John Benjamins Publishing Company: and Theory
John Benjamins Publishing Company: and Theory
Zoe Drayson
University of Stirling, Stirling
1. Introduction
doi 10.1075/aicr.92.11dra
© 2015 John Benjamins Publishing Company
274 Zoe Drayson
In order to understand the ways in which consciousness remains problematic for phi-
losophers, it helps to first consider the ways in which consciousness has become less
mysterious in recent decades. Not long ago, our only knowledge of the human brain
came from experiments on animal brains or from dissected human brains at autopsies;
now, we can harmlessly scan the brains of living human subjects to get information
about both the structure of the brain and its functioning. These advances have been
accompanied by more precise and ingenious ways of measuring non-neural behavior
(such as eye movements, reaction times, and verbal reports), cleverly-designed experi-
ments, and enhanced data-analysis techniques. As a result, there are new discoveries
being made about our mental mechanisms on a daily basis.
Consider, for example, how the eyes and brain build up our conscious visual expe-
rience of the world. When we visually experience the world, we can overtly focus our
attention on different aspects of the visual scene. But our experience is also shaped by
very fast ‘saccadic’ eye movements between foveal fixation points. (See Liversedge &
Findlay, 2000, for more on saccadic eye movements and their relation to cognition.)
Cutting-edge technology in the form of eye-tracking equipment can measure the loca-
tion and duration of fixation, and monitor the direction of the saccades. Using these
measurements of attention-switching and scan-paths, psychologists can demonstrate
how our visual system builds up the information made available to us in conscious
experience. (For a more detailed account of visual system anatomy and physiology, see
chapter by Price, 2013, in the companion volume.)
Scientific developments have also been made in the study of pain, a paradigm
state of conscious experience. We now understand the role of neurotransmitters, the
chemicals that relay messages across the brain’s synapses, in the pain of migraine head-
aches. During a migraine, levels of the neurotransmitter serotonin drop significantly,
which causes blood vessels to dilate, resulting in extreme pain. (Data on serotonin and
migraine are reviewed in Panconesi, 2008.) With this knowledge of how the pain is
produced, doctors can intervene to change it: migraine sufferers can be treated with
drugs that optimize serotonin levels in the brain.
In addition to conscious sensations, human beings possess consciousness of
themselves in the form of self-awareness. While we don’t expect other animals to
share our extensive capacity for reflective self-aware thought, behavioral psycholo-
gists have devised an experiment to show that some creatures have a basic form of
self-consciousness. Experimenters mark an animal with an odorless dye on the front
of their body, and then observe the creature in front of a mirror. Some animals, such
as chimpanzees, poke at the marking or move to get a better view of the marking in
the mirror, suggesting that they recognize the reflection as themselves. (Some of the
most recent mirror-test experiments have been done on rhesus monkeys: see Rajala,
Reininger, Lancaster, & Populin, 2010.)
Given these scientific advances in our understanding of conscious states, it is
tempting to think that we’re well on the way to a complete science of consciousness. But
there is an aspect of consciousness that none of the above results touch upon: the way
that our conscious states appear to us ‘from the inside’. Work on eye movements, for
example, tells us how our visual experience of a scene is built up by the way we attend to
it; but none of this tells us what it feels like to be looking at an optical illusion and sud-
denly experience a change – for example, when looking at the duck-rabbit ambiguous
image and switching from seeing it as a duck to seeing it as a rabbit, or when switching
between two binocularly rivaling images. And work on the role of neurotransmitters in
migraine pain can enable interventions to ease or even prevent the pain, but it doesn’t
tell us what it’s like to experience a migraine headache, or how that feeling differs from
other kinds of pains associated with different ailments. Finally, experiments like the
mirror-test help us to understand the cognitive abilities of non-human animals, but
they don’t seem to explain why, when I look in the mirror and recognize myself, my
realization that the reflection is me is accompanied by a sensation of recognition.
What’s going on here is that our conscious experiences tend to have two sets of
properties: a set of causal or functional properties, and a set of ‘phenomenal’ prop-
erties. The causal or functional properties of conscious states are exhibited in the
interactions into which they enter. Notice, for example, that conscious states like
perception, pain, and self-awareness seem able to guide our behavior (including our
speech and our thought) in a way that unconscious states don’t. We can verbally
report our pains, for example, we can use our perceptions of the world to update our
beliefs, and we can reflect on our self-awareness. Our non-conscious states, on the
other hand, play isolated causal roles and don’t enter into our everyday mental lives:
they are not available for explicit decision-making and memory-formation processes,
for example, and they can’t control a wide range of behavior or become the objects
of our introspection. The functional properties of conscious states, however, do not
exhaust our everyday concept of consciousness. The causal interactions outlined
above are normally accompanied by certain experiential qualities: conscious states,
in addition to their functional roles, ‘feel’ like something when we undergo them.
Non-conscious states, on the other hand, aren’t accompanied by any sort of feeling,
sensation, or experiential quality.
The scientific work on consciousness outlined above focuses on the functional
aspects of conscious states: their “cognitive accessibility” (Block, 2007) or their “avail-
ability for global control” (Chalmers, 1997). This leads to greater understanding of
what conscious states do and how they do it, but doesn’t seem to add to our under-
standing of the phenomenal properties of consciousness. (See Block, 1995, for fur-
ther discussion of the distinction between these two aspects of consciousness.) What
should we conclude from this? Perhaps these particular scientific experiments weren’t
trying to explain phenomenal consciousness, and other experiments could do a better
job. Perhaps there aren’t any good explanations of phenomenal consciousness now,
but they will follow advances in science and technology. Or perhaps, as some philoso-
phers think, there’s something about the very nature of phenomenal consciousness
that evades scientific explanation. In order to understand such a claim, it is necessary
to first say more about the phenomenal properties of conscious experience.
3. Phenomenal consciousness
When one hears the piercing shriek of the alarm clock, smells freshly-brewed coffee,
endures the pain of a piece of grit in one’s eye, or enjoys the sense of relaxation at the
end of a busy day, there is something it feels like to have each experience. Furthermore,
the ‘something’ that it feels like is peculiar to the kind of experience one is having – the
visual experience of seeing a rainbow, for example, has a different kind of feeling from
the auditory experience of hearing fingernails scrape down a chalkboard. It is this
aspect of consciousness that has proved particularly fascinating to philosophers: the
phenomenal character of conscious experience. (Philosophers also often use the term
‘qualia’ to refer to the qualities that make up the phenomenal character of the experi-
ence.) Phenomenal consciousness has a number of interesting features: it is subjective,
it is seemingly private, and we have some form of special access to our phenomenally
conscious states. This section covers each of these features in turn.
One way to understand what we mean by the subjectivity of conscious experience
is through terminology introduced by Nagel (1974), who suggests that when you are
undergoing a conscious experience, there is something it is like to be you:
[F]undamentally an organism has conscious mental states if and only if there is
something that it is like to be that organism – something it is like for the organism.
We may call this the subjective character of experience.
(Nagel, 1974, p. 436, italics in original)
There is something it is like for me to see the color red, and there is something it is
like for me to hear the sound of a bell (and what it is like differs across the two expe-
riences.) There is presumably nothing it is like to be a rock or a piece of furniture.
What about non-human animals? We tend to assume that other mammals, at least,
experience a world of sights and sounds. But not all mammals have visual and auditory
systems like our own: consider the bat, which uses echolocation instead of vision to
build up information about the world:
[B]at sonar, though clearly a form of perception, is not similar in its operation to
any sense that we possess, and there is no reason to suppose that it is subjectively
like anything we can experience or imagine. (Nagel, 1974, p. 438)
Nagel asks us to think about what it is like to be a bat: what sort of feeling or sensory
quality accompanies the echolocation process? Nagel’s point is that no matter how
much we study the bat’s physiology, we don’t get close to understanding what the bat’s
subjective experiences are like. This poses a problem for the attempt to provide a sci-
ence of consciousness:
If we acknowledge that a physical theory of mind must account for the subjective
character of experience, we must admit that no presently available conception
gives us a clue how this could be done. (Nagel, 1974, p. 445)
Part of the problem doubtless lies in the limits of our current technology, and the
restrictions governing ethical experimentation. Functional neuroimaging technology,
for example, does not allow us direct access to people’s thoughts. Instead, it measures
the amount of oxygen in the blood across different regions of the brain, which can be
used as evidence of cognitive activity only after interpretation. There are more direct
ways of measuring the brain’s relation to conscious experience, but these involve inva-
sive experiments on living brains, such as single-cell recordings, which are usually only
carried out on non-human animals. The neural data from such experiments are more
precise than in neuroimaging, but how can we establish with which conscious experi-
ences they are correlated? These experiments are restricted to non-human animals
which cannot verbally describe their experiences as humans can.
Technological advances, however, are being made. Human and animal behav-
ioral, electrophysiological and brain-imaging studies of visual consciousness during
binocular rivalry are summarized by Miller (this volume), and described in detail
in the companion volume (Miller, 2013). But even if still further technological and
experimental advances occur, will we be able to identify and measure conscious expe-
riences? There remains the problem that phenomenal consciousness seems markedly
different from the other sorts of data that scientists study: not only is it subjective, it
is also seemingly private. You might easily be able to imagine the experiences of other
human beings (in the way you can’t imagine what it’s like to be a bat) but verification
is a different matter. Were you and I to experience a sunset together, you would have
no way of knowing whether my color experiences – what it was like for me – were the
same as your own. We can use the same words to describe our experiences, but this
doesn’t guarantee that the experiences themselves have the same sort of subjective
quality for each of us. Science deals in data that are public in the sense of being share-
able and measurable by others; the privacy of conscious experiences seems to prevent
them fulfilling these criteria.
Of course, there is a wealth of public data associated with our conscious states:
psychological data such as our verbal reports of our conscious states, and our behav-
ioral discriminations between different kinds of stimulus; and neurological data such
as those from electroencephalography and neuroimaging. Our ability to discriminate
between different colors can be measured, for example, as in color-blindness tests. And
when someone is undergoing a migraine headache, the chemical composition of their
neurotransmitters can be measured. But measuring a person’s ability to discriminate
colors doesn’t establish what it is like for them to experience those colors, and measur-
ing the bodily activity that correlates with the pain is not the same as measuring the
feeling of the pain itself for the person undergoing it. The privacy of conscious experi-
ence makes it markedly different from standard scientific data.
Given that psychology and neuroscience can measure the neural and behavio-
ral markers associated with phenomenal consciousness, it might seem tempting to
simply treat the conscious experience as nothing more than its measurable markers.
For example, if a person’s experience of pain is reliably correlated with a particular
pattern of blood-oxygenation in the brain, then we might feel tempted to say that
to record that particular pattern of neural activity just is to record the experience of
pain. This would be to ‘operationalize’ the concept of phenomenal consciousness, and
identify the experience with the markers of that experience. While this would make
phenomenal consciousness a less mysterious subject of scientific study, there are good
reasons to resist this move. To see why it’s important to retain the distinction between
the experience itself and the experience-related behavior, consider the asymmetry
between our knowledge of our own conscious states and those of others. When I’m in
pain, a doctor can know I’m in pain on the evidence of my pain-related behavior: she
infers that I’m in pain from my verbal reports, my bodily injuries, my neural activity.
All of these count as evidence for the doctor that I am in pain. But notice that I don’t
need any of these pieces of evidence to know that I am in pain. The existence of my
pain isn’t something I infer from anything else: when I know that I’m in pain, I know
it directly, in a way that doesn’t seem accessible to anyone else. It doesn’t even seem
to make sense to ask me what my evidence is. I am simply directly aware of my pain.
There is an asymmetry, then, between the (non-inferential, direct) way I know my
own conscious states and the (inferential, evidence-based) way that others know my
conscious states.
This asymmetry only applies to our conscious states, and not our other internal
states: when it comes to the results of a blood test, for example, the doctor and I both
base our knowledge on the same evidential data. If I disagree with the doctor about
the results, our disagreement will ultimately be settled by further public data; I don’t
have any special access to the properties of my blood that the doctor lacks. But such
an appeal to the evidence wouldn’t settle the issue if I was disagreeing with a doctor
about whether I’m in pain, because my first-person knowledge of my conscious expe-
rience is a different sort of knowledge from that provided by third-person scientific
evidence. Furthermore, it’s hard to see how the third-person scientific evidence could
‘trump’ my first person knowledge of my experience: what sort of evidence could a
doctor use to persuade you that you’re in pain, when you are awake and conscious but
not consciously experiencing pain?
The ‘special access’ that we have to our conscious states goes along with their
subjectivity and privacy to create a problem for our scientific understanding of con-
sciousness. Science deals with data that is objective, measurable, and knowable to
different people via the same evidence; phenomenal consciousness seems not to meet
these requirements. If we want to have a scientific understanding of consciousness, it
looks like we need an explanation of the first-person nature of conscious experience in
third-person terms. But to expect a scientific explanation of consciousness is already to
assume that consciousness is part of the physical world that scientists study – and this
assumption is a matter of philosophical debate, as the following section will discuss.
4. Is consciousness physical?
4.1 Physicalism
The claim that consciousness is part of the physical world can be understood in dif-
ferent ways. One obvious way is to claim that each type of conscious experience is
identical with a certain type of brain event: to experience the smell of fresh coffee,
for example, is just to have a particular pattern of neural firing in a certain brain
area. Proponents of this so-called ‘type-physicalism’ include Smart (1959) and more
recently Polger (2004). Notice that identifying a type of conscious experience with a
type of neural event entails that anyone lacking that type of neural event also lacks
the relevant type of conscious experience. Imagine we come to identify the sensation
of pain with a certain kind of neural firing, and then discover a creature – human
or otherwise – that lacks the appropriate kind of neural firing. According to type-
physicalism, that creature cannot be in pain, no matter what behavioral evidence we
have to the contrary. And consider the case of creatures, such as octopuses, that have
very different nervous systems from humans; if there aren’t any kinds of neural event
that humans and octopuses share, we’d have to deny that octopuses could ever be in
pain. Notice that the opposite also holds: if we find a creature that has the appropriate
pattern of neural activity, we’d have to conclude it was in pain, even if it demonstrated
none of the behavioral signs.
A common way to avoid these problems is to adopt ‘token-physicalism’ about
consciousness. While type-physicalism claims that each type of conscious experience
is identical with a type of neural event, token-physicalism claims merely that each
instance (or ‘token’) of a particular conscious experience is identical with some neural
event or another. Token-physicalism allows that my pain experience is identical with
a neural firing (and therefore physical), and that another creature’s pain experience
is identical with a neural firing (and therefore physical), without those neural firings
being of the same type. This picture allows for the ‘multiple realizability’ of conscious
mental states: the idea that one kind of conscious experience can be physically realized
in multiple ways (Putnam, 1967).
While token-physicalism allows us to retain the claim that conscious experi-
ences are physical things, it lacks the scientific usefulness of type-physicalism. Type-
physicalism, if true, would allow us to make predictions and generalizations: if a type
of experience is identical with a type of neural event, we know that other creatures
with that kind of neural event have the same kind of experience, and vice versa.
Token-physicalism, however, leaves us seeking explanations. In virtue of what, for
example, do two distinct kinds of neural event realize the same kind of experience?
Philosophers have tried to remedy this situation by finding generalizations at a more
abstract level, for instance by claiming that two types of neural event realize the same
type of conscious experience in virtue of playing the same functional role.
According to this ‘functionalist’ approach, the neural event identical with my pain
and the neural event identical with another creature’s pain are playing the same func-
tional role: each is caused by physical injury, and leads one to believe that one is in
pain, and to the desire to be pain-free, for example. Although the neural events them-
selves are of different neural types, they are both realizers of the same functional type:
pain. Functionalism works reasonably well as a theory of mental states like beliefs and
desires, but is less convincing when it comes to capturing the qualitative character of
conscious experiences. To see why, notice that the functionalist claims that any system
with the same functional organization as you will have all the same mental states as
you. And then consider what would happen if we took the functional organization of
your one-billion neurons and implemented the functional roles in something other
than your brain:
Suppose we convert the government of China to functionalism, and we convince
its officials to realize a human mind for an hour. We provide each of the billion
people in China (I chose China because it has a billion inhabitants) with a spe-
cially designed two-way radio that connects them in the appropriate way to other
persons and to [an] artificial body […] It is not at all obvious that the China-body
system is physically impossible. It could be functionally equivalent to you for a
short time, say an hour. (Block, 1978, p. 279)
These problems for both type- and token-physicalism need not deter the physical-
ist, as the most minimal form of physicalism requires neither. Minimal physicalism
about consciousness requires only that conscious experience supervenes on the physi-
cal world. To understand the concept of supervenience, consider David Lewis’s (1986)
example of a dot-matrix image:
A dot-matrix picture has global properties – it is symmetrical, it is cluttered, and
whatnot – and yet all there is to the picture is dots and non-dots at each point
of the matrix. The global properties are nothing but patterns in the dots. They
supervene: no two pictures could differ in their global properties without differ-
ing, somewhere, in whether there is or there isn’t a dot. (Lewis, 1986, p. 14)
The point Lewis is making is that there is nothing more to the picture than the dots:
any identical arrangement of dots will yield the same patterns, because the patterns
supervene on the dots. By analogy, if consciousness supervenes on the physical, then
there is nothing more to it than the underlying physical arrangement of the world:
no two identical physical worlds could differ with regard to consciousness. (For a
more detailed discussion of the varieties of supervenience, see Kozuch & Kriegel, this
volume.)
Approaching consciousness in terms of supervenience gives us a minimal form
of physicalism, but one which is without explanatory power. To say the dot-matrix
patterns supervene on the dots does not tell us why those particular patterns exist,
or how we should get clearer on the relationship between the dots and the patterns.
Similarly, supervenience physicalism doesn’t tell us how consciousness arises from the
physical world: it merely states that there is a co-variation between the world’s physical
properties and its conscious properties. Despite its minimalist nature, however, super-
venience physicalism is still open to objections from the non-physicalist.
4.2 Non-physicalism
The non-physicalist does not have to deny that the physical world plays an important
role in generating our mental states. They merely have to deny the supervenience phys-
icalist’s claim that physical facts about neural activity, for example, fix the existence
and nature of conscious experience. Non-physicalists have developed several thought
experiments to persuade us of the falsity of physicalism, the most famous of which
are Jackson’s (1982) ‘knowledge argument’ and Chalmers’ (1996) ‘zombie argument’.
Frank Jackson’s knowledge argument introduces the character of Mary. Jackson
asks us to imagine that Mary has been brought up from birth in an entirely black-
and-white room. Mary has grown up reading black-and-white books and watching
black-and-white television, and has developed a vast scientific knowledge as a result.
In particular, she has learned how color vision works in humans: she knows everything
that science can tell her about light wavelengths, for example, and visual circuitry in
the brain. Suppose that after many years of study in her black-and-white room, Mary
has come to know all the physical facts about human color vision. What will happen
when Mary leaves the black-and-white room and enters the world of color for the first
time? When Mary sees something colored red for the first time, for example, will she
learn something new?
It seems just obvious that she will learn something about the world and our vis-
ual experience of it. But then it is inescapable that her previous knowledge was
incomplete. But she had all the physical information. Ergo there is more to have
than that, and Physicalism is false. (Jackson, 1982, p. 130, italics in original)
Most people share the intuition that Mary will learn something new: she will learn
what it’s like to experience the color red. But because the thought experiment stipulates
that Mary had already learned all the physical facts about color in her black-and-white
room, Mary must be learning something non-physical when she learns what it is like
to see red. The strength of the knowledge argument, as Jackson realizes, is that cases
like Mary’s compel us to think that “one can have all the physical information without
having all the information there is to have” (Jackson, 1982, p. 130).
The knowledge argument has created a great deal of literature, most of it attempt-
ing to defend physicalism by challenging the thought experiment. Some philosophers
claim that Mary could not have all the physical facts in the first place (Alter, 1998),
while others argue that Mary’s new knowledge is made true by physical facts she
already knew (Lycan, 1996). Another physicalist tactic involves denying that Mary
acquires new factual knowledge at all: instead she has perhaps gained a set of abilities
(Lewis, 1983) or ‘become acquainted’ with color experience (Conee, 1994). (For a
more detailed discussion of these options, see Brogaard, this volume.)
David Chalmers’ zombie argument asks you to imagine an organism that is physi-
cally identical to you, but which lacks the phenomenal experiences that you have: call
this a ‘zombie’. Zombies behave just like human beings. When a zombie cuts itself, for
example, it bleeds, it emits sounds of pain, and certain areas of its brain are activated
(and these are the same areas that are activated in your own brain when you cut your-
self). The only difference is that there is not “something it is like” to be a zombie: the
zombie does not experience any painful sensations. Chalmers argues that the very fact
we can imagine zombies fitting this description entails that physicalism is false. To
see why, remember that physicalism takes the facts about conscious experience to be
determined by the physical facts. If physicalism is true, therefore, it would be impos-
sible for a world physically identical to ours to differ in terms of phenomenal con-
sciousness. This means that in order to prove physicalism false, it is enough to show
the possibility of a world physically identical to ours that differs in its phenomenally
conscious properties. A world containing zombies would be such a world: if zombies
are possible, physicalism is false. But does imagining zombies show that they are pos-
sible? Chalmers thinks that zombies are conceivable, where conceivability amounts to
“ideal conceivability, or conceivability on ideal rational reflection” (Chalmers, 1999,
p. 47): there is no contradiction, he claims, in the idea of zombies. While some physi-
calists respond by denying that zombies are actually conceivable (e.g., Dennett, 1995),
the more common physicalist response to the zombie argument is to deny that the
conceivability of zombies entails their possibility (see e.g., Hill & McLaughlin, 1999;
Loar, 1990; Yablo, 1993). Chalmers (1996, 1999) responds to the physicalist by char-
acterizing the notions of conceivability and possibility in the formal framework of
two-dimensional semantics, and arguing that claims about conceivability entail claims
about possibility when we isolate the relevant meanings of ‘conceivable’ and ‘possible’.
(The ‘zombie’ argument is discussed at greater length by Brogaard, this volume.)
One of the most famous historical arguments against physicalism by Descartes
also makes claims about what is possible on the basis of claims about what we can
conceive. In his Sixth Meditation, Descartes suggests that he can conceive of his mind
existing without his body, therefore it is not possible for his mind to be dependent
upon his body:
although I certainly do possess a body with which I am very closely conjoined;
nevertheless, because, on the one hand, I have a clear and distinct idea of myself,
in as far as I am only a thinking and unextended thing, and as, on the other hand,
I possess a distinct idea of body, in as far as it is only an extended and unthinking
thing, it is certain that I, [that is, my mind, by which I am what I am], is entirely
and truly distinct from my body, and may exist without it.
(Descartes, 1641/1996, p. 107)
This leads Descartes to conclude that the mind is an entirely distinct substance from
the body. His view, that the physical world of measurable and locatable objects is
for solving the problem include allowing events to have both a physical and non-
physical cause (‘overdetermination’) or denying that conscious properties are causal
at all (‘epiphenomenalism’). (See Bennett, 2007, for discussion of the various problems
surrounding mental causation.)
5. Theories of consciousness
details are in place, we can look for the neural events that implement these abstract
roles. Representationalist theories of consciousness, for example, can look to work
in computational psychology and neuroscience that invoke semantically-interpreted
and physically-implemented functional states. (For a neuroanatomical interpretation
of representationalism, see Mehta & Mashour, 2013.) Higher-order theories of con-
sciousness seem to require a ‘metacognitive’ monitoring process, and such processes
are associated with the prefrontal cortex of the brain, so evidence for the neural imple-
mentation of higher-order theories might best be sought in prefrontal neural process-
ing (Lau & Rosenthal, 2011). And the global workspace theory of consciousness has
also been developed as a global neuronal workspace theory, using computer modeling
of neural networks to simulate brain activity (Dehaene, 2001).
The motivation behind all of these top-down approaches to consciousness is the
idea that consciousness arises in the human brain in virtue of its organization and
structure: while we may seek the implementation of consciousness in neurons, the
molecular properties of the brain are less important than its higher-level functioning.
The alternative to top-down approaches involves starting from basic brain activity,
and using neural features such as firing activity, chemical composition, or location
to shed light on consciousness. These ‘bottom-up’ approaches to consciousness vari-
ously suggest that conscious experience might be the result of neural activity in a
particular area of the cortex, for example, or the speed at which neurons fire, or the
complex interaction of such features. Bottom-up approaches can differ with regard to
the level of neural activity they focus on: some propose that consciousness might be
the product of individual neurons, or of populations of neurons, or of whole brains.
In the case of individual neurons, this might mean that a conscious experience of a
certain feature is the product of a receptive-field neuron that responds to a particular
sensory property, such as a particular frequency in the auditory field, or a particular
direction of motion in the visual field. Alternatively, conscious experience might be
the product of neural networks: conscious experience of a certain sort might depend
on the outcome of a competition between neural coalitions, or on the synchrony
of neural populations oscillating at a particular frequency. A further suggestion is
that the source of consciousness is not single neurons or groups of neurons, but the
brain as a whole: according to this view, we should be looking at global patterns of
brain activity such as the resonance of an electromagnetic field, or quantum effects
occurring in subcellular structures. (For examples of each of these approaches, see
Kouider, 2009.)
Notice that one doesn’t need to commit to physicalism about consciousness in
order to be interested in the neurobiological research associated with consciousness.
A non-physicalist can accept that there are correlations between neural features and
conscious experiences, as long as they deny that these neural correlates of conscious-
ness are sufficient to fix the facts about conscious experience.
6. Explaining consciousness
It’s not always clear whether a theory of consciousness is attempting to explain every-
thing about consciousness, or merely some aspect of conscious states. Some theories
of consciousness focus solely on visual consciousness and say nothing about other
sensory modalities, while others concentrate on the varieties of conscious experience
associated with imagination or proprioception. Even those theories attempting to
account for consciousness more generally tend to focus on explaining certain proper-
ties of conscious experience: functional properties like its integrational or introspect-
able properties, or structural properties like its unity or its temporal dynamics. What’s
less clear, however, is whether any theory of consciousness explains the phenomenal
properties of conscious experience: what it is like to be having a conscious experience.
Whenever a theory presents us with an analysis of consciousness, we always seem to
be able to ask “But why does it feel like this?” There seems to be what Levine (1983)
calls an “explanatory gap” between what explanations of consciousness actually tell us,
and what we want them to tell us.
To understand this explanatory gap, consider a standard scientific explanation of
heat as the motion of molecules. We understand why heat has the properties it does
by identifying it as a certain kind of molecule, and we don’t feel that something crucial
has been left unexplained:
It [“Heat is the motion of molecules”] is explanatory in the sense that our knowl-
edge of chemistry and physics makes intelligible how it is that something like the
motion of molecules could play the causal role we associate with heat. […] Once
we understand how this causal role is carried out, there is nothing more we need
to understand. (Levine, 1983, p. 357)
The problem is that by identifying consciousness with a physical state (or a functional
state), we’re left with an incomplete explanation. The explanation fails to make it intel-
ligible to us why conscious states feel the way they do, or indeed why they feel like
anything at all.
7. Conclusion
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