office is opposite the bank ,

1 1

John is similar to Peter .

0 0

In 1976: 238, Huddleston argues:

"Fillmore attaches crucial significance to the

principle that each nominal element in the
Proposition must be in a different Case, but
certain difficulties arise in applying this
principle. In the first place, there are
clauses expressing the exchange of goods. If
we say that in

John sold the car to Ed.

and Ed bought the car from John.
the car is Neutral, Ed Cfoal and John Source,
on tae grounds that the car passes from John
to Ed, how shall we analyse
John sold the car to Ed for £500.
Ed bought the car from John for £500.
Ed paid John £500. for the car.
where there is also transfer of £ 500 . in tne
opposite direction?"
 51

Hilsen (1972: 13) also criticises Fillmore’s

first assumption. He says:

"There are several exceptions to the

rule. Examples include symmetrical sentences
where the noun phrases are interchangeable.
Since there is no difference in meaning
(except for a topicalisation difference)
between

(i) John is similar to Peter,

and (ii) Peter is similar to John.

bote John and Peter must be members of the

same deep Case, whatever it is."

Fillmore (1970 b: 262) however, claims that

the difference between (i) and (ii) is not one of

topicalisation, but one of Role. For him, the subject

in such sentences is Instrument» the object Objective.

"It is frequently the case, however, that

apparent symmetric predicates are not
properly symmetric after all. Sentences of
the form (37-a).(37-a) HP resembles HP
are extensionally symmetric if both NPs are
definite referring expressions, but
otherwise (as in (37-b) not.
(37-b) Tour brother resembles a horse.
My interpretation of the Similarity
Predicates is that one of the terms has the
role stimulus (or what I would call
Instrument, but with the notion of
'implement' abstracted away), the other has
the role Theme (or what I have called Object
in my earlier writings)".

(b) According to Dougherty (1970:510 ), Fillmore's

third assumption (i.e. only HPs representing the

same Ca.se may be conjoined) is not quite correct.

He gives a number of examples as an illustration.

 52

(i) Both the key and the locksmith opened the door.

(ii) Meitner the key nor the locksmith opened the door.

(iii) Did the locksmith or the key open the door?

(iv) The door was opened once with a key and twice

by the locksmith.

(v) John and Mary gave a book and were given a book

respectively.

However? according to many native English

speakers, examples (i), (ii) and (iii) are not entirely

acceptable. Examples (iv) and (v) are grammatical but

both are marked as involving separate acts.

Eillmore needs to state has notion of

conjunction explicitly in order to explain that what

he means is: In coordinate constructions, the Predicate

must indicate that, for example, the action of

the two Agentives is performed at the same time,

or the conjoined Gases "have their source in an

adnominal comitative" (Anderson, 1977: 41).

4* Problem of Gases on two ’levels’ (or Co-referential Gases)

(61 ) John s w a m .

In 1968a, Eillmore claims that only one Case

can be allotted per argument (i.e. NP); therefore, the

only possible Case-frame for sentence (SI) is:

5wmi: + I A]
 53

In 1970b, Fillmore allows more than one

Gase-relation per HP. Fillmore analyses John in

John swam as haying two Case-relations: Agentive and

Objective.

For him, this type of Agentive cannot take a

separate Objective since the agent is both performer

1 2
and the object of the action . *

Other verbs that occur with this type of Agentive are:

laugh, smile. w a l k , cry, w o r k .

(62) John laughed.

A
0

Fillmore (1970b: 264-265) says:

"In my proposals on ’Case Grammar’ T have assumed

that the Role types which one can refer to in
describing the semantic structure of predicates
make up a universally valid and reasonably well-
specified set of concepts. I have assumed, too,
that the Role types are themselves unanalyzables
......... I have convinced myself that certain
Role notions recur across widely variant languages,
namely those for which one finds useful the terms
Agent, Instrument, location, Object, Patient,
etc...... The most serious difficulties have had
to do with specifying exactly what this small
set of Role types consisted of, and determining
whether or not it would turn out to be necessary,
at least for some verbs, to Interpret certain
arguments as serving two Role functions
simultaneously" (underlined mineTV

He continues: "I am at the moment ready to assume

that it may be necessary to treat the semantic
Roles of arguments on two 'levels’ (i.e.
Coreferential Oases)1'.

12. Anderson (1971; 50) describes the same type of

agent as one which "operates in some sense upon
itself".
 54

It is obvious that in a system which allows

an argument to serve two Role functions simultaneously,

the semantic structure of a sentence can be captured

in an intuitively pleasing way. However, it seems

difficult to decide which Cases are on which level -

for instance, in example (62), should the A be

regarded as on the high level, and the 0 on the lower

level.

laugh: +-[---- q ]

F* 0 1
or the other way up e.g. Laugh:+ ^---- — , J ?
" 1\

The Case system becomes complicated because

some Cases always occur on one level. Lor instance, it

is difficult t o f i n d examples of:

I
A 0r 1

&ince the combinations of Cases on two levels

cannot be presented in a systematic way,the two-level

Case system is inconsistent.

Treatment of Co-referential Ca ses in the present study

of Vietnamese Case Grammar

The fact that an HP, for example, plays two

Semantic Roles in deep structure, but one Semantic Role

is obligatorily left out of the surface structure indicates

 55

that there is a level of representation deeper than

the one provided by the Base Rules of Case Grammar.

To my knowledge, up to now, nobody can propose the

appropriate rewrite rules which can represent the

multiple case-relations for an HP.

To deal with Coreferential Cases,

Anderson (1971) treats one of the two coreferential

Cases as a Case feature.

(65 ) John ran.

Nominative (Nom) is attached to Ergative (Erg) (i.e.

Agentive in Fillmore's Case Grammar) and is marked as

a Case feature.

I do not follow this approach, since it is

very confusing to treat Cases sometimes as syntactic-

semantic relationships between the main verb of a

sentence and NPs, and sometimes as semantic features of

the other Cases.

The Case model adopted in this thesis does

as
not allow a n argument to function'1two Cases at the same

time. The Cases are treated as discrete constituents

of a Proposition. Depending on the verb-type, each, NP

in a sentence functions one and only one Case, e.g.

(64) Ba chay.
'Ba ran'.

Chay is a physical|Action verb. It selects an A which

is - according to the definition - an 'animate' entity

 56

who is an immediate actor, doer, performer or

manipulator of an action.

(65) Xe chay.

'(’The car ran’ )

Again, chay in (65) is also a physical Action verb.

It must select an A, but xe ’the car’ is an ’inanimate’

entity, therefore it cannot perform the action of

running by itself, xe ’the car’ in sentence (65) fits

the description of the 0 (i.e. the ’inanimate’ entity

that moves or changes or whose position or existence is

in consideration.) Thus, it functions as an 0.

There are two lexical entries of chay 1r u n 1■

chay 1: + ~ A + (0) j e.g. Ba chay . 1Ba r a n ’.

A

Ba chay m a y !Ba ran the

A 0 machine1.

_ *
chay 2: + [-- 0 (So) (G-)je.g. Xe cbay( ’The car ra n ’.)

Xe chay 't& cliidng Bach -Dang tdl ddong Chong-Be .

0 ‘ So Ox
# A
( *The car ran from Bach-Bang street to Cu6ng~De street1)

5• Problem of Suppression, Deletion and Incorporation

of Case

(i ) Problem with Fillmore’s terminologies

Fillmore makes a distinction between the

conceptual presence of a Case-relation and its actual

realisation in surface structure. When a Case-relation

 57

is conceptually present but not overtly realised in

the sentence, Fillmore says that it is suppressed,

deleted or left out of the surface structure.

Discussing the English verb cook, Eillmore

(1968a: 29) says:

"The frame feature of cook is presumably

something like:

+ I— 0 (A) 1

and an idiosyncratic transformational feature

of the verb is that just in case the A is present
and the 0 is some El? representing a typical HP
for the verb (that is, something like food or a
meal) the 0 element may be deleted"

In 1968b: 384, discussing verb hit,

Eillmore says:

"Conceptually, ... the agent is an

unnecessary part of expressions
containing hit (e.g. in The rock hit the tree
there may not be the implication of an outside
Agency).
Syntactically, certain conceptually present
Roles may be ’suppressed' under certain
conditions".

In 1969a: 379, Eillmore says:

"Sometimes an argument is obligatorily

left out of the surface structure because it
is subsumed as a part of the meaning of the
Predicate."

When a Case is suppressed, it does not appear

in the deep structure of the sentence in question. This

is distinct from deletion. A Case is deleted (or

 58

obligatorily left out) when it .appears in the deep

structure, but is absent from the surface structure.

For Fillmore, the direct object of a verb

must be ’typical' for that verb if deletion is to occur.

This point is contradictory to Gruber's as we shall see

in the subsequent section.

(^i) G-uuber and Incorporation.

According to Gruber (1976; 9-56), there are

cases of incorporation of nouns, such as direct objects,

a.nd adjectives, such as adjectival complements. In the

incorporation process, the noun, for example, must be

'typical* for the verb. Incorporation is the idiosyncratic

characteristic of a lexical item. It .may either be

optional or obligatory.

Optional incorporation.

"Consider the word eat ~ we can say;

The baby is eating cereal.

The baby is eating a marble.

But if we say:

The baby is eating.

We automatically imply that the baby is eating some sort

of food, not possibly a marble. We can show that it is

just about exactly the categories specifying food

underlying a noun that is incorporated in eat1* (1976: 55).

 59

Obligatory incorporation

(66) John crossed the road.

Where across is incorporated into the verb cross

we cannot say: * John crossed across the road.

(iii) Application to the study of Vietnamese Case Grammar.

Consider:

(67) Ba di san.
A
Ba go hunt •
♦Ba went hunting

(68) Ba di bo.

Ba walk.
♦Ba walked 1•

Although in sentences (67) and (68), the verbs

san ’h u n t ’ and di bd 'walk' are not followed by any

HP or prepositional phrase, Vietnamese speakers

understand that in (67)

Ba di san thu.
A E
Ba go hunt animal,
♦Ba went hunting animals’.

and in (68)

* Ba di bo b ang chan.
A I
Ba walk by leg*
* (♦ Ba walked with his legs ♦.)

In this thesis, I use the term incorporation

to explain these facts. By incorporation, I mean ♦the

 60

NP has conceptually "been absorbed into the Predicator'.

I agree with G-ruber that incorporation is the

idiosyncratic characteristic of a lexical item.

With the obligatory incorporation, the HP is

absent in both surface and deep structure (e.g. Ba walked

With the optional incorporation, the HP may or may not be

present in surface and deep structure.

Eor instance:

(67) Ba di san.
A
’Ba went hunting'.

San ’h u n t ’: + [— ■ A ]

(67') Ba di san
nai .
A E
'Ba went hunting deer.'

San 'hu n t ' : + [j— A + E}

The Case "frame of San ’hunt’ is: 4- [— A + (E) ]

where E is an optional Case which may or may not be

presentin surface and deep structure.

The term deletion is used int" is study to

indicate that the Case must be present in deep structure

but may not be present in surface structure.

He was killed [ __] in New York.

E A IT

The A is unspecified and thus not realised in

surface structure.

6• Problem of Order of Underlying Elements.

Jayawardana (1971:40 argues that:

 61

"The main objective of Case Grammar is to

support the idea of inventing a deep structure
which is common to all languages. One of the
crucial problems associated with such a common
deep structure is the order of underlying e1ements.
However, Case Grammar lacks explicit theoretical
discussions about the constituent order of the
base structure".

The order of elements in the deep structure is a matter

of some dispute. There are three main hypotheses of the

base (or deep structure):

- unordered bases.

- single order base.

- ordered bases.

According to Bartsch and Vennemann (1972: 38), the

main argument for the 'unordered bases' hypothesis derives

from the fact that different languages can have different

word order, and even can dispense with grammatically

functional word order altogether if a richly developed

morphological system permits this. If one assumes the

word order of the deep structure of one language as the

universal order for deep structures, then languages with

different basic word ordets must be derived by rules which

make such languages look inherently more complicated than

the language that served as a model for deep structure

order.

Anderson (1971, 1977) and Fillmore favour the

hypothesis of unordered bases.

It is said (Ross, 1970: 257-258) that an 'unordered

base' appears inevitable for languages like Sanskrit,

Greek and Latin.

 62

’Single order base’ hypothesis embodies a

claim that

"the evidence internal to any language will lead

us to select a particular underlying order, and
that this order will be the same for any language"
( '.nderson, 1977: 72).

’Ordered bases’ hypothesis appertains, apparently

idiosyncrustically, to particular languages. In the

present study of a Vietnamese Case Grammar, I choose this

hypothesis because the word order in Vietnamese is

relatively fixed.

7. Problem of a Universal Base Component

Fillmore claims that there exists a universal

base component, and that surface sentences are derived

from this bo.se by a set of transformations which are

language-specific.

However, according to lakoff (1968: 214-5)*

"There is at present no empirical evidence to

support such an assertion. The choice of deep
structure cannot be determined in any definitive
way even for English, much less for other less-
studied languages. The choice of deep structure
will affect the rest of the grammar, of course,
but in no case at present has the nature of the
transformational component forced on us a, specific
choice of deep structure. Hence, since the
nature of the base in any language cannot be
determined conclusively, the decision as to
whether the base is language-specific, Indo-
European, or language-universal must rest on
other factors. Thus, the linguist will work on
each language individually, assuming no universality
of the phrase—structure rules. The appearance of
 63

similarities between unrelated languages would,

of course, support the hypothesis of a universal
bas<& , but not prove it- not until all known
languages have been shown, on independent grounds,
to share the same deep structure will the
hypothesis be proved empirically. This will
probably never be done."

2.3 Anderson's Case Grammar (197-1)

Anderson's Case Grammar differs from Fillmore's

Case Grammar and Chomsky's 'standard' theory in rejecting

a special level of deep structure intermediate between

the levels of semantic and surface syntactic representation.

Anderson uses a Dependency Grammar to account

for Case-relations.

"...Case-relations can be given a more

natural expression with„respect to the
notion of dependency." - (1971: 30, footnote 1)

In a Dependency Grammar, the relationship of

modifier to head is very important. The head of a

construction governs its modifiers, the modifiers depend i 11 jlim i w muui

on the head. Consider the configuration

In a dependency model, this is to be

interpreted as:

B and C modify A

13.
Fillmore (1968: 87; 1971: 55) does mention the
possibility of using dependency notation, but d oes not
take this up. "Dependency Case Grammars" is explained in
detail in Anderson, 1977: 92-100.
 64

i.e. A is the head of the construction and governs

B and 0 (B and C might, for example, be a

determiner and an adjective, while A is a. noun)

whereas in a phrase-structure Grammar (such as is

employed by Chomsky and Fillmore) this

configuration would be interpreted a s :

B + 0 is an A (e.g. B might be

a determiner; G, a noun; and A is a

noun phrase).

Anderson provides two main reasons for using

a Dependency Grammar to account for Case-relations. These

reasons can be seen by comparing Fillmore's (1968a)

Phrase-structure method of introducing Gases with Anderson's-

In Fillmore's (1968a) Grammar, a Case is re-written

as

K + HP

where K may be realized as a preposition, postposition,

or case-form. The configuration for the sentence

(69) The box contains the apples.

in a Fillmorean Grammar is thus:

V L 0

ores contain in the box p the apples.

 65

Firstly, Anderson points out th-..;t it seems

misleading to say that:

K + NP is a L

Rather, especially, in a sentence of this type, 1

describes the function of the NP.

Secondly, this notation is redundant in the

introduction of a category K which has to agree with the

nature of the dominating Case. Therefore, sentence (69)

should be represented by a Dependency tree as follows:

N
y /\
/ I
D »
I t
i i
i i
i t ' i t 1 1
in the box contain p the apples

(Rote teat the discontinuous lines attach lexical items

to lexical categories (which are now the only categories).

They are the reflex of & category-assignment function

which maps categories on to lexical items). (Anderson,

1977:94).

Anderson posits two pairs of Gases : the non-local

(Nominative (Norn) - Ergative (Erg)) and the local

(Locative (loc) ~ Ablative (Abl)).^*

* Anderson's Ergative Case is the same a s Fillmore's

Agentive. Note that Anderson operates through a relatively
elaborate set of Base Rules which mention Gases sometimes
as segments, sometimes as features.
 66

16
The localist hypothesis' ' ' comes into

play when Anderson attempts to extend the analysis

of sentence structures in terms of these Case-relations

to other sentences in which notions of direction and

location are less obviously present. Such an analysis

depends on intuitive knowledge.

(71) a. Many people know part of the truth .

Loc Norn

b. Part of the truth is known to many people

Nom “ Loc

It seems reasonable to regard part of the

truth as manifesting in both instances a Hom.ino.tive

phrase, with absence of Case-marker as object in (71a)

and as subject in (71b). There remains the other Case-

relation present in these clauses. Anderson suggests the

Locative Case. He explains that know is regarded as

like contain in terms of the semantic representation

governed by the V.

(knowledge of) part of the truth1 is

associated with (' located with respect to')
‘many people'" (1971: 101).

The two sentences (i.e. 71a. and 71b) have an

underlying structure of the form represented below.

(Cop)

many people
truth

15- According to the localist hypothesis, the Case-relations

of a language are seen as being basically derived from notions
of location and direction.
 67

(Note that the stative marker, stat* triggers the

selection of the copula verb. Anderson does not

posit a passive transformation).

The Grammar of Case is quite difficult to read

because of its technical character as well as its complex

and intricate argumentation.

According to Bennett (1975), Anderson's analysis suffers

from defects which can only be remedied by increasing the

number of Oases. For example, what Bennett refers to as

Locative, e.g.

(72) A statue occupies the plinth .

Loc

and Goal e.g.

(73) We drove to Oxford.

G

Anderson regards as two varieties of a single Case

(i.e. Locative).

Similarly, what Bennett refers to as P a t h .

Anderson regards as two simultaneous Oases:

Ablative and Locative (Anderson, 1971 : 169-171)

Bennett says that if Anderson increases the number of

Gases, he will be able to handle examples containing a

Source. Path and Goal expression.

 68

(7 4 )
a. We walked from Waterloo Bridge along the Embankment to

Westminster.

b. We walked from Waterloo Bridge to Westminster along the

Embankment.

c. We walked along the Embankment to Westminster from

Waterloo Bridge.

from Waterloo Bridge : Source,

to Westminster : Goal,

along the Embankment : Path.

Concluding Remarks

1. Anderson believes that a theory of grammar should be

semantically based. Therefore, his work is based on

Generative Semantics.

Eillmore (1971: 35) claims that:

"My position was what would now be called

'deep-strueture interpretivist1"

However, Chomsky (1972: 101) quoting Eillmore

(1968a: 88)

"....it is likely that... syntactic deep structure

(independently motivated on syntactic grounds)....
is going to go the way of the phoneme.
It is an artificial intermediate level between the
empirically discoverable’ semantic deep structure'
(i.e. the Case system) and the observationally
accessible surface structure, a level the properties
of which have more to do with the methodological
commitments of grammarians than with the nature of
human language V

states that: "This conclusion has something of the

flavor of Generative Semantics."

 69

2. A Comparison between Fillmore's and Anderson's

Case lists reveals that several of Fillmore's Cases

(e.g. Location, Goal, Source, Experiencer) are included

in Anderson's Locative.

Fillmore's and Anderson's Case Grammar models

are different in their approach and scope. Fillmore's

main objective in writing Case Grammar is to support the

idea of universal grammar. His belief is that the most

straightforward deep-structure commonalities between

languages are to be sought at the 'deepest' level, where

any sentence of any language can be broken down into the

Predicate on the one hand, and the Cases tnat are

appropriate for that particular Predicate on the other.

Anderson's primary aim. in writing The Grammar

of Case is to search for the common underlying 'abstract'

relations that can be given a localist interpretation

(Anderson, 1971: 210) - The Case-relations in Anderson's

Case Grammar are characterised by dependency rules

similar to those suggested by Hays (1964).

3* Anderson's dependency tree diagram of a simple

sentence is more economical than Fillmore's phrase-

structure tree. It shows clearly the Cases which are

determined by the verb.

Fillmore (1971: 55,1 says that :

"I have in mind a kind of dependency notation which

makes use of kernel trees or 'stemmas' each containing
one root -node, one or more labeled branches, and a
variable or index symbol at the leaf end of each
branch'!
 70

The semantic interpretation of the sentence is a

collection of 'stemmas' plus information on variable

relation. Unfortunately, these suggestive notions are

not presented in a n y formalised manner.

In this thesis, the verb is considered central.

It determines the kind of Cases -which can occur with it.

Presumably the dependency theory and dependency phrase-

marker can give an accurate formal account of the syntactic'

semantic relationships between a main verb and the noun

phrases in a sentence. However, I do not use the

notation of dependency but constituency. This is because

it is not clear to me where the dependencies originate.

The type of phrase-marker I use in this thesis

is similar to that of Fillmore's 1970b Model (See Chapter

7).

4. Fillmore’s and Anderson's works deal with the

English language specifically. However, since it is now

widely believed that a modern deep Case theory based on

deep Case-relations, may have universal application; we

may apply this theory in an attempt to describe the

syntactic structure of languages other than English, for

example, Vietnamese.

In the present study of a Vietnamese Case

Grammar, the modified Fillmore's Case system is chosen

in preference to Anderson’s Localistic Cases. The reason

is that there are instances when the NPs are not manifested

in surface structure of tee seiitence; Fillmore's Case

system is able to provide a fairly specific set of Case

notions in deep structure of that sentence. This

reflects the competence of the ideal speaker-hearer

 71

more precisely tlan \nderson's four-Case system-

 72

CHAPTER 3.

REVIEW OF SOME STUDIES IN VIETNAMESE SYNTAX

IN TERMS OF A CASE GRAMMAR.

Little has been written about 'Case’ in

Vietnamese. Up to now, there are only two published

works (i.e. Clark 's and Li ism1s) dealing with

Vietnamese Case Grammar.

5 *1 Coverbs and Case in Vietnamese by Clark (1975)

Coverbs (cvb) are words which have

corresponding homophonous and synonymous words which

occur as main verbs in sentences.

(75) a. Chiec thuyen qua song roi •

V"
classifier sampan cross river already

1The boat ho crossed the river already

b . Ba cheo thuyen qua song,

cvb
Ba oar sampan cross river,

’Ba is oaring the boat across the river

Clark describes Coverbs in the framework of

Lex.icase Grammar.

5.1.1Lex i ca se Grammar

Lexicase Grammar is advocated by Starosta

 73

(1971, 1972, 1973 ).

Starosta examines seven languages with

different systems of Case-expression then comes to the

c onelus i on tlat:

(1) The realisation of two Case-relations by the

same Case-form is not random. (The term Cnse-

form is used here in a broad sense, including

devices like w ord order as well as Case-marking

prepositions ).

(2) The same pairs of Case-relations tend to share

common realisations in many different languages.

(3) To describe this phenomenon properly, it becomes

necessary to assign labels to Cnse-forms

(Anderson, 1977: 66).

Starosta proposes two universal sets of Case

features.

(1) A set of Case-relations (CR) (which are roughly

the same as Fillmore's 1968a,: 24).

(2) A set of Case-forms (CP) which include Ergative

(in Ergative languages), Nominative (in

Accusative languages), Benefactive, Dative,

Allative, Instrumental, Locative, Accusative and

Ablative.
 74

Starosta, argues that it is possible to state

the systematic correlation between Case-forms and Case-

relations end to indicate w ich CF - CR associations are

universal.

The Lexicase Grammar model consists of a

language-specific base component composed of Phrase-

structure Rules, a lexicon, and a phonological component.

The lexicon consists of lexical entries which, are specified

for grammatical category features, Case-form features,

idiosyncratic syntactic features, semantic features, and

phonological representation; and lexical subcategorisation

rules (SR) (SR is a rule which subcategorises lexical

items, defining the possible classes and subclasses of

lexical items), redundancy rules (RR) (RR: a rule which

predicts ti e presence of one feature on the basis of

another feature), and derivation rules (DR) (DR: a rule

which serves as a pattern for introducing new members of a

class of lexical items based on the members of another

class), which operate on lexical entry matrices to

produce lexical items. (Clark, 1975: 13-14)*

Starosta criticises Fillmore in incorporating

Case in the base component, since Fillmore uses Case

relational terms as labels of nodes w .ich dominate

category symbols, i.e.

C(ase) __ ___ > K + NP.

In Lexicase Grammar, Case-relations and Case-

 75

forms are represented as lexical features of nouns

and postpositions or prepositions. Thus, there is no

need to represent Case as a syntactic inode.

i
(76) .No chay vao ciia har.o’ xe dap .
I +NM “T +L + AC "
i/f-OBJi j i+GOL + IOC

He run into door store bicycle

'He ran into 111e bicycle shop’ (Clark,

1975: 104)

(in each square bracket [ J, the Case-form is put above

the Case-relation. Abbreviations consisting of three

capital letters denote Oase-relations (e.g. OBJ = Objective,

GrOl = Goal), one or two capital letters denote Case-forms

(e.g. NM - Nominative, 1 - Locative) This convention is

introduced by Starosta).

Wit1! Case-forms and C"se-relations marked on

lexical items and the relations between lexical Items shown

by derivation and subcategorisation rules, the surface

syntactic structure alone appears to contain enough

information to show the grammatical relationships between

sentences, and constitutes a (systematic) semantic

representation which serves as input to contextual semantic

interpretation. Such a frame-work eliminates the necessity

for a, distinct deep structure and n transformational

component, th.us radically simplifying the grammar.

3.1.2Coverbs (cvb)

Within tue framework of the Lexicase model, Clark

 76

treats coverbs as prepositions (P) derived from

verbs (V).

Clark says that three broad stages can be

postulated for the history of a single lexical item.

I. V
II. V P
i
h i . p

In stage I, the word occurs only as a verb. In stage

II, the word occurs both as a Y and as a P which may or

may not retain the same semantic features as the verb.

It goes without saying that within this stage, there is

a long range of varying usage such that at the beginning

of the stage the word may perhaps be used as a P only

rarely and under given conditions, and at the end of the

stage usage as a verb occurs rarely or vestigially.

In stage III, the word is no longer used as a verb and

is used only as a P.

Because verbs and prepositions are subject to

category-particular syntactic rules, Clark considers the

preposition and the verb to be two separate lexical items,

related by a derivational rule.

It can be shown in several ways that a word

performing a 'prepositional function1 cannot be a verb.

In the first place, verbs in series implies two actions

or states, whether they are simultaneous actions or

sequential actions as consecutive action, purpose, or

resultative. The sentence, with the word vao

(77) Lan chay vao vuon.
Ian run go into garden.
'Lan ran into the g a r d e n '.

could be considered to have serial verbs and to mean

'Ban ran and entered the garden*

 77

However, (77) is not conceptualised by native

speakers as having sequential actions. Vao

could still be considered to be a verb if (77)

is interpreted as simultaneous action.

'Lan ran, entering the garden'.

However,
— _ i t
(78) Lan nhin vao ciia so .
Lan look go into window
'Lan looked into the window'

cannot be interpreted as:

* ’Lan looked, entering the window!

vao in (78) cannot be a verb.

To say that vao in (77) is a verb and

vao in (78) is something other than a verb is to

make an inconsistent and ad hoc statement about the

grammar of Vietnamese, since the two v a o 1s are

grammatically identical. It might be claimed that

vao in both (77) and (78) is a verb functioning as

an adverb modifying the direction of chay and nhi/n.

However, if this were the case, the presence of vao

should be optional, and it is not;

(79) a. * Lan chay viidn is ungrammatical

*('Lan ran gard e n ')
t i
b. (?) Lan nhin ciia so •
* ('Lan looked window')

Clark claims that Coverbs satisfy the

requirements of verbs. For example, tie verb thoc

 78

(Lit. thrust) has the following Oa.se-frame

thoc (Lit; thrust)

+ [+ , + ag-t]
[+ AO , OBJ]
+L )
+■ +AC,+rel J, + 100 ]

The above Case-frame states that verb thqc

(1) has an obligatory Agentive, an obligatory

Objective and an obligatory Locative.

(2) The Agentive must occur in the Nominative Case-form.

The Objective must occur in the Accusative Case--form<

The Locative must occur in the Locative Case-form or

the Accusative Case-form with a Locn.tive Relator

Noun (+ rel - Relator).

i ,

(80)a0ng thu-kj tape tay vao tut ao

f+ NM 1
V
+ AC 1
cvb
TTAG T
L-t- act J L+OBJ J L+l o o J

r+L ]
1+ SO L J

Mr,secretary thrust hand enter pocket jacket

’The clerk put his hand into his coat pocket1.

bOng thd-ky thqc tay trong tui ao .

f+NM 1 v p- AC 1 f+ AO ~T~"
t+AGT J L+ OBJ J 1+ LOCJ

Mr. secretary thrust hand interior pocket jacket

'The clerk put his hand in his coat pocket

 79

3•2 Cases,clauses and sentences in Vietnamese by

liSm T19751T

liem's monograph presents a contrastive

analysis of Vietnamese and Engl is/' on tie Case? Clause

and lenience levels for the purpose of helping a

language teacher to improve his teaching materials in

teaching Vietnamese to those whose mother tongue is

English. It consists of seven chapters* Chapter 1

deals with Case-forms and Case-relations. Liem

utilises Tagmemics (Brend 1970, Cook 1909? Longacre 1904 >

Pike 3.954-1900) and a Lexicase Grammar mode3_.

Prom Chapter 2 to Chapter 7? Liem discusses clause

types and verb classification? clause classes? clause

units? sentence classes, sentence types and sentence

units.

Following Fillmore (1906b? 1908a? 1971),

Liem postulates twelve Case-relations. They a.re:

Agent ive (AG-T), Objective (OBJ) ?Dative (DAT) Benef active

(BEN)? Comitative (COM), Instrumental (INS)? Locative

(LOC), Direction (DIR)? Time (TIM), Source (SRC),

Goal (GOL) and Extent (EXT).

These twelve covert Case-relations are

pigeon-holed in eleven overt Case-realisations (or

Case-forms) of which some are marked by their positions

vis-a-vis the verb? and some are marked by prepositions.

The Case-realisations a r e :
 80
KM Nominative position immediately preceding the verb,

no prepositions.

0 Objective position immediately following the verb, no

prepositions.

D Dative realisation with preposition cho.

B Benefactive realisation with prepositions giurn or h o .

i
C Comitative realisation with preposition v 8i .

1 Instrumental realisation with preposition b a n g *

i
L Locative realisation with preposition o.

Di Directional realisation with prepositions such as len,

)
xuong, q u a , lai ,

SR Source realisation with preposition t u .

i i
GL Goal realisation with prepositions t b i . d e n .

EX Extent realisation with preposition d-ilbc.

The twelve covert Gase-relations and the

eleven overt Case-realisations can be charted in a

two-dimensional matrix yielding twenty-five possibilities

as in Chart I below:

Chart I - Case-Eorms and Case-Relations.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
NM 0 D B C I L Di Sr G1 Ex

1 ACT 1
2 OBJ 2 6
3 DAT 5 7 15
4 BEN 8 16 17
5 COM 18
6 INS 4 9 19
7 LOC 5 10 20
8 DIR 11 22
9 TIM 12
10 SRC 21 23
11 G-OL 13 24
12 EXT 14 23
 81

The twenty-five possible combinations of

covert Case-relations and overt Case-realisations can

be arrived at by applying Case-related redundancy rules

which can be drawn from Chart II.

o
U K
10 CO
RULES
REDUNDANCY

O'

0 pq

«O
OF

OW
SUMMARY

OO
II:
CHART

O H

O pq

O«
 82

Chart II begins with C+K] for Case positivity

and ends with the twenty-five tagmemic slots (covert

Case-relations and overt Case-realisations) already

stated in Chart I in another way. Following a.re some

examples of the tagmemic slots.

[+FM, +AG-T] is hosted by transitive verbs.

(81) Ong
r+ n m ^ “
L+AGrT.
ay mu- sach
f+0 1
l+OBJ J
S'UM

F®
toi

t+BEH J1
Mr, that buy book for me
’He bought books for me

1+l Wi ,+ OBJ] is hosted by intransitive verb;

(82 ) di toi
r + m 1 +B
L+OBJ j l +BEU

Mr. that SO for me

’Be went for me ’

3*3* Gener::.l Remarks on the Lexicase Grammar, Clark ’s

and” Liem’s works

In order to avoid Fillmore’s problem of having

a Case-labelled node dominate categorial elements,

Starosta argues that Case-relations should be regarded

as lexical features rather than relations. This is the

main point which makes Starosta’s Lexicase Grammar seem

to destroy one of the most important notions in

Fillmore’s Case Grammar i.e. the underlying functional

relationships between the various noun phrases in a

sentence ,nd the mein verb.

 83

According to Anderson (1977:66), the set of

Starosta’s Case—f o r m s b e a r s a striking resemblance,

with one or two exceptions, to the set of Case-relations

(CR) proposed by .Fillmore*

"But since the CRs and CFs are two disjoint

sets, it is not entirely clear what this identity
of labelling is intended to be-token. Are the
CFs simply labelled in the same way as the CRs which
they ’most typically1 manifest? If so, then the
introduction of such CFs is redundant, since this
information is extra.cta.ble from the rules
specifying which phonological shapes go with which
CRs - that is if the notion of 'typical
manifestation’ is to have any empirical content.
In which case the introduction of CFs is an
unnecessary complication. Moreover, their
introduction does not in fact explain the
character of the CR/CF correlations that Starosta
establishes" (Anderson 1977: 66-67).

Both Clark and Liem apply Fillmore’s notion

of Case in their works and use Lexicase G-ramm&r as their

theoretical framework.

Fithin the Lexicase Grammar framework, Clark

and LiC.m use both the CRs and CFs to classify‘verbs.

They associate transitive verbs with A genti

gentive and

intransitive verbs with Ob je ctive.

) — ^
1. 1 i e m 's exampl e s : a . Ong ay mua sack gium toi
r+ m i |
L+ aotTJ
r+L+ OBJJ
° i [+B
L+b e n ]
’He bought books for m e '.

b. Ong ay di gium toi •

r+ m i “+ B 1
L+ OBjJ j- BEN J
'He w ent for me.1
 84
i
2. Clark’s examples: a. Ho giet dong-bao minh •
Tp.100 & p. 1047” [VNM 1 r+ aq 1
L+ AG-Tj L+ OBJJ
They killed our own countrymen’

b No cha.Y vao cua ham xe dap

f+ m r+ L f+ AC
[a-OBJ L+ C O L L-h i o c
’He ran into the bicyc e shopI

For me, ong ay ’h e ’ and no ’h e ’ in (lb & 2b)

are Agentive because on gay (in 3_b) and no (in 2b)

performed the physical action of going for me and running

into the bicycle shop.

To say that the [+ Animate] subject of verbs

i

like mua. ’b u y ’ and giet ’kill’ functions as an Agentive

whereas the {+ Animate] subject of verbs like di ’g o 1

and chay ’r u n ’ functions as an Objective is contradictory

to the intuitive feelings of the Vietnamese native

speaker.
 85

CHAPTER 4.

Some Syntactic and Semantic Aspects of Vietnamese V e r b s .

The verb in Vietnamese plays a dominant role

in the syntactic and semantic structure of a sentence.

It is the most important element upon which all other

elements of the sentence (e.g. noun, preposition, adverb)

depend and by which they are determined.

4*1 Syntactic Aspects.

4*1.1 One Verb f o r m ; one time.

If one defines ’tenses' as the various forms of

a ’verb-cluster’which show time, one has to say that the

Vietnamese verb is 'tenseless'. A Vietnamese verb, having

only one invariable form does not by itself express time

or aspect. Time is expressed by the context, by time

expressions, by time-relationship particles or byh

16
combination of such items * *

In the following three sentences, the verb di

'go' remains the same although the time differs from one

sentence to another.

Tuan truoo, Ba di Hue.

Week before Ba go Hue, ,
’last week, Ba went to Hue!
Tuan nay, Ba di Ha-Noi.
Week this Ba go Ha-Hpi.
’This week, Ba goes to Ha-Hoi!
'This week. Ba will go to Ha-Hoi!

16. See Time in Appendix 2 .

 86

c. Tuan sau. Ba di Nha-Trang.

Week after Ba go Nh.a-Trang.
’Next week. Ba will go to Nha-TrangI
or ’Next week. Ba goes to Mha-Trangi

4*1*2 Transitive and Intransitive Verbs*

According to traditional gramtaorians (e.g. Kim

/
et al, pp.87-88, 91-92; Emeneau, 1951:48) and tagmemic

grammarians (e.g. Binh, 1971:162; Liem, 1975:42) there

are two kinds of verbs in Vietnamese: transitive and

intransitive.

4*1*2.1. Intransitive Verbs are verbs

- having no objects (i.e. ’dong-th khong co tuc-

tif' in Kim et al, p.9l)

S V

(84) Ba chet .
Ba die
’Ba died *'

- which cannot be used with objects (Binh, 1971:162)

4*1.2.2. Transitive verbs are verbs which must be

followed by objects (Binh, 1971: 162)

(a) Monotransitive verbs e.g. danh ’h i t ’, thhong 'love'

s V 0
(85) Ba danh Hai »
Ba hit Hai
'Ba hit Hai.’

(b) Ditransitive verbs e.g. ban, 'sell', mang ’bring'

goi 'send 2

With a ditransitive verb, the shorter object is

usually placed before the longer one.

 87

S V D.O I.O. S:subject

(86) Ba mang sach vo triiong V:verb

Ba bring book to school DO: Direct Object

'Ba brought books to school 1 10: Indirect Object

The direct object (D.O.) sach 'book' is a

monosyllCtfcic word. Itis placed before the indirect object

(1.0.) which consists of two words: vo and truong .

Vietnamese speakers do not say:

(86a) * Ba mang vo trddng sach

? 'Ba brought to school books.'

8 V 1.0. D.O.

But _ ( j
(86b) Ba mang vo truong sach tu-dien Anh - V i e t .
Ba bring to school book dictionary English Viet­
namese.
'Ba brought to school the English-Vietnamese
dictionary.'

Binh (1971: 162) claims that there are also

transitive/intransitive v e r b s . These verbs are used

sometimes with, sometimes without, objects. For example,

the verb ctioi 'laugh, s m i l e ’ is a transitive/intransitive

verb since it may be used either with an object, as in the

first example below, or else without any object, as in the

second example.

S V D.O.
a. Ba cdoi Mai.
Ba laugh Mai.
'Ba laughed at MaiJ

S V ,
Ba cu'oi.
'Ba laughed]
 88

Both traditional and tagmemic grammarians

distinguish a transitive verb from an intransitive verb

by the presence or absence of an object.

The notions of transitivity and intransitivity

have no value in F i llmore’s Oase Grammar. Following

Fillmore, I do not make any distinction between transitive

verbs and intransitive verbs or direct objects and indirect

objects at the deep structure level. However, I shall use

the terms ’transitive' and 'intransitive' verbs

- in the sense described by

traditional and tagmemic grammarians - when I examine the

syntactic structure of a sentence.

With ditransitive verbs (e.g. ban 'sell', mang

i »

'bring', goi 'send'), I do not use the terms 'direct' and

'indirect' objects but the 'first' object and the 'second'

object (or 01 and 02).

The 'first' object follows the verb and precedes

the 'second' object. It may correspond to a direct or an

indirect object in Traditional and Tagmemic Grammars.

S V 1st 0(01) 2nd 0(02)

Ba mang sach vo trdong.
'Ba brought books to school!

S V 1st 0 (01) 2nd 0 (02)

Ba mang v o truong sa'ch tu’
- dien Anh-Viet.
'Ba brought to school the English-Vietnamese
d ictionary !

When a verb has three objects, I shall use

the terms: first object, second object and third object

(or 01, 02 and 03)*

 89

S ¥ lstO(Ol) 2nd0(02) 3rd0(03)

> — ' I
(88) Ba dich la th6 t\itieng A rib, ra tieng V i e t .
’Ba trans- the letter from English into Vietnamese I
lated

When there is only one 0 (e.g. with monotransitive

verbs), that 0 is always the first object (i.e. 01).

S V 0
Ba danh Hai -
’Ba hit Hail

The copula la ’b e 1 is not followed by objects

but complements (0).

S CopU&L C
i
— ,A. 1
(89) Cay viet la mot vu-khi.
’A pen is a weapon!

4.2. Semantic Aspects.

4.2.1.Stative and Hon-Stative verbs in English.

Discussing the English verbs, Lakoff (1966) makes

a distinction between stative and non-stative verbs. Three

syntactic characteristics of the non-stative verbs are

shown below:

(90) a. Only non-stative verbs may occur in the imperative construction.

b. Only non-stative verbs may occur in the progressive aspect.

c. Only non-stative verbs may occur with manner adverbs.

He cites know as a typical example of a stative

verb in English.
 90

a. * Know the answer.

b. * Max is knowing the answer.

c. * Max reluctantly knew the answer.

L a k o f f fs postulation, as stated in (90), is

to state the constraints by means of verb features.

Fillmore, on the other hand, takes another position.

He comments that:

"The question we need to ask is whether L a kofffs

features are primitives in the lexical entries for
verbs, or whether they permit reduction to
concepts of the type I have been outlining (i.e.
Case-frames)" (1968a: 31)*

For him, l a k o f f fs stative and non-stative

features are redundant in Case G-rammar because it is a

matter of whether a Case-frame has A or not. lie lists

pairs of verbs to illustrate this p o i n t .

See: + c . 0+D] versus Look: + E 0+A]

know: + C ■ --o +d D ti L e a r n : + C~~ o + a]

Die: + E---- tt Kill: + C— -D+(I )+A]

Hear: o +d ] ti Listen: + C 0+A]}

+ E----

The left column entries are stative verbs and

the right column entries are non-stative verbs. According

to Fillmore, in the lexical entries on the right column, we

can find A. Therefore, the presence of A is equivalent to

non-stative.
 91

In this study, the semantic features of the

verbs are not classified according to the Oases in the

Gase-frames. Instead, I assume that the semantic

relationships of nouns to verbs are determined by the

semantic features of verbs* There are three basic

semantic features of verbs* Action, Process and State

(o| . Ghafe, 1970: 98-101, selectional features in his

own terminology). Therefore, there are Action, Process

and State verb-types in Vietnamese.

4*2.2.Vietnamese Action V e r b s .

Action verbs are dynamic. They describe

observable activities, and take the Agentive Case.

Pollowing are some criteria for determining the

Action verbs in Vietnamese. They are primarily syntactic.

1. They occur in imperative sentences. Imperative sentences

are sentences - in normal situations - telling human being(s)

to do or not to do something.
/
(91) Ban.'
'Shoot.1

2. They occur with such time-relationship particles as:

dang/dubng 'ove r l a p p i n g t i m e - relationship, in the process

of', da 'earlier t i m e - relationship', v d a , vtCa m6i

'immediate earlier time - relationship', £e 'later time -

relationship i
 A Gr
Mai earlier tLme- go Saigon.
relationship
'Mai already went to Saigon!
or 'Mai has gone t o' Saigon!

/ 1
They occur with the auxiliaries e.g. co the (Lit:

have ability) 'can1, phai 'must!

(93) Mai phai di Saigon.

'Mai must go to Saigon I

They occur wit h all types of manner expressions.

_ /
(i) Speed (94) Mai ngoi xuong mot each cham-chap
Mai sit down one manner slow.
'Mai sat down in a slow mannerj

Mot each cham chap 'in a slow manner' indicates the speed

with which the activity of sitting down was performed by

Mai.

(ii) Manner of the actual performance of an action.

r-J

(95) Mai di mot each khap-khieng.

A
Mai walk one manner unsteady
'Mai walked unsteadilyI
or 'Mai walked with a l i m p i
or 'Mai hobbled/t ot tered1

(iii) State-of-mind of an agent.

: 111 1 i r j
■" ^
(96) Mai lai xe mot each can-than.
“T o”*
Mai drive car one manner careful.
'Mai drove the car in a careful manneri

Mot each can-than 'in a careful manner' ascribes some

state-of-mind to the agent M ai.

 93

(iv) Evaluation of an action with respect to its moral,

practical and intellectual values.

(97) Mai tra loi cau hoi m6t each vung - v e .

A 0
Mai answer question one manner clumsy.
'Mai answered the question in a clumsy w a y !

(v) Result of an action.

t
(98) Mai viet :thd mot each ro ra n g .
A F
Mai write letter one manner clear.
'Mai wrote the letter illegibly!

When Mai wrote the letter illegibly, what she wrote was

illegible. Here, it is senseless to interpret the

expression mot each khong ro^rang 'illegibly' as

characterising the manner in which the action of writing

17
is carried out as being illegible

5. They can be used in reply to

Mai lam gi?

Mai do what
'What did Mai do ?'

” Qb-ay 'r a n !

17. However, not all Action verbs co-occur w i t h all types of

manner expressions, e.g.
a. * Ba cu-xuh
*'.Ba behaved.'
b. * Ba cii-xd mot each cham-chap.
*'Ba behaved’~"in a slow manner^
I
BUT c. Ba cif-xu mot each kheo-leo.
'Ba b ehaved in a skilful manner'
or 'Ba behaved well!
 z
They co-occur with the subordinate conjunctions: de,
*1
ngo hau 'in order to.'

I >
(99) Ba dung gay de danh con cho.
A I
Ba use stick in order to hit classifier dog
'Ba used a stick in order to hit the dog

They co-occur with the Benefactiye Case.

/

(100) Ba mua cho Mai cuon sach.

A ~ B * " 0
Ba buy for Mai classifier book.
'Ba bought for Mai a______ book.'

They may occur with the Instrumental Case.

(101) Ba danh con cho bang gay.

A E l
'Ba hit the dog with a stick.'

They can be duplicated.

(102) Ba cudi cu’o’i , noi noi *

A
Ba smile smile talk talk
'Ba kept smiling and talkingj

They may be subject to number of occurrences.

(103) Ba tham Mai hai lan.

Ba visit Mai two time.

'Ba visited Mai twiceJ

They occur in complex sentences with or without the

complementiser rang 'that'.

Ba noi (rang) Hai binh.

T d
Ba say that Hai ill
'Ba said (that) Hai was illi
 95

12. They may occur with Authoritative verbs

(e *g« c b o . cho ph&p 'let, allow, p e r m i t '), Causative verbs

(e.g. ep, bat buoc 'force, oblige', lain 'cause')

)
and E x p e r i e n t i a l verbs (e.g. quen 'forget', nho 'remember').

(105) Ba cho ph&p Hai di Hue I

Au IT
'Ba allowed Hai to go to H u e .'

4.2.3* Classes of Action v e r b s .

From the semantic viewpoint, there are many

classes of Action verbs and it is impossible for me to

list all of them here. I want, however, to mention in

the following section six typical classes of Action verbs

which are commonly used these days in discussing the

destruction of the war, the reconstruction of the whole

country of ‘Vietnam, and the daily activities of the

Vietnamese people in the post-war period. The rest I

shall discuss in the succeeding sections.

/ i f
(i) Destruction verbs e.g. giet 'kill', am-sat

'assassinate', thu-tieu 'exterminate', tan-sat 'massacre',

— i i t
dau doc 'poison', xu td
'execute', ban 'shoot', dap 'beat',
z , i
da 'kick*, dam 'stab', phuc-kich 'ambush', lat do
X ; ^
'overthrow', chiem 'seize (territory)', phan-cong 'counter-

attack1,
/

(ii) Construction verbs e.g. xay diing. xay dap 'build up',
I' 2 \ 'y
kien thiet 'rebuild, reconstruct', sua 'mend, fix' sua chua
i
sua sang 'make repairs'.

18. The form is hyphenated since it is recognised as a

Chinese loan form.
 96

(iii) Transference v e r b s . e.g. mua ‘b u y 1, ban ’sell*,

muaban 'trade', mU6n (South Vietnamese) or vay (North

Vietnamese) 'borrow', cho mddn/cho vay 'lend', cam 'pawn',

jc . 2 * 'I
nhap-cang 'import1, xuat-cang 'export'.

i 1 i
(iv) Gommunication verbs e.g. noi 'speak', ke 'tell*, ta
_ i i + i t
'describe' ban c a i ;thao luan 'discuss', chi-trich
x i i —’
'criticise', viet 'write' giang. giai-nglha 'explain',

iZeu cau 'request', hda 'promise', trinh, bad cao 'report',

chi thi 'give directive.'

(v) Motion verbs e.g. di'go' di bo 'walk' chay, 'run',

1 A A
nhay 'jump', len 'ascend' xuong 'descend', leo treo 'climb \

VO (South Vietnamese), vao (North Vietnamese) 'enter', ve

'return', qua 'cross'.

(vi) 'Carrying' verbs e.g.

I"” a~ 1
Am. bong (South Vietnamese), be (NorthVietnamese)

'carry somebody in o n e 's a r m s '•

Om 'carry somebody/something in both arms and hugged

against body!

Cong 'carry somebody on one's back!

?
Cho (South Vietnamese), deo (North Vietnamese) 'carry

somebody/something on one's vehicle!

G-anh 'carry two things balanced, onesuspended at

each end of a shoulder bar!

Vac 'carry something/somebody reasonably heavy on

shoulder!

Xach 'carry something by one hand a light thing!

Bung (South Vietnamese), Khuan (North Vietnamese) 'carry

something in both hands a heavy thing!

 97

i
Quay 1carry something suspended at one end of a

shoulder bar.1

Khieng '(Two people) carry somebody/something, sharing

the weighti

4*2.4 Process and State Verbs

4 .2.4*1 Definitions:

Process verbs are also called

verbs. Ohange-of-state here is loosely defined to cover

not only the change of an intrinsic state, such as from

'alive' to 'dead1, but also the change in location and the

change in a psychological state.

Process verbs are dynamic. They describe

physical, observable and mental events. The grammatical

subject of a Process verb neither initiates nor performs

any action, but is affected by the event denoted by the

verb. It has no control over the event, therefore it

cannot be the Agentive.

Most Process verbs take the Experiencer, some

take the Objective.

State verbs indicate a temporary state which

necessarily occupies a span of time or an (inherent)

quality of an entity.

State verbs include all words which are called

19
adjectives by traditional grammarians Most State verbs

take the Objective, some take the Experiencer.

19.
(see Appendix 2).
 98

The criteria for determining the Process and

State verbs in Vietnamese presented below are more or

less directed towards the fundamental property of Action

verbs.

4.2.4. 2 G-eneral Characteristics of Process and State v e r b s .

Process and State verbs have the following

general syntactic characteristics.

1. They do not occur in the imperative.

/

(106) a. Process v e r b ; * chetl b. State v e r b : * Cao!

* ('Die!') * ('Tall*’)

However, there a r e sentences like:

Thu!dng que-hu’dng minh!

'Love our countryI'

Hay thanh-that J
fBe honest I1
Such sentences are used in giving moral or spiritual

advice. They are not used in telling human beings to

perform something physically.

2. They occur with such time-relationship particles as

dang 'in the process o f , se 'later time-relationship',

da 'earlier time-relationship.'

(107) a. Gay______ nay se" ldn.

0
Plant this later time- big.
relationship
1This -plant will grow I

b . Chiec tan dang tu’ tii chim xuong bien ,

0 G-
classifierboat in the process graduallysink down sea
of
'The boat is sinking down gradually to the bottom of the
sea!
 99

3. They do not occur with all types of manner expressions.

(108)a. Ba chet mdt cdch la-luhg.

E
Ba die one manner strange.
1Ba died in a strange manner I

b. Ba cao mot each_____ la-lung.

Ba tall one manner strange.

!Ba is growing
tall in a strange m a n n e r J

' / o 1
But * Ba chet j cao mot each cham-chi.
Ba die / tall one manner attentive.
* ( 1Ba died I is
growing
tall in an attentive m a n n e r I )

4. They cannot be used in reply to

What did HP do?

With the sentence: Ba chet.

•Ba died.1

the question may be:

Ba ra sao ?
Ba how
’How ways B a ? 1
- chet ’-DiedJ

They do not occur with the subordinate conjunctions:

de, ngo hau ’in order to I

(109) * Ba chet / cao de len thien-dang.

Ba die / tall in order to ascend paradise.
* ( Ii® .
growing
in order to
— — --------
ascend the paradise!)
*
tall

6. They do not occur with the Benefactive case.

1
(110)* Ba chet I cao gium Mai.
B
Ba die / tall for Mai.
* ( 1Ba died j is
growing
tall for Mai.
 100

7. They do not occur with the Instrumental Case*

(lll)a. * Tuyet tan bang siltc nong,

I
'Snow melted with heat .'

’ vlr - I
b. * Tu£t trang bang sue n o n g .
*(* Snow white with heatTl

8. They do not occur with all Causative and Experiential

verbs.

(112 )a. Ba lam Hai chet.

Causative V.
TBa caused Hai to die.1

b. * Ba lam Hai cao •

Causative V.
* ( TBa caused Hai to be tali').

/v J
c. * Ba quen chet.
Experiential V.
*(*Ba forgot to die!)*

d. * Ba quen cao.
Experiential V.
*('Ba forgot to be tali')

4.2.4.3 Differences between Process and State verbs.

1. State verbs may be modified by rdt 'very' hdi 'a little'

I
(113) Ba rat
M M W M
map.
IkWHHH

0
Ba very fat.
'Ba is very fat I

(114) * Da rat te .
* (' Ba very f a l l ')
Exception; Mental Process verbs, e.g.
/
(115) Ba rat tMdng Mai.
E 0
Ba very love Mai.
1Ba loved Mai very much

State verbs may be duplicated.

(116) Ba map ... map.

m ap. lun , lun.
0
Ba fat fat short short.
'Ba is fat and short.'

(117) ’X" Ba te te
('Ba fall f a l l ').

Process verbs may be subject to number of occurrences.

(118) Ba te hai lan.

E
Ba fall two ti m e .
'Ba fell twice 1

(119) * Ba lun hai l a n .

*( 'Ba short twice.')

Process verbs may occur with the complementiser rang

'that', whereas State verbs may not.

(120) Ba tin (rang) Mai se thanh-cong.

E V —
'Ba believes
'('frhat) Mai will succeed!

Glasses of Process Verbs.

(i) 'Falling' v e r b s , e.g.

Te 'fall' as in (121) Be Huy te.
E
Baby Huy fall.
'Baby Huy fell!

Hoi 'fall' as in (122) Tuyet rdi ,

0
Snow fall.
'The snow fell*.
 102

Rung Tfall * as in (123) Long rung.

0
Hair fall
'The hair falls!

'fall' as in (124) G-he nga.

0
Chair fall,
'The chair fell!

Sap 'fall* as in (125) Nha sap.

CT
House fall.
'The house f e l l !

Rot 'fall' as in (126) Bom rdt.

0
Bomb fall.
'The bomb fell!

Chim 'sink:' as in (127) Tau ohim.

0
Boat sink.
'The boat sank!

(ii) 'Dying' v e r b s , e.g. chet, qua d o i , that l o c , bo m i n h ,

ngoeo 'die, pass away'.

(128) Ba chet.
E
'Ba died!

B J X r!
(iii) 'Losing' verbs e.g. mat 'lose', lam m a t , bo mat

(South Vietnamese), danh mat (North Vietnamese) 'lose',

i ^
that thu 'be lost of military position1, bai (t r a n )

l&ose (the battle)'.

I t
(129) Lan mat cai va-li.
E 0
Lan lose classifier suitcase.
'Lan lost a suitcase!

(iv) 'Breaking' v e r b s , e.g. Be (South Vietnamese) or vo

(North Vietnamese) 'break, shatter' selects such nouns as

'drinking glass', chung, tach 'cup', binh 'vase', kien

(

(South Vietnamese), k i n h , gdong (North Vietnamese) 'mirror,

 103

spectacles', chdn 'bowl', dia, 'plate.'

(130) Bfnh bjf .

0
vase break
'The vase broke!

1 "

Gay (South Vietnamese) or gay (North Vietnamese) 'break,

/ ^
snap' selects such nouns as thuoc 'ruler', rang 'tooth',

xuong 'bone1, gay 'stick', viet clu 'pencil', canh cay 'tree

b r a n c h ’, cau 'brid g e '.

(131) Cay thuloc gay.

0
classifier ruler break.
'The ruler broke!

(v) Experiential verbs (see Experiencer Case)

t J
(vi) Transformation verbs e.g. hoa, thanh 'become1, bien
X X
thanh 'transform into', bien mat 'disappear, vanish',

dong (dac) 'freeze', do mat 'blush, flush'.

(132) Ba thanh ma .
0 E~
'Ba became a ghost!

(vii) 'Fading verbs e.g. tan 'fade, decline', lun 'waste

i
away, diminish, consume itself up', heo 'wither!

(133) Den tan.

0
Lamp decline.
'The oil lamp (its declined!
light)
l
(134) Bac lun.
-"U"
Wick diminish 7
'The wick diminished'. (Khai, 1972: 126).
 104

4*2,6. Glasses of State v e r b s .

(i) 'Quality 1v e r b s . e.g. den 'beautiful1, xau 'ugly',

\ X J s' i
gian, x a o ;gia doi. doi tra 'tricky, dishonest',

rong lulong 'generous', ha tien. 'stingy' ac 'cruel !

(ii) 'M e a s u r e ' verbs e.g. H e i g h t : cao 'tali', than.lun 'short!

i
L e n g t h : dai 'long', n g a n , cut 'short!

W e i g h t : nang 'h e a v y ', nhe 'light J

(iii) 'Colour* v e r b s , e.g. trang 'white', den 'black'

xanh 'b l u e '.

(iv) 'Status' v e r b s , e.g. giau 'rich', ngheo 'poor!

, . j
(v ) 'Health' v e r b s , e.g. manh 'strong', veu 'weak.'

(vi) 'Age'verbs, e.g. gaa 'old', tre 'youngj cu 'old, ancient;

moi 'new!

(vii) 'Emotion* v e r b s , e.g. buon 'sad', v u i , sung Siidng 'happy,'

miing 'g la d .'

/ ,

The Causative verbs (e.g. ep 'force1, bat bucic 'oblige'.

lam 'make', de 'let') and Authoritative verbs (e.g. Cho -phep

I A *

'allow', cam 'forbid') do not have the inherent features of

Action, Process or State. They are listed as exceptions to

all three verb-types: Action, Process and State verbs.

 105

CHAPTER 5 .

LEXICAL DECOMPOSITION and CAUSATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS.

5*1* L exical Decomposition

Lexical decomposition is proposed by generative

semanticists. McCawley (1968) discusses the English lexical

item Kill and claims that it derives from a complex

predicate CAUSE BECOME NOT ALIVE.

McCawley (1968) proposes the underlying

representation of the sentence (155) JOHN KILLED HARRY as

follows:

John

BECOME S

ALIVE Harry

Eigure 1 .

He also proposes that there exists In English

a rule which he refers to as predicate - raising. This

operation has the effect of taking the main verb of a

complement sentence and lifting it into the immediately

higher main clause, attaching it to the main verb of

that clause, thus producing a kind of compound verb. This

rule is taken to operate prelexically, that is, before the

lexicon has been used to fill in the phonological form of

constituents.
 pred NP NP

•CAUSE John 1

NP

be Lome S

pred

pred Harry

IVE

Figure 2 »

pred HP HP

CAUSE John

pred

pred

pred Harry

BECOME ALIVE

pred HP

pred John Harry

pred

pred

GAUSE BECOME NOT ALIVE

Kill (Lexicalisation).

Figure 4 *
 107

The capitalised items (i.e.CAUSE BECOME EOT

ALIVE ) are McCawley’s 'semantic predicates' which must

he distinguished .from his 'lexical items' which result

from his rules of lexical insertion, in this case,

CAUSE BECOME NOT ALIVE — f Kill.

McCawley claims that predicate-raising is

optional, since there is no need to perform all stages of

the last derivation. Eor example, by failing to perform

the last application of predicate-raising (i.e. Figure 4)>

one would obtain sentences such as

(136) John caused Harry to die.

In deriving sentence (135), McCawley invokes his lexical

insertion rule: BECOME EOT ALIVE r■ die

and CAUSE cause

(see Figure 3 ) •

There are at least three difficulties with

McCawleyfs analysis.

First, there is the difficulty of making the rules explicit,

which is a perennial attribute of such work (Brame, 1976:19)

Second, since predicate-raising is optional, and certainly

rules such as NOT ALIVE : dead , etc., are part of

McCawley's theory, why cannot the following sentence be

generated?

(137) * John caused Harry to become dead.

McCawley's approach predicts that (137) is a well-

formed sentence, but many English speakers say that it

is not.
 108

Third, the following pair of sentences are not

synonymous.

(138) a. John killed Harry.

b. John caused Harry to die.

Chomsky (1972 : 42 : fn 7) makes the following

remark:

John's negligence can cause the toast to

burn, but it cannot burn the toast. Similarly, I
can cause someone to die by arranging for him to
drive cross-country with a pathological murderer,
but I could not properly be said to have killed
him, in this case.1'

Finally, Fodor (1970) advances considerable evidence

to refute the G-enerative Semantics approach, to causatives.

Two of his examples are:

(139) a. John caused Mary to die and it surprised

me that he did so.

b.&‘John killed Mary and it surprised me that

he did so.

(140) a. John caused Bill to die on Sunday by

stabbing him on Saturday,

b.* John killed Bill on Sunday by stabbing him

on Saturday.

The study of a Vietnamese Case G-rammar in

this thesis is based on G-enerative Semantics. However,

I do not attempt to decompose the lexical items. This

is because I want to make a distinction between the

semantic structures of the lexical items (e.g. CAUSE BECOME

NOT ALIVE) with the lexical entries (e.g. KILL).

 109

The process of lexical insertion in the

present model is treated differently from that of the

generative semanticists. In G-enerative Semantics, lexical

insertion may take place at a n y of the intermediate stages

of the derivation (see Figures 2, 4). The present

model assumes that lexical insertion takes place

immediately and on one occasion only at the end of the

(eXc&pt fcfie P w c U c a W )
derivation stage/' Throughout the thesis only the basic

forms of lexical entries are listed with their Case-frames,

© » g *,

G-iet 'Kill': +[----- A + E + (I)]

Chet 'die': +£----- e J

5.2. Causativity and Causative Constructions

The syntax and semantics of causative

constructions have been extensively discussed recently in

connexion with the hypothesis of lexical decomposition.

But what are causativity and causative constructions?

5.2.1 Causativity involves the notion of causality, according

to which agents are seen as the causes of the situations

which, by their action, they bring into existence. They are

called Causatives in the Vietnamese Case Grammar model

developed in this thesis.

The notion of causality also includes situations

where the Causative's actions effect a change in a

psychological state of a person.

5*2.2 Causative Constructions:The term Causative Construction

refers to a linguistic form which expresses a causative

 110

20
situation . According to Sh.iba.tani (1976: 1-39)? &

causative situation consists of two phases*.

(i) The causing phase which usually involves an activity.

(ii) The caused phase which involves an activity or a

process.

These two phases are in causal relation if

the following two conditions hold:

(i) The realisation of the caused phase is assumed by

the speaker to have taken place.

(ii) The occurrence of the caused phase is wholly

dependent upon the occurrence of the former, and

therefore the situation allows one to entertain the

counterfactual inference that if the former had

failed to take place, the latter would not have taken

place.

The following examples are not causative sentences

i
(141) Tin Huy chet lam Mai xiu •

News Huy die cause Mai faint

’The news of Huy's death caused Mai to faini

X
(142) Ba bieu M ai di.

Ba tell Mai go

'Ba told M.ai to g o '.

)
(143) Ba biet rang ivtai da CO chong

Ba know that Mai already have husband

'Ba knows that M.ai was married *.

20. Meteorological p b e n o m e n a T e .gTTIpngTdat 'earthquake1,

bao ’storm' , gio ’wind') also function as Causers but
they are not agents. They are not called Causatives
Forces in this study.
 Ill

The reasons are;

(1) The causing phase of sentence (141) does not involve

an activity,

(2) Sentence (142) does not commit Ba to the assumption

"that M.ai1s going has taken place,

(3) Sentence (143) does commit Ba to the assumption that

fM.ai's marriage took place; but the occurrence of M a i 's

marriage is not dependent on B a 1s knowing that the

event took place.

5.2.3 Syntax of Causative Constructions

Vietnamese is a SVO language The constituents

of the causative sentence Ba lam Hai ■ iv are arranged

in this order;

s V 0

(1 4 4 ) Ba lam Hai chay

Ba cause Hai run

Ba caused Hai to run*.

and have the underlying syntactic structure as follows

(after Chomsky's 1965 model).

±am
CcLUSS

run
 112

The above Phrase-Marker indicates that a Vietnamese

gra.mmat.ical causative sentence contains two verb phrases -

the one that dominates the causative verb e.g. lam 'cause

and the other that dominates the verb of the caused event.

The subject of the embedded sentence must come

between the matrix verb and the embedded verb if the

embedded verb denotes an action. Thus:

(145) * Ba lam chaj£ Hai .

Ba cause run Hai

* (1Ba caused to run Ha i ’. )

is ungrammatical.

If the embedded verb denotes a cha:

there are two possibilities:

(146) a, Ba lam Hai chet .

Ba cause Hai die

’Ba caused Hai to d i e ’.

b. Ba lam chit Hai .

Ba cause die Hai

* ( ’Ba caused to die H a i ’.)

In my dialect, these two sentences have the same

meaning. Sentence (146a) is just a stylistic variant of

sentence (146b), or vice versa.

5.2.4 Semantics of Causative Constructions

5.2.4•1• Causative verbs

(i) la m . The Vietnamese verb lam has at least five

meanings in English.
 115

’w o r k 1 as in (147) Ba lam tren Saigon.

A
Ba work on Saigon.

'Ba worked in Saigon ’ *

do’ as in (148) Ba lam bai tap .

A o
Ba do exercise
’Ba did the exercises’

’build’ as in (149) Ba lam nha .

imaiiiininiiw

A F
Ba build house
’Ba built a house

'make' as in (150) Ba lam banh .

A P
Ba make cake
’Ba made a cake’.

’cause’ as in (151) Ba ' ' MW*m

lam Hai chet
or Ga o
’make’ ’Ba caused Hai to d i e ’

(152) Ba lam Hai bu5n .

Ca "o
Ba make .Hai sad
’Ba made Hai sad'.

(ii) Be ’l e t ’ as in (155) Ba de Hai di

Ca “ 'o
Ba let Hai g o .
'Ba let Hai go 1

(iii) Thiayet-phuc ’persuade’ as in ^

(154) Ba tiiuyet-phuc Hai di .
Ca ’ ~o
Ba persuade Hai go
’Ba persuaded Hai to go 1

(iv) Bat, bat buoc, ’oblige, compel’ ; ep, ep buoc ’force’

(155) Ba bat Hai di .

Ca
Ba oblige Hal go
’Ba obliged Hai to g o \

5.2.4.2 Coercive and Hon-Coercive Causatives.

h * J ^
Verbs Tbiuyet-phuc ’persuade’, batf bat buoc

’oblige ’force’ represent Coercive Causative

- i^
Verbs lam 'cause, make’, de ’le t ’ represent
 114

non-coercive Causative.

Coercive Causative often involves force,

whereas non-coercive causative does not have such an

involvement.

(156) Ba hat Hai _di .

Ca o
'Ba obliged Hai to go

This sentence indicates that Ba is the Causative who

directly acts on Hai„ His action may be done orally

or physically.

Consider the following tests;

(157) H ai Khong m.uon di nhiing Ba bat Hai di

Hai no want go but Ba oblige Hai go

'Hai did not want to go but Ba obliged him to

(158) * Ba bat Hai di VI Hai muon di .

Ba oblige Hai go because Hai want go

^('Ba. obligedHai to go because Hai wanted t o ’.)

Hon-coercive Causative is usually used to express

the permissive Causative sense.

(159) Ba de Hai di .
Ca
fBa let Hai

B a , in this sentence, is also a Causative, but he does

not directly act on Hai. His action may be done orally

 115

Consider the following tests:

(160) Ba dte_Hai di vi Hai muon di -

Ba let Hai go because Hai want go

'Ba let Hai go because Hai wanted to.’

(161) * Hai kh 6ng muon di nhdng Ba de Hai di

Hai no want go but Ba let Hai go

but Ba let him do.'

With verb lam 'cause, make'.

(162) Ba lam Hai

__via ,
Ca o
'Ba made_______ Hai___ happy!

Ba, in this sentence, is a Causative, but he cannot directly

act on Hai. In other words, Ba cannot direct Hai to feel

happy, and to feel happy cannot be controlled by Hai.

However, Ba's action indirectly affects H a i 's psychological

state (e.g. Hai becomes happy).

5.2.4.3 Semantic Representation

There is a need to establish the deep structures

for two types of Causatives, based upon the semantic

differences.

Coerciv e Causative (163) Ba bat________Hai_______di .

Ca o
'Ba obliged Ha i ________to go

This sentence may be roughly paraphrased as:

Ba obliged Hal to d o something.

This something is Ilai went.

 116

Non-Coercive Causative (164) Ba lamH a i di ,

Oa o
’Ba caused Hai to go !

This sentence may be roughly paraphrased as;

Ba did something

This something caused Hai to go.

Sentence (163) may be diagrammed as follows

PROP

Pred Oa*

Ba Hai Prop

Pred

di Hai
'go'

Sentence (164) may be diagrammed as follows:

PROP

pred Ca

Prop

Pred

di Hai.
'go ’

(For embedding transformations see Chapter 10)

 117

CHAPTER 6.

TOPICALISATION. PASSIVE and SUBMISSIVE CONSTRUCTIONS

The aim of this chapter is to draw a

distinction between Topicalisation. Passive and Submissive

Constructions in Vietnamese. The present analysis attempts

to show that those syntactic constructions which are

considered by traditional and tagmemic grammarians as

’p a s s i v e 1 sentences are, in fact, object-topicalised and

submissive sentences.

6.1. Topicalisation

Topicalisation may be defined as a process of

preposing an object to the position before the subject of

a sentence.

As stated in Chapter 1 (1.2) in Vietnamese, the

SVO order is the unmarked form of a sentence. Whenever

0 is topicalised the order is OSV.

Sentences of the types (167 & 170) below are

called passive sentences by Vietnamese grammarians and

linguists (e.g. Binh, 1971; Khai, 1972). In this study,

they are called object-topicalised sentences. This is

because each of these sentences can take an Agentive Case

and the Agentive occurs only in the grammatical subject

position (i.e. after the topicalised object, but immediately

before the verb).

 118

V 0

(1 6 5 ) Toi ban nay. nha

A
H 0
I sell house this,
'I'm selling this house I

Topicalisation: 0 S V
I
(166) hha toi ban *
0 A
This house I'm selling!

0 V

(167) Nha ban •

0
House this sell
'This house is for sale I

S V 0
(168) Toi mua xe jsaa: nam toi .
A 0
I buy car this year last.
•I bought titis car last year I

Topicalisa tion: 0 S V

(169) Xe nay
.;lr toi mua nam *101
or Xe nay, toi mua nam a 61
0 A

1This car I bought last

or 'This car, I bought last

0 V
(170) nay mua nam rI01
"0
car thi; buy year last,
'This car was bought last year!

Note that an NP can on^y be topicalised if it has

specific referent (e.g. nha. nay 'this house', xe nay

'this car'). Vietnamese speakers do not say:

 119

(171) * Mia , toi ban.

a. * ('House, I'm sell i n g . ')

b. * Xe, toi mua nam roi.

* ('tjar. I bought last y e a r . ')

An indefinite HP can be topicalised if it is

contrasted with another HP or mentioned earlier in a

conversation.

(172) Sach, chi khong mua, chi mua my-pham.

Book sister no buy, sister buy cosmetics,
'Book. you did not buy, you bought cosmetics.'

The above examples have illustrated that

topicalisation in Vietnamese has three characteristics:

1. Only the object can be topicalised. A Case like

Agentive - which is normally chosen as surface subject

of an active simple sentence - cannot be further preposed

or topicalised. Similarly, Causative, Authoritative and

Essive Cases cannot be topicalised.

2. In an object-topicalised sentence, the word order

is OSV.

3. The topicalised object can never be surface subject

because of the optional occurrence of a deep Case in the

grammatical subject position.

Below are examples of four types of topicalisation.

 120

1. (173) Mai da giat ad lanh nay bang tay,

A"" 0 I
'Mai has washed this sweater by hand 1,

Objective tp-picalisation:

(174) Ao lanh n a y .
— ^
Mai
j da giat bang t a y ,
1
'This sweater. Mai has washed by h a n d '.

2. (175) Mai da dan ao lanh nay bang tay.

A F I
'Mai has knitted this sweater by h a n d '.

Factitive topicalisation:

(176) Ao lanh nay. Mai da dan Pang ~ca:

F A I
'This sweater. Mai has knitted by h a n d '.

3. (177) Mai da dan ao lanh nay bang tay

A F I
'Mai has knitted this sweater by h a n d l

Instrumental topicalisation:

(178) Bang tay, Mai da dan ad

lanh nay
I A F
'By h a n d , Mai has knitted this sweater'

4. (179) Chim hot riu-rit tren ngon ca£,

A L
'Birds are chirping on the t r e e t o p '.

locative topicalisation:

(180) Tren ngon cay. chim hdt riu-rit.

1 "I
'On the treetop. birds are chirping'.
 121

Topicalisation and Focus,

Topicalisation is used when the speaker wishes

to ’focus’ upon some specific information. The process

of topicalisation is related to focus. However,

topicalisation is different from focus. When a.nNP is

topicalised, it is also focused, but when something is

focused, it does not necessarily mean that it is also

topicalised. When one wants to focus something, he can

use a syntactic device (e.g. to place the object IIP before

the subject of the sentence) or a phonological process

(e.g. stress, pitch). Consider a sentence like (181), in

which the capitalised word represents the main stress and

highest pitch of the sentence.

(181) Ba leo T/\H ngon cay .

’Ba climbed AIL THE W AY UP TO the treetop!

Tan is a focused element which is not a topic.

e .2 PASSIVE
6*2.1 ACTIVE and PASSIVE VOICE.

There are no specific distinctions of voice

in Vietnamese.

"An important way in which Vietnamese verbs

differ from English verbs is that they do not
in themselves imply a clear notion of ’voice’ in
the grammatical sense. In English, a (transitive)
verb must be either active or passive. Ho such
distinction Is necessary in Vietnamese."
(Thompson, 1965* 217)
 122

According to Vietnamese grammarians and

linguists (e.g. Tinh, 1952; 540; ly, 1968; 85; Liem,

1969; 140; Bind, 1971: 168), Vietnamese has both* active

and passive voice. However, the formal definitions of

these terms ha.ve not been given.

(?.2.2Passive The passive in Vietnamese can be analysed as

derived from the active counterpart.

Like topicalisation, passivisation is used when the

speaker wishes to ’focus1 upon some specific information

and does so by placing that information at the beginning

of the sentence.

The only difference between topicalisation and

passivisation is that the Agentive in passivisetion is

marked by preposition do ’by'.

S V O
(182) Toi ban nha nay .
A 0
'I’m selling this house’

icalisation; 0 8 V
(183) Nha nay toi ban .
0" A
'This house I'm selling!

Passivisation; 0 8 V
r „ 21 •
(184) Nha nay d o toi ban.
0 A
House t -is by I sell
'This house is sold by m e !

21. Note that verbs in Vietnamese are not morphologically

marked for active or passive.
 123

like topicalisation, if an object HP has

specific referent, it can be placed in surface subject

position in passivisation.

"Vietnamese speakers do not say;

(185) * Nha , do toi ban.

* ('House, is sold by me ?)

Some verbs do not undergo passivisation: e.g. deo, mac

dot 'wear', chi tfcLch 'criticise1, ray 'scold', knen,

ca-tung 'praise '.

— j f/U
(186) a. Hong deo nhan culol ,
rA ” "”0
'Hong wore a wedding r ing.'

b. * Nhan cd.oi do Hong deo ,

* ('A Weddingr ing Is worn by Hong!)

(187) a. Ba ray
Hai .
A B
'Ba scolded H a i 1.

b. * IlaI d o Ba ray •
'Hai was scolded by B a '

Q .3 Bubmi ssive Constructions

6.3-1 Problem with bi and du'dc : According to Binh (following

ly, 1968), the two passive particles (i.e. empty words ii

ly, 1968) in Vietnamese are bi and ddoc..

"Bi and du’bc are used to signal the fact thr-t

tA:e subjects of their sentences do not actively
engage in the events expressed by the
 124

22.
verbids but rat- er suffer or bear passively
tbe results of some motion on tbe part of some
known or unknown performer". (Bihh, 1971: 168)

Bp. In tbis thesis, bi is treated as -> verb. Evidence is

shown in tbe following examples.

Bi means 'undergo an unhappy experience'.

Nil NP2 ,
(188)a. Ba b^ hai vet t!:don:
E 0
Ba undergo (non-beneficiul) two wound .
'Ba got two voundsJ

NP1 KP2
b. Ba bj. tqi-ncui.
E 0 w
Ba undergo (non-beneficiul) accident.
’Ba had ■».n accident.'

BPl BP2
Ba bi tu .
E
Ba und ergo(non-beneficial) prison.
'Ba was imprisoned I

If bi is omitted, the above sentences become ungrammatical

Thus, bi is a verb. It is not an empty word or a passive

particle as 1$ (1968) and Blnb (1971) have analysed.

Bi is considered as a. matrix verb in a comolex sentence.

(189) Ba bi tu
E 0
Ba undergo(non-beneficial) live prison,
'Ba was imprisoned 1

22. Since a Vietnamese verb does not express time, Binh,

calls it a verbid where 'verbid' means 'non-finite verb form
 125

filloc 1. Bh.6c is a verb* Bii,6c means ’undergo a happy

experience 1

NP1 BP2
(190) a. Bn du.6c d oi mat .jlep •
B 0
Ba
undergo two eye beautiful
(beneficial)
’Ba has beautiful eyes!

NP1 Jl92
b Ba du.bc mua .
B “0
Ba undergo season
(beneficial)
'Ba got a good harvest I

If dU6c is omitted, the above sentences become un­

grammatical. Thus, diibc is a verb in this syntactic

construction.

2. Dii.bc is considered as a matrix verb in a complex

sentence.

(191) Ba diibc thang cuoc .

§ 0
Ba undergo(beneficial) win game.
1Ba w o n ___the game I

3- Biioc is not a verb if it follows another verb or

occurs finally in a sentence.

(a) BU6c means 'all, in total’. It is a oLualifier.

(19 2) Ba d i. dtioc nam cay so

\
Ba walk in total five kilometre.
'Ba. walked five kilometres (in total) ’

One always finds clu‘

.oc preceding a cardinal number

(e.g. nam ’five’). It functions as a qualifier of

the following BP,

 126

(b) Bh6c means 'can, be able toJ

(192') Ba bat bai "Saigon" dhdc.

Ba sing song "Saigon" can.
’Ba can sing tbe song"Saigon".’

0.3.2 Bi and Buh>c in Submissive Constructions.

Consider:

(193) a. Ba danb Mai -

A E
’Ba bit Mai I

b. Mai bi Ba danh .
E
Mai undergo (non- Ba hit
beneficial)
’Mai was (non-beneficial) bit by Ba'.

Mai dbdc Ba danb .

B
Mai undergo (beneficial) Ba hit.
’Mai was (beneficial) hit by B a ’.

Passive: (194) * Mai do Ba danh .

Mai ’Ey" Ba hit
‘Mai was bit by B a i

ly (1968), Binh (1971) and Khai (1972) call sentences

(193b & c) passive sentences.

Erom the data and the rough English translations,

it seems rather obvious that sentence (193b) has a normal

interpretation whereas sentence (193c) has a non-normal

interpretation. The selection of bi and diioc in these

sentences depends on how the speaker interprets the action

as to whether it is favourable or unfavourable to the

person concerned. It is his subjective view of the

happening. Since sentences (193b & c) do not have the

same meaning as sentence (193a), they cannot be considered

as the passive forms of sentence (193&). In this thesis,

they are called submissive constructions.

 127

G. 3 •3 Submissive Constructions and Verb types

As stated earlier, the submissive constructions

cannot be analysed as derived from the active counterpart,

T h W e types of verbs i.e. Action, process and State verbs

can be used in submissive constructions.

Action verb (195) Ba bi di Ea-Noi ,

E
*('22; was (non-beneficial) gone to Ha-IIoi')

Process verb (196) Ba bi chet.

'Be was (non-beneficial) dead!

State ve r b : (197) Ba dd.6c mat.

1
Bci was (beneficial) cool!

0.3-4 Uses of the submissive constructions

It is far from clear why or m e n the submissive

constructions av& used in Vietnamese. There are, perhaps,

four points.

(i) The submissive constructions are used when the agent

is unknown or unspecified.

(198) Tong Thong Ca rt er bi

E
President Garter undergo(non-
beneficial)
’President Carter was attacked (by-)1

(ii) The submissive constructions are used in scientific

writing or in reports.

(199) Tong-Thongf Carter cliioccac Bo-Thdng tie’p don .

President Carter undergo some Ministers welcome
, (beneficial) n ,
'President Carter was welcomed by tie Ministers*
 128

(iii) The submissive constructions are used in

narrative. The same surface subject is retained in

successive sentences.

t I V
(200) Tong-Thong den va du’bc cac Bo-Trddng tiep-don.
President come and undergo some Minister welcome.
(beneficial)
'The President
came and was welcomed by the
Ministers I

(iv) The submissive constructions are used when a

speaker wants to express his subjective view. For example,

the selection of bi or dijdc depends on how the person

involved in t'-e action really feels at the moment he or

she is receiving the action or how the speaker interprets

the action as to whether it is favourable or unfavourable

to the person concerned.

(201)a . Toi dttoc My _ den _ yon,

B 0
1 undergo(beneficial)
American
Amer black kiss.
*1____ was (beneficial) kissed by
a Negroh

b . Toi bi den i*
bon.
T
x?
; 0
I undergo (non-ben.) American black kiss.
'I___ was (non-beneficial) kissed by
allegro ’.
 129

CHAPTER 7.

A Case Grammar Model Eor Vietnamese

Part I ; Theoretical Assumptions

As stated earlier, and repeated here for emphasis,

the study of Vietnamese Case Grammar in this thesis is

carried on within the modified framework of Fillmore's

Case Grammar. The following assumptions are postulated,

7.1 Assumption 1; Centrality of Verb

The verb is central to the Vietnamese sentence.

Nouns are peripheral and tied to the verb centre by

Case-relations such as Agentive, Experiencer, Objective and

the like. It is the semantic features of the verb which

dictate what types of Cases may occur with it.

Position of verb in deep structure

McCawley (1970: 298) argues that there are only

two possible deep-structure types: verb-initial and verb-

final. He gives evidence to support the VSO-hypothesis in

English. The main point, is that, given this underlying

order, it becomes a good deal simpler to state a number

of transformational rules, such as passive and raising.

Fillmore assumes that in a universal deep structure,

verb is in the initial position. (In Anderson's works (i.e.

1971 and 1977) verb is the highest node in a dependency

tree diagram).
 130

In this Vietnamese Case Grammar model, once a

type of verb is selected, a definite Semantic Role is

automatically assigned to the nouns which accompany the

verb.

I shall follow the convention that the verb has

the initial position in deep structure.

Predicator and verb: The term Predicator is used

w i w w w a n w r n i T iim juim iiin ait^w j^m n M m iW ji

throughout this thesis.

A Predicator is the semantic nucleus of a sentence

which describes an action, a process, state, quality,

or the like.

Predicators in Vietnamese are typically manifested

ir^surface structure by verbs, while Cases are normally

manifested by HPs. However, it is also possible for a

copula + HP to represent a Predicator.

Consider: (202) Ba la nguoi th<3 may .

Ba be classifier worker sew.
fBa is a tailor.'

(203) Ba may quan ao.

Ba sew clothes.
'Ba makes cbthesJ

In sentence (203), the Predicator is a verb (i.e. may

'make'). It is semantically specified as an Action

verb which requires an A and an ¥ in order to complete

its inherent basic sense. (Ba functions as an A;

quan ao 'clothes’, as an P).

 131

In sentence (202), la 'be' is a copula which is

semantically empty (i.e. it has no semantic feature).

Therefore, it is not a Predicator. However, la ngd6i

thd may ’is a t a i l o r 1 is meaningful. It constitutes

a Predicator and Ba has a syntactic-semantic

relationship with that Predicator. It represents the

Essive Case.

Sentence (202) may he interpreted as:

'The enterprise of being a tailor is predicated of Ba!

Sentence (203) may be interpreted as:

'The enterprise ofinaking clothes is predicated of B a !

To this extent, therefore, sentence (202) is similar

semantically to sentence (203) where may (Lit: sew)

is a verb.

7.2. Assumption 2. Word order does not determine the C ases.

Word order in Vietnamese, strict though it is,

is not tied to particular instances of particular Cases.

It is not criterial for determining Cases and distinguishing

between Cases. Eor example:

(204) a. Ba d.ao
A
'Ba dug

b. Ba dao ao ,
A E
'Ba dug a pon d .'
 132

7.3*
1
Assumption 3i Centrality of Semantics.
Tinrnif ~ ihi imiiii ■ nnmniiMii r i T i m w i ~ n m n ^ T T i « i m m M n m U i n i T f w f ■iiwiiMMiiwni|imni»iiiHMWn

It is well-known that the most serious discussion

in the framework of Transformational-G-enerative Grammar

is on the nature of a theory of Grammar whether it should

be syntactically-based or semantically-based. The first

approach is referred to as ’Interpretive Semantics’ and the

second as ’Generative Semantics,'

Chomsky (1965 • 16) argues that in a Grammar

of a language, syntax is central and semantics is

’purely interpretative.’

In contrast to Chomsky, and following the

generative semanticists (e.g. McCawley, Iakoff and

Postal), I assume that semantics plays a central

rolenn syntax, and that the well-formedness of a

sentence is determined in its semantic structure.

7.4. A a sumption 4: There are two types of C a s e s ;

Nuclear and peripheral.

One of the major difficulties in Case-

assignment is the question of whether a certain

Case is nuclear or peripheral (i.e. Inner and Outer

Cases in Platt's 1971, Propositional and Modal

Cases in Cook's 1972, 1973, 1974).

In this thesis, the nuclear and peripheral Cases

are distinguished as follows:

 133

“ Nuclear Gases are required for particular semantically

defined classes of verbs e.g. Agentive is a nuclear

Case since it is required by Action verbs.

“ P eripheral Cases are dependent on the presence of

certain nuclear Cases in the sentence.

Some Cases belong to both t y p e s : nuclear and

peripheral. For example, Instrumental is a nuclear

t
Case when it is required by such verbs as giong

'resemble', khac 'differ' and tuhng-td 'be similar to.1

(205) Ba giong Hai.

I Psych. 0
stimulus
'Ba resembles H a i .'

It is a peripheral Case when It is dependent

upon the presence of the Agentive.

(206) Ba danh con cho bang gay ,

A E ITool
'Ba hit the dog w i t h a stick;

The Cases may be obligatory or optional.

Peripheral Cases are always optional. This means that

they may or may not be present in deep structure.

(207) Ba danh con cho.

A B
'Ba hit the dog I

The Case-frame of danh. 'hit' in (206) and (207) is:

+ £ .a + E +(ITool)} where ITool is an optional Case.

The nuclear Cases are obligatory. This means that

they must be present in deep structure, but are not

necessarily present in surface structure (because they

may be deleted).
 134

(208) Con cho hi („ _ ) danh

E ‘ A ITool
'The dog was hit ( by_ ) with a stickJ

In deep structure of the above sentence there is

the A-node which is lexically empty. Since the A

is unspecified, it is not realised in surface structure.

7.5. 5: Each Case dominates either an HP, an

embedded Proposition or other Cases.

Proposition: According to Katz (1977:1), the Proposition

has a unique interdisciplinary status.

"It represents the intersection of philosophy, logic,

and linguistics. Each has its own special concern
with an aspect of Propositions. Philosophy conceives
of them as the things that are asserted and
denied in controversies about knowledge and thus
as the proper things to analyse in order to
better understand such controversies, logic conceives
of them as the objects to which laws of logic
apply. Linguistics conceives of Propositions as the
result of the compositional combination of the
senses of the words in sentences, that is, the senses
of sentences."

also
In this thesis, the term 'Proposition' is^used to

indicate the wav of displaying what a sentence means,

(i.e. the semantic representation).

7.6. Assumption 6: Case Inventory.

In this study, most of Eillmore's Case notions

have been adopted. However, when his Case notion is

too broad to capture the fine meanings of Cases

intuitively perceived by Vietnamese speakers, it will be

subdivided into separate Cases or sub-Cases. Eor

 135

example, Fillmore's Agentive is subdivided into Causative,

Authoritative and Agentive Cases.

Fillmore's Instrumental is divided into six sub-Cases:

Instrumental Tool (ITool), Instrumental Mode (IMo),

Instrumental Material (iMa), Instrumental Method (iMe),

Instrumental Psychological Stimulus (I Psych Stimulus), and

Instrumental Physical Stimulus (iPhys. Stimulus( see

Chapter 11).

There are at least fifteen Cases in Vietnamese.

They may be divide d into two groups: Causal and

non-Causal Cases.

Causal Cases are: Causative (Ca), Authoritative (AU),

Agentive (A) and Instrumental (I).

In addition to these four Cases, the Force Case is also

postulated in order to explain the activities of the

meteorological phenomena.

Non-Causal Cases
- Hon-Causal Cases that participate in the activity are:

Experiencer (E), Benefactive (B), Objective (0),

Factitive (F) and Comitative (Com).

- Non-Causal Cases that are non-participants in the

activity are: Essive (Ess), Locative (L), Source (So),

G-oal (G-) and Path (Pa).

All these Cases are discussed in Chapter 11.

 7: The Cases have a natural hierarchy which

determines the surface subject and first object.

Subject-Choice R u l e :

The choice of a surface subject is not free but follows

a subject-choice rule. This rule is only applied to

nuclear Cases. Peripheral Cases are never chosen as

surface subjects in active simple sentences. (A simple

sentence is the one containing only one verb).

Action v e r b . In deep structure of an active simple sentence

- and in normal situations - if the Predicator is

an Action verb, this verb may conceptually be

accompanied by Cases in four possible positions. If

one of these Cases is an A, it must be chosen as

surface subject.

One Case in deen structure

Pred A (209) a. Ba chay.

V + o 'Ba rani
£+ Action]l
b. Xe chay.
Figure 1 0
*('The car rani )

Two Cases in deep structure; The relative order of

the co-occurrence of the Cases is shown below,

with the ones on the vertical line being fluctuant

among themselves.
 137

(210) a. Ba danh Hai ,

A E
E 'Ba hit Hai)

0 b. Ba gixip Hai.
A B
E •Ba helped Hail

Com

Pred L c. Ba dao dat.

TT 0
So 'Ba dug the ground!

a
v +A+ Pa d. Ba dao ao•
C+Actionjl 2 F* T
'Ba dug a pond I

Eigure 2 a ,

e . Ba theo Hai.
A Com
' Ba followed Hai)

f. Ba lam viec tai B a - L e .

A 1
'Ba worked in Paris)

g- Ba rdi Luan-B6n
A So
Ba left London)

h. Ba t6i Luan-Bon
r — n —
Ba reached London)

i .. Ba q ua cau „
T Pa
'Ba crossed the brid g e !
 138

If there are Force and 0, Force must be chosen as

surface subject.

Pred
1 9-
V + Force + 0 j. G-io m<3 cua.
C+Action] 1 2 Force 0
’The wind opened the d o o r i

If there are 0 and 1 (or G- or Pa), 0 must be chosen

as surface subject.

Pyed L k. Ghiec xe chay tren c a u ,

G- ~ 0 ‘ L
V 10 + Pa * ( 1The car ran on the
C+Action} Eridge I )
h

1. Ghiec xe c%ay toi cau.

0
Figure 2c *(• The car ran to the

m. Ghiec xe
iiM iiM iU i L iiir™>i«i ir i ■*—
chay 1 w
qua cau.
I i/.l<1i*i»m m m nw

* ( 1The car ran a cross the

~~ b ridge 7~’r7"

3. Three Gases in deep structure.

E I
B 0 (211) a. Ba danh con cho bang g a y .
0 F A E I
0 I 'Ba the dog w ith a stick.
’
p I
0 L
Pred 0 O-r
G b. Ba tang Mai mot con cong,
A B 0
So (T 'Ba offered Mai a peacock.
’
0 B
V +A+ Com+ G- /
f+Actionll 2. 3
3 c.
c. Ba chia banh ra ba mi e n g .
“A 0 F
’Ba divided the cake into three
~~ pieces 1
 139

d. Ba giat ao lanh
A 0 1
1Ba washed the sweater by hand ]

e . Ba dan ao lanh bang t a y .

A 3? I
'Ba knitted the sweater
by h a n d !

i _
f. Ba de xe
A 0“ L
'Ba kept h is car in the g a rden]

I ^
g. Ba do gao vo noi.
— -----g

Ba poured rice into the saucepan!

h* Ba di tii Hue tdi Saigon,

A So , G-
'Ba went from Hue to Saigon]

.j
i* Ba mua chiec Honda cho Hai.
A O B
'Ba bought a Honda for Hail

Ba theo Hai t<3i triiong,

A Oom G
'Ba followed Hai to school-

Gr Ba di chd vdi Hai.

A Gr Com
Pred So 'Ba went to
market with Hai]
E
V -j-A-i- 0 + Com b. Ba rdi Saigon y oi H a i .
C+Action) A So Com
1 'Ba left Saigon with Hai]

Figure 3~b

c. Ba danh con vdi H a i ,

A Com
*( 'Ba hit with H a i ] )

d. Ba an vox ca-ri
A Com
'Ba ate with curry]
 140

4• Four Gases in dee p s t r ucture .

0 Com 1
E I Com
Pred F I Com
0 B I
V + A + 0 + So ■+• Gr
C+Act ion]
1 2 3 4

Figure A
a. Ba an c6m v6i ca-ri
A 0 Com ""
'Ba ate rice with curry

b. Ba danh con cho bang gay v6i M a i .

# A E ITool Com
('Ba hit the dog w ith a stick with M a i .')

c. Ba lam banh bang bo,t vdi sda.

A F IMa Com
Ba make cake by flour with milk.
'Ba made cake with flour and milk!

d. Ba mua chiec Honda cho Hai bang My-Kim.

A 0 “ B ~ I
1Ba bought a Honda for Hai with American dollars

e. Ba dich la tho tu tieng Anh

A" 0 So
Ba trans- the
lated letter from English into VietnameseJ

7*7.2. Process v e r b : With regards to the verbs which have

the semantic feature C+ Process], the unmarked positioning

of accompanying Cases may be shown as follows:

1• One Case in deer structure.

— ^
(213) a. Binh be.
Pred 0
I 0 'The vase broke!
V + E ^
t+Process] 1 b. Ba chet.
"E
Figure 5 » 'Ba died!
 141

2* Two Cases i n deep s t r u c t u r e *

E 0 (214) a. Ba thay Hai.

E 0
Pred B 0 •Ba saw Hai J
0 F

7 + E + Ii b. Ba trung so.
[^-Process] B~ ~TJ
’Ba won the lottery!

—
Figure 6a.
u rJimaM ile—
c. Ba thanh
—
ma.
mmttmml

0 F
’Ba became
M M r
a g h o st ]
im w w W w i h m m w u s j

I
d. Ba chet trong nha thddng,
E L
Ba died in the hospital]

3* Three Gases in deep structure.

i j- — >■>
(214) a. Ba thay Hai trong nha thuong.
Pyed E "0 Jj
E 0 L Ba saw
V + B + 0 + L
[+Process3
1 2 3sfb. Ba tim
B 0
Figure 6 b . ’Ba found that book in the dining
room]

7.7.3. State Verb

1„ One Case in deep structure

Pr|d

V + 0 (215) Ba cao .
0
Cn-State] 1 ’Ba is tall]

F igure 7 .
 142

2* Two Gases i n deep s t r u c t u r e .

Pred (216) Ba dau 6 liing

I E L
I Ba painful'at back.
V 4- E + 1 ’Ba had backacheJ
{+ State} x 2 ~

Eigure 8.

When the verb is used in a sentence with only one

Case, that Case will be the surface subject of the

sentence (See 7.7.1. Eigurel; 7.7.2. Eigure 5?7.7.3.

Figure 7).

Eirst-Object-Choice Rule (The term first object is used

here to indicate the EP which immediately follows

certain classes of verb in unmarked sentences).

The first-object-choice rule applies to transitive

verbs, when the verb requires more than one Case.

Whenthere are two Cases in deep structure of a

sentence, the rule for first-object selection in Vietnamese

is as foll o w s :

Action v e r b : If A is selected as subject and E

remains, then E becomes the first object. If E is not

present, then B or 0 or E or Com or L or So or G*

or Pa becomes the first object (see 7.7.1. Eigure 2a.)

If Eorce is selected as subject and 0 remains,

then 0 becomes the first object (see Eigure 2b).

If 0 is selected as subject a nd L (or G-

or Pa) remains, then L (or 6 or Pa) becomes the first

object (see figure 2c).

 143

Process v e r b ; If E is selected as subject and 0 remains,

then 0 becomes the first object. If 0 is not present, then

L becomes the first object.

If B is selected as subject and 0 remains, then 0

becomes the first object.

If 0 is selected as subject and E remains, then E

becomes the first object (see 7.7.2. Eigure 6a. and 6b).

State v e r b : If E is selected as subject and L

remains, then L becomes the first object (7.7.3* Eigure 8).

When there are more than two Cases in deep structure

of a sentence, the nuclear Cases must be chosen as

subject or first object. Eor example:

Ba danh con cho bang gay .

A E l
'Ba hit the dog with a stickl

Banh 'hit' is an Action verb which may be further

specified as a Destruction verb. It requires an A and an E.

In the above sentence, Ba is an A which is chosen

as subject according to the subject-choice rule.

con cho 'the d o g 1 is an E which is chosen as the

first object since it is a nuclear Case.

bang-gay 'with a stick' is a peripheral Case. It

must occur after the nuclear Case E.

Passive Sentences: It is assumed that when there is an

A in a sentence, A is selected as subject. But there

are instances when A does not become the subject of

the sentence.
 144

Consider:

Active f o r m : (217) Ba viet chuyen fL a n ' .

A F
fBa wrote the novel 'LanV

Passive f o r m : (218) Chuyen 1L a n 1 do Ba viet .

"P A
'The novel tl a n t was written by B a j

Sentences (217 & 218) contain only two Cases: A and P.

If only A can become subject, then sentence (218) cannot

exist. Therefore, there is a need to decide the subject in

a passive sentence. The following assumption is made:

In a passive sentence, the Case which is already

chosen as the first object in the first-object-choice

rule will become subject.

Complex sentences - Subject-Choice R u l e .

If there is Ca, then Ca is chosen as subject.

If there is Au, then Au is chosen as subject.

If there are E and 0 (i.e. a Proposition is embedded

within the Objective Case), then E is chosen assubject.

If there are B and 0, then B is chosen as subject.

(See Chapters 10 & 11).

Problem with Ditransitive v e r b s .

The first-object-choice rule cannot apply to the

objects of ditransitive verbs. With a ditransitive verb,

the shorter object is usually placed before the longer one.

 145

For example: Ba mang sach vo tru!6ng.

A 0 G '
’Ba brought books to schoolI
(See 4.1.2.2. example 86)

Vietnamese speakers do not say:

* Ba mang vo truong sach ,

A G 0
?' Ba brought t o school books I
TSee 4.1.2.2. example 86a).

But: Ba mang vo tru’ong sach tii-dien Anh-Viet.

A G 0
TBa brought to school the English-Vietnamese d i c t i o n a r y !

Assumption 8 : Those Cases which are not chosen as

subject or first object have prepositions associated with

them.

Prepositions are an overt manifestation of some deep

Cases in Vietnamese, just as accusative and dative affixes

are an overt manifestation of deep Cases for many languages.

Depending upon the Case dominating an BP, and

in some instances depending upon the verb also, it is

possible tp predict the preposition which will occur with

any BP not serving as surface subject or surface first object.

In the unmarked instances, the Ca, Au, A, E,

Ess and 0 have no particular preposition associated with them.

The B, E and Com are realised with or without

prepositions. When they are nuclear Cases, there is no

preposition associated with them. When they are peripheral

Cases, they are associated with prepositions.

The So, G and Pa are realised in surface structure

with or without prepositions. They are different from other

Cases in the sense that with some ditransitive verbs, they

are nuclear Cases but must be associated with prepositions.

For example:
 146

Ba do gao vo noi
A 0 a
'Ba poured
rice into the saucepani
(See 7.7.1. example 211

i ,

Verb dci 'pour* requires three nuclear Cases, i.e. A, 0 and

i
G-. (Other ditransitive verbs (e.g. mang 'bring', g6i 'send')

require two nuclear Cases (i.e. A and 0). Any Cases

Co-occuoring with A and 0 are peripheral. (Example 86)).

The 1 is not associated with prepositions (except

preposition tai 'at, in') but locative Relator nouns (See

11.12.4.3)

Preposition-Selection Rule

Case Preposition

I selects bang 'with'

B c ho. gium, giup 'for'

P ra, ra lam 'into'

Com voi 'with'

So tu 'from', khoi 'away f r o m ’

~ ' 1 / j

Gr v o . r a , len, x u o n g . ve, tdi, den,

2&L *
Pa q u a , ngang 'along, across'

In passive sentences

A " do 'by'
 14-7
7.9. Assumption 9 : No Case-relationship occurs more than once

in a simple sentence (except with coordination and L).

7.10. Assumption 1 0 ; In a simple sentence, only noun phrases

belonging to the same Case may be conjoined. The conjoined

Cases must e.g. participate in the activity or be affected

by the action at the same time.

(219) Ba va Mai di chcj luc 9 gi<3 •

A &
'Ba andMai went to market at 9:00 a . m . 1

(219) is a simple sentence with two conjoined Agentives.

(220) Ba xay nha va cau .

A F
'Ba built a house
and a brid g e !

(220) is not a simple sentence but a compound. Nha

'house' and cau 'bridge' are affected by the action of

building at different times.

The following sentences are not well-formed. They are

not used to test Case-membership.

(221) a,. * Ba tdi Saigon va Ha-Bpi luc 9 gio.

T~ " ^ G-
*( 'Bajarrived in Saigon
1 and Ha-Boi at 9:00 a . m . ')

b.* Ba r6i
H W IW
Saigon va
P M M M f W iM U M *
Ha-Noi luc 9 gio.
I IWtHl.tlHlW--------------------------------------------------------------------

A So G-
leH Saigon and Ha-Noi at 9:00 a.m. ' )

Ba can be in Saigon or Ha-Noi at different times,

but he cannot arrive in (or leave) Saigon and Ha-Noi

at the same time.

 148

7.11. Qase-frame and Lexical Entry

7.11.1. Gase-frame: In the Case Grammar model developed

in this thesis, the Case-frame has two functions:

1. To specify the types of Cases which co-occur with a

particular verb in a particular sentence.

2. To specify the complement-type required by a particular

verb in a particular sentence.

Since a verb may conceptually require one, two, three,

or four Cases, every Case-frame has at least one

Case. I shall follow the convention that no Case-

frame has more than four Cases (except in exceptional

circumstances). The Case-frame is written in the form:

+ [ X + Y + Z + W]

The blank indicates the position of the verb in deep

structure, and X, Y, Z, ¥ are the Cases associated with

the verb. One of these Cases may dominate an

embedded Proposition.

The Cases are arranged from left - to - right

according to a subject-choice rule. The Case chosen as

surface subject is always put immediately after the blank,

the Cases following the first Case represent the first,

second or third object in surface structure of a sentence.

For example, the Case—frame of verb am-sat ’assassinate1 in

sentence (222).

(222) Nguoi linh am-sat Tong-Th ong: DIEM ,

A ~E
’The soldier assassinated ^
President D I E M .
is : +£ A+f ]
 149

The Case-frame of verb am-sat 'assassinate' in sentence (223)

(223) hgildi linh am-sat Tong-Thong Diem bang sung luc

A E ITool
'The soldier
assassinated
President Diem with a revolver I

is: + [ ---- A + E + ITool)

7 .11 .2 . Lexical Entry

Form of Lexical Entries: Each vocabulary word has associated

with it -* at least - four types of features: category

features, inherent features, rule features and contextual

features (Stockwell et al, 1973: 723).

1. Category features : A category feature denotes a lexical

category such as noun, adverb, or verb. For example, a
lexical entry like aV-sat 'assassinate' has a category
feature like C+V]^*

2* Inherent features :

Hours; The inherent features of the nouns in Vietnamese

are necessary for the selectional restrictions of nouns

with verbs to avoid deviant sentences.

— i ^ 1
The inherent feature of ngdoi linh 'the soldier' and Tong-

Thong Diem 'President Diem' in example (223) is [+ Human].

Verbs: The inherent features of the verbs are: Action,

Process and State (hote that the Causative verbs, (e.g.

ep 'force', lam 'make'), and Authoritative verbs (e.g. cho

23. C+v)
means that the category feature V is specified
positively.
 150

phep ’a l l o w 1, cam ’forbid1) do not have these inherent

features (see 4*2.6)). Each inherent feature of the verb,

e.g. Action, is further specified as, e.g. Destruction,

Factitive or Benefactive.

5* Rule features The rule features of the verb Am-sat

’Assassinate’, for example, are:

f f
” Am-sat neither requires a Propositional complement

nor a Predicator complement (see Chapter 10).

\ i
- Am-sat does not require any adverb,
t i
- Am-sat cannot undergo the passive process.

24
4* Contextual features are represented by a 'frame feature’

(i.e., a conflated Case-frames) in which the Cases that can

occur with a verb are shown.

The frame feature has three functions:

(i) To represent a set of deep structures possible with a

given verb with respect to its syntactic and semantic

features.

(ii) To specify the types of Cases which are required by

the syntactic and semantic features of a verb and which

may co-occur with the verb in different circumstances.

(iii) To specify the complement-types in Vietnamese.

A frame feature is represented in square brackets with

'+ ’ in front, indicating that the set of Case-frames

represented by the expression within the brackets are

24. "In lexical entries for verbs, abbreviated statements

called 'frame features' will indicate the set of Case-frames
into which the given verbs may be inserted". (Fillmore,
1968a: 27)
 151

positively marked*

The frame feature of the verb Am-sat will be:

+£----- A 4- E 4 (I Tool) + (L)]

This frame feature represents a set of Case-frames as

follows:

1. + A + Ej (Example 222)

2. + jl_A + E + I (Tool)] (Example 225)

5• 4*£— A + E 4- l]

1 ** ^ f I v 1' *
(224) Eguoi linh am-sat Tong-Thong: Diem tren Saigon,
A E ~ L
1The soldier assassinated President Di&m in Saigon’.

4# +[_— A 4 E 4 I Tool 4- Lj

(225) Ngiidi linh am-sat ___ ____

A E"
fThe soldier assassinated President Diem

bang sung luc tren Saigon,

I Tool L
with a revolver t

Following is a sample lexical entry for three verbs:

I | U
Am-sat ’assassinate1, Bi§t ’k n o w ’ and Tb.6 ’b reathe1.

I I p-

Am-sat :4 [.--- A 4 E +(ITool) + (1)

Assassinate1 [-HHuman] g-Human) Animate] Q- Animate]'

Category f e a t u r e ; 4 V
Inherent features 4 Action (Destruction)
Rule features: - Adverb
- Propositional complement
- Predicator complement
- Passive

1 }
The lexical entry for verb Am-sat indicates that
sentences 226 and 227 below are deviant.
 152

(226) * Hgddi linh ain-sat con-meo ban,®: sung luc

C+" HumanJ ~ p Human] Q- Animate]

* (*The soldier assassinated the cat with a revolver

tren Saigon.
O Animat ej
in S a i g o n 1.)

(227^v Passive form e.g. _ , f

* Tong-Thofig Diem do nghdi linh am-sat
bang siing luc tren Saigon. 'President Diem was
assassinated by the soldier with a revolver in Saigon'.

Bi§t 'know' + [- -E + (0 )[ 0
p-Human] r+ Human
Category feature: + V [+ Animate
Inherent features: + Process (Knowledge)
Rule features: - Adverb
+ Propositional complement
+ Complementiser
Predicator complement
Passive

The linked parentheses ( (j ) indicate that at least

one of the linked elements must be chosen (but not b oth),

)
The frame feature of Biet *know' is a conflate Case-

frame of a set of Case-frames as follows:

1. + G — E + o] (228) jte, biet Bai-so.

E 0
(+ Human] £■ Animate]
'Ba knows A l g e b r a '.

(229) Ba biet Mai.

E 0
j+ Human) [+ Human]
1Ba knows Mai~'.
 155

(230) Ba biet (la) Mai co hai t r a i .

E TT~ —
0- Human]
1Ba knows (t h a t ) Mai got two sons 1.

Th6 ’b r e a t h e 1 (vao ’i n 1 or ra ’o u t 1): + G ------- A ]

+ V [+ Animate]
+ Action (Breathing)
+ Adverb vao ’i n 1 or ra ’o u t 1

_ Propositional complement

_ Predicator complement

Passive

The lexical entry of Tho ’breathe1 indicates that Thd

can occur in consttuctions of the following forms:

(231) Ba tho •
A
’Ba breathes 1.

V _

(232) Ba tho vao

A
Ba breathe in
'Ba i n h a l e s ’.

(233) Ba tho ra.

A
Ba breathe
’Ba exhales1.

In normal situations, Yietnamese speakers do not say:

v w— •w
(234) Ba thd bang mui -
Ba breathe by nose.
’Ba breathes with his n o s e 1.

If, for some reason, Ba cannot breathe with his nose,

a speaker may use an ITool Case.

 154

(235) Ba tho b ang m i e n g .

X “ " ITool
Ba breathe by mouth.
1Ba breathes through his m o u t h '.

1/

Verb <*oes not undergo the passive process. For

example, one cannot say:

(236) * Khong khi do Ba tho.

* ('The air is breathed by B a '.)

The Copula la 'be' has no frame feature, but one can

specify the lexical entry of the Predicator la + KP as

foll o w s :

La 11b e 1 + NP : + t~ ------ Ess]

£+ Animats']

+ Copula
_ V

Adv

_ Propositional complement

Predicator complement

_ Passive

(237) Cho la thu-vat.

0-Animate)
Ess
Dog be animal.
tDogs are animals’.
/\ L
(238) Song nay la song Crfu-Long,
C- Animate]
Ess
River this be river MeKong.
'This river is M e K o n g 1.
 155

Part II - Formal Orientation

7 .12 . Factors determining the choice of a Base Representation

In this section, I shall attempt to describe

certain characteristics of Vietnamese sentences which raise

important questions about the choice of a Base Component in

a Transformational Grammar.

Some Characteristics of Vietnamese Sentences as compared

to English.

1. Syntactically, the basic word order in Vietnamese is SVO

2. When 0 is topicalised, the word order is OSV

3. In Vietnamese, the subject of a sentence can be omitted

when no person or thing is being referred to, or if the

speaker feels that the context is sufficient to signal who

or what is being referred to, whereas the subject of a

sentence is obligatory in English.

Vietnamese: S V O
(239) ©i <iau ?
go where
English: ’Where are you going ? ’

Vietnamese: V
(240) Nong qua.
hot much.
English: ’It's very hot.
’

Notice that in example (240), the pronoun it serves

as the grammatical subject of the sentence. Even though

the speaker might not be referring specifically to a

particular subject (i.e. he might be referring to the

sun, day, weather, room or country ) , the sentence

must have a grammatical subject.

 4. Vietnamese does not have the emphatic do like English.

(241) I do hope that she will come.

5. There are no verb deletions or gapping rules in Vietnamese.

In English, the gapping rule (Ross, 1970: 249-259) can

operate to delete indefinitely many occurrences of a

repeated main verb in a conjoined structure.

English: (242) Tom has a pistol and Dick has a sword.

Vietnamese: 'Tom co mot cay sung

English: (243) Tom has a pistol and Dick a sword.

1
Vietnamese * ( ’ Tom co mot cay sung

l0Siish:(244) I ate fish , Bill

Vietnamese: 'Toi an ca , Bill thit boroti!

English: (245) I ate fish, Bill , and Harry roast beef.

Vietnamese: *( 'Toi an ca , Bill va Harry thit bo r o - t i ')

6. Vietnamese does not have cleft-sentences like English.

(246) It is the big book that I have read.

7. Vietnamese does not have the 'extraposition' construction

like English nor do the complementisers r a n g ,la 'that'

eveijoccur initially in a sentence.

rO fO —-

Vietnamese: (247) Ehung nha ngu-hoc khong bao gi6

Pluraliser linguist never

dong y vdi ■nhau la dung •

agree with each
other be true.

ish: * ('lingists never agree with each]other is true I)

English speakers say:

That linguists never agree with each other is true,

or

It is true that linguists never agree with each other.

 157

8. Vietnamese does not have Psych-verbs like English, For

example, the following sentences have the same meaning

and the same syntactic structure in English,

S V O

(248) John likes Mary.

(249) Mary pleases John.

In Vietnamese, if one says:

S V O

(250) Ba thich Mai.

'Ba likes M a i 1.

he cannot reverse the arguments in the above word

order and use a single-word verb to express the

same meaning. One must use a Causative construction.

(2 5 1 ) Mai lain Vila long Ba.

Mai make please Ba.

or

Mai lam Ba viia long.

Mai make Ba please.
'Mai makes Ba p l e a s e d '.

or 'Mai pleases B a ' .

The Vietnamese phenomena I have outlined above

raise important questions about the relationship between

semantic representations at a deep level and surface

structures of sentences, and about the types of rule

required for mapping the semantic representations into

surface forms.
 158

7.15.Base Component of Simple sentences in Vietnamese

7.15*1. Base Rules (BR)

BR1: Prop Pred + Cl + C2 + 05 + 04.

(Except in exceptional circumstances, the

Oases may not be more than four)

BR2: Pred V + (Adv)

{ Copula + EP

Q: Quantifier
BR3: E P ______ > i (Q) + E + (Det )) D e t :Determiner

IE + E J
rewritten a s : EP- --- > u
EP --- > Q + E
EP > + Det
EP . > Q + E + Det
EP > * + E

BR4: Lexical insertion for V (and Adv if there

is any) or Copula + EP

BR5: Insert Case-frame (or Ess if the Pred is

Copula + E P )

BR6: C EP

BR7: Selection Restrictions-Semantic features of

Eo u n s .
 159

Words seldom occur alone, and there are

restrictions of various sorts on what words can co-occur.

Co-occurrence restrictions are the result of the meaning

of the lexical items. Selection restrictions are to be

stated in terms of what semantic features may occur

together, though in most treatments the features are left

unexplained or left for psychologists or philosophers to

explain (lehrer, 1974: 176)

Each verb has selection restrictions for

subject and object. Eor example, verb a m - s a t ’assassinate'

requires a subject and the first object with the feature

jj- HumarQ;the second and third object with the feature

Gr Animate] .

The selection restrictions for verbs in Vietnamese

are also predictable from the meanings of lexical items.

Eor example, different 'putting-on' verbs in Vietnamese refer

to the different actions involved in putting on the articles

of clothing. Each 'putting-on' verb selects particular

articles of clothing (see 11.8.4*1.)•

According to McCawley (1968a: 132-133), the

 160

syntactic selectional restrictions found in Chomsky (1965)

such as animate - inanimate, human - nohhuman, masculine

- feminine, etc., are really semantic features and do not

belong in the syntactic component at all.

lehrer (1974: 185) also says that:

"At any rate it seems that most of the features

that Chomsky and others have listed under syntactic
features of lexical items really are semantic".

The inherent semantic features for nouns in

Vietnamese are:£+ Animate]) and Human]. There is a

relation of hyponymy between j+ Animate] and (+ Human],

i.e. if a noun, is specified as Of Human] it must

necessarily be (+ Animate] .

lexicon

Am-sat A + E +(lTool)+ .(!)]

j+HumanJ j+Human/ 0-Animat qj
’Assassinate’ Animate]

+ Action (Destruction)
- Adverb
- Propositional Complement
- Predicator complement
- Passive
 161

Bay 'this' £+ Det}

Linh 'soldier1[,+ H, + Human}
Ngila 'horse' c+ r+ H,
H, ++ Animat
Animate, - Human}
3M6c 'water'[+ £+ E,
E, -- Animate)
Animat
Tan 'till' [+ Prep.
£+ Goa
Prep, + Goal}

The output of the Base Rules consists of a string of

terminal symbols which, after lexical insertion, is

interpreted as the deep structure of a sentence where

semantics is conventionally considered as primitive

and syntax is incorporated into semantics.

Phrase-marker or Tree diagram.

Semantic representations or meaning-trees of

sentences can be drawn. These meaning-trees resemble

syntactic tree diagrams in their branching form but

differ from them by being much farther from the

surface structure of actual sentences.

The type of tree diagram I use in this thesis

is similar to that of Fillmore’s 1970b model. I am

aware that, like Fillmore, I mix categorial notions

with relational (or functional) ones. But the problem is

that I cannot find the better type of tree diagram I want

to.

Consider (252) Cho la thu-vat.

Ess
Dogs are animals I
This sentence may be represented as follows:
 162

Pr<

BR1 Pred Cl C2

BR2 Copula

BR4

BR6: HP

BR3:

BR7: [+Animat ej

Lexical Insertion Cho

Tdo'g!
+N
+ Animate
 163

CHAPTER 8.

Ordering Simple Transformational Rules

The aim of this chapter is to demonstrate some

transformational processes which can change the deep

structure of an independent simple sentence in Vietnamese

into the correct surface structures.

According to the theory as proposed hy Katz

and Postal (1 9 6 4 ) and Chomsky (1964) I shall assume

that transformations are without semantic effect.

Transformational Rules (TR) are either obligatory

or optional. Most optional transformations are stylistically

motivated in some way.

To illustrate the transformational processes, I

shall use the tree diagrams almost exclusively.

8.1. Deep structure of a sentence

Suppose there is sentence (253)

(253) Thu-tuong mua x e do cho phu-nhan .

A " 0 B
Prime Minister buy car that for wife.
fThe Prime Minister
bought that car for his wife I

Verb mua 'buy' requires two nuclear Cases i.e. A and 0.

Any Cases co-occuring with A and 0 are peripheral. The

Case-frame of verb mua in sentence (253) ist

+ {“ A + 0 +

The deep structure of sentence (253) may be represented

as f o l l o w s :
 164

(1) P ro p

Pred Cl 02

DTP

Det

Thu-tiiong xe
Prime Min i s t e r 1 car

This deep structure is transformed into the surface

structures by a set of Transformational Rules*

8*2. Transformational Processes

The Preposition Attachment Transformational Rule

attaches a preposition to a Gase according to the

Preposition Selection Choice Rule.

The Case-frame of sentence (253) indicates that B

is a peripheral Case. It must have a preposition

associated with it.

The Preposition Selection Choice Rule states that B

selects preposition cho or gium or giup 'for1.

Apply TR1 to the Phrase-Marker (l), the result is:

 165

P£0

Pred 01 02

EP EP Prep EP

Det

Thu-thong xe ho
'Prime Minister'
ic a r ' 'that' 'for'

In order to obtain the surface structure of sentence (253)>

we have to apply the Subject-fronting Transformational Rule.

8.2.2. TR8: Subject-fronting (OBL). This rule moves one Case

to the front of the Predicator, according to the

Subject Choice Rule. It is applied after the Preposition

Attachment Transformational Rule.

Prop

Cl Pred C2

EP EP Prep

Det

mua xe cho

Minister' 'buy' 'car' 'that' 'for' 'wife'

'The Prime Minister bought that car for his wife!
 166

8.2.3• T R 3 : Benefactive Movement (O P T )

'l 'a
Consider: (253)
5) Thu~t\fdng
Thu-t\fc$ng mua xe do cho phu-nhan
A 0 B
’The Prime Minister bought t M car for his wife I

■j /
(254) Thu-tridng mua cho phu-nhan xe d o .
A B 0
The Prime Minister bought f or his wife that car

(255) mua phu-nhan

A B 0
’The Prime Minister bought his wife that carI

As stated in Chapter 1, since Vietnamese is not an

inflectional language, the word order is extremely

important. If the word order changes, meaning also changes.

However, in some syntactic structures such as those

with prepositions word

orders produce stylistic variations but no major change

in meaning. Por example, sentences (253» 254 and 255)

are synonymous although they have different syntactic

structures.

The number of sentences such as sentences (253> 254

& 255) can be easily multiplied, especially with the use

z , 1
ofsuch verbs as chi ’s h o w ’, ban ’s e l l ’, gdi ’s e n d ’, and

the like. Therefore, the relationship between such sentences

must be systematic rather than idiosyncratic.

The Benefactive Movement Transformational Rule has

the function of reversing the order of two Cases: 0

and B. Then, the preposition attached to the B is

optionally deleted.

This Transformational Rule is applied before

the Subject-frohting Transformational Rule.

 167

Pred Cl

mua UP Prep UP UP
'buy’

U Pet

?
Phu-^bddn^ ho xe

’Prime Minister' ’w i f e ’ 1c a r ’ ’t h a t ’

The Benefactive preposition cho ’f o r ’ is optionally

deleted.

Prop

Pred Cl

mua UP UP
’H y

Pet

Thu-tii6ng xe do
’Prime M i n i s t e r ’ ’car ’t h a t 1

Apply TR8, the result will be:

Thu—tiidng mua p hu—n han

'Prime M i n i s t e r ’’b u y ’ ’w i f e ’ that
•The Prime Minister bought his wife that carJ
 168

8.2,4* TR13: Topic-fronting (OPT). The topic-fronting TR

moves the Case w h i c h is chosen as the topic of the

sentence to the front of the Case that is chosen

as the subject (according to the Subject Choice Rule).

This rule is applied after TR^: Subject-frouting.

(253) Thu-th<3ng mua xe do cho phu nhan.

A O B
fThe Prime Minister bought that car for his wife!

(256) Xe do Thu-thong mua cho phu nhan

0 ' A B
'That c a r , the Prime
Minister bought for his wife.1

Pro

C2 Cl Pred

Prep

Det

J/ £
do Thu-th6ng mua cho phu-nhan
'c a r ' 'that''Prime M i n i s t e r ' buy 1f o r ' 'wife'

8.2.5* T R 1 4 :Passivisation (OPT)

The Passivisation Transformational Rule

(i) moves the Case which is already chosen as the

first object (according to the first-object-choice rule)

to the front of the Case which is chosen as subject.

 169

(ii) attaches preposition do 'by' to the Case

which is chosen as subject.

This rule is applied after TR13*

(257) Xe do do Thu-tifc$ng mua cho phu-nhan.

*That car was bought by the Prime Minister for his wife

Pro

02 Cl Pred

Prep Prep

Det

do mua cho phu-nhan

*c a r 1
’that* 'by1 'Prime Minister''buy' 'for' 'wife'

'That car was bought by the Prime Minister for his wife!
 170

CHAPTER 9.

The Conjoining Transformations

9.1. Recursive Processes.

Complex sentences in Vietnamese are formulated

by the recursive processes. Some linguists (e.g. lakoff,

1968a) believe that complementation, relativisation and

conjunction, specifically coordination are the only

possible recursive processes in language.

9.2. Coordination.

Like English, various types of conjunction are

used in Vietnamese e.g. the coordinate va ’a n d 1,

/ t
adversative nhdng ’b u t ’, subordinate neu ’i f ’, de

’in order to', disjunctive hay, hoac ’o r ’, and so forth.

The process of coordination with va ’a n d ’

will be discussed in this chapter as illustrative.

There are at least two types of coordination

in Vietnamese, i.e. prepositional and phrasal

coordinations which are similar to sentence and

phrasal conjunctions in English (Lakoff & Peters,

1969: 113-142)
 171

9-3* Propositional Coordination.

Propositional coordination in Vietnamese is

generated in the Base by rule 1.

BlH: P r o p ------- 3?*((Conj) + Prop)n , n^2.

The superscript n indicates the multiple occurrence of

the combination.

((Conj) + Prop)

or at least tw i c e .

Suppose n = 2,3,4; BR1 may be rewritten as:

P r o p ---- => Conj + Propl + Conj + Prop2

P r o p ---- > Conj + Propl + Conj + Prop2 + Conj + Prop3

P r o p ____ ^ Conj + Propl + Conj + Prop2 + Conj + Prop3 +

Conj + Prop4

These rules generate Base structures of the form:

Cc~0 _____ _ ij Prop4

This form is conventionally converted into:

Prop

Conj Propl* Conj Prop2' Conj Prop3* Conj Prop4

 172

Then, the first Con.i is obligatorily deleted by

transformation, yielding:

Propl Prop2 Prop4

Conj Prop2J Conj Prop3' Conj

Finally, there is an optional transformation deleting

all but the last Con.i ; the result being;

Prop

Propl Prop2 Prop4

Conj

When two Propositions are conjoined:

(i) The Con.i preceding the first Prop is obligatorily deleted.

(ii)The Con.i preceding the second Prop is obligatorily retained.

BR 1 may also be rewritten a s :

Prop.-----^ Propl + Prop2

Prop_____ ^ Propl + Prop2 + Prop3

Prop-____ ^ Propl + Prop2 + Prop3 + Prop4

These rules show that two or more than two Props

may be conjoined without the conjunction.

The following illustrate.

 173

9 •4. Coordination without con.i unction.

Sequential Con.i unction*

(258) a. Ba ve nha .
Ba return house.
'Ba went home!

b. Ba n g u .
Ba sleep.
1Ba sl e p t !

c. Ba ve nha jzf Ba ngu.

'Ba went home 4 Ba slept!

Sentence (258c) is usually understood as meaning

that Ba's two separate actions followed each other

in time.

The 4 symbol stands for 'no punctuation* . It

shows that two very short sentences joined without

a conjunction are usually not punctuated.

Sentence (258c) may be represented as follows:

Propl Prop2

Ba ve
Ba'return''house'»
Ba 'sleep'
 174

9 .5 . .

9-5. 1. Con.ioined Propositions.

(259) a. Ba ca.
A
Ba sing.
'Ba sangI

va 'and 1

b. Mai mua.
A
Mai dance.
'Mai danced I

c. Ba ca va Mai mua.
A A
'Ba sang and Mai danced]

Sentence (259c) is ambiguous. It may mean either

that the actions of singing and dancing were

simultaneous or that the dancing occurred after

the singing. Again, there is no punctuation in

sentence (259c). It shows that two very short

sentences joined by a coordinate conjunction are

usually not punctuated. Sentence patters of this

type and the type in 4J.4 are called compound sentences

 175

Sentence (259c) may be represented informally as follows

Prop

Propl

Pred Cl Conj

va Pred 01
1a n d 1

Ba
sing
mua Mai
'dance1

Apply TR8 Subject-fronting to Prop2/ first, then Propl,

we shall h a v e :

Prop

Propl

Cl Pred Conj Prop2

A V va Cl Pred
'and'

Ba ca A V
'sing'
/
Mai mua
'dance

9-5.2. Conjoined Predicators

(260) a. Ba t8i .
A
Ba come
'Ba came!
 176

va ' and f

k* Ba ca.
A
Ba sing,
'Ba sang!

va ’a n d ’

c. Ba
i
mua.
A
Ba dance.
'Ba danced!

- „ /
d. Ba t6i va ca va mua.
A
'Ba came and sang and danced!

Sentence (260d) is usually understood as meaning

B a Ts several separate actions followed each other in

time.

Sentence (260d) may be represented as follows:

(1 )
Pro

Propl Prop2

Pred Cl Conj Prop2 Conj Prop3

Pred Cl Pred Cl
’and ’ ’and

tdi Ba
1come
Ba mua Ba
'dance'

Two Transformational Rules are involved here. They are:

Conjunction Reduction and Identical Conjunct ^ Reduction

(Jacobs and Rosenbaum, 1968: 253-257).

25* A conjunct is the name given to what is conjoined.

 177

1R5: Conjunction Reduction Transformation (OPT)

Mhen two or more than two Propositions are

conjoined, identical types of constituents (e.g. two

Agentive constituents) having the same syntactic

function in surface structure (e.g. two subjects) can be

conjoined to form a compound constituent.

TR 6 : Identical Conjunct Reduction Transformation.

TR6 has the function of reducing the identical

constituents in a compound constituent to a single

constituent.

This rule obligatorily applies to a deep Case compound

constituent, but optionally applies to a Predicator

Compound Constituent.

It should be noted that in the Phrase-Marker (l) above:

(i) The surface subject of the three conjoined Propositions

is Ba (an Agentive Case).

(ii) Three Predicators of the three conjoined Propositions

are three Action verbs which are used intransitively.

TR5 of Conjunction Reduction may optionally be applied

to the above underlying tree. The functions of TR5 are:

(1) To restructure the underlying tree by introducing

the new dominating C-. and Pred-nodes for the conjoined

C and Pred constituents.

(2) To delete the original conjoined Prop-nodes.

 178

The following illustrates the derived tree.

Pr

Pred

Pred Conj Pred Conj Pred Conj C Conj

tdi va __
ca __
va mua Ba va Ba va Ba
'come * 1a n d ’'s i n g 1Tand ’d a n c e ’ 'and ' 'and'

i
This tree shows that three Predicators t o i 'come'« ca

'sing', and mua 'dance' have been conjoined under the

domination of a common Pred-node; and three identical

Agentives Ba have been conjoined under a common C-node.

In both cases, the Conj is moved to a position

between the two conjoined constituents.

To a Vietnamese Speaker, the three lexical items

Ba refer to the same person. In other words, three

lexical items Ba have identical reference. When three

constituents of a compound constituent ae identical to

the extent that they have identical reference, an

Identical Conjunct deduction Transformation reduces them

to a single non-compound constituent.

 179

Pr'

Pred

Pred Conj Pred Conj Pred

toi va ca va ___
mua
1c o m e ' 'and1 *s i n g ’and' ’d a n c e ’

The A then, is permuted to the position in front

of the compound Predicator, producing the surface

sentence:

1 — /
(260d)Ba tdi va ca va mua.
'Ba came and sang and danced!

Iterative action

(261) a. Ba mua >

A
Ba dance.
'Ba danced!

va 'and 1

b. Ba mua.
A
Ba dance.
1Ba danced!

__ / _ /
c. Ba mua va mua.
A
’Ba danced and danced!

Sentence (261c) indicates B & Ts iterative (or successive)

action of dancing. This type of conjunction is

commonly used in Vietnamese e.g.

 180

(262) a. Ba cai va cai .'Ba argued and argued'.

b. Ba noi va noi . 'Ba talked and talkedJ
c. Ba ciibi va cdoi . 'Ba laughed and laughed I

Sentence (26lc) may be represented as follows:

Pro:

Propl Prop2

Pred Cl Conj Prop2

Pred Cl

mua Ba
'dance' 'and '

mua Ba
'dance'

TR5 Conjunction Reduction and TR6 Identical

Conjunct Reduction apply to this base string, giving the

following derivations:

TR5 Prop

Pred

Pred Conj Pred. Conj

mua mua Ba va Ba
'dance' 'dance' 'a n d '
 181

TR6 Pirn)

Pred

Pred Conj Pred

mua va mua
’dance 1 'and ’ ’dance *
Ba

Apply TR8: Subject-fronting (OBL)to the above

Phras e-Marker.

9.5.3. 0on1oined Cases: certain conjoined Oases in Vietnamese

are derived by transformations from underlying

conjoined Propositions.

(263) a. Ba lau ban .

A 0
Ba clean table
’Ba cleanedjftables

b. Ba lau ghe.
A 0
Ba clean chair.
'Ba cleaned^chairs I

c. Ba lau ban va ghe.

A 0" 0
'Ba cleaned tables and chairs I

Sentence (2 6 3 0 ) may be diagrammed as follows:

 182

Pr<

Propl Prop2

Pred Cl 02 Conj

Pred 01 C2

lau Ba pan Va
’c l e a n ’ 'table 'and'

Ba
'chair'

TR5 and TR6 apply to this base string,

giving the following derivations:

Pro

Pr< Cl C2

Pred Conj Prec. Conj Conj

lau va lau Ba va Ba ban va ghe

'clean' 'and 1c lean' 'and' 'table''and' chair'

Prop

Pred Cl C2

Conj

lau Ba
'clean

ban va
'table' 'and* *chair'
Apply TR8 to this Phrase“Marker.
 183

9.3 #4. Phrasal con.i unction.

Certain conjoined Cases are not derivable by

transformations from underlying conjoined Propositions, but

are generated as conjoined Cases in the Base (see 2.2.7.

Assumption: houn phrases belonging to the same Case

may be conjoined to form a compound -which fills a

single deep Case in a simple sentence)

BR.6 is expanded as follows:

BR6 : C — * (Conj + C)n , n\2

Condition: 6oth|C(ases) are identical.

This rule has the same reading as that for

conjoined Propositions above.

Suppose n = 2,3>4« BR6 may be rewritten as:

C — > Conj . + Cl + Conj + C2

C— * Conj + 01 1 Conj + 0 2 + Conj + 03

C — ^Conj + Cl + Conj + 02 + Conj + C3 + C o n j . + 04

When two Cases are conjoined

(i) The Conj preceding the first Case is obligatorily deleted,

(i) The C o n j , preceding the second Case is obligatorily

retained.

When more than two Cases are conjoined.

(i) The C o n j preceding the first Case is obligatorily deleted.

(ii)All of the other conjunctions preceding other conjoined

Cases may be deleted except the last.

 184

Example:
i >
(264) Ba mua gom, giay va viet.
A SU___ 02____ CO-
Ba buy eraser paper 0 and pen.
'Ba bought erasers.paper and pens!

This sentence may be represented as follows:

Prop

Pred Cl

mua Ba 02
'buy

ggjg giay
eraser' paper1

Va Viet.
and 'paper'

Ho giet linh My^ bang; lain va h oa-tien.

A E I Tool 1 "I Tool 2

I Tool
They kill soldier America by dynamite and rocket.
'They killed American soldiers w ith dynamite
and rockets!

The deep structure of sentence (265) may be represented

as foll o w s :
 185

Pred Cl 02

Tool

HP ITooil XTool 2

Conj ITool2

HP
!
linh My
'soldier1 'America' min va
dynamite 'and'

hoa tien
'rocket'

Apply TR1; Preposition Attachment (OBl)

Pro Cl C2

ITool

ITooll

HP Conj

linh bang Prep HP

'soldier' 'America
— ’ I-
(lit.iby) min va
'with' 'dynamite
'and*bang t
'with' hoa-tien
'rocket'
 186

A p p ly TR7.

TR7. Preposition Deletion (OBl).

When two conjoined Cases select the same

preposition:

(i) the preposition preceding the first Case is

obligatorily retained.

(ii) the preposition preceding the second Case is

obligatorily deleted.

Prop

Pred Cl C2

ITool

ho HP IToold ITool2
'kill' they

BP Conj ITool2

BP

linh My
1sold i e r 11 America *
bang min va
w i t h ' ’dynamite''and’

hoa-tien
'rocket’
 187

CHAPTER 10.

The Embedding Transformations.

Both English and Vietnamese have various

means of 'building up' more complex sentences out of

simple sentences (often in the sense of 'shorter' sentences).

Among such means are 'complementation' and 'relativisation'

processes which are roughly the combination of sentences

through the use of syntactic devices other than

coordinating and subordinating conjunctions.

The aim of this chapter is to present some

embedding transformations which will allow for the

generation of most of the complex sentences in Vietnamese.

Before discussing the chief transformations

involved in the process of complementation and relativisation

in Vietnamese, I want to present briefly the treatment of

English complement and relative sentences by Transformational-

G-enerative and Case grammarians.

10.1. Complements in English

According to some Transformationat-G-enerative

grammarians (e.g. Rosenbaum, Paul & Carol Kiparsky),

complements in English are sentences embedded in EPs which

have it or a noun such as fact as their head noun.

Eor example, Rosenbaum (1967) argues that the

underlined part of the following example is an instance

of HP complement.
 188

(266) John expected the doctor to examine H e l e n *

and this sentence is informally represented as follows

NP1 VP

S2

John expected it the doctor examine Helen

If it - deletion and the infinitive complementiser

(i.e. tjo) placement transformations are performed, the above

structure is a grammatical sentence.

Paul and Carol Kiparsky (1970: 143-175) argue

that the sentence

(267) We regretted that you were sick.

HP complement

can be represented as follows:

D©t
I
We regretted the fact you were sick
 189

If fact - deletion is performed, then apply the

complementiser-placement rule (or That-insert rule),

the above structure becomes:

We regretted that you were sick.

10.2. Treatment of Complement and Relative Sentences in

Fillmore's Case Grammar.

Fillmore (1968a: 28) proposes that one of the

Case-nodes in the deep structure of a sentence may be

rewritten as S rather than as K + NP. This rule

accounts for complements in English.

In a Phrase-Marker then, an 0-node may

directly dominate an S-node. One of the inferences

of this rule would thus seem to be that complements

are not to be analysed as NPs or constituents of

NPs in the deep structure of a Sentence. This is a

different point from the analysis of complement in

the type of Transformational-Generative Grammar

presented in section 10.1.

Fillmore (1968a: 49) also suggests that a second

source of embedded sentences is within the NP itself.

"The rule for NP may be stated as

NP ----- > N (S)

where the N is an ordinary lexical item and

the adjunct S contains a co-referential copy

of the same N, the result is an NP

consisting of a N modified by a relative clause."

 190

10.3. Complemen t and Relative Sentences in Vietnamese.

To deal with complement and relative sentences

in Vietnamese, the Base Rules are expanded as follows:

BR2: Pred . * V + Prop

BR3: NP -> (Q) + N + (Prop)

BR6: C (Comp) + Prop

10.3.1. Complement-types in Vietnamese.

There are several types of complements in

Vietnamese but all of them can be isolated and grouped

together on the basis of a number of syntactic tests.

Two main complement-types in Vietnamese will be discussed

in this chapter as illustrative.

(i) The first is Predicator complement i.e. the Prop

functioning as a complement is embedded within

the Predicator.

(ii) The second is Propositional complement i.e. the

Prop functioning as a complement is embedded within

the 0.

(These two complement-types are similar to verb-

phrase and noun-phrase complementation in Rosenbaum,

1967).

1 0 .3 • 2 . Predicator Complement.
ham— i— himn»nrmiwniii i n niiiMi 'iiii'T'T' iih it fi i uMTnifnfTiTn--------- in nr ---rn~tr

Example : Intention V e r b : Toan ’i n t e n d 1

(268) a. Ba toan danh Hai.

E
Ba intend hit Hai.
’Ba intended to hit Haii
 191

b. * Ba loan Ba danh Hai,

* ( fBa intended Ba to hit Hai'.)

c. * Ba toan Mai danh Hai,

*('Ba intended Mai to hit H a i 1.)

Syntactic Structure: The above examples show that:

?6
If the matrix verb is toan 1i n t e n d 1, no HP can

intervene between toan and the verb of the embedded sentence.

In other words, the verb of the matrix sentence cannot be

separated from the verb of the embedded sentence.

Semantic Representation: Sentence (268) may be

diagrammed as follows:

(i)
Prop

Pre 01

Prop

toan Ba
1intend'Pred Cl 02

V A E

danh Ba Hai
'hit'

26. A matrix verb is a verb in the matrix sentence.

 192

Apply TR8 (OBL) Sub.iect-fronting to the embedded Prop.

Pra

Pred Cl

Pro

toan Cl ed G2
'intend' Ba

Ba danh Hai
'hit'

TR11: Equi-BP Deletion (OBL)

Deletion Transformations are the most powerful

devices in T.G.

In this study, I assume that the recoverability

principle proposed by Katz and Postal (1964) applies

to Vietnamese as well. This principle implies that

anything which is deleted during the transformational

process must in general be recoverable.

The reason is this: the goal of Transformational-G-enerative

Grammar is to describe the competence of the ideal speaker-

hearer. The hearer must be able to reconstruct a n y deleted

elements that represent part of the meaning of the sentence

in order to interpret correctly what he hears.

The main question is how the speaker-hearer

knows which of the underlying BPs, for example, must be

deleted. In this thesis, the following assumption is made:

In deep structure of a complex sentence, if the BP

in the embedded Prop is coreferential with another BP

 193

in the matrix Prop, the HP in the embedded Prop is

obligatorily deleted.

It is necessary to posit a two-step deletion process:

Step 1: Deletion of the lexical item(s) attached to the UP.

Step 2: Deletion of the Gase-node dominating the

HP, then the Case-branch.

Apply THlls Equi-HP Deletion (OBL) to the Phrase-

Marker (2), the coreferential HP Ba in the embedded

Prop is obligatorily deleted. The result will be:

Pro

Pred 01

Prop

toan /
*inte n d ' Pred 02 Ba

V E

danh Hai
’h i t '

Apply TR8 (OBL) Subject-fronting to the matrix Prop.

Prop

Cl ~ ^ ~~~~~ ~~~~ ]?red

Prop

toan Pred C2
’intend’

danh Hai
"rETE,»
 194

The Case-frame of toan is: + £ --------- |)J/Pred which

means that:

1) Verb toan 'intend' requires an E and a Predicator

complement in its deep structure.

2) Pred indicates that a Prop functioning as a

complement is embedded within the Predicator.

Verbs that require Predicator complements are:

a' *
quyet, nhat-quyet 'resolute1, Co, co-gang 'try1, e.g.

(269) Ba co leo len .

'Ba tried to climb up*.

10.3*3. Propositional Complement.

T y p e : 1: Exam p l e : Coercive Causative verbs, e.g. ep'force)

bat. bat buqc 'oblige, compel t•

a. * Ba di Hai.
*( 'Ba forced to go H a i '.)

b. Ba
i Hai di.
Ca

'Ba forced Hai to g o '.

c. * Ba
i Ba di.

*( 'Ba forced Ba to g o '.)

Syntactic Structure: The above examples show that:

 195

(i) The verb of the matrix sentence (i.e. eg ’force') must

he separated from the verb of the embedded sentence.

(ii) The verb of the embedded sentence does not have the

same surface subject as the verb of the matrix sentence.

Semantic Representation:

The Case-frame of eg ’f o r c e ’ in (270b) is:

+ £ -------- Ca + E + 0 ]

This Case-frame indicates that verb eg requires a

Ca, an E and a Propositional complement (i.e. the complement

is embedded within 0, not within Pred).

Sentence (270b) may be represented as follows:

Pro

Prei Cl C2

Ca

Ba Hai Prop
force

Pred Cl

di Hai
'go'

Apply TR8: Subject-fronting (OBL), then TR11: Equi-NP

Deletion (OBL) to the embedded Prop.

 196

Pr

Pred Cl 02

ep Ba 3a i 'rop
'force

Pred

'go'

Apply TR8: Subject-fronting (OBL) to the matrix Prop.

Type 2: Example: Eon-Coercive Causative verbs e.g. l a m ,

i i
khien 'cause, make', de 'let' .

(271) a. * Ba lam di Hai .

* ( 'Ba caused go Haii)

b. Ba lam Hai di ■.
________
Ca TF
'Ba caused Hai to go I

c. * Ba lam Ba di .
*('Ba caused Ba to goJ)

Syntactic Structure: The above examples show that

the non-Coercive Causative verb lam 'cause' has the

same syntactic structure as the Coercive Causative verb

ep 'force'.

Semantic Representation (see 5.2.4.3•)

Lam 'cause' : + E---- Ca + Oj

 197

Sentence (271b) may be diagrammed as follows

(1 ) Prop

Pra Cl C2

Ca

lam Prop
1cause1

Pred

V A

di Hai
'go'

Apply TR8 to the embedded Prop.

(2)
Prop

Pre Cl

Ca

lam Ba Prop
cause

Cl Pred

A V

Hai dr
'go'
 198

TRIO: Case-Raising (OPT) (e.g. Agentive-Raising).

The Case-Raising Transformational Rule provides for an

optional derivation in which the Case - which is chosen

as subject of the embedded Prop - is raised to become

a constituent of the matrix Prop. (The raised Case will

be realised as the first object of the matrix verb in

surface structure). Case-Raising is equivalent to Postal's

rule for subject-raising in English.

"A rule that has the function of taking the

complement subject HP in certain complement
types and reassigning it as a constituent of
the main clause'. (Postal 1974: inside front
cover)

Apply TRIO to the Phrase-Marker (2), the result will be:

Prop

Pre C2

Ca

lam Ba Hai Prop

cause
;?red
t
V

di
’go'
The Ca then, is permuted to the position in

front of the Pred, producing the surface sentence:

Ba lam Hai di.
(Ja ~TT
'Ba caused Hai to g o '.
 199

(272) a * Ba lam Hai chet.

Ca

rBa caused Hai to die 1.

b. Ba lam chet Hai.

*( 'Ba caused to die Hai'.)

c. * Ba lam Ba chet.

*( 'Ba caused Ba to d i e 1.)

Syntactic Structure: The above examples show that:

If the matrix verb is lam 'cause' (i.e. a non-

Coercive Causative verb) and the verb of the embedded

sentence is chet 'die' (i.e. a Process verb), an HP

_ /

can intervene between lam and chet. (see 5*2*3.)

Semantic Representation: In my dialect, two sentences

(272a & b) have the same meaning. Sentence (272b)

is just a stylistic variant of sentence (272a), or vice

versa, (see 5*2.3*).

Sentence (272b) can be represented as follows:

Prop

rrop

Apply TR4 Pr ed i cat or -Ra i s ing (OPT) to this Phrase-Marker.

 200

T R 4 : Pr ed ic at or-Rai s ing (OPT)

This Transformational Rule has the function of

taking the Predicator of the embedded Prop, lifting it

into the matrix Prop and attaching it to the

Predicator of the matrix Prop, thus producing a

kind of compound Predicator*

Predicator-Raising is equivalent to McCawley's rule

for Predicate-Raising in English (see 5.1).

Pro

Pred 01 02

Pred Ga

Prop
Ba

Cl

lam chet
'cause 'die

ai

Apply TR8: Subject-fronting to the matrix Prop.

Type 3 ; Submissive verbs, e.g. bi 'undergo an unhappy

experiencei
d-hdc 'undergo a happy
experience

Consider (273) a« Ba danh con cho

A E
1Ba hit the d o g .'
 201

b. Qoncho bi Ba danh.
E
Classifier dog undergo (non-
beneficial) Ba hit
'The dog was hit by B a '.

c. Con
chd bi danh,
E
Classifier dog undergo (non- hit
beneficial)
'The dog was hit*.

Syntactic Structure: The above examples show that:

(i) If the matrix verb is big 'undergo an unhappy

experience' (i.e. a Submissive verb) and the verb of the

embedded sentence is danh 'hit' (i. e.an(Action verb),

an EP can intervene between and d a n h .

(ii) The Action verb of the embedded sentence does not

have the same surface subject as the Submissive verb

of the matrix sentence.

(iii) The subject of the Action verb of the embedded sentence

may be deleted.

Semantic Representation:

The Case-frame of (273b & c) is: + G E + 0}

Sentence (273b) may be diagrammed as follows:

Proi
PrSdT Cl
I

I
I
V E
I
bi v,'
con cho
'undergo1 'the dog'
(non-beneficial)

danh con cho

■HhTP 'the dog'

Apply TR8, then TR11 to the embedded Prop.

Apply TR8 to the matrix Prop.
 202

Sentence (273c) may be diagrammed as follows:

(1 )

Pre< Cl C2

bi Prop
’undergo
(non-beneficial) Prei C2

danh con cho

0 ’the dog

Apply TR8 to the embedded Prop.

(2 )
Pro

Prec Cl C2

con cho Prop

'undergo1 ’the dog
(non-beneficial)
Pred C2

danh con cho

'hit' the dog

PR9: Case-Deletion (OBL) A nuclear Case is deleted in deep

structure of a sentence when it dominates an unspecified

RP (i.e. no lexical item is attached to the NP).

Apply TR9 to the Phrase-Marker (2), the result will be:

 203

Pr

Pra 01 02

bi con cho Prop

'undergo *the dog
(non-beneficial)
Pred 02

danh con cho

'hit' ’the d o g ’

Apply T R 1 1 : Equi-NP Deletion (OBL) to the embedded Prop,

Then, apply TR8 to the matrix Prop.

Pred

con chd bi Prop

H h e dog 'undergo1
(non-beneficial)
Pred

danh
'hit'

Consider: (274) a* Ba lanh •

E
Ba cold,
'Ba was c o l d '

b. Ba bi lanh.
E
Ba undergo cold,
(non-beneficial)
'Ba was cold'

c. * Ba bi Ba lanh.
* ('Ba undergo Ba cold*
(non-beneficial)
 204

d. * Ba bi Hai lanh.
* ( 'Ba undergo Hai cold'.)
(non-benefioial)

Syntactic Structure: The above examples show that:

If the matrix verb is bj. 'undergo an unhappy

experience* (i.e. a Submissive verb) and the verb of the

embedded sentence is lanh 'cold' (i.e. a State verb),

no HP can intervene between bi and l a n h .

Semantic Representation: The Case-frame of (274b) is:

+£ E^Pred (i.e. a Prop functioning

as a complement is embedded within the Pred).

Prop

Cl

Pro

Cl
k Pr^
'undergo* Ba
(non-beneficial) Y
lanh
“’cold'

Apply TR8, then TR11; Equi-HP Deletion to the embedded

Prop, the result will be:

?£0
Cl

Prop

bi Pred
'undergo'
(non-beneficial)
Ba

lanh
'c'ol'd'

Apply TR8 to the matrix Prop.

 205

Type 4: Exam p l e : Hy-vong 'expect*.

(275) a. Ba hy-vong thanh-cong.

E
'Ba expected to succeed'.

b. Ba hy-vong Ba thanh-cong.
E
'Ba expected himself to succeed.'

c. Ba hy-vong rang Ba thanh-cong.

E
'Ba expected that he would succeed'.

d. Ba hy-vong Mai thanh-cong.

E
'Ba expected Mai to succeed*.

e. Ba hy-vong rang Mai thanh-cong.

1"
'Ba expected that Mai would succeed'.

Syntactic Structure; The above examples show that:

(i) Hy-vong; 'expect' is a matrix verb. It always occurs

in matrix sentences of complex syntactic constructions

(ii) The subject of the embedded sentence may or may not

be identical with the subject of the matrix sentence.

(275 b & d).

(iii) The subject of the embedded sentence may or may not

be deleted if it is identical with the subject of the

matrix sentence (e.g. 275a & b).

(iv) If the subject of the embedded sentence is not

identical with the subject of the matrix sentence, it

must be present in surface structure (e.g. 275d).

(v) The complementiser rang; 'that' optionally follows

the matrix verb (e.g. 275d & e).

(vi) The matrix verb can be separated from the verb of

the embedded sentence. If rang is used, the subject of

the embedded sentence should be present.

 206

H y-vong (rang) 'expect (that)' = + £ E + ~0)

Complement is er s (Abbreviation Comp) r a n g , l a . rang la

*t h a t 1

Rang: The complementiser rang ’that* which introduces

the Propositional complement is semantically empty,

and in many cases may be optionally deleted.

La: The complementiser la 'that1 which introduces the

Propositional complement is also semantically empty,

and in many cases may also be optionally deleted.

It is interchangeable with r a n g .

(275s) Ba hy-vong rang Mai thanh-cong •

Ba hy-vong la Mai thanh-cong .

expected that Mai would succeed!

It seems that rang is much preferred after some verbs.

(276) Toi the rang toi khong biet chuyen do-

?Toi th£ la toi khong biet chuyen do.

*1 swear that I do not know that story!

La is much preferred after other verbs.

(277) Toi thay la Ba CO

i
if

? Toi thay rang Ba CO if

'I see/realise
that Ba is reasonable!

Rang la The compound complementiser rang la (Lit:

that that) 'that' appears to have the same distribution

as r a n g .
 207

(278) Ba hy vong rang la Mai thanh-cong.

expected that Mai would succeed I

Because of the stylistic preference of each

speaker, it is not possible for me to propose a general

rule stating when and where one should use r a n g , la or

rang la.

It is certain that verbs take Predicator

complements and Propositional complements of Type 1 & Type 2

are ungrammatical with a complementiser. Ho speakers allow

rang or la after these verbs-

■ iu iii w w A i t ii ii m m *

(279) a. * Ba toan rang danh Hai.

* (’Ba intended that hit H a i I)

b. * Ba ep rang Hai di.

* ('Ba forced that Hai went I)

c. * Ba lam rang Hai di.

* ('Ba caused that Hai w e n t 1)

Rang or la or rang la is optionally used with:

(i) Belief verbs e.g. cho (rang), nghi (rang) 'take it for

granted, think (that)1, hy-vong (rang) ’expect (that)’, tin

(rang)’believe (that)’.

(ii) Sentiment verbs e.g. so (rang) 'fear (that), be afraid

f —

(that) tiec (rang) ’regret(that)'.

(iii) Knowledge v e r b s , e.g. biet (rang) 'know (that)', hieu

(r a n g ) ’und ers tand (t h a t )'.

(i-v ) Communication verbs e.g. noi (rang) 'say (that)', the

(rang) 'swear (that)', tuyen-bo’ (rang)

’ declare
2 —

(that), xac-nhan (rang)' confirm (that), bao

 208

(rang) 'tell (that)1, hoi (rang) 'ask (that), tra

l6i (rang) 'answer (that)'*

(280) Ba biet rang Hai la mot nan-nhan.

'Ba knows that Hai is a victim!

The question whether the complementiser should be

introduced in the Base or via a transformation is

discussed below.

There are two hypotheses concerning the sources for

complementiser: - The transformational hypothesis.

- The Base-Rule hypothesis.

The transformational hypothesis states that since the

complementiser has no meaning, no semantic effect,

it should be introduced transformationally.for example,

sentence (275e) Ba hy-vong rang Mai thanh-cong.

'Ba expected that Mai would succeed!

may be represented as follows:

'expect'

Pfed

thanh-cong Mai
'succeed'
 209

Apply the Complementiser Placement Transformational

Pule.

The segment Comp is inserted to the left of the

embedded Prop, adjoined to that embedded Prop-node.

Prop

Pred

hy-vong
'expect'

rang
that'

thanh-cong Mai
succeed'

Apply subject-fronting (OBL) to the embedded Prop first

then the matrix Prop.

Prop

hy-VQnK
1e x pect1
Comp Pred
L-
rang
1that V

Mai thanh-cong
■IjrtlT. I !'
<■ IW W l M Mfr
'succeed1

The Base-Rule hypothesis: In this study, the existence of

complementiser is marked in the lexicon as an

idiosyncratic syntactic feature of the verb, e.g.

 Havana (rang) 'hope (that)': + C E+6]

For this reason, the complementiser is included in the

Base Rules.

BR6 : 0 ---- > (Comp) + Prop (where C = 0)

Sentence (275e) may be diagrammed as follows:

Prop

Pred Cl 02

hy-vong Ba Comp Prop

'expect

Pred Cl

V B

Mai
1succeed'

Apply TR8: Subject-fronting to the embedded Prop

first, then the matrix Prop.

Relative Constructions.

Relative Constructions are not required by the

syntactic and semantic features of the verbs. They may

occur as modifiers of any EP in the sentence, regardless

of the semantic function of the NP. Relativisation in

Vietnamese is handled in the Base by recursive Props

following EPs.

BR 3 : E P ----- ^ EP + Prop

The tree format of this Base Rule is:

This tree format is conventionally called the Relative

Construction in this thesis.

Vietnamese has only one relative pronoun, i.e. ma

’who, which, whom, where, that' which is often absent

in Surface structure.

i __ ^
(281) Ba mua chiec xe ma Mai muon.
Ba buy classifier car that Mai want.
’Ba bought the car that Mai wanted 1

The Case-frame of mua 'buy' in the above sentence is:

-f- [* A + 0]

where 6 indicates the 0 Case in which a relative

construction has been embedded.

Sentence (281) may be represented as follows:

Prop

Pre C2

V A 0

mua Ba
rbuy

0
• A
chiec xe
'classifier''car' muon
'want'

chiec
'classifier’

Apply TR8: Subject-fronting (OBL) to the embedded Prop,

 212

the result is:

Prop

Pred Cl C2

Ba

Prop

Cl Pred C2

chiec xe
*classifier 1car

Mai muon
'want'

chi e c xe
'classifier' car

This Phrase-Marker shows that in the relative construction,

the BP dominated by 0 in the embedded Prop is identical with

27
the BP which is the left sister of the embedded Prop. '*

In order to obtain the surface structure of sentence (281),

we have to apply the TR12 (OBL) Relative Construction

Transformation (i.e. Relative Clause Transformation in

Jacobs & Rosenbaum, 1968: 200).

TR12 has two functions:

(i) It moves the BP inside the embedded Prop (which

is coreferential with the left sister BP of the

embedded Prop) to the front of the embedded Prop.

27. A is left sister of B if both A and B are immediately

dominated by the same node and if there is no node in between
them.
 213

(ii) It replaces the lexical items attached to that

NP by the relative pronoun m a .

The following. Phrase-marker illustrates:

Prop

mua Ba
’b u y 1

Pro

Cl Pred

chiec xe
'classifier car

Mai muon
ma 'want1
'that1

Apply TR8 Subject-fronting to the matrix Prop.

Ma is optionally deleted, e.g. the Phrase-Marker of

i
sentence: Ba mua chiec xe_(_____) Mai muon
A
Ba buy classifier car Mai want
’Ba bought the car that Mai wanted I

is:
Prop

01 Pred

Ba mua
buy
Prop

Cl Pred

chiec xe
’classTfier’ car Mai
 214

The relative pronoun ma is usually absent in

surface structure and unlike English, in subject as well

as object position.

(282) Go (sa) fliua non do di *

Lady that buy hat that go
’The lady who bought that hat left.’

This sentence may be represented as follows

JP^op

Cl

mua CO
buy' lady
if Det
1
i
non do
'hat ’t h a t 1

Apply TR8 (OBL) to the embedded Prop.

 215

P ro p

Pred

go

Pro

01 Pred

A V 0

i
Co mua
ibuy
HP
'lady1

Det

non
'hat' 't h a t 1

Apply T R 1 2 : Relative Construction,

'TR12 will replace

oo (dominated by A in the embedded Prop) by the relative

pronoun m a .

Apply TR8: Subject-fronting (OBL)

 Co
’lady *
V

ma mua let
(litthat) buy1
'who'
non
’h a t ' •that’
 217

CHAPTER 11.

Deep-Case Relationships in Vietnamese •

Part I ; Causal Cases.

In terms of participation in the activity, the

Causative, Authoritative, Agentive, Eorce and Instrumental

have one feature in common, i.e. Cause. They are directly

or indirectly responsible for the activity (except Force).

11.1 Causative (C a )

11.1.1 Definition: Causative is the Case designating a Th u m a n 1

entity who is a causer of an action, event or state.

11 .1.2 Identification: The Causative Case only occurs in

Causative constructions (see 5.2) with Causative verbs.

Coercive Causative is expressed by such Causative verbs as

I * \ 1
e p , ep buoc 'force', bat, bat buoc 'oblige, compel* and
i
thuyit-phuc 'persuade'

(283) Ba ep Bai di ■
Ca
'Ba forced Hai to go.'

Non-Coercive Causative is expressed by such Causative verbs

as de 'let', lam 'make, cause.'

(284) Ba lam Hai di .

Ca
'Ba caused Hai to go!

11.1.3. Surface Realisation: The Causative Case is always realised

as the subject in a Causative construction (see 5.2.4.3

and 1 0 . 3 • 2 . 2 ) .
 218

1 1 .2 . A u t h o r it a tiv e (A u ).

11.2.1. D efinition: Authoritative is the Case designating a

’h u m a n 1 entity who permits, orders or forbids somebody

to do something.

11.2.2. Identification: The Authoritative Case only occurs in

complex sentences w i t h Authoritative verbs, e.g. ra li n h ,

ra le n h , ’order, command1, cho phep 'allow, permit’, cam

'forbid'.

Difference between Authoritative and Causative

The notion Authority is associated with Authoritative

Case.

The notion Causality is associated with Causative Case.

Authority is different from causality, since if one

is permitted to perform a certain action, it does not

necessarily follow that the action is performed. In other

terms, in a situation where authority is exercised, the

person under authority has a choice of action; but in a

situation of causality, no choice is possible for the ’Causee1 .

(Leech, 1969: 205). For example, if a speaker says:

i 1 t

(285) Qng Hai cho phep sinh-vien hut thuoc trong lop
Au *
Mr.Hai allow student smoke in class
'Mr.Hai allowed the students to smoke in the classroom.'

A hearer does not know whether smoking takes place or not,

because there is always a possibility that no one takes

advantage of the permission.

 219

11,2*3 Surface Realisation: The Authoritative Case is always

realised as the subject of a complex sentence,

11.3* Agentive (A)

11,3*1 Definition; The Agentive Case is 1typically animate1 but not

po
always manifested by animate nouns. * An Agentive is an

immediate actor, doer, performer, manipulator or initiator

of an action.

The inherent basic sense of the verb sometimes

requires that the Agentive must be a 'human' entity, e.g.

(286)a. Lee
I i
am-sat
A J
Tong-Thong Kennedy .
A E
C+Human3 assassinate President Kennedy.
'Lee assassinated President_____Kennedy]

1 I
b. * Cop am-sat Tong-Thong Kennedy -
(1-Human * ")
*('The
tiger assassinated President Kenn e d y ] )

Action verbs specify what Agentive can perform

willfully and voluntarily (though in some cases not

necessarily).

11.3*2 Identification

Difference between Agentive and Authoritative

The Agentive directly carries out the action whereas

the Authoritative does not.

28. Like Fillmore (1968^:24), I am aware that the A_gentives are

sometimes manifested by 'inanimate' nouns like ngddi may
'robot' or 'human institution' nouns like chanh^phd 'government*
 220

Tests for Characterising Agentive.

Agentive is the Case required by all Action verbs.

One can distinguish the Agentive from other Gases by

applying the 'Lam gi* Test and Imperative Test*

('Bo what' Test)

In order to test whether an HP functions as an

Agentive Case or not, I replace all elements that come

after the HP to be identified by lam gi !do w h a t 1

If the question of the form:

HP + lam gi ?
1do what'

can be answered by the original sentence, the HP

functions as an Agentive Case. For example:

(287) Ba danh Hai.

'Ba hit Hail

Question: Ba lam gi ?
Ba do what
'Wha^did Ba do?'

Answer: - Ba danh Hai ’Ba hit Hail

Ba in (287) functions as an Agentive Case. Contrast this

with:

(288) Ba giong Mai.

'Ba resembles Mai.’

Question: Ba lam gi ?
Ba do what
’What did Ba d o ? ’
 221

This question cannot be answered by the

original sentence (i.e. sentence 288). Ba in (288)

does not function as an Agentive Case.

However, the test with lam gi 'do what' is not

i —
foolproof. Such verbs as 6 ’s t a y ’, ngoi 'sit1, and nam

'lie' do not express action and, therefore, do not permit

Agentive, but the following sentences are meaningful.

Question: Ba li gi *?

Ba do?'.

i
Answers: (289) a. Ba 6 do t6i 12 gi6 triia.
0

Ba stay there until 12 hour noon

Ba stayed there until noon'.

Ba nam tren guidng.

w

Ba lie on bed

Ba lay on the b e d '.

11 3*2 *2• Imperative Test

*

In Vietnamese, one may use one of the two

following sentences to order Ba to kill the rat.

(290) a. G-iet con c h u o t '.

'Kill the rati '

b. May giet con chuot

second singular
person (inferior)

'You kill the rat ’

 222

Now, consider: Bot D.D.T. giet con chuot.

Powder D.D.T, kill the rat.
'D.D.T. killed the rat.’
t
G-iet 'kill' in this sentence is also an Action verb, but one

cannot order D.D.T. to kill the rat.

Since DDT cannot take order or instruction, it cannot be

a performer of an action. It does not function as an

Agentive Case.

29
Inanimate physical objects and abstract ideas

cannot perform any action. They have neither energy nor

will. However, they appear as agents when they are

personified in metaphorical language as in fairy tales,

nursery rhymes and imaginative literature.

(291)a. Cai net danh chet cai dep.

classifier virtue hit die classifier beauty

'Good manners are more desirable than beauty'.

rO 1 /
rJ
b. Hoi cai dia chay tron vc3i cai muong.
Then classifier
plate run hide with

'Then the plate ran away with the spoon!

29. Exception: (i) Inanimate natural geographical celestial -

atmospheric entities, e.g. mat trdi 'sun', g i 6 'wind';
(ii) Meteorological.phenomena e.g. mda 'rain1, bao 'storm',
lut 'flood', dong dat 'earthquake'; T'iii) Inanimate natural
eographical entities relating to earth, e.^;. bien 'sea',
fai-diidng 'ocean', thac 'waterfall', nui Ida 'volcano'.
These things have a force of their own w h i c h enables them
to 'perform' certain actions,
 223

like the 1lam g i * Test, the Imperative Test is not

foolproof. Such Process and State verbs as thuong 'love1,

kinh trong 'respect', vui 'happy', thanh that 'honest',

r6ng ldbng 'generous' do not express action but are used

in imperative.

(292) Thdong que-hdong minh.'

'Love our country.' 1

The above sentence is in imperative mood, but it does not

characterise Agentive.

11.3.3 Surface Realisation

11.3.3 .1* In an active simple sentence, the Agentive Case

occurs before the Action verb as subject.

S V 0
1
(293) Ba giet con c huot.
A E

'Ba killed the r a t '.

11.3.3 ,2. In a passive sentence, the Agentive is preceded by do 'by.'

j
(294) Con chuot do Ba giet.
A
'The rat was killed by Ba'.

11.3.3 3. In submissive constructions, the Agentive - if it occurs -

follows bi or ddoc.

(295) Con chuot bi Ba giet.

A
'The rat was (non- killed by Ba'.
beneficial)
 224

11*3.3*4. In object-topicalised sentences, the Agentive - if it occurs -

follows the topicalised object.

0 S Y
/ —
(296) Con chuot do Ba giet roi.
E A
classifier rat that Ba kill already,
1 has killed .'

11.3*4* Collective Agentive (Coll. A)

(297) Toa Bach-oc tuyen-bo rang My se

Coll.A.
White building declare that America will

ung-ho Nam Dai-Han.

support South Korea.

'The White House declared that the United States would

support South KoreaJ

Toa Bach-6c 'The White House' does not refer to a building

but to a political institution (i.e. an institution of

human beings).

30 *
According to the context^ , such nouns as quoc-hdi

'Parliament', nha thrfong (colloquial Yietnamese) or

bjnh-vien, benh-vien. y-vien (Sino-Yietnamese)

'hospital', toa an 'court of Justice', Bo G-iao -Due

'Ministry of Education', Bo Lao-Bdng'Ministry of LabourJ

Trung-Tam Ho.c-Lieu 'Instructional materials Centre',

^ !
Nha Yan-Hoa
1
'Directorate of Cultural Affairs', Phu

30. By context I mean, for example, what question(s)

preceded, what is the topic of the conversation or
discourse, and what presuppositions are involved.
 225

'i 1
Thu-Tuong ’Prime-Minister*s Office1 can be regarded as

governmental institutions, i.e. institutions of human

beings or Collective Agentive.

11.3.5• Syntactic Position of Agentive

It is not the case that surface sentence-

subjects, for example, always play a particular Semantic

Role such as ’Agentive1. Consider the grammatical

subjects in the following sentences.

) a . Ba
A
chay ,

’Ba ranJ

b. Ba cao.
0
’Ba is tallJ

c. Ba trung so .
B 0
'Ba won the lotteryJ

d. Ba buon.
R
’Ba is sadJ

e . Ba
3a
en Hai di -

'Ba forced Hai to goJ

f. Ba cho nhen Hai di .

TxL
i'Ba allowed Hai to go

Prom the examples illustrated above, it is obvious

that surface subjects do not have a constant semantic

 226

function. But like English, in Vietnamese whenever there

is an Agentive in a simple active sentence, it is automa­

tically the subject of the sentence.

11.3•6. Deletion of Agentive

Agentive is a nuclear Case which is required by

Action verbs. However, it may or may not be present

in surface structure. Eollowing are six cases where the

Agentive is not present in surface structure (but must be

present in deep structure (see Deletion in Chapter 2 ))

Eirst, in object-topicalised sentences.

V 0
(299) 1 oi ban
A 0
'I'm selling this house I

b. 0 . S j
Hha-nay toi ban.
0 A
'Thishouse I'm sellingJ

c. 0 _ (S) V
Hha-nay ( ) ban
0
'This house
I is for sale!

Second, in imperative sentences.

(300) &iet con chuoti

'Kill the ratJ
 227

T h ir d , in i n f o r m a l c o n v e r s a tio n *

Ba (501) a. ( ) Bi dau do ?
(You) go where there
'Where are (you) going?'

H a i ; b. (_) Di cho.
A

(I) go market.
1 (£’) & going to market I

Fourth, the Agentives are usually not present on

posters and in legal or administrative articles and

documents. These deleted Agentives stand for the

constitutional or administrative authority, or a public

institution or a private enterprise.

; ,

(502) Way (_) thiet-lap toa Bai-sd Viet-Wam tai Luan-Bon,

A F L
Wow establish Embassy Viet-Wam at London.
•Wow(We) establish the Vietnamese Embassy in L o n d o n i

Fifth, in submissive constructions, Vietnamese

submissive constructions usually have no surface Agentive.

This is the case when the agent is irrelevant or

unknown, as in:

(303) Hai bi (_) danh

E A
Hai undergo (non-beneficial) hit.
'Hai was hit '(by)
 228

Sixth, in poems, proverbs and folk songs.

Con t r a i (3Q4) Horn qua ( ) tat miiic dau lang,

A
( ) Bo quen cai ao tren canh haa sen.

Em dh6c thi cho Anh xin,

Hay la Em gui lam tin trong nha?
(QaSdao).

*The b o y : Yesterday (I) was flooding fields for rice,

(I) left my~"shirt on a lotus.
You took it? Please send it to me,
Or you want to keep it as a trop h y ? 1

11.3.7 Agentive and the notion 'Volition1.

'Volition1 is often used as a criterion to

distinguish Agentive from other Cases (Lee, 1969; Liles,1975)

i i
(305) Ba lang nghe tieng d o n g .
A 0
'Ba listened to the noise.'

(306) Ba nghe tieng d o n g .

W 0
'Ba heard the noiseJ

'Listening' is what one can do volitionally but not

'hearing'. Thus, Ba in (305) is an Agentive but

Ba in (306) is an Experiencer.

In Vietnamese, a speaker can describe an

intentional or volitional action of an agent in several

different ways. Eor example, he can use:

 229

— the time-relationship particle dang ’in the process o f

(307). Ba dang: cat ngon tay a n h .

A 0
’Ba
mmmmm
is cutting
— * ■— i m, ar —
his fingeri
nmMtMHMMtHMHHMHaMM

7
_ the auxiliaries e.g. phai
1
’m u s t ’, dam ’dare',

/ \ 1 ^ 1
(308), Ba phai cat ngon ta.v anh.
A 0
'Ba must cut his finger!

— the purposive Case.

I I
(309)• Ba cat ngon tay anh de tron
X" O' purposive
'Ba cut his finger in order to escape

quan-dich .
the military service.
’

\ 1
-Voli t i o n a l verbs e.g. quyet dinh 'decide1, chap-thuan

'agree ', bang long 'consent.'

< j ,
(310) Ba quyet-dinh cat ngon tay anh.
A
'Ba decided to cut his fingerJ

1
„ verbs dung 'use*, lay 'take!

1
(311) Ba dung dao cat ngon tay anh.
A I
'Ba used a knife to cut his fingerJ

-man n e r expressions, e.g.

1 ^
mot each can-than 'in a careful mannerJ

mot each de-dang 'in an easy manner!

1 ^
mot each gian-du 'in a furious manner!
 230

(312) Ba cat ngon tay anh mot each gian-dd •

A —
•Ba cut his finger in a furious manner.
1

-sentences containing verbs like eg 'force', bat-buoc

i j i j
•oblige', co-gang 'try', khoi s u , bat dau 'begin!
I ’ ' i
(315) Ba. .co-gang cat ngon tay anh .
A
'Ba tried to cut his finger.'

In order to state clearly that the action is

accidental, the speaker must use, for instance, such

manner expressions as:

mot each vo-tinh 'in an inadvertent manner!

mot each l o - d e n h ' 'in a neglectful manner!

mot each sb y 'in a careless manner!

How, consider: (3^4) Ba cat ngon tay a n h .

T o

Different Vietnamese speakers interpret this

sentence in different ways. Some say that the action

is non-volitional because one does not normally perform an

action like cutting one's finger. Thus, Ba is not an agent.

31
Others argue that sentence (314) is ambiguous * Ba

may cut his finger volitionally or non-volitionally.

31. A number of tests have b e e n proposed for distinguishing

between ambiguity and vagueness. Consider Lakoff's (1970) test.
(i) Mary likes visiting relatives.
(ii) Harry kicked Sam.
Sentence (i) is ambiguous, since it means either that Mary
likes to visit relatives or that she likes relatives who
are visiting. Sentence (ii) is vague because the speaker did
not mention which foot Harry used.
 231

The problem now, is: 'Should the HP be specified as

an Agentive if there is non-volitional involvement?'

For example, in (315) Ba cat ngon tay anh mo.t each vo t i n h .

'Ba cut his finger in an inadvertent
manner!
or'Ba inadvertently cut his finger!

Should Ba be specified as an Agentive or an Experiencer?

It seems to me that by using the auxiliaries

? i — 1
phai 'must', dam 'dare', verbs dung 'use', lay 'take *, manner

expressions etc., one simply brings out the volition or non­

volition of the participant, and it does not make an

Action verb a Process or a State verb, even conceptually.

In sentence (314)» whether the action performed is

volitional or non-volitional, there is no difference in the way

it is performed. In (315) it is obvious that Ba is engaged

in the activity of cutting his finger, though not willfully.

Thus, Ba must be specified as an Agentive.

11.4. Force

11.4-1 Definition: The Force Case refers to the 'inanimate'

unintentional performer or non-responsible causer of an

event. It is a causer which is not subject to

anybody's control. It never co-occurs with Agentive.

11.4.2 Identification: For most educated Vietnamese people,

atmospheric phenomena occur without Agentive participants.

They are identified as Borce when they occur with Action

verbs.
 232

Difference between Force and Agentive.

* 7.
Consider (316) a. Ba m6 cda.
A 0
'Ba opened the d o o r '.

/ 1 1
b. G-io md cua.
Force 0
1The wind opened the d o o r '.

To distinguish Force from Agentive, I shall use three

tests: Coordination Test, Imperative Test and

Instrumental Test.

11.4.2.1. Coordination T e s t : Force and Agentive are different Cases

since they cannot he conjoined.

/ 1 i
(317) * Ba va gio mo ciia.
A Force 0
*('Ba and the wind opened the d o o r . ')

11.4.2.2. Imperative T e s t : One can order Ba (but not gio

'the wind') to open the door.

* %.
(318) Mo ctfa.'
'Open the d o o r ! '

11.4.2.3. Instrumental T e s t : An Agentive can co-occur with an

Instrumental Case whereas a Force Case cannot.

(319) a. Ba m6 cua gay. bang

T" IT I
Ba opened the door with a stick 1

I ^ 1 VI "

10* * G1 Q cm
gay. bang
Force ”75“ ----- jl ----
*(* The
wind opened the door with a s t i c k '.)

The above tests prove that Force and Agentive

 233

a re d if f e r e n t C ases.

11.4.3 Surface Realisation; In an active simple sentence, Force

is always realised as subject.

11.4•4. Atmospheric phenomena

Verb Noun or Classifier + Noun

Bao 1storm' Bao 'the st o r m ’ Cdn bao 1the stori

Mua 'rain’ Miia 'the r a i n ’ Cdn mala •the rain
Gio 'wind' Gio 'the wind ’ C6n __ £io ’the wind

Whenever tr6i (lit: God) is used with the atmospheric

phenomena verbs, it functions as Force.

Troi bao ■ Troi mua . Trdi gio .

Force Force Force
God storm God rain God wind
1It storms.1 1It rains.1 ’I t ’s windy.1

11.5. Instrumental (i)

11.5.1 Definition: The Case denoting

(l) the thing which is used by the agent to perform

the action. It is the unwitting, generally ’inanimate1

participant in the activity described by the verb.

It is called the Instrumental Tool (I Tool) in this

t hesis.

(321) Ba danh con cho bang: gay ,

T” E I Tool
'Ba hit the dog with a stick!
 234

(2) the mode of communication (or transport) (i.e.

Instrumental Mode (I M o ))

(322) Ba di Hue bang xe d o .

A , IMo
Ba went to Hue b.y coach J

(3) the material of which an object is made (i.e.

Instrumental Material (iMa)).

1
(323) Ba dan ro b ang tre.
A F "" I Ma
'Ba wove baskets of bamboo.'

(4) the method of doing something (i.e. Instrumental

Method (I Me))

(324) Ba giat cali aolanh bang tay.

A” o I Me
'Ba washed the sweater by hand J

(5) the stimulus for the psychological experience

(i.e. Instrumental Psychological Stimulus (I psych.

Stimulus)).

(325) Ba giong Mai.

I Psych.Stimulus 0
Ba resembles M a i .'

(6) the stimulus or immediate physical cause of an

event (i.e. Instrumental Physical Stimulus (I Phys.

Stimulus)). (Fillmore, 1 9 6 9 a : 116).

(326) Ba ban Mai chiec xe gia 300 dong.

“ E 0 1 Phys. Stimulus
'Ba sold Mai the car for 300 piastres
G-ia 500 dong 'for 500 piastres' is the stimulus of
the cost to the buyer (i.e. M a i ).
 235

11.5.2. Id e n tific a tio n

(1) I Tool, I Mo, I Ma and I Me occur in the grammatical

construction of the following form:

NPl-Y~NP2~bang (Lit: by) 'with1 - FP3

Conditions: NP1 and FP2 cannot be identical to FP3

FP1 functions as a n Agentive.

If V is a Motion verb, HP3 functions as an I Mo

(Example 322).

If V is a Factitive verb, FP3 functions as an I Ma

(Example 323).

If Y is an Action verb (but not a Factitive or a

Motion verb), EP3 functions as an I Tool (Example 321).

If V is an Action verb (but not a Motion verb), FP3

functions as an I Me (Example 324 ).

(2) I Tool and I Ma also occur in the grammatical

construction of the following form:

HP1 - dung 'use' - KP3 - (de'in order t o ' )-V--hP2

J
lay 'take, pick up'

Conditions: NP1 and FP2 cannot be identical to KP3

NP1 functions as an Agentive.

If V is a Factitive verb, HP3 functions as an I Ma.

If Y is an Action verb (but not a Factitive or a Motion verb)

EP3 functions as an I Tool.

Examples:

(3 2 7 ) a. Ba lay gay danh con cho .

A I Tool E
'Ba took a stick to hit
 236

}
b. Ba lay tre dan ro .
A IMa P
'Ba took bamboo to weave baskets I

(3) The Instrumental denoting the stimulus for the

psychological experience is selected by such verbs as

giong 'resemble', khac 'differ' and tdong-16/1uong-1 d

'be similar t o 1. It occurs in the grammatical

construction of the following form:

HPl V NP2

giong 'resemble'
or khac 'differ'
or tdong-t6 'be similar to'

UP1 functions as an Instrumental Psychological Stimulus.

MP2 functions as an Objective.

(4) The Instrumental denoting the stimulus or

immediate physical cause of an event is selected

by such verbs as mua 'buy', ban 'sell', gay r a ,

lam ’c a u s e '.

*1 — *’

(328) Taj nan do gay ra cuoc bieu-tinh.

I Phys.Stimulus 0
*That accident caused the demonstration.'

11.5*3- Surface Realisation; The Instrumental may occur

(l) In the subject position of an active simple

J
sentence before such verbs as giong 'resemble',

khac 'differ', tudng-td 'be similar to' and

gay ra, lam 'cause'.

M K n N M IW IH IIf *
1 "" .—.......
 237

(2) in the object position of an active simple sentence

after another UP , with or without being preceded

by preposition bang 'with1.

(329) a. Ba danh con cho bang gay ,

A E I Tool
*Ba hit the dog with a stickJ

• 1 4 -
b. Ba ban Mai chiec xe gia 500 dong *
A E 0 I Phys. Stimulus
'Ba sold M a i the car for 500 piastres.
1

(3) in the object position of a complex sentence, after

^ i
verb dung ’use* or lay 'take, pick up.'

11.5.4. Instrumental Tool (I Tool)

11.5.4.1 Instrumental Tool and Agentive.

The Instrumental Tool and^Agentive Cases are distinguished

from each other syntactically and semantically.

(1) Syntactic differences.

- In an active sentence, A always occurs in the subject

position, while I Tool always occurs in the object position.

- A is not preceded by any preposition, while I Tool is

preceded by the preposition bang 'with' when it occurs in

an active simple sentence.

(2) Semantic differences.

- The EP specified as I Tool is normally 'inanimate'

whereas A is 'animateI
 238

- I Tool and A cannot be coordinated.

(330) * Ba va gay danh con cho .

A I Tool E
* ( *Ba and a stick hit the _dog!)

- An Agent can cause a tool to cause something to

happen while a tool cannot cause something to

happen by itself.

-• Body parts and Weapons.

Body parts (e.g. tay 'h a n d 1, ngon tay 'finger1, canh

tay ’a r m ’, moi 'lip1, chan 'foot') and weapons (e.g.

bom 'bomb1, M u dan 'grenade', hoa-tien 'rocket', min

'dynamite') can function as an I Tool.

(331) Ho giet linh My bang min.

A E I Tool
They kill soldier American by dynamite.
'They killed American soldiers with dynamiteJ

(332) Two I Tool Cases can be co-ordinated.

J i _ i
Ho giet linh My bang min va hoa t \m.
A E I Tool
' TBeyjkilled American
1 soldiers with dynamite and rockets I

Eor Vietnamese speakers, parts of the body are

'inanimate'. An inanimate object cannot perform an action

by means of its own energy, it must be at the service of an

agent.
 239

(333) Mai gai ling

A 0 I Tool
Mai scratch back by nail hand
1Mai scratchedher back with her fingernails•

11.5.4 .3. Atmospheric Phenomena are God's Instruments.

Troi (South Vietnamese) f

Gioi (North Vietnamese) (Lit: God, Heaven, Lord).

Ong Troi/Qng Gioi

32
Being influenced deeply by Buddhism ,

uneducated Vietnamese people believe that there is an

invisible world around them. In this world, there are

a God, many spirits, ghosts, angels and d e v i l s ^ . For

example, Tan-Vien is a spirit who controls the mountains;

Ha-Ba is a devil who makes people drown and sampans sink

32. Close to some 80$ of the people of Vietnam identify

themselves as adherents of Buddhism in some form. Because
of the war, about 75$ of the population of Vietnam is
illiterate.

33* God is someone who is not a part of the world and

who can do what he wants with it.
A ghost is soul of dead person in Hades (i.e. lower
world) etc., or dead person appearing to the
living.
A spirit is someone thought of as being inferior to
God.
An angel is a g o o d spirit.
A devil is a bad spirit.
 240

in large lakes and rivers; Tien-Dong and Hgroc-M are

boy and girl angels.

God is the creator of universe. He judges

human beings1 deeds and controls all angels, spirits,

devils and ghosts. All atmospheric and climatic

phenomena are considered as God's Instrumental Tools.

Por example, whenever an outbreak of fire is followed

by heavy rain, people say:

(534) Tr6i dung mua dap tat ngon lua.

A I Tool
God use rain to extinguish the flame.
'God used rain to extinguish the flame!

About 75$ of the population of Vietnam consists

of farmers and their families, most of whom are

actively engaged In the cultivation of rice (Unesco Report,

1974).

It is said that (Kham, 1971) in the old

days, whenever the country was dry for a long period,

peasants could not grow rice plants and many people

died because of famine, the Emperor and his court

officials organised religious ceremonies to pray to God

for rain.

Since water is an absolutely necessary pre­

requisite to rice cultivation in irrigated fields,

it is always a subject of deep concern for Vietnamese

people. Their wish of rainfall is evidenced by the

following pathetic folk song:

 241

>
Lay Tr6i miia xuong,
/

Bay mifec toi uong,

Lay ruong toi cay,
Lay bat cdm day,
Lay khuc c& to.

'I pray to G-pd for the rain to fall down,

So that Imay get water for drinking,

So that I could plough my paddy field,

So that Imay get a full bowl of cooked rice,

So that Imay get a big portion of fish'J

11.5*4 •4 • Instrumental Tool and Incorporation.-

A great number of Vietnamese verbs h a s the

idiosyncratic semantic features associated with the objects.

When the object is semantically absorbed into the verb,

there is no deep Case in either surface or deep structure.

But when it is specified, it functions as an Instrumental

Tool Case and appears in both surface and deep structure

of the sentence in question. For example, Vietnamese

speakers do not say;

' A. / ^7
(3 3 6 ) * Toi nghe tieng cho sua voi tai t o i .
E 0 1 Tool.
I hear sound dog bark with ear I
?1 I heard the d o g ’s barkings with my ears t

But (337) Toi nghe tieng cho sua.

E 0
1I h eard the d o g !s barkings!

Similarly, it is natural to say:

i x
(338) Ba bua cui.
A' 0
*Ba split woodJ
 242

However, for preciseness, a speaker may say:

(339) Ba bda cui bang dao r d a .

m n
A 0 I Tool,
Ba split wood by cleaver
♦Ba split wood with a cleaver I

Hollowing are some types of Action and Sense

verbs with their particular associated objects.

J i
♦Gu t ting1 v e r b s : Associated with cat (vai) fcut (the clot h)1

cai keo ♦the scissors1; with chat (thjt) 1cut (meat)1

is dao phay fa kitchen k n i f e 1 or 'a butcher^s k n i f e 1,

1 j T
with bda/bo cui ♦split (wood)', dao rub !a cleaver1;
X i
With mo ♦dissect, operate o n 1, dao mo (a scal p e l 1;
i
with don(cay) !cut (a tree) down or fell (a t r e e ) 1,

cai run fan a x 1; with xe (banh) ♦slice (cake)1, dao

ban fa dining-table knife I

I
Cultivation v e r b s : Associated with cuoc !dig o u t 1 is
1
cai cuoc
J. 1
fa p i c k 1; with tuoi ♦water1, binh tu'oi
~ i
♦a watering c a n 1 or voi nuoc !a h o s e 1 (or other
r t

suitable water carrier) and nuoc ♦water♦; with hon

♦fertilize1, do bon ♦fertilizer♦ or phan bon ♦manure1;

with nho ♦pull, upro o t 1, ban tay fva canh t a y )

♦the hands (and the a r m ) 1; with tat (ao) ♦irrigate,

bail out (a pond)*, cai gau^ !a scoop or b a i l e r 1;

r-—

with cay ♦plow1, cai cay ra p l o w 1, ldoi cay fa

34. There are two types of scoop: gau dai is a bucket with
long ropes operated by two persons; gau song is a
bucket with a long handle, hung from tripod and
operated by one person.
 243

ploughshare1; with bda 'harrow1, cai bila 'a harrow*;

*— / — /J
with cao 'rake', cai cap 'a r a k e 1; with cay 'transplant1,
*f 1
ma 'rice seedlings'; with cat co 'cut the grass' or

'mow', l udi liem 'a s i c k l e 1 or may cat co 'a lawn

mowerI

'Sewing1 ve r b s . Associated with may (South Vietnamese) or

khan, (Horth Vietnamese) 'sew ', mang 'darn1, theu

'embroider', ddm 'sew on', ya 'mend, patch' are

i
k im may 'sewing-needle' and chi 'thread I

Carpentry v e r b s : Associated with cua 'saw' is cai cua

'a saw'; with khoan 'drill' is cai khoan 'a drill';

with bao 'p l a n e ', cai bao 'a p l a n e ', with dui

'pierce', cai dui 'an awl', with van (vit)^ 'screw',

do van vit 'a screwdriver', with dua 'file', cai

dua 'a f i l e 1; with due 'chisel', cai due 'a chisel';

with xeng
1 I ?
'shovel', cai xeng 'a shovel'.

Motion v e r b s : Associated with chay 'run', nhay 'jump',

di bo 'walk', trddt tuyet 'ski, s k a t e 1, khieu-vu 'dance',

is chan or chun 'the legs'.

35. Vit is a French-loan word (i.e. vis 'screw').

 244
/ i
B odily touching verbs Associated with v u o t , vuot ve

'stroke, caress', nom 'clutch', turn lay 'grasp',

j i L
A~ a ""
(cam) d b a 'handle',
m l m r m l - • •rrJ - "
11 " - r
(cam), gul
' m im i im niwifi rwfirmmfcMii mm
'hold',9 vay 'wave', *

rJ —

6m 'hug', mo m a m , do d a m . qu6/qu6 'grope

(for)', keo
‘ ^
'puli', lay, lac 'shake' is t a y , ban tay
-
i
'the h a n d 1 or canh tay 'the arm' or both; with
^ J_____________________ _
vo tay 1c l a p ', xoa 'p a t ', tat 's l a p ' is long ban

t ay, 'the flat of tji© hand'; with dam 'jab, punch'

is uam tay 'the f i s t 1 or 'the knuckles of the hand';

j - ? i
with thich, thui 'elbow', oui cho or khuyu tay

'the elbow'; with bo 'crawl', ban tay va dau

goi 'hands and knees'.

Sense v e r b s ; Hive body parts: mat 'eye', tai 'ear',

i ^
mui 'nose', tay 'hand' and ld6i 'tongue' are used in

perceiving the real world. They are usually incorporated

into the sense verbs.

J -

Sense verbs in Vietnamese a r e : thay 's e e ', dom,

n g o ;coi (South Vietnamese), trong, n h i n , xem

i
(North Vietnamese) 'look (at)', ngam 'contemplate',
i
quan sat 'observe, watch', nghe 'hear', lang nghe
/ ^
'listen to', sd, ro, mo 'touch', nem 'taste', ngdi,
1.
hbi 's m e l l '.

i „ %
Miscellaneous: Associated with ui 'iron', ban ui 'an iron',
1
with cao 'shave', dao cao 'a r a z o r ’; with nut
^ i
'suck', moi 'the lips'; with chop mat 'wink',
i ^ ^i f-j
mi mat 'the eyelids'; with liem 'lick', luoi 'tongue';

with qui 'kneel', dau goi

A
'the knees'; with v i e t ,
I
ban tay 'the hands'; with khoa 'lock', chia khoa
 245

'a key'; with mo

} ,
'peck1, cai mo
i ’a beak, a b i l l 1; with
i ^ j
g a m , nham 'gnaw1, can 'bite1, rang 'the teet h ' ; with ban
i i. i
'shoot', sung 'a pistol'; with xev 'fold', uon cong 'bend',

ban tay 'the hands 1

Before this section (11.5*4.) is concluded, one

point needs to be considered. For a number of Vietnamese

speakers, the following sentences are synonymous.

(340) Ba danh c on cho

A E I Tool
'Ba hit the dog with a sticki
/

(341) Ba lay gay danh con cho

A I Tool Purposive
'Ba took a stick to hit the .£q & L

However, it seems to me that sentence (340) is

not synonymous with sentence (341). The reasons are as

follows:

1. The Case-frame of danh 'hit' in sentence (340) is:

A+E+I Tool}

The Case-frame of lay 'take' in sentence (341) is:

+[--- — A+I Tool + Purposive]

The difference between two Case-frames proves that sentences

(340) and (341) have different underlying structures.

2. Sentence (340) implies that the dog has been hit with a

stick (the action has already happened).

Sentence (341) implies that Ba has taken a stick but

possibly he has not performed his actual action of hitting

the dog yet.

 246

3- Sentence (341) can have a continuation like (342), but

sentence (340) cannot be continued like (343)*

(342) Ba lay gay danh con cho

’Ba took a stick to hit the dog
nhung con cho tr^ah don.
but the dog dodged (the blow).*
(343) * Ba danh con cho bang gay nhdng con cho tranh d o n .
*( 'Ba hit the dog with a'sticKc lout the dog dodged '('the
blowT 1)

11.5.5 * Instrumental Mode (I M o ).

The I Mo is selected by Motion verbs such as

di 'go', ve 'r e t u r n ' and den 'come to'.

F
(344) Ba di Hue bang . xe do.
A I Mo
Ba go Hue by coach
'Ba went to Hue b y _____ c o a c h . ’

(Here, the preposition bang 'by' expresses the meaning

'by means o f ) .

Vietnamese speakers do not say:

i
(345) a. * Ba dung xe do di Hue. ^
Ba used a coach to go to H u e ?
)
b. * Ba lay xe do di Hue. /
Ba took a coach to go to H u e '.

In daily conversation, bang is omitted if the Goal

Case is unspecified.

(346) Ba di xe do.
A IMo
Ba go coach
'Ba went by coach.'

Goal case is manifested

a prepositional phrase, bang may or may not be

present in surface structure.
 247

Ba di xe do tdi Hue ,
A Bo
1: Q,
Ba go coach to Hue
•Ba went coach to Hue!

11
Ba di bang xe do
LIllH
16\r Hue
A I "Mo G X
Ba go by coach to Hue
•Ba went by
w m w o n n
coach to Hue 1 •

There are such expressions as:

Toi di xe
*3 6 .
xich- ■16 •I went by pedicab
Toi di xe buyt ’I went by b u s .
1
Toi di xe tac -xi • 'I went by taxi!
•I
Toi di xe hdi-( South Vietnamese) 'I went by carl
Toi di xe o-to-(North Vietnamese) 'I went by c ar. 1
Toi di xe mo-to• ’I went by motor-bikeJ
Toi di xe 'I went by Vespa I
Toi di xe lam-bret-ta 'I went by lambretta!

The I Mo cannot be conjoined with the I Tool.

Two separate activities indicated by two I Mo Oases

can be conjoined.

(348) Ba di Hue bang xe do va t a u .

A a I Mo I lo
Ba went to Hue by coach and boat!

3 6 . Names of products of western material culture are very

often transliterations from French. For example:
Vietnamese French English
1 ^
xe xich-lo cyclo-pousse pedicab
xe buyt bus bus
xe tac-xi taxi taxi
xe o-to automobile car
xe mo-to motocyclette motor-cycle or
motor-bike
xe vet-pa^, Vespa motor-scooter
xe lam-bret-ta lambretta motor scooter
xe tang tank tank
xe mo-bi-let mobilette junior-size
motorcycle
 248

This sentence m e a n s : 1Ba went to Hue by coach but

/
for some reason, e.g. some parts of the road to Hue

were destroyed by bombs or the coach broke down

unexpectedly, he had to continue his journey by boat.1

11 .5.6 Instrumental Method (I Me)

The I Me Case indicates the method, the way or the

technique an agent uses in order to make, to create or to

perform something.

S V ( 01 02
(549) Mai dan ao lanh bang tay.
A T-
- I Me
Mai knit sweater by hand
'Mai knitted the sweater by hand I

S V 01 _02
(550) Mai dan ao lanh bang m a y .
A B I Me
’Mai knitted the sweater by machine.1

'by hand' and bang may 'by machine* denote the

method by which the sweater was made

Difference between I Me and I Tool

The I Me and I Tool can occur with most

Action verbs. However, the I Me Case cannot occur in

the grammatical construction of the following form:

 249

HP1 “ 'use' - MP3 - (d£ 'in order to')-V-HP2

or
lay 'take, pick u p '

(351) Ba lay gay danh con cho

A I Tool Purposive
'Ba took a stick to hit the dog!

(352) * Ba lay tay dan ao lanh.

* ( 'Ba took his hands to knit the sweateri )

11.5.7 Instrumental Material (I M a ).

11.5.7 .1 Difference between I Ma and I Tool.

The main difference between I Ma and I Tool is

that in their involvement in the activity, the I Tool does

not get changed but the I Ma gets used up or changed in some

way. (Le-Kawatana, 1970).

The occurrence of I Tool and I Ma depends on the

type of activity denoted by the verb. Unlike I Tool,

I Ma does not occur with Destruction verbs such as

' J
danh 'hit1 dam 'stab', giet 'kill', ban 'shoot.'
pb m m h m w k m n a tiM w u m m bm m m

Both I Tool and I Ma can occur with Factitive verbs,

/

e.g. l a m , dong 'make', tao 'create', x a y . c a t 'build,

erect', lflp 'cover!

(353) Mai lam banh bang bo.t g a p .

I jfe
Mai make cake by flour rice.
'Mai made cake w ith rice flour!
i ^ ^ j
(354) Mai lam banh bang bep th a n .
T S too X
Mai make cake by oven charcoal.
'Mai made cake with a charcoal oven.'

I Ma and I Tool can be coordinated.

(355) Mai lam banh bang bot gao Va b ep than ,

T “F ” --- TTfla I 'fool
«Mai made cake with rice flourjand a charcoal oven!
 250

However, the conjoined Gases (i.e. I Ma and I Tool)

in sentence (355) do not "have their source in an

adnominal comitative" (Anderson, 1977: 41). By this,

I mean the two activities of using b<at gao 'rice f l o u r 1

i
anc^ bep than 'charcoal oven' in order to make cake

do not happen at the same time. They are two separate

activities.

Prom the evidence above, it is possible to say

that the I Tool can occur w i t h any Action verb but the

I Ma generally occurs with Factitive verbs only.

Both I Tool and I Ma can be topicalised

Instrumental Tool
I
(356). a. Toi dung dao na.y cat thit .
A I Tool Purposive
'I used this knife to cut meat]

b. Dao nay. toi dung cat t h i t .

TTool A Purposive
'This knife. I used to cut meat.'

c. Dao nay dung cat thit •

I Tool Purposive
This knife use cut m e a t .
'This knife is used to cut meat.'

Instrumental Material
(357). a. Toi dung bot nay lam banh .
A IMa "“Purposive
'I used this flour to make cake!

b. toi dung lam banh *

I Ma A Purposive
'This flour, I used to make cakeI

c. Bot nay dung lam banh .

Purposive
'This flour is used to make cake!

However, in normal situations, the Instrumental Tool is

dependent on the Agentive; if the Agentive is not specified,

 251

the Instrumental Tool does not occur.

(358) a. Ba danh con cho hang gay.

A E “ I Tool
'Ba hit the dog w ith a stick.'

b. * Con cho danh bang gay.

* ( 'The dog hit with a s t i c k ')

The Instrumental Material can occur without the Agentive

in surface structure.

(359) a. Ba l6p nha bang tr a n h .

T~ B I Ma
Ba cover house by thatch
'Ba covered the house with thatch.'

b. Eha l6p bang_____ tranh.

E I Ma
House cover by thatch.
'The house was
covered with thatch.

(360) a. Ba lam gidong bang c a y .

3T" E “ I Ma
'Ba made the bed with wood.'

b. G-itlong lam bang c ay.

E I Ma
'The bed was made of wood!

11.5.7 .2. Difference between I Ma and I M e .

Both the I Ma and I Me Gases are selected by

Eactitive verbs.

(361) a. Mai dan ao lanh bang t a y .

A E I Me
'Mai knitted the sweater by hand I

b. Mai dan ao lanh bang len Phap.

"TT I 1 la
'Mai knitted the
sweater out of______ Erench wool
 252

However, the I Me Gase can occur w i t h most Action

verbs, while the I Ma cannot* The difference between

I Ma and I Me then, is that the I Ma Case does not occur

with verbs that take an Agentive and an Objective,

(362) a. Mai giat a'o lanh bang tay,

“A ‘ 0 I Me
1Mai washed the sweater b.v hand I

k* *Mai giat a'o lanh bama len Phap,

A 0
* ( !Mai washed the sweater out of French w o o l 1)

Following are some other examples with the I Ma

Case in Vietnamese,

(363) a. Ba duo chuong bang dong.

A F I Ma
Ba cast bell by copper.
’Ba cast a bell in copper!

b,Ba tac thbng bang dat

' 1 ^
set trang .
bm *W « ■ i n wi 'fl > h i ..................... in........................ nij j j uw i iir ■
itw 1 liT

A F 1 Ma
Ba carve statue by clay white
'Ba carved a statue of white clay (or K a o l i n )'
1
c, Ba dan ro bang tre.
T f"
Ba weave basket by bamboo.
'Ba wove baskets of bambooJ

1 1
Three substantial materials: dong 'copper', dat set
1
trang 'white clay' and tre 'bamboo' are used to make the

bell, the statue and the baskets. They function as an I Ma

Case.
 253

PART I I : Ro n -C a u s a l Gases

Ron-Causal Cases that participate in the activity

are: Experiencer (E), Benefactive (B), Objective (0) ,

Eactitive (P), and Comitative (Com).

11 . 6 . Experiencer (E )

11 . 6.1 D efinition: Experiencer is

(1) the Case of the human beings who are inwardly affected

by an event of sensation, emotion, perception or cognition.

(2) the Case of the 'animate' entities (i.e. human beings and

animals) that undergo the destructive or unpleasant

effect of an activity, process or state identified by

the verb.

11 .6.2 Identification.

The Experiencer Case is selected by Experiential

verbs, Action verbs (e.g. Destruction verbs, Unfavourable

Action verbs), Process verbs describing failure, disappearance,

misfortunes or the change in location of an 'animate'

entity, and unfavourable Submissive verbs (e.g. b^., phai

'undergo an unhappy experience').

The Experiencer Case can be identified by the

following tests:

1. Imperative Test

2. 'Lam gi di' Test

3. 'Ai' Test
 254

1. Imperative T e s t : The Experiencer Case does not occur

in the imperative.

(364) * ChetJ
* ( 'DieI')

However, one can say:

t
(365) a. Giet con chuqti

'Kill the rat I'

b. Thdong que-hu’ong minhJ

'Love our country.''

Examples (365 a & b) show that the Imperative test

does not make a distinction between A and E.

(see 4.2.4.2).

'Lam gi a i ' Test ('Do what who' Test)

lam gi ai ?
"1 —

do what who
A

'What did ___ do to (WP) +[Animate]?’

A “

An HP that can replace the question word ai 'who' is

dominated by the Experiencer, e.g.

Question: (366) a. Ba lam gi Hai ?

A E
'What did Ba do to Hai ?'

Answer: b. Ba danh Hai.

A rr!~~
Ji

'Ba hit Hai!

An Experiencer can be an animal, e.g.

Question: (367) a. Ba lam gi con cho?

la do what the dog
'What did Ba do to the d og? '
 255

Answer: b. _ Ba danh con c ho.

A E
'Ba hit the d o g I

3• 1Ai* ('Who1) Te s t .

a. Ai -f Experiential Y
'wEo'

b. Ai/Con gi + Unfavourable Process

Y
'Who/What a n i m a l ' Unfavourable Submissive
Y

a. A 'human' UP that can replace the question word ai 'who'

in (3a) is in the Experiencer Case.

(368) a. Ba buon *
"E
'Ba is s a d !

b. Ba biet Bai-so.
E 0
'Ba knows Algebra I

b. An 'animate' UP that can replace the question word ai 'who'

or con gi 'what animal' in (3b) is in the Experiencer Case.

I
Question:(369) a. Con gi chet?
'What animal died?'
, ^
Answ e r : b. Con cho chet.
E
'The dog died!

Question: (370)a. Ai bi tai-nan?

who undergo (non- accident
beneficial)
'Who got an accident?'

Answer: b. Ba bi tai-nan .
E 0
'Ba got an accident!
 256

11.6»3 Surface Realisation; The Experiencer does not select

any preposition. It is realised in the surface structure

with no overt marker. It may he subject or object in surface

structure of a sentence.

11.6.4 Uses of the Experiencer and Experiential v e r b s .

With the Experiential verbs, the Experiencer Case best

represents the notion of passivity on the part of a ’human'

noun or pronoun. It is the semantic function of the human

being inwardly affected by a psychological event or

characterises by a mental state. Eor example, if I say:

(571) Toi bu o n .
I sa d .
’I am sad.'

I am not claiming that l a m the agent of sadness, nor even

that I am the patient, but that I am experiencing it.

Similarly, B a , i n :

i
(372) a. Ba sung suong ,
Ba happy
'Ba is h a p p y V

b. Ba doi .
Ba hungry
'Ba is h u n g r y 10

is the Experiencer of happiness and hunger.

Experiential verbs include Emotion verbs,

Sensation verbs, Perception verbs, Sentiment verbs,

Volition verbs, Intention verbs, Belief verbs, Knowledge

verbs and Memory verbs.

 257

11.6.4*1 Emotion verbs denote the emotions of the animate

being. An emotion is something that is felt.

Some Emotion verbs in Vietnamese are: buon

A a 1
1sad 1, sung su'ong 1h a p p y 1, kho 1unhappy *, kho s6

'miserable1, v u i . vui v e , vui muhg 'joyful, gay',

de chju ’pleasant’, kho chui. ’unpleasant1, hai long

I 1
’pleased1, bat man ’displeased’, thoa man ’satisfied1,
I

that vqng ’disappointed’, kinh n g a c , ngac nhien ’surprised,

j i
amazed', then, mac co ’s h y ’, ngd6ng ’embarrassed’,
A1 A ~<
xau ho ’ashamed’, k i e u , hanh dien ’p r o u d ’.

11.6.4.2. Sensation verbs: e.g. met ’t i r e d ’, khat ’t hirsty’,

dpi ’h u n g r y ’,

(375) a* Ba met
E
Ba tired
’Ba is t i r e d *

b. Ba khat nuoc .
E 0
Ba thirsty water
’Ba is thirsty for w a t e r ’

Ba is tired and thirsty because he feels restless

in his body and dry at his throat. He is an experiencer

who experiences these internal sensations.

11.6,4.5- P erception verbs

Voluntary Perception v e r b s : e.g. trong. n g o , n h u n , dom

u> /
’look (at)’, ngam ’view, contemplate, b e h o l d ’, quan sat

'observe', x e m ;cai ’w a t c h ’, lang nghe 'listen t o ’, nem

’t a s t e ’. These verbs are also called Active Perception

 258

verbs since the perceiver must actively direct his

attention towards some object,

/

Involuntary Perception v e r b s ; e.g. tha.y 'perceive, see', nghe

i i /J
'hear', ngtii 'smell1, cam thay 'feel.' These verbs are

also called verbs of Inert Perception (Leech, 1971: 20)

since the receiver is merely passively receptive.

Inert Active
(374) Ba nghe tieng cho sua • (376) Ba lang nghe tien/jcho sua.
'Ba heard the d o g s ' barkings' 'Ba listened to“T h e d o g s ' barkings 1

(375) Ba thay Thu. (377) Ba ngo Thu.

'Ba saw Thu1 'Ba looked at Thu'

In (374), the content is the d o g s ' barkings. Ba,

in this instance, is not really an agent, since he

apparently did nothing to activate the hearing. Thus,

Ba is best treated as the affected constituent or

experiencer.

In (375), Thu is not affected by the seeing.

Rather, she is the content of what was seen. Again, Ba

is an experiencer whereas Thu is called an object. This

sentence might be roughly paraphrased as:

'Thu became visible with respect to the experience of

B a ’ (Ohafe, 1970: 145).

In (376) and (377), Ba does fulfill the active role

of an agent, while being at the same time an affected

constituent. Thus, the semantic relations in the structure

of sentences (376) and (377) are multiple with Ba being

both an agent and an experiencer. However, in this thesis,

I do not deal with Ooreferential Oases.Since lang nghe

'listen' t o ’ and ngo 'look (at)' are Action verbs, the

 259

A g e n tiv e Case i s chosen.

The Case-frame of lang nghe 'listen(to)' and ngo ’look (at)in

(376 & 377) is: + |[--- -A + o]

/
The Case-frame of nghe 'hear* and thay 'see' in (574 & 575)

is: + £-- E + 0]

Direct and Indirect Perception

Direct Perception (578) Ba th&y Thu .

E 0
Ba see Thu
'2a saw Thu!

Indirect Perception.
/ >
(579) Ba thay la Thu co ly .
E 0
Ba see that Thu have reason
’Ba saw that Thu was reasonable!

Sentence (578) is true only if Ba directly perceived

(i.e. actually saw) T h u .

In sentence (579)» Ba did not actually see T h u 1s

reasons with his eyes, but he can mentally

'perceive' that, e.g. T h u 's arguments are sensible.

Verb thay ’see' becomes an empty word (i.e. has

I
no meaning) when it follows verbs nem 'taste',
i V
nghe 'hearcam 'feel’, ngui 's mell',

Verbs Literal Meaning Literary

Hem thay Taste see 1T a s t e ’

/
Hghe thay Hear see •Hear’

Cam thay Peel see 'Peel'

Ngiii thay Smell see 'S m e l l '

 260

(380) a. Ba ngdi mui

E 0
Ba smell odour flower lili
’Ba smells the odour of lilies I
b.
1
Ba ngui thay
J. mui bong h u e .
E 0
Ba smell see odour flower l i l i .
1Ba smells the odour of lilies I
I
Rote that the Vietnamese verb nem 'taste' is

always transitive, and is used with the meaning

'to act in order to acquire the sensation'. A speaker

can say two ways:

/ i

(381) Toi nem/dang nem

A
I taste/in the
process of taste soup
'I taste/am tasting

i
Verb ngdi 'smell' has two senses.

- To acquire the sensation, e.g.

\ J-
(382) Toi ngui thay mui bong h u e •
E 0
'I smell the odour of lilies I

- To act in order to acquire the sensation

i
(383) Toi dang ngui mui bong h u e *
A - 0
'I am smelling the odour of lilies I

i j
Verb cam thay 'feel' has two senses.

- To acquire the sensation.

(384) Toi cam tha.y de ehta •

E
I feel see pleasant
'I feel pleasant!
 261

- To believe instinctively

(385) Toi cam thay toi hhong the song o Gia-na Dai.
B"
I feel see I cannot live in Canada.
'Ifeel that I cannot live in Canada!

11.6.4.4» Sentiment Verbs.

(386) a. Ba yeu Mai

E 0
Ba love Mai.
'Ba l oves Mai!

b. Ba nh.6 Mai ,
E ' 0
Ba miss Mai
'Ba misses M a i !

Ba in sentences (586) is not a performer of an

action, not someone who does something. Rather he is

one who is mentally disposed in loving and missing

M a i , with respect to his mental experience. Since

Ba undergoes some psychological events, he functions

as an Experiencer.

It has been said that the mind works all the

time - even when we sleep (e.g. we have dreams,

nightmares). When Ba loves, misses, hates or fears

somebody, he recognises these feelings through his

experience. The person he loves, misses, hates or fears

Is only an 'Object' in his mind but it does affect

his body, action and thought, and since he cannot

remove the 'Object' out of his mind,he may feel

happy, joyful or sad, or ill or miserable. He is

indeed an animate referent who is psychologically

affected by the sentiment coming out from his heart.

 262

This sentiment creates mental events or psychological

activities.

Vietnamese people believe that all human beings

X - i
have passions. That tinh ’the seven passions' are: hi

’j o y ’, n£ ’a n g e r 1, ai 'sorrow', cu 'fear' ai 'love', o 'hate'

and due 'l u s t '^

Some common Sentiment verbs in Vietnamese a r e :

m e n , qui men ’esteem', thich 'like, be fond o f , da thich

'enjoy', thuong, yeu 'love’, me 'love immensely', nho

\ I ^ x i
'miss', t--u6ng d e n , nghi den 'think o f , tdong nh<3 'think o f ,

thuong nhd 'mourn for (dead person)', ghet 'hate', sd

'fear, be afraid o f , ghe so ’dread', kinh sd 'be frightened';

l o , lo so 'worry' k h i n h , khinh b i , khinh khi 'despise1,

k hinh r e , khinh miet 'scorn', gian 'angry', plauc, than

1 1 J
phuc 'admire', k i n h , kinh trong. kinh ne 'respect',
I A A J i,
ai m o , suy ton 'adore', hoi han 'repent', tiec 'regret1.

Sentiment verbs in Vietnamese can occur with d a n g .

(387) Ba dang thuong Mai say dam.

1” 0
Ba in the process of love Mai crazily.
*('Ba is loving Mai crazilyi).

In poems, folk songs and proverbs, the Experiencer is

usually not present in surface structure of the sentence.

37* These are Sino-Vietnamese words.

 263

(388) Anh di, Anh nhd que n h a .

A , E f 0 r
(A n h ) Nhd canh rau muong (A n h ) nhd ca dam thong;.
E ' 0 , E 0
(Anh) Nhd ai dai nang dam sdong.
, E x ' 0
(A n h ) Nhd jai tat ndbc ben duong hom nao.
E 0 (Oa-dao).

’The husband: As I
am going, I remember home .
I E 0 ~
(I) miss mustard-green soup, (i) miss eggplant dipped
(E) 0 (E)

(I) miss the ones who endured the sunshine and dew,
(E) 0

(i) miss the ones who irigated the fields alongside the
p a t h ’ (Polk s o n g ) ^ *

11.6.4.5. Volition v e r b s , e.g. muon ’w a n t 1, ddc, ddc ao ’w i s h ’,

them ’cr a v e ’.

(389) Ba muon cai ad d o .

E " 0
Ba want classifier shirt that
’Ba wanted that shirtJ

11.6.4.6. Intention v e r b s , e.g. d i n h , dd, dd dinh ’p l a n ’, quyet.

^1 j i j
nhat-quyet. qua-quyet 'resoluteI

(390) Ba du-djnh mua nha .

E
Ba plan buy h ouse.
’Ba planned to buy a house!

38. English translation from Liem (1970)

 264

h ,I
11.6.4.7.Belief or conviction verbs,
MIIIIIIIIIIIIIWlI lill^Bli IIIi m ||IIHHIIll I IIUBI Mil,11,IIWWI I,111IIMHHW II 'H W — Ir
e.g. nghi, tu o n g . cho
M W W M W H W r BUB uULUMetff' IIIUMl IJ

I —

’think', t i n , tin-tddng ’believe', n g h i . nghi-ngo 'doubt

hy-vong ’hope, expect1.

(391) Toi tin Troi ,

E ‘0
I believe God
'I believe in G o d .
’

F I
11.6.4.8. Knowledge v e r b s , e.g. biet 'know', hieu 'understand!
i
A Vietnamese speaker uses the verb biet to express his

confidence.

f ^

(392) Toi biet la ong Ba co bon trai.

E tr
I know that Mr. Ba have four boy
'I know that Mr. Ba has got four sons I

Biet ’know' in (392) is usually translated by 'to know

(a fact, the truth)'.

(593) Toi biet ong Bang .©ng ay La thay toi.

E 0
I know Mr. Bang . Mir.thatbe teacher I
'I know Mr . Bang , He is my teacher!

Biet 'know' in (393) is usually translated by 'to know

j
(a person)' or quen biet ’to be acquainted with!

J 1
(594) Toi biet Bai-so ,
E 0
I know Algebra
'I know Algebra!
t
Biet ’know' in (394) can be interpreted as 'to gather

knowledge through the process of actual learning!

i
11.6.4.9. Memory v e r b s , e.g. nhan ra ’recognise', nhd 'remember1,
i
quen, quen mat 'forget'

(595) Mai quen Kich 'he G i d '.

E 0
Mai forget play 'le G i d ’
'Mai forgot the pihy 'he G i d !
 265

11.6.5• Other uses of the Experiencer with Action, Process

and Submissive v e r b s .

The Experiencer is also the Case of the recipient

of misfortunes i.e. the undergoer or sufferer of an activity

or event described by the verb.

A characteristic of the ’undergoer1 situation

is its tendency to imply that the contained event is

unpleasant to the undergoer, so that, more specifically

than ’happen t o 1, the event might be said to 'mishappen t o ’

or ’befall' the undergoer.

11.6.5.1. A ction v e r b s .

Destruction v e r b s , e.g. dau doc ’poison’, phao-kich ’shell,

1 •!> > i t
giet ’k i l l ’, ban ’s h o o t ’, danh ’h i t ’, dam ’stab’, am-sat

'assassinate', nh o t , giam ’imprison', duoi 'dismiss', phat

Jpunish'.
In a simple active sentence, the Destruction verb

relates two noun phrases which represent entities

in an Agentive - Experiencer relationship.

(596) Hai giet Ba

A 'E
Hai kill Ba
'Hai killed 33a!

Since Vietnamese is not an inflectional language,

the syntactic order is a crucial indicator of Case-

relations. Whenever the syntactic order is reversed

with no additional syntactic signal, the Gase-relations

are reversed and the meaning of the sentence is also

reversed.
 266
i
(391) Ba giet Hai ,
A E
1Ba killed H a i .'

The Vietnamese Destruction verb giet ’kill' denotes

an accidental and usually unlawful action. The noun

/
jhrase functioning as an Experiencer Case of giet

can be [+ Human} .
i
(398) Ba giet con chuot.
A E
'Ba killed the rati

Verb 'assassinate' always denotes a

deliberate but usually unlawful action. The noun

phrase functioning as an Experiencer Case of am-sat

is always [+ H u m a n } .

(399) Lee Oswald am-sat Tong-Thong Kennedy.

A E
'Lee Oswald assassinated President Kennedy!

Unfavourable Action v e r b s , e.g. hanh-ha 'persecute, ill-

i i v
treat', chi-trich 'criticise', buoc toi 'accuse', m
2 X rJ
'scold, reprimand', chui *curse', do loi 'blame 1,

nhao-bang 'ridicule',. noi xau 'malign!

(400) Ba chiii Hai

A E
'Ba cursed Hai!

11.6.5*2. Process verbs

The Experiencer Case is required by Process verbs

describing misfortunes, failure, disappearance, loss or

i )
damage, e.g. mat 'lose, die', chet, qua dbi 'die, pass
j i —
away', that thu 'be lost of military position', chim

'sink', nga, t e , r6t 'fall!

 267

(4 0 1 ) a. Ba m a t.

Ba die
'Ba died!

b. Ba mat cai va-li.

E 0
Ba lose classifier suitcase,
'Ba lost the suitcase.1

11.6.5 •3* Submissive v e r b s : Bi and mac are commonly used

by South Vietnamese speakers.

Bi is used to describe unpleasant or undesirable

situation with an additional meaning somewhat

like 'to suffer, to undergo (non-beneficial)'.

(402) Ba bi hai vet thudng.

~*E 0
Ba undergo (non-two wound,
beneficial)
'Ba got two____ wounds!
(see 6.5.1 *)

Bi is often used with verbs of bodily handicap

(405) a. Ba
„ bi que.

Ba undergo (non-beneficial) limp.

'Ba suffered from being lame!

b. Ba bi liet.
E
Ba undergo (non-beneficial) paralyse.
'Ba suffered from being paralysed!

C h m and phai have the same meaning as bi

but are more often heard in North Vietnamese speech.

/

Mac forewarns of an accident or misfortune with an

additional meaning somewhat like 'to be caught by,

contract, meet with!

\

(4 0 4 ) Ba mac nan tren B a - L a t .

E 0 “ 1
Ba meet with accident on Ba-Lat.
'Ba met with an accident in Ba-LatI
 268

1 1 .7 . B e n e f a c t iv e (B )

11.7.1. D efinition; Benefactive is a semantic label given to the

Case which indicates the Beneficiary of an action or a

process (Platt, 1971; 47). By Beneficiary, it is meant

the human beings (or human institutions like school,nation,

etc.) that are perceived as intended to benefit from the

action or the process identified by the verb.

11.7.2. Identification; The Benefactive Case can be identified

by the following tests;

1 . 'Tang a i ' Test ('Offer who'Test). The test has the

syntactic structure of the following form;

KP1 + Benefactive Y + Ai 'who' + NP2 ? e.g.

Question(405)a. Ba tang ai mot bo bong?
Ba offer who a bouquet of flowers
'Whom did Ba offer a bouquet of flowers?'

A 'human' NP that can replace the question word ai

'who' in the above question is In the Benefactive Case. e.g.

Answer; b. Ba tang Mai mot b6 bong.

A B O
'Ba offered Mai a bouquet of flowers I

2. 'G-ium ai 'Test (lit. 'For w h o ') Test. The

test has the syntactic structure of the following form;

DPI + V + (KP2) + (g i u m | ai ?
< cho V 'who'

'for ’

Condition; Y is an Action verb but not a Benefactive verb.

 269

For example,Qu estion: (406)a. Ba mua xe do gium ai ?

Ba buy car that for who
!Ba bought
that car for whom ? 1

A. ’h u m a n 1 HP that can replace ai ’who' in the above

question is in the Benefactive Oase.

Answer: b • Ba mua xe do gium Mai.

A 0 B
’Ba boughtthat car for M a i .1

3 * Ai ’w h o ’ Test.

Ai + (Favourable Process verb )?

’Who' '(Favourable Submissive verbj

A ’h u m a n ’ NP that can replace ai ’w h o ’ in the

following question is in the Benefactive Case.

Question: (407) a. Ai trung so ?

’Who won the lottery?’

Answer: b. Ba trung so
B 0
’Ba won

11.7•3• Surface Realisation

(1) With Benefactive verbs and other Action verbs

/i x 1
(e *g* viet ’w r i t e ’, gdi, gdi ’s e n d ’), the Benefactive Case

may be realised in surface structure as the first object

or the second object w i t h or without the Benefactive

preposition (see 11.7.4.1-2).

(&) With Favourable Process verbs and the Favourable

Submissive verb dd6c ’undergo a happy experience’, the

Benefactive Case is always realised as the subject of a

sentence.
 270

11.7.4 Uses of the Benefactive.

11.7.4 .1• Benefactive v e r b s .

Benefactive verbs relate entities in an event

concerned with possession or transfer of property.

Tang (South Vietnamese) ’offer1

i
Bieu (North Vietnamese)

Tang is an inherently Benefactive verb. It implies

in its lexical meaning the intention that somebody should

have something. We cannot offer without giving something

to somebody.

Tang also implies a spontaneous action which is

not in direct contractual settlement of any obligation

(although it may, of course, be indirectly motivated by

some good deed that the recipient has at some time

performed.)

(408) Ba tang Mai hoa hong.

A ' B 0
Ba offer Mai flower rose
1Ba offered Mai rosesJ

Ba the giver or Benefactor who functions as an A.

Mai the receiver who functions as a Benefactive.

Hoa hong ’r o s e s 1: the present which functions as an 0.

The present may be an 'inanimate* (e.g. hoa hong 'roses)

or an 'animate' entity, as in:

(409) Ba tang Mai m ot con cong.

A B ~ "" T5
Ba offer Mai one classifier peacock
'Ba offered Mai a -peacock!
 271

Cho 'g iv e 1 is a B e n e f a c t iv e v e r b .

(410) Ba cho hoa______ h o n g .

A 0
Ba give flower rose,
1Ba gave roses!

The agent Ba in (410) is thought of as handing the

physical object (i.e. ro s e s ) to M a i . However, a physical

object may begiven without any actual handing from

one person to another, as in:

rO /

(411) Ba cho Mai hai mau dat.

A™ B O
Ba give Mai two hectare land.
'Ba gave Mai two hectares of land I

Gdu p . G-uim (South Vietnamese)/'help1

Ho (North Vietnamese) j

(412) Ba giup Mai mot so tien.

A B 0
Ba help Mai one number money.
'Ba helped Mai w ith an amount of m oney!

The above examples hare shown that the Benefactive Case

is always realised in surface structure as the first

object of the Benefactive verbs. Some other Benefactive

verbs in Vietnamese are:

AI J } J I 7
Cap, 'grant', cung cap, 'supply', tro cap 'subsidize, tro,

vien tr6 'aid, assist', thuong 'reward', dang 'present

something to somebody in a very respectful manner', boi

thhong 'compensate, pay damages'

11.7.4.2. Actio^n verbs and Benefactive Prepositions.

Benefactive Preposition Cho 'f o r '.

Cho 'give' is a Benefactive verb when it is the

only verb in a sentence. When there is another Benefactive

verb or another Action verb in the sentence, cho becomes

 272

a Benefactive preposition which functions like the English

preposition f o r .

Benefactive verb Tang 1o ffer1.

(413) a* Ba tang M a i h oa hong,

A ' B“ 0
•Ba offered Mai roses I

b. Ba tang
cho Mai
T ’ B 0
Ba offer for Mai flower rose
*Ba offered Mai roses!

c. Ba tang hoa hong cho M a i .

iT ’ ' 0 B
Ba offer flower rose for Mai.
* ( ’Ba offered roses for Mai.1)

Action verb Mua 'buy*

(414) Ba mua xe d o cho Mai.

A 0 " B
'Ba bought that car for Mai1

(415) Ba mua cho Mai

A B
'Ba bought for Mai that car!

(416) Ba mua Mai

A B
•Ba bought Mai that car1

The Benefactive Movement Transformational Rule transforms

the first type of syntactic structure (i.e. Example 414)

into the second and the third type of syntactic structure

(i.e. Examples 415 & 416) rather than vice versa (see

Chapter 8). Vietnamese speakers do not say:

 273

(417) * Ba cho hoa hdng cho M a i ^ *

"1 ~ a --- 3 T ~ ‘
Ba give flower rose for Mai
*(' Ba gave roses for M a i .1)

The Benefactive Case of the type illustrated in

examples (414)-(416) is dependent on the presence of an

Agentive Case in the sentence, i.e. the Benefactive cannot

occur unless theAgentive also occurs.

Benefactive Preposition Giup/gium (South Vietnamese)’f o r 1

H6 (North Vietnamese)

Like oho, giup becomes a Benefactive preposition when

it follows other Action verbs.

39* (a) Note that in the following sentences, cho is netfte

Benefactive verb nor a Benefactive preposition.

(i) Nddc soi roi cho tra vaTo am.

’When water is boiled, put tea into the kettlei

(ii) 6 tru cho 17.

’6 minus from 17.

(i i i ) Giai-nghia them cho ro •

’Explain more in order to be clearI

(iv) Nha cho muon.

1House for re n t !

(b) Cho becomes an empty word (i.e. h a s no meaning)

when it follows the, Destruction verbs, e.g.
danh cho 'give', mang cho 'scold', da cho 'kick',
i i F o h o " 's l a p ', dim" cho 1p u n c h ', ch!u'i 'cho
'infuriate', rua^cho 'curse', dam cho 'stab'.
i i
Ba dam cho Hai mot d a m .
A E E
Ba punch Hai a punch.
'Ba gave Hai a punch I
 274

For example:

Lam giup / gium Tdo for*

Mua gidp / gium ’buy f o r 1
Lay gidp / gium 'take f o r 1

(418) a. Ba mua xe dd gium Mai.

A O B

'Ba bought that car for Mail

b. Ba mua gium Mai xe d o .

A B O

'Ba bought for Mai that c a r l

c.Ba mua Mai xe do.

I" “1” ~ “F " ~

'Ba bought Mai that c a r .*

Giup/G-i um never co-occurs with Benefactive verbs

Vietnamese speakers do not say:

(419) * Ba tang hoa hong gidp Mai .

*( ’Ba offered roses for Mai.')

(420) * Ba giup mot so tien giup/gium , Mai.

*('Ba helped an amount of

money for M a i . ’)

1 1 . 7 . 4 . 5. Favourable Process verbs

Tim thay / tim diibc / tim ra ’find (out)'
Trung / thang 'win'.

(421) a. Ba tim thay cuon v a n - p h a m .

B 0

'Ba found the grammar b o o k J

 275

b. Ba trung so.
B 0
'Ba won

The events of winning the lottery and finding

the grammar hook are not actions but accomplishment

processes. The processes are benefactive ones, with Ba,

a beneficiary *

Go 1h a v e , g e t '

Go is an inherent possessive verb. It forms a sentence

with two obligatory nouns that represent entities in a

possessor-possessed relationship.

J I fO /

(422) Ba co hon mau dat .

B 0
Ba have four hectare land 40
'Ba has got four hectares of l a n d ',

, j >
(423) Ba co bon aUa con trai.
B
Ba have four classifier boy.
'Ba has got four sons I 41.

Sentences (422) and (423) express possession

through the verb Go 'have'.

There is a kind of 'benefactive' situation in which

Ba can be said (in a broad sense) to be the one who

benefits from whatever is communicated by the rest of

the sentence. Chafe (1970: 148) calls the verb in such

a sentence a Benefactive verb, and the noun which

40, In former time, richness was determined on the basis

of owning much land, and many jewels.
41. Vietnamese people believe that a happy family is the
one having many sons.
 276

specifies the person benefited, the beneficiary.

Buoc ('get, receive, obtain’.

Two verbs diipc and dang are used to describe pleasant

or desirable happening.

i
(424) Ba diioc phan thiibng .
B 0
'Ba received the prize!

S lide can substitute for Go.

(425) Ba dude bon diia con trai „

B“ 0
’Ba has got four s o n s 1.

When diidc precedes an Action verb, it means

’be allowed to, be permitted to.’

(426) Ba diipc mua bon

jJ ■'tv>
mau
f'
dat.
B
Ba be permitted to buy four hectare land.
’Ba w as permitted to buy four hectares of land

11.7.4.4. Submissive verb diidc 'undergo a happy experience’

Budc is called a Submissive verb when it precedes

the Benefactive verbs (11.7.4.1) and other Action verbs

like Khen or Khen ngdi 'praise, congratulate1, thuong

’r e w a r d ’, hoan ho ’cheer'.

The Submissive verb diidc denotes favourable or

felicitous treatment.
 277

(4 2 7 ) a . Mai dude khen.

B
Mai undergo a happy praise.
experience
'Mai was praised.'

b Mai
. dvtdc Ba khen.

Mai undergo a Ba praise

happy
experience
'Mai was praised by Ba!

Human institutions like school, hospital and

nation may function as a Benefactive.

I — ■

(428) Ba cho binh vien Chd-Ray 100 dong.

A B 0
Ba give hospital Cho-Ray 100 piastres
’Ba gave Chd-Ray hospital 100 Piastres!

Binh-vien 'hospital' is an institution of human beings,

and we know that the gift of 100 piastres was endowed

through some human recipient.

11 .8 .

11 .8 .L* D efinition: The Objective in Vietnamese can be defined

as follows:

(l) The Case may be represented by an 'animate' or an

'inanimate' entity.

(429) Mai dep.

t+Animate]
0
Mai beautiful
'Mai is beautiful!
 278

(430) Hha dep*

[.--Animate]
0
House beautiful.
'The house is beautiful!

(2) The Case of an HP which may be affected or

unaffected by the action identified by the verb.

(431) Ba cho Mai met bo hong .

A B 0
'Ba gave Mai a bouquet of flowers!

(432) Ba cho Mai mo.t mau dat.

A ' B 0
'Ba gave Mai one hectare of land 1

In (431) mot bo bong 'a bouquet of flowers' may be

physically handed to Mai when it is given. But in (432)

mot mau dat 'one hectare of l a n d 1 is hardly handed when

it is given. In fact, it is in no way affected.

(3) The Case of anything representable by a noun whose

role in the action or state identified by the verb is

identified by the semantic interpretation of the verb

itself. (Fillmore, 1968a: 25) 4 2 '

I ^
(433) a. Ba hut thuoc -
A 0
Ba smoke cigarette
'Ba smokes cigarette 1

b. Ba rong ltiong .
0
Ba generous
'Ba is generous 1

42. Stockwell et al (1968: 9) call Objective' the 'Neutral'

Case and note that it is "The Case associated most
closely with the verb itself, and least interpretable
independently of the v e r b ’
.'
 279

(4) The 'inanimate' entity that moves or changes or

whose position or existence is in consideration.

(Fillmore, 1969a: 116).

(434) Xe chay*
0
car run
* (JThe car runs jJ

(5) The 'inanimate' entity which is understood as

undergoing some kind of change of state. For example

^
verbs gay/gay8b e , Uo 'break, shatter, snap', uon

'bend' xeo 'fold', nut 'crack' require the Objective Case

(435) Ly be -
0
'The drinking
glass broke I

(6) The content of the experience.

(436) Ba thay Mai.

E 0
'Ba saw M a i .'

(7) Sentences embedded in Objectives can serve to

identify,for example, the content of a psychological

event, as with verbs of judging or imagining (Fillmore,

1971: 42).

(^■57) Ba hy vong rang Mai se ihanh-cong.

e tr
'Ba hopes that Mai will succeed!

11.8.2. Identification.

The Objective is selected by most State verbs. It

also co-occurs with other types of verbs. For example:

 280

- with Perception verbs, the Objective specifies the

content of the experience.

- with Benefactive verbs, the Objective specifies the thing

possessed, or the thing which is transferred.

- with Process verbs, the Objective specifies the entity

which changes its state, such as one of growing,

transforming or breaking.

- withLocative and Motion verbs, the Objective specifies

thebbject in a location or undergoing change of location.

The 0 Case can be identified by the following tests•

Ai 'who/cai gi 'what' +State verb? (e.g. Quality,

measure, colour)

2. Cai gi 'what1 + (Action )¥erb ?

(Process}

3. BP + Experiential ¥ 4- ai 'who'/cai gi 'what'?

4. BP + Action ¥ + (BP) + cai gi 'what'?

An BP tlab can replace ai 'who' ,i gi 'what ’ in

subject position in (l) and (2), or

An BP that can replace who/what in object position in

(3) and (4) is dominated by the 0.

a. ' Mai dep 'Mai is beautiful'

b. Hha dep 'The house is beautiful*

(1') Caiki dep ?

Whht beautiful,
is beautiful?1

Mai/Bha dep.
i is beautiful!
 281

(439) a. Xe chay. ('The car rani)

b, By be" . 'The drinking glass broke!

(21) Cai gi chay/be ?

* ('What ran/broke?')

- Xe chay, *('The car rani)

0

- ly be 'The drinking glass br o k e !

0

(440) Ba thich Mai / cai ao d o .

'Ba likes Mai / that s hirt!

(31) Ba thioh ai / caigi ?

Ba like who / what
'Whom j what does Ba like ?'

- Ba thich Mai / cai ao d o .

0 0
'Ba likes Mai / that shirt!

(441) Ba cho (M a i ) mot mau dat.

Ba gave (Mai) one hectare of l a n d !

(41) Ba cho cai gi ?

Ba give what ^ a/
'What did Ba give ?' - Ba cho mot mau d a t .
0
'Ba gave one hectare of land!

Ba cho Mai cai gi ?

Ba give Mai what
'What did Ba give Mai?'

- Ba cho Mai mot mau

r!
dat.
'Ba gave Mai 0
one hectare of land!

11.8.3* Surface Realisation.

The Objective Case does not select any

preposition. When it occurs by itself, it becomes the

 282

subject.

If it co-occurs with other Cases, it is

realised as the object*

11.8.4 Uses of the Objective.

11.8.4 .1. Action v e r b s .

(1) fPtitti:ng-on' verbs in Vietnamese.

In English, one can say:

Princess Margaret wore a velvet dress and a black h a t .

“ A 0 “ 0

using the same verb w e a r ; whereas in Vietnamese,

different ’putting-on1 verbs select different kinds of

nouns. Eor Example, the verb deo 'wear' selects such

nouns as bong tai (South Vietnamese) or hoa tai (North

_ i
Vietnamese) 'earrings’, vong c o , kieng 'necklace1, vong
L g' _ / 1
tay, zuyen 'bracelet', n h a n . ca-ra 'ring', kien,

kinh, g d o n g ' s p e c t a c l e s ' and

n iin rfw u i r l U l a ^ MBBiBi U w w i -**
dong ho
ibhiik— luiiA 'jtui ' ittmT mi
'wristwatch' .

(442) Mai
4
deo nhan ch6i .
I
A 0
Mai wear ring marry
'Mai wore

The verb mang 'wear' selects such nouns as

1
-
:iay/giay 'shoes', guoc 'wooden shoes', dep
’
'slippers I

(445) Mai mang giay ong.

A 0
Mai wear shoe tube
'Mai wore boots I

The verb mac or ban 'wear' selects such nouns as

ao 'blouse, shirt, dress', ao lanh, ao am 'sweater',

do d a m , vay 'skirt' and quan 'trousers'.

 283

(444) Mai mac auan den.

A~ 0
Mai wear trousers black,
'Mai wore black trousers!

The verb doi 'wear' selects such nouns

and khan 's carf J

JA
.. >
(445) Mai dor non nylon.
A" 0
Mai wear hat nylon,
'Mai wore a n y l o n hat!

(2) 'Measuring' verbs , e.g. do, lUong

(446) Mai do can phong.

A 0
Mai measure classifier room
1 measured the room!

^ j
(3) Cultivation verbs » e.g. cuoc ’dig out/ u p ’ tat ’irrigate \

(4 4 7 ) Mai cuoc dat „

T ' 0
Mai dig up ground.
’Mai
■■i ii— —wiw
dug up
nn i —o'ihir iiimra mrnmr
the ground !

(4)
u J I
Consumption v e r b s , e.g. an ’e a t ’, uong 'drink;1, hut

1sm o k e '.
v
(448) Mai an lap-xiiong ,
A 0
Mai eat pork sausage.
'Mai
n m n n r
ate
i i j i ii %» iir
pork sausage.'
i iHimPmrum

The construction an com 'eat rice' is ambiguous,

meaning either 'eat some rice' or 'eat (food/ i.e.

the act of eating.

Verbs uong 'drink', noc, uc (Lit; drink in one

gulp) generally refer to any kind of liquid.

i

(449) Mai uong ruou .

A 0
Mai drink wine.
'Mai drank wine!
 284

h o te t h a t , in :
\ _ t
(450) Xe toi uong xang rh i e u lam.
'My car drinks a lot of gasolinei
t

uong 'drink1 is used figuratively.

Verb hut 'smoke' is assumed to occur with any form

of burning tobacco•

(451) Mai hut thuoc Duhhill ,

A 0
Mai smoke cigarette Dunhill
'Mai smoked Dunhill cigaretteJ

(5) Transference v e r b s .

(a) 'Permanent' Transference v e r b s , e.g. c ho 'give', tang.

J 1
bieu 'offer', thdong 'reward'. These verbs are also

called Benefactive verbs.

(452) Ba cho Mai _____

a ir~ 0
'Ba gave Mai a bouquet of flowers'.

(b) 'Temporary' Transference verbs, e.g. muon 'borrow',

h m n im> iBiiw m n 1 n mi 1 , hi 1n fpr r um 1 i i i i B i m w — u i i w ^ n m n w w M i i m f W i m n i w i n n iio * w m w ih m ii

cam 'p a w n !
t f

(453) Mai muon cuon sach. mot

A~ 0
Mai borrow one classifier book
'Mai borrowed a bookJ

, t

(c) 'Illegal' Transference verbs e.g. chop 'rob', an cap

'stealJ

(454) Hai an cap m ot cuon sach.

A " 0
'Hai stole a booki

1 *' 1
(d) Economy v e r b s , e.g. mua 'buy1, ban 'sell', xuat-cang

'e x p o r t ', nhap-cang Timport 1

(455) Ba ban chiec xe ■

_ 0
Ba sell classifier car
•Ba sold a_______ car 5
 285

I ^1 f j *-
(456) Ba ban Mai chiec xe g ia 500 dong.
fBa sold Mai the car for 500 piastres.
1

In a sales transaction or transfer of property,

there are actually two benefactors, the seller as

receiver of payment for goods and the buyer as receiver

of merchandise• Thus, in sentence (456), Ba functions

as an Agentive and a Benefactive at the same time.

According to Huddleston (1976: 258) sentence

(456) contains two Objectives in the same predication, and

neither the Benefactives (i.e. Ba and M a i ) nor the

Objectives (i.e. the car and 500 piastres) are conjoined.

In the present Case Grammar model, the

car and 500 piastres are not considered as two

Objectives because this consideration is inconsistent

with A ssumption 9 (see 7.9) that no Case

may appear more than once in a simple sentence

unless it is conjoined.

In this thesis, sentence (456) is analysed as

follows:

Ba functions as an A.
1
Chiec xe 'the c a r 1 functions as an 0.

Mai functions as a B.

gia 500 dong 'for 500 piastres' functions as an I.

(since it is the stimulus of the cost to the buyer).

 286

(6 ) C o m m u n ic a tio n v e r b s .

(a) 'Asking' verbs , e.g. hoi 'ask1, doi hoi 'require1,

y g T o S U 'request1.
.\
(b) 'Informing' v e r b s , e.g. noi 'say', ta 'describe', Lang,
/ / *2 x
giai thich 'explain', bao 'inform', bao 'tell', tx.a 16i
'answer' .

Communication verbs conceptually require three

Cases, namely, the Agentive (i.e. the speaker), the

Experiencer (i.e. the hearer) and the Objective (i.e. what

is said, informed or judged.)

(457) Ba bao Mai rang Hai binh

_ ~ n r -
Ba tell Mai that Hai ill
'Ba told Mai that Hai was illl

(7) Motion v e r b s . In Vietnamese, there are some

Motion verbs which specify the change of location of an

object. The Objective Case represents the object which

changes its location, and the Locative or Goal Case

indicates the place of the change or the goal of the

motion. Included among these Motion verbs are chay !runj

bay 'f l y ', toi 'come J

(458) Chiec xe chay tren dhong Chdng-De *

“° ~ L , I
Clasifier car run on street ^ Cddng-Be
* ('The car ran on Cu!ong-Be street i)

1 1 ", -'I
(459) Chiec xe chay tdi duong Cudng-Be -
*, 0 _ G t
('The car ran to Culdng-Be street!;

Chiec-xe 'the car' must be the grammatical subject of

both sentences, but since a car cannot run by itself, it

must be the recipient of the action directed by the

driver.
 287

1 1 . 8 , 4 • 2• P ro c e s s v e r b s
(l) Transformation v e r b s , e.g. hoa, t hanh, hoa thanh
i __

bien thanh 'become, transform into, turn into, be changed

into another form1

. These verbs are often used in tales of

ghosts, demons and spirits.

(460) a. Ga hoa long .

0 P
'The fish turned
into a dragon!

b, Ba thanh ma ,
0 P
'Ba b ecame a ghost!

j
Tr6 thanh 'reach a biological or social stage in o n e 's

life !

(461) Ba tro thanh mo.t thanh nien .

cr p
'Ba
■Mujtjjiw
is becoming
—wroqigii . iiii'nnwi«Wm j W J U l puMiMmt r f a m
a young man.'
[■■nFm g w A u ^ ii uinwMwiT'iiw *

t I ai
(2) Locative v e r b s , e.g. 6 'be', d, song 'live',
} ,
o, n g u , tru ngu 'live, stay, remain!

(462) Mai o tai chd .

” 0" L
Mai be at market.
'Mai is at the market!

In this sentence, the particular semantic function played

by Mai is the most neutral from a semantic point of view

43
It is called an 'Objective' in the present system. ^

43* According to Anderson (1971: 37)» Mai would be the

'Nominative', Bennett (1975: 15) on the contrary, claimed
that: "There is no Case at all directly associated with M a i .
The important thing is that Mai does not fulfil any of the
specific functions designated by Case-labels such as
"Locative." 11
 288

(3) Experiential V e r b s ,

(a) Perception V e r b s , e.g. thiy 'see1, nghe 'hear', n g d i 'smell'

i ,
(4 6 3 ) Mai tha^ Gong-chua Margaret.
E 0
Mai see Princess Margaret.
'Mai saw Pr inc ess Margar e t .'

(b) S entiment V e r b s ; e.g. thuong 'love', thich 'like',

ghet 'hate.'

(464) Ba thuong Mai *

E "0
'Ba loves MaiJ

11.8.4*3* State V e r b s , e.g. rong ludng 'generous', sang 'brightJ

'beautiful1, cap 'tallI

(465) Ba r ong lhdng

0
1£a is generous I

(466) Trang sa n g ,
0
'The moon if

In (465)> rong H o n g 'generous' describes the character of

the person named Ba. In (4 6 6 ), sang 'bright' describes

the state of the moon. Ba and the moon do not

perform any action, nor are they affected by any

action. They function as an Objective.

11.8.5• Differences between Objective and other Oases

11.8.5 *1 • Ob.iective and Agentive

1 _ — 1.

(467) a. Chiec xe chay tren du’ong cu6ng-Be •

— (J- ~T7 aI
* (1Ike car ran on 6hc3ng-De street Jj

b. Ba
mil hi
chav
a
iMiu
uin
dwM
g
tren
—waw—u
dhong Culong-Be -
«
f h
ii j j 1■
nwfilwlh
w HB^wUP^

A _1 j
'Ba ran on 0ri6ng-Be street I

To distinguish 0 from A, I use two tests: the Dam gi 'Bo

 289

w h a t ’ Test and the Imperative Test.

1. Lam gi Test ( ’Do w h a t ’ Test), (see 11.5.2.1).

(468) a. Ba lam g i ?
Ba do what
’What did Ba do? '

h. - Ba chay tr£n diihng Cuftng-Be.

'Ba ran on Cd6ng-Bev street.'

Ba in (467b) functions as an Agentive Case.

Vietnamese speakers do not say:

(469) * Chiec xe lam g i ?

The car do what
( ’What did the car d o ? *)

but

(470) a. Cai gi chay tren d\idng Cu"6ng-De?

* ( ’What ran on Cu:6ng-Devstreet?')

b. - Chiec xe chay tren dulpng Cu!dng--Be

* ( ’The car ran on CUbng-Bev Street.')

Chiec xe ’the car' in (467a) does not function as an

Agentive Case but an Objective Case.

2. Imperative Test (see 11.5*2.2.) One can order Ba to run

but not chiec xe 'the car.'

j

Ba in (467b) functions as an A but not chiec xe in (467a).

11.8.5 .2. Objective and Experiencer.

(471) Phim "Bonjour Tristesse" buon.

0
Pilm "Bonjour Tristesse" sad.
’Film "Bonjour Tristesse" is sad !

(472) Mai buon.

E
Mai sad.
'Mai is sad!

In surface structure, the film and Mai are the

subjects of their respective sentences. But the semantic

relationship between the film and sad in (471) is quite

 290

different from the relation between Mai and sad in

(472). Sentence (472) could be paraphrased with

(473) Mai feels sad.

while obviously it is not possible to paraphrase

(4 7 1 ) with the corresponding sentence

(4 7 4 ) * Film "Bonjour Tristesse" feels sad.

Clearly, the Semantic Roles of Mai and the film in

(471 and 472) are quite distinct. Mai is the one who feels

sadness. She functions as an Ex p e r i e n c e s while the film is

an object which causes sadness to be felt. It functions

as an Objective.

A confirmation of this difference comes from

the fact that Mai and Film "Bonjour Tristesse" cannot be

conjoined or compared if the verb is buon 'sad1. One cannot

say:

(4 7 5 ) * Mai va phim "Bonjour Tristesse" buon.

* ('Mai and film "Bonjour Tristesse" are s a d ')

(476) * Mai buon hon phim "Bonjour Tristesse"

* ( 'Mai is sadder than film "Bonjour Tristesse"')

Since conjunction and comparison generally "require that

the things which are conjoined or compared have the same

Semantic Role with respect to the predicator." (Parisi and

Antinucci, 1976: 17). Thus, while (475 & 476) are not

acceptable, (4 7 7) and (4 7 8 ) are:

(477) Mai va Ba bu$n .

E E
'Mai and Ba are sad!
 291

(478) Phim "Bonjour Tristesse*1 buon hon phim "La 0 Violettera"

_ .. . — ’ -

'Film "Bon.iour Tristesse"is sadder than

film "La Yiolettera"/

The above examples have illustrated that there are

semantic relations holding between the verb and the other

noun phrases present in the sentence 9 which are not captured

with the traditional concepts of subject, direct otjpct,

indirect object and complement.

11.9. Factitive (P)

11.9.1 Defin i t i o n ; The Factitive Case refers to the being or

object which exists only by virtue of the activity or

the change of state indicated by the verb.

11 .9.2 Identification:

Differences between Objective and Factitive.

1. (479) Ba gi|l cai ao lanh .

A 0
Ba wash classifier sweater.
1Ba washed t h e s weater J
_

(480) Ba dan cai ad lanh.

A F
Ba knit classifier sweater.
*Ba knitted the sweater I

In (479) cai ao lanh *the sweater* exists before and

after B a ’s activity. It functions as an Objective.

In (480) cai ao lanh comes into existence through

B a *s activity. It functions as a Factitive .

 292

Thus, one major difference between Factitive and Objective

is that the former is ’effected1 while the latter is

’affected! (i.e. F contains an ’effective1 (or causative)

feature, 0 contains an ’affective1 feature, i.e. the

affected participant does not cause the happening, the

process or the state denoted by the verb but is directly

involved in some other way.)

2. To distinguish F from 0, one can ask:

EP1 lam gi HP2 ?

EP1 do what EP2
’What did EP1 do to WP2 ? ’ (Fillmore 1968a: 4)

Condition: EP1 is different from EP2.

A sentence containing an F cannot answer the above question,

but a sentence containing an 0 can.

(431) Ba due cay.

A ' "0
’Ba bored the wood!

(482) Ba due mot 36 .

A ‘ F
’Ba bored a hole!
In (481) Cay ’the w o o d 1 was the wood before the action

of boring. It functions as an Objective. In (482) mot lo

’a h o l e ’ functions as a Factitive. It was not a hole before

the boring.

(483) a. * Ba lam gi mot lo ?

Ba do what one hole
* ( ’What did Ba do to a h o l e ? ’)
b. * - Ba due-* (’Ba bored!)

(484) a. Ba lam gi cay?

Ba do what wood
’What did Ba do to the w o o d ? 1
b. - Ba due . ’Ba bored!
 295

3. F is always selected by Creation or Factitive verbs

f-j ’ i

(e.g. ve 'draw1, viet 'write1, x a y . cat 'build', lam, dong

'make'). An UP that fills the object position following

one of these verbs is in the Factitive Case. (See Section

11.9.4.1.)

4 . 0 and F cannot be conjoined.

(485) *Ba due cay va mot lo.

A * 0 F
* ( 'Ba bored the
wood and a h o l e !)

11.9• 5 • Surface Realisation.

(1) Unlike 0, F does not occur by itself.

(486) a. Xe chay .
* / 0
(1The car runs I) \

b. * Mot lo due.
F
* (A hole bored!)

(2) F does not select any preposition when it occurs

with Factitive verbs. It is realised as the first object

of the Factitive verbs.

(487) Ba. cat nha .

A F
'Ba built a h ouse!

(3) F is realised in the surface structure with the

Factitive preposition ra (l a m ) 'into' when it occurs with

Process and Action verbs (except the class of Action verbs

called Factitive verbs and verbs which take cognate objects)

(see 11.9.4.3.)

(4) When F co— occurs with an Agentive and an Instrumental

Material, it follows the verb and precedes the Instrumental Met,

 294

(488)
J
Ba cat nha do
• / w“
bang t re.
”A F I Ma
'Ba built that house with bamboo.'

If the Agentive and Instrumental Material are not

specified, a Time or Locative Case has to occur.

(489) a. hha do cat nam ngoai ,

F Time
'That house
was built last year.'
— » n niiiwirni

b. Nha do cat tren Ba-Lat „

F L
'That house
was built in Ba-Lati

11.9.4 Uses of the Factitive.

11.9.4 ,1. A ction v e r b s .

(1) Factitive or Creation v e r b s . Some Factitive verbs in

Vietnamese are: ve 'draw', viet 'write', xay cat 'build',

lam, dong 'make', ren 'forge1, che tao 'manufacture'.

(490) Ba ve mot vong tron .

A F
Ba draw one circle.
'Ba drew a circle.'

Suppose Ba is drawing a circle now. If he stops

in the next moment, it may not be true that he did draw

a circle. The verb ve 'draw' has a terminal point which is

expressed by the Factitive Case mdt vong tron 'a circle I

(491) Ba ren dao.
tt nr
Ba forge knife.
'Ba is
forging a knife I (i.e. Ba is making
a knife out of raw steel.)
 295

(2) Other Action verbs e.g. son ’p a i n t 1, dao 'dig(out/up)1

_ /
(492) a. Ba dao dat .
A 0
'Ba dug the ground!

b. Ba dao ao .
A F
'Ba dug a pond!

In (492b) ao 'a pond' is the result of Ba's action,

something 'created', while dat 'the ground' in (492a)

is pre»existent, something to which an action can happen.

(3) Action verbs and Factitive Case prepositions

Such verbs as cat 'cut', chat 'chop', xe 'tear',

x e , che 'slice', be 'break', phan, chia, phan chia

'divide', distribute' may occur without the Factitive Oase.

(493) Ba xe banh .
A 0
Ba slice cake
'Ba sliced the cake J

They may also occur with the Factitive. In this case,

the Factitive preposition ra 'into' is used.

1 ! 1 f
(494) Ba xe banh ra bon mieng .
A 0 F '
'Ba sliced the cake intofour pieces I

The Instrumental Tool can follow the Factitive.

(495) Ba xe banh ra bon mi eng bang d ao ban

A "~F “ I Tool
Ba sliced the cake
into four pieces with a table knife i

11.9.4-2. Process ve r b s .
(l) Yerbs be, gay (South Yietnamese) fbreak
vo, gay (Forth Yietnamese)
 296

t — ^ ™ t
(496) Cai den dau be ra ba mien# „
0 F
Classifier lamp oil break into three piece*
1Ihe oil lamp broke into three pieces I

/ / „ x
(2) Transformation v e r b s , e.g. hoa, thanh, h oa tha n h , bien

thanh 'become, transform into, turn into, be changed into

another f o r m 1, tro thanh 'reach a biological or social

stage in one's lifei

(497) a. Ca hoa long.

0™ F
'The fish turned into a dragon!
i
b. Con nong noc bien thanh con coc.
" 0 P
'The tadpole changed into

11 9 4 •5 •
* * * F actitives are Cognate Ob.jects.

Cognate objects: "Traditional Grammars call objects like

song, sleep, breath "cognates" because the noun
Tn The so-called^TiYect object position is
morphologically related to the verb".
(Baron, 1971: 71).

Following are some Yietnamese verbs with their cognate

objects.

Cddi 'laugh, smile' 'sleep!

I r
Mot cai ciioi Mot g i a c ngu
One classifier laugh/smile One classifier sleep
'a laugh, a smile1 ' a sleep'

Hon 'kiss' Md 'dream'

Mot cai hon 'a kiss' Mot giac mo 'a dream!

Chet 'die Th6 'breathe.'

Mot cai chet 'a death' Mot hdi thd
One classifier breathe
'a breath!
 297

However, it sounds unnatural to say:

(498) Ba ctfdi mot cai cddi.

A E
!Ba laughed a laugh I

Vietnamese speakers say (499) Ba ciidi.

A
1Ba laughed !

or (500) Ba ciioi mat ca i *

A E
Ba laugh one classifier.
'Ba gave a laughI

Vietnamese speakers do not say:

(501) a. * Ba thd1" mdt hdi thd.

.a brea t h '),

but b. Ba th6 mot hdi.

A E
one classifier

'Ba took a b r e a t h 1.

According to Chafe (1970: 156),

"Singing implies a song; playing implies a game.

It is typical of cases of this sort that the verb
involves an action which causes something to c ome into
being - which creates something. The noun in question
then specifies what it is that is created: a rendition
of a song, an instance of a game, etc. In these cases,
I shall say that the v e r b i s completable and that the
noun is its complement".^ *

44. i.e. Eactitive case in the present Case Grammar model.

 298

In Vietnamese, verb ho 'sing folk songs without music'

implies cliu ho 'folk songs', verb ngam 'hum, recite (a poem)'

^__ ;
implies b ai tho 'a poem', and verb hat 'sing' implies bai
i
hat ’a songi

(502) Ba hat m pt bai h a t .

A 0
Ba sing one classifier sing
1Ba sang a songi

11.10. Comitative (Com)

11.10.1. Definition; Comitative is the Case of accompaniment. It

accompanies another Case (i.e. a Causal or non-Causal

Case) in the activity described by the verb.

The Comitative Case can be filled by KPs which

are 'animate' or 'inanimate.'

(503) a. Ba theo Mai .

A Com
Ba accompany Mai
'Ba accompanied Mai.'

b. Ba di bo voi Mai.
A * Com
Ba walk with Mai
'Ba walked with Mai.

Ba an cdm v di ca-ri .
0 ~Com
Ba eat cooked rice with curry
'Ba ate rice with curryI

11.10.2. Identification

1. Comitative Case is required by Comitative verbs (see

Section 11.10.4.1. below).

1

2. Comitative Case selects preposition v6i 'with' when it

occurs with other classes of Action verbs (Examples 503 b & c)

 299

3. The tests for the Comitative seem to he the

following:
(i) (HP) + Com. V + ai (Lit: who) 'whom'?
T'
(ii) (HP) + V + (HP) + 'vdi ai 'with w h o m 1
A C+ Action}
or (vdi cai gi 'with what'J ?
i /

An HP that can replace ai 'who1 in (i) or vdi ai Jvoi

cai g i (Lit: with who/what) 'with whom'/'with what' in (ii)

is in the Comitative Case.

(504) a. Question: Ba theo ai ?

Ba accompany who
'Whom did Ba accompany?'
b . Answ e r :- Ba Mai. theo
T Com
'Ba accompanied Mai.'
nnr*rt *■*• rrrn— Kw— t

(505) a : Ba an ohm vdi cai gi ?

Ba eat cooked rice with what
'What did Ba eat rice w i t h ? '

b. Answ e r :— Ba an cdm voi ca-ri .

A 0 Com
'Ba ate rice with curry.'

11.10.3. Surface Realisation: The Comitative Case is realised in

Bin11■« 11im w inri»i|i)iii.in 1 111I11111m i 1 n~ m r 1numin irrr

1
the surface structure with the preposition voi 'with' or

as the object of the Comitative verbs without preposition.

11.10.4.
* 1
1
Uses of the Comitative
—imi npiipi 1iirwiiiriiim'"imnnw—
1 -T
T“—mmiiii u'lr'T'T"■■t—■
'■
—" ""

11.10.4.1.Comitative Ve r b s : All Comitative verbs imply the

physical motion of — at least — two animate referents, e.g.

 300

X and Y.

Theo 'accompany1 implies that X and Y go together at the

same time.

If a speaker wants to emphasise that when X theo Y, X

walks behind Y, he will use the adverb sau 'after, behind,

in back of.'

(506) Ba theo______ sau Mai.

A Com
Ba accompany after Mai
'Ba w e n t _____behind M a i .'

or 'Ba followed Mai.'

The Comitative Case can be topicalised.

(507) a. Ba theo co Mai do moi ngay

A Com
'Ba accompanies that Miss Mai every day!

b. Co Mai d o, Ba theo moi ngay.

Com A
'That Miss M a i , Ba accompanies every day!

Comitative usually occurs with the Goal Case.

(508) Ba theo Mai t(3i_______ ch d .

A Com G ac
'Ba accompanied Mai to_______ the market.'

Theo can be replaced by di theo (Lit: go accompany)

'follow' or di cung (Lit: go together) 'follow'.

(509) Chang di, cho thiep di cung,

i t j
Bang mda thiep chiu, lanh lung thiep cam (ca-dao) .

45. Notice that theo is not a Comitative verb in these sentences

a. Ban lam bao thd theo mau nay.
'You make envelopes according^to this model! ^
b. Theo Ba thi Mai a"a "di Hue. ^
'According to Ba Mai _has gone to Hue!
c. Mai theo gddng di Loan.
'Mai imitated aunt L o a n 's examples!
 301

'Honey, let me follow you wherever you go,

I shall consent to endure the sunshine, the rain or

the c o l d ' (Popular song).

(Lit: Honey, let submissive wife go together,

sunshine rain submissive wife consent, cold

submissive wife endure).

Dat, dan 'lead', dan dau 'pre c e d e '

/
Dan(5io)Me toi dan toi toi triiong.
A T3om a
Mother I lead I to school.
'My mother led me to school!

/ t

Dat (511) Ba dat con trau ra dong.

A Com G
Ba lead classifier
buffalo out field
'Ba led a buffalo to the field!

r\J -**

Dan_d.au 'precede, go before, go in front o f ,

T 5 1 2 T ” ” £a dan aau doan tan b i n h .
A Com
'Ba preceded the rest]

i
Rudt 'chase', duoi *p u r s u e ’., These verbs imply that

X follows Y at fast rate (e.g. run, l e a p ) with

the intention of trying to catch Y.

(513) Ba rd6t Hai ,

A Com
Ba chase Hai
Ba chased Hai.
 502

Sentence (515) can be represented as follows:

Pro

Pra 01

ruldt Com
1chase

Ba 3 .2.

11.10.4•2 Comitative v<3i 'withi

(514) Ba den v di Mai

A ~ Com
'Ba is coming with Mai.'

V6l Mai ’with M a i 1 in the above example is a peripheral

Case. When Comitative is a peripheral Case, it has a very

special status. The selectional restrictions on nouns under

the Case-node Com are those of the Case with which Com

co-occurs. (Notice that the Comitative Case never occurs

alone in a sentence. In normal situations, it co-occurs

either with A, 0 or I. For example:

(515)
—
Mai lam
/
banh bang bpt
^ l
vdi sda .
A F IMa Com
Mai make cake by flour with milk
’Mai made cake with flour and m i l k 3)

If Com co-occurs with A, then Com must be 'typically

animate’. To show the close relationship between Com and

the Case with which it co-occurs, the Base Rules are

expanded as follows:

BR 3 : U P ------ , HP + O(ase)

e.g. B P ______ BP + Com

This means that Com is embedded inside an BP which is

dominated by another Case.

 303

The Case-frame of den 'come' in sentence (514) is:

+£------- A/ComJ

This Case-frame indicates that the Com co-occurs with

A and is dominated "by A.

The deep structure of sentence (514) is:

BR1: Pro.

Pred C2

BR2:

BR4: den
'come

A/Com

BR6:

BR6: BP

BR3:

BR7: i+Humanl f+HumanJ

Lexical Insertion:

r+R +B
L+Human +Human

Apply Transformational Rules (TR).

1. TR1: Preposition Attachment (0BL)

 304

Pre Cl

V A / Com

den
come 1

BP Com

Ba vdi Mai
'with'

In order to get to the surface structure of sentence (514)>

a new TR is posited, i.e. Case-Promoting.

2. TR2: Case-Promoting (OBL): The function of this TR is to

detach the Com-node embedded inside a Case, (for example A),

out of that Case. The Com-node is, then, dominated by a

C-node which is a constituent of the Prop.

Pr<_ 2

V A Com

den
come1

Ba vdi M ai
’with
 305

5. A p p ly TR&: Sub j e c t - f r o n t i n g (OBL)

Prop

01 Pred 02

Com

EP Prep

Ba

Eon-Causal Oases that are non-participants in the

activity are: Essive (Ess), Locative (l), Source (So),

Goal (G-) and Path (P a ).

11.11. Essive (Ess)

11.11.1. Definition: Essive is the Case of the EP subject of the

copula la !b e !. Iijis (a) the Oase of an ’a n i m a t e 1 or

'inanimate’ entity which belongs to or is included in a

generic class.

(b) the Case of an EP representing

a being, an animal or an object when identifying it or

distinguishing it from other beings, animals or objects.

11.11.2. Identification and Surface Realisation

Sentences with the copula la are usually called

 306

46
equational # Jjg, is like the English copula he when

it is in Present Tense and links two nouns. However,

unlike the English ’h e 1, la is not used with place

indications. For example:

(516) English: I am in England.

Vietnamese: *('To i la trong ruioc AnhJ )

Vietnamese speakers say

1
(517) TSi
6 trong ruidc Anh,
I live in country England.
'I live in England!
or 'I am in England I

The syntactic structure of la - sentences under discussion

may he represented a s :

A = B

Where both A and B are nouns. The above formula can he

rewritten as: El = W2

Where EL is N«* subject and H2 is complement.

Since la has no explicit meaning, in this thesis I shall

consider the la-phrase (i.e. la + E2) a Predicator in deep

structure of a sentence (see 7.1).

(518) Bac b ± Mai la dan ha .

Ess
Doctor Mai he woman
'Doctor Mai is a woman!

46. Hoa (1974:75)_calls la an equational verb: "The

Vietnamese verb la 'to he so-and-so' usually identifies the
surface HP-subject of a sentence with its surface HP-
complement. Since it equates two referents and functions
like the sign '=' between two members of an equation, it has
been called an equational verb."
 307

The semantic relationship "between 131 and

h2 can be of three k i n d s :

(i) The referent of hi is a member of the class 132.

(ii) The referents of 131 (or the class hi) are included

in the class 132.

(iii) Both hi and h2 have the same referent, i.e. they

are equivalent.

11.11.3. Glassification or Class-membership Relationship: The

referent of hi is a member of the class 132.

hi refers to a specific individual.

(518) Bac-si Mai la dan b a .

Ess ""
'Doctor_____Mai is a woman I

In saying sentence (518), one is actually classifying

Doctor Mai as belonging to a particular class of

entities, namely, w o m e n . Everything that is true of

women is thus true of Doctor M a i , but not everything

true of Dr. Mai is true of all w o m e n .

This difference is precisely the essential one between

the Classification and the Identification "Relationship

considered in 11.11.5*

Sentence (518) can be paraphrased as:

(rs m
'Doctor Mai belongs to
is a member of 1
} the class of women]

Sentence (518) can'be called a classifier

sentence. h2 is said to be a classifier of hi and the

syntactic relationship holding between the classificand

hi and its classifier h2 is called classifier relationship

Eor example, Doctor Mai in (518) is an individual who

 308

functions as a membership of the class of w o m e n .

Sentence (518) isnon-reversible because hi

refers to a specific individual whereas h2 does not.

* -Ban ba la Bac-si_____ Mai ,

* ( 1A woman is Doctor_____ Mai 1).

11.11.4* C l a s s - I n d u s i o n Relationship: The referents of hi (or

the class hi) are included in the class h2. hote that

neither hi nor h2 refers to a specific individual.

(519) Clio la thu v a t .

Ess
Dog be animal.
fDOis;s are animals ?

This sentence can be paraphrased as follows:

(i) All dogs are animals.

(ii) A dog is an animal.

(iii) Every dog is an animal.

(iv)' Anything that is a dog is an animal.

(v) If something is a dog, it is an animal.

(vi) The class of dogs is included in the class of animals.

like class-membership relationship , for the class-inclusion

relationship there is a realisation in only one direction.

One cannot say: * Thiia. vat la cho.

* ( 1Animals are d o g s ! )

since the class of animals is not included in the class of

dogs.

11.11.5• Identification Relationship

Identificational configurations consist of two

different designations for the same referent. The meanings

of the two designations are different, but the reference is

 309

the same. For example:

(520) Ky-su? Phd6c la chu toi ■

Ess ,
Engineer Fhiioc he uncle I.
i

*Engineer Phddc is my uncle J

consists of two different designations for the same person,

f
who is both engineer Phddc and my u ncle. I could also say:

(521) Chu toi_____ la___ Ky-sii Phrfoc ,

Ess 1
’My uncle is engineer P h d d c ]

/ /
The order of two expressions (i.e. chu toi and Ky-sd P h u d c)

will depend entirely on what is presumed to be old or new

1
information. If an audience presumably knows engineer Phifdc,

then I can properly identify him as my u n c l e ; vice versa,

if they have heard about my uncle, I can identify him

specifically as engineer Phddc.

11.11.6. la in Metaphorical Sentences.

Vietnamese has many figurative meanings which

depend on supplementary features of meaning associated with

the names of animals.

Vietnamese speakers often compare a person's character with

that of an animal. For example, in the statement:

)
(522) Ba la con ran doc.
Ess
Ba be classifier snake poisonous.
'Ba is a poisonous snake]

one understands that Ba's behaviour is characterised by

tricks, secret harmful actions toward various people.

Similarly, in (523) Ba la con de.

Ess
Ba be classifier goat.
'Ba is a goat.'

one understands that Ba's behaviour is characterised

 310

by amorous advances towards various women.

The following examples are considered

metaphorical, idiomatic or Jocular according to their

paraphrases.
i t ^ i
(524) The-gidi la san-Khau ,
World be stage
'The world is a stageJ

(i.e. The world is like (in some respect) a stage)

i i j
(525) Mot tac dat la mot tac vang.
One decimetre
earth be one decimetre gold
'Every inch of
earth is an inch of gold!

(i.e. Every inch of earth is as precious as an inch

of gold)
— I f
(526) Bang cap la dong vang •
Degree be pile gold.
'A degree is a pile of gold!

(i.e. - Having a degree is like having a pile of gold.

or - Having a degree is equivalent to having a pile of gold).

(527) Ba la Fidel Oastro.

Ba be Eidel Castro.
'Ba is a Eidel CastroJ

(i.e. - Ba is physically like Eidel Castro.

or - Ba is a politician of the type of Eidel Castro.).

(528) Hanh-phuc la thien-duong ,

Happiness be paradise
'Happiness is a paradise!

(i.e. - Being happy means living in a paradise.

or - Being happy is the same as living in a paradise).
 311

r-J
(529) Hon-nhan la loi-lam •
Marriage be mistake.
'Marriage is a mistake.'

(i.e.To marry means to make a mistake).

(530) Amin la mot van de .

Amin be one problem.
'Amin is a problem!

(i,e. How Amin behaves is a problem).

(531) Ba-Le la Phap.

Paris be Prance.
'Paris is Prance!

(i.e. Everything which is typically Prench can be

found in Paris)-

(532) Gay viet la mot vu-Khi.

Classifier write be one weapon.
'A pen is a weapon!

(i.e. A pen serves as a weapon).

Note that la is also a complementiser. It is like

rang 'that' used after such verbs as noi 'say', biet

fj 't /
'know', n g h i , tu'ong 'think', hua 'promise!

(533) Ba
_
biet la
-
Mai ^
buon

Ba know that Mai sad.

'Ba knew that Mai was s a d ! (see 11.6.4.)

11.12. Locative (l).

11.12.1. Definition; Locative is the Case w h i c h indicates the

location or spatial orientation of the state, process or

action identified by the verb.

 312

.
11 12.2 • Iclentif 1 cation: An HP that can answer the question word

dau or 6 dau fw h e r e 1 is dominated by the Locative Case.

11.12.3 • Surface Realisation: In normal situations, the Locative is

realised in surface structure as the object.

The Locative Case is realised in surface

structure by a place name or a noun preceded by a Locative

preposition or a Locative relator noun (see 11.12.4).

11.12.4 Uses of the Locative

11.12.4 . 1. Place names e.g. Sa igon. Vietnam, A s i a .

Saigon and Vietnam share one fundamental characteristic

i.e. 'being a part of the world'.

Saigon means 'the town called 'Saigon'

or 'part of the world which is called 'Saigon'.

Vietnam means 'the country called 'Vietnam'

or 'part of the world which is called 'Vietnam'

Asia means 'part of the earth called 'Asia'

11.12.4. 2* Locative Preposition: tai 'in, atJ

TajL 'in, at' indicates a situation, a position

or a place without being thought of in terms of length,

47
width, or height^ . It is used before names of continents,

47. These notions have been borrowed from L e e c h 's Towards a

Semantic Description of English (1969: 159-201). Seeking to
account for the meaning and interrelations of various spatial
notions, Leech postulates following basic units: 'place',
'dimensionality' (embracing the features 1 DIM (i.e. one
dimension), 2DIM, 3DIM), 'proximity', 'side of', 'vertical'/
'horizontal', 'distance', 'p l u s '/'m i n u s ', 'diagonal',
'north'/'south', 'west'/'east’, 'orientation', 'movement',
'types of locomotion', 'posture1.
 313

countries, states, cities, villages, etc., or buildings

such as post-offices, bookshops, supermarkets, banks,

etc., or physical objects such as tables, chairs, beds,

desks, etc • 9

(534) Mai lam viec tai Phap >

A L
'Mai work in Prance.
’Mai worked in Prance J

(Prance is a country which is envisaged

place on the map).

(535) Mai lam viec tai B a-Le.

A I
’Mai worked in Paris I
(Paris is a city which is envisaged as a^ague point on

the map).
i
(536) Mai sap hang tai tram xe buyt .
A L
Mai queue at stop vehicle bus.
!Mai queued at the bus stop.1

(The bus stop is envisaged as a dimensionless location)

Notice that the following sentence is vague:

(537) Mai 6 tai chd.

”0 1
Mai be at market,
’Mai is at the market I

since it does not state whether Mai is inside or outside

the market.

11.12.43• Locative B.elat~ea N o u n s .

According to Thompson (1965: 200-202), the

Locative relator nouns are nouns which express position

(in space or time) or some vaguer dimension in relation

to something else. They have the function of "classifying

relative position" (p. 316) and they are head nouns in

noun phrases (p. 318)*

 314

Locative relator nouns are different from other

nouns such as nha 'house’, xe 'vehicle' and Saigon, in that

they are bound (Clark, 1975: 58); that is, they require

either a noun or a determiner following.

(538) Mai ngoi trong xe.

0~ L
Mai sit in vehicle.
'Mai was sitting in the car J

Bolfr trong and xe are nouns, but trong must be followed

by another noun (i.e. xe 'vehicle') or a determiner (e.g.

kia 'that') as the following example:

(539) Mai ngoi trong kia.

0 L
Mai sit in that.
'Mai was sitting over there!

This sentence may be represented as follows:

Prop

Pra Cl C2

Ugoi
'sit'

Det

Mai trong Kia

"" 'i n ' 't h a t '

In this section, I shall present a brief

analysis of the meaning a n d uses o f s o m e locative relator

nouns.
 315

Tren ’superior, on, above, on top of, over!

}

Dhoi 'inferior, under, beneath., underneath, below!

Trong; ’interior, in, inside!

Hgoai 'exterior, out, outside I

Tru;6c 'anterior, before, in front of, the front!

Sau 'posterior, after, behind, the back part, rear!

Ngang 'across, opposite!

Gdda 'between, the middle!

Quanh 'around, surrounding!

B e n « canh 'side, by, next to, beside, at the side of

Following Bennett (1975:1), I shall discuss the

Locative relator nouns in small groups, membership of the

groups being determined by relatedness of meaning. The only

significance of the order in which the groups occur is

convenience of presentation.

(l) Tren 'superior, on, above, on top of, over!

Diidi 'inferior, under, beneath, underneath, below!

A i
Tren and duf>i are antonyms.

Tren indicates:

- A place directly on top of either a line or a surface.

(540) Ba di tren dhong Hoa-Binh ,

A L
Ba go on street_ Hoa-Binh.
'Ba walked on Hoa Binh street!

(Iioa-Binh street is viewed as a line).

(541) Con meo di tren ban.

I L
Classifier cat go on table.
'The cat walked on the table!

(The table is viewed as a surface).

 316

- on the surface of some geographical entities which

are at a higher level than the ground, e.g.

nui 'mountain1, doi'hill1, cao nguyen 'highland.'

rO J ,
(542) Luc-q uan My cam trai tren nui Ba-Den.
A L
Army American camp on mountain Ba-Den.
'The American Army camped on Ba-Den mountainI

- a space directly over the top of something.

(543) Bd6m bay tren bui cay .

A L
Butterfly fly over bush
'Butterflies flew over the b u shes!

- In the sky, or the clouds, the moon.

(544) Ohim bay tren trdi

A L
Bird fly above sky
'The birds flew in the airl

In the Locative phrase tren trdi (Lit: above sky), the

idea of location vis-a-vis the speaker is entirely lost

in the English equivalent 1in the s k y '. For Vietnamese

speakers, tren tr6i means 'the space above, which is

the air.' (Hoa, 1974: 265).

- Horthernly towns, cities, areas. For example, residents in

Ca-Mau (the most southernly area of Viet n a m ) use

tren when they speak of Saigon.

(545) Ba lam viec tren Saigon.

A L
Ba work on Saigon.
'Ba worked in_____ Saigon i

- The place on a bus, a train, a ship (i.e. public

transport).

(546) Mdoi hanh

_ Q khach ngbi tren xe L buyt.
Ten passenger sit on vehicle bus.
'Ten passengers were sitting on the b u s j
 317

Some nouns presuppose the concomitant of tr e n , e.g.

thien dang/thien duffng 'paradise', dinh nui 'peak,'

mat trang 'the moon.’

(547) Thien than hat tren thien d a n g .

A L
Angel sing on paradise.
'The angels sang in______ Paradise 1

i
Dh6i indicates:

- A place directly under something.

(548) Ba cha triing du6i chan.

A 0 “ L
Ba squash egg under foot.
’Ba squashed the eggs under his foot.
’

- A space or place under either a line or a surface.

t

(549) Con chuot chay du!6i ban.

A ' I “
Classifier rat run under table.
*The_______ rat ran under the table I

- A place at the foot or base of something, e.g.

nui ’m o u n t a i n ’, doi ’hillI

i I
(550) Ba ngoi dhoi chan nui .
0 ~ L
Ba sit under foot mountain.
’Ba was
sitting at the foot of the mountain I

- A geographical place which is on a lower level

than the ground e.g. thung-lung 'valley', ho ’lake,'

./A
ao 'pond', song ’river,' bien ’seal

(551) Than Mda boi ddoi day bien.

A L
Spirit rain swim under bottom sea.
'The spirit of
rain ~ swam in the depths of the seasl

- Southernly town or area.

i
(552) Ba lam viec duoi Ca-Mau.
A 1
.Ba work . under
’Ba worked m Ca—H a u .
 318

- On the ground (as opposite to the sky)

(553) Sa ngoi du’di dat

0 L
Ba sit under ground.
'Ba was
sitting on the ground !

i /
Dddi dat means 'the space below (the speaker), w h i c h is

the ground!

Certain nouns presuppose the co-occurrence of diidi. For

instance, Vietnamese speakers always say:

(554) a. Diioi am-phu

under Hell
'In Hell!

b. Diidi chan d&i.

under foot hill.
'At the foot of the hill!

(2) Trong 'interior, in, inside!

Ngoai 'exterior, out, outside!

Trong and ngoai are antonyms.

Trong indicates;

- An enclosed place or space. The place is seen as a

volume i.e. is thought of in terms of length, width,

height (or depth).

(555) Qhim hot trong lo n g .

A L
Bird chirp in cage.
'The
birds chirped in the cage.'

- The interior of a volume, e.g. w ater, the a i r , the rain

(556) Ca loi trong ho .

A ’ L
Fish swim in lake.
'Fish swam in the lake!
 319

- Enclosure within an area.

(557) Ba chay trong c6ng vien.

A * 1
Ba run in public park.
'Ba ran in the public park

- Inland, islands,towns, villages.

(558) Ba lam viec trong dao Qon-sdn.

A L
Ba work in island Con-sdn.
'Ba worked in Con-s6n island I

- South territory of Vietnam - All areas in South

territory of Vietnam are considered as the interior

places as opposed to those in the North, the exterior

places. Interior places are used with the Locative

relator noun trong, whereas exterior places are used with

the Locative relator noun ng o a i .

(559) Ba lain viec trong Earn.

A L
Ba work in South.
'Ba worked in South Vietnam.'

The term trong ham 'in south' inherits from the old

name Bang Trong 'Interior place' when South Vietnam

/ f“0 ^ r-J

was ruled by Ohua Nguyen 'Lord Nguyen'(see Appendix 5 ).

- Abstract location.
/ /

(560) Ba doc cau ay trong cuon "Les Pensees

A ’ 0 L
Ba read sentence that in classifier "Les Pensees1 .'
'Ba read that sentence in the book "Les Pensees'.''

- Abstract domain in the heart.

In literary work and in colloquial speech, the heart is

regarded as a particular location of all kinds of love

'tinh yeu, tinh thd&ng' e.g. sexual love, maternal love,

paternal love, fraternal love, patriotic love.

 320

Bgoai in d ic a te s :

- Outside an enclosed space or volume.

(561) Ba ngoi n goai phong.

0 1
Ba sit outside room.
'Ba -was
sitting outside the room.1

- Borth territory of Vietnam.

_ ^ 1
(562) Ba lam viec ngoai B a c .
A ' 1
Ba work exterior Borth.
'Ba worked in Bortli Vietnam.'

_ )
The term ngoai Bac is inherited from the old name

■Bang Bgoai (Lit: Exterior place) when the Borth was

ruled by Qhua-Trihh 'lord Trinh' (see A ppendix 3 ).

- Coastal towns e.g. Bha-Trang, Vung-Tau (see

Appendix 3 ). For Vietnamese people, the seas are situated

outside the main land.

(563) Ba lam viec ngoai Bha-Trang.

A L
Ba work outside Bha-Trang.
'Ba worked in Bha-TrangI

- the open air.

(564) Ba hat ngoai r uong.

A L
Ba sing outside ricefield.
'Ba sang in______ the ricefield I

I ^
Overlap between tren. diidi, trong . n g o a i .
t

Vietnamese speakers often use tren, du!6i, trong,

ngoai with the same noun. But in such cases, the meaning will

be slightly different.
 521

(565) Miidi hanh khach ngoi trong xe buyt.

d 1
Ten passenger sit in vehicle bus.
'Ten passengers were
sitting xn the bus!

(The bus is seen as a volume).

(566) Mdoi hanh khach ngoi tren xe buyt.

0 1
Ten passenger sit on vehicle bus.
'Ten passengers were
sitting on the b u s ]

(The bus is seen as a surface).

. /

(567) Tau be chay dd6i song.

0 1
Ship run below river.
'Ships ran in the river!

(The river is seen as being on a lower level than the ground).

(568) Tau be chay tren song.

0 L
Ship run on river.
fShips ran in the river!

(The river is envisaged as a line).

(3) Ben, canh 'side, by, next to, beside, at the side o f ’

Ben, canh are used to indicate the nearness of one object

to another.

(569)
1
Cai _den— Bdau- Ida
x jj
dat canh L
J-
bep.

Classifier lamp Kerosene place at the side of cooking

tripod.
1The Kerosene lamp stood at the side of the cooking
tripod I

Ben is also used before the name of a nation or parts

of the earth e.g. ben Phap 'in P r a n c e 1, ben y 'in Italy,'

ben Phi chau 'in Africa,' ben Au chau 'in Europe!

(570) Ba lam viec ben P h a p .

A * L
Ba work side Prance.
'Ba worked in Prance!
 322

^ri^ c ’anterior, before, in front of, the f r o n t 1

Sau ’posterior, after, behind, the back part, rear!

Ugang ’across,opposite!

G-iiia ’between, the middle'

>
(571) a. Ho a chdi trtidc nha.
A L
Hoa play in front of house.
’Hoa was
playing in front of her house!

b. Ba cat nha ngang b\iu-dien.

A F L
Ba build house opposite post-office.
’Ba built a house opposite the post-office!

(5) Quanh ’around, surrounding!

(572) Canh-sat diing gac quanh chd Saigon,

A L
Police stand guard around market Saigon.
’The Police were
standing on
guard around Saigon m a r k e t !

11.12.4*4.’Optional’ and ’Obligatory' Locative

Fillmore suggests a distinction between the

highly restricting Locative and the weakly restricting

Locative.

M ...the distinction between "optional" and

"obligatory" locative expressions, as exemplified
in Hall's examples (i) and (ii), seem to point
to the difference between elements which are "inside the
VP" and elements which are "outside the VP".
(i) John keeps his car in the garage.
(ii) John washes his car in the garage.
In our terms this would be equivalent either to
determining whether there is a difference between
an L as a constituent of P and an L as a constituent
of M, or whether there can be two L elements within
P, distinguished in terms of degree of selectivity
of verbs. The highly restricting L selects verbs like
k e e p , put and leave... The weakly restricting L selects
verbs like polish, wash and build."
(1968a: 26, fn 34).
48. Hall (Part e e ), Barbara (1965 ). Subject and Ob.iect in English*'
Unpublished Dissertation. M.I.T.
 325

Following Fillmore, Platt (1971: 50-55) also

discusses different Locatives. He calls "the highly-

restricting locative", "the inner Locative", and "the

weakly restricting Locative", "the outer Locative".

Inner Locative in Vietnamese: Such verbs as girt ’keep,'

chiia, diing (Lit: contain, hold, store) ’put in', ’keep',

song, cu! n g u » d ’be in/at, live in/at, reside in' always

require the accompaniment of Inner Locatives. Like English,

a Vietnamese inner Locative is obligatory.

(573) a. Mai diing tra trong binh n a y .

A 0 L
Mai contain tea in jar this.
’Mai kept tea in_____ this jar. ’

Vietnamese speakers do not say:

b. * Mai ddng tra.

*('Mai kept tea!)

Outer Locative in Vietnamese:

Some verbs optionally require the accompaniment

of the Locative. For example, verbs ui ’iron', nau ’cook',

i o i _
riia ’w a s h ’, an ’e a t ’, uo ng 'drink1, lam viec ’work,' l a u , chui

'polish', trong 'grow', dao ’dig!

(574) Ho dao gieno trong dao Con-son.

A F L
They dig wells in island Con-s6n.
'They dug wells in Con-sdn island!

The Outer Locative Case trong dao Qon-sdn can change its

syntactic position i.e. it can stand initially in the

sentence to emphasise a Locative topic.

 324

2 1
(575) Trong dao Con-s6n , ho dao g ieng.
L A F
1In Con-s6n island , they dug wells i

11.12.5* Lirectional Gase. The Directional Case indicates ’dynamic'

spatial relations. It is used in this thesis as a general

term to cover the G o a l , Source and Path Oases. Following

Bennett (1970), I recognise four different deep Case-

relationships: Locative, Source, Goal and B a t h ^ .

11.12.5*1.Directional verbs.

Len ’ascend, go up (to)’

t
Xuong ’descend, go down (to)’

Ra ’exit, go out (of) (to)’

V o , Vao ’enter, go in (to)’

Ve 'return (to)’

L a i , t o i , den ’come to, arrive at!

Qua, sang 'go over, pass over, go across (to), cross'

49* Fillmore does not make a distinction between Locative and

Directional Case. He says:
"The list of Cases includes L, but nothing corresponding to
what might be called directional. There is a certain amount
of evidence, as was mentioned above, that locational and dir­
ectional elements do not contrast but are superficial
differences determined either by the c onstituent structure or
by the character of the associated verb" (1968a: 25)

Elswhere he writes (1968a: 12)

"Inside a VP the difference between the locative and

directional senses is entirely dependent on the associated
verb; outside the VP the sense is always locative 1'

Fillmore (1971), following Bennett (1970), makes a distinction

between Locative and Directional Case.
 325

(l) Len 'ascend, go up (to)1

The verb len always deals with upward

movement, so that it contains a feature 'movement up'

which may be represented by an arrow like this (^)

(576) Mai len lau________ t u .

A Gr
Mai ascend upper floor four.
'Mai w ent up to the fourth fl o o r J

Len is used for the movement from the lowlands

(e.g. Ca-Mau) to the highlands (e.g. B a - L a t ).

(577) Mai len Ba- L a t .

A" G-
Mai ascend Ba-Lat.
'Mai went up to Ba-Lat.'

Len also conveys a psychological rather than geographical

connotation. For example, a fisherman in a village says:

i
(578) Toi len nha Qng Quan~Tru6ng.
A Gr
I ascend house Mr. Bistrict Ohief.
'I went u p the Bistrict Chief's h o u s e !
or 'i”went (up) to the Bistrict Chief's house!
(Liem, 1975: 27).

The reason is that for villagers, the Bistrict Chief's

house is an important place, one must go up to it.

(2) Xuong 'descend, godown (to)'

A/
The verb xuong always deals w i t h downward movement,

so that it contains a feature 'movement down' which may

be represented by an arrow like this ( J, )

(579) Mai xuong lau hai.
A G
Mai descend upper floor two.
'Mai went down to the second f l o o r !
I
Xuong is the opposite of l e n . It is used for the movement

from the highlands to the lowlands.

 326
/
(380) Max xuong: Ca-Mau.

Mai descend Ca-Mau.

’Mai went down to Ca-Mau I

Xuong: also conveys a psychological rather than geographical

connotation. For example, people say:

A 1 A.' - i f
Qng: Quan-Triiong nha xuong
nghdi danh ca.
a ” a
Mr.District Chief descend house person catch fish.
'The District
Chief went (down) t o the fisherman's h o u s e !

or
/ /

(581) Mai xuong nha-bep.

A G-
Mai descend house kitchen.
'Mai went down the kitchen!
or 'Mai went (down) to the kitchen.'

(Idem, 1975: 27)

Notice that the kitchen is not necessarily on a lower level

than the living room, for example, from which the person

went.

(3) Ra 'exist, go out (of)(to)'.

The verb ra always deals with outward movement,

so that it contains a feature 'movement out'. ( <i— E D )

(582) Mai ra triiong.

A So
Mai go out school.
'Mai went out of the school!

Ra also denotes (a) the movement from a point in central

or South Vietnam to a point in North Vietnam. For

example, from Saigon, a speaker says:

(583) Toi ra H a-Noi

A G
I go out Ha-Noi
went to H a -Noi!

(b) the movement from a central area of the country to

 327

a coastal city.

(584) Toi ra Mia-Trang.

A G
I go out ETha-Trang.
’I went to Nha-Trang! (Eha-Trang is a coastal
city)

(4) Vo, Vao ’enter, go in (to)1

V o , VaTo are the opposite of ra. They contain a

feature ’movement i n ’. ( SI]}

(585) Mai vo trdong.

A a
Mai enter school.
’Mai entered the school!

Vo also means ’go South from an area of higher latitude

(within the territory of Vietnam)’ or ’go to a central

area from a coastal city!

(586) Mai vo Saigon.

A Gr __
Mai enter Saigon.
’Mai went to Saigon! (because Saigon is the
central city)

(5) Ve ’return (to)’

The verb ve always deals with backward movement

It contains a feature ’movement b a c k ’. ( )

(587) Mai ve Vietnam.

A ^
Mai return Vietnam.
’Mai returned to Vietnam I

< i
(6) T6 i , d e n , lai ’come to, arrive at!

These verbs always deal with toward movement. They

contain a feature ’movement t o ’ (■ ^ I— I)

 328

(588) Mai tc?i truong

T G-
Mai come to school.
'Mai came to school]

(7) Q u a , sang 'go over, pass over, go across (to), c r o s s ’

These verbs always deal with 1transversing1 or 'across'

movement, so that it contains a feature 'movement acro s s ’

which may be represented like this: (EZ3 EEV )

(589) Chiec xuong qua song.

0 Pa.
classifier sampan cross river.
'The sampan has crossed the r i v e r !

Notice that Vietnamese speakers use four

directional verbs v o /vao, ra, l e n . xuong in a 'characteristic'

way (Hoa, 1974: 284). Eor instance, if a speaker wants to go

from a relatively confined and dark area (e.g. his living r o o m )

to a relatively more spacious a n d more brightly-lit area

(e.g. the street, the g a r d e n ), he says:

A ^' —
(590) Toimuon ra n goai vddn.
E G
Iwant go out out garden.
I want to go out to ite garden.'

since the garden is a wider area than theliving room.

But if a speaker wants to go in the garden while he is on

the street, he should say:

(591) Toi muon vo trong___ v\idn

E g
Iwant enter in garden.
'I want to go into the__ ga rden1

Thus, ngoai vudn (Lit: out garden) and trong v&Cdn (Lit:

in garden) indicate the same place.

 329

The choice of the Locative relator nouns (e.g. tren 'up,'

dufei 'down' ) depends on the directional verbs.

For example, if a speaker wants to go to the second floor

while he is on the ground floor, he should say:

t _

(592) Toi muon len tren tuhg lau hai.

L Gr
I want ascend up upper floor two.
’I want to go up to the second floor!

But if he wants to go to the second floor while he is

on the fourth floor, he should say:

(593) Toi muon xuong dd6i

tdng lau hai.
E G-
I want descend down upper floor two.
’I want to go down to the second f loor!

Thus, tren tiing lau hai (Lit: up the second floor) and

ddoi tdng lau hai (Lit: down the second floor) indicate

the same pl a c e •

11.12. 5•2 .Directional Prepositions

When the Directional verbs follow other Action

or Process verbs, they lose their verbal properties and

50 51
become directional prepositions and adverbs .

The prepositions retain the semantic features

derived from their homophonous verbs.

The process of a word changing over a period

of time from a verb to a preposition has been discussed

by Olark (1975: 268-269).

50. Olark (1975:iii-v) calls all directional prepositions

1coverbs1. However, she emphasises that: ’'Coverbs must be
defined as prepositions, not as verbs, in order to explain
the facts of the language in a straightforward way'.'
51. In this thesis, X am interested only in the
directional prepositions.
 330

To say that a prepositional phrase is

directional is not enough. Directional prepositions

are of three kinds, depending on •whether they realise

a Goal, Source, or Path expression (Bennett^ 1970:85)

11.13. Goal (G)

11.13- Definition: The Goal Case indicates the point towards

which something is directed or the location towards which

the action or process identified hy the verb has occurred,

or the later state of an entity,

11.13. 2. Goal Prepositions

(1) Inherent Goal Preposition: tan ’till, all the way

up to* (Lit: to extreme point) e.g.

(594) Ba treo tan ngon cay .

A G
’Ba climbed all the way u p to the treetopi

(2) Derived Goal Prepositions:

Directional verbs Goal Prepositions

Yo/Yao 'go in (to)' Yo/Yao 'in, into'

Ra 'go out (to)' Ra 'out, to'

Len 'go up (to)' Len 'up, to'

Xuong 'go down (to)’ Xuong 'down, to'

Ye 'go back(to)' Ye 'back, to'

Lai/toi/den 'come to' Lai/toi/den 'to, till, until'

Q ua, sang 'go over(to), Q ua, sang 'over(to), across *

go across (to)'

These Goal prepositions mark the end of any

sort of movement or transition. They denote 'to the Goal',

'to the Destination' or 'to the Place intended!

 331

11.13. 3* Distinction between Directional verbs and G-oal Prepositions

(-L) l£ ’S° in (to), e n t e r 1 (Directional verb).

Vo 'in (through), into' (G-oal preposition).

(595) Mai vo thd-vien. Dir. V: Directional verb

A. Dir.V, G G. Prep: Goal
Preposition
Mai enter library
'Mai went into the library.'

(596) Mai mo cda vo thii vien.

A V 0 Dir.Y G
Mai open door enter library
'Mai opened the door entering the library!
or
'Mai opened the door and entered the library.'

(597) Mai th.oc tay vo__ cda-so •

A Y 0 G.Prep
Mai thrust hand enter window
'Mai thrust her
hand
in through the w i ndowl

If vo in (597) is analysed as vo in (596), the sentence

becomes anomalous.

* ( 'Mai thrust her hand entering the window')

* ( 'Mai thrust her hand and entered the w i n d o w ')

(2) T6i 'come to (Directional verb)

T&i 'to' (Goal preposition)

(598) a. Mai t6i Luan -Don.

A Dir.V “
G
Mai come to London
'Mai came to London,
/
b Mai lai xe toi Luan -Don.
A V 0 G.Prep G
Mai drive car to London
'Mai drove her car to London.'
 332

(3) Ve ’go back (to), return' (Directional verb),

Ve 'back, t o 1 (G-oal preposition).

(599) a. Mai ve Vietnam.

A Dir.V. Jx
Mai return Vietnam.
’Mai returned t o 'Vietnam I

V
Mai gdi qua ve Viet n a m .
A V 0“ Orep"""'" F
Mai send gift return Vietnam,
’Mai sent back to 'Vietnam

11.13.4. Motion verb di ’goI

Pi can become a G-oal preposition. Consider:

Mai di Hue.
A~ V
Mai go Hue. ,
’Mai went to Hue.’

Mai di ra Ha--Noi -
A V G-.Prep G-
Mai go out Ha--Hoi
’Mai went to Ha-»N0i!

1 t 4 ' ■
c . Mai g6i sach di Uc ♦
A ~ V 0 G-.Prep a
Mai send book go Australia
’Mai sent the books to Australia!

However, di cannot occur with Directional verbs and

other Motion verbs.

(601) a. Mai Ve Vietnam.

A Dir.V G\
’Mai returned to Viet n a m I

b. * Mai Ve di Vietnam.
A Dir.V Motion
V- G-
* ( *Mai
~ returned go V ietnam.’ )
 333

(602) a. Mai chay vo trulong „

A Motion Y G-.Prep. G-
Mai run into school.
fMai ran into the school!

h. * Mai chay di trdong e

A Motion Y Motion Y “ G-.
* (’ Mai ran go school! )

According to the semantic property of the verb,

each verb can occur with three, four or several G-oal

prepositions. For example, the following verbs can occur

with six G-oal prepositions.

52
Bay 'fly1 , chay ’r u n ’, bdi ’s w i m ’, bo 'crawl', mang,

dem *b r i n g ', duh 'h a n d 1, khieng 1carry J

(60.5) a. Ba bay di Ha-Noi.

A - a
Ba fly to Ha-Noi.
'Ba flew to Iia-Noi!

i
b. Ba bay t<3i Saigon.
A Gr
Ba fiy to Saigon.
'Ba flew to Saigon!

Ba
m^ i w
bay
nwMiHM
ra______ H u e !
mm rmimmw n m m ii— «— — — »Banff

Ba fly out ‘Hue,

'Ba flew(north) to H u e !

d. Ba bay vo Nha-Trang.
A a
Ba fly into Nha-Trang.
iBa flew(south) to Nha-Trang!

e. Ba bay leh_____ B a - L a t .
A a
Ba fly up Ba-Lat.
iBa f l e w (u p ) to Ba-Lat I

i _
f. Ba
iM k M l
bay
m w am n
xuong Qa-Mau.
M m m im M B m M M M M m r a M M

a a
Ba fly down Ca-Mau.
'Ba flew (d o w n ) to Ca-Mau! (Hoa, 1972:404)

52.Notice that verb bay »fly» involves the forelimbs of bats or

’|ghJSS5g£SAofl£f$ .'Wlth “
 334

Some verbs are restricted with regard to

possible direction. According to Hoa (1972:404), those

verbs which ae so restricted occur only with directional

adverbs, For example, the following verbs can only occur

with the directional adverb ra 'outI

l \ T.
Mo ra 'open', nho ra ’pull o u t 1, c6i ra 'untiej

kham-pha ra 'discover or uncover' phat-minh ra 'invent,'

1 i
(604) Ba m6 cda ra.
Ba open door out.
'Ba opened the door!

However, H o a 1s observation is not quite true. Verbs

thpc 'thrust', a/p 'press against' only occur with vo

'in, into, onto' which is a G-oal preposition.

(605) a. Mai ap mat vo cda s o .

A 0 G
Mai press against face into window.
'Mai pressed her face onto the window

i
b. Mai thoc tay vo cda so.
A 0 ~ G
'Mai thrust her hand in through the w i n d o w !

One cannot say:

(606) c. * Mai ap mat vo.

* ( 'Mai pressed her face onto! )

d. * Mai thpc tay vo.

* ( 'Mai thrust her hand in through!

When vo 'in', ra 'out', di 'to', lai 'back' combine

with pairs of reduplicative Action verbs, they are not Goal

prepositions but directional adverbs. Their combination has

a general meaning of 'again and again,' 'over and over,'

'b a c k and f o r t h !
 335

(607) a. Mai v i et di viet lai lath<3.

A 3?
Mai write to write back letter,
wrote the letter again and againi

t
b. Mai hoc di hoc lai bai Su .
A 0
Mai study to study back lesson History
’Mai studied the History lesson over and overI

c. Mai di di lai lai

A L
Mai go to return back in room,
TMai went back and forth in the room!

d. Mai chay vo chay ra.

A
Mai run in run out,
’Mai ran in and out!

Mai bdi vo bdi ra.

A
Mai swim in swim out.
’Mai swam in . and out!

Locative relator nouns can co-occur with G-oal

prepositions and Directional adverbs.

(608) Ba treo len tan | tren ngqn cay.

N V Adv. G.Prep ;L.relator HP. ""
. ________________ noun_____________
A Gv
Ba climb up till on top tree.
’Ba climbed all the way up to the treetop!
(Hoa, 1966: 411) ■

11.13*5. Identification; An HP that can answer a question

containing; a Goal prepositionl + ( dau 'whex

'where') ?
'what1 ) ?
or t El 'what'

is dominated by the Goal Case.

For example (609) Mai len lau ttf

’Mai went up to the fourth floor!

Question; Mai len

tan dau ?
G.Prep.
Mai ascend all the
way up to where
’Where did Mai go up to?'
Answer; - Lau tii 'The fourth floor!
~ G
 336

(610) Mai dich la tho ra tieng Anh.

A. ‘ 0
Mai translate the
letter into sound England.
'Mai translated the
letter into English!

Question: Mai dich la tho ra tieng agi ?

G-.Prep
Mai translate the
letter into sound what.
'Into which language did Mai translate the
"" letter?'

Answ e r : - Tieng Anh 'English!

G

11•13• 6* Surface Realisation.

The G-oal Case is realised in the surface

structure as the object with our without a Goal preposition.

11 * 13 • 7. Goal verbs e.g. do 'pour1, bo, de 'put (inV, dut 1insert!

nhung 'soak', thpc, ’put into!

A Goal verb obligatorily requires the accompaniment of a

Goal Case.

One cannot say:

x
(611) a. * Mai do gao.
A O '
* ( 'Mai poured r i c e !)

but b. Mai do^ gao vo noi.

A "* O' G
Mai pour rice into saucepan.
'Mai poured rice into the saucepan!

One cannot say:

(612) a. * Mai bo dridng.

A 0
* ( 'Mai put sugar!)
 337

but: b • Mai bo dddng vo chao •

A 0 G-
Mai put sugar in porridge
’Mai put sugar in the JBorridge.'

Similarly, there are such sentences ;as:

/
(613) Mai dat cai chau xuong dat.
A 0 a
Mai put classifier basin down ground
’Mai put the basin down on the floorJ
■u-
(614) Mai dut chia khoa vo 0.
A 0 Gr
Mai insert key into lock
’Mai inserted the key into the lock.’

(615) Mai nhung banh mi vo sda.

A 0 a
Mai soak bread in milk
’Mai soaked bread in milk.'

(616) Mai thoc tay vo tui ;ao .

A 0 Gr
Mai thrust hand into pocket.
!Mai put her hands into her coat pocket I

11.14. Source (So)

11,14.1. Definition; The Source Oase denotes the starting point

of the change of position described by the sentence or the

location from which action has begun, or the earlier state

of an entity.

11.14.2. Source Prepositions; Two Source prepositions are: tu ’fr o m1

and khoi ’away (from)’ e.g.

(617) Mai dich la tho tu tieng Anh ra tieng Viet

A 0 So Gr
Mai translated the letter from English into
Vietnamese I
 338

(6 1 8 ) C h ie c ta u ra Khoi bd
0 So
Classifier boat go out away from shore,
1The boat went away from shore .f

11.14. 3 * Identification

(1) The Source Case is selected by Source verbs, e.g.

rd i , lia ’leave', bat nguon 'originate', e.g.

(619) Mai rdi Vietnam.

A So
Mai leave Vietnam.
Mai left Vietnam.’

(2) An NP that can answer a question containing a

source preposition + (dau *where') ?

or (gi 'what' } ?

is dominated by the Source Case. For example:

Question: Mai rdi Khoi dau

So.Prep.
Mai leave away from where
'Where did Mai leave?'

Answer: - Viet n a m .
So

Question: Mai dich la thd td tieng

Mai translate letter from sound what
'Prom which language did Mai translate the
lett e r ? '

A ns w e r : - Ti eng Anh ,
So
Sound England
'English ’,

11.14 *4. Surface Realisation

The Source Case is realised in the surface

structure as the object with or without a Source preposition.

 339

1 1 .1 4 - 5 - S o u rc e and G o a l

Source and Goal are specified as two place nouns.

(620) Mai di bo til nha tdi trdong .

A ' So G
Mai walk from house to school.
’Mai walked from home to school!

Source and Goal are realised in the surface structure

without prepositions.

(621) Con chuot chay roi

trong
' a!
/>.
bien mat
hang.
A ’ L.relator G
noun
Classifier rat run then disappear into hole.
’The_____ rat ran then disappeared into his h o l e !
ox 1The~rat ran and disappeared into his h o l e !

The rat disappeared from a viewing point outside

the hole, but that in the hole he might be visible. Thus,

the hole is the Goal of his journey (Gruber, 1976: 118)

(622) Con chuot chay roi bien mat ngoai hang.

A I.Relator So
noun
Classifier rat rim then disappear outside hole.
’The rat ran then disappeared outside his hol e !
or 1The rat ran and disappeared outside his hole!

The ratdisappeared from a viewing point inside the

hole, so that he was no longer visible in his hole. The

hole is the Source of his journey.

Row, consider:

(623) hay nui chay tu’Ba-Lat t&L Rha-Trang.

0 So G
Chain mountain run from Ba-Lat to Rha-Trang.
’The chain of mountains runs from Ba-Lat to Rha-Trang.
 340

This sentence contains Source and G-oal but

describes no change of position and is therefore not a

directional sentence. It cannot be used with dang (Lit:

in the process of) which is like the progressive aspect

in English.

(624) * Day n^i dang chay tut Ba-Lat toi Nha-Trang.

* ( 'The chain of mountains i s runningfrom
"" Ba-Lat t o__ Nha-Trang•'

If we reverse the syntactic older of Ba-Lat and Nha-

Trang . the resulting sentence still describes the same state

of affairs.

(625) Day 4iui chay td~ Nha-Trang tdi Ba-Lat.

0 So G
!The chain of mountains runs from Nha-Trang to Ba-Lat i

Sometimes the Source and Goal Gases are used to specify

the location of two geographical extremes and they cannot

be reversed.

(626) Song X chay til Tay-Tang t <3i Thai-Binh-Diiong

0 “ So G
River X flow from Tibet to Pacific Ocean.
'River X flows from Tibet to Pacific QceanI

Another way of expressing the same idea &s in (6 2 6 ) is:

(627) Song X phat-nguyen t\i Tay-Tang va do ra

0 So
'River X originates from Tibet and pours out into

Thai-Binh-Ddong
G
Pacific Ocean.'

or 'River X rises in Tibet and pours out into Pacific Ocean]

 341

1 1 .1 5 . P a th (P a )

11.15.1. Definition: The Path Case can be defined as the route

taken a movement, i.e. the movement is directed

past somewhere, through somewhere to the destination.

11.15.2. Path Prepositions

Qua ’cross, go across, pass over' is a Directional verb.

When qua occurs with other Motion verbs, it becomes a

Path preposition which means ’across, through, over,past!

(628) a. Mai di qua cau.

A Pa
Mai go across brid g e .
'Mai went across over the bridge!

b. Mai bang qua canh dong.

A Pa
Mai traverse through classifier field,
'Mai crossed through the field !

Do.c (theo ) 'a l o n g '

Path prepositions.

(629) Mai di d oc theo

diibng Hilng-Bao tc5i briu-dien.
A Pa Gr
Mai go along street Hdng-Bao to post-office.
’Mai went along___ Hiing-Bao street to the post-office

11.15.3. Identification

(1) The Path Case is selected by the Directional verb

qua ’cross, go across, pass over!

(2) An WP that can answer the question containing verb

qua + dau ’w h e r e ’ ?

or a Path preposition + dau 'where'?

or a Motion verb + td dau + toi dau ?

'from w h e r e ’ 'to where'
is dominated by the Path Case. Por example:
 342

(630) Mai qua cau.

A" Pa
Mai cross bridge.
’Mai crossed over the bridge I

Question: Mai qua dau ?

Mai cross where
*Where did Mai cross over? ’

Answer: - Cau 'Bridge1.

Pa

(631) Mai di bo td nha toi trddng,

A ‘ So G-

Pa
Mai walk from house to school.
’Mai walked from home to school.'

Question: Mai di bo td dau tdi dau ?

Mai w a l k ’ from where to where
'Prom where to where did Mai walk?'

A ns w e r : - Td nha tdi trdong

So G-

Pa
'Prom home to_s cho o 1 1

11.15.4. Surface Realisation: Th£ Path Case is realised in the

surface structure a s :

- an object with or without a Path preposition.

- an object with the syntactic form as follows:

td + HP + tdi + HP
'from' "'"To'
 343

11.15. 5• Semantic Representation of Source. Goal, Path and Locative

For example: (632) Ba rdi nha .

A so
Ba leave home
’Ba left home*'

rdi
’leave

nha
'h o m e '

When Source, Goal and Bath are not chosen as the first

object of the sentence in surface structure, they will be

associated with Source, Goal and Path prepositions. Two

Cases i.e. Source and Goal are usually embedded inside

Path. The Base Rules (BR) are expanded as follows:

BR3: RP---- ^ R + RP
B R 6 : C ----- » C + C

For example:

(633) Pa treo len tan. tren ngon cay

R V Adv G.Prep, 1.relator
R R R
A G
Ba climb up till on top tree
'Ba climbed all the way up to the treetop.’
This sentence may be represented as follows:

Pred Cl 02

Adv

treo len

'cli m b ’ up RP

RP
Ba

tren ngon gay

'on1 'top 'tree'

Apply TR1: Preposition Attachment (OBL).

Prop

Pred 01 02

Adv

len
1c l i m b ''u p '
BP Prep BP

Ba ;ren
on

Apply T R ? : Subject-fronting (OBL).

(634) Ba di bo tu? nha tc?i truong.

A" So G
Pa
'Ba walked from home to schoolI
 345

This sentence may be represented as follows:

Pred 02

di bo Pa
'walk'

So

HP

Ba

nha
1h o m e 1

Apply TR1: Preposition Attachment (OBL).

Prop

di bo
'walk

HP So
I
H Prep ■ep

td H tdi
from 1t o ’
nha
’h o m e 1

Apply TR$: Subject-fronting (OBL)

 346

(635) Ba lo i trong; ho .
A L
Ba swam in the lake 1

This sentence may be represented as follows

Prop

Pred 01 02

Ba

(6 3 6 ) Ba loi trong riing •

A 1 L
'Ba swam in a lake in the forest I

One cannot say:

* Ba loi trong ho va trong rung -

* ( 'Ba swam in a lake and in the forest.')

If the two occurrences of L in sentence (6 3 6 ) are

not interpreted as one embedded within the other, the

sentence would be unacceptable.

Sentence (6 3 6 ) may be paraphrased as:

'Ba swam in a lake which was in the forest* and

semantically represented as follows:

 347

P ro p

swim

MP

'lake'

riing
’f o r e s t '
 348

CHAPTER 12.

Review and Conclusion.

This chapter, by way of summary and

conclusion, reviews the overall study of a Vietnamese

Case Grammar. The first section summarises the main

points discussed in the foregoing chapters. The second

section presents a consideration of the relative strengths

and weaknesses of Fillmore's Case Grammar as applied

to Vietnamese. The third section sums up some

proposals which have been made concerning the form

and content of a Vietnamese Case Grammar. The fourth

section presents some problems which have arisen in

the analysis of the Cases in Vietnamese. Finally, areas

of future research on a Vietnamese Case Grammar will

be outlined in the fifth section.

12.1. Summary.

The study of a Vietnamese Case Grammar in

this thesis is carried on within the modified

framework of Fillmore's Case Grammar and Generative

Semantics. Thus, Semantics rather than Syntax is

considered to be central. The verb is postulated as

the semantic core and therefore determines the basic

structure of Vietnamese sentences.

Following Chafe (1970) verbs are classified

as States, Processes and Actions. Although this

classification is semantically based, there are some

 349

syntactic correlates in Vietnamese which aid in

distinguishing these verb types.A verb which is neither

a State nor a Process verb may be specified as an

Action verb. An Action verb may be further specified

as, e.g., a Factitive or Benefactive verb.

A description of the semantic structure of

Vietnamese sentences in terms of the theory of Transformational

Generative Grammar is presented in Chapters 8,9 and

10. A set of Base Rules is postulated. A set of

major syntactic processes in the form of Transforma­

tional Rules then operates on the strings produced

by the Base - or rather on the branching trees

underlying them - mapping them into correct syntactic

arrangements in surface structure by means of the

fronting, raising, deletion, etc., of elements.

Standard Saigon Vietnamese spoken by

educated Saigonese is the dialect used as the norm

for the description of the Cases in this thesis.

However, the syntactic and semantic parts of the

description are not affected by the choice of dialect.

12.2. Strengths and Weaknesses of Fillmore's Case Grammar

mm, in«iiiii»m f B T — wwiiuw w i ■ »iii w i m w i w h i p m w — *h w » m m '»ih i b h i i b h b w i m <w i in — » wwuinimHn*

as applied to Vietnamese.

12.2.1. Fillmore proposes that the notions and relations of

'subject' and 'object' are not relevant at the level of

deep structure (as defined by Fillmore). They are more

appropriate to surface structures. This proposal

appears to be correct.
In the analysis of Vietnamese Gases, it is noted that

- A single deep Case may be represented in surface

structure in more than one way (e.g. the single

Case may be realised in surface structure as subject

or object).

- Different Cases may be represented in the same way

in Surface structure.

(i ) A single deep Case is realised in surface structure in

different syntactic positions.

In the following examples, the Cases A, 0 and B

retain their Semantic Role character while participating

in various types of surface structures.

s V 01 02
Ba mua xe do cho Mai ,
*
'Ba bought that car for M a i .'

S V 01 02
Ba mua Mai xe do *
”1 B ~ 0“
'Ba bought Mai that car1

01 S V 02
c. Xe do Ba mua cho Mai.
0 ’ T “ B
'That car 9 Ba bought for Mail

(ii) Different Cases are realised in the same syntactic

position.

Subject position: The surface subject position can be

filled by a variety of Cases. Following are some

examples with active simple sentences (A simple sentence

contains one verb only).

 351

S V 01
t t
(638) a. Ba md ciia.
A o“
'Ba opened the d o o r I

S V 01
b.
i
Gao
x
md
'l
cute..
Force o
'The wind opened the d o o r I

i
md -

'The door opened !

S V

d. Ba buon .
1
'Ba was sad!

S V 01

e. Ba trung so ,
B 0
'Ba won the lottery!

Ob.iect position: S V 01
/
a. Ba dao dat .
(639)
A“ 0
'Ba dug the ground

b. Ba dao ao •
A
'Ba dug

c. Ba giet Hai.
A E
'Ba killed Hai!

d. Ba giup Hai.
A B
'Ba helped Hai!
 352

e . Ba di tac-xi -
A I
'Ba went by taxi!

/
f . Ba tdi Hue.
“A G i
'Ba came to Hue 3

)
g* Ba roi Hue.
A” So;
Ba left Hue.

h. Ba qua cau ,
A Pa
'Ba crossed the bridge

12,2.2, Fillmore's original contention that Case-frames "impose

a classification on the verbs of the language" (1968a:21)

seems to be a valid one.

In Vietnamese, a special class of verbs which is

semantically classified as 'Factitive verbs' (e.g.

x a y , cat 'build', lam, dong 'make', ren 'forge', che-tao

'manufacture') has the following Oase-frame.

+ [ A + P + (1)3

12.2.3* Case Grammar is capable of explaining that two sentences

using the same verb and having the same syntactic

pattern may be understood differently by Vietnamese

speakers due to deep Case distinctions.

(640) a. Ba dao dat .

~ 0
'Ba dug the g r ound]

b. Ba dao ao.
A F
'Ba dug a pond I
 353

Vietnamese speakers understand that in (640b), Ba did

not dig a pond, he dug the ground and the

result was a pond.

Weaknesses: The Case Grammar hypothesis seems to me to

be the most intuitive^ satisfying manner of accounting

for the facts found in the Vietnamese data. However, this

is not to say that Case Grammar is capable of answering

or explaining all the inconsistencies inherent in a natural

language^. No Grammar will be able to make that

claim for many years to come.

12.2.4. Problem with Fillmore's first Assumption (i.e. No Case-

relationship occurs more than once in a simple sentence).

The Locative Case in Vietnamese appears to go against

this assumption.

Ba loi trong ho trong ritng.

A L L
’Ba swam in a lake in the forest I
(See ExampTe™^5^77

This sentence cannot be interpreted as a conjoined

sentence. If the two occurrences of L in sentence (6 3 6 ) are

not interpreted as one embedded within the other, the

sentence would be unacceptable. (See 11.15.5).

12.2.5. Problem with Fillmore’s third Assumption (i.e. NPs belonging

to the same Case may be conjoined to form a compound

53* The term a natural language is used to refer to any

language which is or h as been used by human beings as their
primary means of communication, in contrast to a formal
language, which is an abstract system drawn up for a specific
purpose (e.g. by a logician).
 354

which fills a single deep Oase in a simple sentence).

(see 2.2.7)

Some Gases in Vietnamese (e.g. I, F) appear to go

against this assumption.

(641) Ba xay nha va cau.

A F~ “ F
’Ba built a house and a bridge I

Two F Gases in (641) are conjoined, but (641) is not a

simple sentence. It describes two separate actions using

the same verb xay 'build.'

12.2.6. Problem with Fillmore's Case Definitions.

There are a large number of arguments in Vietnamese

which do not clearly fit the definitions given in

Fillmore's Case G-rammar. For example:

Agentive (A) (1968a: 24): The Case of the typically animate

perceived instigator of the action identified by the verb.

1

Consider: (642) a. Ba nau com.

“ 0
1Ba cooked rice!

1
b. Con bo nau c6m.
'The cow cooked rice!

Sentence (642b) is syntactically all right. It also

sounds all right but it has an odd meaning. An object may

be judged odd simply because it reports a very unlikely state

or event in the world of experience. The cow obviously can

kick things with her feet, can hold and release things

with her mouth and can feed the calves with her

breasts, but she cannot cook.

 355

Sentence (642b) is syntactically acceptable but

semantically odd. Thus, animateness is not a sufficient

r
specification for the agent of nau 'cook1. The agent performing

the action of cooking must be further specified as ’human'.

12.2.7 Problem of embedded senten c e s .

Fillmore's Case Grammar seems to be able to

correlate the observable syntactic facts with a deep

structure more semantic than the one proposed by Chomsky.

However, the model has not been developed far enough to

accomplish the goal of explaining adequately the syntactic-

semantic relationships existing between the verb and the

rest of the sentence in which it occurs. For example,

Fillmore's theory for embedded sentences is inadequate to

account for different types of embedded sentencesfin

Vietnamese.

12.3. Proposals concerning a V i e t n a m e s e Case Grammar M o d e l .

This section summarises some proposals which have

been made concerning the form and content of a

Vietnamese Case Grammar (see Chapter 7).

1 2 .3 . To remedy the weakness of Fillmore's first assumption,

the following assumption has been m a d e :

Ho Case-relationship occurs more than once in a

simple sentence (Except with L and Coordination)

 356

Another assumption has also been m a d e :

Each Case dominates either an EE, an

embedded Proposition or other Oases.

12.3*2. To remedy the weakness of EillmoreTs third assumption

(i.e. there can be compound instances of a single Case

(through noun-phrase conjunction) in a simple sentence),

the following assumption has been m a d e :

In a simple sentence, only noun phrases belonging to

the same Case may be conjoined. The conjoined

Cases must e.g. participate in the activity or be

affected by the action at the same time.

For example:

(643) Ba va Mai di ch6 luc 9 gio.

A G“
'Ba and Mai went to market at 9: 00a.m.

This is a simple sentence with two conjoined Agentives.

(641)
(see 12.2.5) Ba xay nha
A F
'Ba built a house

This is not a simple sentence but a compound. Eha

'house' and cau 'bridge' are affected by the action of

building at different times.

 357

1 2 .3 . To deal with complex sentences, I have proposed a number

of syntactic tests to examine whether or not the verb of

the matrix sentence can be separated from the verb of the

embedded sentence by an EP.

The result of the tests indicates that there are two

types of embedded sentences: the first type is embedded

within a Predicator (i.e. the verb of the matrix sentence

in surface structure), and the second type is embedded within

an 0 (of the embedded sentence).

The tests also show that Coercive Causative verbs

and verbs denoting intention (e.g. toan 'intend'), effort,

I J J
(e.g. c o , co gang 'try'), require the first type of embedded

sentences. Eon-Coercive Causative verbs and verbs

denoting belief (e.g. hy-vong 'expect'), communication

(e.g. noi 'say', xac-nhan 'confirm') require the second

type of embedded sentences.

The first type of embedded sentences never take

complementisers whereas the second one optionally does.

12.4. Problems with the Vietnamese Case Grammar Model developed

in this Thesis.

In analysing the Cases in Vietnamese, a few

problems have been arisen. They are listed below.

1 2 .4 . Problem with the Semantic Properties of verbs

It is claimed that in this study, the verb is

considered to be central. Once a type of verb is selected,

a definite Semantic Role is automatically assigned to

 358

the nouns which accompany the verb. However, there

are some instances, one cannot make a correct prediction

of the kind of Cases which can co-occur with the verb.

/
For example: (64 4) Ba dao dat >
A 0
'Ba dug the ground I

(645) Ba dao ao -
A F
'Ba dug a pond I

The semantic properties of verbs are really very

complicated. Because of the infinite variety of meanings

inherent in verbs, the notional (or logical) relations

between verbs and their objects are so manifold. One

cannot give a completely satisfactory analysis or

classification of verbs.

Chafe (1970:165) argues that:

"It is the verb which is the control center

of a sentence, determining by its own internal
specification what the rest of the sentence will
contain - not complete^, of course, but to a
significant degree."

12.4.2. Problem with Case Inventory.

One of the purposes of Semantics is to reveal

the structure of thought which the external form of

language conceals ("Language disguises thought").

In this study, most of Fillmore's Case notions have

been adopted. When his Case notion is too broad to

capture the fine meanings of Cases intuitively perceived

by Vietnamese speakers, it is subdivided into separate

Cas e s .
 359

Discussing Case Inventory, Dilsen (1973: 9 ) says:

"The question of how many Cases should be established

and on what criteria is a difficult one and none of
the proposals made so far has been completely
satisfactory,M

In the present Case G-rammar model, the Case Experiencer

is assigned to the underlined DPs in the following examples

(646) a. Ba thay Mai.

E
•Ba saw Mai.1

b. Ba thucmg Mai.
E
’Ba loved Mai.
’

Ba bi dam.
E'

'Ba was stabbed I

According to my intuitive judgments as a native speaker

of Vietname^ Ba in (646a) is an experiencer of a

visual perception; Ba in (646b) is an experiencer of a

sentimental feeling, but Ba in (646c) is an

undergoer or sufferer of a stabbing action. It seems

that the Case-label Patient is needed in order to

describe the semantic function of Ba in (646c).

It may be true to claim that the more Cases added to

the Case system, the more specific the Case model becomes,

but at the same time the more difficulties arise in

making decisions on Case-membership and the insight that

the Cases have much in common is lost. This is a dilemma

which all Case grammarians encounter.

The assignment of the Case-label Experiencer to

the DP Ba in (646c) does not reflect very correctly the

 360

intuitive knowledge of Vietnamese speakers. More research

on Case Inventory in Vietnamese is needed.

12.4.3• Case Identification.

Throughout the thesis, an attempt has been made

to identify Cases on the basis of syntactic distinctions.

But in most circumstances, syntactic evidence is

unreliable as a means of determining Cases. For example, the

syntactic structures of sentences containing E and 0 are

strikingly similar. Consider:

S V

(660) a. Ba buon .
E
'Ba was sad.'

S Vw
b. Chuyen buon .
0
'The story was sad I

S V 01

c . Ba danh Hai ■
A E
'Ba hit HaiJ

d. Ba danh canh cha

A ”0
1Ba hit the door:

There is no syntactic evidence to prove the different

way of behaving of E and 0 in surface structure. The

distinction between E and 0, therefore, is motivated by

semantic consideration only.

For example, E is required by Experiential, Destructive

Action, Unfavourable Processes and Unfavourable Submissive

verbs. 0 is required by all classes of verbs.

 361

The E can be only filled by EPs which are A n i m a t e 1; whereas,

the 0 - in most cases - can be only filled by EPs which are

1inanimate ’.

12.5 • Areas of Future Research on Vietnamese Case G-rammar.

The number of examples used in illustration

throughout the thesis is quite large, but surely I have not

presented all types of Vietnamese sentences. Further research

on the following areas should be carried out.

- Case inventory.

- Syntactic and Semantic Tests to identify Cases.

- Interrogative sentences.

- Eegative sentences.

- Imperatives.

- Complex sentences of the causal and conditional

types e.g.

Vi trdi mua > nen Ba khong da banh duoc.

’Because it rained, therefore Ba could not play footballI

Eeu toi giau thi toi se" cat mot lau dai .
’If I were rich then I would build a castle!

~ Possessives .

- Adverbial Phrases •

- Reciprocals .

- Vagueness and Ambiguity.

Although it is hoped that the analyses of

Vietnamese Cases I have provided are ’correct* in accord

with the linguistic and semantic intuitions of Vietnamese

native speakers, I do not believe that my descriptions and

 362

arguments on Case matters are completely accurate in all

instances. The reason is that the area of Goreferential Gases

is excluded. This area must be included in future research.

It is said that Nobel prizes are won in science for

challenging and upsetting old truths and discovering new

ones. The future researcher may use this thesis as a

model to probe more deeply into Vietnamese Case Grammar.

He may also reject all linguistic contribution made in this

study and introduce a new theory of Case to Vietnamese. A

revolution in linguistics against a Vietnamese Grammar in

the French mould is greatly needed.

 363

Appendix I

I . 1 . S e c tio n 1 :

Case Inventory; There are at least fifteen Cases in

Vietnamese.

Causal Cases:

1.Causative (Ca) : The Case designating a ’human* entity

who is a causer of an action, event or state (11.1. ).

Ba ep Hai di.
Ca
'Ba forcedHai to go!

2.Authoritative (Au);The Case designating a ’h u m a n ’ entity

who permits, orders or forbids somebody to do

something. (11.2).

Ba cho phep Hai di *

Au
’Ba allowed Hai to go!

3.Agentive (A); The Agentive Case is 'typically animate’but

not always manifested by animate nouns. An

Agentive is an immediate actor, doer, performer,

manipulator or initiator of an action.

The inherent basic sense of the verb sometimes

requires that the Agentive must be a ’h u m a n ’

entity. (11.3).
t i 1
lee am-sat Tong-Thong Kennedy.
~T” E
C+Human]
'lee assassinated P resident Kennedy!

4.Force: The Force Case refers to the ’inanimate* uninten­

tional performer or non-responsible causer of

an event. It is a causer which is not subject

to anyb o d y ’s control. (11.4).

 364

G-io mo cua
Force
'The wind opened door;

5. Instrumental (I): The Case denoting:

(1) the thing which is used by the agent to

perform the action. It is the unwitting,

generally i n a n i m a t e 1 participant in the activity

described by the verb. It is called the

Instrumental Tool (iTool) in this thesis (11.5).

Ba danh con cho bang g a y .

A E “ ITool
'Ba hit the dog with a stick I

(2) the mode of communication (or transport) (i.e.

Instrumental Mode (I M o )).

Ba di Hue bang xe d o .
A G- * IMo
’Ba went to Hue by coach!

(3) the material of wh i c h an object is made

(i.e. Instrumental Material (IMa)).

Ba dan ro b ang t r e .
A P “ IMa
1Ba wove baskets
of bamboo I

(4) the method of doing something (i.e.

Instrumental Method (I M e )).

Ba giat cai ao lanh bang tay.

A ' O IMe
'Ba washed the sweater by hand 1

(5) the stimulus for the psychological experience

(i.e. Instrumental Psychological Stimulus (I Psych.

Stimulus).
i
Ba giong Mai.
I.Psych.Stimulus 0
'Ba resembles Mai 1
 365

(6) the stimulus or immediate physical cause of

an event (i.e. Instrumental Physical Stimulus (I

Phys. Stimulus)). (Eillmore, 1969a: 116).

Ba
i
ban Mai
'
chiec xe
i
g ia 500 dong.
A E 0 IP h y s .Stimulus.
*Ba sold Mai the car for 500 piastres I

Eon-Causal Gases

6 .Experiencer (E). Experiencer is:

(1) the Case of the human beings who are

inwardly affected by an event of sensation,

emotion, perception or cognition.

(2) the Case of the 'animate’ entities (i.e. human

beings and animals) that undergo the

destructive or unpleasant effect of an activity,

process or state identified by the verb. (11.6).

Ba buon.
E
'Ba was sad!

Ba danh con c ho.

A E
'Ba hit the dog!

7.Benefactive (B): Benef active is a semantic label given to the

Case which indicates the Beneficiary of an action

or a process. (Platt, 1971: 4-7). By Beneficiary,

it is meant the human beings (or human

institutions like school, nation, etc.,) that are

perceived as intended to benefit from the action or

the process identified by the verb (11.7).

Ba tang Mai h oa hong.

A "B 0
'Ba offered Mai r oses!
 366

8* Objective (0). The Objective in Vietnamese can be defined

as follows:

(1) The Case may be represented by an 'animate1

or an 'inanimate' entity,

Mai dep.
C+Animat ej
0
'Mai is beautiful.'

Hha dep.
PAnimate}
0
'The house is beautiful!

(2) The Case of an HP which may be affected

or unaffected by the action identified by the verb.

Ba cho Mai mot bo

A B O
'Ba gave Mai a bouquet of flowers!

Ba cho Mai mot mau dat.

'Ba gave Mai one hectare of l a n d !

(3) The Case of anything representable by a noun

whose role in the action or state identified by

the verb is identified by the semantic interpre­

tation of the verb itself. (Fillmore, 1968a: 25)•

Ba r ong-ldo n g .
0
'Ba is generous!

(4) The 'inanimate' entity that moves or changes

or whose position or existence is in consideration

(Fillmo r e , 19 6 9 a : 116).

Xe chay.
0
*('The car r a n !)
 367

(5) The ’inanimate1 entity which, is understood

as undergoing some kind of change of state.

L.y be -

'The drinking glass broke.'

(6) The content of the experience.

Ba thay Mai
E 0
'Ba saw M a i .'

(7) Sentences embedded within Objectives can serve

to identify, for example, the content of a psychological

event, as with verbs of judging or imagining.

(Fillmore, 1971: 42) (11.8).

Ba hy vong rang Mai se thanh-co n g .

E 0
'Ba hopes that Mai will succeed !

9. Factitive (F). The Factitive Case refers to the being or

object which exists only by virtue of the

activity or the change of state indicated by the

verb. (11.9-)

Ba dan cai do la n h .
A F
'Ba knitted the sweater.'

Oomitative (Oom) Gomitative is the Case of accompaniment.

It accompanies another Case (i.e. a Causal or non-

Causal Case) in the activity described by the

verb (11.10.)

Ba di bo vdi Mai .
"A * "Com.
'Ba walked with Mai.'
 368

11. Essive (Ess). Essive is:

(a) the Case of an 'animate’ or 'inanimate' entity

which belongs to or is included in a generic class.

(b) the Case of an BP representing a being* an

animal or an object when identifying it or

distinguishing it from other beings, animals or

objects. (11,11)
to
Ba c - s i Mai la dan ba.
Ess
'Doctor Mai is a womanI

i
Ky-su Bhuoc la chu toi.
Ess
'Engineer Phuoc is my uncle I

12* Locative (L); The Case which indicates the location or

spatial orientation of the state, process or action

identified by the verb. (11.12).

Mai lam-v i e c t ai Ph a p .
A L
'Mai worked in Prance !

13* Goal (G); The Goal Case indicates the point towards

which something is directed or the location

towards which the action or process identified by

the verb has occurred, or the later state of an

entity. (11.13).

Ba di vo thu-vi§n.
A
'Ba went into

14. Source (So): The Source Case denotes the starting point of

the change of position described by the sentence or

the location from which action has begun, or the

earlier state of an entity. (11.14.).

f ^ ~
Chiec tau ra khoi b o .
0 So
'The boat went away from shore I
 369

15. Path (P a ): The Path Case can be defined as the route taken

of a movement i.e. the movement is directed past

somewhere, through somewhere to the destination.

(11.15).
Ba bang qua canh d o n g .
A Pa
'Ba crossed through the field I

1.2. Section 2 (See Chapter 7).

Base Rules (BR). The rules posited in this thesis are,

to recapitulate

BRls Prop >{ Pred + Cl + C2 + C3 + C4

(Except in exceptional circumstances,

the Cases may not be more than four)

((Conj ) + Prop)n , n) 2

BR2: Pred ^ /V + (Adv)

Copula + BP

Y + Prop

BR3: BP ^ I (Q) + B + (Bet) ^

B + B

B + BP

(Q) + B + (Prop)

BP + Prop )
BR4: Lexical Insertion for V (and Adv if there is any)

or Copula 4- BP

BR5: Insert Case-frame (or Ess if the Pred is

Copula + B P )
 310

BR6: C 3SP
C + C

(Gomp) + Prop

(Conj . + C)n , 2

BR7: Selection Restrictions-Semantic features of

Nouns. Lexical Insertion.

Lexical Entries for verbs.

Am-sat a +E +(!Tool) +(L) 3

Assassinate [+Hum?
+HumanJ [+Human} [-Animatej[-Animat ej

Category feature: + V

Inherent features: + Action (Destruction)

Rule features: - Adverb

- Propositional complement

- Predicator complement

- Passive

Biet : +[- E + (0 0) 1
'Know [+Human3 V± Human 1
1+ Animate)
4- V

+ Process (Knowledge)

_ Adverb

+ Propositional complement

+ Complementiser

_ Predicator complement

Passive
 371

i
Thd (vao
'Breathe1 *"
’in' or ra ’out') :+ c- [+
A ]
Animate]

+ V

+ Action

+ Adverb vao 'in’ or ra 'out1

m Propositional complement.

__ Predicator complement

Passive

1.3• Section 3:

Transformational Rules (T R ).

1. TR1 : Preposition Attachment (O B L ): This TR attaches a

preposition to a Case according to the preposition

selection choice rule (8.2).

2. TR2 : Case-Promoting (OBL): The function of this TR 15

to detach the Com-node embedded inside a Case

(for example A), out of that Case (e.g. out of A).

The Com node is then, dominated by a C-node which is a
constituent of the Proposition.(11.10.4.2)

(11 .10 .4 .2 ).

3. TR3 : Benefactive Movement (OPT): This TR has the

function of reversing the order of two Cases:

0 and B. Then, the preposition attached to the B

is optionally deleted (8.2).

Thu-tuong mua xe do cho phu-nhan.

A 0 ” B
'The Prime
Minister bought that car for his wife I

? >
Thu-tuong mua cho phu-nhan xe do.
B 0 -
'The Prime
Minister bought for h i s wife that carl
 372

Thu-tdftng mua phu-nhan xe do .

♦The Prime
Minister bought his wife that carJ

4. TR4: Predicator-Raising {O P T ) (10.3).

This TR has the function of taking the Predicator

of the embedded Proposition, lifting it into the matrix

Proposition and attaching it to the Predicator of the

matrix Proposition, thus producing a kind of compound

Predicator.

Predicator-Raising is equivalent to McCawley^s rule

for Predicate-Raising in English. (5*1).

5. TR5 : Oon.iunction Reduction Transformation (O P T )

When two or more than two Propositions are conjoined,

identical types of constituents (e.g. two Agentive

constituents) having the same syntactic function in

surface structure (e.g. two subjects) can be conjoined

to form a compound constituent. (9.5*).

6. T R 6 : Identical Conjunct Reduction Transformation (9.5*)

This TR has the function of reducing the identical

constituents in a compound constituent to a single

constituent.

This rule obligatorily applies to a deep Case compound

constituent but optionally applies to a Predicator

compound constituent.
 373

7. TR7: Preposition Deletion (OBL).

When two conjoined Cases select the same preposition,

(i) the preposition preceding the first Case is

obligatorily retained.

(ii) the preposition preceding the second Case is

obligatorily deleted (9.5.)

8. TR8: Subject-frontins; (OBI). This TRmoves oneCase

to the front of the Predicator according to the

subject choice rule. (8.2.)

9. TR9: Case-Deletion (OBL) (10.3.)

A nuclear Case is deleted in deep structure of a

sentence when it dominates an unspecified RP

(i.e. no lexical item is attached to the RP).

10. TRIO: Case-Raising; (OPT) (e.g. Agentive-Raising). (10.3.).

This TR provides for an optional derivation in which

the Case - which is chosen as subject of the embedded

Proposition - is raised to become a constituent of the

matrix Proposition.

The raised Case will be realised as the first object (or

direct object in Traditional Grammar) of the matrix verb

in surface structure.

Case-Raising is equivalent to Postal's rule for subject-

raising in English.

11. T R 1 1 :Equi-RP Deletion (OBL). (10.3.).

This TR deletes the RP of an embedded Proposition

if it is coreferential with an RP of the matrix

Proposition.
 374

12. TR12: Relative Construction Transformation (OBI). T h i s r u l e

(i) moves the HP inside the embedded Prop (which is

coreferential with the left sister HP of the embedded

Prop) to the front of the embedded Prop.

(ii) Replaces the lexical items attached to that HP

by the relative pronoun ma 'that, w h i c h 1

13. TR13: Topic-fronting (OPT). This TR moves the Case which

is chosen as the topic of the sentence to the front

of the Case that is chosen as the subject of the

sentence (according to the subject choice rule). (8.2.)

S V 01 02

Thu-1dong mua xe do cho p h u - n h a n .

A O B
The Prime
Minister bought that car for his wife I

01 S V 02
\ i v 1, ^
Xe do , Thu-tdong mua cho phu-nhan.
0 A B
'That c a r , the Prime
Minister bought for his w i f e !

14. TR14: Passivisation (OPT). This TR

(i) moves the Case which is already chosen as the

first object of the sentence (according to the first-

object-choiee rule) to the front of the Case which is

chosen as the subject of the sentence.

(ii) attaches preposition do 'by' to the Case which is

chosen as subject. (8.2.).

01 S V 02
Xe do do Thu-tdong mua cho phu-nhan.
car that by Prime
Minister buy for wife.
'That car was bought by the Prime Minister for his wife.1
 375

APPENDIX I I

Notes on Some Linguistic Terms used in This Thesis

The aim of this appendix is to offer an aid

to the understanding of the preceding chapters.

Adjectives and state v e r b s : Adjectives and verhs in

Vietnamese have alot of characteristics in

common. By (1968:51) classifies adjectives as

members of the set called B ! since B is the

class of verbs.

In this thesis I treat adjectives as State verbs.

Semantically, there are three main verb-types in

Vietnamese: Action, Process and State (see 4.2.)

Consider the following assumption and tests:

Assumption: A verb in Vietnamese is any word

that may precede the interrogative word khong

to form a question, with proper intonation.

Suppose there are three words di 'go*, trung

'win' and buon 'sad'. All of them may precede

the interrogative word khong to form questions,

with proper intonation. They are verbs.

Ba di khong ?
Ba go interrogative word
1 Ba go?

Ba trdng khong ?
Ba win interrogative word
'Did Ba win ?'
 376

Ba buon khong: ?
Ba sad interrogative word
'Was Ba sad?'

Action, Process and State verbs can occur

in the syntactic construction of the form SVO.

S V 0

Action verb: Ba di Hue,„

Ba go Hue ,
'Ba went to Hu£'.

Process verb: Ba trung so.

Ba win lottery
'Ba won the lottery!

State verb: Ba buon gia-dinh.

Ba sad family
'Ba was sad about the family!

State verbs have all the commutation characteristics

of Action and Process verbs plus additional

characteristics of their own. Por example, only

/
State verbs may be preceded by such words as rat

'very ', h<3i 'a little ' and kha 'rather'.

Ba rat buon gia-dinh -

Ba very sad family
'Ba w as very sad about the family!

* Ba rat di Hue. ,
*( 'Ba very went to H u e ! )

/.
* Ba rat trdng so •
* ('Ba S S S L won the lottery)

Adverb: A lexical category which is the syntactic

attribute of a verb.

Ba tho vao
V Adv
Ba breathe in
'Ba inhales!
 j, r jr j

Classifier: Classifiers are either descriptive of

relationships, shape and form or expressing

content.

1. Classifiers descriptive of relationships

for nouns denoting human b e ings.

A /
Qng 'Mr.;respected gentleman' e.g. Qng bac si

'the doctor'; Ba 'Mrs.frespected married

woman' e.g. Ba chu nha 'the land1^7 '

2. Classifiers descriptive of form and shape.

cay (Lit: tree, plant) e.g. mot cay viet 'a pen'

chiec (Lit: individual item) e.g. mot chiec

la 'a l e a f

3. Classifiers expressing unit of measurement.

dong b a c 'piastre* e.g. mot dong bac dddng

'a piastre worth of sugar'

#»• A1"* *■
mau 'hectare' e.g. mot mau khoai tay

'a hectare of potatoes!

Competence: The native speaker's unconscious knowledge

of his language. This knowledge would be

reliably revealed in the native speaker's

judgments about the grammaticality of sentences

and in the sentences uttered by native speakers

if they were not subject to limitations of

memory, lapses of attention, imperfect

understanding of the physical world, and so^n.

 378

Con.i unction: A word that joins w o r d s , phrases of the

same category or sentences together.

Deep structure; In this thesis, the term deep structure

is used to indicate the structure

resulting from the insertion of lexical

Ite-ms into the terminal string generated

by the Base Rules. Following the

generative semanticists, I assume that the

semantic representation of any sentence

is the deep structure of that sentence.

•
Embedded Sentence
t

lan thay Teo dang chan vit.

'Lan saw Teo driving ducks J

According to Palmer (1974:11), this

sentence may be considered as a single

sentence since it begins with a capital

letter and ends with a terminal

punctuation mark.

The above sentence may also be considered

to contain two sentences, one of them, Teo

dang chan vit ’Teo was driving d u k s 1 being

both a sentence in its own right and also

t
part of the sentence L an thay Teo dang

chan v i t . Traditional grammarians call

Teo dang chan vit a subordinate clause

 37g

whereas some modern grammarians call it,

an embedded snntence, and the sentence into

which it is embedded, the 'matrix1 sentence.

Metaphor: Traditionally, metaphor has been defined as

"An implied analogy which imaginatively

identifies one object with another and ascribes

to the first one or more qualities of the

second," So, when I use the sentence:

John is a rat

to mean John is a nasty person, I am

using metaphor - that is, I am ascribing to

John some of the qualities of a rat. In

contrast to metaphor is simile, which has

traditionally been defined as "A figure of

speech in which a similarity between two

objects is directly expressed "rather than

just implied.

John is like a rat

Personification: The verb to murder usually

appears with a human subject and a human

object as in

Pred murdered Bill.

Anytime to murder appears in a subject-verb-

object string, it projects the feature

Q- Human^ onto the words standing in the

subject and object positions even if they

are not human.

 380

So, i n :

Silence murdered sleep.

the verb murdered projects £+ Human] onto

silence and sleep, thereby producing a

kind of metaphor called personification.

(Knapp 1976; 62-63)

Performance (linguistic) ; "The use a person makes of his

intrinsic linguistic knowledge or

competence in interpreting or in composing

utterances or texts.” (Leech, 1969: 252).

Pluralizer; Pluralizers in Vietnamese are cac and nhiing.

Cac is more general, involving all of a

given set of entities. It is also

indefinite, while nhiing implies the

notion of definiteness and suggests that

only certain of the total possible number

are referred to.

Preposition The word that occurs in exocentric

construction with an BP.

Ba di tc?i trdong
Prep
Ba go to school.
Ba went to school!

Quantifier; "Quantifier is a cover term for

modifiers of noun, such as numerals, plurals

and classifiers.*1 (Clark, 1975: 23).

 38i

Sentence; "The basic unit of syntactic analysis; in

this study, the maximum domain of

grammatical relations which can be defined

in terms of syntactic structure".

(Clark, 1975: 22).

Sino-Vietnamese w o r d s : are words borrowed £rom Chinese.

They behave differently from pure Vietnamese

words.

Surface structure; Chomsky's term for the structure

resulting from the application of all

pertinent transformations to a deep structure

The surface structure is the basis for the

phonological interpretation of the

sentence.

Time

Time Expressions

Time expressions for Present t i m e . Ilien ta.i, h i£n n a y ,

hien gid ’n o w 1, bay gid 'at present', luc nay 'this

moment', ngay luc nay 'right now', h oi nay 'this

present period', ngay nay 'nowadays' tuan nay 'this week,'

thang nay 'this month', nam nay 'this year', the Ky nay

'this century.' etc.,

Time expressions for future time

Lat nua 'a moment l a t e r ’, mai sau, sau nay 'in the future}

m a i ,ngay mai 'tomorrow', sang mai 'tomorrow morning', triia

mai 'tomorrow afternoon', chieu mai 'tomorrow late afternoon}

 382

dem mai 'tomorrow night', tuan sau, tuan t&i 'next week,'

thang sau, thang tdi 'next month’, nam sau, nam t6i 'next
H
year', hai tuan nua 'two weeks from now', etc.,

Khi nay, hoi n a y , Luc nay 'last moment or last

time', hom qua 'yesterday', sang horn qua 'yesterday morning,'

i
trda hom qua 'yesterday afternoon', t6i h$m qua 'yesterday

evening', hom kia 'three days ago.' etc.,

Names of the we e k ;

Thd hai (Lit; rank two) 'Monday', thu ba (Lit; rank three)

'Tuesday', thit td (Lit; rank four) 'Wednesday', thd nam

(Lit: rank five) 'Thursday', t h k sau (Lit: rank six) 'Friday',

* 1 1 A
thu bay (Lit: rank seven) ’Saturday’, chu nhat, chua
)
nhat (L i t : God day) 'Sunday J

Names of the months:

bb— iiiihmuim mgiimtm,— ii w iuiwiifmii)Hiiinrm<w nwi*W > iFniiKwmuipm iii.>n

Thang gieng 'January', thang hai (Lit: month two) 'February',

thang ba 'March' (Lit: month three), thang tii (Lit:

month four ) ’April’, thang nam (Lit: month five) 'M a y ’,

thang sau (Lit: month six) 'June', thang bay (Lit: month

seven) 'July', thang tarn (Lit: month eight) 'August', thangchin

(Lit: month nine) 'September', thang nnidi (Lit: month ten)

'October', thang mdoi mot (Lit: month eleven) 'November',

thdng chap, thang miidi hai (Lit: month twelve) 'December',

Time Relationship Particles:

Chiia 'not yet', da 'earlier time-relationship'

 383

■Bang; (tiddng) 'overlapping time-relationship, in the process o f J

t
Mdi 'immediate earlier time-relationship'

Sap 'immediate later time-relationship'

Se 'later time-relationship'

Vila 'immediate earlier time-relationship’

j

'earlier overlapping time-relationship

Ba sap ’(Past) later time-relationship*

J
Sap
x
sda 'immediate later time-relationship'

Se dang 'later overlapping time-relationship

Viia m6i 'immediate earlier time-relationship'

Utterance: "Utterances are commonly discussed by

philosophers of language nowadays within the

framework of the theory of speech-acts initiated by

Austin (1962). An utterance is any stretch of talk,

by one person, before and after which there is

silence on the part of that person (Harris, 1951:14)

It follows from the definition that an utterance

may be of any length: it may consist of a

single word, a single phrase or a single sentence;

it may consist of a sequence of sentences; it may

also consist of one or more grammatically incomplete

sentence-fragments; and it may have one sentence

or sentence-fragment parenthetically included

within another. In short, there is no simple relation

of correspondence between utterances and sentences."

(Lyons, 1977: 26-27).

 384
APPENDIX III

GLOSSARY OB VIETNAMESE CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL TERMS

Buddhism 'Phat-G-iao1: The predominant religion in Vietnam.

Buddhism was introduced into Vietnam

simultaneously via sea from India (Theravada

Buddhism), and overland from China (Mahayana

Buddhism). The discipline of the religion is

mixed, with mysticism, animism, polytheism and

tantrism (rituals derived from Hinduism).

Ca-Mau Peninsula; An area at the southern tip of South

Vietnam. It is bordered on the west by the

G-ulf of Thailand and on the east by the South

China sea,

Chua t 'Lord or Prince': An hereditary title used during

the later part of the Le Dynasty (1428-1788).

i / x*
Chua Trinh 'Lord Trinh', Chua Uguyen 'Lord
*->
Uguyen' and their families were at war with each

other. They, then, partitioned Vietnam into two

realms. Chua Trinh and his family ruled the north

of the 18th parallel, the Nguyen family ruled the

south. This division lasted almost two centuries

and a half (1558-1786). Vietnamese people at that

time called the north of the 18th parallel, Dang

UgoTii 'the exterior part of Vietnam', and the

south of the 18th parallel,Dang Trong 'the

interior part of Vietnam'.

 385
Con-S&n Island ; TBao Con™Son'. A group of 14 islands

off the southeastern coast of Vietnam. It is

located in the south China sea, 218 miles

from Saigon. The island is known for its

harsh prisons, used especially for political

prisoners since the time of French Colonization

Da-Lat; A mountain resort city in the central highlands

It was founded in 1912 upon the recommendation

of Dr. Alexander Yersin, a famous French

Scientist. Da-Lat now occupies an area of

60 square miles. It is located 190 miles

northeast of Saigon.

_ jtJ ^

Da-Fang: It is located in central Vietnam, 600 miles

north of Saigon. Da-hang is an important centr

of commerce because of its transportation and

shipping facilities.

^ 1

Dien-Bien-Phu: The site of a decisive battle in early

1954 in which the Viet-Minh defeated the

French. Dien-Bien-Phu is located in Lai-Chau

province, 10 miles from the Lao border. The

French concentrated a force of 12 battalions

Bi q n~Bien-Phu, one third of whom were

Vietnamese. The Viet-Minh force, under the

^ ^ >
leadership of G-eneral Vo-hguyen-G-iCtp, consisted

of 40,000 men. The battle started on the night

of March 13, 1954 and continued until the

garrison fell to the Viet-Minh on May 7, 1954*

It is generally agreed that the battle of

Dien-Bien-Phu provided the final crushing

blow that forced the French to abandon their

 386

efforts to maintain control of Indochina

(i.e. Laos, Cambodia and Vietnam).

Polk Songs: fCa-dao’ are a vital part of the oral

literature of Vietnam.. These short songs

reflect the soul of the common people of a

given period.

Geneva Agreement or G-eneva Accords; 'Hiep-Dinh Geneve ’,

was signed on July 2 1 , 1954. Geneva Conference

was held in Geneva from April 26, 1954 to

July 21, 1954.

The aim of the Conference was to negotiate

the end of the nine-year Indochina War between

the French and the Viet-Minh.

Ha-N6i; The capital of Vietnam today. It is situated

at the confluence of the Red River and the

i
Duong river. It covers an area of 223 square

miles.

Ha-hoi is particularly well-known for its

scenic spots (e.g. botanical gardens, Hoan-

/
Kiem and Ho-Tay lakes), its points of historical

and cultural interest (e.g. Van-Mieu pagoda,

one pillar pagoda, etc.) and its institutions

of higher learning.

Hue; The imperial capital during the Nguyen Dynasty

(1802-1954), and the principal city in central

Vietnam. It is situated 670 miles north of

/
Saigon. In the middle of the city of Hue, there
 387

are two large islands: Gia-Vien island

t
and Hen island. The large main market

(Qh$ Bong-Ba) and the picturesque six-span

Trang-Tien Bridge are well-known throughout

Vietnam, Hue is known as a cultural centre

of Vietnam and exerts a significant amount

of political influence, especially among the

Buddhistsa

Hha-Trang ; A seaside resort town in central Vietnam,

It is located 278 miles north of Saigon,

INha—Trang was once a part of the Kingdom

of Champa (Chlem-T&anh or Campa—pura).

Vestiges of the Cham culture are still to be

seen in and around the town.

Saigon: The capital city and major port of the

Republic of Vietnam from 1954 to 1975. It is

located 45 miles from the sea on the Saigon

River and is a major southeast Asian seaport.

The origins of the city and the name Saigon

are obscure. Most agree that the original

settlement was made by Cambodians. The name

seems to be of both Chinese and Cambodian

influence. The name Saigon was first used in

1861 when the French established themselves

there in preparation for the conquest of all

of south Vietnam. Adjacent to Saigon is the

predominantly Chinese community of Chb-Lfln.

The city of Saigon covers an area of 27 square

miles.
 388

Viet-Minh; 'Vietnamese Communist’;league for the

Independence of Vietnam. Formed in May, 1941?

W 1
Ho-Chi-Minh, the Viet-Minh developed a broad

nationalist, liberation program with an

extensive political organisation during World

War II. When the French tried to reassert

themselves in Indochina, the Viet-Minh carried

on the prolonged French Indochina War which

ended in 1954 with the Geneva Agreement.

Viet-Ham; Lying between 8° 3 3 1 and 23° 22' north latitude,

Vietnam is bounded on the west by Cambodia and

Laos, on the south by the Gulf of Thailand j

on the east by the Pacific Ocean, cm d cm. Ae nottfa Uj C'fatnct.

V ietnamese language; Vietnamese is a tonal, monosyllabic

language that is placed in the Viet-Mdong

group of the Mon-KJLmer family of languages -

which in turn is part of the Austroasiatic

language superfamily. There are three principal

spoken dialects : northern, central and southern

Vietnamese, These dialects vary primarily in

pronunciation, but there are slight differences

in vocabulary. Vietnamese was first written in

Chinese characters (Chii Mho ). Later, probably

around the 13th century, the Vietnamese devised

r-f
their own writing system called chu nom, which

borrowed from Chinese but was not intelligible

to the Chinese. In the 3.7th century, a

romanized script was developed by Catholic

 389
// f'5
Missionaries and was called quoc-ngti« or the

national script. This was set forth in a

Vietnamese-Portuguese-Latin dictionary by the

famous Father Alexandre de Rhodes. This script

is now used exclusively throughout all of

Vietnam, the other forms (i.e. Chil nho and

chil n o m ) having fallen into disuse.

Some notes on Vietnamese o r t h ography.

Vietnamese Alphabet

The Vietnamese alphabetical order is as

follows:

A C E Gi Eh Eg 0 Q Th V

A Gh E H L Egh 6 R Tr X
A.
A D Gr I M Eh S U Y

B B Gh K N 0 ph T if

Vietnamese T o n e s ‘

Ha-Noi dialect has six tones whereas Saigon

dialect has only five. This is due to the

fact that the two tones h o i / V and Hga A V ,

wh i c h are two separate and meaningful tones

i-n Ha-hoi dialect, merge into one tone in

Saigon dialect.

Different tones of the same word give different

lexical meaning. All tone markers are put

over the m a i n v o wel sound of the words.

J
1. Sac 'High rising tone' /'/

Huyen ' Low falling t o n e ' / \ /

3* Ngang 'Low rising tone' / /

 390

4. Hoi 'mid rising tone' (short) / V

5. Fga 'mid rising tone' (long) A V , except

6. Fang 'Low level tone' /./ , w h i c h is always put

beneath the main vowel and indicated by a dot „

Examp3„es (from Iia-Foi dialect)

1. Ma [ '^vpther'

2. Ma [ ttia] 'but'

3* Ma ['Vna] ’ghost'

4. Ma £ TnaJ 't o m b '

5. Ma [^wia] 'hoise1

6. Ma JA\a] 'young rice plant'

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