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U.S. Department of Justice

Office of Justice Programs
Natiollalillstimte o/Jllstice

J
I

The Role of Police

Psychology in Controlling
Excessive Force

- - - .~- •• - -
~,,- - _ _ _ _ _ _- - - - 1
 About the National Institute
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The Role of Police Psychology in
Controlling Excessive Force

Ellen M. Scrivner, Ph.D.

146206
U.S. Department of Justice
National Institute of Justice

This document has been reproduced exactly as received from the

person or organization originating it. Points of view or opinions stated In
this document are those of the authors and do not necessarily rejJresent
the oHicial position or policies of the National Institute of Justice.
Permission to reproduce this I .t..,,, material has been
granted by
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Further reproduction outside of tho NCJRS system requires permission
of the-.il/Jli owner.

A Report Presented to the National Institute of Justice

April 1994
 ---------- ----------------------------

U.S. Department of Justice

Office of Justice Programs

National Institute of Justice

Craig Uchida
Acting Director
Office of Criminal Justice Research

Ellen M. Scrivner, Ph.D.

Visiting Fellow
National Institute of Justice

This project was supported under award number 92-IJ-CX-0002 from the National Institute of Justice, Office of Justice
Programs, U.S. Department of Justice. The report was prepared by Ellen M. Scrivner, Ph.D., Visiting Fellow, National
Institute of Justice. Opinions or points of view expressed in this document are those of the author and do not necessarily
reflect the official position or policies of the U.S. Department of Justice.

NCJ 146206

The National Institute of Justice is a component of the Office of Justice Programs, which also includols the Bureau of Justice Assis-
tance, Bureau of Justice Statistics, Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, and the Office for Victims of Crime.
 iii

Summary

This report discusses the role of police psycholo- IIIOfficers with previous job-related experiences,
gists in preventing and identifying individual po- such as involvement in justifiable police
lice officers at risk for use of excessive, nonlethal shootings.
force and the factors that contribute to police use
of excessive force in perfonning their duties. II Officers who experienced early career stage
problems having to do with their impressionabil-
A sample of 65 police psychologists were asked ity, impulsiveness, low tolerance for frustration,
what types of professional services they provided and general need for strong supervision.
to police departments and how these services were
used to control the use of force. They were also If Officers who had a dominant, heavy-handed
asked to characterize officers who abuse force and patrol style that is particularly sensitive to chal-
to suggest intervention strategies based on police lenge and provocation.
psychology that could help police managers fC- • Officers who had personal problems such as
duce the incidence of excessive force. separation, divorce, or perceived loss of status
Results of the survey indicated that psychologists that caused extreme anxiety and destabilized job
were more involved with counseling and evaluat- functioning.
ing functions than with training and monitoring of Police psychologists used pSYLnological tests and
police officer behavior, and counseling was more clinical interviews to evaluate police candidates to
likely to take place as a response to excessive- the near exclusion of other screening methods.
force incidents than as a means of prevention. Lack of coordination of core psychologist func-
Five different profiles of officers with excessive- tions was seen to be a major impediment to the
force problems emerged: delivery of effective and credible psychological
services in police departments. Psychologists fa-
• Officers with personality disorders such as vored increased monitoring and training as a
lack of empathy for others, and antisocial, narcis- means of reducing the use of excessive force.
sistic, and abusive tendencies.
 v

Contents

Summary ••··· . ••·•·•·· . ~·····.·· .. ".•.. ,.' •.•.••..••. t ••••• " ••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••• , ••••••••••••• ~ ••••••••••••• " ••• o••••••••••• u •••••• , •• iii

Part 1. Introduction .............................................•....... ,.... ".......•.. ~ .•........ ,.......... ~ ............•...... ,...................... 1

Part 2. History of Psychological Services to Police ...... 10 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . " ........ " ................................................. 3

Part 3. Research Methodology ..... ~ .. ,.. ,........•....... ,.. " ................. ,..............•.............. ,................ ,.....• ,..... ' •..... 6

Part 4. Analysis of Major Findings ............... h ................ , ............... " ............................................................ 8

Part S. Discussion of Findings H ...................................................... , .......................................................... 20

Appendix: Literature Review and Implications for Excessive Force ....................................................... 23

References ..... ,...... ,....................................... ,................... " ................ ,...... ,..................... ,........................... 29
 1

Part 1" Introduction

In March 1991, the contentious debate on police was unknown if police departments were making
use of force was reawakened. Repeated showings full use of these skills and using psychologists as
of the videot,lpe that documented Rodney King's a resource for proactive problem solving t since
treatment by police officers created nationwide there had been no previous systematic attempt to
concern about police abuse of citizens. The De- find out this information. If police departments
partment of Justice called for research to deter- use psychologists only for clinical crises, they are
mine the nature, extent, and best means of control adopting a strategy analogous to incident-driven
of use of force by the Natlon s police officers. To
I policing. They unnecessarily narrow the scope of
develop an information base for subsequent policy psychological interventions available to help
initiatives, the National Institute of Justice (NIl) them.
sponsored studies of key issues related to police
use of force. One was a nationwide survey of po- Launching a Systemwide Response
lice psychologists to learn more about the charac-
teristics of officers who abuse force and what One example of how psychologists can intervene
psychologists recommend to control police vio .. in an excessive-force problem occurred in a large
I lence. Key conclusions show: East Coast police department. When changing de-
mographics brought a prevailing excessive force
• Reasons for excessive force are complex. Indi- problem to the forefront, this department re-
vidual officer characteristics are one element, but sponded by developing comprehensive, systemic
I organizational practices are also implicated.
• Excessive fcrce can be reduced by strengthen-
strategies to reduce excessive force and used its
psychological services division as one resource in
I ing supervisory oversight and providing training this effort. The department encouraged its psycho-
logical services and training dMsions to collabo-
I
I,
that builds resistance to provocational patrol
situations. rate in reaching these objectives:
r • Comprehensive prevention strategies are pref- • Change the traditional, individual counseling
erable to a crisis response for managing excessive model to one addressing excessive-force incidents
force and are a better use of scarce resources. from the perspective of officer-situation-offender
Law enforcement agencies have long been con- interactions. This made it possible to collect data
cerned about excessive force and its costly price that developed a fuller understanding of how com-
tag. Their concerns heighten during times of com~ plex interactions present "at risk" conditions for
munity turbulence when police chiefs sre faced excessive force.
with balancing internal pressures and external de- • Provide the new information to the training
mands to control police conduct. This study sug~ division. The new insights highlighting the com-
gests that police managers looking for ways to plex of personal, situational, and offender interac-
control the use of excessive force need to under- tions enabled trainers to incorporate realistic
stand the psychological dynamiCS in play in such patrol situations into their programs.
situations. To this end, they can tap the resources
they already have-the psychologists who work • Present these data to all field training officer
with their departments. classes and to first line supervisor schools. This
sensitized participants to the criticality of their
The research discussed in this report explored how roles in changing excessive force behavior.
police departments use the psychologists they .. Present research findings on officer~situation­
hire. Departments hire psychologists for their ex- offender interactions to command policymakers.
pertise in understanding human behavior, inc1ud~ This enabled them to make more informed policy
ing aggression and violent behavior, and in reviews on the use of excessive force (Sclivncr,
understanding what contributes to behavioral 1988).
change. At the outset of this study, however, it
2

This example illustrates how a psychological in~ Research Questions

tervention became one component of a proactive
To develop information on the status of police
organizational response to the problem. In contrast
psychological services, police psychologists were
to using the psychologist only to counsel indi-
interviewed about their current practices and how
vidual officers, this strategy used the counseling,
these addressed excessive force. They were asked:
training, and research functions of the psycholo-
gist to provide the department with comprehen- Ii What types of professional services do you
sive behavioral data on the psychological provide in police departments?
detenninants of excessive force. The information
was structured to preserve the confidentiality of • How are these services used by police depart-
privileged communications and was used con- ments to control the use of force?
structively for training and policymaking. R How do you characterize officers who abuse
Essentially, this strategy established new organi- force'? Are they "bad apples," rogue cops, prod-
zational feedback loops throughout the depart- ucts of organizational failure, or all of these? Are
ment, with the psychology/training/management their acts a unique type of violence in the work-
loop as only one example. When combined with place?
changes recommended by an appointed commis-
11 Are there promising intervention strategies
sion, including the implementation of community
policing, the strategies enabled the department to based on police psychology that can help police
improve its management of excessive force. managers reduce the incidence of excessive force?
Their answers to these questions form the basis
One of the goals of the research described in this for this report. A brief overview of the history of
report was to determine if this example was rela- police psychology is presented first to help readers
tively rare or reflected how police departments understand why police departments hire psycholo-
generally use psychologists to help them deal with gists and what they are hired to do.
excessive-force problems.
 3

Part 2. History of Psychological Services to Police

Psychologists began to work with police agencies consistent with a trend to stress mental health pre-
in the late 1960's, (Reiser, 1972; Reese, 1987). vention strategies.
Recommendations from the 1968 National Advi-
sory Commission on Civil Disorder Report, which The role of police psychology further expanded
followed the urban riots of that year, called for over the last decade despite the findings of a 1979
screening methods that would improve the quality sUlVey of police departments that did not look
of the police officers hired. These recommenda- promising for police psychology. In that sUlVey 62
tions, and the availability of discretionary funds percent of the 112 respondents indicated no inten-
through the Law Enforcement Assistance Admin- tions to expand or start psychological selVices in
istration, encouraged police departments to seek the forthcoming two years; only 18 percent antici-
the expertise of psychologists to help them select pated future use of psychologists (Parisher, Rios,
emotionally stable candidates with personal char- and Riley, 1979).
acteristics suitable for police work. Thus, one of A 1988 survey by Delprine and Bahn, however,
the first police psychology functions involved showed a substantial change. This sUlVey of 336
preemployment screening of applicants using psy- municipal and State police agencies found that
chological tests and assessments, a fairly tradi- half of the 232 respondents used the selVices of
tional responsibility for psychologists but one that psychologists and also endorsed the need to ex-
was new to the police personnel function. pand this practice. Psychological screening of po-
Later, clinical selVices were requested and, by lice recruits, counseling of police officers for
1980, both applicant screening and counseling to job-related stress and personal and family prob-
help officers cope with the stressful nature of po- lems were primary activities identified in the sur-
licing were identified as primary activities of po- vey. Other activities included a range of
lice psychologists (Stratton, 1980). differentially applied training activities such as
training in human relations. All have implications
Reese (1987) detailed the evolution of police psy- for managing excessive force.
chology and defined psychological services as the
professional selVices of credentialed mental health Systematic survey findings were consistent with a
professionals, such as psychiatrists, psychologists, growing recognition of police psychology as a dis-
and psychiatric social workers, who work on a tinct field in professional psychology. Key events
regular basis with police departments and who in the 1980's formalized this distinction and in-
provide a wide array of services. While many of cluded two major conferences on police psychol-
the selVices were specific to mental health, Reese ogy sponsored by the FBI Academy; recognition
also showed how psychologists brought new sets of police psychology by the American Psycho-
of intelVention skills to police agencies in areas logical Association (APA) through the formation
such as a critical incident response for police of a police psychology section in its division of
shootings, hostage-barricade negotiation skills, psychologists in public selVice; and the formation
criminal profiling, and forensic hypnosis. of a police psychology section within the Interna-
tional Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP).
The initiation of stress management training in
police departments paralleled the developments These developments strengthened the professional
cited by Reese. A 1984 FBI report on State and dimensions of the field and encouraged growth of
local police training needs identified the predomi- a police psychology literature. They led to partici-
nant tl"dining need to be assistance in handling pation in program symposia and workshops at the
personal stress. This study led psychologists to APA and IACP annual conventions and to the de-
develop a variety of programs to address stressors velopment of policy guidelines for specific prac-
unique to law enforcement. Currently, these pro- tices. There was more professional commentary
grams are framed as "wellness training" and are on public policy issues relative to policing, Includ-
ing APA testimony before congressional hearings.
4

A more comprehensive and multifaceted role was field. Strategies to respond to excessive force have
established for an active police psychology pres- received less attention.
ence in the Nation's police departments.
Current research findings corroborate the growth The Research
of psychological services to police. Although For the first two decades that police departments
preemployment screening and counseling still employed psychologists, lethal force was of
command a major share of police psychologists' greater concern than nonlethal force. Shootings by
attention, several departments have institutional- police were traumatic incidents that created strong
ized a broader role for psychologists, one that de- emotional reactions from the officers who did the
fines the police psychologist as an organizational shooting. The need to provide psychological sup-
resource for consultation on policy and planning port for officers involved in them was clear. Stud-
related to effective use of the organization's hu- ies showed that departments gradually saw the
man resources (Kirschman, Scrivner, Ellison, and need to provide psychological support services
Marcy, 1992; Scrivner, 1992). immediately following these incidents.
That same level of concern did not generally carry
Confidentiality and Other
Credibility Issues over to the inappropriate use of nonlethal force.
Officers might be given evaluations for their fit-
Despite this substantial growth, questions have ness for duty, but psychological support services
been raised about the credibility of police psycho- were not widely available. Over the past few
logical services, primarily with respect to confi- years, however, greater attention has been given
dentiality and other aspects of professional both by police departments and by researchers as
practice. Those who challenge the viability of to why some officers use excessive force.
confidential services may not be aware of the im-
portance of following APA ethical standards and Studies have looked at the various factors that
adhering to State laws that govern psychological contribute to the use of excessive force. Some
practice and licensure. Maintaining confidentiality have explored the use of skill-based training to
is both a professional and practical concern be- help officers avoid potentially violent situations
cause of risks to licensure and threats of malprac- and concluded that violent incidents do not erupt
tice. In paramilitary organizations such risks are in a split second but may result from the coming
not always clearly undet'stood, but in alilikeli- together of mlJy elements. It is becoming clearer
hood most officers and administrators would that background events in the officer's life, the
agree that any breach of confidentiality would de- culture of policing itself, variable police policies
stroy these services. • on the use of force, and community conditions
may all be determinants of excessive force.
Other issues related to credibility include main-
taining clear distinctions as to who is the client- Multiple determinants of excessive force speak to
the individual officer or the organization-and a need for police departments to develop system-
avoiding the serious conflicts implicit in dual-role atic safeguards to reduce abuse of force instead of
relationships; and ensuring usc of reliable and relying on preemployment screening alone to pre-
valid methodologies (particularly for dict abusive behavior. Two reports that followed
preemployment screening) that adhere to guide- the Rodney King beating, the 1991 report of the
lines of the Equal Employment Opportunity Com- Independent Commission To Study the Los Ange-
mission and conform to the Americans With les Police Department (known as the Christopher
Disabilities Act and civil rights legislation. These Commission) and the 1992 Los Angeles County
pressing demands have dominated psychologists' Sheriff's report by James O. Kolt and staff, ques-
attention and arc central to the integrity of the tioned the effectiveness of current psychological
 - --- -----------------------------------
r 5

screening to predict propensity for violence. These the equally difficult problem of reducing physi-
reports supported the concept of assessment but cally violent police-citizen confrontations at a
raised concerns about the scope and methods of time when the Nation's communities are experi-
current psychological screening. The Christopher encing increased violence. A number offuctors
Commission further recommended greater scru- have been cited to account for police use of exces-
tiny of a candidate's PI'lSt behavior beyond the sive force, such as racial and ethnic tensions, the
drug use and sexual behavior emphases in police tir'.~ power of urban criminals, and the number of
background investigations. drug-addk~ted offenders.

Research studies now under way are exploring The methods of police psychology offer an added
ways to improve the accuracy of predictions of resource for police organizations in their efforts to
violent behavior. They may hold promise to reduce excessive force. The scope of these meth-
strengthen police screening. An overview of these ods, however, needs to be clarified and the core
and the literature pertaining to nonlethal force is police psychology functions examined for their
presented in the appendix to this report. effectiveness in controlling police abuse of force.
The research described in this report examined
Conclusions From the Literature one element of the excessive force problem, the
The literature on nonlethal force is growing, indi- police psychology practices and interventions ap-
cating wide interest in this area, but a full under- plied to reduce excessive force. The examination
standing of the scope of viable interventions was undertaken from the perspective of individual
remains limited. A single abusive incident can ig- officer behavior and from the organizational prac-
nite latent community hostilities, threaten the po- tices that shape police behavior. It is anticipated
lice chief's job, and still leave police officers that the information provided in this study will
unclear about how they could have acted differ- help police managers control unjustified use of
ently. Having met with some success in curtailing force more effectively.
the use of lethal force, policepolicymakers face
 I
I
I

Part 3. Research Methodology

This study interviewed police psychologists repre- Operational Definition of
senting 50 of the largest police departments in cit- Excessive Force
ies with populations that exceed 100,000. Two
sources were used to identify the cities: Uniform At the outset of the study, the researchers found
Crime Reports/or the United States (1990) and that police departments did not apply a unifornl
the Jeffers Directory (1990). Police personnel di- definition of excessive force. (Another NIJ study,
visions for these cities were contacted for names in process, will provide a national determination
and addresses of the police psychologists who of how police policies define excessive force.)
provided services to their departments. In most In this study, excessive force was defined as a vio-
instances, the departments provided the name of lation of a police department's use-of-force policy
more than one psychologist. by an incumbent officer that was serious enough
A total of 95 psychologists who worked with po- to warrant a referral to the police psychologist.
lice in the 50 cities were identified. The 95 psy- The operational definition presents certain con-
chologist subjects were sent a letter requesting straints because it limits selected interview re-
their participation and explaining the scope and sponses to only the most serious offenders. Data
methods of the study. They were provided with were not captured on officers who use excessive
written guarantees of confidentiality and assured force but are not referred to the department psy-
1 I . or on officers who use force but against
that their departments would not be identified. CilO OgIst
The privacy of these data and of research partici- whom charges are not pressed. 1be officers stud-
pants is protected under Federal law [section ied are clearly a population that warrants empiri"
524(a) of the Crime Control and Safe Streets Act cal investigation in order to learn about the
(28 CPR Part 11)]. detcnninants of excessive force. However, the
limitations need to be kept in mind by readers of
Nine of the psychologists were excluded from the this report.
study because their contact with the police depart-
ment v,'as too limited. Only 6 (6 percent) refused A further constraint is related to the methodology
to participate. However, 15 psychologists (15.8 of telephone interviews which, in this case, did
percent) who agreed to participate were unable to not allow for psychologists to check the accuracy
be scheduled for interviews because of conflicts of their responses against official records.
due to vacations, time zone differences, schedule
demr.nds, or possibly a lack of interest. Hence, 65 The Sample
psychologists (68 percent of those contacted) par-
ticipated in the study. . The 65 police psychologists interviewed in the
study, and the departments they served, had the
Data were collected using a telephone interview following characteristics:
protocol that included 61 questions covering the
major police psychology functions central to ex- • They had spent an average of 12.5 years as po"
cessive force as well as partiCipant background lice psychologists, 9.8 of them with their current
information and general opinions. department.
• The median size of police departments they
Interview drafts were pretested with police psy- worked in had a sworn strength of 1,264.
chologists who met monthly in a consortium (Law
Enforcement Behavioral Science Association). III32 percent of the psychologists provided ser-
The psychologists were not participants in the vices to a single dcpartmentj 68 percent served
study but served as a focus group convened at dif- more than one department.
ferent times throughout the research to explore the • The median number of departments served by
dimensions of the study findings. a single psychologist was to.
 7

• 35 percent of the psychologists held salaried populated jurisdictions than the 50 departments in
positions within the department. the sample.
• 25 percent held a command staff position. These data indicate that the police psychologists
• 65 percent served as external consultants. interviewed were highly experienced and had
worked a long time both as salaried employees
Participants in the study were interviewed about and as consultants. The finding that 25 percent of
their work in 50 departments, but as a group they the sample were on police command staffs is a
actmilly provided services to a total of 913 police further measure of the continued growth in
depattments. For the most part, the other depart- status of police psychological services in police
ments had limited sworn strength and '!zrved less organizations.
8

Part 4. Analysis of Major Findings

As noted, the psychologists were asked about the Fifty-two percent of the psychologists conducted
core functions of police psychologists that had rel- evaluations of fitness for duty. An additiona123
evance to officer use of excessive force. These are percent referred officers they were counseling to
evaluation (preemployment screening and fitness other psychologists for these evaluations to avoid
for duty), monitoring of police behavior, training the conflict of interest of treating and evaluating
initiatives, and counseling programs. the same individual. Only 25 percent of the 65
psychologists had no involvement with fitness
Their resp<,mses to these questions are presented evaluations. Estimates of the average number of
in this section. Each major finding is accom- fitness evaluations and referrals that resulted from
panied by supporting data and discussion of its excessive-force incidents ranged from 15 to 20
significance. percent; other fitness referrals were based on of-
ficers exhibiting aberrant job behavior, substance
Core Functions of abuse, suicide potential, and clinical depression.
Police Psychologists
The service least frequently provided was the
Psychologists were more involved with counsel- monitoring function. Forty-two per-cent of the psy-
ing, evaluating, and training than with moni- chologists used systematic oversight methods to
toring the behavior of police officers. track officer performance for purposes of validat-
ing preemployment screening and for assessing
• 77 percent provided counseling services. the success of training and counseling. Only
II 71 percent conducted preemployment 23 percent used it for early identification of police
screening. officers who are developing excessive-force
problems.
• 54 percent conducted training classes.
.. 52 percent conducted evaluations of fitness The monitoring function. The monitoring func-
for duty. tion links prevention and remedial interventions
by identifying and responding to behavior cues
• 42 percent monitored officer behavior. that signify potential performance problems. The
Psychologists counseled, s!jreened, and trained monitoring function permits early intervention in
police officers more frequently than they per- police problems before they get out of control.
formed other functions. Over half of the sample
Psychologists reported that a majority of the po~
(54 percent) provided all three of these services
lice departments represented in the sample used
but not necessarily to the same departments; 29
some form of monitoring, but 58 percent did not
percent restricted their activities to providing
include the psychologist in these efforts. Com-
counseling, and 17 percent did only evaluation
puter tracking of complaints appeared to be the
work including preemployment screening and fit-
most prevalent form of early warning used.
ness evaluations.
While computer tracking may provide useful man-
More psychologists conducted training for recruits
agement information, its utility is questionable for
(52 percent) and inservice training (54 percent)
changing behavior because the behavior is rela-
than for other groups such as first line supervisors tively well developed by the time it is flagged by
(46 percent), command staff (40 percent), and
the computer. It is flagged after the fact rather
field training officers (35 percent). This training
than as a "warning," so excessive force behavior
covered a span of topics ranging from hostage ne-
may already be entrenched, making change more
gotiations to handling the mentally ill, but stress
difficult. Change can be further constrained by the
management training (51 percent) was provided
acrimony that develops from lengthy investiga-
with the greatest frequency.
tions of complaints. The squad may support the
officer, believing he or she is being railroaded for
 9

doing his or her job. Hence, earlier inteIventions level when behavior change is generally easier to
that are responsive to qualitative and not just accomplish. In contrast to paper work drills 01' a
quantitative events, and that are consistent bureaucratic response, this method is a function of
with principles of changing behavior, need to good supervision with a human resource focus. It
be considered. assists supervisors to be better managers and more
responsive to the needs of subordinates.
There are severn} nonintrusive ways to monitor
behavior. The method most prefelTed by psy- Monitoring police behavior serves other purposes
chologists is a variant of an early warning system beyond early identification and intervention. It is
that involves supervisors as a key element in re- not only a vehicle for training but also provides
ducing excessive force. This method systemati- for a more sustained level of posttraining contact
cally tracks a range of "marker" behaviors that than can be achieved with I-day training sessions
signify a need for supervisory intervention when on excessive force. It conforms to recommenda-
they begin to occur consistently. The observations tions by Reiss (1980) to involve supervisors as a
of the supervisor are combined with the expertise key element in violence reduction, and it also de-
of the psychologist to understand the significance velops significant information to enable police
of an officer's behavior changes. Then appropriate managers to evaluate the influence of policy and
interventions and followup are initiated before the procedures on police behavior. Finally, it exam-
markers evolve into excessive force problems. ines individual officer behavior within the context
of organizational influences that affect use of ex-
The following are some examples of marker be- cessive force.
havior:
The strong evidence showing administrative em-
• Squad concerns develop about an officer get- phasis on referrals for counseling and fitness
Hng someone hurt. evaluations provides further support for increasing
III An officer acquires nicknames signifying the monitoring function. '1'he fitness evaluation, in
forceful arrests. particular, generally occurs after the problem has
gone on for some time and is frequently a prelude
II An officer's prisoners accumulate injuries. to separation from the agency. There may be some
• An officer's insubordinate behavior oogins cases where this practice is the only alternative.
to increase. For many officers, however, earlier psychological
Such markers, and others, come to a supervisor's interventions may preclude fitness evaluations.
attention without peers revealing them and before Finally, the need for earlier interventions parallels
formal complaints are filed. They are the type of the "broken windows" arguments (Wilson and
information that circulates throughout a precinct, Kelling, 1982) that had a significant impact on
and as they begin to accumulate, they warn super- how police leadership came to reframe the crime
visors of the need to take action. control mission. The argument that early signs of
community deterioration were forerunners of
In this model, psychologists train supervisors to
more serious criminal problems could be applied
detect precursors of problem behavior and how to
to the human behavior dimension of the police
act upon them through intervention support before
organization. Police managers would be well-
the accrual of official complaints. Supervisors are
advised to pay attention to the clear signals that
trained to give ongoing attention to a wide range
suggest deterioration in officer behavior, the be-
of behavior in order to structure an appropriate
havioral equivalt:nt of "broken windows," before
intervention and, when necessary, can use the psy-
cholo,gist in an advisory capacity. The intervention it results in excessive force complaints. If police
treat abuse of force as they do serious crime in the
may take varied forms but is essentially designed
community, by waiting until it happens, then their
to respond to a particular officer's needs and at a
10

personnel practices, like incident-driven policing, Core Functions and Excessive Force
constitute a reactive rather than proactive re-
sponse. An incident-driven frame of reference can Counseling interventions were used to respond
create institutional barriers to effective interven- to excessive force more frequently than were
tion and can also have implications for how well other psychologists' functions including those
the services of psychologists are integrated into a that focus on prevention.
police agency. Psychologists were asked about their interventions
with respect to use of excessive force.
Integration of Core Functions
a 79 percent counseled officers charged with ex-
Lack of coordination of core psychologist func- cessive force.
tions was a major impediment to the delivery
a 51 percent covered excessive force in stress
of effective and credible psychological services
management training.
in police departments.
• 25 percent conducted training specific to ex-
The 65 psychologists were asked to cite impedi- cessive force.
ments to their delivery of psychological services.
• 23 percent monitored behavior for signs of ex-
a 77 percent of psychologists cited lack of coor- cessive force.
dination with the department.
These findings are consistent with those previ-
• 72 percent cited program credibility. ously cited about how police departments use psy-
• 65 percent said psychological services did not chologists. Of particular significance is the limited
receive priority. amount of training that was specifically directed
to excessive force and the low level of monitoring.
a 57 percent cited clinical crisis orientation. Both provide further evidence that the array of
II 51 percent cited dependence on individual available psychological services have not been
rather than organizational interventions. integrated systematically in police departments.
These findings lead to other questions on whether
The data create concerns that poor integration of police psychology needs to devote more attention
psychological services, as evidenced by lack of to how law enforcement practices are changing
coordination, represents a major impediment to and how innovations from psychology can be used
provision of effective psychological services in to respond to contemporary police challenges.
police departments. Moreover, many departments
seemed to have adopted a crisis model with a
case-by-case, individual, clinical focus to using Innovations in Excessive
police psychologists; they seemed to be using Force Training
them on an "as needed" basis rather than for sys- Only 16 of the psychologists interviewed (25 per-
tematic human resource development. These data cent) responded to the excessive-force challenge
have particular relevance for psychological inter- by developing training models based on psycho-
ventions specific to excessive force because a logical theories and research related to human
poorly coordinated crisis response that does not functioning under adverse conditions and in
monitor or follow up on behavior change may be highly charged situations. The training described
comparable to putting a band aid on a gaping by this group represents innovative and promising
wound. It. is not clear from these data whether trends. Programs addressed:
poorly coordinated services also affect program
credibility or if this finding implicates the actual a Cultural sensitivity and diversity.
practices of psychologists. • Intervention by fellow officers to stop the use
of excessive force.
 -------------------------------------------

11

III Perceptual processes and threat assessment. evidence, the paucity of empirical evidence on
how stress affects general police performance sug-
IIIDecisionmaking under highly charged
gests shaky ground for addressing stress in rela-
conditions.
tionship to excessive force. A more viable training
• Psychological methods of situation control. focus would incorporate clear policy statements
11 Patrol de-escalation and defusing techniques that clarify the tolerance limits for use of force
that teach a tactical response but also respond to and conceptualize excessive force as a patrol risk
the fear stimulated by confrontations. that needs to be managed by applying a range of
specialized skills. This represents a proactive
II Anger management programs that use self- stance that is generally considered to be more ef-
assessment and self-management techniques for fective for changing behavior.
providing individual feedback to officers on how
variable levels of anger influence judgment. Other training and excessive-force findings
showed that many psychologists who conducted
• Training in verbal control and communication, training in police departments discussed excessive
including "verbal judo" and conflict resolution. force in training but not within the context of a
These training models are based on principles of specific block of instruction. Of the groups that
adult learning. They require class participation psychologists trained, first line supervisors re-
and interaction and use patrol simulations, role ceived less instruction on excessive force (32 per-
playing, peer interaction with feedback, and vid- cent) than recruits (46 percent); field training
eotaping of simulated interactions. They empha- officers received even less (23 percent). Yet psy-
size a new dimension in law enforcement training chologists said first line supervisors had greater
and focus on nonphysical skill development but influence on officers prone to excessive force than
not at the expense of officer survival. Moreover, other police personnel significant to an officer's
they are compatible with a community policing career. This finding suggests that police depart-
philosophy. ments may need to consider shifting the emphasis
in supervisor training from a paperwork focus to
Stress Management Training and one that incorporates larger behavioral issues in
EXCElssive Force order to improve the management of excessive
force. This level of supervisory training could also
Of particular interest is the finding that 51 percent incorporate instruction on implementing early
of psychologists addressed excessive force only in warning behavioral monitoring.
stress management training. Clearly, stress man-
agement training is important, and it would be dif- Clinical Descriptions of Excessive
ficult to argue that use of force confrontations are Force and Systemic Interventions
not stressful. However, framing excessive force as
a stress issue raiRes several questions: Five different profiles were identified when
psychologists characterized officers at risk for
• Can that notion be supported by research? excessive force. The popular stereotype that a
• Does treating it this way encourage the percep- "few bad apples" are responsible for most, if
I'
tion that stress is an excuse for excessive force? not all, excessive fOl'ce complaints was not sup-
ported by these responses; both individual per-
IIIDocs it reinforce an adversarial relationship sonality characteristics and organizational
between police and citizens? influences were identified as contributing to
The fact that stress management training in police abuse of force.
departments has not been evaluated systematically
poses an additional concern. Beyond anecdotal The following responses emcl'ged when psycholo-
gists were asked about the characteristics of police
12

officers referred to them for counseling because of through life but may be intensified by the nature
excessive-force problems: of police work. They may not be fully apparent at
preemployment screening.
• 16 percent had personality disorders that
placed them at chronic risk for excessive use of Individuals with these personality patterns gener-
force. ally do not learn from experience or accept re-
.. 17 percent had previous job-related experi- sponsibility for their own behavior, so they are at
ences that could place them at risk for abuse of greater risk for repeated complaints. Thus, they
force. may appear as the sole source of problems in po-
lice departments. However, the other identified
.. 18 percent were young and immature officers profiles show that groups of officers with different
at early stages in their police careers. characteristics were actually seen by psychologists
II 21 percent developed patrol styles that incor- more frequently. It may be that the chronic risk
porated the routine use of force. group were seen less frequently by psychologists
because they had already been recommended for
1'1 28 percent experienced personal problems. termination through disciplinary procedures in re-
These responses suggest that personality charac- sponse to repeated complaints. Another explana-
teristics are only one element of excessive force tion may be that fewer of the chronic-risk group
and that risk for this behavior is intensified by were hired.
other experiences, some of which implicate orga- Job-related experience. Officers with prior histo-
nizational practices. The characterizations do not ries of involvement in job-related traumatic situa-
support the notion that personality or individual tions, such as justifiable police shootings,
pathology is solely responsible for excessive represented a second group of officers who were
force, a notion that would provide a more simplis- profiled as being at risk for excessive force, but
tic basis for understanding and responding to be- for totally different reasons from the first group.
havior. Rather, these data address a number of These officers were not unsocialized, egocentric,
factors that are systemic and contribute to exces- or violent. In fact, personality factors appeared to
sive force in police departments. have less to do with their vulnerability to exces-
In distinguishing the features of these five pro- sive force than the emotional baggage they had
files, only one resembled the Ilbad apple" charac- accumulated from involvement in prior incidents.
terization: the chronic risks for excessive force, Frequently, these officers had become isolated
the smallest group of at-risk officers. from their squads and were verging on burnout or
had symptoms of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder.
Chronic risk. This group was distinguished from Because of their need to keep symptoms hidden, it
other at-risk groups because the persistence of in- was some time before they came to anyone's at-
volvement suggests serious personality disorders. tention. When they did, it was often because of an
These officers were described as having pervasive excessive force situation in which they "lost it."
and enduring personality traits (in contrast to ac-
quired characteristics) that are manifested in anti- In contrast to the chronic at-risk group, officers in
social, narcissistic, paranoid, or abusive this group are amenable to critical-incident treat-
tendencies. These conditions interfere withjudg- ment interventions, but to be fully effective, these
ment and interactions with others, particularly need to be applied soon after their involvement in
when officers perceive challenges or threats to the traumatic incident. There is a wealth of litera-
their authority. Such officers generally lack empa- ture now available that details recommended de-
thy for others. They tend to be exploitative and partment policies and procedures to manage these
manipulative and may also be involved in sub- incidents. The studies recommend training and
stance abuse. These characteristics tend to persist psychological debriefings with followup to mini-
 13

mize the development of psychological symp~ of these experiences and may require other inter-
toms. Researchers have speculated that job-related ventions such as a change in their patrol environ-
traumatic incidents, when untreated. could result ment. For this group, training, mentoring, and
in excessive force. The findings presented in this supervisory interventions may be more productive
report verify the anecdotal evidence and show than relying only on individual counseling.
that some officers who accumulate prior traumatic
incidents could develop problems with excessive Patrol style. One could ask if immature new of-
force. ficers whose macho tendencies are left unattended
become the more seasoned officers who use force
Early career stage problems. The third group as a matter of routine. Individuals who fit this pro-
profiled by the sample were described as young file were described as combining a dominant com-
and inexperienced officers, frequently seen as mand presence with a heavy-handed patrol style
"hotdogs," "badge happy," "macho," or generally that was particularly sensitive to challenge and
immature. Totally enthused about their jobs but provocation. Among tllese officers the use of
not fully developed as police officers, these offic- force to show that they were in charge became the
ers may cross the line on excessive force before norm as their beliefs about how police work is
they know it. done became more rigid.
In contrast to other inexperienced officers, this Their behavior differs from that of members in the
group was characterized as highly impressionable chronic risk group in that the behavior is acquired
and impulsive. with low tolerance for frustration. and can be changed with varying degrees of suc-
Despite the greater frequency with which they are cess. The longer the patterns continue, however,
seen by psychologists, they bring positive at- the more difficult change becomes. The officers
t.ributes to their work; peers and supervisors can become invested in police power, control, and au-
be persuaded that they will "outgrow" these ten- thority and either lose interest or see little reason
dencies and learn with experience. Unfortunately, to change. Officers in this group are often labeled
the positive qualities can deteriorate early in their as "dinosaurs" in a changing police world marked
careers if they have not been appropriately fo- by greater accountability to citizens.
cused through strong field training officer experi-
ence or through other corrective experiences. These officers required strong ~upervision and
training experiences early in their careers, and
These officers were described as needing strong when they didn't get it their propensity to rely on
supervision and highly structured field training. force was reinforced. If at some point in their ca-
To assign them to a field training officer with lim- reers they were also detailed to a special unit with
ited street experience, a common practice, only minimal supervision, this style may have been fur-
magnifies the problem. Because they are strongly ther reinforced. In many respects, members of this
influenced by the police culture, such new recruits group may perceive their behavior as having been
I are more apt to change their behavior if their men- sanctioned by the organization. For intervention

~
tors are experienced and respected officers who purposes, this group would be more responsive to
demonstrate a professional demeanor in their deal- peer program interventions or models like situ~
ings with citizens. ational counseling in contrast to traditional indi-
vidual counseling, Making them part of the
This finding has decided implications for field solution, rather than part of the problem, may be
I training officer programs. Instruction on excessive central to changing their behavior.
force for field training officers is critical as is the
need for well-developed selection critelia for field Personal problems. The final and most fre-
training officers and appropriate matching of re- quently endorsed risk profile was made up of ofu
I cruits and trainers. However, even with the best of
programs some officers will not have the benefit
fieers who experienced personal problems that
destabilized their job functioning. Clearly, not all
14

officers with personal problems engage in exces- checks and balances need to be systematically in-
sive force, Rather, this profile r~presented a par- corporated if excessive force is to be effectively
ticular type of officer whose level of personal managed.
adjustment becomes threatened by some personal
loss such as separation, divorce, or even a per- Preemployment Screening of Police
ceived loss of status. Candidates
Psychologists questioned if officers who re- Psychologists used psychological tests and clini-
sponded to loss this way may have elected police cal interviews to evaluate police candidates to
work for all the wrong reasons because, in con- the near exclusion of other screening methods.
trast to police peers, they seemed to have a tenu-
ous sense of self-worth and higher levels of The data on preemployment screening practices
anxiety that were well masked. These officers ap- are presented and discussed below. They show
parently functioned reasonably well until their that not all the psychologists were engaged in
personal situations changed to undermine their screening; 46 of the 65 psychologists (71 percent)
confidence and make it more difficult for them to conducted screening. The tabled data are based on
deal with fear, animosity, and emotionally their responses. Psychologists used the following
charged patrol situations. preemployment screening procedures:
Thus, patrol behavior can become erratic and .. 96 percent used psychological tests.
show a host of signals, the precursors to problem .. 91 percent used clinical interviews.
behavior, before use of excessive force actually
occurs. This group of officers, the most frequently • 22 percent used risk assessment models.
seen for excessive-force problems, can be identi- IQ 15 percent used situational tests.
fied by supervisors who have been properly
trained to observe and respond to precursors of II 4 percent used job simulations.
problem behavior. Given their numbers, they en- Almost all the psychologists used a fairly tradi-
courage development of proactive monitoring to tional assessment procedure which has not incor-
detect "marker behaviors" signifying that prob- porated innovation into psychological screening of
lems are brewing long before these problems are police candidates. Arguably, job selection is an
flagged by a computer because of several com- area where the need to build a stable nonnative
plaints. These officers do benefit from individual base to validate the process may override innova-
counseling, but earlier referrals would enhance the tion. However, the methods that are used less fre-
benefit and keep their personal situations from quently may give better information about
spilling over to their jobs. potential for excessive force. Unfortunately, they
These descriptive profiles suggest that there arc are also costly and time consuming to develop.
different reasons for excessive force that call for The screening practice used by most of the sample
different interventions. They indicate the com· combined infonnation from test results and the
plexity of the excessive foree issue and the need clinical interview, a generally recommended pro-
for a system of interventions targeted to different fessional practice. A total of 78 percent indicated
groups of officers and at different phases of their that the combined process was particularly impor-
careers. Members of some of the profiled groups tant to evaluate propensity for violent behavior in
are appropriate for individual counseling with job candidates.
psychologists while others may need organiza-
tional interventions. However, it is unlikely that Results of assessment instruments and inter-
all could be identified through the best of views. The psychologists reported using a variety
preemployment screening methods. Other of assessment instruments that arc primarily stan-
 15

dardized measures of personality and cognitive III 15 percent used cognitive measures.
functions but only a limited number of the tests
For the most part, these tests are paper-pencil in-
are used consistently. They fOlm the nucleus of a
ventories. With the exception of the varied cogni-
clinical test battery, and other tests are used to
tive measures, the identified tests generally assess
provide supplementary or supporting information.
personality characteristics. The cognitive tests
• 91 percent used the Minnesota Multiphasic measure particular abilities or aptitudes, such as
Personality Inventory (MMPI-MMPI-2). reading or writing skills or general intelligence.
Of the personality tests, the MMPI or MMPI-2,
• 54 percent used the California Personality the revision of the original MMPI, is clearly the
Inventory (CPI). mainstay of the police selection process, followed
• 28 percent used the 16PF/Clinical Analysis by the CPI. This finding is consistent with other
Questionnaire. surveys on the tests most frequently used for
police applicant screening (Ash, Slera, and
• 20 percent used sentence completion. Britton, 1990: Hargrave and Berner, 1984;
• 15 percent used the Inwald Personality Murphy, 1972). Brief descriptions of the most
Inventory (IPI). frequently used tests are presented in the box on
this page.
 ----------------------------------.-------------------------------------

16

Psychologists were asked to describe major indi- • Impulsively hostile, explosive, or subject to
cators found in psychological test results that paranoid rage.
raised concerns about potential excessive force II Hyperaggressive and easily agitated, with poor
problems. They cited the following: self-control and limited capacity for socialization.
II Elevated MMPI scales,l cited by 72 percent. • Poorly socialized and insensitive to others.
• Personal rigidity, cited by 57 percent. • Having rigid tendencies, and subject to over-
iii Over-controlled hostility, cited by 28 percent. controlled hostility that may be expressed in unex-
pected assaults.
• Impulsiveness, cited by 24 percent.
When psychologists explore the background his-
II Lack of socialization, cited by 15 percent. tory of individuals exhibiting these characteristics,
They were also asked to describe major indicators they find that they may also have had a history
that came to light during interviews. They cited of committing aggressive acts, had problems in
the following: other jobs, and been abused or lived in abusive
environments,
n History of aggression, cited by 76 percent.
Preemployment screening concerns are strength-
• Loss-of-control behavior, cited by 33 percent. ened when verified by past behavior of candi-
• History of abuse, cited by 33 percent. dates. Further support for t.hese concerns comes
from retrospective analyses of the characteristics
• Disturbed relationships at work or school, of police who have abused force. Moreover, these
cited by 33 percent. concerns contrast to how police, as a group, arc
Evaluating the results. Psychologists evaluate described on psychological tests. The literature
many factors in preemployment screening; the shows that police generally score well within nor-
prevalent themes noted above address only a few mal limits on personality measures (For a com-
of these factors. Rather, they provide a subset of plete review, see Lowman, 1989).
personality dimensions that are relevant to the po-
tential for abusing force. Since elevations on Factors that dictate screening practices. Police
MMPI scales are related to some of the other indi- preemployment screening is designed to prevent
cators, distinctions across test indicators can ap- the occurrence of several kinds of problem police
pear blurred. Generally, the other tests are used behavior, only one of which is tile usc of exces-
with the MMPI either to evaluate certain charac- sive force. Consequently, screening has become
teristics or' to corroborate MMPI results. psychopathology~driven, that is, focused on iden-
tifying the characteristics of bad officers. Less is
These data are more easily understood when con- known about the characteristics of good officers,
sidered within the context of specific personality or about how career experiences buffer personal
dimensions, such as levels of impulsiveness, emo- tendencies. Although clinical information is criti-
tional control, hostility, and personal rigidity, as cal to employment decisions for highly sensitive
well as capacity for socialization. Assessment re- jobs, this psychopathology focus has influenced
sults that are well in excess of normal limits on the screening process. It has shaped screening
these dimensions define what psychologists look methodology, in particular the types of instru ..
for when they evaluate risk for excessive force. ments that are used most frequently, and it has
Psychologists use a variety of terms to character- fostered a "screening out" modellhat makes inno-
ize job candidates who are prone to aggressive, vation, as well as validation, more difficult.
violent behavior, such as the following:
These issues were apparent in the interview re-
1. Scale$ 4,6,8, and 9 were of particular concern to most of the sponses. Psychologists said they made limited use
psychologists.
 17

of risk assessment models, situational testing, or are particularly relevant to the debate on the mer-
job simulations, even though these models could its of routinely testing incumbent officers. The use
incorporate a wider range of infOimation for mak- of psychological assessments in this maImer as-
ing decisions. Moreover, they could also provide a sumes that psychologists can reliably predict be-
way to judge the validity of the narrow combina- havior. There is no strong body of evidence that
tions of scale elevations on paper-pencil tests and supports this assumption. Although significant
self-report data. While developing such models strides have been made, psychologists are gener-
requires an initial commitment of police depart- ally respectful of how the complexity of human
ment resources, it is likely that departments who behavior, and all its contingencies, limits the accu-
use psychologists have an extensive data base that racy of scientific prediction. This caution was re-
could be helpful in this development. flected in this study by the fact that psychologists
were able to describe profiles from clinical data
Screening practices must satisfy several other re- but were less conclusive on how well pre-employ-
quirements: ment screening data successfully predicted vio-
• Ensuring that screening predictors are linked to lence on the job. Although followup data are
job performance criteria. collected by most of the psychologists, for the
most part the results remain inconclusive with re-
II Ensuring against discrimination by conforming spect to the use of excessive force. For all of these
to fair employment practices, affirmative action reasons, psychologists' efforts have been directed
plans, and civil rights laws. to predicting patrol behavior in relation to broad
• Developing procedures that protect sensitive standards of police effectiveness rather than to a
information. use-of-force criterion.
These significant tasks are necessary to maintain New directions in screening. The findings of this
the integrity and fairness of the screening process study show that preemployment screening is ripe
anct to ensure that psychological tests are used in a for much-needed innovation. Opportunities for
manner consistent with ethical standards. developing new screening technology that may be
more responsive to predicting violence are occur-
In the context of a psychopathology-driven ring for reasons that have nothing to do with ex-
screening approach, it is not surprising that psy- cessive force. In particular, forthcoming
chologists have relied on a fairly traditional bat- developments related to the American With Dis-
tery of tests having some research support. This is abilities Act will change current screening pro-
a particularly sensitive issue when it comes to cesses by differentiating test use on the basis of
tests such as the MMPI-MMPI-2. different criteria for pre- and post-job-offer test-
Although the MMPI is apparently the mainstay of ing. Since the specific criteria have yet to be pub-
the current police screening process, it was never lished by the Equal Employment Opportunity
developed to be used in this manner. Unable to be Commission, the future direction of psychological
applied in competitive Federal employee selec- screening cannot be predicted. AU the evidence,
tion, yet mandated for use by the California Peace howevcr, suggests that the MMPI, and tests of that
Officcr Standards and Training (POST) Commis- naturc, will be administered postoffer and used as
sion and agencies in a number of other States, the clinical appraisals (Crosby, 1979) to assess the
MMPI remains a subject of controversy and legal presence of psychopathology and its potential to
debate. It is one of the most widely used personal- interfere with a police officer's functions.
ity tests and continues to be used for the evalua-
tion of job candidates (Matarazzo, 1990).2
2. It is too soon to know how II recently settled court case (Soroka v.
Issues in predicting behavior. Issues relative to Dayton Hudson) will affect the usc of personality inventories like
the MMPI in employee selection for sensitive positions.
screening candidates for propensity to violence
I
I _18_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ __

Preoffer testing is likely to undergo substantial Psychologists were asked their opinion on testing
change. New screening technologies and high-per~ incumbent officers to detect violence proneness.
fonnance analytic methods will emerge that con-
sider the following: • 43 percent said they favored testing.
II 43 percent said they opposed testing.
• How police candidates make decisions.
• 12 percent said "it depends."
• How they process information under stressful
conditions. • 2 percent said they did not know.
• How they solve problems consistent with com- The sample is sharply divided on this issue. With
munity policing. the exception of those who said lIit depends," cit-
ing their experience in testing officers for special
• How they interact with people. unit assignments, exactly the same number of psy-
• How they control situations. chologists favored and opposed this practice. Of
those in favor, 56 percent would use the tests that
Automated assessment systems, interactive video
are currently used in preemployment screening.
testing, assessment centers, job simulations, and
Only a small number indicated a preference for
role playing exercises all hold promise to meet
greater emphasis on clinical interviews or perfor-
these goals. Before new instrumentatiol' can be
mance-based testing. Since all police psycholo-
used, however, there must be support for the ex-
gists responded to this question, including those
tensive research needed to develop a job-related
who did not do screening, it is possible that some
data base to show how well new aSSffSsmt}nt tech~
of the psychologists were unfamiliar with techni-
niques can predict performance. Moreover CMe
f
cal issues related to the psychological assessment
tinued evaluation will be required so that a
of tenured employees.
longitudinal validation of the testing process can
take place. Psychologists opposed to this practice expressed
concerns. They questioned:
Finally, related to discussions of the status of
screening police candidates are the concerns that The logistics and practical problems involved
till
emerged in the previously described clinical pro- with large scale testing.
files that implicated other factors in excessive
force (such as previous job-related experiences, • The lack of normative test data and related
early-stage career problems, and patrol style). The false positive identifications.
screening findings in this study suggest that cur- • Privacy problems inherent to department treat-
rent assessment methods do not always detect ment of the information.
such factors; thus police departments should be
cautious in using current screening techniques II Threats of litigation.
alone to prevent excessive-force problems. • Fairness issues.
As alternatives to testing, they recommended the
Findings on Testing use of:
!ncumbent Officers
• Behavioral early warning systems.
Psychologists were sharply divided on using
psychological tests to routinely evaluate incum- • Remedial training for officers.
bent officers. Those opposed recommended • COiTective counseling programs focused on
alternatives to this practice; overall study find- changing excessive-force behavior.
ings provided strong support for using other
methods to periodically evaluate incumbents. II Supervisor training to recognize precursors of
excessive-force problems.
 19

• Peer review. II Training was cited by 62 percent.

This last alternative, peer review, was least en- II Counseling was cited by 40 percent.
dorsed. II Monitoring was cited by 38 percent.
Concerns about the logistics of implementing II Screening was cited by 32 percent.
wide-scale testing on a routine basis should be
considered in light of the previously reported find- .. Organizational interventions were cited by
ing that there is a lack of coordination of psycho- 25 percent.
logical services in police departments. II Research was cited by 15 percent.
At best, findings on this important question appear II Fitness-for-duty evaluations were cited by
to be inconclusive, if one considers only the spe- 12 percent.
cific findings reported above. However, when the Even though 28 psychologists agreed with the rec-
full sample of psychologists stated their opinions ommendation to test incumbent officers periodi-
on how best to reduce excessive force in police cally, the findings above do not fully support that
departments, psychological testing did not have recommendation. More psychologists recom-
the highest priority. mended monitoring (46 percent) than testing (23
percent) to identify officers prone to excessive
Identnication and Remediation of force. When nsked which functions of the police
Excessive Force psychologist should be increased to reduce the in-
cidence of police use of excessive force, they rec-
To identify individual officers prone to exces- ommended training and, to a lesser extent,
sive force, psychologists recommended increas- counseling as the more viable interventions, in
ing the behavioral monitoring function. To contrast to evaluation. In fact, fitness evaluations,
accomplish an overall reduction of excessive
which would be more consistent with evaluating
force in a police department, improved training
incumbents, constituted the least recommended
was recommended.
intervention to reduce excessive force.
When asked to select the best method of identify- The finding that ascribes a lower priority for the
ing officers prone to excessive force, psycholo- value of research in resolving excessive-force
gists chose the following: problems is of concern since widely accepted in-
.. Monitoring, cited by 46 percent. terventions generally have limited empirical sup-
port. Police psychology is essentially practice
• Psychological screening, cited by 23 percent. driven, often at the expense of evaluation. Consis-
.. Administrative review, cited by 14 percent. tent evaluation, however, would strengthen the
use of all intervention functions, determine what
.. Training, cited by 12 percent. works and what does not, and could provide new
.. Counseling, cited by 5 percent. information on more effective ways to intervene
in excessive force. Thus, the research function
When asked to recommend ways departments can
presents an opportunity to affect the behavior of
r help reduce use of excessive force, psychologists
the total organization.
cited the following:
r
20

Part 5. Discussion of Findings

This research brings a new level of understanding and violence and of the principles of behavior
to how police officers cross the line to abuse change.
force. It initiates the development of an etiology
of excessive force, a necessary forerunner to ex- For police psychology to be fully effective in po-
ploring effective ways of managing this pressing lice departments, particularly for excessive force
police problem. Although the findings address concerns, there needs to be <i greater emphasis on
only the" most serious of offenders-officers who prevention and on involving the police psycholo-
are referred to psychologists for serious infrac- gist in a proactive approach to managing human
tions of department policies on use of force-this resources. Providing interventions that consider
is a population that researchers and policymakers officer career needs as well as the demands on the
need to know more about. organization over time is preferable to reacting to
officers and the command structure only when
The tindings suggest that conventional wisdom there is trouble.
characterizing serious offenders as only a "few
bad apples" does not appear to describe most of- Within this context, the prevalence of excessive
ficers who become involved in excessive force. force needs to be considered as symptomatic of a
Rather, excessive force is enacted within a systemwide problem that implicates administra-
broader context. Different types of personal and tive policies as well as key elements of the human
jOb-related situations place different types of of- resource system, that is, selection, training, and
ficers at risk for excessive force complaints. In supervision. Psychologists are involved in differ-
this regard, use of excessive force is decidedly ent ways with all these elements, but a cnhcrent
more complex and multidimensional than the structure that integrates services and maximizes
"few bi\d apples u theory would imply. Officer per- impact on both the individual officers and the or-
sonality features represent only one element of the ganization seems to be lacking. A more effective
problem. In some instances, personality and situ- structure would also help to clarify the distinctions
ational factors interact, but in others organiza- between predicting and managing excessive force
tional practices are more strongly implicated. in order to address all elements of unwarranted
force ..
Police psychologists appear to be in a good posi-
tion to help police departments deal with exces- Predicting and Managin~l
sive force matters, given their existing active Excessive Force
presence in these agencies. In some respects, the
detailing of the extent of police psychology prac- Establishing a balance between predicting and
tice and the various functions performed in police managing excessive force is important to reducing
departments constitutes a major finding of this the occurrence of these incidents. Prediction was
study. To date, this information has not been well- strongly emphasized by the Christopher Commis-
documented for police managers. sion and the Koh Report in their focus on psycho-
logical testing (see page 4), However, those
It could be argued that police managers have ac- recommendations make the assumption that psy-
cepted police psychologists as part of a strategy to chologists will be given the resources to conduct
manage the key clements of the organization-its the rigorous research that is necessary to
human resources. However, there is little evidence strengthen predictive accuracy of psychological
to suggest that police departments have adopted a testing beyond its current rudimentary level. Since
human resource development approach to manag- the commitment of time and money for important
ing personnel issues. Moreover,police depart- test validation research has not materialized in the
ments place little emphasis on tapping psycholo- past, it may be unrealistic to assume that depart-
gists' understanding of what causes aggression ments will now be able to devote scarce resources
 21

to more extensive validation efforts. Conse- "hidden statistic"-human resource information

quently, police policymakers could be faced with that is relevant to policy. These profiles offer
the choice of either reliably predicting use of ex- many benefits:
cessive force for a limited number of officers or
managing use of excessive force f'elr all officers. • They initiate an etiology of excessive force.
The more balanced approach encourages attending a They provide insight into the complexity of the
to the front end of the system (selection) while phenomenon.
building in safeguards throughout (monitoring,
training, supervision). • They highlight the need 1'01' a range of systemic
interventions.
To achieve this balance, existing departmental re- • They address the excessive-force problem both
sources need to be systematically integrated to from the individual officer and the organizational
provide a comprehensive response to excessive practice perspectives.
force. Simply us:,ug a new screening test or trying
a new trruning program will not achieve balance 111They underscore how behavior can be rein-
and will address the problem in a piecemeal fash- forced or sanctioned by tradition-clad mores and
ion. Rather, there n(,.,:ds to be a coherent frame- values.
work that incorporates the department's These descriptive data support the notion that ex-
psychological services into a concerted effort to cessive force is a systemwide problem and in
curb abusive police practices, like the one dis- some instances may reflect a dysfunctional sys-
cussed on page 1. tem. A related and important issue is the extent to
While research findings describe what psycholo- which system interventions are limited by the sta-
l,ists can offer to a police agency, departments do tus of police psychology practices as well as the
not appear to have used psychologists as a con- lack of coordination of these services in police
stant resource. Rather, they seem to use them on departments.
an "as needed" basis and as protection against li-
ability from charges of negligence. The range of Status of Police Psychology Practice
organizational safeguards that can be applied by
psychological services has thus not been fully ex- Sign,lfic8,nt questions directly related to the scope
ploited. Police administrators should re~hink how and direction of police psychology practice have
they are using psychologists. Clearly, sereening beerl raised in this study. The fact that fewer psy-
out potential violators, counseling problem offic w
chologists are involved in the monitoring function
ers, and evaluating them for fitne~s to perform the may be related to the finding that two-thirds of the
police function are critical activities. However. research sample are consultants and provide serv-
there is a strong need for ongoing prevention ac- ices to an average of 10 departments. One might
tivities that lead to early identification of, and in- question if these conditions tend to fragment the
tervention in, police problems. It is here where practice of police psychology. Except for psy-
psychologists can have a strong impact, but these chologists who designated evaluation as a spe-
activities are pursued with less diligence:- than the cialty with no involvement in other forms of
Qther ones. service delivery, and for some on command staffs,
the majority of the psychologists surveyed appear
to do screening for one department, counseling for
Hidden Statistics ;and Policy,..Relevant another, and training for still another,
Information
The shortage of psychologists who are experi-
The rich descriptive data that shaped the profiles enced with police populations may be one reason
of officers at risk for excessive force demonstrate for this practice, thereby encouraging psycholo-
that psychologists collect what could be called the gists to structure their business to handle several
22

contracts simultaneously. The profit motive of frameworks is driven by police department tradi-
these arrangements is another, and the failure of tions that keep psychologists at arm's length or by
police departments to use psychologists as part of the current status of police psychology practice is
a human resource development model is still an- not clear from this study. It is an area that needs to
otIu!r. Nevertheless, fragmented services can con- be clarified since it may be central to important
tribute to the lack of coordination and credibility concerns raised by the Christopher Commission
of services within police departments. They can and the Kolt Report relative to police psychology
impede effective delivery of psychological ser- and excessive force.
vices, and they can seriously hinder the continued
growth of police psychological services. This study has shown that psychologists not only
contribute specific technical assistance through
Fragmentation of services is the parent to stagna- the core functions of their profession but also of-
tion and obsolescence. Fragmentation precludes fer substantial resources to police organizations,
psychologists from fully learning the police cul- as evidenced by the wealth of information in the
ture, from seeing their work within the context of clinical description of excessive force. When used
the overall system, and from empirically evaluat- to full advantage, psychologists can provide de-
ing their work. From the standpoint of human re- partments with information about organir,ational
source development, fragmentation keeps in place problems and potential interventions.
a clinical-crisis orientation that focuses on indi-
viduals at the expense of organizational develop- The next phase of this research will be to explore
ment. Finally, it may not even be cost-beneficial. these issues in greater detail through indepth ex-
aminations of model programs in police depart-
The findings particularly underscore the lack of a ments that used their psychologists to develop
coherent strategy to systematically integrate the interventions to respond to excessive force. The
functions performed by psychologists that are rel- many issues that emerged in this phase of the
evant to the management of excessive force and study will be further examined in selected depart.-
the limited use of human resource strategies in po- ments, and questions for future pOlicy-related
lice departments. Whether the lack of coherent research will be determined.
 Appendix:
Literature Review
and Implications for
Excessive Force

,
 25

The literature on use of nonlethal excessive force emotional and cognitive symptoms of distress
remains relatively sparse. However, there are (Solomon and Hom, 1986; Boh1, 1991; Nielsen~
some areas of research that are pertinent to this 1991). There appears to be some consensus that
study. Clearly! excessive force cannot be dis- these reactions are due to involvement in violence
cussed without addressing deadly force. Most of in contrast to being responses of violent officers.
what is known about force pertains to police Currently, there are few data to support the con-
shootings and killings in contrast to use of nonle- tention that officers involved in police shootings
thal force. Other lines of relevant research include are violence prone, Rather, they are described as
predicting violence, particularly through the use of generally troubled by the incident and fearful for
psychological tests, and managing the use of force their careers. The consistency of these responses
through training and organizational interventions. drives police departments to provide an immediate
and psychologically supportive response to offic-
Use of Lethal Force ers involved in deadly force incidents.

The literature shows a 20~year emphasis on reduc- Use of nondeadly force elicits a decidedly differ-
ing police use of deadly force (Blumberg, 1989). ent response in police departments. In these in-
One of the most important and consistent findings stances, officers charged with excessive force may
of this research is that restrictive firearm policies be referred to a psychologist only after cumulative
have been instrumental in reducing police incidents and often through department disciplin-
shootings of citizens (Geller and Karalis, 1981; ary proceedings. However. rather than being re-
Sherman, 1983; Geller and Scott, 1992). Until re- ferred for clinical support, the officers may need
cently, policy-related research on use of to have Hfitness-for-duty" evaluations to deter-
nondeadly force has not received equal attention. mine if they are psychologically able to carry
weapons and function as police officers (Ostrov,
For the most part, police psychologists, too, fo- 1993). It has been suggested that fitness-for-duty
cused primarily on the use of deadly force. This referrals are perceived as punitive. represent ca-
emphasis is reflected in the practice of providing reer threats, and elicit officer resistance to inter~
psychological support to officers involved in de- venti on efforts. One asks, do these referrals
partmental shootings and in on-duty traumatic in- represent the best conditions for changing behav-
cidents. The development and implementation of a ior and preventing excessive force? In many
short-term crisis response for affected officers, the cases, fitness-far-duty referrals may be appropri-
Critical Incident Debriefing Response (see Reese, ate. However, when used as the standard depart-
Hom, and Dunning, 1990, for a comprehensive ment response to pOlice use of excessive force,
review) is used on a fairly regular basis by police rather than as only one alternative, they may limit
departments (ZeUg, 1986). the effectiveness of psychologists to prevent fur-
ther abuse of force.
Research on the critical-incident response is scant
and generally meUlodologically flawed. However,
findings arc relatively consistent in documenting Shift in Emphasis to Nonlethal Force
the reaction., of officers during and after these in- The trend for psychologists, criminal justice re-
cidents. Essentially, the findings support anecdNal searchers, arid practitioners to address police
evidence suggesting that many police officers ex- shootings and killings with comparatively more
perience psychological reactions in v~rying de- vigor than they address the use of nonlethal vio-
grees that include!' wide range of perceptual lence appears to be changing. The topic of police
distortions that occur during the shooting, and a violence was the focus of a special edition of An-
period of emotional disruption following the inci· nals of the American Academy of Political and
dent. Reactions can be manifested in somatic con- Social Science (1980). Generally. this collection
ditions such as sleep disturbances and in varied of essays approached physical and nonlethal vio-
26

lence from a theoretical perspective, an important violence reduction training designed to reduce use
threshold to cross to define essential determinants of excessive force. This project developed content
of police nonlethal violence and effective ways to for an intensive 3-day role play training based on
manage it. direct observations of more tllan 1,000 police-citi-
zen confrontations and the types of violent en-
This shift in emphasis away from the deadly force counters occurring most frequently. Training was
preoccupation is also reflected in a growing num- provided for half of ilie observed officers, with tlle
ber of research studies that examine elements of others serving as a control group. Followup data
nondeadly force within a broader context instead showed that tlle training had positive effects on
of documenting frequency of OCCUlTence. One of how potentially violent situations were ap-
the earliest observational studies in this area proached and resolved by officers. These data also
(Reiss, 1968) concluded that use of force occurred revealed that some officers were unable to resolve
infrequently. The more recent findings of Bayley tllese situations because tlley were not assertive.
and Garafalo (1989) support Reiss. They observed Torres (1992) subsequently reported that tllis type
officer tactics that either reduced or increased use of training was accompanied by a decrease in re-
of violence and argued that use of force, including ported incidents of citizen dissatisfaction despite
verbal aggression, occurred less often than might an increase in calls for service.
be expected. Their study elaborated on the context
of excessive force and identified three decision Nicoletti (1990) reported on a tllreat-assessment
points in violent encounters-Ule initial contact. and deescalation-of-force training program for po-
the processing, and the exit stages. lice recruits. It was subsequently expanded as an
inservice program for all officers in tlle Denver
Other studies iliat examine police behavior from a Police Department (Nicoletti, 1993). Training
broader perspective include Worden's examina- needs were identified in survey data showing that
tion of tlle influences of attitudinal and situational officer overreactions and use of force were related
factors (1990), and two projects tllat treat exces- to inadequate training in situation control, which
sive force as a dynamic process and use field re u

ele.vated officer stress level and degraded confi-

search to shape training that addresses contextual dence. Using psychological tlleories as a founda-
aspects of excessive force (pyfe, 1989; Nicoletti, tion for training content, tlle program addressed
1990). While a variety of use-of-force training the perceptual frameworks and influence of
programs are beginning to appear in tlle literature arousal levels on information processing when of-
(for a comprehensive review see Geller and Scott, ficers were exposed to simulated violence. His
1992), the Fyfe and tlle Nicoletti projects are note- findings bear some similarity to Fyfe's observa-
worthy because their efforts provide a data-based tions that use of force results from the officer's
foundation for training programs on excessive lack of skills and tlle unintentional provocation
force. caused by the time constraints of the "split second
syndrome." The observations strike a needed bal-
Research-Driven Training: A Context ance in addressing influences brought by the of-
for Excessive Force ficer and by tlle organization. This balance was
alluded to by Toch (1969; 1992) who contended
Fyfe (1989) questioned why police departments that violence in police officers is not always a
treat successful resolutions of violent police-citi- function of personality but may also be due to or-
zen confrontations as the result of a "mystical ganizational influences.
sixth sense" and concluded that the absence of rel-
evant data to support skill-based training may ac- These Held studies are more consistent with the
count for tllis perception. His report on the Metro conceptual framework advanced by Binder and
Dade Police Violence Reduction Project shows Scharf (1980). They viewed physical force as a
how contextual data provided a foundation for result of a sequence of transactions and decisions
 27

rather than as a unitary phenomenon. They argued successful in predicting poor work: perfOlmance
that excessive force situations develop in phases; marked by excessive absences, disciplinary inter-
they do not happen in a split second. Their view views, and job terminations. While job termina-
was supported. in part, by the report to the Gover- tions may be due to excessive force, Inwald does
nor of the New York: State Commission on Crimi- not make these claims (Shusman, Inwald, and
nal Justice and the Use of Force (1987), which Knatz, 1987).
suggested that complex situational factors influ-
ence an officel'·s decision 0 use force. Hargrave and Berner (1984), in one of the most
comprehensive research studies on police psycho-
The above lines of research begin to provide a logical screening, identified the need for officers
fuller and more realistic context for understanding to control aggression as one psychological at~
excessive force and differ frem incident-driven tribute necessary for police performance.
statistical models that report only the frequency of Hargrave. Hiatt, and Gaffney (1988) subsequenUy
complaints. They question stereotypes about use identified an index of psychological test scales
of excessive force occurring in a split second and that increased accuracy in predicting highly ag-
view it as one outcome of a complex decision- gressive behavior in police applicants and in offic-
making process that is influenced by multiple ers who became physically assauWve. Generally,
variables interacting to either escalate or defuse however, the literature relating test indices to ex-
the process. These approaches remove the "inevi- cessive force remains sparse, and it is not clear
table" from beliefs about excessive force and are whether police psychologists specifically test for
compatible with cognitive-psychological theories behavioral propensities to engage in violence
of aggression (Eron, 1987: Berkowitz, 1990). Ac- when determining suitability for a police career,
cording to these theorists, aggression is a learned
behavior. As such, it can be unlearned. Moreover, A more fundamental question is the emphasis that
contextual studies provide better support for train- police agencies place on the psychological screen-
ing to build competency-based skills and tactics to ing function. Police personnel policy may have
broaden officers' repertoire of strategies to use in expectations for preemployment screening that are
confrontations. In this regard, they support the inconsistent with what it can realistically accom-
training emphasis on officer safety by supple- plish. In this regard, it has not been established if
menting physical proficiency training with non- assessments are expected to provide a type of
physical tactics. mental health snapshot of an individual's current
status or, on the other hand, to provide a mental
health seal of approval that is good for the
Psychological Screening of Police individual's entire career. The latter represents an
Recruits ambitious and unrealistic goal for any evaluation
Data-driven training innovations present one method because it suggests that candidates at age
promising approach to reducing excessive force. It 21 will be the same at age 41, leaving no room for
is less certain whether preemployment evaluation personal changes resulting from experience,
of police candidates holds similar promise. The growth and maturity or the powerful influence of
j

research on Screening has emphasized the prcdic~ the police culture. If viewed from the fonner l
tion of effective work: performance. Prediction of more narrOw perspective of providing a mental
isolated.low-base-rate, or infrequently occurring health snapshot of an individual's present status, it
behaviors such as future violence has been limited may be that current preemployment evaluations
because of concerns about false positive identifi- are doing what they arc methodologically capable
cations. of doing-identifying psychopathology in police
applicants who are emotionally unfit.
Inwald reports that prediction equations derived
from the Inwald Personality Inventory have been
28

Prediction of Police Violence and Risk Trompetter culled the professionallite~ature and
Assessment identified 29 variables that have been shown to
correlate with adult violent behavior and called for
Another side of the argument questions if assess- a stronger emphasis in police preemployment as-
ment techniques, in contrast to discrete tests, have sessment on the historical antecedents that signify
been fully exploited to improve Lbe predictive recurrent violence. He urged that police
power of low-base-rate behaviors such as police preemployment screening interviews and psycho-
violence. Monahan (1981), who found very little logical tests be more sharply focused on identify-
empirical support for the accuracy of clinical pre- ing these variables as "red flags" that require a
dictions of dangerousness in the mentally ill, also more focused investigation into a candidate's pre-
discussed the limitations of that relatively sparse disposition to engage in unnecessary or excessive
body of research. His review of the literature is force. Ostrov discussed an "expert systems
frequently cited as conclusive evidence that men- model" that develops a "trend line" across behav-
tal health professionals are unable to predict dan- ioral domains. Based on the theory that violence is
gerous behavior, leading him to comment on how never an isolated act, he looks for trends that sig-
quickly and uncritically his findings were ac- nify an individual's socialization into accepting
cepted (Monahan, 1988). Whether predictions of violence and escalation of violence over time, as
police officer violence should be compared to pre- well as personal tendencies that contraindicate ex-
dictions about mentally disordered individuals in pression of violence.
civil commitment proceedings is debatable, but
Monahan's cautions are generally raised when The work of Trompetter and Ostrov, along with
prediction of police violence is questioned. that of Monahan, lay the groundwork for explor-
ing risk assessment models that provide a more
More recently, Monahan (1992) modified his comprehensive framework for behavior predic-
views and described a series of exploratory studies tions. By including varied domains, researchers
by the MacAlthur Foundation Research Network can sample a larger universe of behavior and can
on Mental Health and the Law. 111ese studies are evaluate a broader span of information. Hence,
investigating actuarially based risk assessment while engaging in a violent act may be a low-
models to detennine if they can improve the accu- base-rate behavior, the precursor behaviors, or
racy of predictions. The risk assessment model "Iisk markers" that signify a history of aggression
looks at risk "markers" across multiple domains, across situations may occur with greater fre-
including environment/situational, dispositional, quency across domains and strengthen predic-
historical, and clinical (Monahan and Steadman, tions. These models provide a contrast to current
in press). According to Otto (1992), advances in paradigms that have been modestly successful in
prediction teclmiques that come from "second linking narrow psychological test variables to a
generation" prediction research may hold promise broad spectrum of police behavior. Whether they
for decreasing error rates in predictions of danger- provide analogs for police selection and satisfy
ousness by mental health professionals. They may requirements for high predictive validity is un-
also hold promise for preemployment screening of known, but they do merit systematic evaluation in
police recruits. Currently, it is unknown if these any effort to enlarge the scope and reliability of
models can be adapted to assessing police officer current preemployment screening. Pending careful
violence, but Trompctter (1993) and Ostrov evaluation, they may provide a needed adjunct to
(1993) discuss methods that can be explored to current screening methods.
help identify individuals who may be at risk for
the possibility of police abuse of force.

*U.5. G.P.O.:1994-301-177:2
 29

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