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Urban Public Transport in India: Trends, Challenges and Innovations

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 Transport Policy 12 (2005) 185–198
www.elsevier.com/locate/tranpol

Urban transport crisis in India

John Puchera,*, Nisha Korattyswaropama, Neha Mittala, Neenu Ittyerahb
a
Rutgers University, New Brunswick, NJ 08901-1987, USA
b
Indian Railways, Chennai, India
Received 25 October 2004; revised 14 February 2005; accepted 25 February 2005
Available online 21 April 2005

Abstract

Indian cities face a transport crisis characterized by levels of congestion, noise, pollution, traffic fatalities and injuries, and inequity far
exceeding those in most European and North American cities. India’s transport crisis has been exacerbated by the extremely rapid growth of
India’s largest cities in a context of low incomes, limited and outdated transport infrastructure, rampant suburban sprawl, sharply rising motor
vehicle ownership and use, deteriorating bus services, a wide range of motorized and non-motorized transport modes sharing roadways, and
inadequate as well as uncoordinated land use and transport planning. This article summarizes key trends in India’s transport system and travel
behavior, analyzes the extent and causes of the most severe problems, and recommends nine policy improvements that would help mitigate
India’s urban transport crisis.
q 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

1. Overall situation in developing countries non-existent in most cities, thus forcing them to share
crowded rights of way with rapidly moving motor vehicles.
Although the word ‘crisis’ has been used to describe The problem of overall low per-capita incomes in
transport problems in European and American cities, the developing countries is compounded by extreme income
term seems far more appropriate for cities of the developing inequality. The wealthiest tenth of the population typically
world. Environmental pollution, noise, traffic fatalities and earns over half of total national income (Vasconcellos,
injuries, congestion, and mobility problems are far more 2001). Much of the population is so poor that it cannot afford
severe in developing countries, making the problems in any motorized transport at all and must spend up to three or
Europe and North America seem quite modest even 4 h a day for travel. Moreover, the concentration of
by comparison (Gakenheimer, 1999; Gwilliam, 2003; wealth among an economic and political elite has distorted
Pendakur, 2002; Pucher and Lefevre, 1996; Silcock, 2003; transport policies in all developing countries. While the poor
Vasconcellos, 2001). suffer the most from severe and worsening transport
Developing countries have several factors in common problems in cities, government policies generally focus on
that contribute to the severity of their transport problems. serving the needs of an elite minority. For example, a
Overall population growth and increasing urbanization have disproportionate share of government funds is spent facil-
led to the especially rapid growth of large cities, which have itating the ownership and use of private cars, while the needs
been overwhelmed by the sudden jump in travel demand. of mostly low-income pedestrians and cyclists are ignored.
The supply of transport infrastructure and services, by Similarly, public transport does not get the funding or traffic
comparison, has lagged far behind demand. Public sector priority it needs because the elite do not use it.
finances, in general, are so limited that funding for transport Rapid growth, low incomes, and extreme inequality are
improvements is woefully inadequate. Most transport among the main underlying causes of transport problems in
facilities are used far beyond their design capacity. developing countries. Although the nature and extent of
Moreover, facilities for pedestrians and cyclists are virtually transport problems obviously vary from one country to
another, virtually all developing countries suffer from the
following:
* Corresponding author. Tel.: C1 732 932 3822; fax: C1 732 932 2253.
E-mail address: [email protected] (J. Pucher). † Unplanned, haphazard development at the suburban
0967-070X/$ - see front matter q 2005 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. fringe without adequate infrastructure, transport, and
doi:10.1016/j.tranpol.2005.02.008 other public services
186 J. Pucher et al. / Transport Policy 12 (2005) 185–198

† Limited network of roads, often narrow, poorly a tenth of average incomes in countries of North America
maintained, and unpaved and Western Europe (Central Intelligence Agency, 2002).
† Extremely congested roads with an incompatible mix of With 26% of the population below the poverty line in
both motorized and non-motorized vehicles traveling at 1999–2000 (Ministry of Finance, 2002), roughly a fourth of
widely different speeds urban residents cannot afford the basic necessities of life,
† Rapidly increasing ownership and use of private cars and including virtually any form of public transport or even a
motorcycles bicycle. The urban poor live in congested slums in older,
† Inadequate roadway accommodations for buses and deteriorating inner-city areas or in illegal squatter
non-motorized transport settlements on the outskirts of cities. Those living near the
† Primitive or non-existent traffic control and management, center suffer not only from overcrowded housing but also
often without even the most basic street signage from high levels of air pollution, noise, congestion, and
† Extremely high and rapidly rising traffic fatalities, traffic danger. The poor living on the suburban fringe must
especially among pedestrians and motorcyclists endure ramshackle housing conditions, largely non-existent
† Overcrowded, uncomfortable, undependable, slow, public services, and long, time-consuming trips to menial
uncoordinated, inefficient, and dangerous public transport jobs in other parts of the city.
† Extremely high levels of transport-related pollution, noise While the poor are especially disadvantaged, the Indian
and other environmental impacts, especially in large cities middle class also struggles with inadequate housing and
transport. The unavailability of good, affordable housing
As documented in this article, Indian cities share all these near the center forces a rising proportion of the middle class
problems of developing countries. We examine the range of to live in distant suburbs. Such peripheral locations require
urban transport problems in India as they relate to trends in long, exhausting commutes to jobs using either slow,
urban development and travel patterns. In the process, we overcrowded public transport or dangerous motorcycles.
also offer a critical analysis of public policies and how they Even the affluent Indians who own private cars must endure
might be improved. long commutes on hopelessly congested and unsafe
roadways.

2. Urban conditions in India

3. Trends in land use
The most important factors common to India and other
developing countries are population growth, increasing As Indian cities have grown in population, they have also
urbanization, rising motorization, and low per-capita spread outward. Indeed, the lack of effective planning and
income. The total urban population of India burgeoned land-use controls has resulted in rampant sprawled
over the past three decades, rising from 109 million in 1971 to development extending rapidly in all directions, far beyond
160 million in 1981 (C47%), 217 million in 1991 (C36%), old city boundaries into the distant countryside. That has
and 285 million in 2001 (C31%) (Office of the Registrar greatly increased the number and length of trips for most
General of India, 2001a; Padam and Singh, 2001). The Indians, forcing increasing reliance on motorized transport.
largest cities have grown especially fast. By 2001, India had Longer trip distances make walking and cycling less
three megacities: Mumbai (Bombay) with 16.4 million feasible, while increasing motor vehicle traffic makes
inhabitants, Kolkata (Calcutta) with 13.2 million walking and cycling less safe.
inhabitants, and Delhi with 12.8 million inhabitants. Chennai Most public policies in India encourage sprawl. In an
(Madras), Hyderabad, and Bangalore each had more than explicit attempt to decongest city centers, government
5 million residents. And 35 metropolitan areas had regulations limit the ratio of floor areas to land areas for
populations exceeding one million, almost twice as many buildings in the center, and thus restrict the heights of
as in 1991 (Office of the Registrar General of India, 2001b). buildings and density of development in the center. For
The rapid growth of India’s cities has generated a example, the so-called ‘floor space index (FSI)’ in sampled
correspondingly rapid growth in travel demand, over- city centers in India was only 1.6, compared to indices
whelming the limited transport infrastructure. The sharply ranging from 5 to 15 in other Asian city centers (Bertraud,
increasing levels of motor vehicle ownership and use, in 2002; Padam and Singh, 2001). By contrast, government
particular, have resulted in alarming levels of congestion, regulations permit higher floor space/land area ratios in
air pollution, noise, and traffic danger. For most segments of suburban developments, thus further inducing firms to
the population, mobility and accessibility have declined. decentralize. Indeed, local governments in the suburbs
India’s poor have been especially disadvantaged. They advertise the less stringent land-use regulations there to lure
have such low incomes that they cannot even afford public economic development to their jurisdictions. Such land-use
transport fares and thus must walk or cycle long distances. policies obviously discourage development in the center
In 2002, the per-capita income of India was the equivalent and force both firms and residences to seek locations on the
of only US $2,600 (purchasing power parity), less than suburban fringe. Moreover, local governments have
 J. Pucher et al. / Transport Policy 12 (2005) 185–198 187

permitted scattered commercial and residential develop- 4. Trends in travel behavior

ment in outlying areas without the necessary infrastructure
such as roads, public transport, and hospitals. Such sprawled As in most developing countries, a high percentage of
development generates long trips between residences and travel in Indian cities is by walking or cycling, mainly
almost all other trip destinations. because much of the population is too poor to afford
Just as in North America, most new commercial motorized transport. Walking and cycling are most
development is in the distant suburbs. For example, Tidal important in smaller cities, accounting for over two-thirds
Park is a software center on the outskirts of Chennai; of all trips (see Fig. 1). As city size increases and trip
Gurgaon is a large new industrial area outside Delhi; and distances become longer, the relative importance of walking
Pimpri-Chinchwad is a similar center outside of Pune and cycling falls to about half of all trips in medium-sized
(Bertraud, 2002). Similarly, Bangalore is planning several cities and about a third in the largest cities. There is
technology parks on its fringe as well as several circumfer- considerable variation, however, even within city-size
ential highways in the suburbs, both of which will induce categories. Among the megacities, for example, walking
further decentralization. In most cases, there is inadequate and cycling are much less common in Mumbai than in
transport infrastructure to serve these new suburban Delhi, perhaps due to Mumbai’s superior public transport
developments and the residences located around them. system. Among the smaller cities, Kanpur and Lucknow
Ramachandran (1989) characterizes Indian suburbs as an have much higher proportions of walking and cycling than
‘uncontrolled mix of industrial development, dumps and Pune, which has a very high level of motorcycle ownership
obnoxious uses,’ with the ‘extension of urban settlement and use (due to a large middle class), as well as extensive
causing conditions in the overtaken villages to deteriorate, charter bus services organized by Pune’s industrial firms for
both physically and socially.’ The leap-frog development their employees (Pune Municipal Corporation, 2004). By
typical of suburban sprawl tends to follow major highways comparison, Kanpur and Lucknow have much lower levels
out of Indian cities to the distant countryside. of motorcycle use (due to lower incomes) and minimal bus
Low-density, sprawled decentralization causes enormous services. Instead, they rely on a mix of paratransit modes
problems for public transport. Just as in North America and such as auto rickshaws, cycle rickshaws, jeep taxis, and
Europe, it generates trips that are less focused in well- tempos (large auto rickshaws).
traveled corridors and thus more difficult for public As of 2002, private motorized transport (mainly cars and
transport to serve. In India, it has led to rapid growth in motorcycles) accounted for a small but rapidly growing
car and motorcycle ownership and use and thus increasingly percentage of travel, about 10–20% of all trips (see Fig. 1).
congested roadways that slow down buses, increase bus There are no reliable time-trend data on modal split
operating costs, and further discourage public transport use. distributions, but the statistics on vehicle fleet sizes in

100%

80%
Walk

60% Non-motorized
Vehicles

40% Private
motorized

Public Transport
20%

0%
Mumbai (16.3M)

Kolkata (13.2M)

Delhi (12.79M)

Chennai (6.4M)

Bangalore (5.68M)

Hyderabad (5.53M)

Ahmedabad (4.51M)

Pune (3.755M)

Kanpur (2.69M)

Lucknow (2.26M)

Fig. 1. Percent distribution of urban trips by means of travel for selected Indian cities, 2002. (Sources: Pendakur 2002 and World Bank 2002.)
188 J. Pucher et al. / Transport Policy 12 (2005) 185–198

Two-wheelers
45
Cars, Jeeps and Taxis
Other Motorized
40
Goods Vehicles

No. of Vehicles (in millions) 35 Buses

30

25

20

15

10

0
1981 1986 1991 1996 2002

Fig. 2. Growth of India’s motor vehicle fleet by type of vehicle, 1981–2002 (in millions). (Source: Ministry of Road Transport and Highways, 1999, 2000,
2003). Note: “others” includes tractors, trailers, motorized three-wheelers (passenger vehicles) such as auto rickshaws and other miscellaneous vehicles that are
not separately classified.

Fig. 2 dramatize the extremely rapid growth of motorcycle centrally administered, and operated throughout the country
ownership, which increased 16-fold between 1981 and by Indian Railways. As shown in Fig. 4, suburban rail usage
2002. Private car ownership increased almost 7-fold during has increased sharply over the past five decades, with a
the same period. The sprawling, low-density development 14-fold growth in passenger km of travel (Indian Railways,
around Indian cities has made cars and motorcycles 2001). There are no comprehensive national statistics on bus
increasingly necessary to get around, especially given the service supply (i.e. bus km of service), let alone the number
unsatisfactory alternative of slow, overcrowded, undepend- of riders (i.e. trips or passenger km). Nevertheless, nation-
able, and dangerous public transport services. At the same wide aggregate statistics on the size of the bus fleet indicate
time, rising incomes among the Indian middle and upper substantial growth over the past two decades, with a 313%
classes have made car and motorcycle ownership increas- increase from 1981 to 2002 (Ministry of Road Transport and
ingly affordable. Highways, 2003). Similarly, the fragmented statistics for
While poverty is still a major problem for much of the individual cities suggest considerable growth. From 1990 to
population, real per-capita income in India grew by 37% 2000, for example, there was an 86% increase in the size of
from 1980–81 to 1990–91 (in excess of inflation) and by Mumbai’s bus fleet, and a 54% increase in Chennai’s bus
40% from 1990–91 to 2000–01 (Ministry of Finance, fleet. The size of Delhi’s public bus fleet actually fell during
2004). Over the entire period 1980 to 2000, overall
purchasing power of the average Indian almost doubled.
Percentage with incomes under the poverty line

That economic growth probably benefited the middle

60
and upper classes the most, especially spurring growth in All India
motor vehicle ownership. Nevertheless, lower-income Rural
classes have benefited as well. Indeed, the portion of 50
Urban
India’s urban population living in poverty fell by half
during the last quarter of the 20th century, from 49% in
1974 to 24% in 2000 (see Fig. 3). 40
In recent years, public transport has not grown nearly as
rapidly as private transport. Over the long term, however,
the demand for public transport services has increased 30
considerably, mainly due to the burgeoning growth of
India’s cities, both in population and land area. That has 20
increased both the number and length of public transport 1973 1977 1983 1987 1993 1999
trips.
The best statistics for public transport in India are for Fig. 3. Declining Percentage of Indians Living in Poverty, 1973–2000.
suburban rail services, because they are publicly owned, (Source: India Budget, 2001).
 J. Pucher et al. / Transport Policy 12 (2005) 185–198 189

100000 spread out than Mumbai and Kolkata. Delhi also has a
PKM (in millions) 88872 particularly extensive roadway network, while the supply
90000
80000 of roadways in other large Indian cities is much more
70000
limited. For example, 21% of Delhi’s total land area is
59587 devoted to roads, compared to only 11% in Mumbai and
60000
5% in Kolkata. Mumbai and Kolkata also have more
50000
41,086 restricted geographies, since both are situated on
40000
peninsulas that channel travel and land use development
30000 22984 in only a few directions. Such focused travel corridors
20000 especially encourage suburban rail use, as in Mumbai.
11770
6551
10000 Delhi has no such geographic restrictions and sprawls out
0 in all directions. Thus, Delhi currently relies primarily on
1950-51 1960-61 1970-71 1980-81 1990-91 2000-01
auto rickshaws, motorcycles, taxis, and private cars to
Fig. 4. Growth in Suburban Rail Travel in Indian Cities, 1951 to 2001 (in serve the multi-destinational, less-focused travel patterns
millions of passenger km). (Source: Indian Railways, 2002). of its residents.
The range of public transport services available also
the 1990s, but the number of private buses rose by almost varies considerably, even among the largest categories of
twice as much, yielding a net 28% increase (Association of cities. Only Mumbai, Kolkata, and Chennai have
State Road Transport Undertakings, 2002; Marwah et al., extensive suburban rail services. Delhi has limited
2001). suburban rail services. Until recently, Kolkata had India’s
Referring back to Fig. 2, one can see that the overall only underground metro system (16.5 route km), but
increase in the size of the total bus fleet in India has been Delhi is currently constructing a far more extensive
slower than increases in private motorized vehicles. While metro (62.5 route km) (Delhi Metro Rail Corporation,
the total number of buses quadrupled from 1981 to 2002, the 2003; Metro Railway Kolkata, 2003). Chennai has a
number of motorcycles increased 16-fold, the number of hybrid surface and elevated metro, designated as Mass
cars increased 7-fold, and the number of goods vehicles Rapid Transport System, which currently extends 8.6 km
increased 5-fold. Thus, buses account for a smaller and and is being expanded by another 11.2 km (Southern
smaller percentage of total motorized vehicles on India’s Railway, 2003). Finally, Kolkata has India’s only
roads—only 1.1% in 2002 (Ministry of Road Transport and remaining tram system, a 68-km double-track network
Highways, 2003). of old, seriously deteriorating tracks and vehicles.
Buses carry over 90% of public transport in Indian cities. As noted previously, buses account for most public
Indeed, most Indian cities have no rail transport at all and rely transport services, even in these large cities, and for
instead on a combination of buses, minivans, auto rickshaws, virtually all public transport services in cities with less
cycle rickshaws, and taxis. Even in most of the largest cities, than 5 million residents. Moreover, all Indian cities feature
rail transport carries less than a third of public transport large numbers of auto rickshaws (three-wheeled motorized,
passengers. The only exception is Mumbai, which has India’s minicars), taxis, and cycle rickshaws (human-powered
most extensive suburban rail network, carrying over 5 million carts).
passengers a day—58% of total public transport passengers
in the region (vs. 42% by bus) and 80% of total passenger km
(vs. 20% by bus) (Brihanmumbai Electric Supply and 5. Urban transport problems
Transport, 2003; Indian Railways, 2002, 2003).
In general, the larger the city size, the higher the Indian cities are plagued by a range of transport
percentage of urban trips served by public transport in India: problems. In this section, we briefly describe and, where
averaging 30% in cities with population between 1 and possible, quantify the most severe problems.
2 million, 42% for cities with populations between 2 and
5 million, and 63% for cities with populations over 5 million
(Sreedharan, 2003). Thus, the especially rapid growth of 5.1. Traffic injuries and fatalities
large cities suggests a further rise in future demands for
public transport in India. Traffic crashes in Indian cities pose a severe public health
As shown by Fig. 1, however, there is substantial problem, resulting each year in about 80,000 deaths, 1.2
variation among cities of the same size category. Almost million serious injuries (requiring hospital visits), and 5.6
80% of all trips in Kolkata are by some form of public million minor injuries (Mohan, 2004; Ministry of Road
transport, compared to about 60% in Mumbai, and 42% Transport and Highways, 1999, 2000, 2003; Tiwari, 2001;
in both Chennai and Delhi. Differences in land use and Tiwari and Mohan, 1999). As shown in Table 1, the number
roadway supply explain some of the variation. Delhi and of traffic fatalities has increased more than 5-fold since
Chennai are lower-density, more polycentric, and more 1971. Even controlling for population growth in India, the
190 J. Pucher et al. / Transport Policy 12 (2005) 185–198

traffic fatality rate per million inhabitants has tripled over roughly three-fourths of all traffic fatalities. The relative
the past three decades, so that the average Indian is now traffic dangers of each mode are indicated in Fig. 5, which
over three times as likely to be killed in a traffic accident. compares each mode’s share of total fatalities with its share
The burgeoning fleet of motor vehicles is clearly the of total trips in Delhi (Tiwari and Mohan, 1999).
main reason for this shocking death toll in traffic crashes. Motorcycles and bicycles each account for more than
With India’s 20-fold increase in the combined number of twice the share of total fatalities as their share of total trips
cars, taxis, trucks, and motorcycles from 1971 to 2001, it and are clearly the most dangerous modes. Pedestrians
was virtually inevitable that traffic crashes would increase as account for a slightly higher percent of fatalities than their
well. Fatalities, in particular, increase with rising motor share of total trips. By comparison, cars, taxis and buses
vehicle use, since the likelihood of fatal injuries increases appear to be the safest modes, with their share of fatalities
sharply with speed (Mohan, 2004). less than a third of their share of total trips.
Aside from the increase in motor vehicle ownership Over 50% of traffic fatalities in Delhi are pedestrians,
and use, several other factors contribute to the safety 10% are bicyclists, 21% are motorcyclists, and only 3% are
problem: car occupants. The situation is considerably different in
Mumbai, perhaps due to its higher density, more extensive
† inadequate road supply and quality, often unpaved and public transport network, and more limited roadway supply.
in bad repair; Almost 80% of traffic fatalities in Mumbai are pedestrians,
† unsafe driving behavior—which results from virtually 7% are bicyclists, 8% are motorcyclists, and only 2% are car
non-existent driver training, extremely lax licensing occupants (Mohan, 2004).
procedures, and lack of traffic law enforcement; While the situation in other Indian cities surely varies
† unsafe vehicles; somewhat from that in Delhi and Mumbai, pedestrians
† inadequate or non-existent traffic signals and signage and bicyclists account for more than half of all traffic
and lack of traffic management; fatalities in all Indian cities. Motorcycle and scooter users
† almost complete lack of infrastructure for pedestrians account for another 10–20% of fatalities in cities. Car
and cyclists; occupants, by comparison account for only about 5% of
† forced sharing of narrow, crowded rights of way by fatalities. Even on India’s highways, pedestrians and
both motorized, non-motorized vehicles, pedestrians,
bicyclists account for 45% of all fatalities, with motorcy-
animals, and street vendors;
clists accounting for another 24% (Mohan, 2004).
† overcrowding of buses, auto-rickshaws, and even
In addition to roadway safety problems, hundreds of
motorcycles.
Indians are killed every year illegally crossing rail tracks at
Whatever the safety problem faced by car drivers, it is far stations, along rail lines, and around closed gates. Railroad
exceeded by the more dangerous situation facing motorcy- crossing gates are easy to get around and under, thus
clists, bicyclists, and pedestrians, who together account for permitting dangerous crossings by pedestrians, bicyclists,
motorcyclists, and cycle rickshaws. Moreover, railroad
Table 1 rights of way are not adequately fenced-off, which allows
Number of vehicles, population and road traffic fatalities in India

Year Vehicles Population Fatalities Fatalities Fatalities

(millions) (1000s) per 1000 per million 45
vehicles population TRIPS
40
1971 1.865 548,159,652 15 8.04 27.36 FATALITIES
1975 2.472 625,246,123 16.9 6.84 27.03 35
1981 5.391 683,329,097 28.4 5.27 41.56 30
1985 9.17 772,196,737 39.2 4.27 50.76
1991 21.374 843,930,861 56.6 2.65 67.07 25
1992 23.507 861,693,859 59.7 2.54 69.28 20
1993 25.505 879,279,448 60.6 2.38 68.92
1994 27.66 897,223,927 64 2.31 71.33 15
1995 30.295 915,534,620 70.7 2.33 77.22
10
1996 33.558 934,219,000 71.9 2.14 76.96
1997 37.231 949,200,000 75 2.01 79.01 5
1998 41.368 965,600,000 80 1.93 82.85
1999 44.857 1,000,848,550 82 1.82 82 0
Car/Taxi Bus Motorcycle Bicycle Pedestrian
2000 48.857 1,016,118,000 78.9 1.61 77.65
2001 54.991 1,027,015,247 80 1.45 77.89 Mode

Source: Ministry of Road Transport and Highways (2003): motor vehicle Fig. 5. Percentage distribution of trips by means of transport compared to
statistics and statistics of road accidents in India and http://morth.nic.in/ distribution of traffic fatalities, 1994, Delhi. (Source: Tiwari, Geetam and
motorstat/mt3.pdf. Mohan, Dinesh, 1999).
 J. Pucher et al. / Transport Policy 12 (2005) 185–198 191

pedestrians to risk their lives crossing tracks and permits large Indian cities since 1995. Finally, the benzene
squatters to live in immediate proximity to moving trains. content of gasoline has been limited by government
regulation since 2000 (Ministry of Petroleum and Natural
5.2. Environmental pollution Gas, 2002).
One important source of air pollution remains the
Noise, air, and water pollution are all serious large and mostly old fleet of motorized two-wheelers
problems in Indian cities, and transport sources (motorcycles and scooters) and three-wheelers (auto
contribute to all three kinds. The most reliable and rickshaws) with highly inefficient, poorly maintained,
comprehensive statistics are for air pollution. As shown very polluting 2-stroke engines (Tata Energy Research
in Fig. 6, levels of air pollution concentrations are Institute, 1997). Since many auto rickshaw drivers
highest for suspended particulate matter (SPM) and illegally adulterate their gasoline fuel with up to 30%
respirable suspended particulate matter (RSPM), which kerosene and 10% lubricating oil, the pollution
exceed World Health Organization (WHO) air quality they generate is yet further increased (Kandlikar and
standards, as well as official Indian government Ramachandran, 2000).
standards, for all of the cities shown (Bose, 1998; Diesel buses, trucks, and some taxis are the biggest
Vasconcellos, 2001; Padam and Singh, 2001; Ministry of transport sources of particulate pollution, but they are
Petroleum and Natural Gas, 2002; Sibel and Sachdeva, joined by substantial industrial emissions of particulates
2001). Indeed, for India’s three largest cities, SPM and and also from atmospheric dust, especially in northern
RSPM levels are three to four times higher than the India, which is drier and dustier than southern India. The
WHO’s maximum acceptable levels, and among the Indian Government has tried to mitigate particulate
highest in the world, indicating a very severe health pollution by mandating conversion of all buses, auto
hazard (World Health Organization, 2000; Kandlikar and rickshaws, and taxis in Delhi to CNG fuel by January
Ramachandran, 2000). While levels of CO, NOx, and SOx 2001. Although well-intentioned, the sudden shift led
are generally considered moderate to low in most Indian to massive disruptions as well as corruption to
cities, ozone levels have been increasing in virtually all avoid compliance (Environmental News India, 2001).
Indian cities, causing a range of respiratory illnesses Most of the recent progress in reducing air pollution
and irritation. has resulted from the regulations requiring cleaner fuels.
Airborne lead pollution has dramatically fallen over Of course, even more improvement would result from a
the past decade with the gradual phasing out of leaded massive shift to newer vehicles with less polluting
gasoline from 1995 to 2000. Similarly, the Indian engines, but that remains unaffordable for most Indians.
government has sharply reduced the allowable sulfur Outlawing older and more polluting vehicles could have
content in both gasoline and diesel fuels, resulting in negative consequences for those who rely on them for
large reductions in ambient concentrations of SOx in all mobility as well as employment (Raj, 2001).

400
SO2 Res
350 SO2 Ind
Concentration in micrograms pcm

NOX Res
300 NOX Ind
SPM Res
250 SPM Ind
RSPM Res
200

150

100

50

0
Mumbai Kolkata Delhi Chennai Bangalore Hyderabad
(16.3M) (13.21M) (12.79M) (6.42M) (5.68M) (5.53M)

Fig. 6. Air Pollution Levels in the Largest Indian Cities, 2000. (Source: Ministry of Petroleum and Natural Gas, 2002.) Note: Shown are average ambient air
pollution concentrations in Indian cities, measured in micrograms per cubic meter.
192 J. Pucher et al. / Transport Policy 12 (2005) 185–198

5.3. Roadway congestion faster motorized modes such as cars, trucks, buses, and auto
rickshaws. Such a wide diversity of roadway users also
Traffic congestion is probably the most visible, most causes a range of safety problems, since the modes have
pervasive, and most immediate transport problem plaguing very different sizes, maneuverability, capacities, speeds, and
India’s cities on a daily basis. It affects all modes of other operating characteristics, thus generating a range of
transportation and all socioeconomic groups. Most conflicts.
estimates as well as anecdotal impressions suggest rapidly Most roads in Indian cities are narrow, with only one lane
worsening congestion. For example, average roadway in each direction, They usually lack sidewalks, thus forcing
speeds for motor vehicles in Mumbai fell by half pedestrians to walk on the shoulder or the roadway itself,
from 1962 to 1993, from 38 km/h to only 15–20 km/h causing both congestion and safety problems. Street vendors
(Gakenheimer, 2002). In Delhi, the average vehicular speed also spill onto the roadway. Many roads are in a dismal state
fell from 20–27 km/h in 1997 to only 15 km/h in 2002 of disrepair, often riddled with potholes and with uneven or
(Times of India, 2002). Moreover, the periods of peak completely missing pavement. There is a general lack of
congestion in Delhi now last 5 h: from 8:30 to 10:30 in the modern traffic signals and signage, and even where they
morning and from 4:30 to 7:30 in the evening. In Chennai, exist, travelers often ignore them, thanks to lack of
average speed is 13 km/h, and in Kolkata it ranges from enforcement by the police.
10 to 15 km/h overall but falls to only 7 km/h in the center In short, the current situation on India’s roads is rather
(Times of India, 2003). chaotic, and the prospects for improvement are minimal.
Traffic congestion is frustrating and time consuming for Largely ignoring the needs of non-motorized travelers,
travelers. With most Indian cities sprawling outward to the recent policies at all government levels have focused on
periphery, average trip distances have been increasing. trying to speed up travel for the motorized elite
Combined with the slower travel speeds, suburban sprawl by constructing numerous grade-separated flyovers
has greatly increased average travel time, which now (overpasses) and by widening selected arterials. Those
amounts to 2 or 3 h a day for the trip to and from work efforts will hardly suffice. Projections of continued rapid
(Gakenheimer, 2002). The stop-and-go traffic flow caused growth in travel demand virtually guarantee worsening
by congestion also wastes energy and increases pollution. roadway congestion in the coming years.
Moreover, roadway congestion increases the likelihood of
crashes, although with lower speeds, they are less likely to
be fatal. Congestion within vehicles (especially on trains 5.4. Equity
and buses, but also on rickshaws and bicycles) unquestion-
ably impairs safety, with some passengers falling off With a fourth of India’s population living in poverty, the
overcrowded vehicles, since many are forced to ride on mobility problems of the poor are a special concern.
the roofs or hang onto the sides of vehicles that often have Unfortunately, they are usually ignored in government
no shutters for the doors and windows. The overcrowding of policies of every kind, including transport policies,
pedestrians, cyclists, and street vendors on the shoulders of which focus on the needs of the urban elite and
roads also creates safety problems, since they often spill middle class (Vasconcellos, 2001; Tiwari, 2001; Low and
over onto the roadway itself. Uncontrolled on-street parking Banerjee-Guha, 2003; Badami et al., 2004). For example,
further exacerbates congestion and safety problems by the national government has specifically targeted increased
narrowing the available right of way for moving traffic. auto ownership and use as a key goal for economic
Perhaps the most obvious cause of congestion is the development and modernization. To facilitate increased
rapid increase in travel demand, especially of motorized auto use, most new funding is devoted to roadway
travel, compared to the very slow growth in transport expansions and modifications (such as flyovers at key
infrastructure. For example, the average annual rate of intersections). By comparison, only minimal attention has
growth of travel demand has been 2.2% in Kolkata, 4.6% been given to the needs of pedestrians and cyclists, who
in Mumbai, 9.5% in Delhi, and 6.9% in Chennai (World comprise the poorest segments of the population.
Bank, 2002). In virtually no major Indian city has the Most of India’s urban poor cannot afford any private
growth in roadway supply reached even one percent a motorized transport at all, and many cannot even afford the
year, let alone the much higher rates of growth in travel low fares on public transport (Mohan, 2001; Whitelegg and
demand noted above. As discussed later, severe shortages Williams, 2000; Badami et al., 2004). Thus, they are forced
of both financing and land sharply limit any expansion in to walk or cycle increasingly long distances, with no
roadway capacity. separate rights of way of any kind, suffering the most of
Another important source of congestion is the very any modal users from the severe pollution, safety,
diverse mix of transport modes forced to share the limited and congestion problems noted above. As Indian cities
roadway space in Indian cities. Slow non-motorized modes continue to spread out, those residents too poor to afford
such as bicycles, hand-pulled and cycle-drawn rickshaws, motorized transport will be increasingly disadvantaged,
pedestrians, and animal-drawn carts obviously slow down further cutting them off from many employment,
 J. Pucher et al. / Transport Policy 12 (2005) 185–198 193

recreational, educational, medical, and other sites they need suffering ever-lower levels of mobility and accessibility as
to reach. India’s cities suburbanize.
Thus, the already extreme inequity in mobility and
accessibility in Indian society will probably get even worse.
Not only will the poor benefit least from increasing 6. Public policies to deal with India’s urban
motorization, but they will bear a disproportionate share transport crisis
of the social and environmental costs of that motorization:
as victims of traffic crashes, as residents of noisy, polluted While the transport situation in India’s rapidly growing
neighborhoods, as the least favored users of overcrowded cities is challenging, it is not hopeless. Indeed, local, state,
roads (usually relegated to the shoulder), and as displaced and national governments could almost immediately
residents of homes torn down to make way for expanded undertake decisive actions that would greatly improve the
roadways. situation, or at the very least, prevent its worsening. In this
The transport problems of the poor get little policy concluding section, we propose nine categories of specific
attention in India for the same reason most of their needs are policies needed to deal with India’s transport crisis.
ignored: the lack of political and economic power, and thus
the inability to influence politicians who shape government 6.1. Improved rights of way for pedestrians and cyclists
policies (Vasconcellos, 2001). Moreover, since the poor get
around cities mainly by walking or cycling, their specifi- One of the most crucial needs is the provision of
cally non-motorized transport needs are yet further ignored, improved rights of way for pedestrians and cyclists.
since pedestrians and cyclists have no lobby or support Throughout the world, these non-motorized travelers are
group to advocate their interests and exert pressure on among the most vulnerable roadway users. Thus, Western
politicians and city planners (Low and Banerjee-Guha, European cities generally provide them with a wide range of
2003). separate facilities such as wide sidewalks (pavements),
crosswalks, cycle paths, ped/bike traffic signals, intersection
5.5. Inadequate public transport modifications (bulb-outs, raised surface, special lighting),
car-free zones, and traffic-calmed neighborhoods (Pucher
Vast improvements are needed in India’s public transport and Dijkstra, 2003). By comparison, Indian government
systems, but the necessary funding is not available (Pucher officials and planners have largely ignored non-motorists—
et al., 2004). Most buses and trains in small and medium- although they account for about half of all trips made—and
size Indian cities are old and poorly designed, inadequately thus expose them to intolerably high levels of traffic danger.
maintained, dangerously overcrowded, undependable, and It is very rare indeed to find any special provisions for
slow (Acharya, 2000). Public transport systems in India are pedestrians and cyclists.
generally inefficient, thanks to outdated technology, incom- While narrow roads, densely built central cities, and lack
petent management, corruption, overstaffing, and low of funding obviously hinder the allocation of scarce
worker productivity. They require increasingly large sub- roadway space to cyclists and pedestrians, the real problem
sidies, in spite of extremely high passenger volumes. is government priorities that favor motorized traffic. Since
Expanding and improving public transport systems the powerful elite are more likely to drive private cars, they
would seem to be the ideal approach to dealing with the have strongly favored highway projects over improvements
extraordinary high volumes of passenger traffic in for pedestrians and cyclists. Policy makers rarely consider
such dense urban conditions as those in Indian cities. the needs of the non-motorized urban poor.
Public transport might also be expected to serve the travel Nevertheless, a handful of Indian cities have made some
needs of the poor. promising efforts to better protect non-motorists. In the
The enormous potential of public transport in India planned city of Chandigarh, for example, the local
remains to be realized, however, mainly due to policies government constructed 160 km of wide cycle paths
favoring the motorized elite. Thus, there is no traffic priority between 2001 and 2003. Such bikeways enable considerable
of any sort (lanes, signals, etc.) for buses, which get separation of fast vehicles from slow vehicles on major
hopelessly stuck on congested roadways and average arterial roads, reducing congestion and improving safety
6–10 km/h in many large cities (Gakenheimer and Zegras, (Chhabra, 2002). On some arterials, special pedestrian paths
2003). The slowness, unreliability, danger, and overcrow- have also been constructed. Although Chandigarh is a rare
ding of buses and trains has forced many middle class exception, there is hope that such efforts will spread to other
passengers to shift to cars, motorcycles, and scooters cities as well. The national government’s Ministry of Urban
instead, yet further congesting the roads and worsening air Affairs and Poverty Alleviation (2004) has issued a draft
pollution, noise, and safety problems. urban transport policy recommending 50% Central Govern-
Perhaps surprisingly, few of India’s poor can even afford ment financing of both cycle tracks and pedestrian paths in
the very low fares on buses and trains. Thus, they are forced large cities. In the first stage, it would finance 50 km of
to travel increasingly long distances on foot or by bicycle, cycle tracks in all cities with at least a million residents, and
194 J. Pucher et al. / Transport Policy 12 (2005) 185–198

100 km of cycle tracks for all cities with at least three 6.3. Improved public transport services
million residents (Ministry of Urban Affairs and Poverty
Alleviation, 2004). Such a policy shift toward greater Improved public transport services are also necessary
concern for non-motorists can be justified on safety, equity, Considerable progress has been made in this area, but much
congestion, and environmental grounds. more improvement is needed. For example, suburban rail
and metro systems are being expanded and better
coordinated in India’s largest cities (Pucher et al., 2004).
6.2. Improved traffic management
Delhi’s new metro system will be the most extensive
improvement, when completed, but Mumbai, Chennai,
Improved traffic management is crucially needed in all
Kolkata, Bangalore, and Hyderabad have all been either
Indian cities to mitigate the current traffic chaos. India’s
expanding or improving their rail systems as well. For
largest cities have benefited recently from modest
example, several suburban rail corridors in Mumbai and
improvements in traffic management through the introduc- Chennai have been converted from 2-track to 4-track lines
tion of more advanced technology and stricter enforcement to enable separation of local from long-distance rail traffic,
of traffic regulations. In sharp contrast, most medium-size increasing both safety and speed (Mumbai Development
and small Indian cities lack even basic provisions such as Authority, 2003). In Bangalore, there are plans to build a
stop signs, traffic signals, lane striping, and other regulatory metro system similar in design to the new one being built in
and directional signage. Those basic provisions must be Delhi. In Hyderabad, the state government and Indian
accompanied by strict enforcement of traffic regulations, Railways are jointly investing in expansion of the existing
especially those relating to safety. Whatever traffic suburban rail system and better coordination of rail with
regulations currently exist are not well known, thanks to bus services.
lack of proper driver training, and they are rarely enforced By comparison, very little is being done to improve bus
by the police at any rate, due to laziness, poor training, and travel, which accounts for over 90% of all public transport
corruption. Moreover, since motor vehicle drivers are more use in India. Most of the old, decrepit, and dangerous bus
affluent than non-motorized travelers, the police usually fleet in India is in desperate need of replacement by modern,
favor motorists, even when they are at fault. Clearly, better safe vehicles. Thus, the main focus of public transport
driver training, traffic signage, uniform regulations, and policy must be on improved bus transport, including more
strict enforcement are needed. Chandigarh is an example of and better buses as well as some degree of traffic priority in
a smaller city that has vigorously implemented such traffic mixed traffic to increase average bus speeds. In addition,
management measures in recent years with considerable much better coordination is needed between different bus
success. It remains to be seen whether similar policies can routes as well as between bus and rail services. One recent
be adopted in much larger Indian cities. development is the new high-capacity, express bus system
There are a few bus lanes in Delhi and Mumbai, and now being proposed for Bangalore and possibly for Delhi as
Chennai and Bangalore have plans to install bus lanes in the well (Transportation Research and Injury Prevention
coming years. Nevertheless, most Indian cities provide no Programme, 2004; Gaur 2002). As demonstrated by the
traffic priority at all for buses. Bus lanes, priority signals, success of bus rapid transit (BRT) systems in Curitiba,
and other traffic management policies favoring public Brazil and Bogota, Columbia, such express bus systems are
transport in Europe are virtually non-existent in most Indian ideal for cities in developing countries, since they provide
cities. There is a desperate need to speed up buses stuck in many of the benefits of metro rail systems at much lower
congested urban traffic, since deterioration of bus travel in cost.
recent years has shifted more and more Indians to more The TransMilenio BRT system in Bogota, Colombia is a
polluting, less energy-efficient, more congesting, and more successful model that many large Indian cities could follow.
dangerous means of travel. The political elite who have Completed in December 2000 at modest cost, it carried over
favored highways must be convinced of the crucial need to 800,000 passengers a day by 2004. The Bogota BRT’s high
devote more scarce funding and right of way to public passenger volume is second only to the Curitiba BRT, which
transport, even if that takes resources away from projects opened 40 years ago. The TransMilenio system is operated
that would favor motorists. In the few instances where bus by private contractors without any government subsidy at
lanes have been built, they have been poorly designed, too all. One can hardly imagine a more cost-effective, quicker,
narrow, and congested with slow-moving non-motorized or more feasible improvement to bus services in India’s
traffic as well as a chaotic mix of motorbikes, scooters and large and medium-size cities (Wynne, 2001; Lean and
auto rickshaws. Since bus priorities in such lanes are Bertini, 2003).
ignored, they provide little speed advantage to buses.
Clearly, it is essential to provide buses with more exclusive 6.4. Privatization of bus services
rights of way on congested arterials. Strict enforcement of
bus priority by traffic police is essential for any such strategy Another possible approach to improving public
to work. transport services at affordable cost is selective
 J. Pucher et al. / Transport Policy 12 (2005) 185–198 195

privatization of bus services. Several Indian cities have With India’s worst air pollution, Delhi was forced to
already privatized the operation of major portions of their adopt the rather drastic policy of requiring all buses, taxis,
overall bus services. Delhi and Kolkata have the largest and trucks to convert from petrol and diesel to CNG
private bus fleets (Pucher et al., 2004). Compared to the (compressed natural gas) within a period of only 3 years
publicly owned, operated, and subsidized bus services in (Clean Air Initiative, 2004; Weaver, 2004). Although it
the same cities, the privately run services have higher caused much chaos in the short-run, disrupting public transit
productivity, lower costs, more passengers per bus, and services in particular, it appears to have paid off in terms of
higher revenues per bus km of service. Public agencies in slight improvements in Delhi’s air quality, especially
Bangalore and Hyderabad contract out much of their bus through reductions in particulate pollution from diesel
services to private operators with similar results of higher engines. It seems rather unlikely that the same sort of policy
productivity, lower costs, and less subsidy needs. While could be implemented nationwide. Not only was there more
privatization appears to have significant potential for need for such policies in Delhi—due to its critical pollution
improving the efficiency of bus operations and reducing levels—but there was also more financial ability to make the
government subsidies, experience to date has shown the transition—due to higher average incomes in Delhi.
crucial need for public regulation of safety, route and Nevertheless, the example of Delhi shows the potential of
schedule coordination, and service quality. such regulations of motor vehicle technologies. Moreover,
if applied to only new vehicles, it would be a much more
6.5. Improve motor vehicle technology and fuels feasible policy throughout the country. Clearly, it is easier to
affect future vehicle design than to force conversions of
Given the sharply rising level of motorization in India, existing vehicles.
it becomes increasingly important to improve motor
vehicle technology and fuels in order to increase energy 6.6. Design new roads to accommodate the needs
efficiency and safety while decreasing noise and air of buses, cyclists, and pedestrians
pollution. Already, the Indian government has introduced
a series of regulations that limit pollution from private Given the many new roadway projects in recent years—
cars, buses, and trucks. So far, the most successful and massive expansions likely in coming years—it will be
measure was the complete phasing out of lead in fuels. essential to design new roads to accommodate the needs of
The allowable levels of sulfur and benzene in fuels were buses, cyclists, and pedestrians. Unfortunately, most recent
also reduced. Of course, less-polluting fuels must be roadway projects have ignored the needs of non-motorists
accompanied by less-polluting vehicle technology. Thus, and focused instead on serving the sharp growth in private
between 1991 and 2000, national regulations for new car ownership and use (Tiwari, 2001; Pendakur, 2002; Low
vehicle emissions reduced allowable levels of carbon and Banerjee-Guha, 2003). Wherever feasible, new road-
monoxide (CO), hydrocarbons (HC), and nitrogen oxides ways should provide bus lanes to speed up public transport
(NOx). Further improvements are likely, since an expert as well as cycle paths and walkways to improve safety for
commission of the Indian Government has recommended non-motorists. The 50% Central Government funding of
successively adopting the increasingly stringent Euro II, cycle and pedestrian paths proposed by the National Urban
Euro III, and Euro IV emission standards for all new cars, Transport Policy could help fund those parts of the new
taxis, trucks, and buses, first in the largest cities and then roadway facilities. Moreover, the Central and state govern-
for the entire country (Ministry of Petroleum and Natural ments should specifically require that any new roadways
Gas, 2002). accommodate non-motorists either on the same or parallel
A more difficult problem is phasing out or converting the facilities.
most polluting of motor vehicles. The highly polluting two-
stroke engines of motorcycles, scooters, and auto rickshaws 6.7. Better cooperation among different transport agencies,
are an especially worrisome problem, since these motor departments, and ministries as well as better overall
vehicles are more affordable than private cars and have been coordination of transport and land-use policies
growing very rapidly in number. However unpopular it
might be, it seems essential to require all new motorized As noted earlier, there is a desperate need for much better
two- and three-wheelers to have much cleaner engine cooperation among different transport agencies, depart-
technology. Thus, the expert commission on fuel policy also ments, and ministries as well as better overall coordination
recommended much stricter emissions standards for new of transport and land-use policies. In their proposed
motorized two-wheelers and three-wheelers (Ministry of National Urban Transport Policy (NUTP), the Central
Petroleum and Natural Gas, 2002). Even if adopted, it would Government’s expert commission strongly recommended
take many years for these regulations to have full effect, the creation of ‘unified metropolitan transport
since there is a long lag time for fleet replacement. But at authorities’ in all cities with at least a million inhabitants
least any additions to the fleet would not greatly worsen the (Ministry of Urban Affairs and Poverty Alleviation, 2004).
air pollution problem. These agencies would ‘coordinate planning and
196 J. Pucher et al. / Transport Policy 12 (2005) 185–198

implementation of urban transport programs and projects levies on rising land values and employer payroll taxes, to
and an integrated management of urban transport systems.’ support a special urban transport fund that would provide a
That would especially improve route, schedule, and fare dependable, dedicated source of revenues for transport
integration between bus services controlled by state and improvements (Ministry of Urban Affairs and Poverty
local authorities and rail services operated by Indian Alleviation, 2004). Most European and American
Railways. Equally important, such metropolitan planning governments have levied such dedicated transport taxes
agencies would provide Indian cities their first opportunity for decades, and they will be crucial in India as well for
to coordinate policies affecting land-use, urban and funding the many desperately needed investments in urban
suburban development, parking, roadway construction, car transport systems (Pucher and Lefevre, 1996).
use, and non-motorized transport. Although the specific
form of regional planning organizations varies considerably
from country to country, virtually every major city in 7. Conclusion
Europe and North America has benefited from this sort of
metropolitan-wide coordination of transport and land use There are two main obstacles to implementing policies
(Pucher and Lefevre, 1996). needed to deal with India’s urban transport crisis:
financial and political. Budget problems at every level
6.8. State and local governments should be encouraged of government—central, state, and local—sharply limit
to revise their current land use and development regulations the extent to which public subsidies can be provided for
to promote higher-density development at rail stations any of the measures recommended here. Wherever
and along key bus routes feasible, increased involvement of the private sector
will be necessary to alleviate shortages of public funding.
Compact, transit-oriented development would reduce the Private financing seems especially appropriate for all new
need for travel while at the same time facilitating the use of roadway construction, most bus operations, and new
public transport, walking, and cycling for a larger express rail services, for example. That would free up
percentage of whatever travel is necessary. Current more public funds for projects such as improved
regulations in most cities actually prevent such coordination pedestrian and cycling infrastructure, which primarily
of land use with transport. They sharply restrict serve the poor and are thus unlikely candidates for
development densities in the city center while allowing privatization.
higher densities and much easier development conditions at Another formidable obstacle to improved transport
the booming suburban fringe, which is so dependent on the policies is the political influence of the automobile and
private car and motorcycle for access (Pucher et al., 2004). highway lobbies in India, as well as affluent Indians, who
Clearly, there must be much stricter controls on suburban benefit the most from increased adaptations of transport
development to prevent the kind of haphazard, policies to their car-oriented lifestyles. Indeed, several
uncoordinated, car-dependent sprawl that is rapidly Central Government policy documents indicate an
spreading out around every major Indian city. overriding priority for further developing the growing
Indian automobile industry as the most important measure
6.9. Large increases in funding for promoting overall economic growth and employment in
India (Ministry of Heavy Industries and Public Enterprises,
In the coming years, large increases in funding will be 2002). An explicit part of that strategy is the stimulation of
required for the enormous investments needed to improve maximum possible growth in car ownership and use, both
Indian transport systems. Given the many social, through new roadway construction and provision of ample
environmental, and economic problems caused by private car parking. The increased car use that would generate
motor vehicles, it would make sense to place most of the would hardly help solve the many problems India’s cities
financial burden of new transport expenditures on already face with travel demands far exceeding the capacity
motorists and not on public transport riders, cyclists, of the transport system.
and pedestrians. Not only do motorists cause most of Nevertheless, there appears to be growing awareness that
India’s transport problems, but they are generally much something must be done to deal with India’s worsening
more affluent than users of public and non-motorized transport crisis. Perhaps the most hopeful development in
transport modes. Increases in petrol and diesel taxes, recent years is the Central Government’s proposed NUTP
vehicle registration and import taxes, and driver licensing (Ministry of Urban Affairs and Poverty Alleviation, 2004).
fees, and the assessment of higher and more widespread While it has not yet been officially approved and
roadway tolls (especially on bridges and congested implemented, it presents many progressive ideas for dealing
arterial roads) would generate much needed additional with India’s urban transport crisis. It also supports increased
revenue for transport investments. car ownership to stimulate the Indian economy, but it
The Central Government’s expert commission also recommends several measures to limit car usage in cities to
recommends increased petrol and diesel taxes, as well as minimize the problems it causes. Thus, it suggests restricted
 J. Pucher et al. / Transport Policy 12 (2005) 185–198 197

parking supply and higher parking fees, improved public Bertraud, A., 2002. The economic impact of land and urban planning
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