The Book of Burtoniana

Letters & Memoirs of Sir Richard Francis Burton

Volume 2: 1865-1879
Edited by Gavan Tredoux

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[DRAFT] 8/26/2016 4:36 PM

© 2016, Gavan Tredoux.

http://burtoniana.org.

The Book of Burtoniana:

Volume 1: 1841-1864
Volume 2: 1865-1879
Volume 3: 1880-1924
Volume 4: Register and Bibliography
Contents.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. .................................................................................... VIII

1865-1869. ........................................................................................................... 1

1. 1865/—/—? RICHARD BURTON TO SAMUEL SHEPHEARD....................................... 1

2. 1865/01/01? ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES. ........................................ 1
3. 1865/01/03. KATHERINE LOUISA (STANLEY) RUSSELL............................................ 2
4. 1865/01/07. LORD JOHN RUSSELL..................................................................... 3
5. 1865/01/08. LORD JOHN RUSSELL..................................................................... 4
6. 1865/01/09. LORD JOHN RUSSELL..................................................................... 5
7. 1865/01/09. KATHERINE LOUISA (STANLEY) RUSSELL............................................ 5
8. 1865/02/09. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES. ......................................... 5
9. 1865/04/22. RICHARD BURTON TO FRANK WILSON. ............................................ 6
10. 1865/05/02? RICHARD BURTON TO JAMES HUNT. ........................................... 7
11. 1865/06/02. FREDERICK HANKEY TO MONCKTON MILNES. ............................... 8
12. 1865/08/05. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................... 15
13. 1865/10/23. RICHARD BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES. ............................... 15
14. 1865/—/—? RICHARD BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES. ............................... 20
15. 1865/—/—. ISABEL BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL........................................... 20
16. 1865/—/—. ISABEL BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL........................................... 21
17. 1865. RICHARD BURTON ON WINWOOD READE.............................................. 22
18. 1865. KENNETH ROBERT HENDERSON MACKENZIE. ......................................... 30
19. 1865. HENRY RICHARD VIZETELLY................................................................. 30
20. 1865. JUSTIN MCCARTHY. .......................................................................... 34
21. 1865. JUSTIN MCCARTHY. .......................................................................... 36
22. 1865. EDMUND GOSSE ON A POET AMONG THE CANNIBALS. ............................ 38
23. 1865. EDMUND GOSSE ON LORD HOUGHTON AND THE BIRDS. .......................... 40
24. 1865. JOSEPH ASHBY-STERRY. ..................................................................... 41
25. 1866. ARTHUR ORTON. .............................................................................. 42
26. 1866/09/26. RICHARD BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL. ..................................... 42
27. 1866/10/22. RICHARD BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL. ..................................... 43
28. 1866/11/06. RICHARD BURTON TO ARTHUR ORTON. ..................................... 45
29. 1867/01/06. RICHARD BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL. ..................................... 47
30. 1867/01/08. ISABEL BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL. ......................................... 48
31. 1867/01/11. ALGERNON SWINBURNE TO RICHARD BURTON. ........................... 49
32. 1867/02/09. ISABEL BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL. ......................................... 51
33. 1867/04/03. ISABEL BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL. ......................................... 53
34. 1867/04/05. RICHARD BURTON TO ALGERNON SWINBURNE. ........................... 54

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 35. 1867/04/05. HENRY WALTER BATES TO RICHARD BURTON. ............................ 57
36. 1867/05/16 ISABEL BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL. .......................................... 59
37. 1867/06/12? RICHARD BURTON TO WILLIAM HEPWORTH DIXON..................... 59
38. 1867/10/30. FREDERICK JAMES STEVENSON. ................................................ 60
39. 1867/—/—? RICHARD BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL. ..................................... 62
40. 1867/11/23. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................... 62
41. 1867. WILFRID SCAWEN BLUNT. .................................................................. 65
42. 1867. WALTER RICHARD SEYMOUR. ............................................................. 70
43. 1868/01/14. RICHARD BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL. ..................................... 72
44. 1868/02/10. RICHARD BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL. ..................................... 73
45. 1868/03/08? RICHARD BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL...................................... 74
46. 1868/04/18. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................... 75
47. 1868/04/18. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................... 78
48. 1868/08/04? RICHARD BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL...................................... 79
49. 1868/09/14. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................... 79
50. 1868/10/09. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................... 80
51. 1868/10/28. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................... 81
52. 1868/—/—. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES. ................................... 81
53. 1868/12/03. LORD STANLEY TO RICHARD BURTON. ....................................... 83
54. 1868. THOMAS JOSEPH HUTCHINSON. .......................................................... 84
55. 1868. CHARLES PERCY BUSHE...................................................................... 84
56. 1869/—/—? RICHARD BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES. ............................... 86
57. 1869/01/20. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................... 86
58. 1869/02/20. THE TICHBORNE CASE. ........................................................... 87
59. 1869/04/03. HENRY ELLIOT TO THE EARL OF CLARENDON. .............................. 90
60. 1869/06/19. JAMES MURRAY TO RICHARD BURTON. ..................................... 90
61. 1869/06/21. RICHARD BURTON TO JAMES MURRAY. ..................................... 91
62. 1869/07/03. HENRY ELLIOT TO THE EARL OF CLARENDON. .............................. 92
63. 1869/07/09. RICHARD BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL. ..................................... 92
64. 1869/09/01. RICHARD BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES. ............................... 94
65. 1869/09/01. RICHARD BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL. ..................................... 95
66. 1869. ALGERNON SWINBURNE VIA ARTHUR SYMONS. ...................................... 96
67. 1869. EDMUND GOSSE ON VICHY................................................................. 97
68. 1869. AUGUSTUS JOHN CUTHBERT HARE....................................................... 99
69. 1869/09. ALGERNON SWINBURNE. ............................................................ 100
70. 1869. GEORGIANA STISTED. ...................................................................... 102

1870-1874. ....................................................................................................... 103

71. 1870/05/15. RICHARD BURTON TO THE LEVANT HERALD. ............................. 103

72. 1870/05/16. RICHARD BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL. ................................... 107

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73. 1870/08/28. RICHARD BURTON TO HENRY ELLIOT. ...................................... 110
74. 1870/10/04. RICHARD BURTON TO HENRY ELIOT. ....................................... 112
75. 1870/11/28. RICHARD BURTON TO THE LEVANT HERALD. ............................. 113
76. 1870/12. LONDON NEWSPAPER. ............................................................... 116
77. 1871/01/15. HENRY ELLIOT TO EARL GRANVILLE. ........................................ 118
78. 1871/01/16. ISABEL BURTON TO THE LEVANT HERALD.................................. 119
79. 1871/01/31. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................. 122
80. 1871/03/01. WILLIAM WRIGHT TO MRS. MENTOR MOTT. ........................... 122
81. 1871/03/22. RICHARD BURTON TO FREDERICK LEIGHTON. ............................ 124
82. 1871/04/21. HENRY ELLIOT TO EARL GRANVILLE. ........................................ 126
83. 1871/05/04. RASHID PASHA TO AALI PASHA. ............................................. 127
84. 1871/05/20. E. PISANI TO HENRY ELLIOT. .................................................. 128
85. 1871/05/20. RICHARD BURTON TO EARL GRANVILLE. ................................... 129
86. 1871/05/20. RICHARD BURTON TO HENRY ELLIOTT...................................... 130
87. 1871/05/21. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................. 131
88. 1871/05/22. HENRY ELLIOT TO EARL GRANVILLE. ........................................ 133
89. 1871/05/25. EARL GRANVILLE TO HENRY ELLIOT. ........................................ 133
90. 1871/05/25. N. T. MOORE TO HENRY ELLIOT. ............................................ 134
91. 1871/06/05. HENRY ELLIOT TO EARL GRANVILLE. ........................................ 135
92. 1871/06/06. HENRY ELLIOT TO RICHARD BURTON. ...................................... 137
93. 1871/06/07. RICHARD BURTON TO HENRY ELLIOT. ...................................... 138
94. 1871/06/08. RICHARD BURTON TO HENRY ELLIOT. ...................................... 140
95. 1871/06/09. RICHARD BURTON TO HENRY ELLIOT. ...................................... 141
96. 1871/06/11. RICHARD BURTON TO HENRY ELLIOT. ...................................... 144
97. 1871/06/14. ODO RUSSELL TO RICHARD BURTON. ...................................... 145
98. 1871/06/16. G. JACKSON ELDRIDGE TO HENRY ELLIOT. ................................ 145
99. 1871/06/23. ODO RUSSELL TO RICHARD BURTON. ...................................... 146
100. 1871/06/26. HENRY ELLIOT TO EARL GRANVILLE. ........................................ 146
101. 1871/07/05. HENRY ELLIOT TO EARL GRANVILLE. ........................................ 151
102. 1871/07/21. EARL GRANVILLE TO RICHARD BURTON. ................................... 154
103. 1871/08/19. RICHARD BURTON TO HENRY ELLIOT. ...................................... 154
104. 1871/09/09. HENRY ELLIOT TO EARL GRANVILLE. ........................................ 158
105. 1871. BERTRAND MITFORD, LORD REDESDALE. ............................................ 162
106. 1871/09/20. RICHARD BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES. ............................. 177
107. 1871/09/26. RICHARD BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES. ............................. 177
108. 1871/11/14. ISABEL BURTON TO LADY HOUGHTON. .................................... 178
109. 1869-1871. WILLIAM WRIGHT. ................................................................ 180
110. 1869-71. ANONYMOUS. .......................................................................... 186
111. 1871/12/—. RICHARD BURTON TO ANTHONY BLAKE RATHBORNE. ................. 194
112. 1871. GEORGIANA STISTED. ...................................................................... 194

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 113. 1872/01/01. RICHARD BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES. ............................. 195
114. 1872/01/10. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................. 196
115. 1872/01/13. RICHARD BURTON TO HENRY WALTER BATES. .......................... 197
116. 1872/01/18. RICHARD BURTON TO HENRY WALTER BATES. .......................... 197
117. 1872/01/24. RICHARD BURTON TO ISABEL BURTON. .................................... 198
118. 1872/01/26. RICHARD BURTON TO HENRY WALTER BATES. .......................... 200
119. 1872/01/26. RICHARD BURTON TO JOHN KIRK. ........................................... 200
120. 1872/02/21. GEORGE PERCY BADGER TO RICHARD BURTON.......................... 201
121. 1872/02/29. GEORGE PERCY BADGER TO RICHARD BURTON.......................... 203
122. 1872. GEORGIANA STISTED. ...................................................................... 205
123. 1872/04/03? RICHARD BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES. ............................ 206
124. 1872/04/12. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................. 207
125. 1872/04/13. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................. 208
126. 1872/05/17. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................. 208
127. 1872/07/14? ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES................................. 209
128. 1872/09/22. RICHARD BURTON TO HENRY WALTER BATES. .......................... 212
129. 1872/09/23. RICHARD BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES. ............................. 212
130. 1872/11. VERNEY LOVETT CAMERON. ........................................................ 213
131. 1870-1872. MEMOIR OF CHARLES TYRWHITT-DRAKE. .................................. 214
132. 1872/—/—. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES. ................................. 218
133. 1872. WILLIAM OWEN. ............................................................................ 219
134. 1872. C. P. RIGBY ON BURTON’S ZANZIBAR ................................................. 227
135. 1873/02/14. RICHARD BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES. ............................. 228
136. 1873/02/20. RICHARD BURTON TO WILLIAM HENRY WYLDE. ........................ 229
137. 1873/03/03. RICHARD BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL. ................................... 230
138. 1873/03/18. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................. 232
139. 1873/05/30? ISABEL BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL. ...................................... 233
140. 1873/07/23? RICHARD BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL.................................... 234
141. 1873/10/10. RICHARD BURTON TO WILLIAM HENRY WYLDE. ........................ 236
142. 1873/11/05. RICHARD BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES. ............................. 236
143. 1873/11/05. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................. 239
144. 187-/—/—. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES. .................................. 241
145. 1873/12/16. RICHARD BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES. ............................. 241
146. 1873. ROSE PAYNTER GRAVES-SAWLE. ....................................................... 242
147. 1873-1875. SEATON SCHROEDER. ............................................................. 242
148. 1874. EMILY SOLDENE. ............................................................................ 243
149. 1874/03/02. RICHARD BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL. ................................... 243
150. 1874/—/—. DANTE GABRIEL ROSSETTI TO RICHARD BURTON. ....................... 247
151. 1874/08/12. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................. 248
152. 1874/10/29. RICHARD BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL. ................................... 249

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 153. 1873-1879. JOHN ADYE. ......................................................................... 252

1875-1879. ....................................................................................................... 253

154. 1875/02/04. ISABEL BURTON TO JAMES HAIN FRISWELL. .............................. 253

155. 1875/02/07. ISABEL BURTON TO JAMES HAIN FRISWELL. .............................. 253
156. 1875/02/11. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................. 255
157. 1875/02/21. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................. 256
158. 1875/03/02. RICHARD BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES. ............................. 257
159. 1875/04/10. RICHARD BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL. ................................... 258
160. 1875/05/24. RICHARD BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL. ................................... 259
161. 1875/—/—? RICHARD BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES. ............................. 260
162. 1875/—/—? RICHARD BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES. ............................. 261
163. 1875/06/09. RICHARD BURTON TO SIR GEORGE BACK.................................. 261
164. 1875/06/15? RICHARD BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES. ............................ 261
165. 1875/06/29. LOUISA MARY KNIGHTLEY. .................................................... 262
166. 1875/07/17. GENERAL CHARLES GORDON TO RICHARD BURTON. ................... 263
167. 1875/08/26. RICHARD BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES. ............................. 265
168. 1875/—/—? RICHARD BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES. ............................. 266
169. 18—/—/—. RICHARD BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES................................ 266
170. 1875/11/10. FRANK WILSON TO RICHARD BURTON ..................................... 267
171. 1875/11/14. RICHARD BURTON TO FRANK WILSON. .................................... 268
172. 1875/11/15. FRANK WILSON TO RICHARD BURTON. .................................... 269
173. 1875/12/11. RICHARD BURTON TO THE ATHENAEUM. ................................. 269
174. 1875. DR. HERMANN ROBERT RICCI. .......................................................... 273
175. 1876/05/20. RICHARD BURTON TO GRATTAN GEARY. .................................. 275
176. 1876/05/25. WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS........................................... 276
177. 1876/06/04. GENERAL CHARLES GORDON TO RICHARD BURTON. ................... 277
178. 1876/06/21. RICHARD BURTON TO WILLIAM HENRY WYLDE. ........................ 278
179. 1876/07/02. RICHARD BURTON TO HENRY WALTER BATES. .......................... 279
180. 1876/07/03. RICHARD BURTON TO FREDERICK LEIGHTON. ............................ 281
181. 1876/07/11. GEORGE PERCY BADGER TO RICHARD BURTON.......................... 282
182. 1876/07/23. VERNEY LOVETT CAMERON TO RICHARD BURTON. ..................... 282
183. 1876/07/27. RICHARD BURTON TO HENRY WALTER BATES. .......................... 284
184. 1876/—/—. VERNEY LOVETT CAMERON TO RICHARD BURTON....................... 285
185. 1876/09/01. RICHARD BURTON TO GRATTAN GEARY. .................................. 286
186. 1876/09/07. RICHARD BURTON TO GRATTAN GEARY. .................................. 287
187. 1876/10/12. RICHARD BURTON TO JOHN KIRK. ........................................... 288
188. 1876/10/29? RICHARD BURTON TO FRANCIS GALTON. ................................. 290
189. 1876/11/02. RICHARD BURTON TO GRATTAN GEARY. .................................. 291
190. 1876/11/10. EDWARD A. FREEMAN TO RICHARD BURTON. ........................... 292

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 191. 1876/11/12. GENERAL CHARLES GORDON TO RICHARD BURTON. ................... 293
192. 1876/11/24. RICHARD BURTON TO GRATTAN GEARY. .................................. 294
193. 1876/11/30. RICHARD BURTON TO GRATTAN GEARY. .................................. 295
194. 1876/12/03. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................. 296
195. 1876/12/08. RICHARD BURTON TO GRATTAN GEARY ................................... 298
196. 1876/12/15. RICHARD BURTON TO GRATTAN GEARY. .................................. 299
197. 1876/12/17. GENERAL CHARLES GORDON TO RICHARD BURTON. ................... 300
198. 1877/01/12. GENERAL CHARLES GORDON TO RICHARD BURTON. ................... 301
199. 1877/02. RICHARD BURTON TO SIR SAMUEL FERGUSON. ............................... 301
200. 1877/02/08. RICHARD BURTON TO GRATTAN GEARY. .................................. 303
201. 1877/02/28. RICHARD BURTON TO GRATTAN GEARY. .................................. 304
202. 1877/03/08. RICHARD BURTON TO GRATTAN GEARY. .................................. 305
203. 1877/04/20. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................. 306
204. 1877/05/12. RICHARD BURTON TO GRATTAN GEARY. .................................. 309
205. 1877/05/25. RICHARD BURTON TO GRATTAN GEARY. .................................. 310
206. 1877/06/21. GENERAL CHARLES GORDON TO RICHARD BURTON. ................... 311
207. 1877/06/27. GENERAL CHARLES GORDON TO RICHARD BURTON. ................... 312
208. 1877/—/—. RICHARD BURTON TO GENERAL CHARLES GORDON..................... 313
209. 1877/07/07. GEORGE PERCY BADGER TO RICHARD BURTON.......................... 314
210. 1877/07/13. RICHARD BURTON TO GRATTAN GEARY. .................................. 315
211. 1877/07/18. GENERAL CHARLES GORDON TO RICHARD BURTON. ................... 317
212. 1877/—/—? ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................. 318
213. 1877/09/17. ISABEL BURTON TO LUKE IONIDES. .......................................... 319
214. 1877/10/19. GENERAL CHARLES GORDON TO RICHARD BURTON. ................... 320
215. 1877/11/12. ISABEL BURTON TO LUKE IONIDES. .......................................... 322
216. 1877/12/26. GENERAL CHARLES GORDON TO RICHARD BURTON. ................... 325
217. 1877 EDWIN DE LEON. .............................................................................. 325
218. 1877-1878. C. RIVERS WILSON. ............................................................... 329
219. 1877-1878. ANNA ALLNUTT BRASSEY. ....................................................... 329
220. 1878/05/24. RICHARD BURTON TO GRATTAN GEARY. .................................. 330
221. 1878/06/23? GEORGE PERCY BADGER TO RICHARD BURTON. ........................ 331
222. 1878/07/04. RICHARD BURTON TO SIR HENRY GORDON. .............................. 332
223. 1878/08/08. GENERAL CHARLES GORDON TO RICHARD BURTON. ................... 332
224. 1878/08/13. BRAM STOKER. .................................................................. 333
225. 1878/08/29? RICHARD BURTON TO GRATTAN GEARY. ................................. 334
226. 1878/09/15. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................. 335
227. 1878/10/10. ALICE BIRD. ........................................................................ 337
228. 1878/10/19. ISABEL BURTON TO ALBERT TOOTAL. ....................................... 341
229. 1878/11/19. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................. 344
230. 1878/11/20. GENERAL CHARLES GORDON TO RICHARD BURTON. ................... 345

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 231. 1878. SAMUEL SELIG DE KUSEL................................................................... 346
232. 1878? HARRY FURNISS............................................................................. 347
233. 1878. ARTHUR SYMONS. .......................................................................... 348
234. 1878/11/27. LONDON WORLD. ............................................................... 349
235. 1878/12/20. FRANK WILSON TO RICHARD BURTON. .................................... 354
236. 1879/01. BRAM STOKER. ......................................................................... 355
237. 1879/02. BRAM STOKER. ......................................................................... 356
238. 1879/05/05. RICHARD BURTON TO GRATTAN GEARY. .................................. 359
239. 1879/05/20. RICHARD BURTON TO COLONEL CHAILLÉ-LONG. ........................ 360
240. 1879/06/14. RICHARD BURTON TO COLONEL CHAILLÉ-LONG. ........................ 361
241. 1879/06/11. COLONEL CHAILLÉ-LONG TO RICHARD BURTON. ........................ 362
242. 1879/08/26. RICHARD BURTON TO COLONEL CHAILLÉ-LONG. ........................ 366
243. 1879/08/31. GENERAL CHARLES GORDON TO RICHARD BURTON. ................... 367
244. 1879/10/15. RICHARD BURTON TO CLEMENTS MARKHAM. ........................... 368
245. 1879/10/15. RICHARD BURTON TO COLONEL CHAILLÉ-LONG. ........................ 369
246. 1879/10/26. RICHARD BURTON TO CLEMENTS MARKHAM. ........................... 370
247. 1879/12/31. ISABEL BURTON TO MONCKTON MILNES.................................. 371
248. 1879? ANONYMOUS. ............................................................................... 372

INDEX TO AUTHORS AND CORRESPONDENTS. ................................................. 373

PLATES. ............................................................................................................ 375

CREDITS ........................................................................................................... 385

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List of Illustrations.
FIGURE 1. FRED HANKEY TO MONCKTON MILNES 1865/06/02. ................................................ 11
FIGURE 2. RICHARD BURTON TO LORD HOUGHTON 1865/10/23. .............................................. 17
FIGURE 3. ARTHUR ORTON, THE TICHBORNE CLAIMANT. ............................................................ 46
FIGURE 4. ALGERNON SWINBURNE. ....................................................................................... 51
FIGURE 5. IPORANGA, FROM BURTON'S SKETCHBOOK. ............................................................... 58
FIGURE 6. FROM BURTON'S SKETCHBOOK. .............................................................................. 72
FIGURE 7. THE TICHBORNE CLAIMANT MEDIA SENSATION AS SEEN BY PUNCH. ............................... 89
FIGURE 8. FROM BURTON'S SKETCHBOOK. ............................................................................ 110
FIGURE 9. SALAHIYYAH, OUTSIDE DAMASCUS, SKETCHED BY CHARLES TYRWHITT-DRAKE. ............... 113
FIGURE 10. “OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT” LEVANT HERALD NOV 28 1870. .............................. 115
FIGURE 11. REPORT IN A LONDON NEWSPAPER ON THE TEBEDANI FRACAS. ................................. 117
FIGURE 12. ISABEL BURTON TO THE EDITOR OF THE LEVANT HERALD. ......................................... 121
FIGURE 13. FROM BURTON'S SKETCHBOOK. .......................................................................... 124
FIGURE 14. VIEW FROM THE ROOF OF BURTON’S HOUSE IN DAMASCUS, BY CHARLES TYRWHITT-DRAKE.
............................................................................................................................. 126
FIGURE 15. THE BURTON SUMMER HOUSE AT BLUDAN, BY CHARLES TYRWHITT-DRAKE. ............... 128
FIGURE 16. HAMMOND RECOMMENDS RECALL AND DISMISSAL OF BURTON. ................................ 149
FIGURE 17. F. O. MEMO ON BURTON’S RECALL AND REPLACEMENT. ......................................... 152
FIGURE 18. THE BLUDAN RESIDENCE OF THE BURTONS, SKETCHED BY CHARLES TYRWHITT DRAKE.... 158
FIGURE 19. SYRIAN TRACINGS FROM BURTON'S SKETCHBOOK. .................................................. 161
FIGURE 20. BURTON’S HOROSCOPE IN ARABIC. ...................................................................... 193
FIGURE 21. ICELANDIC SCENES FROM BURTON'S SKETCHBOOK. ................................................. 210
FIGURE 22. ICELANDIC CARICATURE FROM BURTON'S SKETCHBOOK. .......................................... 211
FIGURE 23. A FELLOW PASSENGER, JULY 11, 1873. FROM BURTON'S SKETCHBOOK. ................... 234
FIGURE 24. A CARICATURE FROM BURTON'S SKETCHBOOK. ...................................................... 274
FIGURE 25. LETTER FROM GENERAL CHARLES GORDON TO RICHARD BURTON 1877/12/26. ......... 324
FIGURE 26. BURTON IN HIS TENT IN WEST AFRICA CIRCA 1862. ................................................ 376
FIGURE 27. BURTON’S PHOTOGRAPHS FROM THE BATTLEFIELDS OF PARAGUAY. ........................... 377
FIGURE 28. MUSTERING THE SLAVES IN BRAZIL, FROM THE BURTONS' PHOTO ALBUM. .................. 378
FIGURE 29. BURTON IN THE EARLY 1870S. ............................................................................ 379
FIGURE 30. RICHARD BURTON IN 1865. ............................................................................... 380
FIGURE 31. BURTON AS BREVET DE POINTE, BY ALBERT LETCHFORD. .......................................... 381
FIGURE 32. ISABEL BURTON CIRCA 1875. ............................................................................. 382
FIGURE 33. THE TEMPLE AT BAALBEK, FROM ISABEL’S PHOTO ALBUM. ....................................... 383
FIGURE 34. DAMASCUS, FROM ISABEL’S PHOTO ALBUM. ......................................................... 384

viii.
 1865/—/—? Richard Burton to Samuel Shepheard.

1865-1869.

1. 1865/—/—? Richard Burton to Samuel Shepheard.1

Gay Wood
Warrington
Sunday

My dear Shepheard

Better late than never. I send a Mecca for you and a Dahomé for Mrs. S. I have
had some difficulty in getting a copy of the former and hope soon to bring [it]
out in a revised form with your and other names on it.

Give my kindest wishes. I will do all in my power to pay you another visit before
starting.

Ever yours sincerely

Richard F. Burton

2. 1865/01/01? Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.2

Garswood
Warrington3

Dear Lord Houghton

I am so much obliged for the little note of introduction which will be

most useful. As you kindly ask me where we are going I will just give you a
résumé (we are going in the tourist line for one month & not seeking to be
invited to stop in people's houses, though it is always agreeable to have
someone to speak to & not to feel quite isolated). Still I am sure you have done
so much I should be sorry to trespass on your time for more letters. We begin
by Dublin Howth Kingstown Maynouth (for the sake of the priests) Armagh
Belfast Giant's Causeway Enniskillen Sligo Galway Tuam Athlone Wicklow,

1
Michael Bird Samuel Shepheard of Cairo (London: Michael Joseph, 1957), p. 165.
2
Houghton 4/181.
3
Letterhead. Annotated in pencil: “1 Jan ‘65”.

1.
 1865/01/03. Katherine Louisa (Stanley) Russell.

Carlow Kildare Kilkenny (in remembrance of the Cats) Wexford Waterford,

Tipperary Limerick Killarney Cork. I should very much like an introduction to the
Castlerosses; I knew him when I was a schoolgirl as Valentine Browne4 but have
never recalled myself to his memory since and do not know Lady C.

I knew you were at Broadlands when I told you of my difficulty about having no
where to go on the 5th. I should not have mentioned it if you had been at Crewe
but you will be glad to hear that Lady Stanley wrote & asked us from 5th to 9th
and we are going. I told her we wished very much to accept but that we had no
where to go between Tatton & Alderley & that I was afraid we must go to Ireland
& she replied that she only said 9th because she thought that was our day for
leaving Tatton. I had been at the Stanleys' parties in London & liked them very
much & shall be glad to become better acquainted. I will mind that the dressing
gown does not appear in public. I have a good mind to present it to [Turning].
One of his men holding a tea bowl at his door wd look well in it. We shall be in
London about 9th February at Howlett's Hotel, 36 Manchester St, Manchester
Sqr, & I hope I shall see you also as well as Richard.

Yours most sincerely

Isabel Burton

Richd’s best love. He is leading a quiet civilised life & is more docile than I have
ever known him.

1st Jany. A happy New Year & many of them. If you go to Crewe on the 9th I shall
get my uncle to send the pair of rabbits I promised Robin. They are very pretty.

3. 1865/01/03. Katherine Louisa (Stanley) Russell.5

On the 3d. the Burtons came here. Capt. Burton is Henry's friend,6 he calls
himself openly a Mussulman—a very amusing and clever man. His last post was
consul at Fernando Po & now he is appted to Santos in Brazil. His wife was an

4
Valentine Augustus Browne, “Viscount Castlerosse,” 4th Earl of Kenmare (1825–
1905).
5
Bertrand and Patricia Russell eds. The Amberley Papers: the Letters and Diaries of
Bertrand Russell's parents (New York: Norton, 1937) pp. 347-50. The Amberleys were
staying at Alderley, the Stanley family seat.
6
Kate’s brother Henry John Stanley (1827-?), diplomat and linguist.

2.
 1865/01/07. Lord John Russell.

Arundell a R. Cat. clever sensible woman, much in love with her husband—He
mesmerizes her constantly & then asks her questions about the future—She
does not like it at all, as it tires her very much ... .

4. 1865/01/07. Lord John Russell.7

Alderley Park, Thursday, January 7 [1865]. Captain Burton, the African traveller,
having arrived last night8 with his wife I have had the opportunity of meeting
two very curious & interesting people. He is a very dark man, with a fierce
scowling eye, & a repulsive hard face; but exceedingly clever & amusing in
conversation. He believes in no particular religion, though calling himself a
Mussulman. His wife is a pleasant lively woman, talks much & fast, seems
excitable & is a Roman Catholic into the bargain. This afternoon while several
of us were sitting in the library after lunch she began telling us about her
mesmeric experiences of which she has had many. Her husband frequently
mesmerizes her, & according to her own account (I doubt this) consults her while
in the trance about what is going to happen. Before his last journey to Africa,
when he was leaving her at home, he asked her how they would meet again.
She told him that he would be badly wounded & would telegraph for her at
Liverpool on his return, where he did telegraph for her to come. Had she taken
any note of this prediction? No, but they both remembered! Were there any
other remarkable ones? None equally so; she could not trust to all her power of
prediction, as she believed she was sometimes right & sometimes wrong; she
hoped they would never act upon what she said, as it was so uncertain. She
quite entered into the doubts or disbelief expressed by Lyulph9 & others; said
she would not believe herself unless she had seen it. Of course one cannot know
how far she may be deceived but it is impossible on hearing her speak to doubt
her honesty. ...

7
Bertrand and Patricia Russell eds. The Amberley Papers: the Letters and Diaries of
Bertrand Russell's parents (New York: Norton, 1937) pp. 347-50.
8
His wife Katherine Louisa recorded that they arrived on the 3 rd—see above.
9
Presumably Edward Lyulph Stanley (1839–1925).

3.
 1865/01/08. Lord John Russell.

5. 1865/01/08. Lord John Russell.10

Saturday 8. Mrs. Burton talked at breakfast & immediately after about her
religious opinions. Declares she believes all the doctrines of the church of Rome,
but thinks everyone may be saved by his own form of religion, whatever it be.
Never cares to convert anybody. Her great object is not to disgust Burton with
religion; consequently she does not fast or go often to church, or do anything
that might annoy him: she confesses once a week, however—Did not admit that
indulgences are given for future sins, but only for the past. Thought it always
doubtful whether indulgences took effect; one could not tell; a certain female
saint who had had many indulgences appeared after he death to say only one of
them had answered. Later she told us about her marriage. Burton had asked
her twice, but her family would not allow it. At last he gave her the choice
between losing him altogether, & marrying her secretly. She did the latter, &
was his wife 2 months before her people knew. At the end of that time she told
them all & was forgiven, & he became a great favourite with her father and
mother.

Mrs. Burton had prophesied on the 5th when mesmerized that her husband
would come into some money in February. Promised to write and tell us if it
were so.

Blanche was very anxious indeed to be mesmerized & a sort of attempt was
made to do it in the morning, but she did not go far enough to be in a trace.
Airlie & I were in the room. Mrs. B. was kept in ignorance & at first declared
she was certain he was not doing it; but afterwards found out. He pretended
(whether truly or not one cannot say) that it would all go to her if she knew, &
that last time she had been so hysterical as to make it unpleasant. She does not
believe this. After dinner we had the mummers; & then Blanche was actually
mesmerized, Maud & Airlie being present. Mrs. Burton was in a state of rage (as
was natural) because she was not admitted & would not allow it to be done
alone with Maude ... .

10
Bertrand and Patricia Russell eds. The Amberley Papers: the Letters and Diaries of
Bertrand Russell's parents (New York: Norton, 1937) pp. 347-50.

4.
 1865/01/09. Lord John Russell.

6. 1865/01/09. Lord John Russell.11

Sunday [9]. We heard this morning that there had been an awful row after we
had gone to bed between Burton & his wife, because she was so angry at his
mesmerizing without her. She said he would now be doing it with women who
were not so nice. He was angry at this & affected to think it folly, that he had
himself said that if any man mesmerized her he would kill the man & her too, a
threat that I dare say he is quite capable of executing.

7. 1865/01/09. Katherine Louisa (Stanley) Russell.12

Monday 9th Jan—

The Burtons left in the morning … .

8. 1865/02/09. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.13

Dear Lord Houghton

I thank you so much for the enclosure to Lady Castlerosse14 just received—we
had a pleasant ten days in Dublin 7 hard days on Irish cars in wind, snow & rain
seeing 2 thirds of Ireland now we are back in Dublin till Wednesday when we go
to Lady Drogheda’s & from there to all the Southern half of Ireland & embark
from Cork to Bristol. Lord & Lady [Wadham] have been very kind & we like them
much. They seem very popular & to do things very nicely. The Irish are very
hospitable & we drive out every night. I hope Robin got his rabbits safe. Sir B
Burke is claiming as a right for all the eldest sons of Baronets to be knights. The
first man O'Donnell is to be knighted in a few days they say. Then anyone else
of the first batch of Baronets who claim it will get it.

The poverty of Ireland is all talk. We have seen none of it except in Tuam & that
is truly horrible for dirt & poverty & they are the lowest kind of Irish. We have

11
Bertrand and Patricia Russell eds. The Amberley Papers: the Letters and Diaries of
Bertrand Russell's parents (New York: Norton, 1937) pp. 347-50.
12
Bertrand and Patricia Russell eds. The Amberley Papers: the Letters and Diaries of
Bertrand Russell's parents (New York: Norton, 1937) pp. 347-50.
13
Houghton 4/182.
14
Gertrude Thynne, who had married Viscount Castlerosse (Lord Kenmare) in 1858.

5.
 1865/04/22. Richard Burton to Frank Wilson.

only seen one pretty peasant girl & not yet a model Irishman with a swallow tail
coat & broken hat with a pipe in it; I have hunted everywhere for one. Richd's
love & believe me

Yrs sincerely
Isabel Burton

Gresham's Hotel, Dublin

Feb 9th.

9. 1865/04/22. Richard Burton to Frank Wilson.15

Private

Care of Hertslet16
April 22

My dear Wilson

I send you a little poem written by a young friend of mine. It is a vy vile

thing & as such you may like it. Also enclose what will justify your sending me
copies from Hamiltons of all home accounts. I have applied for part of Pepple's17
fine to be employed upon the house18 & Livingstone ought to keep this up if it is
granted. You never write to me now or give me the news. De Ruvigny19 in
London, not well, goes home to Isle of Man until Pine20 comes home. I appear
before African Committee 27th inst.21 Saw John Laughland lately, he looked well.
[M. Castry] of Lagos vy jolly. Remember me most kindly to all old friends &
believe me ev

15
Quentin Keynes Collection, British Library. Add MS 88875 ff.30-1.
Undated ALS.
16
Edward Hertslet (1824-1902) the librarian at the Foreign Office.
17
King Pepple of Bonny.
18
The Consulate on Fernando Po.
19
De Ruvignes, see Register.
20
Richard Pine, Governor of the Gold Coast from 1861 to 1865.
21
This implies that the letter must date from 1865 since Burton appeared before the
African Committee on 1865/04/27.

6.
 1865/05/02? Richard Burton to James Hunt.

Yrs vy sincerely
Richd F. Burton

P.S. If they will kindly draw out the accounts please address them to me care of
Hertslet. How are the little nigs?

10. 1865/05/02? Richard Burton to James Hunt.22

May

My dear Hunt

Yours of 30th received. The corrected report has been returned. My

wife wants 25 copies I believe. Nothing from Bollaert23—if too late send them
to my name under care of HBM’s Consul India.24 Hastings paper charming.
That’s the style for me.

I dine at Richmond today & so cannot be present at the meeting but will
assuredly try the [Euston] at a late hour. Give my love to my [friends] and
strongly advise them to produce or invent somebody who personally knows
something about Africa. Couldn’t Dr. Livingstone be prevailed upon to make a
counter statement? However I am glad that you have opened the bale and they
little know the phase through which the popular mind is now passing who treat
it with contempt. We are slowly but surely emerging from ’ministering children’,
’The Xstian Donkey Driver’ etc. etc.

a vous
Richd F. Burton

22
Quentin Keynes Collection, British Library. Undated, the year is tentatively imputed
from the contents, since both Burton and Livingstone were in England in 1864/5.
23
William Bollaert (1807-1876) Hon. Secretary of the Anthropological Society.
24
Burton must have meant Santos as there is no plausible year after 1861 when India
would be a sensible place to send correspondence to him. Hunt died in 1869.

7.
 1865/06/02. Frederick Hankey to Monckton Milnes.

11. 1865/06/02. Frederick Hankey to Monckton

Milnes.25

Mio caro26 Houghton

How ungrateful you must have thought me to leave you all this time
without a line from me but I was determined rather that you should think me
ever so much so than to write to you without being able to tell you that I have
at least done one of the many things I have promised without being able to
execute so long. I will not here enter into all the many ennuis that have so
completely taken up my life for the last two or three years but I will tell you as it
is the one that has been the greatest empêchement27 to the fulfilment of all
those promises that I have been obliged all this time to separate myself from my
Books & keep them locked up at the Embassy with Atley,28 fearing some
malheur29 might happen to them in consequence of the difficulties of my
position, which I have often told you of, & it is only a few days ago that I have at
last thought I could take them back & which I have done though perhaps
imprudently. Also it is only now that I have at last discovered an artist worthy in
all ways of the different works I have long had in contemplation. He is a perfect
Caligraphe,30 a Painter & a Poet into the bargain & all that in the most complete
& classically erotic style. The greatest possible trouvaille31 for me. He is
excessively complaisant & has been for the last week hard at work chez moi32
copying for you in very nice ornamental style my “Pannier aux ordures”33 par
Armand Gouffé34 et autres. It will not be long doing (about a fortnight) & as soon
as ready I will let you have it through my good little friend here at the Embassy

25
Houghton Papers, DF-2-2-22.
26
My dear.
27
Impediment.
28
Falconer John Atley, soon to be British Consul at Paris on the 24 th of that month, but
at the time of writing private secretary to the British Ambassador and librarian of the
Embassy.
29
Misfortune.
30
Calligraphe, i.e. a calligrapher.
31
Find.
32
At home.
33
Panier aux ordures, the refuse cart.
34
1775-1845.

8.
 1865/06/02. Frederick Hankey to Monckton Milnes.

Jemmy Ellis.35 You will be much pleased with it I am sure both as matter & the
way it is executed under my special direction, exactly like the original in form &
all, & if plus tard36 you wish the flagellation M.S. done by him the same artist
with appropriate ornament nothing will now be easier & more simple to have
done. You will see therefore that we will have lost nothing by waiting all this
time.

I am glad you approve of the Erotic Dictionnaire as I consider it one of the best
& most useful publications we have had lately. The author of it is a Monsr. Alfred
Delvau,37 author of Les cytherees de Paris38 &c. I don’t know him, but could
easily become acquainted with him which I shall perhaps do one of these days
when all the persecutions that are going on at the moment against Editors,
Libraires39 & all connected with erotic works are at an end. Gay,40 the Editor of
the Dictionnaire, & a lot of others connected with the Malassis41 late works are
all to receive judgement at the criminal court tomorrow.

I enclose you a prospectus of the new & magnificent Edition of Musset's Works.42
I have subscribed for Turner & several other friends & for myself. Do you wish
me to do the same for you? There is a large & complete Prospectus on thick
paper in quarto the same as of the Edition but I can't put it in my letter so send
you one cut out of the Presse some time ago.

Arbuthnot43 I expect from India on four years leave the 6th of next this month.
He is going to live here with me in my a back appartment.44 Perhaps we45 may

35
This can only have been the Hon. George James Welbore Agar-Ellis, the 2nd Secretary
at the Embassy. Brother of the 3rd Viscount Clifden.
36
Later.
37
1825-1867.
38
Les Cythères parisiennes (1864).
39
Bookstores.
40
Presumably Victor Gay (1820-1887).
41
Auguste Poulet-Malassis (1825-1878), publisher of ornate editions of Baudelaire.
42
Alfred Musset (1810-1857).
43
Forster Fitzgerald Arbuthnot, see Register.
44
Apartment.
45
That is, Hankey and his mistress Annie—see Register.

9.
 1865/06/02. Frederick Hankey to Monckton Milnes.

come over to London with him the end of the month. Write to me soon pour
me donner de vos nouvelles et pour me dire que vous ne m'en voulez pas.46

46
to give me your news and tell me you do not want me.

10.
1865/06/02. Frederick Hankey to Monckton Milnes.

Figure 1. Fred Hankey to Monckton Milnes 1865/06/02.

11.
 1865/06/02. Frederick Hankey to Monckton Milnes.

12.
1865/06/02. Frederick Hankey to Monckton Milnes.

13.
 1865/06/02. Frederick Hankey to Monckton Milnes.

14.
 1865/08/05. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

12. 1865/08/05. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.47

Hampton House
[…] Malvern
Augt 5th

Dear Lord Houghton

I leave London on the 8th & sail from Southampton on 9th Sept. I continue to get
cheery notes at intervals from dear Richd. He is amusing himself on the Coast &
joins me at Rio on 9th October. I want to ask you if you can without any trouble
or unpleasantness to yourself write to the Duc D'Aumale if he would give us a
good word with the Comte and Comtesse D'Eu at Rio.48 I suppose one doesn't
ask for a letter of introduction but whatever is right for the Royal Family. We
shall be presented in the usual way & Richard must be under their notice in his
official capacity but one is always received better if one knows somebody at
home who is interested about one & if you could do this it wd be very kind as it
is the only good society on the Coast (the entourage of the Emperor) & I should
not like Richard to begin with any other. Did you see Capt. Mangles,49 the man
who is the Director of our future line of steamers. I am travelling about saying
goodbye & return to town on 23d 27 Upper Montagu St. might find me if you shd
be so kind as to write. I fear there is no chance of my seeing you before I leave.
I cannot bear saying goodbye—which I have to do daily just now. The weather
is very bad. I hope it is coming on now & will clear up before I leave as I shall
have 5 weeks of it. Give my best regards to Lady Houghton & believe me yrs
most sincerely Isabel Burton.

13. 1865/10/23. Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes. 50

Rio de Janeiro
Oct. 23. / 65

47
Houghton 4/183.
48
Gaston d'Orléans (1842–1922), Count of Eu, who had married Princess Isabel of
Brazil.
49
Captain C. E. Mangles M. P., Director of the Royal Mail Steam Packet Company.
50
Houghton 228/30. ALS.

15.
 1865/10/23. Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.

Caro Milnes

I send this note by my friend Hunt, Consul Rio.51 You will find him un de
nous52 and full of information about a country of which people in England do not
appear to know much. He has also a letter to the boy Bunny.53

We leave for Santos about the end of this month. Admiral Elliot I believe
accompanies us. It is a wretched hole but within 40 miles lies S. Paulo a more
tolerable place of exile.

I wonder what Baker54 will have to say about the Nile. The Anthropos
must be very savage!

Hodgson will like Ceylon—Lady Bruce I hear has gone with him.55 I hope
sincerely that you and yours are flourishing. My kindest remembrances to the
Lady and believe me ever

Yrs vy truly,
Richd F. Burton

51
George S. Lennon Hunt, see Register.
52
‘One of us’.
53
F.F. Arbuthnot.
54
Samuel White Baker, see Register.
55
Colonel Studholme John Hodgson (1800-1890) who had married Lady Caroline Bruce
nee Thistlethwayte in 1853. He was later promoted to General and took up command
of the British forces in Ceylon in 1865.

16.
1865/10/23. Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.

Figure 2. Richard Burton to Lord Houghton 1865/10/23.

17.
 1865/10/23. Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.

18.
1865/10/23. Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.

19.
 1865/—/—? Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.

14. 1865/—/—? Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.56

Monday-noon

My dear Houghton

I had hoped till the last moment that my petite sante57 would have let me meet
you at 11 today. But helas a bran mash58 was all permitted to me.

Sincl. yrs
Richd F. Burton

15. 1865/—/—. Isabel Burton to Albert Tootal.59

Dear Mr. Tootal

You very kindly told me that I might ask you to do any thing for me in
Rio. I know you sing & if you should happen to know of any of those gay little
Andalusian songs—Bull fight, contrabandista, or gipsey things I should be so
grateful if you wd buy me 3 or 4 & send them to me. Mr. Hollecombe will repay
you for me any little expenses you may incur. I am spoony on everything Spanish
& have got a guitar & castanets. If you come across one called Libertad Libertad
[Sacro S…]60 I should like it.

We have had a charming cruise. We went to Ilha Grande, St. Sebastian, The
Large & anchored at Santos. We had great fun coming up to St. Paulo in the
present state of the railroad. I wish you had been with us. I intend to make
myself content here.

St. Paulo is pretty & is a pleasant climate. My chief difficulty is getting

comfortable diggings to settle in & that done I shall be very happy. Remember
me kindly to your Mother & sister.

56
Houghton 228/31. ALS MS.
57
Little health.
58
A hot remedy given to horses, supposedly to warm them up, on cold winter days.
59
Huntington Library, Richard Francis Burton Papers, Box 23. RFB 261.
60

20.
 1865/—/—. Isabel Burton to Albert Tootal.

Richd is at Santos or wd send you all sorts of messages as you are a particular
favourite of his. Believe me

Yours very truly

Isabel Burton

P.S. I believe there is a special music shop in the Rua Direita.

16. 1865/—/—. Isabel Burton to Albert Tootal.61

Dear Mr. Tootal

Pray do not think me ungrateful for the songs my reason for not writing
was that I got yr notes & music in that detestable Santos. I moved back to St.
Paulo on the 12th & have been here a fortnight tomorrow, 11 days of which I
have worked like a black unpacking & arranging 57 trunks. At last I am settled
for 4 months only it is so difficult to get a suitable place to live in. I like some of
the songs very much & am so much obliged to you for all yr trouble for me. I
want very much a Portuguese [madrinha]62 called O Trobador—& a recitation
sung by Miss—I can’t remember the name—a Spanish child daughter of a
Spanish lady who is a great deal at [Escandons]63 and a Spanish Porto Rico song
El sereni. I hope you asked Mr. [Hollecombe] to refund the little expenses.

The pleasantest society I have found here are Mr. & Mrs. Hutchins & a
[Mr.] Prado & daughters. Richard is gone to the mines at Iguape & I expect him
back next week. By the bye everybody has seen Frasers except us. I suppose
ours have missed.

I am half asleep having been to a long midnight mass so excuse this stupid note—
I could not delay any longer. With best regards to yr family believe me yrs
sincerely

Isabel Burton

61
Huntington Library, Richard Francis Burton Papers, Box 23. RFB 262.
62

63

21.
 1865. Richard Burton on Winwood Reade.

70 Rua do Carmo
St. Paulo
Brazil

17. 1865. Richard Burton on Winwood Reade.64

Captain Burton said it is a pleasing task to comment upon the excellent paper
with which we have just been favoured. There is open to our young society a
wide field in the discussion and ventilation of those great popular questions
which society at large seems to hold as settled, when no one has hitherto been
allowed to answer them. Let the honour of the attempt be ours, and the
anthropologist should assume as his motto the old line—

Homo sum, humani nil a me alienum puto.65

I venture also to compliment my friend Mr. Reade upon his views of that branch
of social science popularly known as missionary enterprise. He has also very
properly preferred the abstract to the concrete style of treatment; and whilst he
has denounced missions, he has not denounced missionaries. I shall follow in
his steps, merely supplementing his West African experiences by a conscientious
account, and necessarily a bird's eye view of my observations in Western India,
the prairie tribes of America, and tropical Africa generally. By way of preface, a
few lines may be devoted to considering the motives which induce the public to
subscribe so largely to the support of missions. In the fiery days of the Crusades,
men armed themselves and rode forth to cure the soul of the infidel by spoiling
his body—a peculiar proceeding, of which, unhappily, modern instances have
not been wanting. In our softer times, men are content to pay for substitutes.
Many mulct themselves for the best of motives, an earnest desire to carry out
the commands of their faith. Many do so because it is the fashion, and because
they love to see their names in print. Some look upon the missionary as the
forerunner of the merchant. Others appear to think that such liberality "
purifies," as the Arabs say, their property. There are men whose principal profits
in the African trade are derived from such abominations as selling pestilent rum,
and supplying negroes with arms and ammunition wherewith to enslave or
slaughter one another. Yet these men will subscribe largely to missions. With

64
The Anthropological Review Vol. 3, March 14th 1865, pp. clxix–clxxv.
65
“I am human: I regard nothing pertaining to man foreign to me”.

22.
 1865. Richard Burton on Winwood Reade.

respect to the oft-agitated question of difference between the Catholic and the
Protestant style of proselytising, I have offered an opinion in a work lately
published (A Mission to Dahome, vol. 1, chap. iv). Against the former there is a
common charge, namely, that though ardent and self-sacrificing; and though
prompt to endure every discomfort, even that of celibacy, where it is least
endurable, they are too accommodating to heathenism, and therefore they do
not last. This may have been the case in the days when Jesuit and Jansenist
contended for the conquest of the convert. But it is not so now. The French
mission at Whydah has constantly incurred the persecution of the local
Fetishmen, yet from April 1861 to the present date they have never made a
convert. The Spanish missionaries at Fernando Po, established in 1858, have
failed as notably amongst the Bube; they cannot even persuade the wild women
around them to add another inch to their half-foot of attire. And what has
become of the noble establishment which, in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries attacked the superstitions of the Congoese? Their cathedrals and
churches are level with the ground, their priests are dead, and here and there a
crucifix hanging round a pagan's neck, tells the tale of past times. When
marching towards the cataracts of the Congo River in 1863, I asked my guide the
meaning of a pot of grease tufted with feathers, and stuck in a tree. "That," he
replied, “is Meu Deus.” The words sounded peculiar. On the other hand,
Protestant missions are described as being, like the constitution which breeds
them, comfortable and feeble, offering salaries to married men, who, in
squabbles about outfits, passages, re-passages, and conveyance of children,
manage to spend about half a million per annum, which had much better be
transferred to Connaught and to Western Ireland. The material upon which all
missions practise may briefly be described as Christian, Moslem, and Pagan. The
firstnamed is perhaps the most unmanageable; witness Abyssinia, to which I
propose reverting. The Moslem, hardly less amenable to Trinitarian doctrine, is,
as Mr. Reade has justly remarked, a heterodox Christian, in fact a modern Arian,
and the nineteenth century lacks an Athanasius to put him down. The Arab
Prophet or rather Apostle never pretended to found a new faith; his mission was
to restore to its original purity the religion revealed by God to man, through the
succession of Adamical, Noachian, Mosaic, and Christian dispensations. The
Pagans may be divided into two great families. The civilised, for instance, the
Japanese, Chinese, and Hindus having various settled forms of worship, and
mythologies more or less extensive, have rejected Christianity. The uncivilised,

23.
 1865. Richard Burton on Winwood Reade.

as the Africans and the American aborigines, have either accepted the new
religion, like the tribes subject to the Amazon missions, or have ignored it, as in
Africa. Mr. Reade has perhaps said too much when he sees no reason why the
negro should refuse the faith of his masters. It is impossible, save to those who
have dwelt long among these people, to understand the influence which
Fetishism exercises over their most trivial actions. Nor does the negro, as a rule,
believe in a future state. The abolition of polygamy is to him what it would be
to us, a forbiddal of marriage. When we would instill our ideas into his mind, we
are teaching him Euclid or Aristotle, before he knows what an alphabet means.
The language of Holy Writ is a mystery to him. How express in Kiswahili grapes
and thistles? In the pathetic passage, "O Jerusalem, Jerusalem, thou that slayest
the prophets," the only intelligible expression is the slaying. During a residence
of nearly eight years in Western India, I had an opportunity of seeing the effects
of modern missionary preaching. Portuguese Goa was Christianised by the racks
and gibbets of Albuquerque; and what the Church had taken to her maternal
bosom the Inquisition kept there. At present, "the Mikonari log"—missionary
folk—have succeeded with a few of the lower castes, and in the case of the
higher castes have converted the Brahman into a Vedantist; have made a
Monotheist of a Polytheist. He will eat beef, drink wine, and use paper; but
beyond that his ideas are with the Essence of the Vedas. Splendid accounts of
missionary successes have at times reached England. I do not accuse their
authors of any dishonesty, but I assert that their pictures are unconsciously far
too highly coloured. The general public account of missions to the Prairie tribes
of North America is as follows :—The Churchman begins with zeal, and continues
more or less long till he finds out that he is twisting a rope of sand. At length
totally depressed by the deadening barbarism of the herd, he sinks to the
condition of a comfortable married man, and he loafs about where forts and
military camps promise him protection. Even the Mormons, who have worked
such marvels amongst the mechanics of Wales and Northern England, have
failed to bring the Yutas into the pale of the Church. And if they do not succeed,
who will? And now to proceed to Africa. The head-quarters of missionary
enterprise on the West Coast may be placed at Sierra Leone. Almost all the
negro denizens of the " Red Grave" are Christians. The traveller expects
therefore to find there a purer morality, a higher social state. But he is doomed
to be disappointed. The churches, and chapels, and meeting-houses are
crowded, the Sabbaths are well kept as days of rest, and so they would be if

24.
 1865. Richard Burton on Winwood Reade.

there were 365 in the year. But there is neither honesty amongst men nor
honour to be found in women; the hospitals are full of syphilis and gonorrhoea;
and robbery is the rule of life.66 Amongst the pure pagans such abuses are
corrected by fire and steel, not so amongst these negro Christians. And despite
their change of creed, the old superstitions are perpetually cropping out; the
same man who worships at the little Bethel will adore Shango the Thunder God
in the bush. Next in the chain are the Episcopalian missions furnished by Anglo-
America to the Liberians. Near Cape Palmas resides a missionary bishop, a divine
of exemplary piety, learning, and energy. Again, I agree with Mr. Reade in his
eulogium of our transatlantic brethren. The American, totally unlike the
Englishman, understands the negro before leaving his own country; he is a
practical man, not a theoretical philanthropist; and he avoids both sets of
extreme opinions. I have visited Congo and Gaboon, as well as Cape Palmas, and
everywhere I have seen noble efforts wasted. The Kruman of Liberia is still one
of the most thoroughbred pagan tribes on the West African Coast, his polity is
an aristocratic republic, probably the worst form of government ever invented
by man; and his life at home is a succession of petty slaughterings. Yet pagan
and savage as he is, the Kruman has ever been par excellence the labouring man
of northern tropical Africa, and those of Cape Palmas contrast favourably with
their brethren of Sierra Leone. On the infamous Gulf of Guinea we find the Cape
Coast missions, Wesleyans. They have orders not to interfere in politics, and
have extended their operations to Komasi, capital of Ashante. You may imagine
their success, when the king sacrifices a man per day, excepting only his
birthdays. They have also tried a mulatto administration, and they found that it
did not answer in a pecuniary sense. A little to the east lie the Basle missions,
who systematically oppose the officers of government upon all points, who
advertise their interests in the African Times, and who display an inhospitality
somewhat exceptional.

On the Slave Coast we have at Whydah the Wesleyans, who contrast sadly with
the Lyons mission. Our unfortunate ministers are mulattoes, whose wretched
salaries compel them to support their large families by the sale of arms and
ammunition, rum and urinals. Amongst them there have been scandals, into
which I will not enter. Their neighbouring station is Badagry, where a single

66
One cannot resist pointing out that Burton himself contracted syphilis, and most
likely died of it when its final tertiary stage developed.

25.
 1865. Richard Burton on Winwood Reade.

mulatto saunters through life amidst nonchalant barbarians, Popos, and others.
The next in the chain is Lagos, celebrated for its quarrels between consuls and
missionaries in olden days. It is the port of Abeokuta, where Episcopalians and
Methodists, Northern Baptists, Southern Baptists, and now, I believe, Roman
Catholics, offer difficulties to the negro in search of the best of religions. This
“nearly Christian city,” as some have miscalled it, is a den of abominations;
human sacrifice abounds there, and its people, the Egbas, popularly called Akus,
have made for themselves the worst of names from Sierra Leone to Brazil.

We now enter the ill-omened Bight of Biafra. It contains five great centres of
trade, known as the Oil Rivers, and of these two, the Old Calabar and the
Camaroons, have missionary establishments. The former are Scotch
Presbyterians, the latter English Baptists, under the wing of Sir Morton Peto. I
can only say that these two rivers gave me far more trouble than all the rest of
the coast. The Old Calabar displays abominations unknown to other negro
tribes. The Camaroons is in a chronic state of murder. The arm of flesh, in the
shape of a gun-boat, is invoked by these gentlemen with a regular periodicity
when there is an excess of torturing and poisoning. There are frequent feuds
between missionaries and merchants, as the former will interfere in local
interests, often trade for themselves, and make a living by breeding dissensions.
King Pepple of the Bonny River, who was baptised by a metropolitan bishop, in
company with a wife, then dubbed Eleanor Queen Pepple, fired with desire to
obtain such assistance, ordered his poet laureate to indite a hymn beginning—

"O who shall succour Bonny's king?"

And applied to a lady well known for princely generosity for the sum of £20,000
to build houses and keep a mission. As that potentate's kingdom consists of a
single mud-bank, upon which it is death for a white man to pass the night, I can
hardly regret that he failed. The traders are delighted; they find the people bad
enough without learning to forge acceptances, and to write to missionary papers
garbled accounts, which are licked into shape at home.

I can speak only from hearsay of the Niger missions. That excellent traveller the
late Dr. Baikie, thought it advisable to place the breadth of the river between
them and himself. They are now directed by Bishop Crowther, by far the best
specimen of African that I have yet met. He labours, however, under the

26.
 1865. Richard Burton on Winwood Reade.

disadvantages of a certain high priest; he has a family of sons who are as bad as
he is good, and he firmly believes in their goodness.

Briefly reviewing the West Coast of Africa, I find the oldest seat of our English
Christianity the most depraved of all the settlements, and generally a balance in
favour of the pagans, compared with the native Christians. For the latter do not,
as when adopting El Islam, drop their abominations of infanticide and human
sacrifice, witchslaying, and poison ordeals. Christianity floats on their minds, but
Mumbo Jumbo dwells in their inmost recesses. Even in the Confederate States
of America I found that slaves bred and born in the country had leavened their
new religion with not a little of their old faith.

I need hardly enlarge upon the fate of the Oxford and Cambridge missions on
the Zambezi River. Every one in the room knows as much about them as I do.
But upon my return from Africa in 1859, a reverend gentleman called upon me,
and after expounding his plan asked me to speak upon the subject. I consented,
remarking, however, that he might like to hear what the spirit would move me
to say. He assented. I informed him that my sentiments upon the subject were,
that those who engaged in the enterprise might suicide themselves if they
wished, but that it would be murder for them to take their wives and children.
My reverend visitor observed that, under the circumstances, he would not
trouble me to express my opinions.

With the last African or Mombas mission I am personally acquainted. Years ago
this ill-fated establishment had spent a sum of £12,000, and what were the
results. In 1857, when calling at the missionary station of Rabbai Mpia, near
Mombas, I was informed that a wild-looking negro, whose peculiar looks caused
me to get my bowie-knife handy, was “a very dear person to us; he is our first
and only convert.” “Yes,” added the husband, with an amount of simplicity
which might provoke a smile but for the melancholy thoughts that it breeds,
“and he was prepared for Christianity by an attack of insanity, caused by the
death of all his relations,—and lasting five years.”

I now come to Abyssinia, where the saddest tale of all remains to be told.
Ethiopia, commonly known as Habash or Abyssinia, is a Christian empire, once
rich and powerful, whose emperors derive their lineage from Menelek, son of
Solomon by the Queen of Sheba, and "whose progenitors” (to quote the words
of a valuable pamphlet, The British Captives in Abyssinia, by Charles T. Beke, Ph.

27.
 1865. Richard Burton on Winwood Reade.

D., London, Longmans, 1865) “received the Christian faith, and possessed a
native version of the Holy Scriptures as early as the fourth century.” Of course
this land of primitive Christianity was a suitable field for missionary enterprise,
even whilst the savage Gallas, Shangallas, Danakils, and Somal remained
unconverted. The result was a mission, established by the Church Missionary
Society. “The first missionaries, of whom Dr. Gobat, now Anglican bishop of
Jerusalem, was one, arrived in Tigre towards the end of 1829; and the mission
continued till 1838, when (as stated by Bishop Gobat) ‘through the influence of
certain members of the Church of Rome, opposition was raised against the
missionaries by the Abyssinian priests, and they were compelled to quit the
country, and return to Egypt.’ ” They took refuge in Shoa, and a Roman Catholic
mission was forthwith established by Padre Giuseppe Sapeto, “who had for its
head,” I quote Dr. Beke, “Padre de Jacobis, a Neapolitan of noble family, under
whose able directions it took deep root in Abyssinia, where it still exists,
notwithstanding the disgraces and subsequent death of its amiable and
accomplished chief, who, in addition to his zeal for the spread of his faith, was
the prince of political intriguers.”

The Chief Krapf, alias Theodore Emperor of Abyssinia, having firmly seated
himself on the throne, granted the establishment of a new Protestant mission in
April 1856. It was originated by the Protestant missionary Krapf, who had
entered the country in 1842, and whose intolerance, bigotry, and interference
with political matters had caused him to be expelled from Tigre and Shoa. This
mission of lay handicraftsmen was supplied by the British and Foreign Bible
Society with books and money to the amount of nearly £1000.

I need not dwell upon the disappointment of that enterprise. It is impossible to

read the received version of the affair without perceiving that the arrogance of
the Rev. Mr. Stern, who, unsummoned, would force himself into the king's
presence, caused the detention and torture of Messrs. Stern and Rosenthal, and
I deeply regret to add, of my unfortunate friend Captain Cameron.67 After the

67
The British Consul in Abyssinia, who was held captive. Not to be confused with Lieut.
Cameron the African explorer and later collaborator of Burton’s. William Rossetti
recorded that Swinburne had been excited by the details of Cameron’s confinement
and torture. “Saturday, 29 May.—... In the evening went round to Brown's, where
were Scott, Gabriel, and Swinburne; who had brought round Consul Cameron, the late
Abyssinian captive, whom he has just got to know through Consul Burton, and for

28.
 1865. Richard Burton on Winwood Reade.

last reports (Feb. 3, 1865) Dr. Beke concludes, “The condition of the captives was
said not to have improved ; but, on the contrary, death seemed to offer to them
the only prospect of deliverance from their misery.”

After this brief and cursory review of African missions, I would ask leave for a
few words of present explanation.

The people of England is determined to missionarise, it will not regard failure; it

considers proselytism a sacred duty. And how then to oppose it? And what
arrogance is it to oppose a single voice to the united opinions of millions?

I reply, that it is our duty as travellers and citizens to relate the truth, however
unpalatable. Moreover, that the voice of millions is apt to change its tone. The
subject of slavery in the Confederate States has greatly altered in aspect during
the last few years.

A facetious journal charges me with a rabid hatred against anything in a natural

or an artificial black coat. This I deny. Many of my best friends wear artificial
sables, and my only dislike to the natural article is when it is whitewashed. But
I must sympathise with my friend Commander Charles Stuart Forbes, R.N., who
in a bold and able pamphlet dared to contend that our slave-preventing
squadron on the West Coast of Africa, which, not to take count of invaluable life
and health, costs an over-taxed people nearly a million per annum, should be
supported by voluntary contributions. And after some experience of the
agricultural districts in Essex, to speak of nothing more, I would willingly see a
fair proportion of the half a million now expended on missions amongst savages

whom he seems to have conceived an excessive affection. The Consul [Cameron] is a

man of large physique, but still suffering considerably from the effects of his fetters,
etc.; and there is something strange and inconclusive in his demeanour, which Brown
thought must arise from his having been drinking, but which I should rather be inclined
to attribute to his strange experiences and sufferings, long seclusion from civilized life,
etc. Swinburne says that Theodore tortured Cameron on one occasion, tying his whole
frame up in ropes so tight that he could not only not move, but scarcely could perform
any animal or vital function whatever: at last he fainted, or would probably have died.
Cameron, who is an aristocrat, believes there will be a fighting revolution in England
within three or four years.” William Rossetti Rossetti papers, 1862-1870: a compilation
(1903) p. 394.

29.
 1865. Kenneth Robert Henderson Mackenzie.

transferred to the Arabs of our cities, and to others who have the misfortune to
be born without natural black coats in a civilised land.

18. 1865. Kenneth Robert Henderson Mackenzie.68

Cannibal club—A dining club connected with the Anthropological Society of

London, consisting of the founders and. certain of the principal members,
among whom were Captain R. F. Burton, Dr. James Hunt, Dr. R. S. Charnock, Mr.
Algernon C. Swinburne, Mr. J. Frederick Collingwood, myself, and many others.
On the death of Dr. Hunt, August 29, 1869, the founder of the society, the club
fell into desuetude. There were many Masons members of this club.

19. 1865. Henry Richard Vizetelly.69

The late hours I have spoken of were due to a little coterie to which I then
belonged, whose members thought it the greatest enjoyment in life to prolong
the night until an hour or two before sunrise. We commonly met when the day's
work was over at Stone's in Panton-street, where journalists, artists, wits, critics,
and men in public offices were accustomed to assemble, and where parties were
made up to dine together at some neighbouring restaurant. The one most in
favour was Rouget's in Castle-street, a survival of some French dining place
dating back to the emigration of 1792, where passable French cookery and
excellent French wines were to be had at moderate prices. Among its habitual
frequenters were several notable personages, and there was one whom I
particularly remember—a short, slightly-built youth, remarkable for a shock of
ruddy hair, who always dined at a table by himself in solitary state. All that
appeared to be known of him was that he had lately left Oxford, though it was
rumoured he had written some remarkable Greek epigrams, and this
circumstance, coupled with his singular personal appearance, caused him to be
regarded with a certain curiosity. The youth in question was Algernon Charles
Swinburne, who a few years afterwards leapt into fame with his “Atalanta in
Calydon.”

68
Kenneth R. H. Mackenzie Royal Masonic Cyclopaedia, part 1 (London: J. Hogg, 1877)
p. 103.
69
Glances back through seventy years: autobiographical and other reminiscences by
Henry Vizetelly (London: Kegan Paul, 1893) pp. 45-6, 48-9, 113-4.

30.
 1865. Henry Richard Vizetelly.

After they had dined, the habitual gamblers of the coterie adjourned to play
cards, while others made up parties to the theatre, and later on in the evening
generally found it necessary to refresh their exhausted frames at the Albion or
the Cafe de l'Europe in company with actors and newspaper men, but oftener in
a more mixed assembly at Evans's subterranean supper rooms at the corner of
the Covent-garden piazza, where it was no uncommon thing to find Thackeray,
Jacob Omnium, Serjeant Ballantine, Albert Smith, Shirley Brooks, Morgan John
O'Connell, Peter Cunningham, Lionel Lawson, Captain Burton, and crazy
Chisholm Anstey; with “Paddy” Green strolling vacuously round, and chatting
with one or the other of his “dear boys,” as he delighted to call all those whom
he addressed. When Evans's closed, there were still ample opportunities of
misspending time in the mixed society of roistering swells, professional men of
lax habits, retired prize-fighters, music-hall singers, imbecile young fellows
about town, and provincial greenhorns, at some of those nocturnal
establishments which then abounded in the neighbourhood of the Haymarket.
…

Among the members of “the Sheridan” who have passed away are the two
younger brothers of Charles Dickens,—Alfred,—whose pet name of Boz when a
youngster furnished Dickens, as we know, with his world-renowned
pseudonym—notable for his marvellous flow of spirits, reaching its height just
as morning was breaking, and everyone else was thoroughly used up; while Fred,
another slave to late hours, firmly believed that matutinal rum and milk was the
specific for all ailments misguided flesh is heir to. Another member was Gus
Mayhew, merriest of men and pleasantest of companions, who told the funniest
of stories and wrote the drollest of farces; and on succeeding to his modest
inheritance, kept open house for his friends in an old Kentish mansion; then
retired to an obscure Derbyshire village to retrench, and such are the freaks of
fate, subsided in his later years into an almost misanthropic breeder of pug dogs.

Then there was Gus's elder brother Horace who, from his aristocratic mien and
premature baldness, coupled with his propensity for pursuing pretty women,
Wiltshire Austin christened “the wicked old marquis,” but who was commonly
known to his intimate friends by the pet appellation of “Ponny.” He was for
many years sub-editor of “Punch,” which published his amusing “Model Men
and Women,” but his smartest contribution to the humorous literature of the
period was a shilling brochure called “Letters left at a pastrycook's.” The latest

31.
 1865. Henry Richard Vizetelly.

of late hours were Ponny Mayhew's bane. For a quarter of a century—save an

annual fortnight devoted to recruiting himself at Scarborough or elsewhere—he
scorned to seek repose before the milkman started on his rounds, and during
the greater portion of the year never thought of rising until the sun had set,
when he would emerge from his Bond-street rooms spruce and gay as a lark.
Like the author of “the Two Roses,”

“He revelled 'neath the moon,

And slept beneath the sun.”

To the foregoing should be added Wiltshire Austin, mentioned above, an

indifferent writer, but a facile speaker, with a handsome and commanding
presence, who sacrificed the successful career at the bar which all his friends
prophesied for him to his fondness for ignoble ease and convivial indulgence;
Captain Burton, the adventurous traveller and hero of a famous Mecca
pilgrimage; Blanchard Jerrold, the popular journalist, and one of the most
versatile and diligent of authors, and a favourite with all his friends; with
Jerrold's two clever brothers-in-law, Sidney and Edmund Blanchard, sons of the
Laman Blanchard I knew at Orrin Smith's in the “thirties.” Edmund was an
inveterate railer against most things, but more especially at royalty and all its
doings; while Sidney presented both in appearance and manner an amusing
reflex of Sothern's famous Lord Dundreary. …

[George Augustus] Sala was feted a good deal on his return to England, and
among others by some aristocratic swells, half-a-dozen of the younger of whom
he invited to spend an evening in Guildford-street, promising, by way of a bait,
to introduce them to the same number of literary and artistic bohemians of the
genuine stamp. Horace Mayhew and I chanced to meet G. A. S. the same
afternoon, and he asked us to join the party. We arrived at Guildford-street at
the appointed time, and found the half-dozen bohemians spruce in new paper
collars and boisterously jolly—having been well feasted by their host—puffing
away at their cutty pipes while waiting the arrival of the blasé young fellows
whom they were expected to entertain. It is needless to publish their names;
still, I may mention that among them were one or two who every morning they
rose had no idea whether or not they would dine that day, and others who were
in the same blissful state of ignorance as to where they would pillow their heads
at night time.

32.
 1865. Henry Richard Vizetelly.

One of the fraternity formerly boasted possession of a luxurious three-pair back,

the rent of which he had allowed to get fearfully in arrear. He had, however, an
indulgent landlady, who darned his socks for him when he happened to own a
pair, and seemed willing enough to wait for the mythical “good time coming,”
which he was always putting her off with. Yet he exhausted her patience at last;
not, however, because the arrears of rent kept mounting up, but because of his
indulgence in certain bad habits which, do what she would, the poor woman was
unable to break him of. The fact is, like many another bohemian gourmet, he
had a weakness for fried fish, which he was particularly fond of supping off in
bed. His plan was to purchase a nicely-browned plaice or flounder the last thing
at night and carry it home with him wrapped in a piece of paper, and after he
was comfortably between the sheets to feast off it leisurely. The bed linen got
greased a good deal of course, but this the good-natured landlady did not so
much mind. What annoyed her was having to pick an infinity of small fish bones
out of her lodger's bed almost every day. This was too much for her long-tried
temper, and repeated remonstrances proving unavailing, she determined to cut
matters short; so one day when her incorrigible tenant had gone out in search
of a dinner, she turned the key of her comfortable three-pair back room upon
him for good.

To return, however, to the Guildford-street gathering. The young bloods from

the west soon turned up displaying an amplitude of elaborately-worked shirt-
front such as Bloomsbury was quite unaccustomed to. Oddly compounded as
the assemblage was, Sala's wonderful qualities as a host speedily put every one
at his ease, with the result that a general fraternization ensued and an
exceptionally jolly evening was spent. When shortly after midnight the
broughams and private cabs of the more affluent members of the party drove
up, their owners politely offered to drop the other guests anywhere they
pleased en route, but as most of the latter had no place of their own, and were
in the habit of pitching their tent for the night wherever circumstances willed,
they found these offers slightly embarrassing. However, the company
eventually dispersed—swells and Bohemians going off in pairs. In some cases
the swell carried off the bohemian to yawn away an hour or two at some late
west-end club, and in others the bohemian induced the swell to enlarge his
views of life within the limited area of an early Covent-garden coffee-house, so
that Sala's ingenious admixture of the opulent and impecunious classes was
altogether a complete success.

33.
 1865. Justin McCarthy.

I remember another evening in Guildford-street, the occasion, I think, being the

eve of our host's birthday. Among the guests were “Guy Livingstone” Lawrence,
squinting consumedly as usual; Captain Burton—the “Ruffian Dick” of his
intimate friends—on leave from Fernando Po, singularly quiet for a hero of
marvellous adventure, and chiefly remarkable from his bronzed scarred face;
Hepworth Dixon, garrulous and dogmatic, as became the critical Jupiter; about
half of the numerous brothers Mayhew; Blanchard Jerrold of “Lloyd's
Newspaper”; Rudolph Gustavus Glover, Sala's former chamber chum in
Clements' Inn—where, like Falstaff and Shallow, we often heard the chimes at
midnight—and sagacious, clear-sighted J. C. Parkinson, in whom several of us
thought we discerned a future chancellor of the exchequer. To these should be
added Edward Tinsley, the publisher of most of G. A. S.'s books. Our host, I
remember, returned thanks on his health being proposed during the small hours
of the morning, and kept his guests laughing heartily through a long speech, full
of humorous autobiographical reminiscences of his early days.

Later on Tinsley's health was drunk, and he replied in characteristic fashion,

detailing among other things his first arrival in the great metropolis on the top
of a haycart, with the traditional three half-pence in his pocket. …

20. 1865. Justin McCarthy.70

Before I became a resident of that Fitzroy Bohemia which I have described in

this book I used to make frequent excursions into a Bohemia which had its
headquarters in the region of Fleet Street. This was, as most persons would
naturally assume, a Bohemia of young authors, and journalists, and actors, and
of others who sought introduction into such companionship. There was a
literary club which used to meet in a Fleet Street hotel. I am sorry to say I have
forgotten the name of the club, and I do not know whether it still exists or has
passed into nothingness. George Augustus Sala was one of its members, and so
were William Black and Tom Hood and Hain Friswell, and many other old friends
of mine belonged to it.71 It was there that I first met Richard Burton, the
renowned traveller and explorer, the fearless soldier, the brilliant writer, the

70
Justin McCarthy Reminiscences (New York and London: Harper, 1899) pp. 284-9.
71
Many have supposed that McCarthy is referring here to the Cannibal Club, but the
membership list exactly matches the Savage Club. There is a possibility that McCarthy
was conflating the two clubs.

34.
 1865. Justin McCarthy.

dare-devil seeker of adventure, the fascinating companion. I do not know

whether the writers of novels and of descriptive passages in newspapers had got
into the use of the word magnetic at that time as an adjective illustrating the
attractive or commanding powers of some man or woman. If the word was then
in use it certainly must have been often applied to the influence of Richard
Burton. The first moment one met him the force of the magnetic influence was
felt. But the curious fact to which I wish to draw attention is that the Richard
Burton of those days was in manner and in bearing a totally different man from
the Richard Burton whom I knew at a later period of his existence and of mine.
The Richard Burton whom I met at the Fleet Street club and various other places
about the same time was a man of domineering presence and almost
overbearing manners. Dark, swarthy, loud-voiced, self-asserting, bearing down
all argument and all contradiction with a vehement self-reliance which had
something almost fierce in it, the Richard Burton of those days might have been
taken as the very type of a romantic young lady's ideal pirate, or captain of a
robber band. Burton dashed at an argument as he might have dashed against a
band of savage enemies on some African plain. Yet his manner somehow never
conveyed with it the least idea of boastfulness or exaggeration. No matter what
the man's self-assertion, the listener always felt convinced that there was no
mere boastfulness about him, and that all he said he had done, he really had
done and was ready to do again. The sense of power, of indomitable power, of
a spirit that never knew hesitation or fear, was borne out in every glance and
every word. It was impossible not to admire him, and yet I found it, at the time,
impossible to get rid of a certain feeling of dislike to him. Most of our writers,
even of our great writers, when they picture for us a loud-voiced, arrogant,
overbearing man, who boasts of his life of adventure and of daring, have painted
for us at the same time and in the same form a man who has not done half the
dare-devil deeds he boasts of having done, if, indeed, they have not pictured
him as a Thraso, or a Bessus, or a Parolles. Thus we have got into our minds that,
so far as literature is concerned, a blustering adventurer must be always more
or less of an impostor. But nobody with the least insight into human character
could have been in the company of Richard Burton for half an hour without
seeing that underneath all his swagger and self-assertion and eager desire to
control admiration, there was an absolutely fearless spirit and an abiding
determination to be accurate and literal in statement.

35.
 1865. Justin McCarthy.

21. 1865. Justin McCarthy.72

RICHARD BURTON was one of the celebrities of the early sixties. Indeed, he was
surrounded by the glamour of an almost mythical fame as well as by the strong
light of that fame which he had fairly kindled for himself. He had “lived a life of
sturt and strife,” to quote the words of the famous old Scottish ballad; he had
been soldier, traveller, explorer, had passed from danger to danger, from new
exploit to newer exploit, and had observed and turned to account everything he
saw. But even the wonderful feats he had accomplished were not enough to
satisfy his admirers, and he was credited with many adventures which had never
belonged to his career, and had never been recorded, described, or
acknowledged by him. He told me himself that certain episodes had been thus
introduced into his personal history and continued to be narrated as part of its
wonders, although he had not only never authorized the stories, but had even
denied them publicly over and over again without being able to get rid of them.
He had served under Sir Charles Napier in Scinde, had accomplished his famous
pilgrimage to Mecca, had taken part in the Crimean campaign, and gone with
Speke on the quest for the sources of the Nile before I came to know him. He
had acquired a full knowledge of Hindustani, Persian, and Arabic. The leading
passion of his life was his love for the East. He studied many other languages,
as well as those of Asia, and was a master of many literatures.

I first made Burton's acquaintance during one of his occasional visits to London,
where I had then settled down to a life of literature and journalism. I can well
remember my first meeting with him. There was a sort of club made up of rising
authors and journalists which used to hold its meetings at a small hotel in the
Fleet Street region. It was like one of the clubs belonging to the classic days of
Addison and Steele in the fact that it did not aspire to have any premises of its
own and was content to have the shelter of a room in an ordinary hostelry on
the evenings set out for its gatherings.

Among the men whom I remember in association with that club, and whose
names still live in public recollection, were George Augustus Sala and William
Black; and these two were of the company on the night when I first had the good

72
Justin McCarthy Portraits of the Sixties (New York and London: Harper, 1903) pp.
171-8.

36.
 1865. Justin McCarthy.

fortune to meet Richard Burton. I met him several times during that visit of his
to London; then an interval of several years took place, during which I saw
nothing of him, and then in days which do not belong to the sixties I renewed
my acquaintance with him and maintained it until his death. During the first
period of our acquaintance, the period to which the portraits from the sixties
belong, I knew in him a man very different from the Richard Burton I came to
know in his later life. The Richard Burton whom I first met was exactly the type
of man one might have expected to meet if one had read all the wonderful
stories told, and truly told, of his travels and his adventures. If you had set to
work to construct out of your moral consciousness a living picture of the hero of
these experiences and exploits, you would probably have created an eidolon of
the Richard Burton I came to know at the club in the Fleet Street region. Burton
then seemed full of irrepressible energy and the power of domination. He was
quick in his movements, rapid in his talk, never wanted for a word or an
argument, was impatient of differing opinion, and seemingly could not help
making himself the dictator of any assembly in which he found himself a centre
figure. His powers of description were marvellous; he could dash off picturesque
phrases as easily as another man could utter commonplaces; could tell any
number of good stories without ever seeming to repeat himself; could recite a
poem or rattle off a song, could flash out jest after jest, sometimes with
bewildering meanings; he was always perfectly good-humored, and he was
always indomitably dogmatic. If he thought you really worth arguing with on
any question which especially concerned him, he would apply himself to the
argument with as much earnestness as if some great issue depended on it, and
with an air of sublime superiority which seemed to imply that he was keeping
up the discussion, not because there could be any doubt as to the right side, but
merely out of a kindly resolve to enlighten your ignorance whether you would
or not. It was impossible not to be impressed by him, impossible not to admire
him even if one had known nothing of his career and his fame—supposing such
ignorance possible in a London literary club during the sixties. But it was
impossible, also, not to be somewhat abashed by the supremacy of his
domineering power, and I know that I should not have ventured to dispute with
him even if he had asserted that in certain parts of Arabia three angles of a
triangle were equal to five right angles. I was so deeply interested in all that he
said and so delighted and dazzled by the flashlights which he shed upon us that
I should not have had the inclination, even if I had the courage, to gainsay

37.
 1865. Edmund Gosse on A Poet among the Cannibals.

anything uttered by him, and was only too happy to acquire all the knowledge I
could, and listen to all the stories he was willing to tell.

22. 1865. Edmund Gosse on A Poet among the Cannibals.

73

In 1913 Mr. Thomas J. Wise printed privately, in an edition of only twenty copies,
from the unique manuscript in my possession, a preposterous and ribald poem
by Swinburne called "The Cannibal Catechism." At that time we were unable to
discover any particulars as to the purpose of the piece or the circumstances of
its composition. From the high spirits and the lyrical skill which it displayed, as
well as from the character of the handwriting, we could be sure that it belonged
to the early 'sixties. Later I discovered that my MS had originally passed through
the hands of Charles Bradlaugh, but still there was no light on its origin.

Through the kindness of my distinguished friend, the veteran Sir Edward

Brabrook, I have now been able to trace the history of this curious poem, which
illustrates an episode in Swinburne's life which has hitherto wholly evaded
biography. If it is somewhat indecorous, we must remember that we are dealing
not with the tame old captive whom a younger generation went down to Putney
to visit thirty years later, but with a flaming creature, instinct with genius, whose
vagaries were the wonder and terror of society. "The Cannibal Catechism"
belongs to the flowering period of "Atalanta in Calydon"; it was written in 1865.

In 1863 Dr. James Hunt (1833-1869), an eccentric ethnographer, whose

pretensions to scientific authority were rudely contested by Huxley, founded the
Anthropological Society, which lasted till his death. It contained a certain
number of serious seekers after truth, like Sir Edward Brabrook; it also
contained, no doubt, several persons of vivacity whose main object was the
humiliation of Mrs. Grundy, a savage tyrant in those days. In April 1865,
Algernon Swinburne joined the Society, and was among the latest, if not the very
last, of those included in its list of Foundation Fellows. At that time council
meetings sat in the afternoon of the days when evening meetings of the Society
were to be held for the reading of papers, and this led to the formation of a club
for members to dine together in the interval. As I have indicated, the spirit which

73
Edmund Gosse Books on the Table (New York: Scribner, 1921) pp. 63-6.

38.
 1865. Edmund Gosse on A Poet among the Cannibals.

animated many of the members of the Society was that of revolt against
conventionality, and this became, in fact, the bond of union, and almost the
condition of membership of the club, in testimony of which it was christened the
Cannibal Club. Dr. James Hunt, as President of the Anthropological Society, was
naturally chosen to be chairman of the club. The Cannibal Club met at
Bartolini's74 Hotel, near Leicester Square, close to the Society's meeting-room in
St. Martin's Place. It dined in front of a mace, which represented the ebony head
of a negro gnawing the ivory thigh-bone of a man. To this object Swinburne
irreverently gave the name "Ecce Homo"; it was always placed on the dinner-
table opposite the president. The Italian cooking at Bartolini's became the text
for many jokes of a more or less anthropological nature, often, as I understand
and can well believe, more witty than delicate. Before the poet joined the club
he dined as the guest of one of its members, and it is believed that the club
induced him to join the Society rather than the Society the club, since he was
never a serious ethnographer. He was invited to become a member of the club
as soon as he had qualified himself by being elected a Fellow of the
Anthropological Society. He was, between 1865 and 1869, a regular attendant
at the club dinners whenever he was in town. The poem which I possess, called
"The Cannibal Catechism," was written with the purpose of being recited or sung
on solemn occasions after or during the banquet, but no one remembers that it
ever was so performed. Swinburne, however, was the life and soul of these
parties, and Sir Edward Brabrook, the sole survivor (I suppose) of these cannibal
feasts, recalls that Swinburne "evidently enjoyed himself very much" at them.

His chief cronies at the Cannibal Club were Sir Richard Burton, who is believed
to have introduced him, and Thomas Bendyshe, a fantastic character, then one
of the Senior Fellows of King's College, Cambridge. In the records of the
Anthropological Society the minutes of a discussion on a paper read before the
Society on March 17, 1868, have been preserved, the subject of the paper being
"Europeans and their Descendants in North America." Mr. Swinburne joined in
the debate, and praised both Poe and Walt Whitman, the latter being still high
in his favour. He said, among many other things, that "in his opinion American
intellectuality was an original, distinct native product, not derivative from any

74
Bertolini’s.

39.
 1865. Edmund Gosse on Lord Houghton and the Birds.

other country," and he instanced Emerson as a writer who could not have been
produced except by America.

Soon after this date, and particularly after the tragical death of its President, the
Cannibal Club fell into desuetude. In February 1871, Richard Burton made an
effort to revive it, and the old members were invited to attend "a Cannibalistic
gathering." Swinburne's answer was: "I shall come and bring my friend (Simeon)
Solomon.—Yours in the Cannibal faith, A. C. Swinburne." The members dined
together, and "enjoyed a delightful evening," but, as frequently happens in such
cases, the old spirit could not be galvanised into new life. The Cannibal Club met
no more. I believe my readers will think this odd little passage of literary history
worth recording, and again I thank Sir Edward Brabrook for helping me to
preserve it.

23. 1865. Edmund Gosse on Lord Houghton and the

Birds.75

In the late summer of 1865, Swinburne spent a pleasant holiday with Lord
Houghton at Fryston, and said farewell for the time being to a friend who
occupied a large part in his acquaintance, and has not yet been mentioned. This
was Richard Burton, to whom, on his return from his consulate at Fernando Po,
Algernon had been presented by Lord Houghton. These two men, externally so
dissimilar, had taken an instant fancy to one another. Burton, who was by
sixteen years Swinburne's senior, was a personage of virile adventure, the hero
of mysterious exploits in Asia and in Africa; he was Al-Haj Abdullah, the
enchanted pilgrim who had penetrated to the holy city of Mecca. He
represented in action everything of which Swinburne had only dreamed. But, on
his side, Burton possessed a passionate love of literature, in which he was
doomed by a radical inaptitude of style never to excel, and he recognised,
without envy, but with the most generous enthusiasm, those gifts which he
vainly desired for himself exhibited to an almost superhuman degree by his
sedentary associate.

Accordingly, between these two men there grew up a strong friendship, which
lasted for the rest of Burton's life. They met frequently at the house of Dr.

75
Edmund Gosse The life of Algernon Charles Swinburne (London: Macmillan, 1917) pp.
121-2.

40.
 1865. Joseph Ashby-Sterry.

George Bird, from which Burton had been married in 1861. The Arundells, Mrs.
Burton's parents, were strict Catholics, and while they treated Swinburne
affectionately, they were occasionally shocked by his diatribes. One night, at Dr.
Bird's house in Welbeck Street, after some extravagant rodomontade of
Swinburne's, Mr. Arundell felt obliged to intervene "Young Sir," he said, in a very
solemn tone, "if you talk like that, you will die like a dog!" "Oh!" replied
Algernon, clasping his hands together, “don't say ‘like a dog’—do say ‘like a
cat!’’’ Swinburne's relations with Richard Burton at this time were charming;
the two had so much to say to one another, and so many stories to tell, and jokes
to exchange, that they used to be good-naturedly allowed to sit by themselves
in an inner room, from which the rest of the company would be tantalised to
hear proceeding roars and shrieks of laughter, followed by earnest rapid talk of
a quieter description.

Association with Burton was, however, not good for Swinburne, intellectually or
physically. Burton, a giant of endurance, and possessed at times with a kind of
dionysiac frenzy, was no fortunate company for a nervous and yet spirited man
like Swinburne. Houghton, observing with anxiety a situation which he had
created, rejoiced when Burton received a new consular appointment that took
him to South America. Swinburne, in response to warnings, wrote: “As my
tempter and favourite audience has gone to Santos, I may hope to be a good
boy again. I may have shaken the thyrsus in your face. But after this half I mean
to be no end good.”

24. 1865. Joseph Ashby-Sterry.76

It is difficult to understand why that prince of explorers, Sir Richard Burton, did
not meet with more substantial reward in his lifetime. He was a man of
indomitable courage, a marvellous linguist and thoroughly accomplished all
round. I knew him well some years ago. He was an admirable talker and a
thoroughly entertaining companion. I can recall at the present moment not a
few of the thrilling tales of adventure he used to tell and the dramatic power
with which he used to relate them. I recollect once, when a very young man,
meeting Burton at a Bohemian Club and singing a missionary song which I had

76
Joseph Ashby-Sterry “English Notes Dec 5 1890” The Book Buyer VII (January 1891) p.
656.

41.
 1866. Arthur Orton.

learned from an American artist in Florence. It had an excellent tune and quaint
words, with which Burton was hugely delighted, and I can remember how he
joined in the chorus with the heartiness and enthusiasm of a boy.

25. 1866. Arthur Orton.77

At 1st we arrived at Villa Nueva, twenty-one hours behind time. Here I met
Captain Burton, Major Rickard and the Hon. Mr. Maxwell: they spent the best
part of the night.

Captain Burton, Mr. Maxwell, Mr. Wood, and Mr. Bandam. Mr. Seymour started
for the railway camp—Major Rickard staying behind to look after the luggage in
the morning. Major Rickard sleeped78 in my room, and started at four in the
morning. I started at 7 a.m. for Rosario, arrived quite safe, went to the Hotel de
la Paz.

3rd.—Been to see Mr. Cooper, and got him to employ my peon, for he is a good
man. The Englishman I employed I have this day discharged, he being the most
uncouth, lazy, impertinent man I ever saw. Spent the afternoon copying this
from my note-book. Going to-night to see a fight between bull-dogs and a
donkey. Captain Burton tell me it is very good. …

26. 1866/09/26. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.79

Santos Sept 26 / 66

Dear Sir

Many thanks for your kind note and for the trouble which you have
taken. The Blue Book has not come but of course it will in due time. Could you
manage to get me the loan of the Fortnightly in which Livingstone is cut up by
Cooley, I can put it with care and return it after a few days. If possible send it to
me by post as I have just finished something about Livingstone & Cooley and
want to consult the review before sending it to print.

77
The trial at bar of Sir Roger C. D. Tichborne Volume 3 Great Britain. Court of King's
Bench (London: “Englishman” Office, 1877) p. 212. Extract from Orton’s diary.
78
Orton appears to be barely literate.
79
Huntington Library RFB 324 Box 27. ALS MS.

42.
 1866/10/22. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

Pray don't forget to let me know about the lectures as it will save me
the bother of writing them out in French if they are not wanted. I can easily
prepare some on the Nile & Niggers.

I have not got Baker’s book yet but I have heard very favourably of it indeed. He
and Grant80 are in luck if they want such things as K.C.B. The Brazilians here are
surprised at my audacity in saying that the President was dressed like a French
cook, and they will be still more surprised before Brazil & I part company. One
booby told me how comfortable were white clothes. I replied that I had worn
them before he was born.

We are at present in somewhat an excited state here. No less a personage than

the Baron de Manà is in the town and of course he is a great public benefactor.
The Railroad I believe is to be opened Oct 1 but without display. Tante Mieux.81
Don't forget to let me know beforehand when you are likely to come up.

Perry’s affair appears to me fishy.82 He is not a great favourite with the Foreign
Office and what is more he has no [wind]. But [abased] assignats83 are not worth
their weight in paper.

Remember me most kindly to all your family. My wife will write to you soon.
This is 6 a.m. and I need hardly say that she is not aware of my occupation. Any
news about Hunt returning?84

Believe me ev
yrs vy try
Richd F. Burton

27. 1866/10/22. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.85

Oct.22/66.

80
James Augustus Grant, see Register.
81
‘So much the better’.
82
Possibly William Perry (1801-1874) Consul-General at Venice.
83
Paper currency issued during the French Revolutionary period, which quickly became
worthless.
84
George S. Lennon Hunt, see Register.
85
Huntington Library RFB 324 Box 27. ALS MS.

43.
 1866/10/22. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

My dear Sir

Thanks for the loan of the Fortnightly which I have sent back. It is just
like Mr. Cooley's impudence and I am giving it hot to to him. Will you allow me
to ask you for another little favour? I am here so dependant upon friends afar!

In Appendix to 1 of Southey’s 3 there is printed a long letter and other

stuff about Santos.86 John Whithall, Edward Fenton, etc. You would assist me
greatly by getting this copied—I don't care about the handwriting & by letting
me know what I owe you for the copier, I am gradually digging up all the old
history of this old Province.

Do you see about my Concession of the lead Mountains?87 It ought to be a good

thing as the Southerners are going there in shoals and if an English Company will
not work, I have no doubt that an Ang-Mexican will.

Meanwhile my exertions do not stop there. Every trip I make about the Province
shows me something good and so far new that no one has taken the trouble to
prospect the matter. My last idea is that Jatoban Copal88 which abounds here
will make an excellent addition to our varnishes.

How progresses the great Scully?89 Any news of Hunt's return?90 Please
tell me something about the Exhibition. We called on Paula Santos91 when he
returned here—now he is off to the bush. Rains have set in but I must begin my
travelling again, being somewhat rusty for want of a long outing. Is Conyngham
still at Rio. I leave my wife to tell you rest of our small news—we have had a sad
death here and all the women are frightened by it.

Remember me most kindly to all your family & believe me ever

yrs vy try
Richd F. Burton

86
Robert Southey History of the Brazil (1810-1819).
87
Burton obtained a concession for a lead mine at Iporanga.
88
Hymenaea courbaril.
89
William Scully, see Register.
90
George S. Lennon Hunt, see Register.
91
See Highlands of the Brazil vol. 2 p. 132.

44.
 1866/11/06. Richard Burton to Arthur Orton.

28. 1866/11/06. Richard Burton to Arthur Orton.92

Buenos Ayres, Nov. 6, 1866.

Sir Roger Tichborne,

Dear Sir,—I returned to Buenos Ayres on the 3rd inst., and found that you had
left on the 1st. Your letter of the 2nd Nov. was delivered to me only yesterday,
or it would have been answered earlier. I most happily accept the idea of our
meeting at Cordova and travelling together across the plains. My companion,
Maxwell, proposes to set out from Buenos Ayres after receipt of the English
mails. That may be any time between the 18th and 20th inst. Major Rickard and
an Italian traveller think of going, so altogether we shall make up a strongish
party, equal to most mountaineers. My wife has often spoken to me about you,
and, as you may imagine, I am very curious to see one of whom I have heard so
often and so long. As late as 1865 I was asked by your family to make inquiries
after you in Brazil, and found nothing but at Rio de Tanlau, and very little there.
We have parted twice to meet, and trust not to fail now.—En attendant, I am,
yours truly, Richard F. Burton.

92
The trial at bar of Sir Roger C. D. Tichborne Volume 4 Great Britain Court of King's
Bench (London: “Englishman” Office, 1877) p. 300. Testimony, August 21, 1873.
LETTER FROM CAPTAIN BURTON, R.N. [sic].

45.
 1866/11/06. Richard Burton to Arthur Orton.

Figure 3. Arthur Orton, the Tichborne Claimant.

46.
 1867/01/06. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

29. 1867/01/06. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.93

S. Paulo. 1/6/67.94

Private

My dear Sir

I returned from an interesting 26 days trip into the interior & for a
wonder had the finest weather whilst it was pouring at S. Paulo.

The coal is still a mystery and wants actual digging into, which we are going to
do sharp. Meanwhile I'm exceedingly anxious about the turf & old Ginty's
preparation of material for the Secretariat.95

There is a volume of which I am in great want & which is not to be had

here. It is the Manual de Geologia by M. Boubé, translated into Portuguese by
Vandelli, with vocabulary at end and Journey by José Bonifazio de Andrada. They
tell me it is to be had at the shop of Alves ([Cac…bo]) in the Rua da Imperatriz,
between the Rua de S. Pedro and the Rua Larga de S. Joaquin.

Jan. 7. My wife has returned safely—I much obliged to you for your kindness in
assisting her to get through her business. Matters begin to look much better.
Give my kindest regards to your Mother & sister. What has become of Whittaker
& Madam?96 Excuse haste—I am off to Santos at once.

ev yrs. tly
Richd F. Burton.

Albert Tootal Esq.

Petropolis

93
Huntington Library RFB 324 Box 27. ALS.
94
This is mm/dd/yy format as the letter body shows.
95
“it may be remarked that the Brazil is rich in turbaries, which have never yet been
used for fuel. As the turf is mostly modern, it must go through a certain process,
especially of compression; and the late Mr. Ginty, C.E., of Rio de Janeiro, took out a
patent for working the beds.” Highlands of the Brazil vol. 1 p. 66.
96
John Whittaker, C.E.

47.
 1867/01/08. Isabel Burton to Albert Tootal.

30. 1867/01/08. Isabel Burton to Albert Tootal.97

8th Jany 1867

Dear Mr. Tootal

After you left on the 5th I had great trouble about my passport on board
up to the moment of the vessel sailing as the small officials were inclined to show
power by turning me off & I was determined to leave only by being carried off
kicking & screaming. However luckily King’s man arrived just in time with it &
they were then as civil as possible & said I stood in no need of a passport which
is the case. The passage was very rough. The Corcovado98 rolls a great deal but
I was not sick. Arrived in Santos at 9 Sunday morning. No train—no tidings of
Richard; so I attended to my church, being a fiesta & then my business in Santos
(of which I had a great deal). At 3 fearing I was going to have a dull time of it I
hired a carriage & drove off to the Barra to see Mrs. Andrada. I found a huge
family dinner party after which we walked on the sands & danced till late & had
all the national dances with no formality—& I enjoyed it very much. Next day
Monday I got a telegram to say Richd had arrived. Got a train at 11 ½ (it is not
open yet). We had to walk up a lift & a half—the line is in an awful state quite
blocked up & we came to some places in trawlers that make one shudder. Mr.
Aubertin99 & I unfortunately had diarrhoea all the way which made it worse.
Arrived home at 5. & found Richard looking wonderfully well & in good spirits &
had made a good trip. I was obliged to send my luggage up by road at 35
milréis100 an awful bore—it hasn't arrived yet so I shall be about a week shaking
down into my old life. Write to me & tell me all the fun that happens to the Rio
snobs as well as any news about my friends that will interest me. I am sure you
must be very glad to have got rid of me as I was a great tax upon your time &
good nature?—this last article query.

97
Huntington Library, Richard Francis Burton Papers, Box 23. RFB 258.
98
‘The hunchback’.
99
John James Aubertin, see Register.
100
Brazilian currency of the time.

48.
 1867/01/11. Algernon Swinburne to Richard Burton.

Believe me ever yrs most truly.

Isabel Burton
71 Rua do Carmo

31. 1867/01/11. Algernon Swinburne to Richard

Burton.101

Holmwood, Henley-on-Thames, January 11, 1867

My dear Burton

I was within an ace of losing your letter altogether, and only recovered
it from the Dead Letter Office by accident—or rather by the intervention of that
all-wise and beneficent Providence which regulates all sublunary things. You
may know perhaps that Messrs. Moxon & Co., to whom it was addressed, tried
to swamp my book by withdrawing it from circulation when the storm of warm
water began to seethe and rage in the British tea-kettle, trusting that in British
eyes their fraudulent breach of contract would be justified by the plea of
virtuous abhorrence. Of course I withdrew all my books from their hands, and
declined any further dealings with such a den of thieves. Consequently these
denizens of the Cities of the Plain, whose fathers somehow escaped with Lot and
his respectable family, pretended ignorance of my address (which, as well as my
present publishers, they knew well enough the day before), and dismissed a
whole heap of letters, papers, and books sent me from America to the Dead
Letter Office. But for this you would have heard from me long ago, and received
the book and pamphlet I now send you. You would have had them long before
if I had had your address.

I am very glad you like my swallow song, as I do your version of the Rondinella102
as far as given. I am still the centre of such a moral chaos that our excellent friend
Houghton103 maintains a discreet and consistent neutrality, except that he wrote
me a letter thoroughly approving and applauding the move taken; but I have not
set eyes on his revered form for months. Your impending opulence, and my

101
Reproduced in The Letters of Algernon Charles Swinburne (1919), pp. 48-51.
102
Songs sung by Italian minstrels, as in Marco Visconti (c. 1831) by Manzoni’s friend
Tomasso Grossi (1791-1853).
103
Monckton Milnes, see Register.

49.
 1867/01/11. Algernon Swinburne to Richard Burton.

immediate infamy, will too evidently cut us from the shelter of his bosom. I wish
you had been at hand or within reach this year, to see the missives I got from
nameless quarters. One anonymous letter from Dublin threatened me, if I did
not suppress my book within six weeks from that date, with castration. The
writer, when I least expected, would waylay me, slip my head in a bag, and
remove the obnoxious organs; he had seen his gamekeeper do it with cats. This
is verbatim, though quoted from memory, as I bestowed the document on a
friend who collects curiosities. I beg to add that my unoffending person is as yet
no worse than it was. This was the greatest spree of all; but I have had letters
and notices sent me (American and British) by the score, which were only less
comic whether they come from friend or foe.

I hope we shall have you back before ’69, not only for the cellar's sake, sublime
as that ’realised ideal’ is certain to be. I have in hand a scheme of mixed verse
and prose—a sort of etude a la Balzac plus the poetry—which I flatter myself will
be more offensive and objectionable to Britannia than anything I have yet done.
You see I have now a character to keep up, and by the grace of Cotytto104 I will
endeavour not to come short of it—at least in my writings. Tell me, if you have
time, what you think of Dolores and Anactoria in full print.105

I hope you will prevail on Mrs. Burton to forgive the use made in the former
poem of the B.V.M., whose son I saw the other day mentioned in a tract by a
Rabbinical Atheist as ‘Joshua ben Joseph.’ I wish I could run over to ‘5 o’clock
tea,’ but can only send remembrances to you both, and hope you will not have
forgotten me when you return to this ‘plaisant pays.’106

Toujours à vous,
A. C. Swinburne.

104
The Goddess of Sex.
105
Published in Poems and Ballads (London: Edward Moxon, 1866).
106
Pleasant country.

50.
 1867/02/09. Isabel Burton to Albert Tootal.

Figure 4. Algernon Swinburne.

32. 1867/02/09. Isabel Burton to Albert Tootal.107

My dear Mr. Tootal

I am glad to see you appreciated my "amiable half dozen lines" otherwise you
would have been severely punished by a long silence and a withdrawal of the
light of my countenance until you showed some signs of feeling what we
Catholics call in religious matters "the pain of loss". I have already begun to
transact my own commissions in Rio & have actually dared to write for some tea

107
Huntington Library, Richard Francis Burton Papers, Box 23. RFB 259

51.
 1867/02/09. Isabel Burton to Albert Tootal.

without yr intervention. […]108 The Wrights now live [in] Santos and have charge
of Bank there. The Andradas I miss terribly. All the English engineers nearly are
gone. We are very quiet no parties or anything and it is very hot. They talk of
the railway opening on the 15th I am rather unbelieving. We have a new tea
garden open, a speculation of Marinha's. Richd is working very hard. Every now
& then he fidgets me to change my house but hitherto I have staved off the
calamity. He starts about the 15th for a journey. Coimbra109 is going with him &
he will be away about 6 weeks (don't mention this as perhaps it is a secret—I
mean about Coimbra). I am very much occupied. I have a Portuguese mistress
thrice a week & have nearly translated 4 books & am beginning to understand
pretty well. My poor cow is lame and I can’t ride. I am trying to buy a little red
horse. The owner wants me to accept him as a present but we don’t accept such
extensive presents from strangers as we have nothing to give in return so I have
offered to buy him. I have only ridden out 3 times since I returned. I am trying
all sorts of remedies for the lameness. I think [P…] sold me a bargain. I have got
a little dog but being a puppy he is rather tiresome. He watches the turkey cock
spreading his tail & bullying the whole yard & then fastens on to his tail & makes
him drag him all round the yard. He is afraid of nothing, steals like a magpie &
is very amusing. I have got a letter from Mrs. [Lennox]. I am sorry not to be in
time to answer it. I shall miss her very much. I have a sincere regard for her &
think there is something very fascinating in the way she likes me with all her
heart. Still I was rather afraid of her into a place like Rio. She has been so bullied
& is so nervous that she wd unwittingly create gossip that otherwise wd not exist
in her efforts to prove how wicked the people’s tongues are. I hope however
that I shall meet her again where she will have shaken off that unpleasant feeling
of being watched & talked of—a matter which I should always put the heel of
my boot on, so that it did not annoy my husband. Fox tells me he is expecting
your friend Mr. Griffin here soon. What a pity you can’t run up too. The Fox
wedding has not come off. Pêre [Germain] goes by today's steamer to Rio. He
will be at the Capuchins—up at the Castello I think near Sta Theresa.

108
The text has been torn off here.
109
See Register.

52.
 1867/04/03. Isabel Burton to Albert Tootal.

Ouida is or was a girl of 17 seduced by an Oxford clergyman & wrote that book
under the smart of desertion. I hope your father is not seriously unwell. We
hear the cholera is in Rio—is it true Dont drink if it is true.

I was amused to hear of your mesmerizing old Bruce. I hardly believe in

magnetism between 2 men or 2 women only old Bruce must be of a very
negative nature & childish a sort of—I really don't know why I was going to say—
besides which you are both fair & without any tie or attraction between you so
I don't understand it. When you begin to try yr hand on our sex get in that line.
You must choose a fiery brunette as you will probably possess some attraction
in which she is deficient & then it will take—you being fair & of a sluggish nature.

Write whenever you can it is always welcome & with our united best regards
Believe me ever yours most truly I. Burton
S. Paulo
9th Feb. 67.

33. 1867/04/03. Isabel Burton to Albert Tootal.110

My dear Mr. Tootal

I got your scrubby note and it was the dullest thing I ever read & did not
repay me for the labour, but I think I shall be able to repay you in kind as there
positively is nothing to say. I have been leading always the same life. Up at 5,
Mass in house, lunch at Portuguese & music. Ride & class in evenings for
instruction of Niggers. My only excitement has been visiting the Convents which
is a great privilege, as no one is allowed to go inside above all in Lent. I rode by
chance to some country races, where Brazys were betting 10 milreis with as
much gusto as if it were millions. I have also had a little fun with an old person
who is going to teach me Portuguese. It will form a paragraph in my future book
headed "a Brazilian's morning call," but I will read it to you when we meet.
Richard and I are coming in May for a fortnight & I shall expect you to make a
great deal of us. I don't know if you will recognize me as I am sorry to state that
I am becoming corpulent or as Lampson elegantly expresses himself "fleshy",
though I fast & ride & fret. Some say it is the vegetable diet of Lent. Richard

110
Huntington Library, Richard Francis Burton Papers, Box 23. RFB 259.

53.
 1867/04/05. Richard Burton to Algernon Swinburne.

arrived unexpectedly on the 1st of April with Coimbra111 who is on a visit to us at

present. They had a very jolly six weeks of it & have found diamonds & all sorts
of things but Coimbra came back with a story that the chickens had eaten his
best diamond & bought up a lot to have them opened when I very wisely
remarked that I was afraid it was a two-legged chicken forgetting they hadn't
four.

We have been dining several nights with Aubertin112 to drink White Port &
tomorrow he dines with us. He is nearly the only English person in the place.
Fox is having a palace built in his absence on & about his chacara.113 We have a
new man named Wightman like Pakenham especially after dinner when his nose
gets red. Richard won't have Mass in the house now he has come. My news
from home is pretty good this time.

Have you seen Hunt114 & what news is there in Rio? Mind you write to keep me
in a decent temper. I had intended to pay you out with a terribly senseless note
like your own, but you see I can't contract my wit & intelligence & you can't
expand yours so it is not fair to make odious comparisons.

With our best united regards. Believe me ever sincerely yours

I. B.

April 3 1867

34. 1867/04/05. Richard Burton to Algernon

Swinburne.115

Santos April 5 / 67. Address care of E. Hertslet Librarian Foreign Office.

My dear Swinburne

111
See Register.
112
J. J. Aubertin, see Register.
113
Smallholding.
114
George Lennon Hunt, see Register.
115
British Library Ashley MS 297 f.1.

54.
 1867/04/05. Richard Burton to Algernon Swinburne.

I returned 5 days ago and found your note, book116 & pamphlet.117
Stayed in bed and read through the two latter. Itylus is a gem. Of course I
especially studied the best abused & naturally found them by far the best. In
the U. S. I am told by W. Reade118 you have sold to the extent of 6000. Dr. Bird
says that you are doing the same in England. Of course you are going on. You
have not brought an action against Moxon119 I see. That most respectable party
behaved like a true modern Englishman without honour or honesty. He desires
to be generally popular, even unto Churchwardenship. If he were young & could
marry well he might be an M. P. As a Parson he might aspire to Deanery. I don’t
think much better of your actual—the Hotten120 whose name I found liable to a
very open pun. When I wrote my squib Stone Talk he wanted me to tell him my
name. He did not know that [anonym] is [anonym]. Let me know if your present
is to be your future address, mine is always through the Foreign Office.

I fear that unless you pall with abject poverty or paralysis you will see no more
of our mutual friend Houghton.121 I hope to arouse his wrath by a Canto of
Camões which I have sent to Macmillan; he will (I implore a malevolent
[Providence]) write and abuse it. W. Reade left with him a corrected copy of
Meccah for re-publication—it will linger out an obscene old age in the
Respectable Household.

Pity that you don’t print off a few copies of your anonymous friend’s
communications and send them about to show what lies at the root of English
Society. The castrating gentleman from Dublin is truly charming—one can
hardly believe in the existence of such a yahoo so far removed from Australia!

I have read over several times Anac. & Dolores.122 The former seems to have
been the more congenial to you, probably old reminiscences. Moreover the

116
Poems and Ballads (London: Edward Moxon, 1866).
117
Notes on Poems and Reviews (London: Hotten, 1866). Reprinted in Major Poems
and Selected Prose ed. McGann and Sligh (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004).
The pamphlet is an acid rejoinder to critics of Poems and Reviews.
118
Winwood Reade, see Register.
119
The firm Edward Moxon, Swinburne’s publisher, which had withdrawn Poems and
Ballads in response to criticism.
120
John Camden Hotten, who published Swinburne’s Notes pamphlet.
121
Monckton Milnes, see Register.
122
Anactoria, and Dolores, from Swinburne’s Poems and Ballads (1866).

55.
 1867/04/05. Richard Burton to Algernon Swinburne.

subject matter is richer. I prefer Faustine to Dol. because the former is more in
my experience. I know half a dozen Faustines. They all three however do you
infinite credit and—what does Mister Tennyson say of them?

Keep me au courant of the étude à la Balzac which promises well. Remember

Vestigia nullia retrorsum123 you are bound to wish for older and maturer vice.
The Review in the Athenaeum & the maundering of that snot the Illustrated
show me how much you have to do. I read also G. R.’s disculpatory stave about
you and thought it respectable. The people seem to have been stunned by your
pamphlet.

Good creatures of the stall or sty124

is calling the spade spade. Why not give them a sketch of Shakspere, contrasting
the Shak. Of Nature with the Shak. Of “high art” of Mr. Hep. Dixon125 & Mr. Hain
Frizzy?126 Perhaps you might also break Houghton’s heart or at least give him a
fit of gout.

I fairly warn you that at the least sign not of movement retrograde but of
remission in advancing you will be bellowed by the British hound. If you belabor
them in all directions, they may 10 yrs hence, wag the head of wonder and
exclaim “It’s his way.”

My wife sends very kindest remembrances & regrets that you cannot
come over to 5 o’clock tea. But I am working at lead gold & coal, somebody too
must soon loan me money, and then we shall meet. I shall then be a just man
made [perfect]. I am still a Pariah. All good wishes to you & tout à vous.

Richd F. Burton

123
Footprints do not lead backwards.
124
“Lie still in kennel, sleek in stable,
Good creatures of the stall or sty ;
Shove snouts for crumbs below the table;
Lie still ; and rise not up to lie.” Notes on Poems and Reviews, p. 20.
125
William Hepworth Dixon, see Register.
126
J. Hain Friswell, see Register.

56.
 1867/04/05. Henry Walter Bates to Richard Burton.

35. 1867/04/05. Henry Walter Bates to Richard

Burton.127

15, Whitehall Place, S.W.

April 5 1867

Dear Burton

Yours of Feb 17 is to hand. Before this reaches you, you will have seen
in the papers the accounts of the reported death of Dr. Livingstone. We have
received no further news since the letters published in the “Times” of March
26th. According to Dr. Kirk who has very carefully cross-examined the 9 Johanna
men who escaped, Livingstone, before he was cut down had solved the problem
of the Northern termination of Lake Nyassa. After reading Kirk's carefully
written letter in which he counts out this conclusion I must say I thoroughly
agree with him. Lake Nyassa ends in a marshy creek, without current, about 10o
30' S. lat.

Now one of my chief objects of writing to you is to tell you what is being
done in consequence of this. Mr. Findlay128 believes it will strengthen the
hypothesis of Tanganyika being the head of the Nile & you will after all be the
discoverer. I am spurring Findlay to write a short paper on the subject for our
Society: he has made some discovery about levels of Albert Nyanza & the water
visited by Lacerda. If he makes a readable paper we will have it read at an
evening meeting. He has borrowed of me your M.S. translation of Lacerda’s
journey to Cazembe, which was deposited in my hands by the brother of
Winwood Reade129 & which I know you would wish to be lent to Mr. Findlay for
such a purpose.

Several good judges here disbelieve the accounts of Livingstone's death.

I must say it appears to me wiser to rely on the superior knowledge of Kirk. Kirk
has no hope that the story is untrue & he has been closetted with the only
witnesses.

127
RGS Correspondence CB5 1861-1870 Burton / 114. Photocopy of letter from
Richmond Public Library.
128
Alexander George Findlay (1812-1875), a prolific geographer active in the RGS.
129
See Register.

57.
 1867/04/05. Henry Walter Bates to Richard Burton.

The weather here has at length cleared up a little after 8 months of

almost constant storms. When you wonder at my tameness in submitting to
quiet life in England you forget what a heavy anchor I have cast in getting
married & to my infinite surprise being endowed with four children in about five
years.

Please present my kind regards to Mrs. Burton.

Yours sincerely
H. W. Bates

The first part of your Report on Brazil has been received and favourably
considered by our Council but we cannot print any of it till we get the
remainder. Where is it?130

Figure 5. Iporanga, from Burton's Sketchbook.

130
Between 1866 and 1870 Burton published no papers through the RGS. The RGS
archive contains an unpublished paper on ‘Physical geography of province of San Paula,
Brazil’ by Burton, submitted in 1866 to the FO, with a referee’s report by Clements R.
Markham. JMS/6/91.

58.
 1867/05/16 Isabel Burton to Albert Tootal.

36. 1867/05/16 Isabel Burton to Albert Tootal.131

[…] named. If you could get me any others in the genre I want with option of
sending them back if not liked I shd be glad but I find someone else has sent to
get me those three. […]

[Snapping] accompaniment like [Desejo132 Eng…] com a morte.133

Capt. B. sends his kindest regards & believe me

Yours very truly

Isabel Burton

S. Paulo 16 May

37. 1867/06/12? Richard Burton to William Hepworth

Dixon.134

Rio de Janeiro
June 12

My dear Sir

I congratulate you upon having made such a successful journey &

written so remarkable a book.135 As yet I have seen only the reviews but my
friend Mr. Quaritch136 is sending me out a copy.

I am off for a few months trip to the Gold Mines & the Great Interior. My wife
accompanies me part of the way.

131
Huntington Library, Richard Francis Burton Papers, Box 23. RFB 260. Fragment
only.
132
‘desire’.
133
‘with death’.
134
Quentin Keynes Collection, British Library. See the Register for Hepworth Dixon.
135
William Hepworth Dixon New America (London: Hurst & Blackett, 1867) describes
Dixon’s journey to America, including the Mormons. Burton had given Dixon a letter of
introduction to Brigham Young.
136
Bernard Quaritch the publisher, see Register.

59.
 1867/10/30. Frederick James Stevenson.

Herewith is a paper about the Nile.137 My case is coming. Baker138 Knighted—I

wonder that he ever accepted it. Grant139 offered Star of Sudan. Speke family
quotes Nile140—field but no sable?141 I opened up the way and the whole work
of opening up Africa & have never even had a word of thank you ‘bout it. But I
should like my fellow countrymen to see through the fact that honesty is not
always the best policy & that truth is not always permit[ted].

Please assist me in this little matter of publicity.

I hope that Mrs. Dixon & your children are flourishing. My wife joins in kindest
regards to you. Believe me ever.

Yours very truly

Richd F. Burton

Hepworth Dixon Esq.

38. 1867/10/30. Frederick James Stevenson.142

Wednesday October 30th [1867]… I was greatly helped by Senhor Campos, the
Bahia Steam Navigation Co.’s agent, to whom Captain Nuñez introduced me,
who gave me more letters of introduction and entrusted me with official letters
to deliver to Captain Burton, the celebrated traveller in India, Arabia and Africa,
now British Consul at Santos. He is expected to arrive at Piranha in a day or two
from the almost unknown interior, where he has been making some important
explorations for the Brazilian Government, with the consent and at the instance
of the British Government. …

137
Published as ‘African Discoveries’ Athenaeum, 27 July 1867, p. 115. This allows the
letter here to be dated precisely.
138
Samuel White Baker, see Register.
139
James Augustus Grant, see Register.
140
The Speke family were granted to the right to add the word “Nile” to their coat of
arms, over a wavy Nile river.
141
Burton is suggesting that the red two-headed eagle on the Speke coat of arms
should be black, or ‘sable’, a pointed reference here to Speke’s character, against the
shield background, or ‘field’. This is common in Central and Eastern European
tradition.
142
Douglas Timins ed. A Traveller of the Sixties (London: Constable, 1929) pp. 76, 95.

60.
 1867/10/30. Frederick James Stevenson.

I arrived at Rio on November 9th, where I remained till Thursday, January 9th,
1868, waiting for the Royal Mail Steamer Arno to sail for Monte Video. I had
quite enough to occupy my time during these ten days. I was a good deal with
Captain Burton who called to thank me for having taken charge of his official
consular despatches—(he is British Consul General at Santos)—entrusted to me
by Senhor Campos, our Consul at Penedo, when I hoped to meet him at Paulo
Affonso Falls.

Burton is without doubt a very extraordinary character—a splendid traveller,

and intrepid explorer—a wonderful linguist and, I think, the most resolute and
determined-looking man I have ever met. He is certainly apt to be a little
reckless in his conversation, often very greatly overstepping the bounds of
propriety, but is always an exceedingly interesting ‘raconteur,’ especially when
he can be persuaded to talk about his experiences as an explorer and traveller
in Africa and the East.

He told me much about his celebrated pilgrimage to the shrine of the prophet
at Mecca that could not be published.

He is now going to write a book about his recent exploration of the Rio San
Francisco, and his next move will be up the river Parana to the watershed of that
river or its tributaries and through the supposed diamond region to the
headwaters of the Xingu (one of the almost unknown tributaries of the Amazon),
that he is very anxious to explore.

I was able to give him some general information about canoe travelling on the
Amazons, but could not of course tell him much about the Xingu, which I have
seen only for a short distance from its mouth.

One night when I was dining with him and Mrs.—or as I ought perhaps to call
her Lady Burton—as she is the daughter of an Irish peer, and, I think, a lady in
her own right—Burton was telling me about his nigger servant-boys at Santos,
how good and honest they were ‘until she’ (pointing to his wife) ‘undertook to
make them all Roman Catholics like herself, and then they took to stealing my
shirts and cigars!’ He worked himself up into a most unseemly fury, threatening
to throw the effigy of the B.V.M.143 that his wife had in her oratory at Santos out

143
Blessed Virgin Mary.

61.
 1867/—/—? Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

of the window, if she continued to interfere with his ‘damned little niggers.’ She
took it all very quietly, merely saying, ‘Now, Richard, behave yourself and don’t
make yourself ridiculous. Mr. Stevenson must take you for a perfect brute.’

39. 1867/—/—? Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.144

Exchange. Wednesday.

My dear Sir

I am obliged to break our agreement to meet today - The Steamer leaves

for Santos at noon. I shall return with her (prob. on Sat. next) & bring back your
Plan of Rio which I have taken the liberty to borrow. Remember me most kindly
to Mrs. Tootal & believe me

yrs vy sincy
Richd F Burton.

P.S. Could you find for me on my return a little French book known I believe as
the Archives de Rio?

Tootal Esq.

40. 1867/11/23. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.145

Rio de Janeiro. November 1867

Richard has always told me that you never write to yr friends abroad & hate to
hear from them & for this reason I have refrained writing but having for the first
time since I came to Brazil a spare day & alone I intend to try if it is true. Richard
has now been out of England for 2½ years & I 2 years. This is a glorious country
& we are very well & very happy in it & find plenty to do. The interior is quite
uncivilised but the sea coast has a kind of demi-semi civilisation which gives us
all the bother & none of the pleasure of a very "fluffy" society.

Rio de Janeiro is a very nice place very hot & very dear to live in but the most
beautiful place imaginable, quite like a fairyland. Richard says that it is superior

144
Huntington Library RFB 324 Box 27. ALS.
145
Houghton 4/184.

62.
 1867/11/23. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

to any place he knows, even the Golden Horn. Steaming into the bay at sunrise
for the first time is worth coming all the way from England to see. Here it is
possible to form a little coterie of 18 or so nice people from the Diplomatic Corps
& Naval Officers. The general society has every now & then a month of gaiety
but it is chiefly commercial & so full of little spites jealousies and gossips that
one is thankful not to belong to it. We live about 200 miles down the Coast. The
Consulship is Santos. You enter a lagoon or rather a long narrow winding arm of
the sea very muddy & dirty for about 7-9 miles through a mangrove swamp &
there enclosed by mountains is Santos like a dirty pack of cards piled thrown
here & there. There is no air bad water and perpetual rain in bucketfulls it wd
seem, which only breaks an umbrella and succeeded by a scorching sun which
causes steam and decomposition to arise from the large vegetation. There are
no servants scarce food & bad rooms & every kind of insect and reptile. There
we only have a consulate & clerk; a railway & telegraph now extend up inclined
planes 87 miles into the interior & we live at Sao Paulo about 45 miles inland—
3000 ft. high a splendid climate & 5 miles on the temperate side of Capricorn. It
is a white town on a broad table land about 15 miles square & surrounded by
mountains. There we live in a kind of farm house with rough wooden furniture
hammocks & divans. We have made a fencing & pistol shooting gallery about
40 feet long where we exercise ourselves & practise Indian clubs. It opens onto
a little verandah overhanging the plain where we read write study & Richd
smokes on his divan. I have my piano & books—study the language & music of
the country—the language I do not like. It is a harsh coarse sounding one but
then the literature repays the trouble. Richard speaks perfectly I only so-so but
can say everything I want and be understood. The music is peculiar & not
ungraceful the high class are given to reciting to music, the low class is more
Indian. They chant to dancing music snapping fingers & beating the foot on the
ground. This is called Landú & has a peculiar time. Richard has 4 books on Brazil
getting ready & for the first time in his life he has nothing but pleasant things to
say (he likes the Brazilians). One is on Sao Paulo one on the Coast one on the
River San Francisco & Minas Gerais & the 4th general Brazil. I keep 2 horses &
ride a great deal the horses are poor in general but when they are good they fly
over the Campos or Prairies like the wind. I keep all kinds of poultry goats &
everything except cows & sheep which don't flourish up there. It is the first time
I have ever had a house of my own & I never find time to be dull or want society
though never a day passes that I do not think of all my old friends in England.

63.
 1867/11/23. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

There is so much to be done. I am at present collecting ferns. There are 3 or

4000 in Brazil some 40 ft. high butterflies that are quite dazzling & most exquisite
birds humming birds chiefly. Richard also is as happy as possible. He leads a
domestic life to the letter for 3 or 4 months & then suddenly tells me to pack up
the saddle bags. Sometimes I go, sometimes am left in charge. I am Vice Consul
& we have an acting one too. We go up & down by railway. There is as much &
more necessity for a Consul at S. Paulo than at Santos so we have to attend to
both places.

We have had a charming 3 months journey to Minas Gerais (the Province of the
Mines). We travelled with mules & horses both riding & baggage & went about
25 miles a day on an average, as the country is so difficult. We saw every part
of the province. The scenery is stupendous only very tameless—splendid
mountains wooded to the top—valleys with broad rivers sweeping through
them with an occasional cataract long tracts of virgin forest & glorious tropical
foliage—the people harmless & hospitable the ranchos or sleeping places poor
dirty & miserable. I accompanied Richard to the big river & went part of the way
in his canoe but having hurt myself & being on crutches I was too dependent &
a bore so I was carried back to an Englishman's house who lent me some good
animals & I rode back to Rio with 2 slaves and a tropeiro146 as guide which took
up 10 days. Richard has now been paddling down the river four months & I am
getting very anxious as I do not hear any news of him. He will emerge on the
Coast in the Province of Alagoas and steam down to Rio where I am waiting to
meet him. We are very happy under the aegis of our present chief Lord Stanley
& I hope for our sakes that he may always remain so as we are enormously proud
of him. My Earthly Trinity of great men are the French Emperor Lord Stanley &
Richard Burton & it is something to be proud of to be married to one & have
another for our chief. It is a pleasure for everyone to serve under him he is so
manly & straightforward.

Here everyone is occupied with the war in Paraguay. The Emperor cares for
nothing else. They are a most amiable family but the court is not very grand or
so formal as in England. They receive intimately the few they like but no general
society. We have lost our Minister Mr. & Mrs. Thornton & are all very sorry for

146
Drover.

64.
 1867. Wilfrid Scawen Blunt.

they were charming & are now waiting the arrival of Mr. Mathews147 & family. I
met him & Miss Mathews now Mrs. Erle I believe at your house. I liked her very
much. I have not seen the other ladies but I hope I shall like them all very much
& am prepared to get on very well with them.

It would be a great pity to spoil the beauty of this country by making it common
but you cannot fancy what riches it contains. If the whole Empire were let out
to a British company for 20 years there would be nothing like it but it wd be
ruined for travellers. The minerals gold stones precious woods—everything it
possesses is something that if it were in England there wd be a special train to it
& here nobody sees it or cares.

If you are so good as to write which I don't expect will you direct to the Foreign
Office our agent is Mr. Edward Hertslet. I should like to hear news of dear Lady
Houghton to whom give my love & ask her to keep me a kindly corner in her
memory & also I do not forget Amicia & Robin & the little one. I suppose Amicia
is now a grown up young lady and must be treated with great respect.

I have been tempted to send a lion monkey to Robin—all red with carrot-
coloured hair but unless I went with it, it wd die for want of care on the voyage.

How is poor little Swinburne? Remember me kindly to him & now with kindest
regards believe me dear Lord Houghton, to be always yrs most sincerely
Isabel Burton

23d.

41. 1867. Wilfrid Scawen Blunt.148

18th March.149—There has been a new life of Richard Burton published, and
much discussion of his character in the papers. I will try and recollect my own
impression of him. I knew his wife when she was an unmarried girl, having met
her several times at the house of her aunt, Monica Lady Gerard, at Mortlake, in
the fifties or early sixties. At that time she was a quiet girl enough, of the

147
Possibly Buckley-Mathew, see Register.
148
Wilfrid Scawen Blunt My Diaries: Being a Personal Narrative of Events, 1888-1914:
Part Two (1900-1914) (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1921) pp. 128-32.
149
Diary Entry, 1906.

65.
 1867. Wilfrid Scawen Blunt.

convent type—at least so I remember her—fair-haired and rather pretty—very

different from my recollection of her in later years. When I next met her it was
at Rio Janeiro in the autumn of 1867, where I spent some days in her company
on my way to the Legation at Buenos Aires. Her husband was Consul then at
Santos in Brazil, and he was travelling somewhere in the interior of Brazil, and
had left her at Rio during his absence. She had developed into a sociable and
very talkative woman, clever, but at the same time foolish, overflowing with
stories of which her husband was always the hero. Her devotion to him was very
real, and she was indeed entirely under his domination, an hypnotic domination
Burton used to boast of. I have heard him say that at the distance of many
hundred miles he could will her to do anything he chose as completely as if he
were with her in the same room. Burton's sayings, however, of this kind, were
not to be altogether depended upon, and he probably exaggerated his power.

A few months later Burton himself turned up, but without his wife, at Buenos
Aires, the announcement of his arrival having been made beforehand with some
parade in the local newspapers. The great traveller, it was stated, had the
project of making a new exploration of Patagonia and the western Pampas and
of ascending the highest summits of the Andes, including Aconcagua, then a
virgin peak, and paragraphs were from time to time printed as to the
preparations being made beforehand for so great an adventure. On his arrival,
however, it was soon abundantly clear that there was nothing very serious in
the plan. Burton, in spite of his naturally iron constitution, was no longer in a
physical condition for serious work, and though he talked about it for a while to
all who would listen, the expedition was gradually let drop by him and ended by
becoming a matter of joke among his friends. I remember what I think was my
first meeting with him, at Mrs. Russell's house in the autumn of 1868, where we
had both been asked to dinner and with us the notorious Sir Roger Tichborne, in
whose company Burton had arrived and with whom he chiefly consorted during
his two months' stay at Buenos Aires. They were a strange, disreputable couple.
Burton was at that time at the lowest point I fancy of his whole career, and in
point of respectability at his very worst. His consular life at Santos, without any
interesting work to his hand or proper vent for his energies, had thrown him into
a habit of drink he afterwards cured himself of and he seldom went to bed sober.
His dress and appearance were those suggesting a released convict, rather than
anything of more repute. He wore, habitually, a rusty black coat with a crumpled
black silk stock, his throat destitute of collar, a costume which his muscular

66.
 1867. Wilfrid Scawen Blunt.

frame and immense chest made singularly and incongruously hideous, above it
a countenance the most sinister I have ever seen, dark, cruel, treacherous, with
eyes like a wild beast's. He reminded me by turns of a black leopard, caged, but
unforgiving, and again with his close cut poll and iron frame of that wonderful
creation of Balzac's, the ex-gallerien Vautrin, hiding his grim identity under an
Abbe's cassock. Of the two companions Tichborne was distinctly the less
criminal in appearance. I came to know them both well, especially Burton, his
connection with the Consular service bringing him to us at the Legation, and I
have sat up many nights with him talking of all things in Heaven and Earth, or
rather listening while he talked till he grew dangerous in his cups, and revolver
in hand would stagger home to bed.

On the first occasion, however, of our dinner at Mrs. Russell's, my curiosity was
excited more towards Tichborne than towards him. He had already laid claim to
the Tichborne baronetcy and was commonly called by his title, and his business
at Buenos Aires was to collect evidence, proving his identity for the lawsuit he
was about to bring for the family estates. Burton at that time, it is worth
recording, more than half believed in him as being what he pretended, his wife's
connection with the Catholic world probably disposing him to take an interest in
the result. I too had something of a similar interest. I had been at school, not
indeed with the real Roger Tichborne, but with his younger brother, Alfred, who
had been a boy of about my own standing and whom I knew well. When,
therefore, I was told I was to meet ‘The Claimant’ at the dinner I brushed up my
recollection of Alfred so that I might be prepared to see or not to see a likeness
between them. Alfred at the age of sixteen had been a rather nice looking boy
with a round, good-humoured face, across which, a very notable feature, his
thick eyebrows met. Without being stupid he was a quite unintellectual boy,
and had passed by seniority into the highest class of the school without, I think
I may safely say, having learned a dozen words of Latin or Greek. It was about
all he could do to write in ungrammatical sentences an English letter, and his
time was spent in entire idleness and smoking so incurable that he had been
allowed at last to indulge it as an alternative to his expulsion. I was consequently
not prepared for special intelligence in his pretended brother, but I looked out
for the eyebrows and there, without question, they were across Sir Roger's face.
I treated him, therefore, as Burton did, in the light of a young man of decent
birth gone woefully to seed. His huge frame and coarse manner seemed to

67.
 1867. Wilfrid Scawen Blunt.

conceal reminiscences of aristocratic breeding as authentic perhaps, it was not

saying much, as Alfred's.

With these two men I therefore spent much of my time during the next few
weeks but naturally more with Burton. (I unfortunately kept no notes nor
journals then.) My talks with Burton were of a most intimate kind, religion,
philosophy, travel, politics. I had hardly as yet visited the East, but Eastern travel
had interested me from the day I had read Palgrave's ‘Journeys in Arabia,’ and
Burton was fond of reciting his Arabian adventures. In his talk he affected an
extreme brutality, and if one could have believed the whole of what he said, he
had indulged in every vice and committed every crime. I soon found, however,
that most of these recitals were indulged in pour épater le bourgeois150 and that
his inhumanity was more pretended than real. Even the ferocity of his
countenance gave place at times to more agreeable expressions, and I can just
understand the infatuated fancy of his wife that in spite of his ugliness he was
the most beautiful man alive. He had, however, a power of assuming the
abominable which cannot be exaggerated. I remember once his insisting that I
should allow him to try his mesmeric power on me, and his expression as he
gazed into my eyes was nothing less than atrocious. If I had submitted to his
gaze for any length of time—and he held me by my thumbs—I have no doubt he
would have succeeded in dominating me. But my will also is strong, and when I
had met his eyes of a wild beast for a couple of minutes I broke away and would
have no more. On matters of religion and philosophy he was fond, too, of
discoursing. There I could argue with him and hold my own, for he was not really
profound; and always at the bottom of his materialistic professions I found a
groundwork of belief in the supernatural which refused to face thought's
ultimate conclusions. I came at last to look upon him as less dangerous than he
seemed, and even to be in certain aspects of his mind, a ‘sheep in wolf's
clothing.’ The clothing, however, was a very complete disguise, and as I have
said he was not a man to play with, sitting alone with him far into the night,
especially in such an atmosphere of violence, as Buenos Aires then could boast,
when men were shot almost nightly in the streets. Burton was a grim being to

150
To impress the bourgeois.

68.
 1867. Wilfrid Scawen Blunt.

be with at the end of his second bottle with a gaucho's navaja151 handy to his
hand.

His visit to the Pampas ended tamely enough in his crossing it with ‘The
Claimant,’ the two inside the ordinary diligence, to Mendoza and thence on
mules to the Pacific. As to Aconcagua (he always insisted the mountain should
be pronounced with an accent on the last syllable) we heard no more of it, after
the appearance of a final paragraph in the Buenos Aires ‘Standard’ making fun
of it and him. ‘The great traveller Burton, it is said, has just completed his final
preparations for his exploration of the Pampas and Andes. Among his latest
acquisitions with this object are, we understand, a small field-piece to be
mounted on the roof of the diligence in which he proposes to travel and a few
torpedoes for use in crossing rivers.’ The Buenos Aires ‘Standard’ of those days
was the creation of a cheerful and irresponsible Irishman named Mulhall, to
whose office I used now and then to go for a quarter of an hour's gossip about
local matters, when he would ask me to lend a hand with his ‘copy’ and turn a
‘paragraph.’ I am not sure that the paragraph just quoted was not one of mine.
Mulhall afterwards rose to eminence in the world as a statistician, to the
surprise, I imagine, of everyone who in 1868 knew him at Buenos Aires.152

Such is my personal recollection of Burton when he must have been forty-eight

years old as I was twenty-eight. He seemed to me then already a broken man,
physically, nor did he impress me very strongly on his intellectual side. For that
reason, perhaps, I have never been able to rate him as highly as have done most
of his contemporaries, the friends who knew him. I am aware that I saw him at
his worst, but from a literary point of view, too, he seems to me second-rate.
His prose style is certainly of a poor order, and his verse as bad. As an oriental
linguist he was no doubt great, and in his youth he had great powers of
simulating Eastern character in various disguises. His face was one that lent
itself to this, for it had in it little of the European, and there must certainly have
been a cross in his blood, gipsy or other. At the same time in his talks with me,
and also in his books, he showed little true sympathy with the Arabs he had
come to know so well. He would at any time, I am sure, have willingly betrayed
them to further English, or his own professional interests. His published

151
A knife for fighting with.
152
This must be George Michael Mulhall (1836-1900), who with his brother Edward
Thomas Mulhall (1832-1899) founded the Standard.

69.
 1867. Walter Richard Seymour.

accounts of Arabia and the Arabs are neither sympathetic nor true. His
‘Pilgrimage to Mecca’ is largely made up with literary padding, and as a narrative
reads to me insincere. It certainly exaggerates the difficulty of the undertaking
which in those days was comparatively easy to anyone who would profess Islam,
even without possessing any great knowledge of Eastern tongues. At Damascus,
when I was there in 1878, he had left a poor reputation, having managed to get
into hot water with every native class—Turk, Arab, Syrian, Christian and Moslem
alike—though this I believe was greatly his wife's fault. She was indeed a very
foolish woman, and did him at least as much harm in his career as good. Her
published Life of him, however, which has the ring of a true wife's devotion,
redeems her in my eyes, and it is a fine trait in his character that he should have
borne with her absurdities for the sake of her love so long.

42. 1867. Walter Richard Seymour.153

While I was there once, Wilfrid Blunt, a relation of mine, in the Legation at
Buenos Ayres, turned up with his sister, a Norwegian Carriole,154 and a black imp
whom he had purchased at St. Vincent, and who answered to the name of
Pompey. It was delightful to see a refined, pretty Englishwoman in the wilds,
and she roughed it splendidly, and rode easily sideways on a man's saddle. …

I met in Buenos Ayres, and travelled back up-country with them, two very well-
known and different individuals—one Sir Richard Burton, the other the
Tichborne Claimant—and saw much of both.

I had the pleasure of several days with Burton, who was on his way across to
Chile. I never met a man who so deeply impressed me. His manly charm of
manner and great personal—I can only call it fascination, for it was a kind of
magnetic power over everyone which he carried with him—were extraordinary.
Of great physical strength, his fine figure was remarkable, with his enormous
moustache and extraordinary eyes. If you looked into them, you never seemed
to get to the back of them. I never wondered at his domination over men and
women, savage or civilized, or at his strong mesmeric powers.

153
Walter Seymour Ups and Downs of a Wandering Life (New York: D. Appleton, 1910)
p. 80-3.
154
A carriage.

70.
 1867. Walter Richard Seymour.

I had a great deal of most interesting talk with him, and have always felt that he
first induced me to strike out an independent line of thought on every subject
for myself. One evening at the railway-station at Frayle Muerto, where the
temporary feeding-place was kept by a very go-ahead Frenchman, he said:
“Voila, Monsieur le Capitaine, du jambon, du saucisson, du pain, une bouteille
de caña: je vous laisse avec Monsieur Seymour pour la nuit.”155 And I certainly
learnt more of curious information in that night than in many, many others in
my life put together. He said: “If you have any individual force of intellect, any
power of thought and reflection, why submit yourself to the opinions and
dictums of anyone? Think things out for yourself, come to your own conclusions,
be a law to yourself. Satisfy yourself as to the correctness of your views, and if
you have really satisfied yourself, then, as far as you are concerned, what you
think is right is right.” The Claimant was fat then—not quite as big as at the trial.
Burton used to draw him out most amusingly. He was much puzzled because
Lady Burton was an Arundel,156 closely related to the Tichbornes, and the Lady
Tichborne he claimed as mother was a Seymour, so he had to be careful not to
give himself away.

I can hear old Dick Burton's genial voice now: “Yes, Sir Roger, and what
happened then?” He told me about the wreck of the Bella, and how some six of
them escaped in a boat, were picked up, and got to Australia. I said: “Why don't
you produce some of the survivors?” And he: “Oh, I shall produce them all right
when the time comes!” And so he did—the well-known Jean Louis, who had
two years in choky for perjury! Sir Roger was by way of going across the
Continent to Chile, but he thought better of it, and returned to Buenos Ayres
and England. He later on told a cock-and-bull story of how lucky it was he turned
back, as the diligencia he would have gone by was stopped, and the people
robbed and murdered, and he darkly insinuated that the whole thing was a
Catholic Tichborne plot to get him out of the way!

My acquaintance with him continued in London, when I amused myself by going

to see him, and my Tichborne friends had me subpoenaed to testify as to what
he told me in South America on the great trial. Another witness amused us by
relating how he went to call on him, and found “Lady” Tichborne with a black

155
Here, Mr. Captain, ham, sausage, bread, a bottle of caña: I leave you with Mr.
Seymour for the night.
156
Arundell.

71.
 1868/01/14. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

eye. He was sympathetic about her “accident,” but the stout Sir Roger said: “No
accident! She gave me some of her sauce, so I blacked her eye for her!” I went
a little way across with Burton, and then tried a little expedition on my account.

Figure 6. From Burton's Sketchbook.

43. 1868/01/14. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.157

Santos. S. Paulo.
Jan 14/68.

My dear Sir

157
Huntington Library RFB 324 Box 27. ALS.

72.
 1868/02/10. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

No news whatever here, except the fall of the Milrei to 18d. Will you be
kind enough to send Coimbra's letter to him and to post the others for me.158
Settle account as usual please.

My hard work has now begun in real earnest. S. Paulo is charming after Rio.
Can’t you manage to run up for a few days

ev yrs try
Richd F. Burton.

44. 1868/02/10. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.159

Private S. Paulo Feb 10 / 68

My dear Sir

Many thanks for yours of Jan. 29th. Envelopes have come all right. I have
got deep into 1st vol. & expect to finish it this month.160 The delightful climate
however is misbehaving itself this year, we have just had 48 hours rain and it is
raining still. Can’t you drop down here in May for a few days, it will then be the
best part of the year and the change will set you up. The old room is as usual
quite at your service. Write only on one side of the paper, a big sprawling hand
if possible with plenty of room between the lines—above all things no turning
of paper. Mrs. B will have to correct the proofs at home. She is delighted the
deuce knows why to hear that Constable is buckling to. What says Mr. R Austin
to the [new] arrangement?161 How come Dr. Stuart has belonged to both Trinity
and Cambridge. I have read the Chronicles & liked them very much. But what
an idea to set up a newspaper in Brazil when the Milreis is =14d. You are
doubtless very dull at Rio. here it is a chronic state of death.

There are 2 men at Rio M. Luis De Santos [Ermenegildo] and Mr. [Werneck]
Merchant Rua do Rosario who have maps and plenty of information about Matto
Grosso. Do you know them? And are they to be got at? I have finished my
translation of the Uruguay & am copying it out for print. My daily work begins

158
Dr. Augusto Teixeira Coimbra, see Register.
159
Huntington Library RFB 324 Box 27. ALS.
160
Explorations of the Highlands of the Brazil.
161
Richard Austin, see Register.

73.
 1868/03/08? Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

at 6am & ends at 10 pm. There is an immensity of reading to be done before

one can write about the Brazil. I am not quite certain about putting Hans Stade
into the hands of the Hakluyt—it will be like burying the book alive and perhaps
my friend Trubner who is good at pushing will like it. What do you think of the
matter? At any rate we have time to think it over.162 Has Austin163 heard
anything about his brother? When you see the Great Scully164 will you kindly
find out what he is doing with my old Canto. If he prints it I shall want 3 or 4
copies of the paper to cut out and send to England. Last mail brought me no
newspapers at all—perhaps people still think am in the bush. I have not directed
Whittaker’s letter not hearing if he is still at Rio or on the loose.165

My wife sends kind compliments and we both hope that you and all your people
have not been drowned

Ever yrs truly

Richd F. Burton

45. 1868/03/08? Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.166

Private

S. Paulo
March 8

My dear Sir

Will you kindly tell me what is the exact title of Pereira da Silva’s work
“Bibliographia Brasileira” or “Dictionario Bibliographino”.167 I have finished the
Uruguay at last. Thank goodness & shall send it home sharp.168 Mrs. Bradfield

162
Hans Stade of Hesse, translated by Tootal and edited by Burton, was eventually
published in 1874 by the Hakluyt Society.
163
See Register.
164
William Scully, see Register.
165
John Whittaker, C.E.
166
Huntington Library RFB 324 Box 27. ALS.
167
Burton may have confused the historian J. M. Pereira da Silva with Innocencio
Francisco da Silva (1810-1876) who edited Diccionário bibliográfico portuguez (1858
onward)
168
The Uruguay: A Historical Romance of South America (1769) by Jose Bagilio da
Gama (1740-1795).

74.
 1868/04/18. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

has been at S. Paulo for some time the weather has been so desperate that
travelling is almost impossible. Mr. Beeton however went up country and
returned yesterday. We have a marriage coming on Mr. Miller & Sra. Perxito, a
niece of Baron de Penedo!

Do you think you will be able to run down and see us. In early April the weather
will be magnificent. Don't speak much about it but I am off into the unknown
when I get my June mail. The journey will occupy at least 8 months. Do you
know where to find me a copy of Gibbons Expedition down the Madeira river (I
have got Herndons)? 169 It will be of the greatest service to me. Also I want a
box of cigars of the quality you were kind enough to give me. It is intended for
my mathematical master Pere Germain.170 Feels odd going to school so near 50
but n'importe. Whittaker wrote to me and spoke of a letter which I never recd.171
A great bore this kind of thing—also my newspapers are systematically prigged
somewhere. Remember me vy kindly to “Old John”. My wife joins me in kind
regards to all yr people. When does the Const. marry?

Ever yrs try

Richd F. Burton

46. 1868/04/18. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.172

Santos Sao Paulo, Brazil April 18th 1868

My dear Lord Houghton,

On the 9th of April I received your kind letter of Feb 13th San Remo nearly two
months after it was written—a very quick passage. I was delighted with it &
Richard also. I quite agree with you about most letters from a distance. They
simply become a bore when people will not write naturally. People think when
writing to a friend like you they must write clever letters. I don't want to send a

169
Lardner A. Gibbon (1820-1910), a Lieut. in the US Navy who explored the Madeira
River in Bolivia. He wrote the second volume of Exploration of the Valley of the
Amazon (1854) while his companion William Lewis Herndon (1813-1857) wrote the
first. Herndon was ‘lost at sea’ in 1857.
170
Germain was attached to the Episcopal Seminary in São Paolo. See Highlands of the
Brazil, Vol 1., p. 61.
171
John Whittaker, C.E.
172
Houghton 4/186. ALS.

75.
 1868/04/18. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

bad "coal to Newcastle" I want only to keep up that kind & valued friendship
which you & Lady Houghton always showed Richard & myself & that we may not
be forgotten though it is rather like writing to somebody in the moon from this
distance. I am more than grieved to hear how ill Lady Houghton has been. I
sympathise with her very much about the old family place which was so
beautiful, but as you say Lord [Clive] with all his money can easily copy it over
again & she ought to make up her mind to him to see it carried out for Robin's
sake.

Poor Swinburne! I am sorry for him as far as the drinking propensities go. He is
simply possessed by an "unclean imp" and I think the olla podrida173 are very
hard upon him. Everybody has some defect and they augment his by making
such a fuss about it. I think his not being popular with the mob is a great feather
in his cap. The British Public never can appreciate truly anything very high or
refined in any line. If they could would Disraeli now be Premier or would they
not clamour for Lord Stanley & shake off the old chrysalis & go with the wants
of the age? I must fight about my political idol. When I was a small girl I was
fond of politics & perhaps because I had to hear so much about him, being half
Lancastrian myself, I have watched his career for many years & I cannot see that
he has ever wavered. He has always had a mind of his own & gone on so solidly
& as firm as a rock & who else has? He is my beau ideal of all that is chivalrous
& noble in a statesman. Has not England always grumbled at the mean shabby
attitudes she has been placed in when she ought to have shown fight & didn't &
now because the reins are in the hands of a young man whose blood is not yet
stagnant & who has the pluck to deliver us from being detested & mocked at
abroad, the British Public at home of course will grumble at having to pay. They
prefer their dirty money to honour!

We remembered Mr. & Miss Mathew174 very well at Fryston. We met the bride
at Rio. The bridegroom travelled with R. & me for two months or more. I liked
her so much. We then waited for Mr. Mathew in Rio. He was exceedingly jolly
& pleasant & treats his consuls in a friendly spirit which is very pleasant & he is
agreeable to work under. I assure you after Mr. Thornton he shone as a
fascinating homme du monde. I liked Mr. Thornton too, but in official matters

173
The stew of humanity.
174
Possibly Buckley-Mathew, see Register.

76.
 1868/04/18. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

with his Consuls he was like a fractious child. He had been 13 years in South
America & had never seen anything. How he is to get on in Washington I don't
know. I often think how disappointed Lord Stanley must have felt when he saw
the article selected where a big swell should have gone. Mr. Mathew sadly
wants his KCB. I have not seen his wife & youngest daughter but I hear they are
lovely & nice too & long to see them. We laughed heartily at the idea of Richard
spiriting away Speke's brother, I just read that he is found again. Now that could
only have been done for notoriety—very mad indeed. Had he gone to
Timbuctoo well & good—but to throw one's hat into birdcage Walk & lose
oneself in the inhuman wilds of Margate or Broadstairs deserves 3 months
imprisonment with hard labour. Had he even come to the “Land of the Southern
Cross”. Don't believe anything you ever hear about the Southern Cross. It is the
meanest constellation I ever saw & as badly made as a boy’s first kite.

A friend of ours is going shortly to Engd on leave a Captain Robert Grant Watson
of the British Legation in Rio. He has written to ask me to give him a note of
introduction to you which I have taken the liberty of doing. I suppose he felt shy
of asking his chief Mr. Mathew. He has travelled a great deal & seen much, &
knows a good deal, & has written a book on Persia which language he speaks &
is going to publish something else. Shortly after I last wrote to you Richard
emerged from the wilds clad in scanty rags. We then came home & have been
leading a pastoral life ever since & writing the book. Our war with Paraguay is
the only serious Public affair here & that you see in the paper as affecting our
provisions & paper money. Next July R is going off for an exploration among the
bad Indians where I shall be de trop & as it will occupy 8 months I am going part
of the way with him then ride down the coast & embark for England remain 6
months see all my friends civilise myself a little, buy some clothes & be back
again before his return.

He is now lying ill of fever & ague & can't turn round in the bed & I who have a
bad cold & cough & neuralgia am nursing him. He blasphemes horribly every two
minutes & then wants to know if he is not behaving like a cherub.

Give our kindest regards to Lady Houghton, & love to the children. Richard sends
all sorts of affect. messages to you & believe me dear Lord Houghton
yrs most sincerely
Isabel Burton

77.
 1868/04/18. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

Santos São Paulo Brazil

N. B. I am annoyed with myself for what I have said about Mr. Thornton because
we were friends but he dislikes the Consular Service particularly & opposed
Richard as much as he could in little official ways therefore though what I have
stated above is true it is also certain that Lord Stanley has shown his usual
prudence & foresight in selecting him for Washington though he is an unknown
man for with the natives of the country he is the meekest most unexacting &
conciliating of creatures & it would be impossible to have a war with a country
where he was minister. Not so with these serving under him. He has been
kicked about all his life from the cradle & so now he has risen to the top of the
tree he vents it on his Consuls. Not that this is much harming except to those
who suffer from it.

I am sorry to say Richard is much worse. We have no doctors out here, & I am
quite alone, & have come to the end of all my domestic practice. I have tried
calomel blisters hot baths & all I know & am very frightened and unhappy. He
can't speak nor turn & can hardly breath & I am now watching & hoping for some
favourable turn.

47. 1868/04/18. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.175

My dear Lord Houghton

Will you allow me to introduce to you a great friend of ours Capt. R. G. Watson
of the British Legation at Rio de Janeiro. I know you will like him he has travelled
& seen & knows so much. He has written a History of Persia176 which is very
much liked & still continues publishing. I shall leave you to find out the rest of
his numerous merits. I hope to see you very soon. I shall reach England in
August or September & shall immediately call on Lady Houghton whom I hope
to find quite restored by her travels to good health.

Believe me dear Lord Houghton to be

175
Houghton 4/185. ALS.
176
Robert Grant Watson A history of Persia from the beginning of the nineteenth
century to the year 1858, with a review of the principal events that led to the
establishment of the Kajar dynasty. London, Smith, Elder & Co., 1866.

78.
 1868/08/04? Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

yrs sincerely
Isabel Burton.

April 18th 1868

Santos São Paulo.

48. 1868/08/04? Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.177

Estrangeiros178 August 1.

My dear Sir

I have looked at your translation & find it so good that I should strongly
advise you to finish it. Do you think that you could do so before the end of next
December? If so I would much rather leave it with you. All my part will be
confined to a few notes which however should be written on the spot (Santos)
& after December next I shall not see it again. We both hope very strongly to
see you down on the 5th so as to have a parting chat. If you cannot, then let me
have a line. My wife joins in kind regards & hopes that Petropolis179 will set you
up sharp.

ev yrs try
Richd F. Burton.

49. 1868/09/14. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.180

14 Montagu Place
Montagu Sq. W.

177
Huntington Library RFB 324 Box 27. ALS.
178
“From foreign countries”. A hotel in Rio that the Burtons often stayed at.
179
“Petropolis is a pretty, white, straggling settlement, chiefly inhabited by Germans. It
has two streets, with a river running between, across which are many little bridges, a
church, a theatre, four or five hotels, the Emperor’s palace, and villas dotted
everywhere. It is the Imperial and Diplomatic health resort, and the people attached
to the Court and the Diplomatic Corps have snuggeries scattered all about the table-
land of Petropolis, and form a pleasant little society.” The Romance of Isabel, Lady
Burton, vol. 1 p. 273.
180
Houghton 4/187. ALS.

79.
 1868/10/09. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

Dear Lord Houghton

I landed from Brazil a few days ago. Richd has gone to Paraguay. I do
not know where you are but will send this to 16 Upper Brook St. Will you address
me as above (it is my mother's house but will be sent to me). I am in lodgings.
How is Lady Houghton now? Richd has quite recovered his nasty attack. I want
you to send me Richard's Mecca which I think Winford Reade181 gave you. He
wants me to have it brought out as a […]182 book. I think the subject is worn out
but must obey orders. I am editing his book on Brazil or rather going to & 5
other small things—so shall be tied to London for a time.

Believe me
yrs sincerely
Isabel Burton

14 Sept. 1868.

50. 1868/10/09. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.183

Dear Lord Houghton

I received Mecca all right many thanks & have put it into Longman’s hands. I
hope to hear better news of Lady Houghton soon.

I must have offended Swinburne. He called twice and I did not happen to be in
& I can't get him to call again & I have so much to say to him. I have a talent for
stopping the battle when I know a person well enough.

You see Dick is going to be the Nile man after all. I shall go in for KCB. Won't
you back me up? I had a long letter from him today from Humaitá. He was going
to cross the Andes with Wm Maxwell one of the Yorkshire ones. Humaitá is a
mere entrench camp. He himself as strong as a horse & shay184 to use his own
language. He sends best love to you & says he will be here about May or June.

My kindest regards to dear Lady Houghton & believe me yours always sincerely

181
sic. See Register for Winwood Reade.
182
Illegible.
183
Houghton 4/188. ALS.
184
A two-wheeled horse carriage.

80.
 1868/10/28. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

Isabel Burton

9th Oct. 68
14 Montague Place
Montagu Sq. W

51. 1868/10/28. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.185

Dear Lord Houghton

I'm so sorry I can't come. I think you know well enough that if there is one house
I care to go to more than another it is yours & you well know how fond I am of
Lady Marion Alford & it is ages since I have seen or heard of her but I am obliged
to resist going. I am so occupied with publishers and watching the F. O. gates
for Richd that I dare not go out of town. However I gave myself a few days at
Wardour from where I only returned last night—& found your letter & message.
Had you told me I would have refused Wardour till later & been able to come to
you now but dare not leave the accumulation of work I find—it would throw
Richard back. I hope it's not the last opportunity you mean to give me. Give my
love to Lady Marion & with kindest regards to yourself & Lady Houghton who I
hope is better. Believe me yours sincerely Isabel Burton.

P. S. I am more sorry because I have got such a load of things to tell you & I want
to put you on a new line of music that will just suit you with great effect.

14 Montagu Place
Oct 28th 68.

52. 1868/—/—. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.186

Dear Lord Houghton,

I am going down to Tinsley to ask his leave to accept yr kind invitation at any rate
for a few days taking plenty of proofs with me—I will write tomorrow. The F. O.
will be addressing constituents at Kings Lynn so that will be no hindrance,
besides I have bothered him pretty well & if Richd does not get well served it

185
Houghton 4/189. ALS.
186
Houghton 4/190. ALS.

81.
 1868/—/—. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

won’t be the fault of his hard working wife. It will be a shame if he goes out &
gives me nothing. Every relation I have, & they are Legion, the entire old Roman
Catholic clan, are red hot Conservatives so that when your side comes in, I can
expect no quarter & can't ask it.

I had a letter from the "prophet" a few days ago, he has seen all the chiefs of
Paraguay & been well treated. The Brazilians are going to organize a provisional
Gov't at Assuncion.187 The English were a better lot than near Rio, less trade and
more sport. He volunteered to get the English prisoners away from Lopez but
that you know is Diplomat work let him be ever so inefficient. The man in this
case—Mr. Gould188—wanted the job & it was his right but no one expects him
to succeed as Lopez hates him & before treated him contemptuously. R. looks
on impatiently from his small official position there (the smallest on the coast)
& laughs to see them bungling over the mildest work. That's routine, the fence
over which England always comes a cropper! He tells me Lopez's fame is nearly
played out, of course you know it has been conducted from the first by an Irish
girl named Lynch the unmarried wife of Lopez. She gets powder from Engd &
drills the women now herself. The men are all killed. You will have heard I
daresay of the dreadful shock which we have all had, as Brough I suppose is near
you. Lady Lawson who was Mimosa Gerard came here on Monday to have an
operation performed. On the 4th it was done well & successful but lasted an
hour. She showed immense pluck & was going on quite well to the delight of all
the family for she was a gt. favourite. On the 5th she sank & died in 10 minutes.
They are all going down to Brough on the 12th & I think that will be the proper
day for me to come to you because it wd seem unfeeling not to stay with them
as long as they are here. I am already in deep mourning for my eldest brother189
& I shall not be therefore able to dress very extensively but I daresay Lady
Houghton won’t care about that. I will bring the music I talked of. I want you to
learn to recite yr own poetry to a flowing accompaniment as the Brazilians do of
which I will give you specimens & also of Aboriginal music which is original &
suggestive—I think pretty—far better than the Modinha which is the middle
classes’ music there (as our shopkeeper's daughters may sing English ballads) &

187
Asunción.
188
See Letters from the Battlefields of Paraguay, pp. 328-9.
189
Theodore Arundell (1828-1868), from Henry Raymond Arundell’s first marriage, to
Mary Isabel Constable (?-1828).

82.
 1868/12/03. Lord Stanley to Richard Burton.

is the only music of Brazil known. The recitation is the Highest style of music
known. The Landúm (aboriginal) the canaille but the truest music. However you
will be the judge. The dances wont quite do for English drawing rooms though
all the good people out there dance them as we do a country dance or cotillion.
C'est tout soir peu can-can.190

I do not know any news as my present life is all work & no play. I look forward
to amusing myself bye and bye towards Christmas. With kindest regards to Lady
Houghton I am
yrs very sincerely.
Isabel Burton
Sunday—14 Montagu Place, Montagu Sq.

53. 1868/12/03. Lord Stanley to Richard Burton.191

Foreign Office, December 3, 1868.

Sir,

I have to state to you that the Queen has been graciously pleased to appoint you
to be Her Majesty’s Consul at Damascus in the place of Mr. Rogers, who has
been appointed Her Majesty’s Consul at Cairo, and I herewith inclose a certified
copy of Her Majesty’s Commission to that effect.

Your experience of the details of the Consular service renders it unnecessary for
me to furnish you with instructions with regard to your duties at your new post.
I need only remind you that Her Majesty’s Government attach great importance
to the punctual transmission to this office of the various returns required by the
General Consular Instructions, and of any further information which you may be
able to obtain relating to commerce and navigation, or any other branch of
statistics.

The salary attached to this appointment is at the rate of 700£ a year, and an
allowance of 300£ a year will be made to you for office expenses.

190
It’s all a little evening can-can.
191
National Archives FO 881-2148. ALS.

83.
 1868. Thomas Joseph Hutchinson.

You are restricted from engaging in commercial pursuits, and all fees by law
leviable by Her Majesty’s Consuls are to be collected on account of Her Majesty’s
Government in conformity with the directions given in Paragraph 9 of the
General Instructions.

Your salary and allowance will be issued to your assigns at the office of Her
Majesty’s Paymaster-General in London, in equal quarterly payments, and they
are to cover, so far as this office is concerned, not only the expenses of your
maintenance, but also the ordinary expenses of your Consulate.

Such of the fees as are collected under the Orders in Council relative to Consular
Jurisdiction in the Levant (Judicial Fees) must be dealt with in accordance with
the orders which you will find in the Consulate.

A sum of 160£ is assigned to you for outfit.

I am, &c.
(Signed) STANLEY.

54. 1868. Thomas Joseph Hutchinson.192

When my colleague, Captain Burton, was at my house in Rosario, en route to

Paraguay, during the year 1868, and spoke of his recent return from the West
Coast of South America, he observed that “the beauty and grandeur of the
Straits of Magellan were worth being shipwrecked to enjoy, if no other means
of seeing them could be had recourse to.” The character which all the
neighbourhood bears for cold, comfortless, rugged nature, made me rather
doubtful of sympathy in such an idea. But nous verrons.193

55. 1868. Charles Percy Bushe.194

TO THE EDITOR OF THE STANDARD.

192
Thomas Joseph Hutchinson Two Years in Peru (London: Sampson Low, 1873) p. 4.
See Register.
193
we shall see.
194
Letter to the editor, London Standard, Wed. Dec 9, 1896.

84.
 1868. Charles Percy Bushe.

Sir,—With reference to your notice of the above mentioned book195 in The

Standard of to-day, it occurs to me that I am able to throw some light upon the
true opinions196 of Richard Burton from an independent and impartial point of
view.

In the year 1868, when I commanded the gunboat Linnet, then in the River
Paraguay, he brought me a letter of introduction from Mr. Gerald Gould, chargé
d'affaires at Buenos Aires. I invited him to become my guest, and he stayed with
me for some weeks—I think about six or seven—during which time he wrote
most of his book “The Battlefields of Paraguay.” During that period we were
constant companions; we made expeditions together, and he shared my cabin:
he was a great talker, and I had sometimes to remind him that if he could do
without sleep I could not. He spoke to me with the utmost freedom about his
past life. and was very far from reticent about his family affairs

I believe he had as much regard for me as he was capable of feeling for any man.
I am about the only one of whom he spoke well in the above-mentioned book.
I had, therefore, an exceptional opportunity of knowing his real opinions on
most matters. At that time he appeared to have no religious convictions
whatever, nor many inconvenient scruples of any sort. At the same time, he
showed no active animosity against any sort of religion except one, the religion
of his wife. For that he freely expressed contempt. I remember his telling me
that she had a little shrine in her room, and that, on some occasion when they
had a difference of opinion, he threatened that if she did not keep quiet he
would "pitch her joss-house out of the window." As both have passed away, I
may mention this now, as it clearly shows what his sentiments were at that time.

He was a believer in the Tichborne Claimant, whom he subsequently asked me

to meet in Buenos Ayres, and I remember his saying that he believed that there
was a Roman Catholic plot against him. I think Burton afterwards was a witness
in his favour.

195
The True Life of Capt. Sir Richard F. Burton (London: H.S. Nichols, 1896) by
Georgiana Stisted (Burton’s niece). The book intended to present the Stisted family
view of Burton’s religious convictions, and refuted Isabel’s idea that he had converted
to Catholicism.
196
About religion. This is the long-standing controversy about Burton’s supposed
Catholic conversion, as claimed by Isabel.

85.
 1869/—/—? Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.

It is inconceivable to me that a man of such strong will and iron resolution could
ever, while in the full possession of his faculties, have conformed, even
outwardly, to a religion which, in his prime of intellectual vigour, he so entirely
despised

I am, Sir, your obedient servant,

C. PERCY BUSHE, Captain R.N.

Walmer, December 7.

56. 1869/—/—? Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.197

Garswood
Sunday

Caro Milnes

One word to say that I go up to Town tomorrow and stay till about the 23d (14 St
James Square finds). Thanks for your excellent advice about Camoens. I love
him & your forbiddance invests the affair with much of the interest of a grave198
loss. Why should not people read the Lusiads when the other morning you
received a new trans. of Tasso?199 Please don't explain. It's rank impossible to
translate Orientalism out of the East—I reserve it for the days when we settle in
Syria. We must speak about the Arabian Nights.

Ev yrs
Abdullah200

P.S. First Canto nearly finished. Your note will lift me through it.

57. 1869/01/20. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.201

My dear Lord Houghton

197
Houghton 228/32. ALS MS.
198
Or possibly blasé.
199
Torquato Tasso (1544-1595).
200
Signature in Arabic.
201
Houghton 4/191. ALS.

86.
 1869/02/20. The Tichborne Case.

I'm so glad you like my preface.202 I think all the Catholic party will side
with me but I am smarting under the lash of the Pall Mall & Athenaeum. I have
never stood before the public yet & am too thin-skinned & feel quite ill abt. it
all. All the nice people approve of it like you & Lord Stanley & others. Richd
writes in ecstasies about Wm Maxwell & says he is such a nice fellow so I'm afraid
you won’t get yr wish.

Robin shall have the butterflies. I don't think I shall be in town again till 27th or
so. Will you direct if you write, between this and Monday, to Garswood,
Newton-le-Willows & believe me,

Yrs sincerely,
Isabel Burton.

Jany. 20. 69.

R. knew I was going to put that in.

58. 1869/02/20. The Tichborne Case.203

The Tichborne Baronetcy.—By the arrival of the Pacific mail we learn that the
West Coast Mail has been informed that the commissioners on the Tichborne
case intend returning to England on the 17th inst. We have also been informed
that Sir Roger Tichborne, Bart., or at all events the person claiming to be such,
disembarked at Montevideo, en route for Chile, via the Cordillera, but as he has
not yet arrived, his counsel is apprehensive for his safety, more especially as the
border provinces are in a very unsettled state. A friend assures me that Sir Roger
left Rosario in company with Major Rikards,204 the Honourable Constable
Maxwell, and Captain Burton in quest of a mine of fabulous wealth in the Indian
territory, and he supposes that Sir Roger has either been sacrificed by the
Indians, or that he has succeeded in establishing his right to the mine, and

202
Isabel’s Preface to Explorations of the Highlands of the Brazil. “I point the finger of
indignation particularly at what misrepresents our Holy Roman Catholic Church, and at
what upholds that unnatural and repulsive law, Polygamy, which the Author is careful
not to practise himself, but from a high moral pedestal he preaches to the ignorant as
a means of population in young countries.”
203
The Law Times Feb 20, 1869, p. 310.
204
Major Francis Ignacio Rickard, author of The Mineral and Other Resources of the
Argentine Republic (La Plata) in 1869 (London: Longmans, 1870).

87.
 1869/02/20. The Tichborne Case.

prefers that to the trouble and annoyance attending the vindication of his claim
to the Tichborne property.205

205
Burton omits Tichborne in his account: “Meanwhile, Mr. William C. Maxwell and I
had wandered about quaint Córdoba, the ex-Jesuit Seminary, one of the oldest of the
scattered cities with which the Spaniards had built up a kind of skeleton civilization. In
company with Major Ignacio Rickard, R.A., we had inspected the Sierra de San Luiz, and
visited the scene of the terrible earthquake at Mendoza. We then crossed the Andes
by the Uspallata Pass, enjoying two views which amply requited us for all our little
hardships.” Letters from the Battlefields of Paraguay (1870), pp. 413-4.

88.
 1869/02/20. The Tichborne Case.

Figure 7. The Tichborne Claimant Media Sensation as seen by Punch. 206

206
“The Old Man of the Sea”. SINDBAD (as representing the British Public). “I can’t be
expected to attend to any of YOU, with this ‘interesting topic’ on my shoulders!

89.
 1869/04/03. Henry Elliot to the Earl of Clarendon.

59. 1869/04/03. Henry Elliot to the Earl of Clarendon.207

Constantinople, May 3, 1869.

My Lord,

It is my duty to inform your Lordship that the prospect of the arrival of Captain
Burton, as Her Majesty’s Consul at Damascus, is viewed with apprehension by
many persons connected with that place.

Damascus is probably the most fanatical town in the Empire, and the presence
there, in the character of British Consul, of a person who had penetrated to the
Prophet’s shrine, is regarded as certain to cause exhibitions against him that may
be productive of very undesirable consequences.

By the Mussulman population Captain Burton is regarded either as having

insulted their religion by taking part as an unbeliever in their most sacred rites,
or else as having, at that time, been a Mahomedan and having become a
renegade.

Under either supposition he would be regarded with aversion by most, and with
hatred by very many of the population, and it is my duty to draw your Lordship’s
attention to a consideration which was probably lost sight of when Captain
Burton was selected for the post.

I have, &c.
(Signed) HENRY ELLIOT.

60. 1869/06/19. James Murray to Richard Burton.208

Foreign Office, June 19, 1869.

Sir,

With reference to your Separate despatch of the 14th instant, I am directed by

the Earl of Clarendon, in communicating to you his Lordship's sanction of the
arrangements therein proposed for your proceeding to your post, to take this

207
National Archives FO 881-2148.
208
National Archives FO 881-2148.

90.
 1869/06/21. Richard Burton to James Murray.

opportunity of repeating to you what his Lordship has already verbally stated to
you, that very serious objections to your appointment at Damascus have
reached him from official quarters, and that, although Lord Clarendon has
allowed that appointment to go forward on receiving from you assurances that
the objections raised were unfounded, his Lordship has warned you that that if
the feeling stated to exist against you on the part of the authorities and people
at that place should prevent the proper performance by you of your official
duties, it would be his Lordship’s duty immediately to recall you.

I am, &c.
(Signed) JAMES MURRAY.

61. 1869/06/21. Richard Burton to James Murray.209

Howlett's Hotel, Manchester Street, Manchester Square,

London, June 21, 1869.

Sir,

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Separate despatch of the
19th instant, and to express my gratitude for the sanction with which his
Lordship has favoured me.

I now renew in writing the verbal statement in which I assured his Lordship that
neither the authorities nor the people of Damascus will show for me any but the
most friendly feeling ; that they will, in fact, receive me as did the Egyptians and
the people of Zanzibar for years after my journey to Mecca. But, as designing
persons may have attempted to complicate the situation, I once more undertake
to act with unusual prudence, and, under all circumstances, to hold myself only
answerable for all the consequences.

I am, &c.
(Signed). RICHARD F. BURTON.

209
National Archives FO 881-2148.

91.
 1869/07/03. Henry Elliot to the Earl of Clarendon.

62. 1869/07/03. Henry Elliot to the Earl of Clarendon.210

Constantinople, July 5, 1869.

My Lord

RASHID PASHA, the Governor-General of Syria, in the course of his visit to me

this morning, asked, with some anxiety, whether Captain Burton was expected
to proceed to the Consulate of Damascus.

I said that I believed he might shortly he expected there, but that he had been
warned by your Lordship to be extremely careful to avoid doing anything
calculated to give offence, or to create susceptibility on the part, of the people
of Damascus.

Your Lordship, I observed, could not properly cancel an appointment made by

your predecessor, but had laid strict injunctions upon Captain Burton, which he
would not be likely to neglect; and in return for these I trusted that the
authorities would exert themselves to prevent his being subjected to any
annoyance.

His Excellency answered that a British Consul who would be regarded as a

renegade Mussulman must necessarily find himself in a very difficult position.

I have, &c.
(Signed) HENRY ELLIOT.

63. 1869/07/09. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.211

Howlett’s Manchester Street Manchester

Square London. July 9 / 69

My dear Tootal

Yours duly recd. [Dacre] has not sent the Ms. or the vol. so we have
written to the R. Mail. Bother the fellow, I go on Thursday next July 15 & wanted
to arrange matters before departure for Damascus. I have spoken to the

210
National Archives FO 881-2148.
211
Huntington Library RFB 324 Box 27. ALS MS.

92.
 1869/07/09. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

Secretary212 of Hakluyt about it and he quite likes the idea.213 This contretemps
will delay the matter some 6 months. I have done the London season for the
very last time & shall never return except in Autumn or winter. It has been a life
of bed at 8 a.m. no breakfast lunch at 2 p.m. dine at 8.30 p.m. and then soiree.
Not so tiring when one's broken to it, but deadly monotonous. By this mail I
send Quaritch's catalogue through you to Dr. Sonja—is that his name?—the
gentleman bookseller to whom you introduced me. I want to get up an English
book trade in Brazil, the demand must be considerable and a connexion might
be a good thing for an English house to establish. As soon as I get my little Library
from Hunt214 I intend to publish "The Lowlands of the Brazil". My book on
Paraguay still hangs fire, Lt. Col. George Thompson has his ready215 & I want to
give him a few months. This is only fair. No news but what you will see in the
papers. The Anthros & Ethnos all quarrelling & fighting, I wash hands of both.
All the Societies deadly dull. England has spent £500,000,000 on R.R.s. bringing
2 per cent & [no end] per annum. £60,000,000 and the place is wretched, the
worst horses & equipages in the civilized world. They live like paupers, I was
quite astonished to see the state of things. Of course book trade depressed like
all others. Miss Braddon216 read. My wife joins in kindest remembrances to your
sister & brother in-law. I have written to Le Tout-pêre by this mail. Write me a
line &c. temps en temps217 care of F.O. & I will do ditto.

ev yrs try
Richd F. Burton

212
Clements Markham, see Register.
213
Publication of Hans Stade of Hesse (Hakluyt, 1874).
214
George S. Lennon Hunt, see Register.
215
George Thompson The War in Paraguay, with an Historical Sketch of the Country
and its People (London: Longmans, 1869)
216
Presumably Mary Elizabeth Braddon (1835-1913), novelist and editor of the
magazine Belgravia; also Aladdin; or the Wonderful Lamp (London: Maxwell, 1880) .
“Miss Braddon has contented herself with Englishing the vulgar version, whose
Gallicisms are so offensive to the national ear”. Supplementary Arabian Nights, vol. 6,
p. 370.
217
from time to time.

93.
 1869/09/01. Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.

64. 1869/09/01. Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes. 218

Turin Sept. 1 1869

My dear Houghton If Anathema Maranatha219 can hurt from afar you

must be badly hit. Swinburne & I have been busily devoting your venerable head
to the infernal Gods. There are a dozen good hotels in Vichy—why did you send
us to the only Cabaret?

To the Hotel de France, a mere gargotte220 where we were cheated robbed and
had to pay at least as much as in the best of the list. The only consolation was
that we have studied for the last time French Grundy and bourgeois society.
Next time you send a bachelor let him deposit himself at the Ambassadeurs &
change lodgings every few days or whenever he wants to dine at the table d'hote
when something pretty dines. Also how did you select Durand-Fardel,221 a
pretentious ass, a perfect humbug. Swinburne say222 through him & turned him
off at once. My wife did not & was frightened accordingly. He is a mere quack
& catch-guinea. The man is Durand de Lunel whom Swinburne chose.

The waters did me some good but I was delighted to leave the hideous hole with
its jaundices gout and diabetes. Out of Paris the French are perfect savages. The
Casino of Vichy would disgrace Constantinople. Separation of the sexes
complete. All the beauty is at Dieppe Etretats,223 Normandy etc. I met Brazilians
& Chileans, also Mary Woodhouse & some cousins the Synges. Swinburne
greatly improved, weak to a certain extent & left us at Lyon. Tonight I am off to
Brindisi. We saw Mrs. & Miss Mathew224 at Aix les Bains, the damsel charming.
But a hole conceived of a R.R.225 is Aix. I stayed there two hours & fled. Now in
Italy, the place where I have first been able to stretch my legs. Adieu, my wife
goes tomorrow morning ev yrs truly

218
Houghton 228/33. ALS.
219
A curse. 1st Corinthians 16:22.
220
That is, gargote, a cheap eatery.
221
Maxime Durand-Fardel (1815-1899) a French hydropathist.
222
Saw.
223
Étretat, a city in Normandy.
224
Possibly Buckley-Mathew, see Register.
225
railroad.

94.
 1869/09/01. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

R. F. Burton

65. 1869/09/01. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.226

Turin Sept 1 1869

My dear Tootal

I forgot before leaving England to acknowledge the receipt of your

translation and Hans Stade. Mr. [Purser Daniels] had stored it away in some
spare drawer and had clean forgotten it. I had my wife write to his employers
and he soon recovered it. Markham (Hakluyts) approves and arrived at
Damascus.227

I shall have no end of [leisure]. The worst is that my [whole] library is

wanted before I can do justice to the subject. I left my books with Hunt and he
has promised to send on as quickly as possible, so that about the end of the year
you may expect to see the volume advertised.

I have been running about, to Paris, to Vichy for a course of waters which
have greatly increased my appetite for tobacco and strong waters, and to the
Auvergne Country, up the Ruy de […] &c, places which I had not seen. Then to
Savoy & Piedmont & since Mt. Cenis R.R. It is the beginning of Mountain railways
which in a few years will become universal and the Santos & S. Paulo is afoot to
it. You run up & down inclines which positively make you shiver and the jerks &
wrenches show the trouble that the third rail has to keep you from falling over
the precipices. Like a mule or a wild goat it delights to skirt the greatest
heights—infer I am delighted with it. Today at Turin. Tomorrow Bologna &
[Imola] Ancona Loreto & Brindisi.228 Egypt is vy hot at present so I am in no
hurry. Write to me care of F. O. My wife sends kindest regards to you & yours
especially Mr. and Mrs. Duffield—she will write when she has time. [Religious
breed229].

226
Huntington Library RFB 324 Box 27. ALS.
227
i.e. the MS arrived at Damascus.
228
See Life vol. 1, p. 460 for Isabel’s description of this journey.
229
Dubious transcription.

95.
 1869. Algernon Swinburne via Arthur Symons.

ev. yrs try

Richd F. Burton

P. S. And how is Misther Scully?230

66. 1869. Algernon Swinburne via Arthur Symons.231

It was nine years before then, when they were together in the south of France,
that Swinburne was seized by a severe illness; and, as he assured me, it was
Burton who, with more than a woman's care and devotion, restored him to
health. The pledge—it was not the covenant sealed between the two greatest,
the two most passionate, lovers in the world, Iseult and Tristan, on the deck of
that ship which was the ship of Life, the ship of Death, in the mere drinking of
wine out of a flagon, which, being of the nature of a most sweet poison,
consumed their limbs and gave intoxication to their souls and to their bodies—
but a pledge in the wine Swinburne and Burton drank in the hot sunshine :

For life's helm rocks to windward and lee,

And time is as wind, and waves are we,
And song is as foam that the sea-waves fret,
Though the thought at its heart should be deep as the sea.

It was in July, 1869, that Swinburne joined the Burtons and Mrs. Sartoris232 at
Vichy. As I have never forgotten Swinburne's wonderful stories about Burton—
besides those on Rossetti and Mazzini—I find in a letter of his to his mother
words he might really have altered.

If you had seen him, when the heat and the climb and the bothers of
travelling were too much for me in the very hot weather—helping,
waiting on me—going out to get me books to read in bed—and always
kind, thoughtful, ready, and so bright and fresh that nothing but a lizard
(I suppose that is the most insensible thing going) could have resisted
his influence—I feel sure you would like him (you remember you said
you didn't) and then love him, as I do. I never expect to see his like

230
William Scully, see Register.
231
Arthur Symons Dramatis Personae (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merril, 1923), pp. 241-62.
232
Adelaide Kemble (1815-1879), an Opera singer and sister of the actress Fanny
Kemble.

96.
 1869. Edmund Gosse on Vichy.

again—but him I do hope to see again, and when the time comes to see
him at Damascus as H. B. M. Consul.

They traveled in carriages, went to Clermont Ferrand, where Pascal was born;
then to Le Puy-en-Velay.

67. 1869. Edmund Gosse on Vichy.233

At the close of his visit to France in the summer of 1869 Swinburne devoted a
month of the time otherwise spent at Etretat to an excursion of which no
account has hitherto, I think, been published. It was in some ways so
momentous, from the associations connected with it, that it ought to be
recorded. Richard Burton, with whom Swinburne had now for some years been
intimate, was appointed British consul in Damascus. As he had just returned
from Santos in rather poor health, he was advised to take a course of the Vichy
waters before he proceeded to Syria. He proposed that Swinburne should join
him, which the poet, although greatly enjoying the sea-bathing at Etretat,
instantly agreed to do. They met at Boulogne and reached Vichy on July 24. Five
days later the poet wrote "Vichy suits me splendidly," and indeed he was now
entering upon one of the most completely happy months of his life. He
delighted in the breezy company of Burton, and at Vichy they found two other
friends, Frederick Leighton and Adelaide Kemble (Mrs. Sartoris234), whose
“Week in a French Country-house” had recently revealed the existence of a new
and exquisite humorist. This quartette of brilliant compatriots met daily, and
entertained one another to the top of their bent. Many years afterwards, when
the other three were dead, Swinburne celebrated this enchanting month at
Vichy in a poem, called "Reminiscence," which he afterwards included in the
"Channel Passage" volume under the title of "An Evening at Vichy." In it he
describes

how bright the days [were] and how sweet their chime
Rang, shone and passed in music that matched the dime
Wherein we met rejoicing.

233
Edmund Gosse Portraits and sketches (New York: Scribner’s, 1914), pp. 32-4.
234
See Register.

97.
 1869. Edmund Gosse on Vichy.

He analyses of what the charm and what the radiance consisted, and he gives
the first praise to

The loyal grace, the courtesy bright as day,

The strong sweet radiant spirit of life and light
That shone and smiled and lightened on all men's sight,
The kindly life whose tune was the tune of May,

in Leighton's conversation, Mrs. Sartoris was accustomed to sing for the three
friends, with her incredible grace of vocalisation, and Swinburne describes how

A woman's voice, divine as a bird's by dawn

Kindled and stirred to sunward, arose and held
Our souls that heard, from earth as from sleep withdrawn,
And filled with light as stars, and as stars compelled
To move by might of music.

Finally, Burton's turn comes,

warrior and wanderer, crowned

With fame that shone from eastern on western day,
More strong, more kind, than praise or than grief might say.

It is surprising that this very important biographical poem has hitherto attracted
so little attention from those who have written on the friendships of Swinburne.
It was written in 1890.235

While he was thus enjoying himself at Vichy, full of quiet happiness, he was lifted
into the seventh heaven—“lit as a mountain lawn by morning,” in his own
words—through receiving a letter from Victor Hugo inviting him to stay with him
at Hauteville House in Guernsey. Swinburne had sent the Master an article of
his on the newly published novel “L'Homme Qui Rit.” Victor Hugo wrote back
“such a letter! thanking me ex imo corde, as he says (as if he to whom we all owe
such thanks could have anything to thank any one for!), and ending up with
‘Quand done me sera-t-il donne de vous voir?’”236 Swinburne immediately and

235
Since it was written when Lord Leighton died, it was written in 1896, as Swinburne
stated (see below).
236
“When will I see you at last?”

98.
 1869. Augustus John Cuthbert Hare.

gratefully replied, “In a month's time, in September”; and on the same occasion
he planned to spend “not more than a week” in Paris, on his way from Vichy to
Guernsey. He made arrangements to meet in Paris Paul de Saint Victor,
Theophile Gautier, “and perhaps Gustave Flaubert.” “Tu conviendras que cela
veut bien la peine de s'arreter?” he writes at the close of July.237 But of all this
glittering anticipation, nothing, I think, was realised. There was never a meeting
with Gautier and Flaubert, and none with Hugo till it was too late for happiness.
Why did the bright scheme fall through? I do not know; but when Sir Richard
Burton went eastward to Damascus, it seems certain that Swinburne came dully
back to Etretat, and he was in London in October.

68. 1869. Augustus John Cuthbert Hare.238

I asked Augusta239 much about Mrs. (Adelaide) Sartoris,240 whom she had known
well. She said: ‘Edward Sartoris did not go with Adelaide when she went to
Vichy. Leighton, who was always as a slave to her, went with her, took her
lodgings, and did everything for her. Then he said, “You will be very dull,
knowing no one here; I know some young men here, and I will introduce them
to you. They are Burton and Swinburne, but you know one is a believer in
Buddhism, the other in nothing; so you must not mind what they say.” Then
Leighton left.’

‘The next evening Adelaide was having her coffee in the gardens, when the two
young men came up and sat down by her. At first they made themselves very
agreeable. Then at length they began to air their opinions, and to say things
evidently intended to shock. Adelaide laid down her cup, looked at Burton, and
said very slowly, “You believe, I think, in Juggernaut, therefore, with regard to
Juggernaut, I shall be very careful not to hurt your feelings. And you, Mr.
Swinburne (turning to him), believe, I think, in nothing, but if anything is
mentioned in which you do believe, I shall be very careful not to hurt your

237
“You will agree that it is wanted to stop the pain”.
238
Augustus Hare Story of my Life Volume 6 (London: George Allen, 1900) pp. 357-8,
460-1.
239
Augusta Stanley.
240
See Register.

99.
 1869/09. Algernon Swinburne.

feelings either, by abusing it: now I expect that you will show the same courtesy
to me.”’

‘The young men laughed, and for some days all went well. Then the impression
passed, and one day they began to talk as before. Adelaide again laid down her
cup, and began again in the same slow tones—“You believe, Mr. Burton, I think,
in Juggernaut” . . . Then they burst out laughing, and they always behaved
themselves in future.’ …

69. 1869/09. Algernon Swinburne.241

AN EVENING AT VICHY
September 1896

Written on the News of the Death of Lord Leighton

A light has passed that never shall pass away,

A sun has set whose rays are unquelled of night.
The loyal grace, the courtesy bright as day,
The strong sweet radiant spirit of life and light
That shone and smiled and lightened on all men's sight,
The kindly life whose tune was the tune of May,
For us now dark, for love and for fame is bright.

Nay, not for us that live as the fen-fires live,

As stars that shoot and shudder with life and die,
Can death make dark that lustre of life, or give
The grievous gift of trust in oblivion's lie.
Days dear and far death touches, and draws them nigh,
And bids the grief that broods on their graves forgive
The day that seems to mock them as clouds that fly.

If life be life more faithful than shines on sleep

When dreams take wing and lighten and fade like flame,
Then haply death may be not a death so deep
That all things past are past for it wholly—fame,

241
A Channel Passage and other Poems in Swinburne’s Poems Vol. VI. (London: Chatto
& Windus, 1904).

100.
 1869/09. Algernon Swinburne.

Love, loving-kindness, seasons that went and came,

And left their light on life as a seal to keep
Winged memory fast and heedful of time's dead claim.

Death gives back life and light to the sunless years

Whose suns long sunken set not for ever. Time,
Blind, fierce, and deaf as tempest, relents, and hears
And sees how bright the days and how sweet their chime
Rang, shone, and passed in music that matched the clime
Wherein we met rejoicing—a joy that cheers
Sorrow, to see the night as the dawn sublime.

The days that were outlighten the days that are,

And eyes now darkened shine as the stars we see
And hear not sing, impassionate star to star,
As once we heard the music that haply he
Hears, high in heaven if ever a voice may be
The same in heaven, the same as on earth, afar
From pain and earth as heaven from the heaving sea.

A woman's voice, divine as a bird's by dawn

Kindled and stirred to sunward, arose and held
Our souls that heard, from earth as from sleep withdrawn,
And filled with light as stars, and as stars compelled
To move by might of music, elate while quelled,
Subdued by rapture, lit as a mountain lawn
By morning whence all heaven in the sunrise welled.

And her the shadow of death as a robe clasped round

Then: and as morning's music she passed away.
And he then with us, warrior and wanderer, crowned
With fame that shone from eastern on western day,
More strong, more kind, than praise or than grief might say,
Has passed now forth of shadow by sunlight bound,
Of night shot through with light that is frail as May.

May dies, and light grows darkness, and life grows death:
Hope fades and shrinks and falls as a changing leaf:

101.
 1869. Georgiana Stisted.

Remembrance, touched and kindled by love's live breath,

Shines, and subdues the shadow of time called grief,
The shade whose length of life is as life's date brief,
With joy that broods on the sunlight past, and saith
That thought and love hold sorrow and change in fief.

Sweet, glad, bright spirit, kind as the sun seems kind

When earth and sea rejoice in his gentler spell,
Thy face that was we see not; bereft and blind,
We see but yet, rejoicing to see, and dwell
Awhile in days that heard not the death-day's knell,
A light so bright that scarcely may sorrow find
One old sweet word that hails thee and mourns—Farewell.

70. 1869. Georgiana Stisted.242

At Santos he thoroughly explored his own province, the gold mines and diamond
diggings of Minas Geraes, and canoed down the river Sao Francisco 1500 miles,
an adventure described in ‘The Highlands of Brazil.’ He visited the Argentine
Republic, and the rivers Plata, Parana and Paraguay; then crossed the Pampas
and the Andes to Chili and Peru, and visited the Pacific coast, returning by the
Straits of Magellan, Buenos Ayres, and Rio de Janeiro to London. All this in about
four years!

Then followed his happiest days in later life, the short time spent at Damascus.
The appointment (Lord Derby's) thoroughly suited him. Climate, occupation,
mode of living, were all just what he loved best. For once he was in his right
place, and his big brain had full and ample scope for work. There was not time
enough for such prodigies of travel as those performed from other consulates,
but he explored all the unknown parts of Syria, and what with the multifarious
duties of his post, and his indefatigable pen, not a day was idle.

242
Georgiana Stisted “Reminiscences of Sir Richard Burton”, Temple Bar Volume 92,
July 1891, pp. 335-42. Also reprinted in Littell's Living Age 190 (1891) p. 406.

102.
 1870/05/15. Richard Burton to the Levant Herald.

1870-1874.

71. 1870/05/15. Richard Burton to the Levant Herald.243

SYRIA. (FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.) BEYROUT

The groans of the Britons! I here run up to Damascus in order to find out
something about the new Turkish postal arrangements, and this is the result. In
Lord Palmerston’s day the public would in vain have heard of “the vast advance
in civilization made by the Ottoman Empire, whose progress within a few years
has equalled, nay, excelled that of any European nation.” But Lord P. is dead,
and the philo-Turk must ejaculate “Ichabod.”

Until October last the English and other foreign mails were sent up every
morning by the “Ottoman Company of the Beyrout and Damascus Road,” the
Bagdad people contributing 500 piastres per month. Presently some dummer-
younger244 of a “Mudir Posta”245 thought that he could earn, perhaps kudos, and
certainly coin, by taking the affair into his own meddling hands. He agreed to
pay the French company 600 napoleons per annum for the monopoly, and on
October 6, 1869, the vali-pasha246 (who should have known better) sent around
a circular to the Consular body, declaring that the Turkish post-office was in first-
rate working order, and requesting that all letters might be given to it “afin de
ne pas porter atteinte aux intéréts du trésor imperial.”247 “You are another!” is
the only reply. On October 23 the director of the road, with equal good taste,
gave warning “que les lettres devront etre refusées par l'agence.”248 Who asked
him that he should refuse? A reference was made to Constantinople, but the
deputy-judge of the Supreme Consular Court sapiently ruled that the Ottoman
Government had a right to prohibit private companies from carrying on the
business of letter carriers. Summum jus summa injuria249—the postal monopoly

243
Levant Herald, 1870/05/15. Anonymous.
244
Burton’s annotation: yunger.
245
Administrator of the post.
246
Provincial Governor.
247
“Order not to prejudice the interests of the imperial treasury.”
248
“That the letters will be rejected by the agency.”
249
“The extreme right of the highest injury.”

103.
 1870/05/15. Richard Burton to the Levant Herald.

has thus been enforced to the immense inconvenience of traders and travellers,
and the Mudir Posta has lost instead of gaining by his little game.

For instance, you are at Damascus, and you want to write to England. First, you
must call half a dozen times at the post-office, a wretched hovel, before you find
even a clerk; secondly, you must then and there (by order) buy the stamp and
affix it; thirdly, you must pay—and prepay—from Damascus to Beyrout a trifle
more than from Beyrout to Paris; fourthly, you must have a friend at Beyrout to
take out and repost your letter, or it will remain in the local office for ever and a
day; fifthly, there is no postal delivery; sixthly, any one who pleases can carry off
and read your letter. I very much suspect that such has been the fate of one of
my communications to you. In the case of official documents this is a
disadvantage.

Now, seriously speaking, is it decent under such circumstances to assert, “Les

difficultés qui out fait que le service postal n'ait pas été regulier jusqu’ici,
n'existent plus. Au contraire, toutes les facilités propres à accélerer et à
regulariser ce service ont été prises?”250 Is it? The half dozen exiles (from Erin
and elsewhere) that form the Anglo-Damascus colony, of course, complain
bitterly. As for travellers, who have been in the habit at having their letters
addressed to “Care of HM's Consul,” your columns will do them a service by
warning them that the precaution is well-nigh useless. Some letters go to the
chancellerie, others find their way to Dimitri’s hotel, whilst others lie about the
post-office—a place compared with which that of which Glasgow 20 years ago
grumbled, was a palace. You must advise travellers to have all their letters
addressed to some agent at Beyrout, and to deprive themselves of the luxury of
“epistolatory correspondence” whilst at Damascus—at least, till times change.

The deputy-judge is no doubt legally right. But admitting this, we should urge
on the Ottoman Government the propriety of securing to all persons the
greatest possible convenience in the transmission of letters and telegrams at the
most reasonable cost. Whilst individuals can forward their correspondence by
private conveyance with more economy and convenience than by Government
post, they will certainly do so, nor can they legally be prevented; and it is enough

250
Out with the impediment that the postal service has not been regular until it no
longer exists. Instead, all specific steps to accelerate and regularize the service have
been taken?

104.
 1870/05/15. Richard Burton to the Levant Herald.

to have our telegrams all sent for perusal to head-quarters without our letters
sharing the same fate.

Civilised countries, Mr. Editor, like Chili and Peru, allow even newspapers and
magazines to go free. The Ottoman empire has just now ventured to put upon
them the heaviest tax. Indeed it is easier to receive new books from England in
the backwoods of Australia than at Damascus—and not only books, but other
stores. The custom house accommodation at Beyrout is too insignificant for
safely placing cargo: goods are piled indiscriminately, heavy packages upon light;
all are liable to be injured. The steamship-owners have no control in the matter,
and often a valuable article is clean hidden from sight. I know a person who
complains that a “colis”251 has been in the Beyrout custom-house since January
and yet cannot get it out. Lasciate ogni speranza &c. &c.252 And this hole
actually imported in January last 13,066,314p., and exported 5,459,263p.

We have had a fair travelling year,—plenty of strangers, a large dropping of

Napoleons, and vast benefits to Dragomans. The parties organised by Mr.
Excursionist Cook and Dr. Pirotti253 have come and gone. I should be sorry to
treat this institution with the ridicule heaped upon it by my brothers of the pen,
and I only desire to see the monopoly invaded, and “caravans” at all descriptions
duly organised. In this way the public may hope to see and suffer least from that
ever-increasing pest, the dragoman.

There have been several unexpected deaths at Damascus. On February 6th the
Sheikh Abd Allah el-Hulai, a worthy divine, who should have been hanged from
the minaret of the great mosque for the fatwa which he delivered before the
massacre of 1860. On March 17, there was a great funeral for the Sheik Riza-el-
Ghazzi, who deserved to dangle side by side with the Hulai. On May 3rd died
the Countess Taleki (née Bickersteth);254 she was buried at her express desire by
the side of poor Henry Buckle, whose works she greatly admired. On May 8 we
lost the respectable M. Joseph Elias, long Austrian Vice-Consul at Damascus.
Two hours before he was in perfect health; he had passed a pleasant evening

251
parcel.
252
“Abandon all hope”.
253
See Ermete Pierotti Une caravane pour la Syrie, la Phénicie et la Palestine
(Lausanne, 1869).
254
Jane Frances Bickersteth, Countess Teleki.

105.
 1870/05/15. Richard Burton to the Levant Herald.

with his friends, and at 10 AM he was in the Jews’ burial ground. Damascus, like
many other places built high above sea level, is remarkable for many sudden
deaths. The climate may safely be called dangerous; of the little English
community, rarely averaging more than half a dozen, some eleven have died in
five years. The stifled filth of the streets, the shameful neglect of the authorities,
and the willful perversion of the large sums which are contributed towards city
improvements, add greatly to the perils of hot-damp or cold-damp air. The
water is vile, all hard with limestone. A realistic book upon the subject of Syria
is still a great want. Authors and travellers appear to have viewed everything
through a preternatural medium, to have written as if under the influence of
hashish, or at least of champagne. They seem to have had Holy Land on the
brain, as dangerous a disease as many in Hanwell. Even the passing stranger in
these lands seems subject to alienation of intellect. I lately saw an old American
body, a Mrs. Hyde, who calls herself a Scotch countess, who aged profanely
above 70, has adopted a rascal Greek dragoman, together with his frouzy old
mother and an unwashed sister to match. The four dine together, because the
people objected to the youth's snorting and handling bones at the table d'hôte,
and all sleep in a single closet. It is curious to see the evening scene in the sitting-
room. At one corner of the sofa sits Mrs. H. with her waist tenderly encircled by
her “son,” whose mother disguised in adipose tissue snoozes and yawns at the
other end, and whose sister squats smoking or stretching her arms on the floor.
What a group for an artist in the Doyle line!

The last letter of your “own correspondent in Syria” produced great effect here.
There was not much in that unpretending scrawl, but it promised that the
“things of Syria” should no longer be hidden under a bushel. What we want is
publicity. We require the dark corners at administration to be lighted up, the
depths of official pollution to be dragged. Your contemporary, the Hadikat-el-
Akhbar (Journal de Syrie et Liban)255 is a good youth, by no means parlous, paid
by the State and duly grateful for favours to come. I will try to make him
translate me and I shall fail. And I promise you within a few months to raise up
a whole body of correspondence—if you don’t funk, we shall not.

255
Hadikat al-Akhbar, or ‘News Garden’.

106.
 1870/05/16. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

72. 1870/05/16. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.256

Private

Dam. May 16 / 70.

My dear Tootal

Many thanks for your good long note of Feb. 18. I was at Palmyra when
it came, and we have now thoroughly opened the road to travellers. You also
have been on the path. Why did not you go to [Cordoba] & [Asuncion]? Glad
that Thompson257 has got something, but his puffing the Argentines was a farce.
I have told the truth about them and dedicated the book to Sarmiento258 who
will probably only half like it. Has it yet found its way to Rio? I want the stupid
editor Tinsley to get up a S. American clientèle, but like other Britishers he is too
slow. They will probably not translate my "Highlands of the B.", but if that is
done I should like to correct the copy & to cut out about half, in fact all that suits
only Britishers. I have your translation of Hans S. in hand and expect to finish
notes & preface in a few days more.259 It will go to England with my wife in
August next & I hope be published at once by the Hakluyts. (Shan’t forget to
send your copies).

I had heard of poor Sampson from the Maiden “Kier” who is now in Dublin with
her papa.260 She rails violently against her brother Jack who is on the S. Paulo
R.R. That institute I hear came to grief once more. You are right to cultivate
Santos. S. Paulo will do great things in a few years. (Are you doing anything for
Anthropological? I'm still V. President.) Mr. Buckley Mathew has not written to
me for an age. I saw Madame in Switzerland and found her jolly as ever.
Cobbold I think once travelled with me to the Crimea, if so he can tell some neat
stories. What Eden is it? The breed is so very repandu261 now. Gobineau262 is

256
Huntington Library RFB 324 Box 27. ALS.
257
George Thompson, author of The War in Paraguay, with an Historical Sketch of the
Country and its People (London: Longmans, 1869). See Letters from the Battlefields of
Paraguay p. xv.
258
Domingo Faustino Sarmiento (1811-1888) the Argentinian politician.
259
Hans Stade of Hesse (1874).
260
“Kier” was Isabel’s maid in South America.
261
common.
262
Joseph Arthur, Comte de Gobineau (1816–1882)author of a History of Persia (1869)

107.
 1870/05/16. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

clever but not to be relied upon—the Persians have literally no traditions of the
old wars with Greece, if he gives them any they are out of his own head and they
will be another [Gobinade]. Of course his wife has not joined him? How are
Montgomery & [Roqueta]? Hunt263 I fear will hardly return to Rio, the Consular
Committee will probably find him some diplomatic place. I have written twice
to him about Tupper's264 being made Ottoman Consul General. Please tell the
Tout-pêre this when you see him—I should be sorry to think he regards my
memory treacherous. Do you ever see the Belle-mere, or the Jacaro265 or other
charmers of the sort? When does Mr. Lydcotte266 intend to stop changing his
name—I propose Lightcoat, it is easiest remembered. One would hardly think
that so old a hand as Gottschalk would have succumbed to an incuba,267
however there is never any understanding these matters. I can hardly pity
Misther Scully,268 he will get all back in a few years & he is better poor than rich.
Dundas269 had better turn up soon, if not, the Consulate will probably be
abolished. Why does not your house write to F.O. and say I that having heard
the Consulate is to be done away with, that it offers to do the work gratis? If
you don't, Wright will, and he is not a good lot. Mind don't quote a word about
me in the matter. I very much wish to see Dundas keep his place, but I think
there is very little chance of it. Do you ever see Alencar?270 If so give him our
kindest regards & remembrances. Or the Baroness de Penedo—don't forget her
very charming daughter. Old Burmeister is an old codfish and his opinions are
as himself.271 In a few days I am going to begin the Lowlands of the Brazil, a kind
of make weight for the Highlands, it will be in the same style, but fewer notes &
other changes. Expect it will make a row, as it will treat of civilized places not of
the S. Francisco.

263
George S Lennon Hunt, see Register.
264
Martin Farquhar Tupper (1810-1889). See Life vol. 2 p. 177.
265
A “jacaro” is a boaster.
266
William Lydcotte, British Vice-Consul at Rio.
267
A female incubus, thus a woman who rapes a man while he is asleep.
268
William Scully, see Register.
269
Charles S. Dundas, Burton’s successor at Santos.
270
José de Alencar. Isabel/Richard Burton published a translation of his Iracema in
1886.
271
See Burmeister, H. (1807-1892) Karte zur iibersicht von H. Burmeister’s Reise in
Brasilien im Jahre 1850. Berlin, Geo. lithograph. Anst. v. H. Mahlmann, 1850.
Burmeister was a Pomeranian who died in Buenos Aires.

108.
 1870/05/16. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

I have done a good bit of old Phoenicia & am gradually doing Syria & Palestine.
No intention of publishing about it for 2-3 years. The absence of 10 years has
made me rusty in Eastern matters, and I am only just getting back into the swing.
Have a presentiment that somehow my stay at Dam. won't be long and am quite
prepared for a move. If here till next Autumn I shall dress as a Bedouin, get
camels & guide & ride right off to Nejd—a part not yet visited by any European.
But that must be when Conservatives come in. I see they will soon, the Libs are
sure to be beaten on the Irish Question & the Conservs. will get all the credit of
the matter. Did you make acquaintance at Buenos Aires with the Mulhalls272 &
Crawfurd?273 If not you missed the great cards in the pack. Of course don't
believe any stories about me—people are always welcome to their little game,
which amuses them & never gives me a 2d thought. I think you will like the
Paraguay book, as it rips itself up more than the other. I have just finished one
about Zanzibar, in fact at Dam. I write from morning till night & bring up arrears
of work, after which I will cut the damned [hole]. Give my best love to Misther
Scully,274 the Missus & Miss Grace & tell him from me.

Never despair my father sed

While yet the ‘air was on ‘is ‘ead

He will be richer than ever and less obstinate. What has become of my old
partner Coimbra?—absolved I suppose.275 Parson all right? And Parsoness?
Doctor? and Doctoress? Remember me very kindly indeed to all your family
and with our united kind regards, believe me

Vy try yrs.
Abdullah276

272
See Mulhall, M. G. The cotton fields of Paraguay and Corrientes Buenos Ayres, M. G.
and E. T. Mulhall, 1864.
273
G. P. Crawfurd.
274
William Scully, see Register.
275
Dr. Augusto Teixeira Coimbra, see Register.
276
Signed in Arabic.

109.
 1870/08/28. Richard Burton to Henry Elliot.

Figure 8. From Burton's Sketchbook.

73. 1870/08/28. Richard Burton to Henry Elliot.277

Damascus, August 28, 1870.

Sir

I have the honour to report to your Excellency that troubles were expected in
Damascus yesterday (Saturday, August 27) when the Redif278 was being
mustered. Crosses had been drawn on the ground and in the water-closets of
the mosques, as happened in 1860. Christians had been threatened in the
streets and bazaars, many families left the city, and in some instances the newly-
arrived troops showed a hostile animus. The Ottoman authorities, however,
have been alive to a sense of their danger, and as long as they do their duty there
will never be a massacre at Damascus. The Redif, including those from Aleppo
and elsewhere, and now numbering 1,600 men, was sent out of the city, not
through the Christian quarter, where there would have been a disturbance, but
via the Dahdah and the Zaynabyeh to the villages of Kusayr, Sawwan, and Kabun,
distant about one hour’s ride. Here a camp has been pitched for them, and they
will be drilled for a month.

The Moslem population has been excited against the Christians, unjustly
attributing to the latter the mustering of the Redif, which has never yet been
called out at Damascus. I have the honour to bring to your Excellency’s notice
the admirable conduct of his Excellency Holo Pasha, formerly acting Mutasarrif

277
National Archives FO 881-2148.
278
Military Reserve.

110.
 1870/08/28. Richard Burton to Henry Elliot.

of this city, and now transferred to St. John d’Acre. He has patrolled the streets
in person during every night, and has been ceaseless in his endeavours to arrest
the evil intentioned. It is with regret that I see such a man transferred to Acre,
instead of being placed at some important post at Hamah, Tripoli, or other
disturbed district, where his presence would be a benefit to Syria. His views
have been thwarted by Said Effendi Ustwdani, President of the Majlis Tamyiz el-
Hukuk, a fanatical and bigoted man, who refuses to receive Christian testimony,
and who, relying upon the interest of his Excellency Rushdi Pasha, gratifies his
prejudice against aliens to his faith by stirring up the bad feelings of the
Moslems.

Amongst the minor officials I would bring to your Excellency’s notice the names
of Ismail Agha and Serur Agha. The former is Acting Commandant of Police at
Damascus during the absence at Jerusalem of his Chief, Mustafa Bey. Had the
latter been in this city, my belief is that the lives of the Christian population
would have been in imminent danger. The second has lately been made
Yuzbashi of Police, and is well known in the dangerous and excitable Maydan
quarter; he has set an excellent example, and deserves reward. He will receive
none if Mustafa Bey return.

His Excellency the Wali Rashid Pasha is still at Jerusalem. His Excellency the
Mushir Mohammed Rifat Pasha left Damascus at a day’s notice on Thursday, the
25th instant. We regret the departure of this officer, whose courtesy and
readiness to oblige were exceptional at Damascus. Until yesterday, when his
Excellency Ibrahim Pasha received his orders to take charge, there was no
Mutasarrif, or Governor of the city. We have, therefore, been living almost
without authority, and the Christians mainly owe their safety to the excellent
conduct of the three officers above mentioned.

Since my letter of the 11th of July, 1870, one Protestant school has been closed,
and three others were threatened with closing by the local Mudirs,279 who acted,
they said, under orders from Damascus. I at once procured a counter-order from
his Excellency Holo Pasha, then acting Governor of the city, and no complaints
upon the subject have since reached me. The closing of the schools is generally

279
Village Governors.

111.
 1870/10/04. Richard Burton to Henry Eliot.

attributed to the animus excited by the ill-judged proceedings of Mr. Mentor

Mott.

I have, &c.
(Signed) RICHARD F. BURTON.

74. 1870/10/04. Richard Burton to Henry Eliot.280

DAMASCUS

October, 4th 1870

SIR,

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt. of your Excellency’s despatch (No
3) of September 1st, 1870 With respect to the enclosed copy of His Excellency
Rashid Pasha’s letter to Mr. Mentor Mott,281 dated July 6th, 1870, I have the
honour to observe that the Governor-General was, at that time far distant from
Damascus, and that he could not be as well acquainted as I was with the effect
produced by Mr. Mentor Mott’s proceedings. I have done my duty in reporting,
the danger of this gentleman’s visits to this capital especially in times of
excitement, and after this I can no longer hold myself responsible for what may
occur in case his visits, are repeated. I have also received; through H. M’s.
Consulate-General, Beyrout, the copy of a letter addressed (August 17th, 1870)
by Mrs. Augusta M. Mott to your Excellency.

This letter contains the following words:—“Captain Burton has thought fit to
publish a most injudicious and insulting article in the ‘Levant Herald’ (July 13th),
which our Consul-General advises should, be submitted to you.” Mr. Eldridge
has distinctly denied that he advised anything of the sort. I published nothing of
the kind. Mrs. Augusta M. Mott alludes to an anonymous news letter, dated
from Beyrout, and by her attributed to me. It is well known here that what I
publish in the ‘Levant Herald’ is signed with my own name, and that that paper
has other correspondents at Beyrout and at Damascus besides myself.

280
National Archives FO 881-2148.
281
Mentor Mott and his wife Augusta were missionaries based in the region, and
helped to run the British Syrian School. The Burtons fought a bitter running battle with
them, and later accused the Motts of intriguing against them.

112.
 1870/11/28. Richard Burton to the Levant Herald.

I do not deny that Mr. Mentor Mott’s exertions have been with a benevolent
object. But I beg to call your Excellency’s attention to the fact that since the
decease of Mrs. Bowen Thompson, who established the British Syrian Schools,
and in whose hands these establishments did great good to the country, the:
management at head-quarters has changed—not for the better.

It is hardly my office to warn the Home Committee of the change; but I consider
it right to bring my statements to the notice of your Excellency.

I am, &c.,

RICHARD F. BURTON
Sir Henry Elliot.

Figure 9. Salahiyyah, outside Damascus, sketched by Charles Tyrwhitt-Drake.

75. 1870/11/28. Richard Burton to the Levant Herald.282

SYRIA. (FROM OUR CORRESPONDENT) BEYROUT

282
Levant Herald, 1870/11/28. Anonymous.

113.
 1870/11/28. Richard Burton to the Levant Herald.

… I promised you, in my last, some details of an affair which took place at

Tebadani, in the Anti-Lebanon, the summer retreat of the English Consul at
Damascus, from whose mouth I gleaned these facts. It contains, as usual, two
rival families, local Capulets and Montagues. The Beit-el-Tell, poor, honest, and
quiet, has long been a favourite with English officials. The Bait-el-Beg, rich
upstarts, oppress the poor, kill their mules, break orchards and vineyards, bribe
liberally, and are the bétes noires of the neighbourhood, that bears the yoke
through fear. As the Consul’s wife was riding through the village, one of the Begs
sat down on the road in her way, whilst the other people stood up and saluted
her, and, smoking his cigarette and spitting, said to the crowd, “What tools are
you Fellaheen to salute this woman! See how I will treat her when she passes!”
He was ordered to rise and replied, “No, I will not! What does this woman want?
Will you all go away, or shall I kill her and you! I want to raise the devil to-day.
Let her salute me.” The answer was a sound horsewhipping, which he deserved.
His friends gathered round him, shouting, “Pull her off her horse, follow her
with; guns and sticks, if any English come here we will kill them !” The only
attendants the lady had were terrified natives. At this juncture her own servant,
a lad, rode up, and, thinking his mistress was attacked, fired his carbine without
orders, but happily the bullet found its billet in a wall. A report was at once sent
to the Consulate at Damascus, and the vali lost not a moment in sending 30
Zaptieh283 under the Bimbashi Ismail Bey and M. Hanna Shalhoab, an officer of
the Divan, with orders to a punish to the fullest extent a gratuitous outrage upon
en English lady. There two officials did their duty thoroughly, made a procés
verbal of the affair, and carried 11 offenders to the common jail at Damascus.
The Beit al-Beg has had the benefit of a month in limbo, and probably they will
keep the peace for many along year. …

283
Policemen.

114.
 1870/11/28. Richard Burton to the Levant Herald.

Figure 10. “Our Own Correspondent” Levant Herald Nov 28 1870.

115.
 1870/12. London Newspaper.

76. 1870/12. London Newspaper.284

PUNISHING AN INSULT TO A CONSUL’S WIFE

An affair, which has created quite a sensation, lately took place at Tebadani,285
in the Anti Lebanon, the summer retreat of the English consul at Damascus;
Tebadani, it seems, contains two rival families, local Capulets and Montagues.
The Beit-el-Tell, poor, honest and quiet, have long been favourites with English
officials. The Beit-el-Beg are described as rich upstarts, who oppress the poor,
kill their mules, break orchards and vineyards, bribe liberally, and are the bétes
noires of the neighbourhood. As the consul's wife was riding through the village
one of the Begs sat down on the road in her way, while the other people stood
up and saluted her, and, smoking his cigarette and spitting, said to the crowd,
“What fools are you Fellaheen, to salute this woman! See how I will treat her
when she passes.” He was ordered to rise, and replied, “No; I will not, what does
this woman want? Will you all go away, or shall I kill her and you? I want to
raise the devil to-day. Let her salute me.” For this answer some one present
gave this Beg a severe horsewhipping, upon which his friends gathered round
him shouting, “Pull her off her horse, follow her with guns and sticks, if any
English come here, we will kill them!” The only attendants the lady had were
terrified natives. At this juncture her own servant, a lad, rode up and, thinking
his-mistress was attacked, fired his: carbine without orders, but happily the
bullet found its billet in a wall. A report was at once sent to the consul at
Damascus, and the vali lost not a moment in sending thirty zaptieh286 under the
Bimbashi287 Ishmael Bey and M. Hanna Shalhoab, an officer of the Divan, with
orders to punish to the fullest extent any outrage upon an English lady. These
officials did their duty thoroughly, made a procés verbal of the affair, and carried
eleven offenders to the common jail at Damascus. The Beit el Beg has had a
month in prison, and probably he and his friends will now keep the peace. We
sadly require some such functionary of the vali in London. There are many
streets in this metropolis through which the consul's wife could not ride on
Sundays without receiving far worse insults from our own Beit el Begs than she

284
Undated report apparently from a London newspaper circa Dec 1870.
285
Al-Zabadani.
286
Policemen.
287
Major.

116.
 1870/12. London Newspaper.

met with at Tebadani in the Anti-Lebanon. The Bimbashi Ismael Bey and M.
Hanna Shalhoab might with advantage to the public take for a time the duties of
the magistrates at the police court in the Clerkenwell district. On the other hand
the magistrates might amuse themselves by delivering “suitable admonitions”
to roughs at Damascus.

Figure 11. Report in a London Newspaper on the Tebedani Fracas.

117.
 1871/01/15. Henry Elliot to Earl Granville.

[Annotation to the above in Isabel’s hand]

This version is not the truth. It was in one of those excitements between
Moslem and Christian and the man tried to pull me off my horse. He has
ever since been one of my most devoted friends.

77. 1871/01/15. Henry Elliot to Earl Granville.288

Constantinople, January 15, 1871.

My Lord

The Confidential Memorandum of which I have the honour herewith to

inclose a copy, is the extract of a letter from the Governor-General of Syria to
Aali Pasha, complaining of Captain Burton, Her Majesty’s Consul at Damascus.

What is stated of the good reception given to Captain Burton by the

authorities on his arrival at Damascus, notwithstanding the repugnance with
which they viewed his appointment, is perfectly correct; but, although it was
boasted of by him at the time, it was entirely owing to my having told the
Governor-General, who feared some exhibition of fanaticism, that I held him
responsible for Captain Burton being received with all the respect due to a
British Consul.

I must do his Excellency the justice to say, that he faithfully kept the
promise which he then made me.

It is difficult to be accurately informed as to what is doing by our own

Agents at such a distant place as Damascus, and I am slow to accept the criticism
passed by hostile, and perhaps interested, parties, or by Turkish officials, who
may have had differences with them; but your Lordship is aware that I have for
some time back been apprehensive that Captain Burton’s proceedings were of
a nature to give ground for anxiety, although it would have been impossible for
me to bring forward any one act sufficient to justify a recommendation of his
removal from his Consulate.

288
National Archives FO 881-2148.

118.
 1871/01/16. Isabel Burton to the Levant Herald.

The complaint of the Governor-General, embodied in the Memorandum

now inclosed, is likewise founded upon Captain Burton’s character and general
proceedings.

I had heard vaguely and unofficially of the occurrence mentioned in the

Memorandum, when Mrs. Burton was said, with her own hand, to have horse-
whipped a person whom she considered as having failed in showing the respect
she thought due to her, and when a shot was fired by one of her attendants; but
an unwillingness to have the name of a lady brought forward in such an affair
had prevented me from inquiring into it.

Although the emoluments of the Consulate at Damascus were raised

upon the appointment of Captain Burton, I have always questioned the necessity
of keeping it up upon the present scale; and I am only waiting for the report of
Mr. Kennedy before submitting the question of its reduction to your Lordship.

I have, &c.
(Signed) HENRY ELLIOT.

78. 1871/01/16. Isabel Burton to the Levant Herald.289

TO THE EDITOR OF THE LEVANT HERALD,

SIR,—I am stopping far a few days at Beyrout, and some friends have here
brought to my notice a late letter in the Levant Herald from your “Own
Correspondent,” detailing a story about me. What is said about me is hardly
worth noticing. It is true that an ill-conditioned person of the class that loves to
bully and frighten poor women in lone places, had the bad luck to choose me for
this pastime, who am used to wander about freely and take care of myself. But
there is another point on which upon my own responsibility, Capt. Burton being
at Damascus, I want an explanation. Your “Own Correspondent” says he heard
these facts from the Consul's mouth. Capt. Burton has been freely accused of
being himself this “Correspondent,” to the annoyance of his chiefs, and his own
social discomfort: but now this speech would infer that he is at least in
communication with your correspondent. I am sorry to say that it amuses Capt.
Burton to be accused of things he has not done and not to defend himself, but

289
Levant Herald, 1871/01/16.

119.
 1871/01/16. Isabel Burton to the Levant Herald.

it irritates me. He is certainly the last man in the world to have detailed a story
about his wife or any other lady for publication. I am too well versed in the rules
of the press to ask for the author's name, but I must beg that he, as a gentleman,
will account satisfactorily for the manner in which he managed to hear this story
“from the Consul's own mouth,” and thus not leave my husband under the
stigma of the supposed authorship of your “Own Correspondent's” letters, or of
any communication with him,—I have the honour to be, Sir, yours obediently,
Beyrout, Jan. 16th. ISABEL BURTON.

It may perhaps meet Mrs. Burton's complaint if we state at once that

not only is Capt. Burton not our Syrian correspondent,290 but that the
letters in question reach us from more than one hand. What may be the
social or other relations of the authors with either the Beyrout or
Damascus Consulates we have never inquired, and care not to know,—
our only concern being that they possess competent information and
communicate the result in good faith. Since, however, the impression
seems to exist that the letters are tainted with a Consular origin, it is due
to both Capt. Burton and Mr. Eldridge to say—that to neither gentleman
does the “stigma” of their authorship in any way attach,—ED, L.H.

290
The editor may mean that he received the letters from Isabel’s hand, so strictly
speaking is not telling a lie. It is certain that Burton himself helped to write them.

120.
1871/01/16. Isabel Burton to the Levant Herald.

Figure 12. Isabel Burton to the Editor of the Levant Herald.

121.
 1871/01/31. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

79. 1871/01/31. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.291

My dear Lord Houghton

I have not written to you because you did not write to me but I owe Mr.
Mathew292 a letter for more than a year. I don’t know where he is so I send it to
you begging of you to read it for your own information & to forward it on to him.
I have chanced a line to him through our Embassy to tell him it is coming. Here
one is 10000 miles away from Europe though no distance & the new Postal
regulations for our service & the War makes one fearful that our letters may
never reach our friends. R.’s best love.
Yrs most sincerely
Isabel Burton

31 Jan 1871. Damascus.

80. 1871/03/01. William Wright to Mrs. Mentor Mott.293

Copy of a letter from the Rev. Wm. Wright to Mrs. Mott.

DAMASCUS

March 1st, 1871.

DEAR MADAM

When in Damascus you called upon us one night, and, with other information
on the same topic, you told us—

1. That Mr. Kennedy told you his instructions were to compel Captain Burton to
apologize to you, or else to resign his office.

2. That you said a visit to the British Syrian School from Captain, Burton would
be accepted as a full apology.

291
Houghton 4/192. ALS.
292
Buckley-Mathew, see Register.
293
Wright’s memoir of Burton in Damascus is reproduced below.

122.
 1871/03/01. William Wright to Mrs. Mentor Mott.

3. That that visit was made by Captain Burton, and you considered the apology
complete.

That there might be room for misunderstanding among those present, I

interrupted the conversation with this question: “Am I to understand that Mr.
Kennedy told you that his instructions from the Foreign Office were to get an
apology for you from Captain Burton, or else to get his resignation?” And you
replied with deliberation—

4. “Yes, yes;” and charged us not to speak of it

When I expressed doubts as to the treatment of an English official in the way

you described, and said I heard that Mr. Kennedy’s mission had reference to the
fees in three of the Consulates at the sea-ports, and that I understood so from
Captain Burton himself, you replied—

5. “I do not believe it. We know. He was sent out expressly with reference to
the British Syrian schools.”

Of minor matters which you emphasized.

That on Mrs. Burton attempting to deny the authorship of the “Levant Herald”
letters on the part of Captain Burton, in the presence of Mr. Kennedy, you said—

(a).294 “Do not tell a falsehood, Mrs. Burton. Captain Burton told me himself he
wrote the letters;—and you added, ‘And I put in the spice.’ Whereupon Mrs.
Burton made a scene kissed you, and the ‘Levant Herald’ letters were no more
referred to.”

I understand that these statements in substance, with certain modifications and

limitations (such as that Mr. Kennedy read you a statement from a letter, in
which he was instructed to ascertain if Captain Burton were the author of the
“Levant Herald” letters, and if so, to demand from him an apology or his
resignation), were repeated several times, and to different parties, during your
stay in Damascus.

Some of us have heard with astonishment that you have denied having made
the statements. Will you enable me to say whether or not, and I shall place these

294
There is no “(b)” to follow “(a)” in the original.

123.
 1871/03/22. Richard Burton to Frederick Leighton.

questions and your answers before the seven or eight of our colony who heard
the words.

Yours faithfully,

(Signed) WILLIAM WRIGHT.

Mrs. Mott,
British Syrian School,
Beyrout.

Figure 13. From Burton's Sketchbook.

81. 1871/03/22. Richard Burton to Frederick

Leighton.295

Damascus

March 22/71

Dear Mr. Leighton

295
MS ALS in Leighton House Museum, London. See also Mrs. Russell Barrington The
life, letters and work of Frederic Leighton Volume 2 (New York, Macmillan, 1906), p.
218-9.

124.
 1871/03/22. Richard Burton to Frederick Leighton.

I have just returned from a pilgrimage to Jerusalem or yours of April 14 1871296

would not have remained so long unanswered. And now to business. I am quite
as willing to have a house pulled down for you now as when at Vichy. But the
difficulty is to find a house with tiles.

The bric a brac sellers have quite learned their value and demand extravagant
sums for poor articles. Of course you want good old specimens and these are
waxing very rare.

My friends Drake and Palmer were lucky enough when at Jerusalem to nobble a
score or so from the so called Mosque of Omar. Large stores are there found,
but unhappily under charge of the Wakif and I fancy that long payments would
be required. However I shall send your letter to my colleague Moore who will
do what he can for you. The fact is, it is a work of patience. My wife and I will
keep a sharp look out for you and buy up as many as we can find which seem to
answer your description. If native inscriptions white or blue for instance are to
be had I shall secure them, but not if imperfect. Some clearing away of rubbish
is expected at Damascus, the Englishman who superintends is a friend of mine
and I shall not neglect to get from him as much as possible.

We had Holman Hunt at Jerusalem, he was looking a little worn like a veritable
denizen of the Holy City. I hope that you have quite recovered health.
Swinburne the papers say has been sick, his 'Songs before Sunrise' shows even
more genius than Poems and Ballads.

What has become of Mrs. Sartoris?297 I saw her son's appointment in the papers.
Poor Vichy must be quite ruined—veritably it was a Cockney hole. Syria is a poor
Chili, the Libanus is a mole hill compared with the Andes—do you remember?

I am planning a realistic book which has no Holy Land on the brain and the Public
will curse her like our army in Flanders. Pilgrims see everything thro' a peculiar
medium and tourists shake hands (like madmen) then they sight the plain of
Esdraelon or Sharon as the case may be. N.B. Both plains are somewhat like the
poorer parts of our midland Counties. My wife joins in kind remembrances.

296
A mistake, possibly for 1870.
297
Adelaide Kemble Sartoris, see Register.

125.
 1871/04/21. Henry Elliot to Earl Granville.

Ever yours sincerely

Richd F. Burton

Figure 14. View from the roof of Burton’s house in Damascus, by Charles Tyrwhitt-Drake.

82. 1871/04/21. Henry Elliot to Earl Granville.298

Constantinople, April 22, 1871.

My Lord,

I have had the honour to receive your Lordship’s despatch No. 26 of the
10th instant, asking for my opinion in reference to a complaint of the Porte of

298
National Archives FO 881-2148.

126.
 1871/05/04. Rashid Pasha to Aali Pasha.

the proceedings of Captain Burton at Damascus, and to their request for his
recall.

Your Lordship is aware that for some time past I have not been satisfied
with the manner in which Her Majesty’s Consulate at Damascus has been
conducted, Captain Burton not having succeeded in giving greater satisfaction
to the British subjects—whether Christian missionaries or protected Jews—than
to the Ottoman authorities and I cannot withhold the opinion that he is not well
suited to the post which he occupies.

The complaint made by the Porte of his habit of spreading alarming

news of impending massacres agrees with information which reached me
through other independent channels, but neither that, nor the alleged
frequency of his absence from his post, would of themselves suffice to warrant
the recall of a British Consul. I consider, however, that his presence tends to
unsettle the public mind at Damascus, and to keep alive a sentiment of
insecurity, which may at any time become a source of danger, and that it would
be very desirable that he should be removed whenever an opportunity for it
might offer.

As your Lordship has already decided to reduce the scale of the

Consulate at Damascus, it might for the present he sufficient, in reply to the
representation of the Porte, to inform them that a change will shortly be made.

I have &c.
(Signed) HENRY ELLIOT.

83. 1871/05/04. Rashid Pasha to Aali Pasha.299

(Telegraphic.) May 4, 1871 (m.s. 1287).

Mr. Burton, the British Consul at Damascus, who is generally in the habit
of wandering about the country, was lately at Nazareth living in his tent, which
was pitched near the Greek Church. On St. George’s Day a quarrel arose
between his servants and a number of Greek lads who were standing near the
church. Mr. Burton took an active part in the quarrel by firing on the Greeks,
who had now come out of church, which made matters worse. Although several

299
National Archives FO 881-2148. Translated by the Foreign Office.

127.
 1871/05/20. E. Pisani to Henry Elliot.

of the Consul’s people received slight wounds he himself was merely struck by a
stone in the arm.

The Greeks did not retaliate by using arms of any kind, and consequently
the occurrence did not assume a more serious turn.

The Consul demands that a great number of the Greeks, whom he has
taken up and bound with cords, should be sent up to Damascus. These people,
on the other hand, declare that they are not to blame, and that it was in
consequence of the Consul’s having fired upon them that the quarrel became
serious.

The matter is now being inquired into. I am not able to say more on the
subject for the present, but shall not fail to communicate to your Highness later
the final result of the investigation.

Figure 15. The Burton Summer House at Bludan, by Charles Tyrwhitt-Drake.

84. 1871/05/20. E. Pisani to Henry Elliot.300

Pera, May 20, 1871.

Sir,

300
National Archives FO 881-2148.

128.
 1871/05/20. Richard Burton to Earl Granville.

Aali Pasha desired me to transmit, for your Excellency’s information and

consideration, the inclosed copy of a telegram he had just received from the
Governor-General of Syria, giving a summary account of an occurrence which
took place at Nazareth.

Mr. Burton, says Raschid Pasha, according to his wandering habits, went
to Nazareth and encamped near the Greek Church. On St. George’s Day, the
Greek boys having assembled in the front of the church, an affray ensued
between them and some of Mr. Burton’s servants, in which that gentleman took
an active part, and begun to fire at them. On hearing the report of fire-arms,
the crowd which was at church came out, and the scuffle took rather serious
proportions.

Some of the Consul’s people have been slightly wounded, and Mr.
Burton was struck in the arm by a stone. It is very lucky, observes the Pasha,
that the Greeks abstained from using any arms, otherwise the matter would
have been aggravated. Mr. Burton has caused some of the Greeks mixed up in
the quarrel to be apprehended and tied up, for the purpose of sending them to
Damascus.

The occurrence, states the telegram, is mainly to be ascribed to the

Consul, whose imprudence in firing on the people gave the disturbance a serious
character. The Pasha concludes his telegram by saying that he had instituted an
inquiry, and that he would not fail to acquaint the Porte with the result of the
investigation.
I have, &c.
(Signed) E. Pisani.

85. 1871/05/20. Richard Burton to Earl Granville.301

Damascus, May 20, 1871

My Lord,

301
National Archives FO 881-2148. Received June 10, 1871.

129.
 1871/05/20. Richard Burton to Henry Elliott.

I have the honour to report that, under short private leave granted by
your Lordship, I left my post on March 27, 1871, and returned to it on April 28,
1871.

By the desire of Mr. Consul-General Eldridge, I passed through the towns

of Tiberias and Safet, where the large community of Jews under British
protection received me with much cordiality. They are about to address a
Petition to your Lordship, praying that they may be transferred from under the
Consulate-General of Beyrout to the Consulate of Damascus; and I promised
them that I would report to your Lordship how much this change, enabling them
to apply directly to the headquarters of the Governor-General of Syria, would
benefit their material interests.
I have, &c.
(Signed) Richard F. Burton.

86. 1871/05/20. Richard Burton to Henry Elliott.302

Damascus, May 20, 1871.

Sir,

I have the honour to submit to your Excellency the following

circumstances. On Thursday, the 6th of April, 1871, the Protestant Cemetery at
Damascus was once more broken into and violated. Scarcely a year has passed
without this outrage being renewed; and on the present occasion justice is
completely withheld. The tomb of the Countess Harley Teleki was destroyed,
and a number of grave-stones removed from the place. After some
investigations on the part of this Consulate, thirteen of the stones were
recovered. Three of them were deposited in a mosque by Talib-el-Kayyal, a
Moslem ruffian of the Shaghur. He was absolved by the Majlis Tamiyiz el Suda,
upon the plea that he found the stones being carried about by children. The
latter denied the whole of the story. The other ten stones were found in the
possession of Jirges Hajjar, a Greek Catholic. He asserted that he had bought
them at under price from a Moslem, Abd-el-Razzak el Musriyyeh. The latter was
arrested, and he accused Mustafa Laham, who succeeded in evading justice.

302
National Archives FO 881-2148. Received June 10, 1871.

130.
 1871/05/21. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

Abd-el-Razzak was tried in the presence of a Consular Dragoman, and

was condemned to thirty days’ imprisonment, in the absence of the Dragoman,
but was presently released. In fact, it is hopeless to expect justice from a
Tribunal constituted as it is at present, when a few Napoleons to the President,
and to the Head Clerk, can procure any verdict desired.

The state of the Police Force at Damascus is causing considerable alarm.

The active and energetic officer, Ismail Agha, died about the end of March. His
subaltern Serur Agha, has been virtually banished to the Hauran. The
commanding officer, Meer Alai Mustafa Beg, whose bigotry and hatred of
Christians make him the terror of all criminals, save Moslems, is supported by
Abdullah Agha, a negro, who takes an active part in procuring the conversion of
even women and children.
I have, &c.
(Signed) Richard F. Burton

87. 1871/05/21. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.303

Damascus
May 21. 1871

My dear Ld Houghton,

I know you hear of all my movements through a certain mutual friend

the authoress—so I will not inflict old news upon you. We have just been having
a cheering pilgrimage. I have had two months tenting & riding to all the Holy
Places in Syria & Palestine & R. was with me part of the time. On my return I
heard a report that the Consular Committee were thinking of doing away with
Damascus which makes me anxious & alarmed. Personally, we have settled
down as if for many years love our interests our work & thus our lives. We have
made friends everywhere & are doing all the good we can in our separate ways.
Richd you will be glad to hear is loved & looked up to everywhere except by 2 or
3 individuals whose disapproval is however a proof of integrity. The good he has
done to this country is untold—he never reports the good he does. It is not like
the same place. Wherever he goes benefits to the people go with him. The Jews
of Tiberius & Safed & others say that “the light of God is upon him”. 3 unjust

303
Houghton 4/193.

131.
 1871/05/21. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

Jews of Damascus the British protected money lenders did last year write
complaints to F. O. about him because he wd not allow them to squeeze the
peasantry—it was taken up by Sir Moses Montefiore & Sir F. Goldsmid.304 Even
these now want to return to him. Putting aside conjugal & interested motives it
will be a gt. blow & a shame upon Damascus & injure Syria very greatly whilst
other posts of less importance are left untouched. Consider this is the heart of
Syria the residences of the Governor General the Commander in chief the
Parliament the Judges—the Horseguards—the seat of all business & for business
purposes as near the Lebanon as Beyrout. It is the protection for Commerce
post & travelers from Nabulus to the south as far as Baghdad on the East. The
only check for the Bedouin tribes, the center for the Druses of the Hauran our
friends & allies who wd otherwise become turbulent. More important than
Aleppo Beyrout or Jerusalem. It is hardly worthwhile for the sake of 2 or 300
hundred305 a gt. economy to deliver so large a jurisdiction to win & make the
name of Engd a bye word in it. If any change were made this ought to [be] the
Head Quarters & Beyrout the Consulate & so thought Richd Wood306 the only
Consul who has been a gt. success here besides Richd. Personally it will be a gt.
wrench to him to leave Damascus unless poor Richd (who has worked so hard
for 29 years to give all his time health & talents to duty & worked hard for the
honour of his country & to please his chiefs) shd get promotion & advancement
by it. We have though found many kind friends & you are one who will be
heartily sorry to see us getting the worst of the reduction system. I more suspect
our Consulate being touched this year as the 3 Jews who complained will
proclaim here “we told you that being Jews we could turn any Consul out right
or wrong & we have done it & they are going to send out a man to do our
bidding”. Syria looks upon R. as a kind of saviour for not squeezing the peasantry
out of fear for the Jews & the feeling will be thus. Other consuls crushed us to
save themselves from their own Govt who love the Jewish money–lenders. This
man has sacrificed himself for us & his Govt has crushed him to please the Jews.
Dizzy having been a Jew they think our Govt is Jewish & you know how a Jew is
despised in the East. If one could only stave it off till next March I shd not break
my heart as now R having worked so hard & well, done so much good & got here

304
Sir Francis Henry Goldsmid (1808–1878).
305
sic.
306
Sir Richard Wood (1806-1900) who became Consul-General to Tunisia, 1855 to
1876, after leaving Damascus, where he was consul from 1841 to 1855.

132.
 1871/05/22. Henry Elliot to Earl Granville.

a good name it feels like an uncalled-for disgrace. He is now 50 & had 29 years
toil. This is his first good appointment & it is hard to have it snatched away in 2
years & to be suddenly cut down from 1000 a yr & perhaps turned adrift. Who
could strain against such a time. Do give us your friendly influence in the balance
if an opportunity occurs of putting in a word for us.

Richd joins me in best regards to you & Lady Houghton & all yr. children. I hope
we shall meet again soon. I think of coming home on leave in March. You might
take a trip back with me I think for you did not come on to Damascus last time.
Believe me most sincerely yours
Isabel Burton.

88. 1871/05/22. Henry Elliot to Earl Granville.307

Constantinople, May 22, 1871.

My Lord,

I have the honour to forward to your Lordship the copy of a Report from
Mr. Pisani, communicating to me, by Aali Pasha’s desire, a telegram from the
Governor-General of Syria, informing him of an affray which had taken place at
Nazareth on St. George’s Day, between some Greeks and the servants of Captain
Burton, who are represented to have fired upon the people.

I have telegraphed to Mr. Consul Moore for any particulars he may be

able to procure of the occurrence.
I have, &c.
(Signed) Henry Elliot.

89. 1871/05/25. Earl Granville to Henry Elliot.308

Foreign Office, May 25, 1871.

Sir,

307
National Archives FO 881-2148. Note that this letter was only received by Granville
on the 30th May 1871.
308
National Archives FO 881-2148. This letter was written without knowledge of the
Nazareth affair.

133.
 1871/05/25. N. T. Moore to Henry Elliot.

With reference to your Excellency’s despatch No. 41 of the 22nd ultimo,

I have to acquaint your Excellency that I will endeavour to make an arrangement
for transferring Captain Burton from his present post at Damascus to some other
Consulate, and your Excellency is at liberty to inform the Porte of my intention
in this matter.

I am, &c.
(Signed) Granville.

90. 1871/05/25. N. T. Moore to Henry Elliot.309

Jerusalem, May 25, 1871.

Sir,

In reply to your Excellency’s telegram, I have the honour to report the

following particulars of the recent affray at Nazareth between some Greeks of
that town and Captain Burton’s attendants, and which are derived from the
Greek Bishop of Tabor, who passed through Nazareth on the next day on his way
to Jerusalem, and from two English travellers, Mr. Johnson and Mr. Gill, who
were there at the time.

According to the Bishop’s account, the conflict began by one of the

servants driving away an Abyssinian mendicant from Captain Burton’s
encampment early in the morning of St. George’s Day. The beggar persisting in
remaining, force was used. Just then the Greeks issued from their church, close
to which the camp had been pitched. They abused the servant for his treatment
of the Abyssinian, saying, "You not only refuse to give him anything, but strike
him as well.” This led to words and ultimately to blows, the other servants and
more Greeks coming up. Stones appear to have been the missiles used. Captain
Burton and his party, consisting of Mrs. Burton and Mr. Drake, came out to the
assistance of their attendants, and Captain Burton was badly hurt by two stones
which hit him on the arm and lower part of the leg.

Hearing of the affray, the above-mentioned Englishmen, with others

who were likewise present, hastened, armed, to the assistance of Captain
Burton. They, however, arrived when the contest had nearly subsided. Two or

309
National Archives FO 881-2148.

134.
 1871/06/05. Henry Elliot to Earl Granville.

three shots had been fired, fortunately without hitting any one, but by whom
these gentlemen could not say. They saw one of the servants carried into the
camp in a state of insensibility, having received about thirty wounds from
stones, his head streaming with blood. Messrs. Johnson and Gill did not know
the particulars of the origin of the affray, nor what part the Governor of
Nazareth took in the matter.

I have since heard that Captain Burton left Nazareth, taking with him twelve of
the assailants in irons for trial at Damascus.
I have, &c.
(Signed) N. T. MOORE.

91. 1871/06/05. Henry Elliot to Earl Granville.310

Therapia, June 5, 1871.

My Lord,

I have the honour to inclose the copy of a despatch from Mr. Noel
Moore, Her Majesty’s Consul at Jerusalem, in answer to a telegram by which I
had directed him to give me any particulars in his power respecting the late
affray at Nazareth between Captain Burton’s people and the Greeks.

Although I have despatches and letters from Captain Burton himself up

to the 20th ultimo, they do not contain even an allusion to the occurrence in
question, and I have, consequently, telegraphed to him to report upon it
immediately by telegraph and by post.

In the meantime, the Porte has received from the Governor-General of

Syria the telegram, of which a translation is transmitted herewith, stating that
the Greeks contend that the affray was entirely provoked by Captain Burton,
against whom the Bishop of Nazareth was preferring a formal complaint, but
who is, on the other hand, insisting on the punishment of the Greeks,

Under these circumstances the Governor-General suggests that either

Her Majesty’s Consul-General at Beyrout, or a member of Her Majesty’s

310
National Archives FO 881-2148. Received June 13, 1871.

135.
 1871/06/05. Henry Elliot to Earl Granville.

Embassy here, should be instructed to proceed to Damascus forthwith to

institute an inquiry into the occurrences in concert with him.

I told Aali Pasha this morning that I could not advise Her Majesty’s
Government to consent to the course proposed by Rachid Pasha, which would
almost amount to the trial of one of Her Majesty’s Consuls before a tribunal of
which the Governor of his district was a member.

The difficulty of the case lay in the fact of the Consul having made a
complaint against a number of Greeks for a proceeding, which he was formally
accused by the Greek Bishop of having himself brought about; but it appeared
to me that the most advisable mode of proceeding would be for the authorities
of Damascus to go regularly into Captain Burton’s accusations against his
assailants, who would have the opportunity of telling their own story and if they
produced evidence of a nature to inculpate Captain Burton, the Porte could then
make a representation on the subject to Her Majesty’s Government, who would
certainly not refuse to take such steps in reference to it as the case might seem
to call for.

Aali Pasha concurred in this view of the case ; and the course I suggested
will, I believe, be followed.
I have, &c.
(Signed) HENRY ELLIOT.

[Enclosure: Telegram from Rashid Pasha to Aali Pasha, 1871/05/19]

May 19 (M.S.), 1287.

The Greeks maintain that it was the British Consul of Damascus who
provoked and brought about the quarrel lately reported to your Highness by
telegraph. They, therefore, now claim redress for his having fired upon the
congregation, which had come out of the church at Nazareth, as well as for his
having entered the church on horseback during prayers, when he took to
smashing the lamps (with his riding-whip), and attempting to break open one of
the inner doors.

The Greek Bishop of Nazareth is to come to Damascus, in order to urge

the trial of the case; and whilst matters stand thus, Captain Burton proposes to
demand that a large number of Greeks (who are some of the very plaintiffs in

136.
 1871/06/06. Henry Elliot to Richard Burton.

this affair) should be made to undergo both correctional and pecuniary

punishment—a demand, however, which will have to be rejected before the
case is tried, and the two parties concerned duly confronted.

Under these circumstances, and considering, moreover, the delicate

nature and importance of the affair, which cannot properly come under the
cognizance of the local Medgliss, I beg to submit to your Highness that it would
be necessary either that the British Embassy should send immediately one of its
members to Damascus, or that the British Consul-General of Beyrout should be
sent instead, duly authorized to co-operate with me in bringing about the trial
and investigation of this matter.

92. 1871/06/06. Henry Elliot to Richard Burton.311

Constantinople, June 6, 1871.

Sir,

I yesterday received your despatches of the 20th ultimo, and your

private letter of the same date.

I had been expecting from you an account of the affray which had been
reported to me as having taken place at Nazareth on St. George’s Day, in which
some of your party were said to have used their fire-arms, and yourself to have
been injured by stones.

As the accounts received by the Porte represent the occurrence as

having been provoked by your party, the Bishop of Nazareth having made a
formal complaint of your own proceedings, it was very desirable that I should be
in possession of your version of it; and I must request you to explain, without
further delay, how it was that such a circumstance as an affray in which one of
Her Majesty’s Consuls was personally engaged, should not have been at once
reported to me.

You will inform me whether there is any ground for the assertion of your
followers having used their fire-arms; and likewise in what manner and by whom
the persons accused of the assault were brought, to, Damascus.

311
National Archives FO 881-2148.

137.
 1871/06/07. Richard Burton to Henry Elliot.

It is asserted that on a previous occasion, in the month of October or

November last, a person in your employment made use of his gun or pistol
without justifiable cause; and as this may probably be appealed to as an
evidence of the conduct and bearing of your people, you will report to me upon
that circumstance likewise.
I am, &c.
(Signed) Henry Elliot.

93. 1871/06/07. Richard Burton to Henry Elliot.312

Damascus, June 7, 1871.

Sir,

I have the honour to acknowledge your Excellency’s telegram of June

5th, which arrived only to-day (June 7). I had heard privately of it from one of
the officials of the Serai some hours before it reached me.

As regards the affair at Nazareth, the best explanation which I can send
is contained in the Inclosures Nos. 2, 3, and 4. The first is the despatch addressed
by me to his Excellency the Governor-General of Syria. The second is the account
of the assault forwarded to me by my fellow-traveller, Mr. C. F. Drake, who here
represents the Palestine Exploration Fund. The third is the evidence given
before the Medgliss by an English clergyman (Rev. Mr. Taylor), and by three
other gentlemen who were in Nazareth at the time..

I may also report that the Greek Bishop of Nazareth has confessed that
he was compelled by his co-religionists to act as he did; that he was ordered not
to return to his see without settling the affair in their favour, and that he is ready
to declare that those who committed the outrage were guilty, and want the
affair to be settled amicably. I have the honour to translate the telegram sent
by the Rev. Serafin, Bishop (Greek Orthodox) of Damascus to Monsignor
Yarothass, Patriarch of Antioch, now at Tripoli.

"We have received from Her Britannic Majesty’s Consul at Damascus all
details concerning the Nazareth affair; we are satisfied with his account, and we
will send details by post.”

312
National Archives FO 881-2148.

138.
 1871/06/07. Richard Burton to Henry Elliot.

Finally, as regards the claim of 300 napoleons to be distributed amongst

my wounded servants and muleteers, I have, at the instance of the Reverend the
Greek Bishop of Damascus, reduced it to 50 napoleons, which will be claimed
after three months, and only in case of bad conduct being repeated.
I have, &c.
(Signed) Richard F. Burton.

[Inclosure 3] Declaration of Mr. Drake.

On May 5, 1871, Captain Burton and I were encamped at Nazareth

(which is within his jurisdiction), near the Greek Church of the Annunciation.

Early in the morning I happened to be at a short distance from the

tents, and hearing an angry voice, I went to see whose it was. I found an
Abyssinian boy using violent language to Habib, who was telling him to leave
the neighbourhood of the tents. The Abyssinian continuing his abusive
language, and picking up a stone to throw at Habib Mohammed, the cavass
went down and began to beat him.

Four or five Greek Christians now set upon Habib and Mohamed, and
then the other two servants, Autun and Saba, ran down to help.

A melee ensued, which assumed no serious aspect till the Greek

Christians ran round to the south side of the church, where they were out of
sight of the tents, and where they were reinforced by the congregation from
the church.

The servants (four in number), and two makaris, followed them, and
very shortly Captain Burton and I heard such a noise that we judged it
advisable to go to see what was taking place, as from the tents nothing could
be seen. We accordingly ran down with only riding-whips in our hands, but, on
sharply turning the comer, found ourselves face to face with some 70 to 100
Greek Christians, who were throwing stones with all their force at Consul’s
servants, and (immediately that Captain Burton and I appeared) at us.

The first stone thrown at me was a very large one, from the hands of
Simaán el Asfar, at a distance of only four to five metres, which narrowly
missed my head. At this moment Habile fired a shot from a revolver into the
air. This checked the ruffians for an instant, and we were able to retreat to the

139.
 1871/06/08. Richard Burton to Henry Elliot.

south-east comer of the church. Here Captain Burton took the revolver, and
fired a shot, as before, into the air. This daunted the mob, and we were able to
retire slowly to the tents, though followed by showers of stones. Then, as the
mob seemed menacing, we prepared our arms, and requested some English
and American travellers, who were encamped close by, to do the same. Seeing
these preparations the mob melted away, many returning to the church,
where there had been a service (it being the Feast of St. George). At the
commencement of the disturbance two of the servants, namely, Hibib and
Saba, were so much injured that they were unable to move for several days,
and the former has continued to spit blood.

Mohamed, the cavass, was severely injured in the ribs, head, and Gium
Autun, the Seis, and two of the Mukaris, were also injured.

When Simian el Asfar had the impertinence to accompany a

deputation of Greek Christians to the tents for the purpose of begging Captain
Burton to put justice aside, and forego punishing the culprits, I immediately
recognized him as the man who had thrown the stone at me, and who was
always in the front of the mob, and busiest in throwing stones.

When Yusuf Moammur was brought to the tents I distinctly recognized

him as one foremost and busiest of the mob.

This mob was by no means made up of only lads and young men, as
some of the Greeks wished to make out, but many old men were there, and
those the richest and most influential members of the Greek community; men
whose duty should have been to restrain their juniors, and not, as they did, to
excite them to acts of extreme violence.
Damascus, May 22, 1871,
(Signed) CHAS. F. TYRWHITT DRAKE,
Representative of the Palestine Exploration Fund in Syria.

94. 1871/06/08. Richard Burton to Henry Elliot.313

(Telegraphic.) Beyrout, June 8, 1871.

313
National Archives FO 881-2148.

140.
 1871/06/09. Richard Burton to Henry Elliot.

Your telegram of 5th June received only 7th June. My servants unprovokedly
attacked by Greek orthodox at Nazareth on account of a slight quarrel with an
insolent negro. Three of mine severely hurt. Have applied to local authorities
for redress. Great opposition, at first, from Greek clergy, who now own
themselves mistaken, and wish for an amicable settlement. Details by post.

95. 1871/06/09. Richard Burton to Henry Elliot.314

Damascus, June 9, 1871.

Sir,

I think it my duty to bring to your Excellency’s notice the state of affairs

actually existing in Northern Syria.

As I have already reported (in my despatch of the 20th ultimo) the

administration of the police and the protection of the city and its environs are
left wholly in the hands of the Mir Aali Mustafa Bey, a man of noted incapacity
and unusual fanaticism. His second in command is one Abdullah Apha, a negro,
who, under the direction of his chief, encourages the conversion of Christians to
Mahomedanism, and the feelings of the former, Greeks as well as Latins, are
very strong upon this point. At the same time Bedouin raids are becoming the
order of the day, and one has just been announced to me as having penetrated
to within a few miles of Damascus.

During the last few months various reports about complications

between the Sublime Porte and Egypt, have caused the people of Syria to believe
that the Khedive awaits only an opportunity to declare himself independent; and
it is the general idea that Syria will take part with Egypt. The conduct of the Wali
(Governor-General) of Syria, his Excellency Rashid Pasha, who belongs to the
family of Mohamed Ali, has contributed not a little to increase popular
excitement. He has now held office for six years (since 1866), during which time
he has amassed an immense fortune, and has allowed his partizans to follow his
example. He has systematically dismissed all those who will not be the mere
instruments of his will, for instance, Abd-el-Hadi Pasha, late of Beyrout and of
Hamah. He has filled up all the most important posts with his own creatures, for
instance, the Governor of Nazareth (Kusshir Agha) was his pipe-bearer. In order

314
National Archives FO 881-2148.

141.
 1871/06/09. Richard Burton to Henry Elliot.

to make himself master of the situation he placed the Post Office in the hands
of the Turkish authorities, and the privacy of letters has ever since been openly
violated. A copy of every telegram is provided at once to head-quarters. It is
the prevalent idea that the policy of Rashid Pasha is suspected by the Porte and
that Ali Bey Bala was sent to Jerusalem in an independent position to counteract
the dangerous influence of the Governor-General. But the latter contrives to
make interests at Constantinople by means of many mends, notably of Said
Effendi, whose son married his daughter, and the result is that he retains his
appointment.

To Europeans and European subjects his Excellency Rashid Pasha has

shown himself irreconcilably hostile. He declares openly that he has removed
the Italian Consul, M. Pilastri; the Prussian Consul, M. Gonine; and the Spanish
Vice-Consul, M. Riba-denegra; because they would not become his tools. He is
now intriguing with all his strength against this Consulate, and he adopts the
plan of affecting to believe all the false reports which he himself has originated.
The Druses of the Hauran having paid me many visits, and wishing to return
them, I left Damascus on the 24th ultimo, after writing to the Sheikhs that I
desired to meet them all. We met, and I found them in great excitement,
expecting to be attacked by His Excellency the Wali. I calmed them by assuring
them, incidentally, that they had nothing to fear, and openly exhorted them to
act like peaceful and loyal subjects of the Porte. His Excellency affects to believe
that my visit had for object some political intrigue. It is reported that he is
preparing to attack the Druses in their fastnesses, the Seja, and in the Jebel el
Druse Hauran, and he would willingly charge me with having rendered his
expedition necessary.

I may briefly show the animus of his Excellency Rashid Pasha against all
European protégés by quoting an order lately issued in this vilayet:—“None but
rayahs are henceforward allowed to buy the ushr or dime of the villages, and all
villagers who enter into such transactions with foreigners are to be accountable
for disobeying this order.” A French protégé has thus been compelled to
renounce his foreign nationality. I need not point out the retrograde and anti-
progressive nature of such a step, especially in these days when Turkey affects
to encourage immigration. No English subject or protégé can expect justice in
Damascus. The Protestant cemetery has again been violated. The violators
were detected, and have been allowed to escape unpunished: Two English

142.
 1871/06/09. Richard Burton to Henry Elliot.

subjects, the Affghans Mohammed and Ahmed, were condemned without the
presence of a Consular dragoman, and though I have had a lengthy
correspondence upon the subject, I cannot obtain a revision of the sentence
thus pronounced contrary to the capitulations.

Upon the subject of the large debt owed to M. Telimna Fuchs, and the
village taken from M. Hanna Mirk, I shall be compelled again to address your
Excellency.

The Baghdad postman was robbed by the Renvallah Bedawins during

the last winter, and Colonel Herbert, Her Majesty’s Consul-General for Baghdad,
has applied for compensation to the extent of 66 1/2 ghazis. This sum I have for
months been attempting to recover, but in vain. An English caravan, led by Mr.
Gaze, was plundered when passing through Kunaytinah of goods estimated at
31£. I have applied for the amount, but no answer has been returned. For many
months I have been writing to. his Excellency about the claim of a British-
protected subject, Khawajeh Yakub Smonha, who demands 7,000 piastres, the
value of his merchandize plundered about a year ago from a Baghdad caravan
by the Bedouins in this neighbourhood. I cannot even obtain a reply. A Maltese
surgeon, Dr. Dupont, having been compelled to send in his resignation, has
applied, through this Consulate, for his arrears of pay. I sent a Consular
dragoman to request liquidation, and the inclosed Report will show how he was
received.

In conclusion, I would warn your Excellency that this part of Syria is in a

state of abnormal excitement. The Latins and Greeks are upon the worst of
terms, and the Mahommedans are equally hostile to both; whilst the policy of
the Governor-General is evidently to encourage all manner of bad feeling, and
to thwart those who would allay it. My best exertions have been devoted to the
task of keeping peace and order, nor shall they cease as long as my services are
required. This is the only Consulate at Damascus which at present maintains a
shadow of independence; and I venture to hope that, your Excellency will
understand the reason, should vexatious reports be circulated about it.
I have, &c.
(Signed) RICHARD F. BURTON.

143.
 1871/06/11. Richard Burton to Henry Elliot.

96. 1871/06/11. Richard Burton to Henry Elliot.315

Damascus, June 11, 1871.

Sir,

In reply to your Excellency’s official letter of the 31st ultimo, I have the
honour to explain the cause of the delay in reporting the attack upon my
servants at Nazareth.

I was detained at Nazareth between May 5 and May 10, in order to

watch the proceedings of the local authorities. The Turkish post was certainly
open to me, but my despatch would assuredly have been read, and most
probably would never have reached its destination. Even at Damascus I am
compelled to be most circumspect when addressing despatches to
Constantinople or Beyrout. After an official visit to the Jews of Tiberia and Safet
(whose protection papers have not been renewed for many years, some, indeed,
since 1849), on returning to Damascus (May 19), I addressed an official report
to his Excellency the Governor-General, who undertook to forward it to his
Government, together with-the version of the affair supplied to him by the
Reverend the Greek Orthodox Bishop of Nazareth. My report to your Excellency
was again delayed by waiting for the evidence. of the Rev. Mr. Taylor and of his
three fellow-travellers.

The delay has thus arisen from my wish to lay the ease before your
Excellency complete in all its details. I can, if desired, supply confirmatory
evidence of all my assertions, and can prove, by the medical certificate of the
physician attached to the Protestant Mission of Nazareth, the severe injuries
received by two of my attendants; a third, Mohammed Cawwas, an Affghan, a
British subject, and an old soldier, lies, I regret to say, in a most precarious state.
He had concealed from me the severity of his injuries out of a sense of shame,
but my companion, Mr. Drake, had heard of and had recorded them. Dr. Nicora,
the sanitary officer placed here by the French Government, informed me four
days ago that he had no hope of saving the wounded man.
I have, &c.
(Signed) Richard F. Burton.

315
National Archives FO 881-2148.

144.
 1871/06/14. Odo Russell to Richard Burton.

97. 1871/06/14. Odo Russell to Richard Burton.316

Foreign Office, June 14, 1871.

Sir,

I am directed by Earl Granville to call upon you to furnish, by the earliest

opportunity, a full explanation of the circumstances adverted to in the telegram
from the Governor-General of Syria to Aali Pasha, of which a copy is herewith
inclosed, communicated to his Lordship by the Ottoman Ambassador at this
Court.

I am at the same time to acquaint you that serious complaints in regard

to your general proceedings have been made by the Porte to Her Majesty’s
Government; and I am to add that his Lordship wishes that, from the time of
receipt of this despatch until further instructions reach you, you should not quit
the seat of your Consulate, the City of Damascus.
I am, &c.
(Signed) Odo Russell.

98. 1871/06/16. G. Jackson Eldridge to Henry Elliot.317

Beyrout. June 16, 1871.

Sir,

I have the honour to transmit herewith a copy of a despatch, and its

inclosures, which I have received from his Excellency the Wali of Syria,
complaining of the proceedings of Captain Burton in his recent visit to the
Hauran and Jebel Druse.

As Rashid Pasha expresses a hope that, like himself, I shall disapprove of

this journey, I can only refer the matter to your Excellency, as, beyond a private
letter, dated the 23rd ultimo (received by me on the 25th), in which Captain
Burton announces his intention of starting for the Jebel Druse on the following
day, I had no knowledge of his intentions or the objects of the journey, which
may, perhaps, have been undertaken in pursuance of instructions.

316
National Archives FO 881-2148.
317
National Archives FO 881-2148.

145.
 1871/06/23. Odo Russell to Richard Burton.

Without entering into the arguments of Rashid Pasha, I cannot refrain

from expressing an opinion that it was injudicious on the part of Captain Burton
to have gone to the Jebel Druse without having at least informed the local
authorities of his intention; as a similar journey, undertaken, as it were, secretly,
would bear the interpretation, in the eyes of the populations, that Her Majesty’s
Government had some line of policy in view that differed from that of the
Government of His Majesty the Sultan.
I have, &c.
(Signed) G. Jackson Eldridge.

99. 1871/06/23. Odo Russell to Richard Burton.318

Foreign Office, June 23, 1871.

Sir,

With reference to my despatch No. 1 of the 14th instant, I am directed by Earl

Granville to observe to you that although despatches have been received from
you dated since your return to Damascus, no allusion is contained in them to the
transactions at Nazareth; and I am further to call upon you for an immediate
explanation why you have not reported this matter.
I am, &c.
(Signed) Odo Russell.

100. 1871/06/26. Henry Elliot to Earl Granville.319

Therapia, June 26, 1871.

My Lord,

In connection with the complaints made by the Porte of the proceedings

of Her Majesty’s Consul at Damascus, irrespective of the affray at Nazareth, I
have the honour to inclose the translation of a letter which he was represented
to me as having written to the Arab Chiefs, inviting them to meet him at a village
in the Hauran.

318
National Archives FO 881-2148.
319
National Archives FO 881-2148.

146.
 1871/06/26. Henry Elliot to Earl Granville.

I telegraphed to Captain Burton to ascertain whether the letter was

authentic; and I inclose herewith a copy of his telegraphic reply.

In the meantime I had received from him a despatch, of which a copy is

also inclosed, in which Captain Burton, after alluding to the unsatisfactory state
of northern Syria, mentions having invited the Chiefs to meet him, and reports
the salutary effects of his interview with them.

Your Lordship’s intention, already notified to the Porte, of finding an opportunity

of transferring Captain Burton to another post, makes it unnecessary to examine
at any length the particulars of the complaints which have been made to me
against him; but their general tenor was his determination to meddle with the
internal administration of the district, the Governor of which wrote to the Porte,
that if Her Majesty’s Consul were to assume the virtual position of Governor, it
would be impossible for himself l to continue to direct the Government of the
province. A letter, of which I have forwarded a copy to your Lordship elsewhere,
touching the affair at Nazareth, while eloquently advocating Captain Burton’s
proceedings, unconsciously but conclusively confirms the complaint of the
Governor.

After stating that the Vali hates the Consuls of the Great Powers, the
letter goes on to say, that his Excellency “still more hates Captain Burton, for he
is virtually Governor here, and there is not much use for a Governor; and he dare
not do anything wrong for fear of him, for he can neither bully nor bribe him.”

If, as I can hardly doubt, the above gives a correct description of the
position assumed by Captain Burton, it certainly seems to show him to have
misunderstood the duties and line of conduct to be followed by Her Majesty’s
Consular Agents, who, by co-operation or by friendly remonstrances with the
provincial authorities, as the case may seem to require, may contribute
powerfully to the well-doing of a district; but who, by raising themselves up as
rival or antagonistic powers, cannot fail to produce a state of things which may
lead to disastrous results.

That many abuses exist in the administration of the province may be

fairly assumed; but Captain Burton, in his desire to remedy them, has not, as it
appears to me, been sufficiently careful in avoiding just cause for umbrage on
the part of those who are responsible for its tranquillity.

147.
 1871/06/26. Henry Elliot to Earl Granville.

In looking back for the last four years I cannot but recollect that,
previous to his assuming the direction of the Consulate of Damascus, neither the
local authorities nor Her Majesty’s Consul-General at Beyrout had felt the
slightest anxiety about the state of the district, but that there has been a
gradually increasing uneasiness ever since.

The knowledge that the British Consul is in direct opposition with the local
authorities is liable to be taken by the restless populations of those countries as
an encouragement to resist them,

I have, &c.
(Signed) Henry Elliot.

P.S.—Since writing the above, the inclosed copy of a letter from the Governor-
General to the Grand Vizier on the subject of Captain Burton’s visit to the Hauran
has been communicated to me. Neither it, nor his Excellency’s letter to Captain
Burton, sent to your Lordship by Mr. Eldridge, agrees with the intimation in
Captain Burton’s telegram, that the Vali made no objection to it. H. E.

148.
 1871/06/26. Henry Elliot to Earl Granville.

Figure 16. Hammond recommends recall and dismissal of Burton.

149.
 1871/06/26. Henry Elliot to Earl Granville.

150.
 1871/07/05. Henry Elliot to Earl Granville.

101. 1871/07/05. Henry Elliot to Earl Granville.320

Therapia, July 5, 1871.

My Lord,

I have the honour to forward to your Lordship copy of a despatch from

Captain Burton in reply to mine calling upon him to explain how it was that he
had not at once reported to me the occurrence at Nazareth.321 As Captain
Burton, after his return to Damascus, had sent me despatches on indifferent
subjects, there could have been no difficulty in forwarding a report upon the
Nazareth affray, nor was there occasion for any special precaution in regard to
it.

I have communicated to Serva Effendi what Captain Burton says of the

serious nature of the injury suffered by one of his attendants, and I said that, as
there was every appearance of the Greeks having been guilty of a gross outrage,
I hoped the actors in it would he properly-dealt with.

His Excellency has assured me that, as soon as the guilt of the persons
implicated is substantiated, they shall receive the merited punishment, there
being on the part of the Government no sort of disposition to shield them.
I am, &c.
(Signed) Henry Elliot.

320
National Archives FO 881-2148.
321
See 1871/06/09.

151.
 1871/07/05. Henry Elliot to Earl Granville.

Figure 17. F. O. Memo on Burton’s Recall and Replacement.

152.
1871/07/05. Henry Elliot to Earl Granville.

153.
 1871/07/21. Earl Granville to Richard Burton.

102. 1871/07/21. Earl Granville to Richard Burton.322

Foreign Office, July 22, 1871,

Sir,

You were informed by a despatch written to you on the 19th of June,

1869, by direction of the late Earl of Clarendon, that very serious objections had
been made, to your, appointment as Her Majesty’s Consul at Damascus, and
that, though his Lordship was willing to allow you to proceed to that post on
receiving your assurance that the objections were unfounded, you were warned
that it would be necessary that you should be recalled if the feeling stated to
exist against you on the part of the authorities and people of Damascus should
prevent the proper discharge of your official duties.

I regret to have now to inform you that the complaints which I have
received from the Turkish Government in regard to your recent conduct and
proceedings render it impossible that I should allow you to continue to perform
any Consular functions in Syria; and I have accordingly to desire that you will, on
receipt of this despatch, hand over the archives of Her Majesty’s Consul at
Damascus to the person whom Mr. Consul-General Eldridge will appoint to carry
on the duties of the Consulate until further orders.

You will, therefore, make your preparations for returning to this country
with as little delay as possible.

I am, &c.
(Signed) GRANVILLE.

103. 1871/08/19. Richard Burton to Henry Elliot.323

Beyrout, August 19, 1871.

Sir,

A letter from Mr. Consul Eldridge, dated August 11th, informing me that
a copy of the charges made against Mr. Hanna Azar, one of the Dragomans of

322
National Archives FO 881-2148.
323
National Archives FO 881-2148.

154.
 1871/08/19. Richard Burton to Henry Elliot.

Her Majesty’s Consulate, Damascus, has been forwarded to your Excellency, I

have the honour to supply the following particulars.

Rashid Pasha, Governor-General of Syria, and one of the most corrupt

men in the Turkish Empire, devoted some ten pages to an attack upon a
Consulate Dragoman. The paper so teems with untruths that to show them all
up would require an answer of almost equal prolixity; I will, however, briefly
dispose of a few of the most serious. It is a wicked falsehood that Mr. Consul
Rogers ever withdrew his confidence from Mr. Azar, who, after some five years’
service, obtained from that officer the most satisfactory testimonials. It is
equally false that Mr. Wood looked upon Mr. Azar as a “stone of scandal” had
he done so he would not have given him before his departure the best of
characters. Mr. Kennedy, in the first place, did not visit Damascus as an
inspector; secondly he met Mr. Azar only once or twice, and if that officer heard
of anything “deplorable,” it was from the lips of the Governor-General himself.

Rashid Pasha asserts untruly that he has more than once taken the
opportunity of complaining to me against Mr. Azar; he used against him all
manner of private and irregular intercession, but until quite of late he never
made an open and honest complaint in a public and official form.

Knowing the Governor-General’s petty spite against Mr. Azar, I

suggested to the latter that on such occasions as visits, for instance, he had
better absent himself. The “ false reports” spread by Mr. Azar were not heard
by nor reported to me, and if they related to the “perils of Christians” and
“spectres of fresh misfortunes,” it will not, I fear, be long before his reports will
be justified. There was no “quarrel upon the occasion of my going to the church
of Zildani.” I was never there once; during the riot in question, when my wife
was insulted, I was, as the Governor-General well knows, at Damascus. My wife,
after the prisoners had been, as she thought, sufficiently punished, interceded
for them. The head, of the family, Salih Bey (a family name, not a title), when
examined by her touching any charges which he might have against Mr. Azar,
swore upon the Koran that he had none, and made a similar deposition before
the Chief Tribunal, called Tamyiz el hukuk el bilayit. “Incontestable proof” of Mr.
Azar’s “moral perversity.” Mr. Azar visited the Tribunals only by my order; so far
from being on bad terms with the members, he is a personal favourite with those
who care to keep up friendly relations with him. He has, on more than one

155.
 1871/08/19. Richard Burton to Henry Elliot.

occasion, defended the dignity of his office, and he did right. In the days of Mr.
Richard Wood and Colonel Rose (Lord Strathnairn) when the English
Government had some influence in Syria, the Governor-General and the Mushir
(Field-Marshal Commanding) used to rise from their seats when a Consular
Dragoman entered the room, and ordered for him pipes and coffee. Those days
are now gone. It is only lately M. Jihan Abd el Nuri, Consular Dragoman to the
Vice-Consulate of Greece, was turned out of the room without reason. No
Tribunal would dare to act as they without the express order of the Governor-
General, but that is a part of his system. I am personally satisfied that Rashid
Pasha has, through his assassins, the Ghiyas Bedawin, threatened the life of Mr.
Azar, and I am equally certain that the “ imaginary plunder,” attributed by his
Excellency’s instruments to “ wild pigs,” is a solid and concrete fact. The whole
affair was at once placed by me before your Excellency. I did not, however, add
that these Ghiyas plunderers, who are allowed every week to ride and harry the
Damascus Plain, have for some time past given hostages to the local
Government, and that, consequently, as all at Damascus know, their raids are
directed by the Serai.

The Governor-General has, perhaps, not exceeded the limits of his

powers in forbidding the Tribunals to admit Mr. Azar. He has dismissed three
Consuls, and he must find it an easy task to deal with a Consular Dragoman. But
I hope, for the honour of the English name, that before Her Majesty’s Consulate
at Damascus sanctions this perverse and illegal measure it will give Mr. Azar a
fair and open trial, instead of seeing the “expediency of suspending him from his
functions of Dragoman.” Mr. Azar courts the just investigations of the charges
brought against him, and I have no doubt that, if the proceedings are fairly
conducted, he will be found guiltless.

Rashid Pasha, after taking a step which ought to satisfy his revenge, still
pushes the case against Mr. Azar. The fact is, he is resolved to ruin a Consular
Dragoman who has dared to do his duty.

As has been reported to your Excellency, Mr. Azar, before I took charge
of Her Majesty’s Consulate at Damascus, convicted the Governor-General, in
presence of Mr. Acting Consul Charles Wood, of a wilful falsehood for interested
purposes. Rashid Pasha, true to the Turkish instinct, has never forgiven him, and
never will. He will be satisfied with nothing short of ruining his enemy. The

156.
 1871/08/19. Richard Burton to Henry Elliot.

nature of the “longanimity” of which he speaks is well known to every one in

Syria. It remains only for me to deny explicitly that Mr. Azar has ever “irritated
and excited” me against the Governor-General of Syria. The open refusal of
redress to British protégés, and the opposition to all legitimate Consular
interference systematically displayed: during the last twenty months, are
sufficient to “irritate and excite” any honest man.

Mr. Azar is a man of good family, and of sufficient means. His profession
was that of a banker, when, in an evil hour, he thought to improve his position
by becoming Dragoman to Her Majesty’s Consulate at Damascus. Since 1865 he
has given all his time to his duties without receiving a farthing of pay; and he has
shown a zeal and intelligence combined with a far rarer qualify, an independent
bearing, which has secured for him the hatred of the Governor-General. He is
the only Dragoman in Her Majesty’s Consulate, Damascus, who has a thorough
knowledge of law and custom and of the proceedings of the native Tribunals.
During the last twenty months I have found his services invaluable. It remains
only to be seen, now that I have been "replaced,” whether a public servant of
six years’ standing will obtain a fair and impartial trial or will be left to the fate
prepared for him by a Governor-General like Rashid Pasha, who abuses his high
position and the confidence of his Government with the object of crushing all
opposition. And should this corrupt and unworthy man succeed in carrying out
his projects, the only persons who will consent to act as Dragomans of Her
Majesty’s Consulate, or any other Consulate at Damascus, will be simply the
tools of the Governor-General, allowed freely to take bribes, and to indulge in
every kind of malpractice as the price of betraying their employers.
I have, &c.
(Signed) RICHARD F. BURTON.

157.
 1871/09/09. Henry Elliot to Earl Granville.

Figure 18. The Bludan Residence of the Burtons, sketched by Charles Tyrwhitt Drake.

104. 1871/09/09. Henry Elliot to Earl Granville.324

Therapia, September 9, 1871.

My Lord,

Captain Burton forwarded to your Lordship a copy of his despatch No 26

of the 17th of July, and Mr. Consul-General Eldridge his of the 11th of August,
respecting the complaints of the Governor-General of Syria against Mr. Hanna
Azar, one of the Consular Dragomans at Damascus.

I have now the honour to inclose a copy of the reply of Mr. Eldridge to
the inquiries I had addressed to him in reference to Mr. Azar, and of a further
communication from Captain Burton upon the same subject.325

The excessive violence of the latter, who speaks of Mr. Azar’s life being
threatened by the Governor-General’s assassins, and of the raids of the
plundering Arabs being directed by his Excellency, renders it difficult to deal
satisfactorily with the case. I represented, however, to Server Effendi that,

324
National Archives FO 881-2148.
325
See 1871/08/19.

158.
 1871/09/09. Henry Elliot to Earl Granville.

Captain Burton being now removed from Damascus, it would be desirable for
the Governor-General to drop the complaint he has made against Mr. Azar, and
his Excellency has already written to Rashid Pasha in this sense. In the despatch
now transmitted to your Lordship Captain Burton writes that Mr. Azar "has on
more than one occasion defended the dignity of his office, and he did right. In
the days of Mr. Richard Wood and Colonel Rose, when the English Government
had some influence in Syria, the Governor-General and the Mushir used to rise
from their seats when a Consular Dragoman entered the room, and ordered for
him pipes and coffee. Those days are now gone.”

If I particularly call your Lordship’s attention to these words, it is because

I believe them to convey the true explanation of the attitude which the Porte
complains of Captain Burton having assumed.

He did not understand that the days when Governors-General trembled

before Consular Dragomans had passed, never, it is to be hoped, to return.

The struggle for direct influence or domination among the different

foreign Representatives, which was carried on throughout the Empire previous
to the Crimean War, has since that time been dropped by a tacit understanding,
and no Governor-General would submit to the subserviency to a Consul which
was common twenty years ago. Captain Burton fell into the error of
endeavouring to recover for himself and for his Dragoman a position neither
aimed at by his colleagues nor compatible with the altered state of affairs, and
he naturally encountered the strenuous opposition of the Governor-General.

I have already informed your Lordship that the other Consuls at

Damascus are far from taking the same view as Captain Burton with regard to
Rashid Pasha; and the despatch, of which the copy is inclosed, records the
estimation in which he was held by Acting Consul Wood, who declares that “it is
but due to his Excellency to state that his high administrative talents, his
successes in his expeditions, and the high sense of duty with which he
endeavours to inspire his subordinates, have won for him the admiration of all;
whilst his quiet and unassuming manner, his conciliatory disposition, and a
sympathetic interest which he seems to evince for all who come in contact with
him, have appealed powerfully to the affection of the people, who unanimously
acknowledge him to be the best Governor they have had.”

159.
 1871/09/09. Henry Elliot to Earl Granville.

This despatch was written by Mr. Wood, who had the charge of Her
Majesty’s Consulate at Damascus, very shortly before Captain Burton’s arrival,
and offers a curious contrast to the descriptions given by the latter in his recent
communications, which, whether there may be foundation for them or not,
exhibit a personal and passionate hostility which would alone suffice to cause
them to be received with caution.
I have, &c.
(Signed) HENRY ELLIOT

[Inclosure: Acting Consul Wood to Sir H. Elliot.]

Damascus, June 16, 1869.

Sir,

There is an idea prevailing throughout the vilayet that Rashid Pasha, on

his arrival at Constantinople, will be called upon to fill a higher and more
important post, notwithstanding that his Excellency has given assurances of his
speedy return.

The inhabitants of Damascus, acting upon this idea, and unwilling that
his Excellency should leave the country without some public acknowledgment
of their sincere regard and respect for him, have given a banquet in his honour.

It is the first time that this city has given a public testimony of its esteem
to its Chief Magistrate, and the first time also that this mode of expressing it has
been adopted. With the exception of the exclusion of wine, expressly forbidden
by Mahomedan law, it was surprising to see how European fashion, in all its
details, entirely superseded the mode of arrangement that would have been
adopted here for such an occasion, thus adding a further proof that the influence
of European civilization has made itself felt in a city which boasts of its
Conservative spirit.

The Representatives of the foreign Powers, the heads of all the religious
communities, as well as the principal officials and inhabitants of Damascus, were
invited, amounting, in all, to 170 guests.

Two tables were set in a garden, which was illuminated with 2,000
lights. Rashid Pasha presided over the first table, and the Mushir over the
second.

160.
 1871/09/09. Henry Elliot to Earl Granville.

Towards the end of the feast several speeches were made, chiefly in
praise of the Governor-General; and it is due to him to state that his
administrative talents, his successes in his expeditions, his high sense of duty
with which he endeavours to inspire his subordinates, have won for him the
admiration of all; whilst his quiet and unassuming manner, his conciliatory
disposition, and a sympathetic interest he seems to evidence for all who come
in contact with him, have appealed powerfully to the affection of the people,
who unanimously acknowledge him to be the best Governor they have had.

Owing to a recent bereavement in my family I was unable to assist at

this banquet.

I have, &c.
(Signed) CHARLES WOOD.

Figure 19. Syrian Tracings from Burton's Sketchbook.

161.
 1871. Bertrand Mitford, Lord Redesdale.

105. 1871. Bertrand Mitford, Lord Redesdale.326

It was on a lovely morning in the early spring of 1871 that I stood on a spur of
the Antilebanon, the famous “Dome of Victory,” and looked down upon the
plains of Damascus. I must have been close to the very spot where Mahomet—
then a poor camel-driver—gazing upon the too-enchanting scene, resolutely
turned his back upon it, saying: “There is but one paradise, and that is in
heaven—there may be no second upon earth.” In these days, when men are
agnostics in legend as well as in religion, it is the fashion to assert that he never
uttered such words. Why? Is it not more likely that he, the man gifted with the
seer's burning imagination, the prophet that was to hold the hearts, and order
the faith, of countless millions for centuries upon centuries, should have spoken
thus, than that some mean biographer should have coined so lofty and spiritual
a thought? Why attempt the impossible? Why try to prove a negative in order
to destroy a lovely legend?

Out of a fairylike lacework of apricot trees in full blossom the towers and
minarets and cupolas of that “rose-red city, half as old as time” [Dean Burgoo's
"Newdigate Ode."] pointed to heaven. Abana and Pharpar were threading their
silvery way among the blushing orchards, as they did when Abraham pitched the
tents of his tribe of wandering Arabs under the shade of the forest trees fringing
the river banks. Small wonder that Naaman the Syrian, when he thought of his
own sweet gardens lapped by these crystal streams, should have shuddered at
the thought of plunging into the mud of Jordan! Grim and grey, the walls told of
centuries—of tens of centuries—of sacred history and medieval legends, stories
of patriarchs, of saints Christian and saints Mussulman, of steel-clad Crusaders
and turbaned Saracen Emirs Above all, closing my eyes, I seemed to realize the
vision of Saul, “breathing out threatenings and slaughter against the disciples of
the Lord,” when the great light “shined round about him,” and he fell to the
earth, stricken blind. Who can look upon Damascus for the first time and remain
unmoved?

We had reached this earthly paradise of Mahomet's, as was fitting, through

Purgatory. The ride from Jerusalem northward had been disastrous.

326
Lord Redesdale Memories Volume 2 (London: Hutchinson, 1916) pp. 558-76.
National Archives FO 881-2148.

162.
 1871. Bertrand Mitford, Lord Redesdale.

It was raining when we struck our tents outside the Joppa Gate of the Holy City.
Day after day the rain came down pitilessly, hopelessly. When the rain ceased,
snow took its place; we were half frozen and drenched to the skin, the water
made jugs of our boots and the saddles were like sponges. Our tents were
soaked through and our camping-grounds had been quagmires. It was
everywhere the same: Gerizim, the mountain of blessings, was no kinder than
Ebal, the mountain of curses. At Nazareth, where we lodged in the monastery,
the kind Franciscan monks gave us a pan of charcoal in the hopes that its very
inadequate heat might help to dry our clothes. Worse and worse: the fumes
made us very ill, and one of our party fell down asphyxiated, and for a while
looked like death; we carried him out into the air, and to our joy a little colour
began to come into his cheeks.

Our poor servants! The dragoman and his crew, who tended the horses and
looked after the baggage, were the picture of misery; the very horses hung down
their heads, dejected and dispirited; and so we went on until we were about half
a day's journey from Damascus, when we met a damp and sympathetic native,
who gave us directions as to a route by which we should save some distance,
and the baggage would join us a little later. Alas! We took his advice and the
proverbial short cut. We lost our way, the light began to fail, and we wandered
on and on in darkness, our jaded horses stumbling at every other step over what
seemed to be a barren, stony desert. There was nothing for it but to dismount
and lead them. We had no food, and the dragoman was in despair. At last, when
it was near midnight, we heard the baying of dogs in the distance. There was a
ray of hope—where there were dogs there would be men of some sort. Worn
out with fatigue and hunger, we struggled on till we came upon the black tents
of a Bedouin camp. We had heard ugly stories of the tribes to the east of Jordan,
but they must have been set about by the Father of Lies. Nothing could have
been kinder than these nomad Arabs. Even the dogs, which sniffed about our
legs a little suspiciously at first, ended by being quite friendly. The Sheik gave us
shelter in one of his tents, and told off three or four of his young men to tend
our horses, while he fetched us milk and a sort of damper. Utterly worn out, we
lay down in our sopping clothes on a comfortable litter of dry straw, and in a
moment were fast asleep. How soon I know not, I was awakened by something
warm and soft and wet snuggling against my cheek—it was the nose of a calf,
two days old, which with its mother shared our quarters, or rather, I should say,
we shared theirs, for we, not they, were the intruders.

163.
 1871. Bertrand Mitford, Lord Redesdale.

When daylight came we were the objects of much curiosity: from the Sheik's
own tent there were great whisperings and peepings of his womankind.
Doubtless our dragoman, after the manner of his guild, had spent all the wealth
of Eastern hyperbole in reciting our magnitudes, with which his audience must
have felt that our sorry plight was hardly in harmony. With much gratitude we
took leave of the good Sheik, and set out again through the pitiless rain into the
wilderness. Like primitive wanderers we travelled on, trusting to luck; for many
miles we rode through the desolation, without meeting a soul from whom we
could gain information.

It was getting dark when once more we heard the barking of dogs, and so guided,
we reached the filthiest village that it ever was my misfortune to see—Jabat el
Hashab, we were told, was its name. It consisted of some forty or fifty mud huts,
standing in a sea of indescribable dirt and offal; and in the middle of the village
there was a huge heap of putrid carrion, carcasses of sheep, horses and cattle
festering in the mud. A half-naked, ragged, sick-looking creature, who appeared
to be a sort of headman among the fever-stricken inhabitants, came out of one
of the huts and after some parleying with our dragoman assigned to us a lodging
for the night. We should have had, perhaps, better quarters in the caves of the
troglodytes. The hut into which we were shown was a sort of apology for a
stable or byre. At one end were stalled our four horses; at the other end, on a
mud platform about a foot high, we were to lie carpetless, blanketless. Horses
fed on karoub-beans are not sweet bedfellows; they, combined with the carrion
heap, which was just outside our door, not to speak of the neighing and tramping
and the occasional barking of pariah dogs, made the night hideous. The smell
was appalling—that, with the serried battalions of creatures by which we were
attacked on all sides, murdered sleep.

The hours dragged on slowly indeed, but when at last daylight broke we felt that
our troubles were over. The sun, which we had not seen for many days, rose
gloriously, and we were cheered by the news that four or five hours' ride would
bring us to Damascus, where we should find our baggage and cleanliness. And
so, forgetting all our very real discomfort and misery, we set out in high spirits.
The darkest hour which heralds the dawn was past! But when we met our men,
we found that one poor fellow had died of cold and exhaustion. It had been
really a terrible journey. How often in after days did I and my two travelling
companions, now alas! both gone, laugh over the miseries of that foul night!

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“Unpack the boxes swiftly, O dragoman! Let there be no delay! Carry fresh
clothes to the Turkish bath; let us too, like Naaman the Syrian, wash and be
clean.” With joy we cast off the horrible sponges which we had worn night and
day for forty-eight hours. Dirty? Yes, and very densely colonized by undesirable
aliens. We threw them off with glee, and gave strict orders that they should be
burned—those orders were probably never obeyed; more likely were the
wretched rags sold to the local representatives of the triple-hatted traders of
Whitechapel. At any rate we saw them no more.

But I am treading upon dangerous ground. “Eothen” has been written these
seventy years, and there is no room for any other story of travel in Syria and the
Holy Land.

The British Consul at Damascus was at that time my old friend Richard Burton,
the famous traveller and linguist, one of the most notable men of my time. We
had become known to one another a dozen years before, when I was a clerk in
the African, or as it was then called, the Slave Trade, Department of the Foreign
Office. In 1861 a fight, anthropological, zoological, and biological, was raging
round Du Chaillu's recently published book on equatorial Africa, and especially
upon the question whether the gorilla was a reality or only a fabulous animal,
like the “men whose heads do grow beneath their shoulders.”

All the great lords of science, such as Sir Roderick Murchison and Sir Richard
Owen—who backed Du Chaillu—were in the lists, and Burton, always eager for
a fray, whether with pen or sword, was on fire to go and ascertain the truth. He
was, however, a captain in the Indian army, and so long as he remained a soldier
the thing was impossible; so he contrived to be appointed consul at Fernando
Po, severing his connection with the authorities of the India Office, who never
forgave him. Thus it was that he had to come to the Slave Trade Department of
the Foreign Office to be coached up in the recent business of his consulate, and
I was able to be of some little use to him in supplying him with documents and
information. We became fast friends, I having the greatest admiration for him.
Indeed, he was a man possessed of a great power of awakening enthusiasm. He
did all that he could to persuade me to go with him to Fernando Po. There was
a small office vacant there, which I could easily have obtained, but happily my
father put his foot down, and I remained in Downing Street. So far as gorillas
were concerned, Burton might as well have stayed behind also, for he found

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none. Du Chaillu, however, was able to make good all that he had said, and his
story was confirmed by a French expedition in the following year.

Burton, if not a great man, was at any rate a remarkable one his personality was
striking; as he strode through the streets with his crisp, staccato walk no one
could help noticing him. He was not very tall, probably not more than five feet
ten inches, but his frame was that of a Titan. His broad shoulders and highly-
developed chest indicated strength beyond the common. Until quite his last
years he always looked like an athlete in the pink of training. He was the only
man that I ever knew who could fire the old-fashioned elephant-gun from the
shoulder without a rest; his powers of endurance were simply marvellous, and
he could drink brandy with a heroism that would have satisfied Dr. Johnson. He
had a fine, picturesque head, dark hair, burning black eyes and features which
would have been handsome but for the lower jaw, which was too strong for
beauty, and indeed almost tigerish, with a ferocious expression belying his really
kind nature. An accomplished traveller, ignorant of fear, and in linguistic
achievement almost rivalling Cardinal Mezzofanti, who could preach in upwards
of fifty languages and dialects.

There was an article published in Blackwood's Magazine many years ago, in

which the writer proved to his satisfaction that any man who could speak three
languages must of necessity be a fool. Burton gave the lie to that. Cardinal
Mezzofanti, on the other hand, does not seem to have been famous for
intelligence in any province save that of the polyglot. Indeed, he was said to be
conspicuously stupid, and on one occasion he gave evidence of his rare
knowledge and equally rare ignorance in the same breath. On making
acquaintance at Venice with the Lord Meath of his day, and being told that he
was an Irish nobleman, he proceeded to address him in the Erse tongue, in the
full conviction that he was speaking to him in the language current in his family.

As an official Burton was a failure. He was impatient of any control, had no idea
of discipline, and as for unconventionalities, he simply scattered them to the
winds. Says Thomas a Kempis: “Nemo secure praeest qui non libenter subest.
Nemo secure praecipit nisi qui bene obedire didicit.”327 Burton would never

327
“No man rules safely power is at hand who will not willingly. No man commands
safely unless he has learned well to obey”.

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have made a good commander at that rate, but he had probably never read the
“De Imitatione Christi.”

As consul at Damascus he was continually in hot water, and his wife was not the
woman to make diplomatic relations easier. Her manner with the
Mohammedans among whom she lived, and whom it was her business to
conciliate so far as in her lay, was detestable. On one occasion I was with her
and one or two others in a very sacred mosque; a pious Moslem was prostrate
before the tomb of a holy saint. She did not actually strike him with her riding-
whip, but she made as though she were going to do so, and insisted on the poor
man making room for her to go up to the tomb. What the man muttered I knew
not, but I doubt his orisons having taken the shape of blessings. I left the mosque
in disgust. If actuated by no higher motive, she should have reflected upon the
harm which such conduct needs must work upon her husband, to whom, to do
her justice, she was entirely and most touchingly devoted. It is only fair to
Burton's memory to show how heavily he was handicapped. He was not
responsible for all the trouble that led to his removal a few months later from
the romance of the Damascus that he loved, to the deadly dullness of the Trieste
which he hated.

The day after we arrived in Damascus Burton came to breakfast. He was

excellent company, as of old, full of information and good stories of adventures
and stirring scenes in which truth was so richly embroidered as almost to
become fiction. One had to know one's Burton, for the thing which he loved
above all others was to astonish, and for the sake of that he would not hesitate
to violate the virtue of the pure maiden who dwells in a well. Take him with a
grain of salt, which was quite what he expected, and he was the best of boon
companions.

We were dining together once at the mess of the 2nd Life Guards, the guests of
their then colonel, poor Fred Marshall. The conversation turned upon feats of
swordsmanship, and I happened to tell of the wonderful skill of the chief
executioner at Yedo, whom the dandy young Samurai used to bribe to test their
heavy swords upon the bodies of dead criminals; it was said that he could put
three corpses one on the top of the other on a trestle and cut through the three
in the small of the back at one blow; this I have heard solemnly averred. “Ah!”
said Burton, “it has always been a matter of regret to me that I never quite

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succeeded in cutting a man in two. I very nearly did once. I was alone in the
desert and saw that I was being pursued by three men; my horse was tired and
they were gaining upon me. As the leading man came up with me I drew my
sword and dealt him a furious blow on the shoulder, cutting him slantwise right
down to the waist; unfortunately I did not cut through the last bit of skin, so the
horse galloped off with half the man's body hanging over the saddle.”

“And what became of the other two Arabs?” somebody asked.

“Oh! they made off!” And then Burton winked at me. As for the young
subalterns, it would be hard to say whether their eyes or their mouths were the
more open. Burton had dared and done more almost than any man living; that,
however, was not enough for him. He was compelled to invent more. But his
little inventions were almost childlike in their transparent simplicity.

After breakfast Burton took me to see Lady Ellenborough. So many stories had
been told about her and her strange life as the wife of an Arab chief, that I
expected to see a grand and commanding figure living in a sort of tawdry
barbarism, something like the Lady Hester Stanhope of “Eothen,” and
Lamartine; an imposing personage, mystic, wonderful, half queen, half Sybil—
Semiramis and Meg Merrilies rolled into one, ruling by the force of the eye a
horde of ignoble, ragged dependants, trembling but voracious. No two people
could be more unlike. I found Lady Ellenborough—Mrs. Digby, as she now called
herself—living in a European house, furnished, so far, at any rate, as the rooms
in which we were received were concerned, like those of an English lady; in the
desert, with the tribe, she would be altogether Arab. Her tables were covered
with the miniatures, knick-knacks and ornaments indigenous to Mayfair—quite
out of tune with Damascus.

The owner was like her belongings; a little old-fashioned, a relic of the palmy
days of Almack's; dressed in quite inconspicuous Paris fashion, and very nice to
look upon, for though past seventy years of age, she had the remains of great
good looks and the most beautiful and gracious old-world manners. She had
been a fair beauty, but in deference to the Arabs' superstitious fear of the evil
eye, her hair and eyebrows were dyed black. She was very much interested in
hearing about England, and asked many questions about friends whom she had
known in old days. She seemed to think that the world had stood still since she
left it, for she spoke of people who, if not dead, were quite old folk, as if they

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were still in the heyday of blooming youth. She asked after the old Lord
Clanwilliam—grandfather of the present Earl. How was he? “Wonderful,” I said,
“cutting us all out skating at Highclere two or three months ago.” Lady
Ellenborough looked puzzled. “But why should he not?” she asked. “Well!” I
answered, “you must remember that he is past seventy years of age.” “Dear
me! is it possible? That handsome young man!” Her old friends remained in her
mind just as she had known them—Lady Palmerston, Lady Jersey, Lady
Londonderry—still reigning beauties, queens of Almack's. It was strange to hear
a delicately-nurtured English lady talking of her life in the desert with “her” tribe.
She told us how, the summer before, a hostile tribe had raided them and stolen
some of their mares, and how, this next summer, they must ride out to avenge
the outrage and get back the lost treasures. There would be fierce fighting, she
said, and she must be there to nurse the chief should anything happen to him.
“In fact,” she. added, “we have one foot in the stirrup, for we must start for the
desert to-morrow morning.”

We had a long talk, for she was a keen questioner, and then she insisted on
taking us to an adjoining paddock to see the horses. There we were joined by
her husband, Sheik Medjwal, the brother of the head of the clan Mizrab, a
branch of the Anazel tribe. The Sheik was not an imposing personage—indeed,
anything but one's ideal of a great lord of the desert; as a matter of fact, he was
quite an ordinary, common-looking little man. Nevertheless she seemed very
fond and proud of him, and evidently in this wild, nomad life between the desert
and Damascus she had found a happy haven of rest after the adventures of her
stormy youth. When at last she let us go she made me promise to go back to
Damascus and visit her again. When, after many years, I did go back, poor Lady
Ellenborough was no more. As we came away, I asked Burton whether she was
safe with these people. He assured me that she was quite secure, if only for the
reason that she had a few hundreds a year of her own—perhaps £1,500—and
that was, of course, a fortune for the tribe, and a brevet of safety for her.

There was living at Damascus at that time one man whom, above all others, I
was eager to see, and that man was the great Emir Abd el Kader. Burton, who
knew him well, was able to introduce me to him. Probably to the present
generation his name is hardly known; but in my boyhood the Arab chieftain, who
from 1832 to 1847 resisted army after army of the French, was as famous as
Saladin himself. Fearless as the steel of his own scimitar, the soul of honour,

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with all the glamour and mystery of the East wedded to the chivalry of the West.
What a portrait would Sir Walter Scott have painted of him!

In the early years of the nineteenth century Algiers was a nest of pirates, the
terror of the Mediterranean. When the French remonstrated in defence of their
coral fishers, who were in continual danger of being robbed, murdered, or sold
as slaves, the Dey haughtily refused to receive their message, and even went so
far as to strike their Consul. He had to pay the penalty. But when at last the
victorious French were masters of Algiers, their work was but half accomplished.
The Dey was beaten—the pirate-ships were taken or destroyed—yet in the
interior, in the immeasurable desert, the wild Arab tribes were gathering to
defend their liberties and independence which they saw threatened by the
presence of the Giaour on their coast. For centuries they had been under the
yoke first of the Romans, then of the Turks. The Ottoman power was now
broken, and they would be no slaves to the hated infidel. The moment for
gaining freedom had come.

There was one man in Mascara, Sidi Muhijeddin, who by his ancient lineage, his
valour and his piety was indicated as the supreme commander. To him the
united tribes addressed themselves, praying him to raise his standard as their
leader. He, being then in his seventieth year, pleaded old age, which would unfit
him for the struggle. But he added that his third son, a youth of twenty-five,
would be the most fitting man for the supreme command. This was Abd el
Kader, who, young as he was, had already earned a reputation for learning,
sound judgment and piety, and to his hands the tribes entrusted their cause.
They could not have chosen better, though the ultimate issue was hardly
doubtful.

Abd el Kader was born in 1807 and was educated by his father whose position
at the head of a priestly family of princely rank was of the highest. In very early
life the young man had been forced to take refuge in Egypt from the jealousy of
the Bey of Algiers, and this led to his undertaking the pilgrimage to Mecca which
gave him the prestige of the holy title of Hadji. He was but a youngster when,
on his return to his father's house, he was called upon to face the gigantic task
of organizing the wild children of the desert. It must have needed no small
measure of tact and firmness to compose the jealousies of the rival chiefs over
whom he had to play the king; but he had a strong grip, and he succeeded so

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well that for fifteen years he led his undisciplined hordes against army after
army, General after General, that the French Government sent out in the vain
attempt to sweep them off the face of the earth. At first Abd el Kader had but
some four hundred horsemen under his command, but by degrees his
patriotism, his chivalrous valour, and the religious fervour of the Hadji, brought
recruits in hundreds to his standard and he was soon at the head of a mighty
army.

Sometimes he won, sometimes he lost; his first great reverse was in 1837, when
he was defeated by Marshal Bugeaud (whose fame, so long as there is a bugler
left in France, will be trumpeted in “La Casquette du Pere Bugeaud”) at the river
Taafra; but nobody knew better than Bugeaud himself that this was no decisive
defeat and so he concluded a treaty with the Arab chief which Vallee, the
Governor-General of Algiers, promptly took occasion to violate in a specially
insulting manner. Once more Abd el Kader drew his sword and the result was
continuous warfare and harassing of the French which lasted for another ten
years, until at last in 1847 Abd el Kader, whose power had been much weakened
and who was in Morocco, where the Sultan turned against him, surrendered to
General Lamoriciere, and there was comparative peace in the land, though
Pelissier and St. Arnaud were never allowed to be idle.328

Abd el Kader was sent to France as a prisoner of war. I never saw him there; but
I can well remember a picturesque group of his captains, dressed in their long
white burnouses, with the camel's hair fastening to their flowing white head-
dresses, riding in haughty unconcern and thinking the unfathomable thoughts
of Orientals, in the Place de la Concorde.

Abd el Kader was sent to France, where he lived, of course, as a prisoner, but
treated with the greatest consideration, until in 1852 Louis Napoleon very
generously gave him his liberty with an allowance of £4,000 a year. He took up
his residence first at Broussa and then at Damascus, where during the Christian

328
Author’s note: Some idea may be formed of the formidable nature of Abd el Kader's
opposition to the French by the following list of Generals whom he had to meet.
Clausel, whom he defeated; Count Vallee, who could only remain on the defensive;
Bugeaud, Lamoriciere, Cavaignac, Changarnier, Pelissier, Bedeau, St. Arnaud, Bosquet.
Besides these, there were the three French Princes, sons of Louis Philippe, the Duc d'
Orleans, Duc de Nemours, Duc d'Aumale, and the Duc de Joinville in command of the
Fleet. The cost to France in blood and money must have been something huge.

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massacres of 1860 he played a noble part, doing all that was in his power to
protect the wretched Maronites. Many a night he slept on the threshold of his
house door with his drawn scimitar by his side, that he, holy Hadji as he was,
might be ready to give succour and refuge to any hunted infidel who might pass
that way.

For his services in those troublous times the French Emperor sent him the Grand
Cross of the Legion of Honour; right well had he earned it.

One more trait of the generous old hero's character. When France at the end of
1870 was bleeding at every pore, the Arabs thought that their opportunity had
come for a rising in Algiers. It was said that Abd el Kader's son and his people
were brewing trouble. This roused the old man's wrath; he sent a fierce message
to his son, in which he said that in his youth he had resisted the French with all
his might for many years. For nearly a quarter of a century now he had been at
peace with them, and they had treated him as a friend. He would disown any
son of his who might take a mean advantage of their trouble and break the
honourable peace which he had concluded.

Spurred by memories of childhood and early youth, I was keen—mad-keen—to

see that wonderful warrior, a sort of Oriental Garibaldi whose life had been one
long romance. We were admitted at rather a shabby entrance door with nothing
to distinguish it from those of the neighbouring houses—a dark passage led us
into one of those delightful courtyards which are the chief fascination of an
Eastern gentleman's dwelling. A marble verandah, with oleanders in huge tubs
placed here and there—in the open space the music of a plashing fountain.

In this sunlit court the great Emir received us. He was then a man of sixty-four
years. He was dressed in a white robe in the old Arab fashion, with the cord of
camel's hair tied round his head-dress. His beard was shaved and dyed to
resemble that of a young man, his eyebrows were blackened, and his cheeks
were slightly rouged. Before him stood one of those X-shaped book-rests inlaid
with mother of pearl with which Liberty has made us all familiar, and on it rested
a scroll in the study of which he was deeply engrossed. It was a book on MAGIC!
Wonderful still are the ways of the East.

The Emir was not a tall man, not more than five feet seven inches or five feet
eight inches, as I should judge, in height. In his youth he must have been

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singularly handsome, and indeed that was his reputation. Now in his old age,
and in spite of the little sacrifices to vanity of which I have spoken, he had that
rare look of distinction and race which is perhaps never seen so conspicuously
as in the highest type of Oriental beauty. His was the figure and expression of a
king of men; such must have been the Patriarchs, the Prophets, the judges, the
kings of Bible story. His reception of us was the very poetry of good manners.

Burton had much conversation with him, for they were good friends. As for me,
after exchanging a few commonplace civilities, Burton interpreting, I was
content to watch and think, and throw my mind back many years and across the
seas to the desert, drawing pictures of the great gathering of its children rallying
round the standard of the glorious youth who was to lead them in their vain but
noble struggle for faith, independence, and country. Presently our host, who,
as a solitary, was eager for news, began to question me about European affairs,
and more especially about France, which at that moment was in a state of chaos
more terrible than at any other period of the great war. He spoke of his former
foes with that generous sympathy and admiration which we might have
expected from his chivalrous nature. He even talked of gratitude.

In the middle of our conversation he clapped his hands and an attendant

appeared, bearing, not as I should have expected, shibouques and coffee—but
a cup of fragrant tea; such tea as is drunk in Russia and in China—never in
England.

When we took our leave he thanked us for our visit, which he courteously said
had given him great pleasure; and indeed I think it may have done; for his
questions showed a considerable grip of politics and of the convulsion by which
the world was being stirred. When he spoke of the war, his eye blazed with the
fire of battle, and I could not but feel how dearly even then he would have loved
to lead a charge of his white-cloaked warriors against the Prussian Uhlans. He
and his sword belonged to the past, his mind was shaped in a mould which the
nineteenth century has shivered to atoms and thrown away.

I had heard much of Abd el Kader, as I have related elsewhere, from the Duc
d'Aumale, that gayest of soldiers and raconteurs, who was never weary of
speaking of him with admiration. I could now fully appreciate the sympathy of
the European conqueror for his fallen Eastern foe; the Duc d'Aumale, who to his
finger-tips felt the poetry of the bivouac fire and the rousing crackle of the

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trumpet, saw in the great Emir the highest expression of that patriotic spirit of
which he himself gave so royal an example.

Damascus, “the eye of the East,” as Julian the apostate called it, could never
have looked more beautiful than it did on that day when Burton led me through
the old city and took me to see one or two of its famous interiors. The great
trees draped and garlanded with climbing roses, the perfumed groves of oranges
and citrons and flowering shrubs, the sparkle of the sweet waters dancing in the
rays of a delicious sunshine, banished the dreary memories of sleet and snow
and biting winds. It was indeed a garden city. We went to call upon a friend of
Burton's, one Abdullah Bey, who lived in an ancient house which in its palmy
days must have represented all the luxury of the Oriental magnate, a set scene
for a story like that of the three ladies of Bagdad. Haroun Al Raschid, with his
Vizier Giafar, and Mesrour the chief of the Eunuchs, must have knocked at just
such a door on that most famous of their nightly rounds.

I half expected to find the one-eyed calenders seated in the court-yard with our
host, recounting their strange adventures amid the orange and citron trees
heavily scented and the oleanders not yet in bloom. The pavement was of
marble, the finest Persian tiles set in mosaic decorated the walls, rugs, any one
of which would be a treasure to a museum, were strewn under the arcade of
pure white marble, and of course there was the gentle tinkling rhythm of a
fountain. It was all lovely, luxurious; the almost too voluptuous atmosphere of
Eastern magnificence—but alas! all decaying for the lack of a little care and a
few piastres' worth of cement! It seems to be against the nature of the Turk to
repair or even to maintain. Kismet explains all—where the Turk is there is decay.
The fatalist says, “It is decreed,” and is content.

Those were delightful days that I spent with Burton in Damascus; there never
was such another cicerone. We used to wander through the city penetrating
into all sorts of nooks and hidden places unexplored by tourists; sometimes he
would take me to visit some Turkish or Arab friend of his, giving me a glimpse of
that Oriental life to which only such men as himself, versed in all the mysteries
of faith and manners, have access. In these he, the man who had accomplished
the pilgrimage to Mecca, was of course past master, and the light that he could
throw upon matters which are riddles to most men, even to old residents among
Moslem peoples, was a revelation.

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It was when talking upon such subjects that he was at his best. It was upon his
knowledge of ritual and ceremonial that he chiefly relied for the success of his
venturesome pilgrimage. There are so many nations professing
Mohammedanism that an imperfection in language or accent might be of small
account. But the slightest error in ritual would have led to immediate detection
and death. One such occasion did occur. He was detected, but it was not he
that was killed. I asked him whether the story was true; his answer was: “Well!
they do say the man died.” But then Burton would delight in making people
believe that he had committed a murder. If the tale was true it was a case of his
life or that of the spy. So he was perhaps justified.

One morning he came to me with a roll of MSS. under his arm. “There,” he said,
“you shall have the first sight of this.” It was the first two or three chapters of
his translation of the “Arabian Nights.” He assured me that he had shown the
translation to nobody. Privately printed, it brought him in ten thousand pounds.

During several years after he was appointed to Trieste I saw him but seldom, and
only from time to time when he came home on leave. But in 1890 I spent part
of the winter in Algiers, and found myself in the same hotel with him in
Mustapha Superieur. He was then sadly broken in health, having had some sort
of stroke which made it difficult for him to walk; but he used to hold a kind of
Court every evening in the hall of the hotel, surrounded by a number of visitors
upon whom he could lavish some of his most amazing tales.

There were times when he and I would be alone together, and then he talked a
great deal about his future prospects and consulted me as to sending in his
resignation and taking his pension. He harped upon this over and over again.

At last one day he brought me a sealed packet, put it into my hands and said:
“There! you were the first man to whom nineteen years ago I showed the
‘Arabian Nights;’ now you must look at this; no one else has seen it; keep it under
lock and key till you give it back to me.” I took it upstairs. It was the much talked
of “Scented Garden” which Lady Burton afterwards at his death destroyed. I
gave it back to him the next day. “What do you think of it?” he asked. “Well,
my dear Burton, if you really mean to print that, I should advise you to wait till
you have resigned and secured your pension.” Burton was delighted with the
answer. “Yes,” he said, with conscious pride, “I think I have shocked Mrs. Grundy
this time.”

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It was the old story! Always the uncontrollable desire to startle and to shock!
There is, or used to be, a club in Paris called “Les fipatants.”329 What a fitting
president of such a club Burton would have made! To épater330 was meat and
drink to him.

After that winter in Algiers I never saw Burton again. He died a few months
afterwards and was buried at Mortlake; where with my friend, Mr. Edmund
Gosse, I visited his tomb last year. He lies buried in the Roman Catholic cemetery,
and his monument is in the shape of an Arab tent which was raised to his
memory by his friends. His wife is buried beside him.

It is difficult to give an estimate of Burton's character; it was a network of

contradictions; even physically, with the torso of a Hercules and the hands of a
young girl, he was a contradiction. Much that he wrote should never have been
written; there is no need to specify; at the same time I believe, having good
warranty for the belief, that his life was morally without stain; he was a model
husband, and his wife adored him; he would proclaim himself an Agnostic, and
he died in the odour of sanctity under the protection of the Roman Catholic
Church, the confession to which his wife belonged; he wished to be considered
a savage, and he was one of the most tender-hearted of men. He was kindness
itself, and to his friends loving, faithful and generous in good service; but how
angry he would have been if one of those friends had dared to accuse him of
amiability! They would have been pulling down the whole structure which he
had been at such pains to build up—they would have been frustrating his lifelong
endeavours to prove himself beyond the pale. Only with those who did not
know him did he succeed in keeping up the imposture.

In spite of his marvellous talents and knowledge he did not achieve a literary
success; nobody could say that Burton was not a scholar in many tongues; yet
strange to say, his books lacked the quality of scholarship and his English was
poor. His talk, on the other hand, infinitely superior to his writing, was learned,
various and good to listen to. He was an amazing companion. Of all his many
books, only the translation of the “Arabian Nights” achieved fame and brought

329
The “cracked” in the sense of crazy or barmy. Perhaps, “side-splitters”.
330
Shock.

176.
 1871/09/20. Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.

in money. For that there were adequate if not altogether blameless reasons. As
a human document the book will live.

106. 1871/09/20. Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes. 331

Howlett's Manchester Street

Manchester Square
Septr 20332

Mi querido Amigo333—Eccomi qua.334 Having done my duty a trifle too

well, the govrmt has thought proper to recall me. I mention this to you as you
are one of my oldest & best friends, but pray don't think that I have any
grievance or that you are going to be bored about it.

When shall I see you? I have dropped as it were from the clouds & find all
London abroad.

With profound salaams to my Lady, I am ev.

yrs. affly
R. F. Burton

107. 1871/09/26. Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes. 335

Howlett's Hotel Manchester Street

Septr 26336

Mon cher ami

I have received two notes from you, 20 & 24. Please direct to
Athenaeum not 14 St. James. I walked on Sunday with old Hodgson337—as jolly

331
Houghton 228/34. ALS.
332
Pencil annotation “? ‘71”.
333
‘My dear friend’.
334
‘Here I am’.
335
Houghton 228/35. ALS MS.
336
Pencil annotation “? ‘71”.
337
Studholme John Hodgson, see Register.

177.
 1871/11/14. Isabel Burton to Lady Houghton.

as ever, we called at North […]. Where can Swinburne be? Even Mrs. Thompson
does not know.

My story is too long to tell you in a note. When my wife arrives (5th or 6th approx.)
I shall do it all up in form of print, so that you can run your eye over it at once.
Many thanks for all your kindness. On the 28th inst. I must run down for a few
days to see my sister, returning here on the 2d. I hope that all your family
flourishes. Have you any news of Fred. Hankey?

Troja338 find indeed. Ev yrs sincy.

RF Burton

P.S. I shall continue to address you Fryston.

Swinburne has just walked in looks well.

108. 1871/11/14. Isabel Burton to Lady Houghton.339

Dear Lady Houghton

We are again here with Ld & Lady Brounslow who are very kind to us. Lady
Marian340 is not here yet. There is a large party eating tonight but I don’t know
who. I recvd your kind letter & I am very much distressed abt Ld Houghton’s
illness. Do write us a line to tell us if there is no relief in the painful symptoms
he has to endure. How kind & feeling of him to have thought of Richd in his
sufferings.

We much need and appreciate sympathy. I have not put my trust in Princes tell
him. When he is better I want to show him R’s case—he had my letter of it with
him at Bretton. The Porte asked for Richard’s recall but in this way. Rashid Pasha
the then Wali of Syria wrote to his master Aali Pasha that Richd was so unpopular
with the Moslems that he could not answer for his life. Aali Pasha wrote this to
Ld Granville who recalled him. It was his last act. He died & it was then
discovered that Rashid Pasha was an infamous man & he was dismissed with […]
never to be re-employed & not even allowed to remain till the new Wali arrived.

338
Troy.
339
Houghton 4/214. ALS.
340
Alford.

178.
 1871/11/14. Isabel Burton to Lady Houghton.

The Moslems by fifty letters which Ld Granville has seen & by public prayer in the
Mosque praying for Richd & cursing the Wali & the British Govt. who recalled
their shepherd & their master (R) proved what a lie had been forged to get rid
of Richd. Aali Pasha’s death happened too late by a month to save Richd & our
Foreign Office is not Gentleman enough to say “you were recalled under a
mistake & may return” but Richd is offered Para341 750 a year & yellow fever.
Perhaps tomorrow he may be offered the Fiji Islands. May Allah burn their
houses &c &c. Ld Granville has written that now they don’t recall Richd because
he was unpopular but because they want to economize the Consulate of
Damascus. What ought to be done is this. Some friend shd write to the present
Grand Vizier & say that having done so gross an injury to an English officer who
was loyally doing his duty, to his own & the Sultan’s Govt which R did & that the
Wali who applied for that recall being found unworthy of his post, it wd be quite
in accordance with all their honourable & upright changes to retract that recall
& to inform Ld Granville that the Porte had been misinformed respecting Capt.
Burton. It wd be a noble act & one that the present Grand Vizier could well afford
but Sir H. Elliot is a weak man & it must be through some friend who will have
the pluck to see R. righted. This wd be a very popular act in […] for Turkey too.
He then ought to be sent back as Consul General to Syria & […] to show that he
is under no disgrace.

The present Consul General is a very bad man his Russian wife is the paid spy of
Gen […] at Constantinople. His 3 Dragomen are 1st a thief kicked out of the
Imperial Ottoman Bank for stealing 2dly a gentleman who is light fingered in the
Post Office, & thirdly a member of the most disreputable family of intriguers in
the Levant. To these gentlemen Mr. Eldridge entrusts the management of
British interests in Syria whilst he eats, drinks, draws his pay, plays with his
barometers, neglects his work, & employs his leisure hours in ruining
hardworking honest men like Richd. Through Hammond he has just got 150 £
more, & his thief Dragoman appointed & salaried by F. O. Damascus is now in
his power where he has placed a creature of his now a most contemptible little
Levantine. I can go on for hours but fear to tire you.

God help us I don’t exactly know what will become of us but I hope Providence
will interfere in our behalf some way or other. We are quite dependent on the

341
Paraguay.

179.
 1869-1871. William Wright.

interest of our friends & I must say everyone is so kind. All society & the public
too are on our side & Syria is crying shame. It will do Syria so much harm. They
thought the British Govt so just & now they are saying it is better to be a Turk
for they have never seen Richd committing a fault & know he is crushed for not
allowing injustices. The people of Syria have behaved so well. Their respect &
sympathy & indignation was just one voice from the whole nation.

Yours dear Lady Houghton

most sincly
Isabel Burton

Nov 14 1871

109. 1869-1871. William Wright.342

My first sight of Captain Burton revealed not only the man in his complex
character, but supplied the key to the perplexing vicissitudes of his extraordinary
career.

In his arrival in Damascus, Burton called at my house. My study adjoined the

drawing room, into which he was shown by a native servant. I heard him
command the Arab to fetch me, in harsh, peremptory tones, which were meant
to be obeyed. The servant, not thinking that I was in the study, went to seek me
elsewhere, advanced, in noiseless Damascus slippers, to the drawing room door,
and I came upon a scene never to be forgotten. At one side of the room stood
my curly headed, rosy cheeked little boy of five; on the other side stood Burton.
The two were staring at each other. Neither was aware of my presence. Burton
had twisted his face into the most fiend-like aspect. His eyes rolled, exposing
the whites in an alarming manner. The features were drawn to one side, so as
to make the gashes on his jaw and brow appear more ghastly. The two cheeks
were blown out, and Burton, raising a pocket-handkerchief to his left cheek,
struck his right with the fist of his right hand, thus producing an explosion, and

342
Salih [William Wright] “Burton at Damascus” The Bookman Volume 1 (October
1891) pp. 23-5. This article was reprinted by Isabel Burton in the Life Vol. 1 p. 490-1,
577-80. The complete article is reproduced here from the original source in one piece.

180.
 1869-1871. William Wright.

making the pocket-handkerchief fly to the left as if he had shot it through his
two cheeks.

The explosion was followed by a suppressed howl, something between the bark
of a hyena and a jackal. All the time Burton glared on the little fellow with the
fiery eyes of a basilisk, and the child stood riveted to the floor as if spell-bound
and fascinated, like a creature about to be devoured. Suddenly a very wonderful
thing happened. The little boy, with a wild shout of delight, sprang into the
monster's arms, and the black beard was instantly mingled with the fair curls,
and Burton was planting kisses all over the flaxen pate. The whole pantomime
was gone through as quick as lightning, and Burton, disentangling himself,
caught sight of my Arab returning without me and, instead of waiting for an
explanation, hurled at him a volley of exasperating epithets, culled from the rich
stores of spicy and stinging words which garnish Arabic literature. Burton had
revealed himself to me fully before he saw me. The child's clear, keen instinct
did not mislead it. The big, rough monster had a big child's heart behind the
hideous grimaces. The child's unerring instinct was drawn by affinity to the
child's heart in the man.

Burton was sound at heart. The more I saw him alone the better I liked him. At
Damascus he was truly “a brave, strong man in a blatant land.”343 When you got
down through the crusts, you found a fearless and honest friend.

But Burton was given to pantomime. He was always saying things to frighten
old women of both sexes, and to make servant-maids stare. He took great
delight in shaking goody people, and in effecting his purpose he gave free rein
to his imagination. People who knew Burton partially, from meeting him at
public dinners or in clubs, have generally a number of gruesome stories to retail
about his cruelty and immorality. They often say truly that Burton told the
horrible stories against himself. I have no doubt he did, just he represented
himself in the guise of a monster to my little boy. At the same time I am certain
that Burton was incapable of either monstrous cruelty or gross immorality. I go
farther, and state it as my firm conviction that Burton was constitutionally and
habitually both humane and moral. I knew Burton well, in sickness, in trouble,
in disappointment, in his home, in the saddle under fire, and the presence of

343
Tennyson, Maud.

181.
 1869-1871. William Wright.

almost ever condition of savage life, and I have noticed that acts of cruelty and
immorality always drove him into a white heat of passion. A young English lady
had been treated rudely at Damascus by a Persian, and when Burton failed in
securing official redress, was in dread for months that he would with his own
hand kill the ruffian if he met him. The scoundrel, however, met his fate at other
hands. Shielding the weak from cruelty and protecting the poor from
oppression, constituted Captain Burtons chief work at Damascus. Noticing the
difference between Burton's real character and that for which he got credit in
many quarters, I often asked him how certain specific stories had originated. It
was interesting to see how the legends had grown. Some of them had been told
of old Castilian Hidalgos and “British sea dogs” before Burton's grandfather was
born. Others were founded on facts, but they had received so many artistic
touches at camp fires and in mess-rooms that incidents innocent in themselves
had grown to monstrous dimensions. From observation and much inquiry I have
long come to the conclusion that the wild stories in circulation about Burton are
bogeys, partly borrowed and partly invented—mere adaptations and travellers'
yarns to shock and stun and create a little boisterous fun.

The impatience with which Burton treated my servant revealed a characteristic

that had much to do with his career. “Genius is patience” said Sir Isaac Newton.
If this definition be correct, Burton must have lacked genius. “The Prime
Minister's secret is patience,” said Pitt. If Pitt be right, Burton had no chance of
ever finding his way to the Premiership, for he never learned the secret. I think
Burton was not without genius. He was certainly a very clever man, but he could
not put up with stupidity in others. I am afraid he sometimes delighted to stick
pins in Government officials who mistook the region of the world in which he
was located, or who failed to apprehend the facts communicated in his last
despatch. I am afraid he never got sufficiently into diplomatic training as to
overlook the weaknesses of his immediate superiors, and hence the higher
rounds of the diplomatic ladder were not to be trodden by his feet. He was
shuttle-cocked about from one pestiferous region to another till at last the
Foreign Office, in a lucid moment, sent the Oriental enthusiast to Damascus.

At Damascus Burton began a new chapter, but he was not permitted to start
with a clean page. Two incidents in his previous record foreshadowed him, and
hampered him in his efforts to make the best of his new consulate. He had

182.
 1869-1871. William Wright.

offended the religious susceptibilities of both Mohammedans and Christians,

and he found himself confronted with bitter, unreasoning prejudice.

It is a question how far Burton's Oriental disguise concealed the Englishman in

his pilgrimage to Mecca. I never conversed with a Muhammedan who had
accompanied Burton on that Journey, but I have seen Arabs who saw Palgrave
on his way to Nejed, and his attempts to pose as a native were a constant source
of amusement to all with whom he came in contact. Burton's Oriental cast of
face helped him when putting on the outward appearance of a Bedawi, but at
no period of his life could he have passed for an Arab one second after he began
to speak. On the pilgrimage to Mecca, Burton would be known as a devout
British Mohammedan just as easily as we recognise an Arab convert on a
missionary platform, notwithstanding the efforts of the schoolmaster and the
tailor to transform him into an Englishman. And as a perverted Englishman,
Burton would be as welcome in the Hajj as a converted Arab would be in Exeter
Hall.

Thus far the matter was plain and simple and en regle; but when Burton
published his narrative it appeared to Muhammedan ears as a tale of deception,
and even a Mohammedan does not like to see the rites of his religions
travestied. Besides, in addition to Burton's canonical version of his pilgrimage,
there was an apocryphal tale of the murder of a true believer who had found
Burton out. This was one of those mess-room tales that had grown from some
small beginning to great dimensions, and while it helped the book by making it
appear that Burton's disguise was effective, except to one lynx-eyed man, it
marked him out as a man-slayer whose life, by Oriental law, was forfeited. To
the pious Damascene Burton at first appeared as a Christian who had made the
great crowning act of Muhammedan devotion under false pretenses, and had
shed Muhammedan blood in the execution of his deception. The new Consul at
first appeared to Damascenes as a traitor and a murderer, but it was understood
that he was able to give assurances satisfactory to Islam. How the reconciliation
took place I know not, but it is certain that Burton became a favourite with
orthodox Muslims at Damascus.

Burton's quarrel with missionaries was also an open sore. I do not know the full
merits of the original strife, but I believe it was a somewhat mixed affair. Certain
benevolent gentlemen have always had a tendency to do proxy beneficence as

183.
 1869-1871. William Wright.

cheaply as possible. In picking up missionaries they have sometimes been

guided more by the price than the quality. Burton, it seems, came upon some
of these job-lots, and fond them jobbing, as was to be expected, and, with his
usual impatience, “went for them.” Then a great uproar ensued, in which the
original cause was lost sight of, and Burton received the stamp of an anti-
missionary Consul. The consular dog had got a bad name, and that was enough
for some.

When it became known that Burton was destined for Damascus there was a kind
of panic among the missionaries of Syria, and active steps were taken to prevent
the appointment being carried out. The Damascus missionaries held aloof from
the organised opposition. The moral character of some of Burton's immediate
Christian predecessors had not been of a sort to reflect much credit on Christian
missionaries, or even on British subjects; and from the missionary point of view
it seemed that a moral Consul who grade no religious professions might, on the
whole, prove as satisfactory as an immoral one who read the service to English
travellers on Sundays. Besides, it was known to be the constant aim of the
Damascus missionaries to steer clear of all diplomatic interference, and to keep
the consular finger out of their pie. They gave Burton a cordial welcome as their
Consul, but they also gave him clearly to understand that any action of his,
friendly or unfriendly, bearing on their work, would be regarded by them as an
impertinent and unfriendly act.

Burton appreciated their kindness, and frankly accepted their conditions, and
missionaries and Consul maintained the most cordial relations, and it was
understood that the whole missionary body at Damascus deeply regretted
Burton's recall. One fact regarding this agreement may be noticed. The restless
and energetic Burton maintained the compact in the spirit, but broke it in the
letter. He visited all the mission schools in the most gracious manner, examined
the children thoroughly, and afterwards made some valuable suggestions to the
missionaries as to the perfecting of their educational organisations. He ever
after spoke of the teachers and the schools with great cordiality and unstinted
praise.

The other missionaries of Syria, with solitary exceptions, maintained their

attitude of hostility to Burton, and never lost an opportunity of speaking against
him, and some of them not only embellished old stories to his discredit, but

184.
 1869-1871. William Wright.

invented new ones, furor ministrat sans, to prove his deep-seated hostility to
the missionary cause. Many influential travellers pass yearly through Syria,
deeply interested in the splendid educational and religious efforts that are being
made to elevate that land. Everywhere they heard of the anti-Christian Consul,
and the constant drip made a deep impression. Almost the only honest and
praiseworthy efforts being made to lift the Holy Land out of the slough of
Oriental degradation stood to the credit of the missionaries, and it was
intolerable that their efforts should be thwarted by a British Consul.

Burton might, by patience and well-doing, have worn down and outlived the
hostility of these missionaries, but he had the misfortune to come into sharp
conflict with the Jews, and he had thus on his flank an active, persistent, and
powerful enemy. It would be interesting to narrate how a number of Russian
and other Jews at Damascus became British subjects, but the by-paths and
crooked ways would be too long and intricate for our space. Burton found
himself the official head and protector of a colony of British Jews. Some of these
were men of great wealth and affluence, and it was well known that the official
virtue of helping them was seldom left to be its own reward.

Burton, though always posing as an Oriental, thought fit to hew Oriental

prejudice against the grain. He might have seen his beautiful wife flashing in
brilliants, roped in pearls, and riding the best blood Arab of the desert; but he
threw away all these tokens of appreciation in obedience to an occidental
prepossession in favour of common honesty.

Burton found that his Jews were living by usury. Some of them were known to
charge as little as 30 per cent., but rates ran up to 60, or more. “His mouth is
full of water and he cannot bark” is a common Arab proverb, but Burton had
nothing in his mouth, and he barked ferociously. His official duty was to urge
the recognition of British claims, and insist on their being paid. That was the
form that “law and order” took at Damascus. What did it matter if the people
were starving! At the word of the Consul a band of Bashi-Bazouks would swoop
down on the defaulting villagers, eat their food, lie in their beds, insult their
wives and daughters, until the usurer was satisfied. Should the villagers be
unable to pay they were not only evicted, but driven like cattle to prison, there
to rot till they had paid the uttermost farthing. Burton did not like the business.
He grew fierce, declared in the strongest language at his command that he

185.
 1869-71. Anonymous.

would not be “Bumbailiff” in such transactions. I am inclined to think that in this

case, as in most others, Burton's impatience led him into doing the right thing in
the wrong way. He was indignant, his blood was up, and on being asked gently
what was the use of a Consul at Damascus if he did not enforce British claims,
he lost the composure befitting the diplomatic service.

The storm broke. The Alliance Israelite took up the case of “poor Israel.” Noble,
and humane, and generous Jews in England ranged themselves on the side of
“their persecuted brethren.” Some of them would have been more fierce than
Burton had they known the truth. Correspondence followed and the archives of
the Foreign Office now contain Burton's splendid vindication, which may some
day see the light. The battle was drawn, and a truce followed, but a simple
incident misunderstood soon gave occasion for Burton's recall. His immediate
superiors found out the truth, but too late for his return to his dearly-loved
Damascus.

Salih.

110. 1869-71. Anonymous.344

Recollections of Burton in Damascus.

The publication of Lady Burton's reminiscences of her husband brought the

personality of the translator of the "Arabian Nights" into so much prominence
that during a stay in Damascus I resolved to inquire in what manner he lived in
the memory of the Damascenes, with a view, if possible, of throwing a little fresh
light upon so strange a character. Those who knew him have grey hair now, but
their memories are still fresh concerning him, and they are glad to speak about
his words and acts. Few things have changed in Damascus since the time when
Burton lived there, more than twenty years ago. There is the same labyrinth of
narrow alleys, the same yellow mud houses, the same hustling and shouting in
the close and narrow bazaars, the same hustling and shouting in the close and
narrow bazaars, the same rude native industries, which have existed since the
time of Haroun-al-Rashid and long before, the same constant sunlight, and the
same eternal view of Hermon from the housetops.

344
Anonymous Pall Mall Gazette, Tuesday 22 May 1894.

186.
 1869-71. Anonymous.

Burton, unlike other consuls, chose a house at Salahiyeh, on the outskirts of the
city. Like so many Bedouins, who refuse to dwell within the walls, he could not
live in the enervating atmosphere of the overcrowded capital. He loved
exercise, without which he could not work, and every day during the winter
months he performed the distance between his suburban dwelling and
Damascus on foot, carrying as a walking-stick a thick staff through which ran an
iron rod—a staff which is still the wonder and admiration of the natives. No man
has ever known so well as Burton how to improve the Oriental mind, for he was
able to assume any character at will, and to perform feats of daring, of intellect,
or of physical strength which kept them, during his two years residence, in
perpetual wonder. The had never heard before or since of a Frangi Consul who
had been to Mecca and was a hadji, who could sup sumptuously one day, and
on the next start before daybreak for a long journey with no other food than
bread and figs, who could wield a stick which an ordinary man could scarcely lift,
and be as outspoken in his speech as if he ruled the land. But Burton was an
accomplished actor, and one of his favourite amusements was to watch the
effects of his acting upon others, and especially upon Orientals. He is said by
many people to have performed the journey between Damascus and his
summer residence at Bloudan in two hours and a half, but I am at a loss to
understand such a performance. This distance is about thirty miles, and the road
is the stoniest I have ever seen. With a good horse, and no pauses to admire the
romantic scenery, it is possible to reach Bloudan in five hours. Burton’s horse
must therefore be suspected of flying propensities.

Gangrene in the Toes

An effendi with whom he had much intercourse said to me: “One day I met
Captain Burton on the Salahiyeh road mounted on a donkey. After a little
conversation he told me that he was suffering from gangrene in his toes, and he
showed me one of his feet encased in a cloth slipper. I said to him, ‘But why do
you travel in such a state?’ ‘Is it not the Wali’s reception day?’ he answered;
‘and must I not pay him my visit like the rest?’ ‘But your toes, sir!’ I exclaimed.
He only laughed and said, ‘I do not ride with them.’ I head afterwards that when
the Wali saw him he was astonished that a man in such a condition should be
anywhere but in his house. Then the Captain pulled off his stocking and showed
his foot, but the Wali’s astonishment was complete when he told him that he
was going on to Jerusalem that day!”

187.
 1869-71. Anonymous.

“On another occasion I remember,” continued the effendi, “Captain Burton

went to pay a visit to the Shayk-al-Milawiyeh, and when he entered the
anteroom he found a man seated, who did not rise in his honour. ‘What does
this mean?’ he said to the Shayk, who was coming out to meet him. ‘Am I not
the English Consul? Why then does not this man rise? It is an insult to the Queen
I represent, and I must have redress.’ The Shayk, seeing the turn matters were
taking, explained to the visitor that the captain was a Consul to whom respect
was due, whereupon he rose and made a salutation. But Captain Burton
declared he was not satisfied, and drew from his pocket his Meccan certificate,
which declared that Adb-Allah (the name under which he made the pilgrimage)
had been to the holy city and performed the prayers. He handed this to the man
and bade him read it. ‘But,’ said the man, ‘I see by this that you are Adb-Allah-
al-Hadj, and yet you say you are the English Consul.’ Then the captain roared in
his deep, hoarse voice, ‘I am both.’

“One thing about him, however, I could never understand was his habit of dyeing
his hair with henna, which gave it a reddish colour displeasing to the eye; but
Captain Burton was so strange that one ceased to try to understand his ways.
He was very fond of bear-hunting, and his great desire was to kill his bears with
a spear, which he considered much better sport than shooting. He was
absolutely without fear, and I have known him to go out alone, at all hours, on
the least safe of roads, armed only with his big stick. He generally went to bed
late and rose early, and I remember once when he had been busy all the night
with his official dispatches, he quietly set out on foot at dawn for Beyrout.

“He was so strong a man,” said another Damascene to me, “that where he
placed his heel a well might spring! His will, sir, was stronger than the will of
Napoleon, and if he had wished to rule a tribe, or be the elder of a village, the
people would have gladly chosen him.”

An old blind man, who was seated in the doorway of a mosque at Salahiyeh hill
in a wooden door covered with many-shaped pieces of tin arranged regardless
of any order. On one of them the following inscription, upside down, may still
be read:—“Captain Burton, HMS Consul, Damascus, Papyania, Laconia, via
Liverpool.” It is difficult to know, however, whether this stray box cover was
nailed there in remembrance of Burton, or from purely utilitarian motives. The

188.
 1869-71. Anonymous.

present inhabitants of the house are unable to give any information on the
subject.

But the man who knew Richard Burton best was his favourite kawass, Hadj-Ali-
Aga. Hearing that he was still alive, I sent a messenger to him to request him to
come to my house that evening after his duties were ended at the Armenian
Patriarchate, where he is now serving. He arrived an hour after sunset, and I
saw before me a tall man with a long, somewhat parched face, and a black beard.
He was dressed in the uniform of a kawass. I caused him to be provided with
coffee and a nargileh, and then began to speak with him of Burton.

“You were very young in Captain Burton’s time,” I said, judging by the blackness
of his beard.

“Effendi,” he replied, “I was nearly forty-five, I think: but age does not tell on
me, and I am as strong now as thirty years ago. I am the father of thirty children,
half of whom are dead, and my wife has just borne twins to me.” Seeing my
surprise, he added, “In sha Allah (if it please God) you will be like me.” I noticed
then that his voice was older than his looks, and concluded that the blackness of
his beard was not the hue of nature.

“Captain Burton,” he said, “was the boldest man I ever knew. I have lived with
him, travelled with him, and slept in his tent. During his stay in Damascus I
served him constantly, and once by his order I pulled his ankle straight. I have
never seen his equal. One day I was travelling with him and we were overtaken
by a band of three hundred horsemen who were wandering about in search of
booty.”

Veins Like Cucumbers

“’What shall we do?’ I asked the captain”.

“’Attack them all at once,’ he replied.”

“’But they are three hundred and we are only two.’ Then as they were advancing
to attack, he said: ‘You are right, Ali; we would not have much chance. Go up to
them at once and tell them that I am the English Consul, and that if they do not
come and kiss the hem of my coat a dreadful retribution will follow.’”

189.
 1869-71. Anonymous.

“The men were impressed by his words and dignity, for the veins of his neck
were as large as cucumbers, and they did as he desired.” It was a great
enjoyment for me to listen to this man’s talk in the expressive language of the
people, and to watch the many gestures with which he accompanied his words.
Each time he paused I encouraged him by word and look.

“I was with him,” he continued, “at Nazareth, where his tent was stoned by
fanatics. He ordered the kawasses to retaliate, which we did with vigour,
receiving several wounds. Hanna Aga, a dragoman at the consulate, and a man
against whom the Government had a grudge, took a leading part in the
discussion which followed, and when Captain Burton returned to Damascus he
allowed the kawasses, headed by him, to appeal for indemnity. But the Wali,
Rashid Basha,345 hated Hanna Aga, and he wrote a letter to the Captain in which
he said that he would give one thousand Turkish pounds to the kawasses if he
(the Captain), would cease sending Hanna Aga to importune him. It happened
that this dragoman was then absent in his village, and so the Captain sent me
there to bring him back. When I had done so, he immediately took him to the
wall, saying: ‘This is my man and I refuse to dismiss him from his post’”.

This little story, if accurate, was significant of the way in which Burton loved to
oppose the Turkish power. The Turk, indeed, seems to have afforded him a
perpetual target at which to level sarcasms, if not insults. He treated him in a
way which was only possible in those days when a Consul was almost as great in
personage as a Wali. But my good Ali had been so much in earnest in his
narrative that he had not noticed that his nargileh had gone out. I therefore
clapped my hands an ordered my servant to bring fresh embers. Then he
continued:—

Why Didn’t You Kill That Dog?

“Captain Burton wished for an office in the Seraya, and he succeeded in finding
a room in an almost ruined house, which he began to repair. While the workmen
were engaged upon the work, however, it was announced that the Crown Prince
of Prussia was about to visit the city, and Mustafa Bey was deputed to prepare
his reception. He ordered the streets to be closed for several days previously,
so that they might be swept (a rare occurrence in Damascus) and decorated. As

345
Pasha.

190.
 1869-71. Anonymous.

Captain Burton’s house was on the line of the procession, Mustafa Bey sent to
inform him that his men must leave their work until the Prince’s visit was over.
But, effendi, do you think Captain heeded Mustafa Bey? If so, you do not know
him. He ordered the men to continue and sent to tell the Bey that he undertook
to finish the work in time. But Mustafa Bey was as obstinate as Captain Burton,
and he sent many messengers in vain to order the Captain to stop. At length he
came himself, and had a violent dispute with the consul. He said, ‘You are
breaking the law,’ and pushed him roughly. When I saw this, I came up and
struck Mustafa Bey with my whip. He called the soldiers, and ordered them to
seize me, but by this time I had picked up one of the workmen’s axes, and I was
able to defy them for they had no order to fire at me, and they knew that I would
kill several of them if the attempted to take me. Seeing this, Mustafa Bey then
left, vowing that he would bring the matter before the Government. I stayed
indoors all day, as I did not know if they would try to take me prisoner if I went
out; but at nightfall I went to the hotel to see the Consul, who was then staying
there. When I entered the room his face was very stern, and his eyes were full
of fire. He said to me in a harsh tone of voice: ‘What did you do to-day?’ I did
not answer, but was preparing to defend myself with my dagger lest he should
wish to kill me. Suddenly, he took my breath away by rising in his chair and
saying, ‘Why did you not kill that dog?’”.

Exit Hadi-Ali-Aga

This story was interesting, because Ali declared that it was on account of this
affair, joined to the previous slights towards the authorities, that Burton and the
Wali, Rashid Basha,346 were both recalled. Lady Burton’s account of the motives
for her husband’s recall is certainly far from clear, and there are other motives
advanced by many Damascenes, which it is not necessary to mention. But Ali
now began to speak of his own career in the consulate during his service of thirty
years, and scarcely seemed to understand that his own adventures were hardly
interesting to me.

“Why did you leaved, O Ali?” I asked him.

“O effendi,” he replied, “I shall never cease to regret it, and if it please God I may
one day return. It was several years ago after the departure of Captain Burton

346
Pasha.

191.
 1869-71. Anonymous.

that, one day, while I was engaged in mid-day prayer, the other kawasses
mocked me and imitated my gestures. My temper is strong when I am roused,
so I rose, seized one of the mockers, threw him on the ground and placed my
foot upon his chest. The kawasses made a loud complaint against me, and for
the sake of peace I left. I sent a petition to the Queen six years ago that I might
have a pension, but the Government would not grant it, seeing that I was now a
kawass at the Armenian Patriarchate and therefore not in want. Of effendi, will
you intercede for me?”

And when Hadj-Ali-Aga had departed, I sat and thought of Richard Burton, and
wondered what it was that had so great a charm for me in his strange character.
It is not altogether his Meccan exploits, for it is not difficult to go to Mecca: a
moderate acquaintance with Arabic and willingness to acknowledge and
proclaim Muhammad as God’s prophet are sufficient. To translate the “Arabian
Nights” also is more a feat of patience than of great scholarship. It was,
therefore, his manly uprightness of character, his quaint humour so Oriental in
its nature, and the universality of his fertile brain, that charmed me, and that
still excites the admiration of the unprejudiced.

192.
 1869-71. Anonymous.

Figure 20. Burton’s horoscope in Arabic.

193.
 1871/12/—. Richard Burton to Anthony Blake Rathborne.

111. 1871/12/—. Richard Burton to Anthony Blake

Rathborne.347

Howletts Monday.

My dear Rathborne, it is a long time since I have seen or heard from you. If you
can get a peep at last Tablet do, and you will find Tyrwhitt Drake's348 account of
the Revival movement in Syria.349 He says it may amount to 20,000-25,000. Do
you advise me to draw Ld Granville's350 attention to it. Mind, the affair is serious.
If anything like a massacre takes place, Russia certainly & France probably will
interfere and occupy Syria in force. Prussia and Austria will object & then there
is a row. You see they have made Damascus a Vice Consulate. I am now pushing
to get the Consul General up to Damascus. How is your health? I have sent to
Syria for a pipe for you. Not yet met that damned old pirate?

Ever yrs truly

Hadji Abdullah351

112. 1871. Georgiana Stisted.352

Strong, brave man though he was, the shock of his sudden recall told upon him
cruelly. I never saw him, even during his last years when his health had all but
given way, so “down.” He came straight home to us at Norwood in wretched
spirits, and as he could not sleep, sat up until the small hours of the morning
with my father smoking. Tragedy was dashed with comedy; one night a terrible
uproar arose. The dining-room windows had been left open, the candles alight,
and the pug asleep under the table, forgotten. A policeman, seeing the windows

347
Huntington? Box 11 4/10. Undated. Tentatively dated from the contents.
348
Charles Tyrwhitt-Drake, see Register.
349
Tablet 1871/12/01, p. 5: "The number of these diverts from Islam is almost
impossible to calculate ; but I believe that, in the whole of Syria, 20,000 to 25,000 is a
moderate computation." The reference by Burton to ‘the last issue’ places the letter
between 1871/12/02 and 1871/12/09 as those were the consecutive issues of the
Tablet.
350
Granville George Leveson-Gower, 2nd Earl Granville (1815-1891) was the Foreign
Secretary under Gladstone from 1870-1874.
351
Signature in Arabic.
352
Georgiana Stisted “Reminiscences of Sir Richard Burton”, Temple Bar Volume 92,
July 1891, pp. 335-42. Also reprinted in Littell's Living Age 190 (1891) p. 406.

194.
 1872/01/01. Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.

unclosed, knocked incessantly at the street door, the pug awoke and barked
himself hoarse, and every one clattered out of his or her bedroom to ascertain
the cause of the disturbance. My uncle had quite forgotten that in quiet English
households servants retire to rest before 3 A.M.

We saw too in another way how shaken his nerves were by the loss of his
appointment. He had always been very fond of tea, which he insisted on having
of first-rate quality, not twice drunk, as he described cheap compounds. An
ordinary breakfast-cup did not suffice, he preferred the slop-basin. But shortly
after his arrival he gave up tea and took cocoa. The habit, however, was
resumed later, slop-basin and all.

Sensitive though he was, he possessed that enviable common-sense, so very

uncommon, by the way, which enables us to speedily reconcile ourselves to the
inevitable. His cherished appointment was lost, irretrievably lost, so he turned
his thoughts elsewhere.

113. 1872/01/01. Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes. 353

Garswood Newton le Willows

Jan. 1 1872

My dear Houghton. We ran up north on December 27 and on Thursday next go

to Knowsley for a short visit, shortened by Lady May Cecil's marriage in London.
After a long visit I go to Edinbro’ and stay a month with my sister whom I have
not seen for years. We shall much regret missing dear old Fryston and far more
the cause of our missing it. One naturally thinks of friends today. How is your
health now? Has the change done you good? Don't trouble yourself with writing
but perhaps someone about you will let us have a line. B Mathew354 expected
north to see his daughter Mrs. Earle (of L'pool). He wants me to do a "good
action" to write down the Nicaraguan war in the Times. But just at present I
can't afford good actions and to tell the truth my humour does not lie that way
pour le moment. I think you will sympathise with me. Isabel joins me in best
love to you and yours.

353
Houghton 228/36. ALS.
354
Buckley-Mathew, see Register.

195.
 1872/01/10. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

Tout à vous
R. F. Burton

114. 1872/01/10. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.355

Garswood.
Newton le Willows.
Lancashire.
Dear Ld Houghton—

How you flit. I thought I shd find you in Notts. when we go to Newstead. I think
Ld Derby thinks nothing should be done at present but to get something to do to
bridge over the moment & play a waiting game. I think we can get an
employment that would suit us but oh please not Bolivia which would be a life
of banishment on a shelf far from kith or kin or any other kindly thing. You would
not set a gardener to navigate a ship, nor a tiller of the soil to make a watch; so
why not set Richard to what you say he understands too well.

Sir H. Elliot is coming home on sick leave. If you wd try to put Buckley Mathew356
at Constantinople which he ambitions he wd make Mohammed retract Aali’s
mistake & Richard could be once more re-employed in the East. I don't say Syria
but I say the East—Morocco or Teheran.
With our best love
yours affectionately
Isabel Burton

Jan 10. 72.

355
Houghton 4/194.
356
See Register.

196.
 1872/01/13. Richard Burton to Henry Walter Bates.

115. 1872/01/13. Richard Burton to Henry Walter

Bates.357

Garswood Newton le Willows

Lancashire
Sat Jan 13

My dear Bates

Yours of Jan 8 duly received, but I can't correct proofs satisfactorily

without duplicate slips and especially without the M.S. How is it still retained by
the Council referee? It surely must have gone to the printer?

Yrs sincy
R. F. Burton

H. W. Bates Esq.

116. 1872/01/18. Richard Burton to Henry Walter

Bates.358

Garswood Newton le Willows

Jan 18/72

My dear Mr. Bates

I am very glad that you have a good man to lead the expedition.359
Please suggest to him that he may do good work by returning north (especially)
or south of the beaten path. Of course, his first object is to find Livingstone.

I would not go for three reasons 1st rather infra dig to discover a miss.360 2d had
FO asked me I should of course have gone but I won't let them get rid of me
quietly. 3. I look to W. Africa, the Congo & the Gaboons for my next venture.
East Africa is waxing trite and stale.

357
RGS Correspondence CB6 Burton /350.
358
RGS Correspondence CB6 Burton / 350.
359
Lieut. Dawson, see Register.
360
Missionary.

197.
 1872/01/24. Richard Burton to Isabel Burton.

My best wishes to Lt Dawson. He had better consult all books on the subject.

Yrs sincy
R. F. Burton

117. 1872/01/24. Richard Burton to Isabel Burton.361

Edinbro' Jan. 24

My darling, stinking train delayed, got here about 10, comfortably housed to bed
sharp. Resend all my refs about Shap.362 Can hardly see the hands in front of
me. Georgie makes many enquiries about you.363 I have promised her that you
will find out a decent solicitor at once & write to her. Bagshaw364 has written to
say that he has had two seizures, what they are the devil knows. Of course you
will call there & be very dutiful. The people are charmed with Lady [Airlie] &
with [K…]. I begin my campaign today, hair cutter, museum, Library, Philosoph.
Institute. Object of lecture to bring girls forward.365

Of course you found the mother far better than you expected. Give her my best
love and don't sit with her too much. Kisses to the sisters, and love to Wenfric
& Wudy.366

Ev yr []
R.F.B.

Notes

1. Don't forget to send me my crest paper this is wanted at once.

361
Quentin Keynes Collection, British Library. Add MS 88876 ff.35-36.
362
Burton’s ancestors were said to have come from Barker Hill, near Shap in
Westmoreland, a county in North-West England.
363
Georgiana Stisted, his niece. Burton was staying with the Stisteds in Edinburgh.
364
Robert Bagshaw, MP, who lived at Dovercourt, and had married Georgiana Baker.
365
The remains collected at Palmyra included female hair and parts of mummified
children.
366
Here Burton seems to be lisping Renfric and Rudy Arundell.

198.
 1872/01/24. Richard Burton to Isabel Burton.

2. They want me to lecture here. Get from Anthro. Soc. my biggest sketch, the
prettiest mummy hand, all the flint implements & photos of Zenobia.367 Send by
parcels delivery company.

3. You will see by enclosed what to do with Tinsley.368

4. Ditto with Mr. Friswell.369

5. Ditto Club etc. Don't bother Rudy370 or overwork yourself. It will be all in
good time.

6. You of course will call on B. Mathew371 and sound him well.

7. What do you think of transferring our wills & papers from Styan372 to Mobert
(with Gerard’s [leave])?

8. Dr. Bird373 can perhaps give you the name of some decent man to supercede
Styan.

9. Before Lord Derby or Houghton (both should be told that you are in town)
bring up my name in the house, they should see Levant Herald upon effect of
turning Dam. into Vice Consulate. Also my report to F. O. (copy was sent to Ld
Derby).

10. Enclosed are pay certificates (will come next day, no paper).

367
In Syria. See Life I, p. 476. Burton had collected specimens in Palmyra, including
mummified remains.
368
The publisher William Tinsley, see Register. Tinsley published Unexplored Syria
(1872). The enclosure is missing.
369
James Hain Friswell, see Register.
370
Possibly one of Isabel’s brothers, Rodolph Alexis Arundell (1837-1877).
371
Buckley-Mathew, see Register.
372
Possibly H. S. Styan of 4 Stone Buildings, Lincoln’s Inn.
373
Dr. George Bird, see Register.

199.
 1872/01/26. Richard Burton to Henry Walter Bates.

118. 1872/01/26. Richard Burton to Henry Walter

Bates.374

34 Queen Street Edinburgh

Jan. 26/72

My dear Bates no MS as yet. I have written to my wife to send copy of Zanzibar

to R.G.S. in charge for Kirk at Zanzibar and another for Wakefield at Mombasa375
& only hope they may arrive in time. Please tell Mr. Lamprey376 that I am quite
ready for the Illustrated news. My mother-in law is very ill, so I may be obliged
to return at once to London. If not I shall stay here till end of February. I have
written a load to Lt Dawson.377

Hoping that you & yours are flourishing. I am ev

yrs sincy
R. F. Burton

119. 1872/01/26. Richard Burton to John Kirk.378

34 Queen Street Edinburgh (Romantic town

v. but full)
Jan 26 1872

My direction
is Athenaeum Club
Pall Mall
London

My dear Kirk

374
RGS Correspondence CB6 Burton / 350.
375
Thomas Wakefield (1836-1901), a Methodist missionary based at Mombasa.
376
J. H. Lamprey, librarian of the RGS from 1866-1874. The Quentin Keynes Collection,
auctioned in 2004, included a copy of Zanzibar inscribed to Dawson by Burton.
377
See Register.
378
. Quentin Keynes Collection, British Library. Add MS 88865 f.14. ALS. There is a
typescript copy in the National Library of Scotland MSS 9942:25. See Register for Kirk.

200.
 1872/02/21. George Percy Badger to Richard Burton.

Business first. I send you a copy of my last book "Zanzibar" and hope
that you will like it. You can do me a great service by jotting down a few notes
upon the subject and especially by showing me the mistakes so as to render a
Second Edition immaculate.

I have written several times to you but no answer came so that the missives
must have miscarried. Now that this expedition starts, there will be less danger
of letters going wrong. You will know by this time what a row there has been
about it and how strongly the R.G.S. has "spoken up". Rawlinson379 is a
thoroughly good man and the humbug element is now pretty well “eliminated”.

Since we parted last I have wandered far and wide over South America—Brazil,
Paraguay, the Pampas, Chile & Peru. I was then transferred to the Consulate of
Damascus and after some 22 months it was reduced to a Vice Consulate. This of
course brought me home and I am now awaiting my next move.

What is your brother’s direction?380 Being in Scotland I might be able to find him
out.

Believe me ever my dear Kirk

Yrs vy sincy
Richard F. Burton

120. 1872/02/21. George Percy Badger to Richard

Burton.381

21st Feb. 1872.

Dear Captain Burton

I have just got your first volume of “Zanzibar,” and coming upon pg. 9 was
surprised to find myself referred to–I don’t care about the title which you give
me—as one among several who thwarted your views respecting Berberah and

379
Sir Henry Creswicke Rawlinson (1810–1895) was President of the RGS from 1871-3
and 1874-6.
380
Alexander Carnegie Kirk (1830-1892), a distinguished engineer, was the elder
brother of John Kirk. In 1872 he was listed at Govan Road, Govan Park, Glasgow.
381
Huntington Library. Tipped-in to Burton’s copy of Zanzibar.

201.
 1872/02/21. George Percy Badger to Richard Burton.

who “more or less directly” brought about the catastrophe which befell you
there. Where you obtained this information I cannot say, but I can declare upon
my honour as a man that never, under any circumstances, did I take any part
whatsoever, directly or indirectly, in your Berberah Expedition. Bear in mind
that I was at Aden only when you started–or I am not quite certain of that—and
that during the whole time you were absent I was on leave in Syria & met you at
Alexandria, with the wound in your face, on my return to Aden.

Perhaps you owe me a grudge for not having consented to preside over the
Committee at Aden to examine you in Arabic. Let me explain that most candidly.
Outram asked me to preside and I positively declined. Why? you will ask. Well,
I had heard you were very vindictive, and as I knew nothing whatever of your
attainments in Arabic at that time I did not wish–supposing that I did not pass
you–to incur your animosity, especially as I was not a “passed” man myself, and
was therefore under no obligation to put myself into an awkward position. (But
you will say that I sat on Playfair’s Committee. True; but in his case the
examination papers were forwarded to the Madras College, & the Examiners
were not called upon to make any remarks upon them.) However, I may now
tell you what perhaps you never heard before. Playfair sent your papers to me,
and after looking over them, I sent them back to him with a note eulogizing your
attainments and, if I remember rightly, remarking upon the absurdity of the
Bombay Committee being made the judges of your proficiency, inasmuch as I
did not believe that any of them possessed a tithe of the knowledge of Arabic
which you did.

I should be much obliged, being deeply interested in the subject, if you will kindly
refer me to any authority for the term “Bayázi” which you apply to the Maskat
or Oman sectaries. All the native works which I have consulted call them

the followers of (see the quotations in the

appendix to my Oman). Palgrave calls them [Ahadeeyah] or [Biadieyah] and

confounds them, as I have pointed out (opp. 391) with the , quite

202.
 1872/02/29. George Percy Badger to Richard Burton.

another sect. You will find a lengthy account of them in

. There is an English edit. of the original edited by .

I had not that edit. with me sent me his notes from the Turkish
translations from Cairo.

Yrs faithfully
George Percy Badger

121. 1872/02/29. George Percy Badger to Richard

Burton.382

London
[21] Leamington Road Villas
Westbourne Park, W.383
29th Febr. 1872

Dear Captain Burton

I was glad to receive yr reply. I make one additional remark about the
Somali Expedition because you have referred to Outram. All I can say is that I
never heard Outram express one word disapproving either of the Expedition or
of yourself in connection with it.

As to the Examination, I hardly think you judge me fairly. I never

"retired" from the presidency of the Committee, because from the first, I
distinctly declined to take any part in it. It is true that Outram asked me twice
to sit, and that Playfair—who probably had his own reasons for not wishing to
undertake the responsibility, which reason, in this case at least, I believe was
creditable to him, namely a feeling of his incompetence—repeatedly asked me
to act and he may therefore have led you to suppose that I was vacillating, which
was certainly not the case. My reasons for declining I have given you already,
and you are of course at liberty to judge of them as you please. All I can say is

382
Quentin Keynes Collection, British Library.
383
Address on letterhead.

203.
 1872/02/29. George Percy Badger to Richard Burton.

that they did not comprise the least modicum of unkindness towards you. I am
no more responsible for the then Aden people telling me that if I did not pass
you, you would never forgive me, than you are for the epithet of "White Devil",
which you say was conferred upon me. I did not want to be placed in antagonism
with you, for I was then on friendly terms with you, and especially with your
friends Dansey384 & Steinhauser,385 to whom I ever remained attached, and I
therefore wished to avoid a possible cause of enmity with you. Moreover it was
not necessary that I should sit on your committee. That you allowed yourself,
for in a characteristic note to Playfair you stated that it would have been a
"luxury” to have me as president, but fortunately it was not a "necessity",
inasmuch as that he, Playfair, being a "passed" man was competent to act. I
knew that to be the case, and I saw no reason why he should not do so—in fact,
it was his duty.

Further, I was subsequently told that the Bombay authorities would not
pass you because the Examination was informal, or contrary to rule—that you
ought to have passed at Bombay; ergo, the result would have been the same, as
regards yourself, even if I had presided; for if these authorities would not accept
the certificate, or whatever it may be called, of a "passed" man—passed by the
Madras College—they would certainly have disallowed a similar testimony from
an unpassed man, as I was. I can maintain my own opinion as pertinaciously as
any one, but I do not like to be misjudged, especially if the misjudgment reflects
upon my good will. Hence the pains which I take to disabuse you of the idea of
unkindliness on my part towards you in this matter.

Should you light upon any authority for the term "Bayázi"386 I shall be
much obliged if you will communicate it to me. Abdullatif,387 El-Idrisy, El-
Kazwiny, [El-Shakristasy], Salib-abu-Zayek […]

384
Lieut. Dansey, 1st Bombay European Regiment. See Life pp. 151-2.
385
Dr. J. F. Steinhauser. See Register.
386
Ibázíyah heretics of Oman. In the Thousand Nights Burton concedes that “my
‘Bayázi’ was an Arab vulgarism used by the Zanzibarians. Dr. Badger rightly prefers
Ibáziyah which he writes Ibâdhiyah”, Vol. 7, p. 125. See also Pilgrimage vol. 2, p. 151;
Zanzibar, Vol. 1, p. 396.
387
Servant of the all-gentle.

204.
 1872. Georgiana Stisted.

Yr faithful
George Percy Badger

Captain Burton

122. 1872. Georgiana Stisted.388

After a few months in London he joined us in Edinburgh en route for Iceland.

We soon ascertained, much to our satisfaction, that the Damascus trouble had
skinned over, he had quite recovered his health and seemed thoroughly able to
enjoy himself. He liked the town, he liked the bracing air, and he liked the
people. The 93rd Highlanders stationed at the castle, entertained with true
Scotch hospitality; and he met at our house Lord and Lady Perth, General Sir
John and Lady Elizabeth Douglas, the Macphersons of Cluny, and other well-
known families then in Edinburgh. Lord Airlie was High Commissioner that year,
and we all went together to the receptions at Holyrood. Orders and uniforms
are donned on these occasions, and a very gay, picturesque scene the old palace
presented, the men brightened up for once with a dash of colour; but Richard
Burton, in those days, had no decoration whatever. It may be remembered the
K.C.M.G. was given him within only four years of his death.

We enjoyed this Edinburgh visit of his just as much as he did, but it seemed all
too short. My father and a few friends saw him off early in June from the quay
at Granton. He had always been very anxious to go to Iceland, and this was the
first pleasurable excitement in the travelling line since the Damascus worry.
Most men would have thought of little else, and I think nothing could show
better what a great loving heart he had than that the saying good-bye for what
promised to be but a short absence, was positively painful to him. Indeed, as a
rule, he did his very best to avoid good-byes; and when unavoidable, I have often
seen tears in his eyes and felt his hands turn stone cold.

The trip to Iceland proved pleasant and prosperous; then came the Trieste
appointment, which he held to the day of his death. Though unsuitable in many
respects, it must be allowed the duties were light, the pay was good, and the
leave unlimited. To a more responsible post he would have been chained, as it

388
Georgiana Stisted “Reminiscences of Sir Richard Burton”, Temple Bar Volume 92,
July 1891, pp. 335-42. Also reprinted in Littell's Living Age 190 (1891) p. 406.

205.
 1872/04/03? Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.

were, but from Trieste he could travel to his heart's content. Of course he often
wearied of the commonplace town, and its disagreeable climate; and had he not
been able to pass many months wandering amidst pleasanter scenes, would
have suffered even more than he did. A wonderful amount of travel and literary
work was crowded into the twenty years he held this consulate.

123. 1872/04/03? Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes. 389

Dover Court
Essex
3d April

Caro Milnes

[…] Confiteor.390 Sed non culpa “mea”—how is one to guess that an

official letter signed officially is not written by the signer? I am glad indeed that
Lord de G.391 was not the author, the Council being Anglo-Indian snobs of a high
order have acted with an appropriateness which satisfies my mind—if it does
not please it. Indian officials eat abominations through youth with the fixed and
settled purpose—like fags at school—of similarly dieting their juniors and the
Oriental practice of answering one's Enemy at the gate is a domestic institution
and a public difference never fails to become a private grudge. I have the
satisfaction upon being on the worst possible terms with Hogg (that hog as old
Charley of Sindh always called him) Vivian Sir Irksome etc. and they rarely waste
an opportunity to make me as they say westward smell par-tik-lar swell. Never
mind, allegro sempore!392 There is a pretty little row brewing between them
and Col. Rathborne, the Council of India [brick] last ten years, there'll be another
exodus of Directors.

389
Houghton 228/44. ALS MS. Dated from internal evidence—the Burtons were
seldom in England in April, and Sir James Hogg (1790-1876) had recently resigned from
the Council—on 25th January 1872. Moreover, in 1872, April 1 was on a Monday.
390
‘Confess’.
391
Possibly George Ripon, Earl de Grey and Viceroy of India (1880-1884) who pursued a
liberal policy in India promoting self-government.
392
‘Always cheerful’.

206.
 1872/04/12. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

I enclose a sketch from the boy Arbuthnot & will show you his letter
when we meet. It is rather dull, curious to see the deadly effect of Indian air
even upon that merriest of boys. He actually talks of Early History!

I am sweating on towards the meta.393 216 solid pages already besides appendix.
Hope to see you well shortly after last Monday fortnight i.e. 15th. Can't you
torquere mero394 the Gorilla & elicit his tacenda as well as his dicenda, how he
has humbugged John Bull with a big ape and frightened half a dozen N.Y. clippers
with the black baboon. Every American is at heart a Filibuster—a nigger driver
unless the Benevolence-cum—Humanity dodge pays better. I long for the
Pimlico clearing again.395 Adieu. [Ergo … con addio]

ev yrs
Abdullah396

Keep the enclosed for me please

124. 1872/04/12. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.397

Dear Lord Houghton

I don't know where you are but forward you the enclosed. It is at present a
profound secret. It is for diffusing useful knowledge, making good literature
easy for the people, & giving the author a chance. There is no money
responsibility, that is guaranteed over & over again by the City members. Lord
Desart398 has said "I shall be most happy to accept a trusteeship & I shall be
proud of an honorary post in so useful an undertaking". They want moral
support, big names so will you accept a trusteeship? Richard is commissioned
to ask you. The office is entirely honorary, it carries no pecuniary liability & is to
be shared with three others of whose standing & reputation you shall judge.

393
‘Goal’.
394
‘Liquor up’.
395
Possibly a reference to the reclaiming of marshy ground in Pimlico by landfill, during
the early 19th century, which enabled its development.
396
Signature in Arabic.
397
Houghton 4/195.
398
Hamilton John Agmondesham Cuffe, 5th Earl of Desart (1848–1934).

207.
 1872/04/13. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

Besides these three—Richard is to be Travelling Director & Major Knollys

Military Director (son of the Knollys with the Prince).

If you don’t accept I am to ask you not to say anything about it but only return
the prospectus. Hoping to soon to see you & with our united love.

Believe me dear Ld Houghton

Yrs most sincerely
Isabel Burton

Howletts Hotel
36 Manchester St.

April 12. 1872

125. 1872/04/13. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.399

Dear Lord Houghton

Richard wants you to come & dine at the Pall Mall Hotel’s restaurant on Tuesday
16th at 7 o'clock when a quantity of good men are going to meet to discuss the
question privately which I yesterday forwarded to you. Will you?

Yrs sincerely
Isabel Burton

April 13, 1872

126. 1872/05/17. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.400

Dear Lord Houghton

I should have been very pleased to come to luncheon but Richard never told me.
I daresay as we had been correcting proof sheets all the morning he thought it
wd be refreshing to leave me for a few hours. When you come back to town I

399
Houghton 4/196.
400
Houghton 4/197.

208.
 1872/07/14? Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

hope you will let me come sometimes. I shall be very lonely & very miserable I
expect.

Yrs sincerely
Isabel Burton

May 17th 72
Howlett's

127. 1872/07/14? Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes. 401

My dear Lord Houghton

I have got an attack of neuralgia or something on the nerves & am going to ask
you to let me off dining this evening as I fully intended till this morning. I do not
feel able. May I come to lunch with you tomorrow or Tuesday that I may see
you again. Letter from Richard yesterday accepting Trieste which I am about to
forward.
Yrs ever sincerely
Isabel Burton

Howlett's
Sunday

401
Houghton 4/200.

209.
 1872/07/14? Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

Figure 21. Icelandic Scenes from Burton's Sketchbook.

210.
1872/07/14? Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

Figure 22. Icelandic Caricature from Burton's Sketchbook.

211.
 1872/09/22. Richard Burton to Henry Walter Bates.

128. 1872/09/22. Richard Burton to Henry Walter

Bates.402

Sept 22/72

My dear Bates

When & where can I see you? What is become of my MS—missing

proofs & anti Libanus?403 Excuse my breaking so rudely upon your holiday.

Ev yrs try
R. F. Burton

H. W. Bates Esq.

129. 1872/09/23. Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.404

20 Manchester Street
Manchester Square
Spr 23 / 72

My dear Houghton

I returned to town Sat. Sept. 14 and expect to leave about middle of next
month for Trieste. Iceland has done me a power of good. I can fairly contradict
almost every word that has been written about it. The people are descended
from Norwegians and Irish slaves. Geyser is a dreadful humbug and Hekla405 is
worse. I did some exploration in the S. Eastern parts and feel myself justified in
writing about the subject. F. Po is worth a dozen Icelands.

You know I suppose that the boy Bunny (Arbuthnot) is now at Brighton (Union
Club will find him). I hope to see him up here in a few days.

402
RGS Correspondence CB6 1871-1880 Burton / 350.
403
Notes of a Reconnaissance of the Anti-Libanus Journal of the Royal Geographical
Society Vol. XLII (1872), pp. 408-25.
404
Houghton 228/37. ALS.
405
A volcano in Iceland.

212.
 1872/11. Verney Lovett Cameron.

Yesterday interviewed Stanley. I like him and think him the right sort. The R.G.S.
has as usual put its foot into the wrong hole, but what can you expect of a body
which owns as one of its heads Mr. Galton? The creature is Grundy, knows
Grundy & owes all his strength to Grundy. He hates with a harsh & frustrated
(almost Xtian) hatred all who take the position that ought to have been, but has
not been, taken by himself—Galton. For years he inflicted his corvine voice upon
evening meetings simply for the same petty vanity.

Trieste is a fall after Dam.406 But affairs in Syria are getting into a grand
mess. I took Trieste in order not to sacrifice the results of 30 years public service.
Otherwise I can get $30,000 by 100 lectures in the U. States and that would
enable me to explore the Congo and Mwátájá mvo407. My wife, who has just lost
a favourite brother H. Arundell R.N.408 on the west coast would be against my
going but would yield in time.

I send this at a venture and hope most sincerely that you and yours are well &
flourishing.

Ev yrs aff’ly
Abdullah409

130. 1872/11. Verney Lovett Cameron.410

The first time I met Burton was in November, 1872, at dinner at Clements
Markham's, just before I started on my journey across Africa, and I well
remember how kind and patient he was in answering my many inquiries, many
of which must have seemed trivial and uninteresting to him.

406
Damascus.
407
The Mwata Yamvo, ruler of the Lunda kingdom in the Congo.
408
Henry Alphonsus Arundell, died on board the Bittern off the West Coast of Africa in
1872.
409
Signature in Arabic.
410
Verney Lovett Cameron “Burton as I knew him” Fortnightly Review LIV (December
1890) pp. 878-884.

213.
 1870-1872. Memoir of Charles Tyrwhitt-Drake.

131. 1870-1872. Memoir of Charles Tyrwhitt-Drake.411

On a red-hot morning in July 1870 I rode from Damascus to Bludan, and said to
my wife "I have fallen in with two such nice fellows, and they are coming here—
Drake and Palmer, who have been doing Sinai and the Tih."

They made their appearance in our garden on the J 9th, sunburnt, "hard as
nails," briefly in the finest travelling condition. They were a first-rate working
pair, Drake taking the surveying and mapping, and to Palmer fell the linguistic
labours of the expedition, whilst a thorough good fellowship existed between
them. As we were short of bedrooms they pitched their tents below Mr. Consul-
General Wood's house, our summer quarters, and passed a few quiet days with
us. Both were somewhat fatigued with their unusually hard work, but still they
were anxious to visit, in our company, the summits of the Libanus. We made
hurried preparations for twenty-three days of gipsying; and, with our two
friends, my wife and I started after as short a delay as possible, at the head of a
small caravan of horses, servants, tents, and light baggage.

We spent a week amongst the ruins of Ba'albak, trying to save some of the
grandest features from destruction. We then rode up the fertile and malarious
Coelesyrian plain as far as El Ká'a, a village about thirty miles distant from Homs,
which could be distinctly seen in the clear pellucid air, and thus we galloped
across the valley towards Ayn Urghush, camping in a Maronite stronghold at Ayn
Ata. All greatly enjoyed the scramble up the Cedar Col, where we found banks
and wreaths of snow in July, and the slide down to the old Trees. There we
encamped for some days, and hence we visited the summits of the Libanus with
the view of determining the disputed altitudes. Professor Palmer has since
published a short sketch of our trip in the "Journal of the Palestine Exploration
Fund." A cheerful and pleasant time it was to all, fitly to be described by the
adjective "jolly," at which Philister and Philistine turn up the nose " polite."

From the Cedars we were obliged to part, and I cannot say which of the four felt
parting the most. There is eternal fitness in the saying of Hafiz the Shirazi:—

411
Richard Burton in The Literary Remains of CT Drake (1877), pp 14-22.

214.
 1870-1872. Memoir of Charles Tyrwhitt-Drake.

That eve so gay, so bright, so glad; this morn so dim and sad and grey—
Ah! that Life's Registrar should write that day a day, thy day a day!

Drake then returned to England for a while, and we kept up an unintermitted

correspondence, which ended in his returning to us in Syria during the following
year (1871). He arrived rather suddenly on ,the cold damp evening of March 25,
suffering somewhat from his old enemy, asthma; and it was unanimously
determined by three friends in council that, instead of turning into the
comfortless solitude of a bachelor establishment, he should take up his quarters
permanently with us. His kindly and domestic disposition made this prospect
agreeable to him, and we were glad to find it so, as he was evidently far from
strong, and when he became one of us we should be better able to look after
him. His attacks, frequent at first, soon lost their violence, and his health under
the climate and the life that suited him became manifestly a gainer.

He was my inseparable companion during the rest of our stay in Palestine, and
never did I travel with any man whose disposition was so well adapted to make
a first-rate explorer. We all three visited almost every known part of Syria, either
for the first time or over again, taking observations, making sketches and
skeleton maps, and writing diaries and accounts of our journeys. We divided the
work, each taking what was best suited. My wife had charge of the camp
generally, and especially the horses and the sick or wounded, and visited the
harems to note things hidden from mankind. Drake copied inscriptions, mapped
the country, measured the remains of antiquity, collected geological specimens,
fauna and flora, and made admirable sketches in pencil and water-colours—we
keep many of these as some of our most precious relics. The time was passed
most enjoyably. Our companion was one of the few who can make a pleasant
third in a ménage—a plain, honest, straightforward disposition that was a true
friend to both in an honest way, and that is high praise.

A day or two after he arrived from England I rode back from Hums and Hamah
with a native copy of the "Hamath stones." My journey had been for upwards
of a fortnight over the Northern desert and the Ansari Mountains, where the
snow and frost had bitten my fingers and toes. After a short rest we resolved
on spending the holy week at Jerusalem. My wife went under his charge via
Beyrout by sea to Jaffa and Jerusalem, where, after riding down across country,
I met them with our own horses. "Inner Life of Syria" has given a good Catholic's

215.
 1870-1872. Memoir of Charles Tyrwhitt-Drake.

account of the visit to Jerusalem and the holy places; more is to come. Drake's
familiarity with the Holy City made him an invaluable companion; but he
suffered from the abominable climate, and I well remember his telling me that
it had never agreed with him. Had I been present at the very beginning of his
last illness, I should have put him into a litter, and have carried him nolens volens
to the coast. When he had recovered we pursued our way, including Ayn Karin,
and Hebron, Bethlehem, Mar Saba, the Dead Sea, the so-called tomb of Moses,
the Jordan ford, Jericho, and Ayn-el-Sultan, where he, poor fellow, afterwards
encamped in 1874, and caught the fever that terminated his short but useful
and promising career. We then turned northwards or homewards via Bethel and
Nablus, the consular boundary between Damascus and Jerusalem, halting to
visit Mount Ebal and Gerizim, and Shechem and the Samaritans. From
Scythopolis and Endor we finally made Nazareth, where we were both stoned
by the so called and miscalled Greeks; on this occasion Drake displayed the cool
bravery and determination of his character, and he was a great help to me in
saving my wife and servants from the fury of an excited mob, urged on by their
priests and bishop.

After staying at Nazareth to see the rioters punished, we thence proceeded to

Cana (?) in Galilee, and at the Lake of Tiberias we camped, and visited by boat
the seven famous sites as far as is possible to ascertain them; we also
circumnavigated the little sea, and took observations of temperature which yield
curious results. Next came Safed, famed for its mediaeval Jewish school of
ferocious theology, the plain of Huleh and waters of Merom, with the Birket-el-
Ram (Lake Phiala), where we took soundings on our camp-table, buoyed up with
water, or rather air-skins. Finally, after visiting our Druse neighbours, we
galloped across our own desert plain home.

Our next joint excursion was to the Hauran, whither three hundred Bedawin
were sent to waylay us. We explored the Tulul-el-Safa, a somewhat risky feat,
which the Europeans of Damascus had often wished to do, but were deterred
by the overwhelming chance of being stripped by the robber tribes; the latter
were part of the state machinery under those who have turned a garden of roses
into a desert and den of thieves.

Drake then made a little trip on his own account, or rather on that of the
Palestine Exploration Fund, to get better squeezes of, and collect more

216.
 1870-1872. Memoir of Charles Tyrwhitt-Drake.

information concerning, the now world-famous "Hamath stones." The Rev.

William Wright first suggested, magna cum risu,412 that they were Hittite—a
theory now confirmed by Birch, Sayce, and the late George Smith. I had been
obliged to satisfy myself with a native copy, having unfortunately been without
squeeze-paper.

We then all went once more into summer quarters at Bludan, where we again
spent a pleasant and quiet time, until August 16; on which day I was politely
invited to return home with the utmost possible despatch. Drake, ever staunch
and true, saw me to my saddle, and undertook to help my wife to settle the mass
of business and hard work which the sudden giving up of an establishment could
not but entail. As the reason given by Rashid Pasha was my being so unpopular
with the Moslems that they wanted my life, I made my wife remain at Damascus
to prove its untruth; this measure certainly could not have been taken had not
both of us been sure of our native friends. She slept with open door and
windows in the Salahiyyeh; this is the quarter which once had so lawless a
reputation that at night none would venture into it, and even by day the timid
avoided it.

Drake's kind heart was greatly grieved by the loss of our happy home, and he
advised me to await at Damascus the result of my explanatory report to
headquarters. But I knew better; the greater the right in such cases the greater
the wrong. He accompanied me to the diligence, and then returned to Bludan;
there he served all my interests like a true man, and assisted my wife in all her
troubles, until he placed her on board the steamer for England at Beyrút.

Our house furniture, horses, and pets were all left with Drake in the forlorn hope
that personal explanations might secure a modicum of justice; but that day was
never to dawn. Unfortunate Damascus presently became the scene of murders
and disorders of all kinds, and she has gradually declined till all the little English
colony has broken up. My excellent successor, Mr. Kirby Green, had anything
but a happy sojourn there, and he was not sorry to exchange it even for Scutari
in Albania, another fine specimen of a consular den.

Time passed, and as I was transferred to Trieste, Drake halted a month with us
en route to England, and we visited Pola, Aquileja, the caves of Adelsberg, the

412
with a big smile

217.
 1872/—/—. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

Karst (Carso), and San Cauzian,413 the famous haras or breeding-stables at

Lippiza; and the environs of Trieste. The climate, which residents find so cruel,
agreed with him perfectly, and the holiday had a most favourable effect upon
his spirits. I should note that we always kept up a lively correspondence; we
have bundles of his letters, which, however, are of too private and personal a
nature for publication.

We went to Venice and saw him off to England; he promised us to return in

seven weeks, but fate willed that we should not meet again. The cholera broke
out at Trieste (1873); he dreaded a long quarantine in July, and he was tempted
by his friend Sir John Drummond Hay of Tangier with the prospect of another
journey into inner Morocco, an almost virgin country in which his first trip had
caused him to take a great and permanent interest. The project was frustrated
by the emperor's death, and he went back to his work in Syria.

During the spring of 1874 he caught as before mentioned the Jericho fever whilst
he was camped in the rainy swamps that bound the lower Jordan. When a little
better he was removed to Jerusalem where he relapsed, and where his horror
of the climate was justified, as if it had been a presentiment, by the fatal result
of his illness.

The letter announcing his death reached me only two days after hearing he was
not very well; to this we had attached but little importance, knowing that he had
been weakened by overwork, and suspecting that he wanted rest. The sad news,
I need hardly say, was a severe blow.

132. 1872/—/—. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.414

Dear Lord Houghton

I will come with pleasure but don't let me if you have a party. In that case I wd
rather come quietly to breakfast or luncheon. I should not mind the Boy
Arbuthnot or any of Dick's old friends because they have no prejudices like
yourself, but the usual lot wd think I have forgotten my mother which I never

413
San Canzian d'Isonzo.
414
Houghton 4/199.

218.
 1872. William Owen.

shall to my dying day whether I go out or not. I have loads of things to say to
you.
Ever most faithfully
Isabel Burton
Howlett's—Thursday.

I only came from my people (Wardour) last night where I have been for 10 days.

133. 1872. William Owen.415

Memorandum by William Owen of the F. O. on Captain Burton’s Proceedings at

Damascus

Captain Burton was appointed by Lord Stanley H.M. Consul at Damascus on the
3rd December, 1868, and acknowledged the receipt of his appointment on the
30th March, 1869, being then at Buenos Ayres on leave of absence from his Post
at Santos.

He reported his arrival in England on the 1st June following and announced his
readiness to proceed to his new Post. In the meanwhile, however, Mr. (now Sir
Henry) Elliot, in a Despatch dated the 3rd May, reported that the prospect of
Capt. Burton’s arrival as H.M. Consul at Damascus was viewed with
apprehension by many persons in the place. The fact of his having made the
Pilgrimage to Mecca would cause him to be regarded either as one who, being
an unbeliever, had insulted the Mahometan Religion, or, who having been a
Moslem, had become a Renegade. Under these circumstances, Sir H. Elliot
observed, Capt. Burton’s presence in an Official Capacity at Damascus, probably
the most fanatical Town in the East, would be likely to produce very undesirable
consequences.

Lord Clarendon thereupon personally warned Capt. Burton and subsequently

repeated to him in a Despatch dated the 19th June 1869, that although His
Lordship allowed the appointment to go forward on Capt. Burton’s assurance
that the objections thereto ‘were founded on interested misrepresentations,’
yet H.M. Govt. would not make themselves responsible for any harm that might

415
(F.O. 78/259). Foreign Office Papers, Turkey: 1868—1871. Reproduced in
Arnold Wilson Richard Burton: Fifth Burton Memorial Lecture (Oxford: London, 1937.

219.
 1872. William Owen.

befall him personally at Damascus, and that if the feeling against him of the
Authorities and People of the place prevented the proper discharge of his Duty,
he would be at once recalled. Capt. Burton, in reply, expressed his conviction
that neither the Authorities nor the people of Damascus would show for him
anything but the most friendly feeling, but that as designing persons might have
attempted to complicate the situation, he would undertake to act with unusual
prudence, and would hold himself alone responsible for all the consequences.

Copies of the foregoing Correspondence were communicated to Sir H. Elliot,

who, on the 5th July, reported a Conversation which H.E. had had with Rashid
Pacha, Governor General of Syria, who expressed some anxiety respecting Capt.
Burton’s Appointment. Sir H. Elliot informed him, that while Lord Clarendon had
not felt himself justified in cancelling his Predecessor’s (Lord Stanley’s)
Appointment, yet His Lordship had warned Capt. Burton of the necessity for
caution. In reply to a hope expressed by Sir H. Elliot that the Authorities would
exert themselves to prevent Capt. Burton from being subjected to any
annoyance, Rashid Pacha replied that a British Consul who would be regarded
as a renegade Mussulman, must necessarily find himself in a very difficult
position. Sir H. Elliot’s Language on this occasion was approved in a Despatch
dated the 20th July, 1869.

Capt. Burton arrived at his Post on the 6th Oct. following, and on the 27th
October reported that pending the receipt of the Berat of the Porte, he had
received visits from the Leading Authorities Moslem and Christian, including the
Chief Mufti, the Greek and Syrian Orthodox and Catholic Patriarchs &c. who had
expressed feelings of a most cordial and friendly nature towards him.

Sir H. Elliot, on the 2nd December last, communicated privately extracts of two
Letters, dated respectively the 10th and 18th November, from Consul General
Eldridge, wherein that Officer stated that Rashid Pacha had refused to receive
Consul Burton, and was preparing a Complaint against his proceedings to send
to Aali Pacha. Mr. Eldridge moreover stated that during Consul Burton’s absence
from Damascus, on a journey to Beyrout, a disturbance had occurred in a Café
in the Village of Bludan owing to Mrs. Burton having horsewhipped a Moslem
for not rising when she was passing. The man was also fired at by one of Mrs.
Burton’s servants but not wounded. Capt. Burton had caused the Moslem to be
imprisoned for having insulted his wife, who however wrote privately to the Wali

220.
 1872. William Owen.

to let the Man go. Mr. Eldridge added that he had learnt the foregoing
circumstances from the Wali, and that Capt. Burton had never mentioned the
occurrence to him. Mr. Eldridge’s Letter of the 18th November further mentions
that Capt. Burton, while at Beyrout, had been in the habit of going about in the
dress of an Arab Sheikh, and had been boasting that in the event of a War
between Russia and Turkey, he could raise 50,000 men in Syria. Mr. Eldridge
remarks further on that ‘Burton is trying his utmost to attract public attention
to Syria and to himself at any cost.’

On the 15th January last Sir H. Elliot forwarded a Copy of a Note Verbale from
the Porte, founded on a Complaint from Rashid Pacha, setting forth that the
Authorities at Damascus found themselves unable to carry on friendly (sic) with
Capt. Burton in the same manner as with the Consuls of other Nationalities
owing to his extraordinary proceedings, especially his long and frequent
absences from his Post on hunting and other excursions, accompanied by Mrs.
Burton; frequently pitching his tent in the wildest and most unsafe parts of the
neighbouring districts, and above all, from his habit of publickly denouncing the
proceedings of the Mahometan Community with regard to the Christians, Consul
Burton being all the time commonly looked upon as a Mahometan himself. Sir
H. Elliot accompanied the above representation by a statement that while it was
true, as Capt. Burton asserted at the time of his appointment, that he had
received visits of a friendly nature from the local Authorities, yet this took place
only at the instance of Rashid Pacha, and in consequence of the warning
addressed to the latter by H.M. Ambassador to the effect that he would be held
responsible for any hostile demonstration against Consul Burton.

The attention of Musurus Pacha was called to the above mentioned facts by Aali
Pacha in a note dated the 11th January last, and communicated by His Excellency
to this Office. A further Note from Aali Pacha dated the 23rd February enclosed
a Telegram from the Governor General of Syria stating that Consul Burton was
in the habit of spreading Reports to the effect that, at the demand of England,
Turkey was about to declare War against Russia, and that in that case a general
Massacre of the Christians by the Moslems in Syria might be expected. Under
these circumstances the Porte strongly urged Consul Burton’s Recall.

Sir H. Elliot, reporting on the above Representations on the 22nd April, stated
that Consul Burton’s proceedings at Damascus did not prove more satisfactory

221.
 1872. William Owen.

to the British Subjects there, whether Missionaries or protected Jews, than to

the Moslems. His Excellency proposed, in prospect of a reduction of the
Consulate, to inform the Porte that a change would shortly be made; and Sir H.
Elliot was authorized to make that announcement on the 25th May.

A Despatch from Sir H. Elliot of the 22nd May and a Note from Aali Pacha to
Musurus Pacha of the 24th May, contained Accounts of an Affray which had
taken place at Nazareth where it was stated, a quarrel occurred on a fete day
between some Greek Christians and Consul Burton’s Servants in the course of
which, it is alleged, the Consul fired on his opponents and caused certain of them
to be brought Prisoners to Damascus. Consul Burton was called upon on the
14th June for an explanation of his Proceedings in the above matter and was
instructed in the mean-time not to quit Damascus; and on the 23rd June was
instructed to report why his despatches of a date subsequent to his return to
Damascus contained no allusion to the Affray at Nazareth, Sir H. Elliot having
stated on the 5th June that he had received no reply to a telegram sent by him
to Consul Burton calling for a report on the subject. Sir H. Elliot however
enclosed a copy of a report from H.M. Consul at Jerusalem wherein it was stated
that the affray began through one of Consul Burton’s servants driving a way and
striking an Abyssinian mendicant just at the time that the Greeks were coming
out of Church. The Greeks moreover, according to a telegram from the
Governor General, asserted that Captain Burton had rode into the Church and
broken some lamps. The Turkish Authorities desired an Investigation on the spot
by a Member of H.M. Embassy, but Sir H. Elliot suggested that Capt. Burton’s
suit should go on against his opponents before the Authorities at Damascus, and
that each Party could then tell their own Story.

In the mean time, and pending an explanation from Capt. Burton respecting the
Nazareth Affray, a Despatch from Consul General Eldridge dated the 16th June
and a Telegram from Aali Pacha to Musurus Pacha brought to light a fresh
disagreement between Captain Burton and the Governor General of Syria,
owing to the former having made a sudden and unexpected visit to the Druse
Community of the Hauran, who from their peculiar and isolated position, would,
it was to be feared, misinterpret such a proceeding on the part of the British
Consul as an expression of British Policy as opposed to that of the Porte. In
reporting this matter to H.M. Ambassador, Consul General Eldridge states that
the only intimation he had received from Consul Burton of his proposed visit to

222.
 1872. William Owen.

the Hauran was a private letter written the day before his departure, and that
he was ignorant whether Consul Burton had undertaken the Journey in
pursuance of Instructions or no.

A Despatch from Sir H. Elliot dated the 16th June stated that he had called upon
Capt. Burton on the 6th June for a Report respecting the Nazareth Affray, and
H.E. enclosed Copy of a Telegram from Capt. Burton of the 8th June asserting
that the matter arose out of an unprovoked attack upon himself and his Party
by Orthodox Greeks, and that the Affair was in course of amicable settlement.
Sir H. Elliot at the same time communicated a repeated request on the part of
the Porte for Consul Burton’s early removal.

Consul Burton, on the 7th June furnished Sir H. Elliot with a Report on the
foregoing Affair accompanied by statements drawn up by a Mr. Tyrwhitt-Drake
who was one of Capt. Burton’s Party at Nazareth and also by a Mr. Taylor and
others. These declarations went to show that the attack upon Capt. Burton’s
Party was entirely unprovoked and that the only shots fired by their party were
fired in the air in self defence, in order to frighten the assailants. They also
contradicted an assertion on the part of the Greek Bishop to the effect that Capt.
Burton had violently entered the Church; stating on the other hand, that he had
only entered the Court yard of the Church for the purpose of arresting one of his
assailants.

Sir H. Elliot further reported on the 26th June that he had received a Telegram
and a Despatch from Capt. Burton relative to his visit to the Druses, alleging that
neither the Governor General nor Consul General Eldridge objected to his doing
so. (Note.—Consul General Eldridge, as already stated, reports that he only
heard of the proposed visit by a private Letter from Consul Burton, the day
before he started.) Sir H. Elliot also enclosed Copy of a Letter alleged to have
been written by Capt. Burton to the Druse Chief inviting them to meet him, and
a Copy of a Despatch from Rashid Pacha bitterly complaining of Consul Burton’s
proceedings in the matter.

Capt. Burton, he states, had been spreading Reports that the Khedive of Egypt
was preparing to break loose from the Authority of the Porte, and that he,
Rashid Pacha was conniving at the schemes of the Khedive. Capt. Burton, on the
other hand in a Report to Sir H. Elliot of the 9th June, dealt freely in accusations
of corruption and maladministration against Rashid Pacha who, he alleged, had

223.
 1872. William Owen.

invariably shown himself hostile to Europeans. Capt. Burton repudiates the idea
that his visit to the Druses had any Political object, asserting that he had calmed
their fears of an Attack from the Wali, and had urged them to act as peaceable
subjects of the Porte.

Sir H. Elliot remarks on this correspondence that Capt. Burton seems ‘to have
misunderstood the duties and line of conduct to be followed by H.M. Consuls,
who by cooperation or by friendly remonstrances with the Provincial
Authorities, may contribute powerfully to the well doing of a district, but who,
by raising themselves up as rival or antagonistic Powers, cannot fail to produce
a state of things which may lead to disastrous results; and that, previously to
Capt. Burton’s Appointment neither the local Authorities, nor H.M. Consul
General at Beyrout had felt the slightest anxiety about the state of the District,
but that there has been a gradually increasing uneasiness ever since.’

On the 5th July last Sir H. Elliot forwarded Copy of a Despatch from Consul
Burton in which that Officer alleged as a reason for not having supplied His
Excellency with a Report on the Nazareth Affair which happened early in May,
until the 9th June, that he was anxious to lay the matter before H.M.
Ambassador in a complete shape, and that the Turkish Post could not have been
trusted to deliver Despatches unopened addressed to H.M. Embassy by Capt.
Burton while at Nazareth, and that since his return to Damascus he had awaited
the result of a correspondence on the matter with the local Authorities and
other Parties concerned.

Sir H. Elliot remarks on this, that, ‘as Capt. Burton after his Return to Damascus
had sent me (Sir H. Elliot) Despatches on indifferent subjects, there could have
been no difficulty in forwarding a Report upon the Nazareth Affray nor was there
occasion for any special precaution in regard to it.’ Sir H. Elliot concludes with
recording the assurance given him by the Turkish Government that the Offender
in the Nazareth Affray should if found guilty, receive adequate punishment.

A Despatch to Consul Burton dated the 22nd July reminds him that he was only
allowed to proceed to his Post at Damascus in 1869 upon his assurance that the
objections raised to his appointment were unfounded; but that in consequence
of the complaints made against him it was necessary to recall him. He was
therefore instructed to hand over the charge of H.M. Consulate to the person

224.
 1872. William Owen.

who might be appointed with that object by H.M. Consul General at Beyrout,
and to make arrangements for returning at once to this Country.

This step was communicated to H.M. Ambassador and to Consul General

Eldridge, who on the 12th July sent to this Office a Copy of a despatch addressed
by him to Sir H. Elliot in answer to a request from His Excellency for Information
as to any explanations which might have been furnished by Capt. Burton to
Consul General Eldridge respecting his journey to the Hauran. Mr. Eldridge
repeats that he had received no intimation of Capt. Burton’s proposed journey
beyond a private letter received after the journey had actually commenced.

A Despatch from Sir H. Elliot of the 24th July refers to a representation made to
him by Consul Burton on the subject of the claims of certain Protected British
Subjects (Jews) at Damascus. His Excellency expresses an opinion that the
settlement of most of these claims, which are of an ordinary legal character, has
been chiefly obstructed by the want of a cordial understanding between H.M.
Consul and the local Authorities.

Between the 25th Ult. and the 9th Instant Despatches have been received from
Consul Burton dated the 5th, 17th, 21st and 24th July, containing lengthy
representations to Earl Granville and to Sir H. Elliot respecting the state of Affairs
at Damascus.

The first of these Dispatches (July 5th) encloses Copies of Despatches to H.M.
Ambassador containing Lists of Grievances of British Protected Subjects,
Converts &c.

The second (July 12th) contains a Copy of a Despatch to Sir H. Elliot respecting
the testimony offered by a Mr. Zeller in praise of Consul Burton’s exertions on
behalf of the Protestant Community at Damascus.

The third (July 17) also contains Reports to Sir H. Elliot on the relative positions
in Syria of the Mahometans, Greeks, Latins, Jews &c., and asserting that owing
to the maladministration of Rashid Pacha, the Moslem Population were showing
a disposition to embrace Christianity with a view of bettering their position. He
also refers to certain complaints made by the Jewish Community at Tiberias
respecting the annexation of a Synagogue by the Orthodox Greeks, and reports
that the life of a Dragoman had been threatened by Bedouins. Further

225.
 1872. William Owen.

Despatches of the 21st and 24th July contain observations on the state of Syria
and the necessity for his presence at Damascus for the protection of Converts
&c.

In another Despatch dated the 21st July, Capt. Burton explains with reference to
the instruction of the 14th June that he should not leave Damascus, that he was
in the habit of resorting to a suburban residence during the hot weather. (The
Despatch of the 14th June has of course been superseded by that of the 22nd
July recalling him from his Post.)

In a Despatch of the 11th July Capt. Burton defends his frequent excursions
within his Consular District on the ground that they were necessary for the
purpose of observing the maladministration of the Province. He denies at length
the statements of the Turkish and Greek Authorities that his Assailants at
Nazareth were for the most part Children, that he fired a loaded Pistol at the
People or that he caused several persons to be sent with their hands tied to
Damascus, although he admits that some of the Assailants were despatched
thither in Irons. Captain Burton concludes with general complaints against the
Administration of Rashid Pacha. We are awaiting a Report from Sir H. Elliot on
the above explanations of Consul Burton.

An assertion in a Despatch from the Consul of the 21st July—that his Journey to
the Druse Country had been proposed by Consul General Eldridge and himself
at least a year and a half ago, is at variance with the doubtful tone in which Mr.
Eldridge, as already reported, speaks of the expedition in question.

Capt. Burton submits, in conclusion, that unless he is allowed to remain at

Damascus at least till the Nazareth Affair is settled, he will not only sustain the
greatest possible injury but the English Name in Syria will suffer through the
‘unworthy Intrigues’ of Rashid Pacha.

Capt. Burton was not aware, in writing this, that instructions had in the mean
time been despatched to him, peremptorily recalling him from his Post, and he
has been subsequently informed (August 12) that there was nothing in the
despatches referred to which could alter the decision already come to in his
case.

226.
 1872. C. P. Rigby on Burton’s Zanzibar

WM. OWEN
F. O. August 18th, 1871.

Note

This is an excellent Memo on the Burton case by Mr. Owen.

It was clearly impossible to leave Capt. Burton any longer at Damascus,—it was
essential to remove him at once,—but I do not think he can be dismissed from
the Consular Service as recommended by Mr. Hammond.

A man of Capt. Burton’s ability should not be lost to the Public and should be re-
employed in some post unconnected with the Mahomedan faith.

(initialed) O. R.
(ODO RUSSELL)

F. O. 78/2259
18th Aug. 1871.

134. 1872. C. P. Rigby on Burton’s Zanzibar416

I have waded through the tedious pages of the 2nd volume of this work with great
difficulty, and the only result is increased disgust and contempt at the pitiful
lying author who can thus revile the memory of his companion poor Speke.
When Colonel Hamerton bid farewell to Speke on board the Artemis his last
words to him were “Speke I would not travel with that man for any
consideration. I feel for you with such a companion.” Mr. Frost the Medical
Officer of the Consulate was present at the scene, and related it to me.

The first 280 pages of this volume are entirely taken up with describing a short
trip to Fuga from the Coast, it is a spun out repetition of what he published
several years ago; then follow nearly 100 pages of repetition from his own work,
interlarded with barefaced contemptible false-hoods, and at length comes

416
From the MS in the Grant Papers, National Library of Scotland.

227.
 1873/02/14. Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.

“Chapter 12. Captain Speke” the raison d’être of the entire book, to give this foul
false libeler the opportunity of spitting his venom at the memory of poor Speke.

When Speke and Burton returned to Zanzibar I wrote officially to Government

that the men who had accompanied them into the interior were so devoted to
Speke that they expressed themselves ready to go with him to the end of the
world, that by his kindness and consideration he had obtained extraordinary
influence over both Asiatics and Africans, and that I could most confidently state
that if another Expedition should at any time be sent to follow up their
discoveries, no one could be found, so thoroughly fitted to command it as Speke.

After their return to England, Burton & Speke both volunteered to lead another
Expedition, their claims were discussed by the Council of The R. G. Society, the
choice fell upon Speke, and a lapse of 10 years have only increased the venom
then engendered in the breast of this untrustworthy concocter of books.

C P Rigby (signed)

135. 1873/02/14. Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes. 417

Trieste February 14/73

My dear Houghton, I don't often trouble you with Mss., so I daresay you will be
patient this time.

Palgrave has left Trebizond.418 It is a pity but there is no stay in him.

Drake419 is doing good business in Syria. An Austrian Egyptologist has just
confirmed Dunbar Heath's reading of Thothmes IIId on Hamath stones.420
Vámbéry wrote in good spirits, I reminded him of the Agár at Fryston. Alas […]
the Russian affair. The key of our position is Afghanistan & we are allowing it to
rust in the wards. Why does not the F. O. make me Resident at Cabul and find
out all about what Russia is doing there? Especially on the Northern Frontier
and in Badakhshan. I can ride, outwalk any man here, speak Pukhtu (Afghan)

417
Houghton 228/38. ALS MS.
418
William Gifford Palgrave, see Register.
419
Charles Francis Tyrwhitt Drake, see Register.
420
Thutmose III (1479–1425 BC). The ‘Egyptologist’ may have been the Austrian
Orientalist Alfred von Kremer (1828-1889).

228.
 1873/02/20. Richard Burton to William Henry Wylde.

Persian Hindustani & so forth. However strong men know how to wait—my day
will come.

Meanwhile we are doing vy well at Trieste. Sur une troisiéme421 in the best
hotel, I am very fond of that kind of life, it saves the bore (not to speak of the
expense) of housekeeping, it allows one no end of time, it is in fact freedom.
Servants here are a horror, men either dolts or knaves, women whores or
drunkards, often both. I keep up muscle by fencing; work at Romaic and Slavonic
and attend lectures on chemistry. The weather forbids travelling at present, but
I know every stone about Trieste. There are some very interesting places quite
ignored by travellers and books, a Roman aqueduct, the fountains of Timavus422
by far the most curious that I have yet seen, a fine but small collection of the
British fossil, an army of 10,000 Greeks who make money and keep it and the
host of Judah which makes money & spends it.

[Rene] MacDonald has been at Gib. astounding the natives by the energy and
the transparent clearness of his English vocabulary. Isabel joins in love to you
and all yours. She is looking forward to Vienna & to the Holy Week at Rome, the
Papa Gallo423 and so forth.

Tout à vous
Abdullah424

136. 1873/02/20. Richard Burton to William Henry

Wylde.425

20th Feb’y 1873

421
‘On a third’.
422
The Timavo Springs (Sorgenti del Timavo) producing the Timavo River, which
emerges from underground near the sea in the region of Trieste. See William Smith
Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (1854).
423
Possibly the ‘Camera del Pappagallo’ or ‘Parrot Room’ used at one time by the
Pope.
424
Signature in Arabic.
425
Quentin Keynes Collection, British Library. See Register for Wylde. The recipient
has been catalogued as General William Wylde (1788-1877) but internal evidence
strongly suggests it was directed to his son William Henry Wylde (1819-1909) of the

229.
 1873/03/03. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

My dear Wylde

Why don’t you send me as Commissioner or Resident or something of

the kind to Afghanistan? Within six months you shall know everything about
Badakhshan426 north of the Oxus—its most valuable part—about Wakhan and
about Kafiristan427 (now mere names) and about the actual state of Russia in
that part of the world.

You are aware that I am well up in Persian Hindustani & Punjabi, the languages
spoken all round Afghanistan, but perhaps you do not know that as early as 1846
I learned Pushtoo and by the bye had to get my books from St Petersburg.

I am working at Sclavonic, Jaghatic,428 Turkish will take me only a couple of

months and Arabic brings one in no end of kudos as far as Samarkand. I could
survey the frontier and send home specimens of every -ology known. Trieste is
very nice for a comfort loving old gent but what am I doing in this galley.

Do put in a word for me and send me rejoicing Eastward Ho! Everybody will say
the right (or round) man in the right place (or round hole) and you will gladden
somebody’s soul by stationing him at the classical Tergeste.429

My wife asks to be kindly remembered to you and is quite ready to follow where
her devoted husband leads.

Ever yours sincerely

R. F. Burton

137. 1873/03/03. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.430

Hotel de la Ville Trieste March 3/73.

My dear Tootal

Foreign Office. This confusion may have been introduced when the letter was first
auctioned.
426
North-East Afghanistan.
427
Also known as Nuristan.
428
Chaghatay or Chagatai, a Turkic language with Persian and Arabic influences.
429
Tergeste is believed to be the Illyrian name for Trieste.
430
Huntington Library RFB 324 Box 27. ALS.

230.
 1873/03/03. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

I have been ashamed to write to you before being able to announce that
your Hans Stade is in hand. I work at it now every day & hope soon to finish it.
But the work grows. Originally I intended only to add a few notes. Then it
appeared necessary to prefix a long anthrop. paper about the so-called “Indians"
about whom all kinds of errors & misconceptions prevail. Lastly I find it advisable
to describe the coast between Santos & Ubatuba so as to have a mise en
scene.431

My trip to Iceland was very enjoyable and quite set me up again. I found no
difficulty in ascending places which at Rio would have given me des vertiges.
Stayed 6 weeks in England - Went out by sea. Landed at Gib. and rushed up to
Ronda in S. Spain. Very good fun, and was pelted with stones by boys to the tune
of "He! Garibaldi". Landed here Dec. 6. and began hard work. My wife tells me
she has written to you and she has probably told you all about Trieste.

Do you still take interest in Anthropology? Which island is it in the Bay of Rio
which contains the Tambaqui?432 Grande or do Governador? Have you ever
found the 2 vols. on Parana which give so good a description of the Tambaquis
& [nateiros]?

We hear from Hunt occasionally.433 What about the Tout-pêre? Where is

Aubertin and when does he return to London?434 Williams we expect to see here,
he has become quite an Ahasuerus435 barring the Jew element. Is there anyone
in Rio we know besides your family? How does the climate agree with you? Don't
forget anthropological part of Perman., Bahia & Rio de Jan. museums. The
Society will be delighted to have them. Do you take long walks? Does Mr.
Buckley Mathew picnic on Sundays? Who are the Secs. & attachés? Is Misther
Wm Scully wealthy once more?436 Where is Dundas?437 Has he survived Santos
or does he follow suit & live at S. Paulo? Is Balbi alive? You see I hunger for news

431
A complete story.
432
A meaty fish.
433
George S. Lennon Hunt, see Register.
434
J. J. Aubertin, see Register.
435
Xerces.
436
William Scully, see Register.
437
Charles S. Dundas, Burton’s successor at Santos.

231.
 1873/03/18. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

from the New World. Kindest memories to your father & mother and to all your
family.

ev yrs sincy
R. F. Burton.

138. 1873/03/18. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.438

Dear Lord Houghton,

We are going to get leave to go to Rome for Holy Week & leave on 29th of this
month. I have a large acquaintance of Cardinals & Bishops who will help me to
kiss the foot of Sua Santità439—you may fancy what a state of excitement I am in
never having been to our Holy City before. Nevertheless we know nobody else
& if you could without inconvenience give us or procure us a letter to our
Ambassador Sir Augustus Paget it wd be very kind of you but if it is troublesome
don't think of it. Lord Derby wd have given me some, but in the present crisis I
don’t want to disturb him about a trifle.

Is there any hope of our seeing you at Vienna. We hope to get the first fortnight
there. We have been about three months at Trieste or a little more & there are
many things in its favour & some against it but we are very happy & have lots of
nice things to do & pleasant occupations. I could stop a year with pleasure, but
Richard naturally feels rather wasted—nevertheless is very happy & occupied. I
am learning German, Italian and still Arabic. Still writing Syria book—keeping up
singing & we go to the fencing school for an hour's fence & drill every day for
our health because we can't afford horses. In addition to this Richard is learning
Russian & modern Greek & writing his Iceland book & going through a fresh
course of Chemistry & Botany.

Give my best love to Lady Houghton & your children & believe me dear Ld
Houghton
Yrs most sincerely
Isabel Burton

438
Houghton, 4/198.
439
His Holiness.

232.
 1873/05/30? Isabel Burton to Albert Tootal.

Hotel de Ville Trieste

March 18th '73

I hope the Pope will say something to make an impression on Richd.

139. 1873/05/30? Isabel Burton to Albert Tootal.440

Trieste
May 30th

My dear Albert

I have received your kind letter and will answer it soon, meantime Dick
has sent you a letter to Rio and I enclose you a card with its contents in chief. I
am hurried because living up country where Dick is taking mud baths,441 and am
in town for a few hours.
Your affect. friend
Isabel Burton

Love to Mrs. Tootal.

440
Huntington Library, Richard Francis Burton Papers, Box 23. RFB 263. No year is
given.
441
At Monfalcone.

233.
 1873/07/23? Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

Figure 23. A Fellow Passenger, July 11, 1873. From Burton's Sketchbook.

140. 1873/07/23? Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.442

July 23443

My dear Tootal

I wrote to you some 3 months ago. Did you get a letter? I am afraid that
many of my notes have gone wrong, as a dishonest clerk turned up at the agents
(O’Briens). If you write & say that you did not get it I will repeat contents. Glad
to say that Hans Stade will start for England in a day or two. I have shown him
very little attention during last two years & regret it. Now I like the looks of him

442
Huntington Library RFB 324 Box 27. ALS.
443
Pencil annotation: “1873?”

234.
 1873/07/23? Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

very much. I only hope Hakluyts Soc. will do its duty well. Better luck to the next
book we publish together. I will keep you alive as to what H. S.444 is doing.

How is Scully getting on?445 Do you speak with P’haddy? When does
Aubertin446 return? I’m sorry to hear that he has fallen into the depths of
freethought. Is Richard Austin still there?447 And Lidcotte?448 Does Hunt go
home for good soon?449 And old Lara is he still the Corsair or [Corseur de
Femolles]. How is old Mulatinha? Have you been up Babilonia?450 Does Mad.
[Millia] still keep Hotel at Santos? Does Wright the banker still live?451 Do you
ever see my old partner Coimbra?452 Is Rio society much changed? I shall be
coming out again some day when my holidays veer round. I must do the
Amazons and Bolivia.

We must get a copy of Hans Stade handsomely bound for the Emperor.

Give my kindest regards to your Mother and all your family. I shall
always have a pleasant remembrance of Rio and its English friends & the H. des
Estrang.453 (altho’ the beef is vile). Do you still drink Garibaldis?454 Don't forget
all my salaams to Mrs. Whittaker that was—poor old John455 I do not forget him.

ev yrs
Richd F. Burton

444
Hakluyt Society.
445
William Scully, see Register.
446
J. J. Aubertin, see Register.
447
See Register.
448
sic. William Lydcotte, British Vice-Consul at Rio.
449
George S. Lennon Hunt, see Register.
450
A hill in Rio.
451
Possibly a partner in the firm Maxwell, Wright and Co., based in Rio.
452
Dr. Augusto Teixeira Coimbra, see Register.
453
Hotel de Estrangeiros, where the Burtons stayed in Rio.
454
The Garibaldi region of Brazil is known for its wines.
455
John Whittaker, C.E. See several references in Highlands of the Brazil e.g. vol. 1 p.
245.

235.
 1873/10/10. Richard Burton to William Henry Wylde.

141. 1873/10/10. Richard Burton to William Henry

Wylde.456

Private

Trieste Oct. 10 / 73

My dear Wylde

This is a bother but I can’t help it. I’m writing about the Congo457 and
want loan of the report which I sent to F. O. in 1863 and borrowed in 1864 to
read before the British Ass.458 Do be good natured and tell some one to put it
under official cover to me (along with the map or maps). I will send it back in a
few days.

Yours very truly

R. F. Burton

William H. Wylde Esq.

142. 1873/11/05. Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.459

Trieste, Novr 5 73

Carissimo

I will begin by answering your question. Not a word has been said to me
by the Foreign Office or any other office. They are quite right to ignore me.
Years ago I offered to settle this Ashanti nonsense which is now becoming
tragical, by allowing (King Kwaku Deo—the last one—his rights) them their
rights—a settlement on the shore to "make a beach" as natives say. But the
Fantes a race of middlemen and the white merchants were too strong for me.

456
Durham University. ALS.
457
Two Trips to Gorilla Land (1876). See also “A Trip up the Congo or Zaire River”
Geographical Magazine Vol. II (1875), pp. 203-4.
458
“Africa: Report. Ascent of Congo River. (Consul R. F. Burton)”, FO 881/1294,
National Archives.
459
Houghton 228/40. ALS.

236.
 1873/11/05. Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.

Had I been sent to the Coast, Commerell460 would not have gone up the Chama
River without hostages; Lt. Young would not have been trapped by a common
bait of canoes;461 the whole Western Coast would not have been in arms against
us & Wolseley would not have issued nonsense which will make every negro say
"he be all same one damn fool! he be a small boy! he no sabby! what for Queen
send um?" If Wolseley (as they say he is) be determined to march à Berlin, he
has taken a queer step, beginning with making himself despised. How many
years have I not been writing and warning my dumb brained fellow countrymen
not to finesse with Asiatic and African! You are quite right on one point. No
Protectorate. Either a bona fide Colony or “beastly devils”. The F. O. has been
completely silent. Like orthodoxy Red Tape never forgives nor forgets. Its
wound is great because it is so small.

This affair which a mission and £1000 would have settled at any time
between 1862-1870 will now cost the country millions. In 1872 I offered the
West Coast merchants to settle the business. Commerell, Young & Wolseley by
simple ignorance and neglect will double the millions! I ask myself if the Colonial
Office ever really wanted to make peace with Ashanti? Which is thoroughly in
the right whilst we are utterly in the wrong. By taking Elmina we virtually closed
their only port and left them at the mercy of our local protégés the Fantes who
admirably combine all the worst qualities of white & black. And if Wolseley
depends upon these curs he will come to grief.

If you want any other question answered, you will of course ask me. I felt that
your friendship would dictate a letter and I awaited it with a patience which
becomes at 50.

Parliamo d'Altro462

You'll understand how hard I have worked when 8 volumes have been finished
since Dec 6 ‘72. Hans Stade now publishing. By this time next year 15 vols. will

460
Commodore, later Admiral, Sir John Edmund Commerell (1829-?) of H.M.S.
Rattlesnake. On 14th August 1874, during the Ashanti War, Commerell was betrayed
and ambushed on the Prah River. See Thompson Cooper Men of mark (London:
Sampson Low: January 1882) p. 13.
461
Lieutenant Young of HMS Argus. See Henry Brackenbury The Ashanti War (London,
Blackwood, 1874) p. 297 for the canoe bait incident, in which Young was wounded.
462
‘Let’s talk about something else’.

237.
 1873/11/05. Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.

be ready, of course not to be printed at once. Perhaps if Brit Pub had known
this it might have insisted upon my being sent to Africa. I've also found a grand
nest of pre-historic buildings, weapons etc. called "Castillieri" doubtless Roman
but occupying quasi-cyclopean foundations: the excavations have produced the
usual stone axes and arrow heads. I shall come out strong upon this in spring—
especially as there is nothing more exciting for me to do.

Fred Hankey must nearly have been burnt out. I often hear from Boy Bunny463
What has become of tall Colonel (Hodgson464)? Of Stuart465 alias Potter?
Buckley Mathew466 writes at times, apparently he will be satisfied with Paris or
Constantinople. No news of Swinburne, but a faint report that he is becoming
respectable, the road to ruin! I shall enjoy your book. And you will enjoy one of
mine when it is printed—Basti!467 I hope that there is nothing serious the matter
with Baker.468 She's a brick. One of the best of the lot, Ed. Higginbotham,469
died. A Yankee and I have agreed next autumn to do Yucatan—after 2 years
they (i.e. F. O.) can't refuse me 6 months leave. I shall then try lecturing in the
States.

It is a real pleasure to hear that Fryston is so flourishing, and to look forward to

seeing you however distant be the time. My wife has orders to report all about
the home department. With best love.

Tout à vous
R. F. B.

P.S. Don’t mistake my meaning. If I can be of any use even as Scape Goat I am
ready to start within half an hour for the Gold Coast, or Hades (with chance of
return). Isabel would accompany me to Teneriffe & perhaps beyond. Meanwhile

463
F. F. Arbuthnot, see Register.
464
Studholme John Hodgson, see Register.
465
Sarah Stewart, alias Stewart, a brothel-keeper for flaggelants.
466
See Register.
467
sufficient.
468
Florence Baker (1841-1916) who accompanied her husband the explorer Samuel
White Baker (1821-1893) on his African expeditions.
469
Edwin Higginbotham, an engineer on the staff of Sir Samuel White Baker in
Equatoria. He is mentioned frequently in Baker’s Ismailia (London: Macmillan, 1874).
He died in Gondokoro in 1873.

238.
 1873/11/05. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

Arrivano i Castellieri!470 They are really most interesting & Fergusson (Rude
Stone) has never heard of them except through me.471

Thine
Abdullah472

143. 1873/11/05. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.473

November 5th 1873

My dear Lord Houghton,

We have often been thinking of you & hoping we were not forgotten.
We have taken a little flat on the outskirts of Trieste furnished it & settled down
on the 4th piano474 (which nobody here but ourselves can understand) to get
good pure air & light, a beautiful sea & mountain view, & perfect tranquility.
Here we pass our days as happily as two birds in a nest, & I hope Richard won’t
be fanned into a public spirited state of mind & want to go to Africa, because I
think they have got into such a desperate mess that it is irredeemable, & now
they will be looking round for a scape-goat. Who would serve their purpose so
well as my Ishmael? He offered himself to go & look after the boundaries of
Afghanistan & was rejected. We were thrust out of Syria. He asked for Persia &
was rejected. He is still yearning for Morocco, but now to be sent to Africa if it
were to come to pass, when the mischief is done, wd I think end in ignominy
instead of glory. Don't you think so too?

Our news at present is scarcely worth relating. We came here last December &
went to the Hotel. At first we rather disliked the place but then found it suited
very well for a time. There is a good climate, creature comforts, an amiable
commercial society, plenty of occupation & time to do it in—but thoughts of
wild, Eastern & Political life sometimes make one sad to be here. Trieste is,
however a pretty place, & very gay in the winter months, but not society that
amuses us. We went away in spring to Rome by [Assisi], passed a day at the Holy

470
Here come the Castellieri (hill forts).
471
James Fergusson FRS (1808-1886) an architectural historian and antiquarian.
472
Signature in Arabic.
473
Houghton 4/202.
474
floor.

239.
 1873/11/05. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

House in Loreto. In Rome I got R fever & the Pope was ill in bed so I could not
see him which was a great grief—we returned by Florence, Bologna & Venice &
at each place I was laid up. We then went to Vienna & had a gay 3 weeks & then
to Pola Fiume Aquila & all the environs of Trieste. The weather has been warm
and all the natives have been dreadfully put out by the intense heat & left
Trieste. We remained, & being used to hotter places did not feel it—but the
cholera was bad, not more than 16 cases a day, but always fatal & doctors very
ignorant. It is only just leaving us. Richard is writing up all his back work in order
to begin a new life free—when the happy day comes for our grand Eastern plan.
I am writing a little book on Syria for my own sex only but I expect it will end by
being a large book it flows so under my hand. We learn German & in the winter
we fence, & in the summer swim. There are capital swimming (sea) baths &
masters. This is to prevent getting too soft or too rusty to start again when a
good time comes. I am glad to hear good news of Lady Baker. She is a brave,
good little wife, & I admire & envy her African exploits. We were sadly afraid at
one time, they wd never exit from their dangerous position. We saw Ouida at
Florence. What a wonderful woman she is. I am glad to hear good accounts of
Lady Houghton's health. Pray give her my affectionate love also to Amicia &
Florry. I do wish you had been able to come this way to see the Exhibition & stay
with us en route. Some day when we have got a home at Morocco you must all
come in Robin's holidays & pass them with us. I am delighted at the thought of
having your book. If you will direct it to Capt. Burton HBM's Consul Trieste to
the care of Messrs. O'Brien & Co. Foreign Office Agents 43 Parliament St. London
I should get it quite safely in about a week. In about 6 months or less I hope to
send you mine which however will be a very inadequate return. May I send you
a photograph which has just been taken here & which everybody tells me is a
very good one. I have not been able yet to persuade Richard to be done but I
hope he will soon & you shall have one. He is answering your letter & this is to
be enclosed. And with love from us both I remain most sincerely yours
Isabel Burton

B. Consulate Trieste Austria

240.
 187-/—/—. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

144. 187-/—/—. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.475

Dear Lord Houghton

I hear nothing of Richard. I enclose you a letter I have written to Mr.

476
Earle. Read it & tell me if you approve & send me back his address. I really
am sorry. The bearer will wait.

Yrs sincerely
Isabel Burton

145. 1873/12/16. Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes. 477

Private

Trieste Dec 16 '73

Carissimo Yours of December 10th came today & I reply at once.

I certainly wrote about Gold Coast to the F. O. but is it so long ago that I
can't remember anything about it (so mind how you quote). Also I proposed, if
they make me Governor to send home £1 million of Gold per annum, but F. O.
will say as little about me as possible. Look at "Wanderings in West Africa" vol.
2 p.p. 58-61 especially the latter and see that I foresaw this row. Before setting
out for Scotland (Spring 1872) I went to Mr. Swangy478 (African merchant) and
others proposing to go to Ashanti & settle the affair if they would recommend a
mission to the F. O.; of course they refused because they knew my panacea for
wars which put coins in their pockets. I only proposed that the Ashanti should
be allowed a port outside our "protectorate" near the Volta.479 Had I been sent
now I should have saved men & money. Rails, wooden houses, iron hospital etc.
And don't think that the affair is a light one. The papers all undervalue the
climate—every man will have fever and many will die of it. I could have
prevented this as I did with my cruizer crew on the Coast (sorry for the poor

475
Houghton 4/203.
476
Possibly Ralph Anstruther Earle (1835-1879), at one time secretary to Disraeli.
477
Houghton 228/41. ALS MS.
478
Andrew Swangy, of the Gold Coast. See Report from the Select Committee on Africa
(Western Coast) (House of Commons, 1865), p. 193.
479
The Volta River, in modern-day Ghana.

241.
 1873. Rose Paynter Graves-Sawle.

fellows, but not my fault) but cui bono? (Hutchinson of Callao, a doctor who was
two years on the coast has not been consulted).480

I've hit upon a grand mine of prehistoric buildings & should so much like you to
be at next meet of Anthrop. Soc. of London to hear my account of Istrian
Castillieri. Another man would expect praise or pudding for the work—I neither,
& what's more, I don't want them.

You complain of the indolence of years. Helas! mon cher you can't have
everything & you must know something of the ills the suffering rich endure.
Drop Ouida. The affair is nasty. It is too long to write but some day you shall
hear.

My wife orders me to tell you that you can't make her jealous of Lady Baker. We
join in kindest remembrances and “wishes of the season” to you & all yours. If
you want details about anything I can give them at once. Bunny well, Fred.
Hankey not rich but flourishing.

Tout à vous
Abdullah481

146. 1873. Rose Paynter Graves-Sawle.482

The traveller, Captain, afterwards Sir Richard, Burton, and his handsome wife
were at our hotel, and we often dined together. She was very bright and
pleasant; but her husband was generally silent, except when on the subject of
his travels. The ugly cut down his face gave him a sinister expression. We often
went together to hear Edward Strauss' delightful band in the Volksgarten.

147. 1873-1875. Seaton Schroeder.483

Some notable persons also drifted in and out, to meet whom was a privilege.
Prominent among these was the noted explorer and orientalist, Burton (Sir

480
Thomas Joseph Hutchinson, see Register.
481
Signature in Arabic. For Rathborne, see Register.
482
Rose Paynter Graves-Sawle Sketches from the diaries of Rose, Lady Graves-Sawle,
1833-1896 (Privately printed, 1908) p. 77-8.
483
Seaton Schroeder A Half Century of Naval Service (New York: Appleton, 1923), p.
137-8.

242.
 1874. Emily Soldene.

Richard Francis), whose pilgrimage to Mecca sixteen years before had brought
him fame. Others of his journeys had perhaps been more dangerous, riding
across deserts without food or water, and often in deadly peril at the hands of
hostile tribesmen, although an adept at impersonating Mohammedans.
Showing the scar, he described vividly to me how, in a skirmish with the Somalis,
he had had a javelin thrust through his jaw and had finished a personal
encounter with it still hanging there. At the time we met him he was British
Consul at Trieste; he related to me in an amusing way the requirement that
consuls should be present in the consulates at some time in every quarter of a
calendar year and that he, wishing to travel in Africa, and having a reliable vice-
consul, would leave his post on the second or third day of a quarter and return
just before the expiration of the next quarter. Then his report would contain
the perfectly truthful statement that, with the exception of a few weeks passed
in travel, he had been present in the consulate during both quarters. His manner
was blunt to brusqueness but not unpleasant to any one whom he had no reason
to dislike.

148. 1874. Emily Soldene.484

Such lots of notable people came to see us during these two months to say “bon
voyage” and “au revoir!” Among them two stand out in my memory, strongly,
distinctly. One, Captain Burton, the African traveller, tall, dark, bronzed,
masterful, and much addicted to long conversations with the ladies of the ballet
and the pages. I, an untravelled one, with the bump of veneration largely
developed, regarded him with the greatest awe, admiration and respect. Still, I
could not get away from the fact that he was artistically made up; the cheeks
rouged a little and the eyes Indian-inked a lot, just as if he were going on the
stage.

149. 1874/03/02. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.485

Trieste March 2. 1874

484
Emily Soldene My Theatrical and Musical Recollections (London: Downey, 1897) p.
147.
485
Huntington Library RFB 324 Box 27. ALS.

243.
 1874/03/02. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

My dear Tootal

Yours of November reached me in January—the post between Austria

& Brazil is decidedly not brilliant. Thanks for the information about Bahia &
remember me to Candido [Meredes] when you see him. What was the name of
the literary bookseller in the Alt Stade whom we used to call upon? If Dr. Netto's
be a hoax it is not clever.486 (The Phoenician wreck is quite possible & I have
always been looking out for something. But conceding the possibility it is a mere
question of fact. [Hester's] inscriptions were like mine—mere hieroglyphics like
those on the Congo River) However thanks for the slip of Newspaper.

What is meaning of that funny row about Hunt487 in the Brazil & R.P. Mail
(Feb.20)? Dundas has followed our example, living at S. Paulo. I heard of Le
Tout-pêre et fils versus Misther Scully.488 You are quite right to spare yourself
and save your youth by living at [Tejuca]. Rio air must tell upon a man. Do you
still walk o’ Sundays? I have kept up the habit regularly. Hans Stade is still being
corrected (alas! these slow Britishers) but I like your part of it very much indeed.
The Hakluyts shall send you out 25 copies and you had better present one to the
Emperor in neat binding. Part 1. is nearly finished! All rough draught of Camoens
done, awaits only the polish. No hurry. I want to see [Jerumenha's] Lusiads out
before publishing as a new life of Camoens is evidently wanted. Who was Miss
[Albertazzi]? (i.e. her Pa?)

Coimbra I presume is heiress-hunting as usual.489 He'll marry some fat thing with
a full pouch and a temper. I should like some chat about Gordon & his mines.

486
“A stone has lately been found near the Rio Parahyba del Norte inscribed with
Phenician [sic] characters. These have been deciphered by Señor Lopez Netto, the
principal curator of the museum here, as recording the landing of a Phenician crew
near the spot where the stone was found, some three or four centuries B.C. They
sailed down the eastern coast of Africa and doubled the Cape of Good Hope, after
which they were driven by the winds and currents to the same part of the coast of
Brazil that Cabral was, eighteen centuries later. The published accounts of this find are
so vague and unscientific that I can form no opinion of my own about it, but I shall try
to make the acquaintance of Señor Lopez Netto, and question him, and, if possible, get
a rubbing of the inscription and examine what kind of stone it is.” Anthropologia Vol. 1
(1873-5) p. 208.
487
George S. Lennon Hunt, see Register.
488
William Scully, see Register.
489
Dr. Augusto Teixeira Coimbra, see Register.

244.
 1874/03/02. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

(The German mineralogist I hear has left Brazil.) Don’t go trying hydropathy at
[Novo Friburgo], it may do you more harm than good. I have studied the system
& believe in it where the climate is favourable for instance in Silesia. Not in
France & England & certainly not in hotter climates where reaction sets in
slowly.

I have not published anything of late but have been very hard at work, writing
violent leaders in various papers against the Radicals. The change of
Government quite sets me free. I'm in no hurry to leave Trieste as the little
peninsula (Istria) abounds in interest. You will have seen the last meeting of the
Anthro., where my paper on the Castillieri came on. They are said to be perhaps
the oldest remains in Europe. I shall start for Dalmatia in the spring & do
Montenegro thoroughly. Then ready for anything or anywhere. But the
"Eastern Question" may crop up at any moment and then will be my time of
triumph. The wretched Radicals did not consult me at all about their miserable
Ashanti War and they have lost at least 3 times more men than necessary. They
shall be soundly abused for their misconduct. They are completely broken up &
will take a long time to reorganize, Conservatives reaping the benefit of good
discipline. Had they been bolder they would have won more seats. The fact is
they didn't believe in their own good luck. Damn the man who doubts himself.

Have you seen Paddy Hutchinson's490 book? He seems to have a personal grudge
against that pious, prayerful & God fearing people the Incas and treads upon
their jackets whenever he can. He has stuffed his volume with figures & statistics
which ought to have been banished to the Appendix.

Old Beke491 has found a “bogus" Sinai, I suppose the discovery was made in
London and the actual exploration is only a detail. Nothing more melancholy
than to see a humdrum man battling for originality. I hope & trust that you do
not give up literature but allow yourself some hours even if only one a day of
serious study. Men’s minds run riot in the tropics & want the curb. You should
have a speciality & it should be Brazil. A Brazilian scholar is sadly wanted by the

490
Thomas Hutchinson, see Register. Hutchinson was of Irish descent. Burton is
referring to Two Years in Peru (London: Sampson Low, 1873) by Hutchinson—see the
reminiscence by Hutchinson above.
491
Dr. Charles Tilstone Beke of the R.G.S. See The Late Dr. Charles Beke's Discoveries of
Sinai in Arabia and of Midian edited by his Widow (London: Trübner, 1878).

245.
 1874/03/02. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

R.G.S., the Anthros. & all the Socs. You should work steadily at Varnhagen492 so
as to correct his many mistakes and study something of Tupi.

My wife joins in kindest regards & hopes that we may meet soon. I shall certainly
take a holiday some day & run out to Rio. Remember well to all friends
(Aubertin, Tout-pêre, the Misther, etc.),493 your family especially. Hunt has not
written for ages, he was answered but he has not rejoined.494 Mrs. Burton wants
to know if you got her photo. sent about July-August last? You don't mention it.
Write as soon as you can.

Novamente495 as they say here.

yrs. vy sincy
R. F. Burton

P.S. Did you see Braasilia? And the Jacaré?

P.S. March 5.

Please send me by book post addressed to Consulate Trieste, Dr. Couto de

Magalhães "On the Indians of Brazil" read before the Institute Historico of Rio
noticed in the Mail of Feb. 21. I have made an immense collection of notices
about Tupi Religion & shall write on the subject. Is he right in deriving the Sun
from Guara instead of Coara? And whence does he get his Ruda or Peruda, god
of love (rut?). However that may be the paper is interesting.

I forgot to tell you that I have finished a vol. on the Lowlands of the Brazil. It will
be published when my wife goes to London say June next. Old Williams of
Bahia496 was here en route to India (of all places!) and I showed him the
Castellieri.

492
Francisco Adolfo de Varnhagen (1816-1878) the Brazilian historian.
493
J.J. Aubertin. “Misther” is William Scully—see Register. It is not clear who “Tout
pêre” was.
494
George S. Lennon Hunt, see Register.
495
Till we meet again.
496
Charles H. Williams. See Highlands of the Brazil vol. 1, p. 107.

246.
 1874/—/—. Dante Gabriel Rossetti to Richard Burton.

150. 1874/—/—. Dante Gabriel Rossetti to Richard

Burton.497

16 Cheyne Walk
Chelsea

Dear Capt. Burton,

Thanks for your note. I can only cry Peccavi! as regards Pier del Vigne498 who
certainly shd have been introduced if on account only of his historical interest.499
By far the greater part of the Translations were chosen & made before I was 20,
& the only object I had was to choose what I thought most capable of being
made good English poetry. I remember that I afterwards bethought me
(between the 1st & 2nd editions) of the mistake in omitting Piero; but the 2nd
edition was put through the press while I was in the country, & the point flew
out of my head. He shall be added if a 3rd edition shd find me alive. I must say
however that I still think him among the more prosaic members of a rather
monotonous band.
Your translation of L. della Vernaccia’s Sonnet is very close and has an antique
quality.500 The original has always struck me, but for some rather superficial
archaicisms, as seeming rather to suggest Renaissance words than the period
assigned to it, though I suppose it is really early. Hence the somewhat Miltonic
tone of my version. As to the question of fidelity (as in Preface) I there meant
to refer entirely to fidelity of main meaning. Though adhering to the character
of each metric, I did not follow the individualities of separate sonnets, since
some freedom of action was necessary to my aim at harmonious English; & I
think that the student of the analytic or philo-logical side of the matter must find
it worth his while to tackle the Italian originals. With kind regards
Yours very truly
DG Rossetti.

497
Harry Ransom Center.
498
Pietro della Vigna (1190?-1249).
499
Rossetti published a second edition of his translation The Early Italian Poets
(London: Smith, Elder, and Co. 1861) as Dante and His Circle (London: Ellis and White,
1874).
500
Lodovico della Vernaccia circa 1200.

247.
 1874/08/12. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

Captain Burton
&c &c &c

151. 1874/08/12. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.501

My dear Lord Houghton,

I received your nice letter of March 25th written in answer to mine of condolence
on a sad occasion.502 I have now before me your affect. enquiry of July 17th which
until this morning I was unable to answer. This is what happened. On 14 May
just 91 days ago Richard was struck down by a sudden pain which a few hours
determined to be a tumour in the groin of a very severe nature. I sent at once
for the best physicians & the best surgeon in Trieste who warned me that it w d
be a long and painful affair. So I telegraphed to London for a water bed,
generous Port remedies soups & and sought strong XX porter, putting big iron
rollers on the bed so as to move him easily & thus prepared I took up my station
by his pillow which I never left for 78 days & nights.

He was in such pain, as weak as a child & unable to turn in bed without
assistance—besides he seemed to have a complication of things all at once—
fever gout rheumatism deafness sore throat &c. He had 2 bad operations
performed—the last one under chloroform. It took 2 bottles of chloroform and
40 minutes to put him under. The physician held one pulse and I the other and
the surgeon chloroformed and cut—a hole about a finger deep & 3 inches wide
but happily he was unconscious (I thought I should have died). After that my
chief business was giving the strongest nourishment every hour dressing the
wound & rolling up the beds & transferring him from one to the other whenever
he was tired. In the midst of our worst our dear friend & travelling companion
Drake died in Jerusalem of typhoid & this news caused the wound to open
afresh. He loved Drake like a brother & few know what a tender heart R has.
On the 1st of August (having perceived for some days that he was getting a
nervous feel that he could not leave his room, nor breathe nor swallow) I

501
Houghton 4/204. This letter was also published in abridged form in Thomas
Wemyss Reid The life, letters, and friendships of Richard Monckton Milnes (London:
Cassell, 1890). In the case of the remark on Swinburne near the end, the sense is
completely altered: ‘I don't like Swinburne for neglecting you’ becomes ‘I do not like
for neglecting you’. At the time Reid’s Life was published, Swinburne was still alive.
502
The death of Annabel, Lady Houghton.

248.
 1874/10/29. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

obtained leave with some difficulty from the doctors to transfer him in a carriage
full length & at foot's pace to a rural inn an hour from & 1200 ft. above Trieste
where the view of the sea & mountains is glorious & the town is at our feet.
Here the splendid air & perfect tranquility & the idea that he is free are doing
him so much good that now after 12 days we are now rising at 5 o'clock,
breakfasting & dining in the garden, taking little walks of 10 minutes & driving
for 2 hours in a country caretta.503 On the 16 I can move him to Battaghlia near
Padua for baths & it is thought on the 20th that he will be strong enough for me
to leave him. I am quite broken down by fatigue & anxiety and have gastric pain
which affects my head & sight & I am ordered to Recoaro near Vicenza504 for
waters (fortunately the two places are only 6 hours apart so I can easily get back
to him if he needs me). My nerves are quite gone pro tem. I was afraid to jump
into the sea out of my depth the other day, and last year I learned to swim about
the bay and can do anything in the water. However I have a great consolation,
the doctors say that my love & care have kept the life in him & that without me
they wd not have succeeded. I do not consider him cured yet but far on the road
of convalescence & I expect another month or 6 weeks will make him a stronger
man than before. Lord Derby was kind & telegraphed leave.

I don't like Swinburne for neglecting you. He, & Richard & I, & many others I
know, would have remained very much in the background, if you had not taken
us by the hand & pulled us into notice, and I abominate ingratitude. At any rate,
please God you never find that with us.

Believe me yours most sincerely

Isabel Burton

Direct to Trieste to forward if you are kind enough to write

Augt. 12. 1874 (Grouse505)

152. 1874/10/29. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.506

Trieste. Oct. 29. '74.

503
carriage.
504
Recoaro Terme, site of well-known spa, is further away from Vicenza than Vicenza is
from Padua.
505
The “Glorious Twelfth” is the beginning of the grouse hunting season.
506
Huntington Library. ALS.

249.
 1874/10/29. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

Private

My dear Tootal

My wife and I saw your marriage in the papers and renew our
congratulations. Mind you don’t let the young 'uns become Brazileiros e
Brazileiras. You were told about my illness which lasted till August 1st. I then
made an effort, got out of the sick room and rushed off to Venice, Padua and
the baths of Battaglia and Recoaro, the latter a most interesting place just south
of the Austrian Tyrol.507 Returned to Trieste Sept. 21 and am living in the hills at
Opcina about an hour's drive out of town. My wife goes to England late in
November, all her plans have been thrown out some 4 months by my illness.
However, my Iceland Book is gone to the printers which is a great satisfaction.

The proofs of Hans Stade were corrected five months ago. I sent them to
Clements Markham (now Sir, R.G.S.) who promised to add a few lines about the
various editions and translations.508 Of course he is delaying and will probably
delay a year if not duly looked up in December next.

Dr. Couto Magalhães came all right and I read him with great pleasure.509 Some
day I shall translate or rather abridge him. (Why don't you prepare a paper from
him? Send to Anthropo. Institute not Society. Anthro. Institute have no funds &
have begun the usual jobbing). His theories about the Tupi faith are all in the
clouds. He cannot expect to put down such men as Gabriel Soares and Yves
d'Evreux.510 Can you pick up for me in the bookstalls a copy of a historical
romance called "O Caboclo"?511 It is a very common-looking volume, but I
should like to read it again.

Camoens nearly finished but will not come out for some time. I have finished a
translation of the Uruguay. "Lowlands of the Brazil" ready for press. You have

507
See Life vol. 2 p. 36.
508
See Register for Markham.
509
Magalhães, Couto de. Regiao e ragas, selvagens do Brasil Rio de Janeiro, Typ. de
Pinheiro, 1874. This volume is in Burton’s library now housed at the Huntington.
510
Yves, d’Evreux, Capuchin (Simon Michellet) Voyage dans le nord du Bresil fait durant
les annees 1613 et 1614 (Leipzig & Paris: A. Franck, 1864).
511
A “caboclo” is a Brazilian of mixed native and European ancestry. See Highlands of
the Brazil vol. 1 p. 110.

250.
 1874/10/29. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

read only abridgement of my paper on the Castellieri & you must read the whole
affair.512

You are quite right about business—in these days a very serious study.513 But
hundreds of business men (e.g. John Lubbock) find time for study, and change
of occupation [to] an active mind like yours is the best of rest. Why should you
not go in regularly for anthropology, get all the books from Wilson downwards
and read them carefully making notes in the margin? A couple of hours a day
(regular) soon makes a giant hole in a subject. Your translation of Hans Stade
will be noticed vy favourably and your name will have made its first appearance
in public. The anthropology of the Brazil requires a completely modern
treatment and you have not a soul as rival. Then a trip to the [B…] country south
of Bahia will give you a fine theme to work your studies upon. I have written to
Hunt in London as we heard that he is going on leave. Don’t I recollect Buckly,514
the most disagreeable dog alive. Still I am glad he has fallen on his legs again.
People go to hear Ristori515 just because they don’t understand the language of
Dante and wish to look as if they did. Paranhos is a brick, I always liked him &
thought well of him—we met for the last time in Paraguay.516 What is […]517
Tant-pêre’s […] must be flourishing on the Argentine Revolution. What a rascal
that [Mitre518] is! Alas for Brazilia & the Jacaré!519 Aubertin has written.520

Let me hear from you and I will not be so slow in answering. We join in kindest
remembrances to your mother, your sister and all the family. Where is the late
Mrs. Whittaker?521 […] Every precaution for you to […] this. […]

512
Cross-written over multiple page margins.
513
The remainder of the text of this letter is on different coloured paper (cream rather
than blue) and has been misfiled in the bound volume of Tootal letters in the
Huntington Library to appear as if appended to the letter below for 1875/04/10.
514
Possibly Buckley-Mathew—see Register.
515
Adelaide Ristori (1822-1906) the Italian actress.
516
Jose Maria da Silva Paranhos, see Letters from the Battlefields of Paraguay p. 442.
517
A section has been cut from the bottom of the MS page here.
518
General Mitre.
519
A Brazilian crocodile.
520
J. J. Aubertin, see Register.
521
i.e. the widow of the late John Whittaker.

251.
 1873-1879. John Adye.

153. 1873-1879. John Adye.522

Our stay in Cairo was uneventful, and we were glad to return to England at the
end of October. As there was very little room on the despatch vessel that took
the Commander-in-Chief to Trieste, Wardrop, Childers and I reached that port
on an Austrian Lloyd steamer Creagh had already returned to his battery in India.
I was suffering from a slight attack of dysentery, and did not enjoy the journey
home or the voyage up the Adriatic, which in other circumstances would have
been very pleasant. We had to wait at Trieste a day or two for our Chief, and
called on our consul there, no less a person than the well-known Sir Richard
Burton, not yet knighted, if my memory serves me. Burton was one of the most
remarkable men of his generation, and his genius for dealing with easterns of all
sorts should have been put to far greater use for the empire than it was. He
was, of course, quite wasted at a place like Trieste, where a consul of good
business habits and some commercial training, with a knowledge of the
language would have sufficed. We found him and his almost equally remarkable
wife, an Arundell of Wardour, installed in a small flat, not far from the harbour,
and were most hospitably received by them. Burton had the Arab cast of face
and head, and one could imagine how well he would have looked the part
dressed in eastern garments. A year or two later I saw him at Gibraltar, when
he and his wife stayed for a few days at “The Convent,” the Governor's official
residence. The post of British Minister in Morocco was about to fall vacant, and
I think he came to see how the land lay, but with our genius for failing to put the
round man in the round hole, our Government gave the post, which would so
admirably have suited Burton, to someone else, and not very long afterwards
the great traveller died, a disappointed man.

When Wolseley and Swaine arrived at Trieste we took train for Paris, and I
remember the Chief's annoyance at being made the object of Lady Burton's
attentions at the railway station. She insisted on presenting him with a gigantic
bouquet, which I am afraid he threw out of the window as soon as the train left
the station.

522
John Adye Soldiers and Others I have Known (London: Herbert Jenkins, 1925).

252.
 1875/02/04. Isabel Burton to James Hain Friswell.

1875-1879.

154. 1875/02/04. Isabel Burton to James Hain

Friswell.523

14 Montagu Place,
Montagu Sq.

Dear Mr. Friswell

I came over a little while ago & have searched everywhere to find you and at last
I know that you edit the Pictorial World & live in the country & also thank God
that by this latter move your health is much better. How are you all & is there
any hope of seeing you before I go back to Trieste. Give me your news. Capt.
Burton is in Trieste & has sent me over to bring out my book & a few of his. I
sought out the Brinsley Sheridans524 called twice & wrote too. Are they dead?
So many of my old friends are since I left, & I am getting continual shocks. They
have never answered so I feared some misfortune had happened.

Write like a good old friend & tell me something about yourself.

Give my love to your wife & believe me

yrs sincerely
Isabel Burton

4 Feb. 1875

155. 1875/02/07. Isabel Burton to James Hain

Friswell.525

Feb. 7 1875.

My dear Mr. Friswell

523
Huntington Library. ALS.
524
See Register.
525
Huntington Library. ALS.

253.
 1875/02/07. Isabel Burton to James Hain Friswell.

I was pleased beyond measure to get your nice long note & most interested with
all the news you gave me—some, indeed most of which (particularly about your
health) I warmly sympathised in. I have so much to talk about that there is no
use in my writing a letter & I should like to come down in the manner you suggest
from Charing X at 12 & spend a long afternoon with you returning in the evening
(not because I want my maid, I always enjoy going without when grand toilette
for dinner is not exacted of me) but because my hands are so full of work that I
don’t know when just now I can get a half holiday but I think not this coming
week but the next. Will you let me do this! I was sent over for 6 weeks. Arrived
on 12th December to publish my own book & 6 of Richards to try & get him a
new good Eastern place & a K.C.B. I am still here & my work is just half done just
seriously beginning & I can’t return till Easter. I work some times 13 hours a day
& often feel quite ill & want a rest which half a day's chat with you & your wife
quietly wd give me. I will tell you what my present labour is, & I daresay you wd
give me a lift in the Pictorial, like a good old friend as you have ever been; besides
you may probably recognize your own baby of 14 years ago, grown into a man
(I mean the paper I enclose you, where you helped me to form a biography of
my dear old man's life & services) & improved in length of service & career. This
though we thought but little of it when we composed it, is going to be the means
of bringing him the reward he so heartily covets. Lord Derby & Disraeli have got
a copy & all the F. O. & 147 influential friends. The present Govt are Dick’s
friends, & he is one of their ardent supporters. We do not want any pressure
put because we have not been refused & Lord D.526 & Disraeli know Dick, like
him & think highly of his career. So we do not want to lose our cause by any
want of tact or an indiscretion only we feel that there are so many persons with
weighty claims that it requires just a proof that it wd be a popular movement &
no party question. I know you will agree that no claimant can show such an
honest list of services without a shadow of reward. This is our good time at the
beginning of Parliament & I feel that perhaps I might induce you to give us a
word that might turn the tide in his favour. If you say yes tell me when I may
look out for it lest I shd just miss it on that day. Could you give me an introduction
to the Graphic or Illustrated, the Standard or Vanity Fair. I wd try my luck with
them. We want everybody's good word. May I write to you & tell you the first
chance I see of a half holiday for me. I have refused 100 country house

526
Lord Derby.

254.
 1875/02/11. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

invitations & have paid no visits—even letters & commissions must stand aside
because I can’t afford society till my work is done but I will come to you first & I
think that will be next week if I may. With love to your wife & mind what you
are about this raw beastly weather

I am yours ever sincerely

Isabel Burton
14 Montagu Place
Montagu Sq.

156. 1875/02/11. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.527

Dear Friend

Richard is pining at being passed over & wants to be made a KCB. I enclose you
a little ‘resume’ of his unrewarded services which I had printed for private
friends to save my bad writing. You will I know agree that no candidate can show
such an honest list of services without a shadow of reward & hence it shd be a
large one.

Mr. Disraeli & Lord Derby528 both know like & think highly of Dick & have each a
copy of enclosed but they are so beset by candidates I want everybody’s fond
word & no opposition if they are pleased to give it. I think it wd be a very popular
act & after all is no party question—I know I need not ask you if any opportunity
occurs to say a good word, for though on the other side you must have lots of
private friends in the ministry. Will you tell me by return of post if Lady Anna
Stirling Maxwell is dead or has recovered her accident.529
Every yrs affectly
Isabel Burton.

11 Feb. 75
14 Montagu Place
Montagu Sq.

527
Houghton 4/205. ALS.
528
In 1875 Disraeli was back in office as Prime Minister and First Lord of the Treasury,
while the 15th Earl of Derby (Edward Henry Stanley) was Foreign Minister.
529
She died in December 1874 as a result of a fire at Keir House in Scotland.

255.
 1875/02/21. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

157. 1875/02/21. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.530

35 Manchester Street

My dear Friend

You are quite right. This plain hero is grander than all the lillies &
decorations that adorn commoner men, but after 32 years, a hero cannot,
however philosophical he may be outside, bear to sit forgotten by his distant
fireside, & to read in the papers of little men, culling the credit & good opinion
of other men, for the deeds that were done by him, for words that have been
spoken or written by him long ago, & to sink into the grave. To stand on a
pedestal before the world unadorned is one matter, but to live for England's
approbation, credit, honour, & praise, & to see that England does not remember
one is alive, is another thing. What comforted him under his toils, dangers,
fevers, starvation, thirsts & burning suns, but the hopes of England's praise. You
think him foolish from your pedestal, so do I from mine, but I understand him.
My pedestal is this (the thoughts of being Lady Burton has never once crossed
my thoughts but the world will say so) that I care very little for this world now,
& a great deal for the other, & if my poor darling could only think as I do he wd
not care two pence for this honour, but he has not got that comfort, & so long
as we both live I will cry for justice on the house tops till he gets it.

Thanks dear friend for saying that “we are beloved". Those are the sort of things
that warm my heart with a flush of happiness, & I suppose it is because our
foreign lives are not passed amongst English gentlemen, that makes him value
this empty title. I went on the principle, in drawing up my little statement, of
only mentioning his actual services without praise & saying what he wanted for
it, without blaming any person, that he had not got it; a sort of debtor & creditor
account, which I thought wd take best with Officials. You have genius, but what
do they care about that except Dizzy, who really I believe wishes to give it him.
I have had a very kind letter from that quarter through Montagu Corry,531 and
dine with Lady Derby on 3d. I have sent 171 of my little papers, to secure that
number of friends in both houses, on both sides, to strengthen their hands, each
accompanied by a private note from myself, & except one near all are relations,

530
Houghton 4/206.
531
Montagu William Lowry-Corry (1838–1903) private secretary to Disraeli.

256.
 1875/03/02. Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.

friends, or acquaintances. This, & hoping to get a good Eastern place, &
correcting my own proofs, & seeing 6 books of Richard's through the press, are
my only reasons for not doing that which I was longing to do, run down to
Fryston when you asked me. When do you come up for good? Will it be too
late, a short while hence. I am living in hopes of getting Dick home for a month
in end of March, but have not yet asked. My book will be out mid March.
Ever yrs affectionately,
Isabel Burton

21 Feb.

158. 1875/03/02. Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes. 532

Trieste ( +Bora = Purgatory)

March 2 '75

Caro Houghton, as the Yank said before the big fight with the B'ar "God a'mighty,
it’s not often I bother you, but as” now I have really something worth telling you.
Boy Bunny has been behaving like a trump and has given up his mind (as I, his
Pa, have ever advised) to the study pure and simply of Hindù erotic literature.

See p. 46 of Koka Pandit translated, I regret to see, into our cleanly English
tongue by two ruffians who sign themselves F.F.A. & B.F.R. You will find an
allusion to the "Holy Sage Vátsyáyana Muni". He is the father of Ars Amoris in
Sanskrit, lived about AD. 100 and wrote a book in 9 chapts that treats de omni
re scribiti et feminina.533 He also quotes from no less than 9 other authors whose
works have wholly perished. One of his chapters treats of courtesans, another
of managing one's own wife and a 3d of managing other men's wives. It is the
standard book. Bunny has ordered the book from Benares, where the "Holy
Sage" lived and will begin to translate at once. If it is thoroughly moral I hope to
add some notes. And why, when old age creeps on, should one not devote
oneself to popularising the precepts of the wise?

I see your name often quoted in the papers & intelligently gather that you are
doing well. We may meet in April or May next for thin soup, lean meats and

532
Houghton 228/42. ALS.
533
everything written about and feminine.

257.
 1875/04/10. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

vinegarish wine have emptied my veins. You might if you have become
Conservative suggest to Mr. Diz.534 that Trieste is not half large enough to hold
me, but that I should be contented with Central Asia or even with Northern
Africa. Adieu Au revoir. Tout à toi535

Abdullah536

159. 1875/04/10. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.537

Trieste. April 10. 75.

My dear Tootal

Yours of March 8 received and not answered in an indecent hurry

because you are a newly married man. I sent it on together with her half,
naturally the better half, to my wife who has been in England since last
December, and I venture to hope she has had the civility to answer you. But if
she has not you must remember that she has been working with 250 woman-
power, and that when the heavy load is started that she will not forget a Brazilian
friend.

By this time you have doubtless got Hans Stade—my wife made
enquiries and found that your copies were sent.

What do you think of joining me in a translation of Gabriel Soares (you will find
him in the bibliogr. part)?538 That is, you do translation and I do notes? This
time I promise (barring accidents) not to keep you waiting, and Hakluyts will
publish. Think of it. An hour or even 30’ day would finish it in 18 months or 2
years. a little literary work will prevent your mind rusting and when you come to
England you will gather the fruits. I should write to your wife if I knew the lady
and should secure her powerful aid. You have done Hans admirably well and
the Reviews have given you no end of kudos. Tell me when you write what you
think of the look of the [book].

534
Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli.
535
‘Goodbye. All yours’.
536
Signature in Arabic.
537
Huntington Library RFB 324 Box 27. ALS.
538
Gabriel Soares de Sousa (1540–1591).

258.
 1875/05/24. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.

I go to England end of April. My direction Athenaeum Club Pall Mall or 14

Montague Place M. Square. Shall see Hunt539 and possibly Mister Buckley
Mathew. Old friends are getting scarce at Rio. How is Misther Scully?540 how be
Tant-pêre?. My kindest regards to your mother & to all your people, my salaams
to the bay & best wishes to one & all.

ev yrs
R. F. Burton

160. 1875/05/24. Richard Burton to Albert Tootal.541

Howletts or Athenaeum Club London

May 24 ‘75

My dear Tootal

I have just reached England after a charming dawdle of a journey, 17

days from Trieste, through upper Italy, Switzerland, the Rhine etc. I expected to
be disappointed with the latter after the great rivers of Africa, N. America and
the Brazil especially as I had not seen it for some 20 years. Quite the reverse, I
found it more picturesque and beautiful than ever.

I am now answering your note of Rio 6 April. What was the number of the
Spectator which gave me cheek in re Hans Stade? I should like to offer a little
pepper in return. Don’t trouble yourself anymore about O Calabar—my friend
Williams of Bahia has got it for me.542 And what do you think about translating
Gabriel Soares? I can always publish it with notes and this time it shall not be
kept waiting for five years. Are you also taking any steps to get copies and lists
of the stone weapons at Pernam Bahia & Rio? I hope to see you keeping up
some literary work—you will find the benefit of it in 1876 when you come to
England. What will be your mother’s direction?

539
George S. Lennon Hunt, see Register.
540
William Scully, see Register.
541
Huntington Library RFB 324 Box 27. ALS.
542
Old Calabar, in West Africa.

259.
 1875/—/—? Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.

I often see Hunt,543 as we hold a smoking party called Haji Abdullah's Divan every
Sunday even. from 10 pm to nominally 12 and really to 1.30 am. He is looking
very well. Do you know John Coghlan of B. Ayres?544 Today I take him to the
anniversary meeting of the R.G.S. Crawfurd545 & Rickard546 of the Rep. Argent.
are also here.

My wife joins me in kind regards, her book will not be out until end of May and
you will be curious to see it. My anticipatory compliments to Mrs. Tootal.

ev yrs
R. F. Burton

161. 1875/—/—? Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.547

14 St James Sq. London

Sunday

Caro Milnes

I write one line to say that I had brought down the map & forgot to make
it over to you. So it has been sent this evening.

Dovercourt was so slow after Fryston.

My kindest regards to Mrs. Milnes and all friends. I will not say addio, but simply

tout à vous
Richd F Burton

543
George S. Lennon Hunt, see Register.
544
“The most sensible project for improving the channel is that proposed by my good
friend John Coghlan, C.E.” Letters from the Battlefields of Paraguay, p. 156.
545
“My most obliging and accomplished friend, Mr. G. P. Crawfurd, at once carried me
off to the office of the Buenos Aires Tribuna”. Letters from the Battlefields of Paraguay,
p. 472.
546
Major Ignacio Rickard.
547
Houghton 228/48. ALS.

260.
 1875/—/—? Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.

162. 1875/—/—? Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.548

Sunday even.

Helas! impossible. There are people dining here. I'll try tomorrow. I thought
you would come to club.

Ev yrs
R. F. B.

163. 1875/06/09. Richard Burton to Sir George Back.549

Howlett's Hotel
Manchester Street
Wed. June 9 ‘75

My dear Admiral

I am hopelessly engaged on Friday next to dine with F. Leighton550 who

is painting my portrait and to take the chair at the Urban Club at 10 pm.551 I can
only hope for better luck next time.

Ev yrs
R. F. Burton

Admiral Sir George Back

164. 1875/06/15? Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes. 552

June 15553

548
Houghton 228/49. ALS.
549
RGS Back Collection SGB/1/20.
550
Frederick Leighton, see Register. Leighton began his portrait of Burton in 1872 but
only completed it in 1875 or 1876.
551
“The members of the Urban Club gave Richard a dinner and welcome on the 15th of
June at St. John's Gate, Clerkenwell.” Life vol. 2, p. 49.
552
Houghton 228/43. ALS.
553
Pencil annotation: “?75”.

261.
 1875/06/29. Louisa Mary Knightley.

My dear Houghton

We had a charming dinner with Charley Forbes at Star & Garter yester. even.
and had nothing to regret but your absence. Charley F. told me that in
conversation he had broached the marvellous idea of my being "marooned" at
Trieste! Too bad! I know every stick and stone within a radius of 100 miles. I
have written a book about Circumpadane Etruria (Bologna), I have written a
book about Dalmatia, God knows I have written and rewritten about the whole
country.

And now I'm sick of it. I want to be up and doing. Central Asia or Central
Africa or something of the kind. I have applied for Tiflis. One of the clerks say
"Between us two they are going to appoint a military man who knows something
of the language". I replied I am a military man who knows something of the
language. Que diable!554 My broadsword Exercise (quite new & my own
invention) has been submitted to the Duke with his approval. I have offered my
cavalry pistol gratis to the War Office. I have—never mind. Do lend me the hand
of help and send an elderly gentleman to Trieste.

Ev yrs
Abdullah555

165. 1875/06/29. Louisa Mary Knightley.556

June 29. … Last night we met Captain and Mrs. Richard Burton, the travellers, at
dinner at the Sheridans'.557 She was an Arundel of Wardour and would marry
this most cut-throat-looking individual. I wonder if she is happy? Anyhow, she
told us many wonderful stories, ending with an account of poor Janie Teleki, who
died in her arms at Damascus, having been received into the Church of Rome on
her death-bed.

554
‘What the hell’.
555
Signature in Arabic.
556
Baroness Louisa Mary Knightley The Journals of Lady Knightley of Fawsley ed. Julia
Cartwright (New York: Dutton, 1917) p. 280.
557
See Register.

262.
 1875/07/17. General Charles Gordon to Richard Burton.

166. 1875/07/17. General Charles Gordon to Richard

Burton.558

Bedden, South of Gondokoro 23 miles

July 17, 1875

My Dear Captain Burton,

Though I have not had the honour of meeting you, I hope you will not object to
give me certain information which I imagine you are most capable of doing. I
will first relate to you my proposed movements. At this moment I am just
starting from this station for the South. You are aware that hitherto the Nile
from about eighteen miles south of Gondokoro to the junction of it with the
Unyame Hor (Apuddo, Hiameye, Dufte, or Mahadé, as different people call it)
has been considered impassable and a torrential stream. Being very much
bothered with the difficulties of the land route for this distance, I thought I
would establish ports along the river, hoping to find it in steps with portions
which might be navigable, instead of what it was supposed to be–viz. a
continuous rapid. Happily I came on the river at the commencement of its rise
at the end of March, and found it navigable as far as Kerri, which is forty-six miles
south of Gondokoro, and about forty miles north of the point where the Nile is
navigable to the lake. As far south as one can see from Kerri the river looks good,
for the highlands do not approach one another. I have already a station at
Mahadé, and one at Kerri, and there remains for me to make another midway
between Kerri and Mahadé, to complete my communication with the lake. I go
very slowly, and make my stations as I proceed. I cannot reconnoitre between
Kerri and Mahadé, but am obliged, when I once move, to move for a permanent
object. If I reconnoitred, it would cost me as much time as if I was going to
establish myself permanently, and also would alarm the natives, who hitherto
have been quiet enough. I do not think that there are any so-called cataracts
between Kerri and the lake. There may be bad rapids, but as the bed of the river
is so narrow there will be enough water for my boats, and if the banks are not
precipices I count on being able to haul my boats through. We have hauled them
through a gap sixty-five yards wide at Kerri, where the Nile has a tremendous

558
W. H. Wilkins The Romance of Isabel, Lady Burton (London: Hutchinson, 1897) pp.
646-50. The original MS cannot be traced.

263.
 1875/07/17. General Charles Gordon to Richard Burton.

current. Now Kerri is below the junction of the Nile and the Asua; while Mahadé,
where all agree the other rapids are, is above the junction; so that I may hope at
Mahadé to have a less violent current to contend with, and to have the Asua
waters in some degree cushioning up that current. I have little doubt of being
able to take my steamer (the one constructed by Baker’s engineers at
Gondokoro) up to Kerri, for I have already there boats of as great a draught or
water. From Mahadé it is some one hundred and thirty miles to Magungo.
About seventy miles south of Mahadé a split takes place in the river: one branch
flows from the east, another from the west. I imagine that to the north of the
lake a large accumulation of aquatic vegetation has taken place, and eventually
has formed this isle. Through the vegetation the Victoria Nile has cut a passage
to the east, and the lake waters have done this to the west. Baker559 passed
through a narrow passage from the lake to the Victoria Nile channel. From
Magungo the Victoria Nile is said to be a torrent to within eighteen miles of
Karuma Falls. Perhaps it is also in steps. Karuma Falls may be passable or not.
And then we have Isamba and Ripon Falls. If they are downright cataracts,
nothing remains but to make stations at them, and to have an upper and a lower
flotilla. If they are rapids, there must be depth of water in such a river in the
rainy season to allow of the passage of boats, if you have the power to stem the
current.

I now come to the Victoria Nyanza; and about this I want to ask you some
questions–viz. What is the north frontier of Zanzibar? And have we any British
interests which would be interfered with by a debouch of the Egyptians on the
sea? Another query is, If the coast north of Equator does not belong to Zanzibar,
in whose hands is it? Are the Arabs there refugees from the Wahhabees of
Arabia?–for if so, they would be deadly hostile to Egypt. To what limit inland are
the people acquainted with partial civilization, or in trade with the coast, and
accordingly supplied with firearms? Could I count on virgin native tribes from
Lake Baringo or Ngo to Mount Kenia–tribes not in close communication with the
coast Arabs?

My idea is, that till the core of Africa is pierced from the coast but little progress
will take place among the hordes of natives in the interior. Personally I would

559
Samuel White Baker, see Register. Baker was Gordon’s predecessor as Governor of
Equatoria.

264.
 1875/08/26. Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.

wish a route to sea, for the present route is more or less hampered by other
governors of provinces. By the sea route I should be free. The idea is entirely
my own; and I would ask you not to mention it, as (though you are a consul and
I have also been one) you must know that nothing would delight the Zanzibar
Consul better then to have the thwarting of such a scheme, inasmuch as it would
bring him into notice and give him opportunity to write to F. O. I do not myself
wish to go farther east than Lake Baringo or Ngo. But whether Egypt is allowed
a port or not on the coast, at any rate I may be allowed to pass my caravans
through to Zanzibar and to get supplies thence.

When I contrast the comparative comfort of my work with the miseries you and
other travellers have gone through, I have reason to be thankful. Dr. Krapf 560
talks of the River Dana–debouching into sea under the name of river–as
navigable from Mount Kenia. If so–and rivers are considered highways and free
to all flags–I would far sooner have my frontier at Mount Kenia than descend to
the lower lands.

Believe me, with many excuses for troubling you,

Yours sincerely,
C.G. Gordon

167. 1875/08/26. Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes. 561

August 26.

Caro Milnes

It is no ma faute.562 On Wed. I went to Zoo563 to Athenaeum and to T.

Bath. The stars564 fought against J. P. S.565 Mean while the offering on the altar
was impossible. Two books & one month. I enclose a something from Bunny.566
Adieu et au revoir

560
Johann Ludwig Krapf, see Register.
561
Houghton 228/45. ALS.
562
‘My fault’.
563
Or possibly ‘you’.
564
Possibly ‘stairs’.
565
Possibly ‘juste pour savoir’ i.e. ‘just so you know’.
566
F. F. Arbuthnot.

265.
 1875/—/—? Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.

Ev yrs
R. F. Burton

P.S. The message sent in the evening of the 24th about your going on the 25th (at
10 am.) was delivered on the 25th at 1 pm.

168. 1875/—/—? Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.567

Friday night

Caro Milnes

Monday will be a failure. We must set out at 9 P.M. not 11 and return
before 12. Bellamy568 has promised to arrange the affair as soon as possible—
probably next Monday week.

Can you dine with me at 14 St James Square (7 P.M.) on that day—Monday

17th?? I will ask Cameron569 & Bellamy to meet you and if we don’t go to the
Chinese lodgings we may drop in upon our old saintly friend from […] Chapel.

Ev yrs
R. F. B.

169. 18—/—/—. Richard Burton to Monckton Milnes.570

Sat. morn.

Caro Houghton

I know that you collect [Madities]—what do you think of the enclosed?

tout à vous
Richd F. Burton

567
Houghton 228/46. ALS.
568
Edward Vaux Bellamy.
569
Consul Cameron.
570
Houghton 228/47. ALS.

266.
 1875/11/10. Frank Wilson to Richard Burton

170. 1875/11/10. Frank Wilson to Richard Burton571

Education Department
Whitehall SW
th
10 November 1875

My dear Captn Burton

In our short conversation yesterday, I remember that you seemed

interested in learning what I knew of Major DeRuvignes’572 having shot a gorilla
while in the Gaboon.

In case my telling you that I had paid the bets, dependent upon his
success to the major, may have led you to infer that I must have had some proof
of his having accomplished the feat. I hasten to inform you that I had no
evidence whatever beyond the Major’s word.

One of our friends in Calabar on paying me his dollars, suggested that I

should take some means of verifying the major’s statement, for it never entered
my mind for a moment that the Major—or indeed anyone in his position—could
make a misrepresentation about such a matter.

The Gorilla’s skeleton that I had, was sent to me long after by Mr. Knight
of Gaboon, and neither when he sent it, not afterwards when I thanked him for
it in Fernando Po, was the slightest allusion made to Major DeRuvignes. If I had
known in any way, that it was the skeleton of the animal DeRuvignes shot, I
would have been only too happy to show it to our Calabar friends, as conclusive
evidence of the baselessness of the doubts that one of them at least had
manifested.

I cannot remember ever having received the skin of a Gorilla, while I was
in Fernando Po; indeed I am certain that the only Gorilla skins I saw there, were
those you yourself brought from Gaboon to the Consulate.

Before closing this I am tempted to ask a favour of you. The only likeness
of you, that we have, is a very much faded photograph, taken by our friend Noeli

571
Huntington Library. Richard Burton Papers. RFB 1315.
572
See Register for DeRuvignes.

267.
 1875/11/14. Richard Burton to Frank Wilson.

in Fernando Po. If you could have the goodness to let us have one of recent
date, I need not assure you that it would be carefully treasured, and very highly
valued indeed.

With kind regards, and all good wishes, in which my wife cordially joins
me, I beg to remain,

My dear Captn Burton

Yours ever most sincerely
Frank Wilson

171. 1875/11/14. Richard Burton to Frank Wilson.573

Athenaeum Nov 14 75

My dear Frank Wilson

I felt quite glad to see your handwriting once more—it quite reminded
me of old times. Thanks for the information about the Gorilla. As regards the
photo. I am going tomorrow to Locke and Whitfield 78 (178?) Regent Street574
and I will tell him to send you one—if he does not within a reasonable time send
him a line.

Give my kindest regards to Mrs. Wilson—so sorry that I did not know you were
in town before the other day on the very verge of my departure. I have written
to R. B. N. Walker575 proposing to assist him as much as possible in the matter of
the Gabon provided he will promise to put you in a proper position there. Some
day or other the West Coast will certainly see me and I only hope that we shall
meet there again. A line to this club will always find me no matter what part of
the world I may be in.

Je vous serre la main576 & remain

573
Quentin Keynes Collection, British Library. Add MS 88875 f.52. ALS.
574
Samuel Robert Lock & George Carpe Whitfield were at 178 Regent Street, London.
575
Robert Bruce Napoleon Walker (1832-1901).
576
I shake your hand.

268.
 1875/11/15. Frank Wilson to Richard Burton.

Ev yr friend
R. F. Burton

172. 1875/11/15. Frank Wilson to Richard Burton.577

Education Department,
Whitehall, S.W.
th
15 November 1875.

My Dear Captn Burton

A thousand thanks for your kind note yesterday which reminds me very
touchingly of old times too!

It is very good of you amid your many other cares to think of the photo. It will
be affectionately treasured till I have the happiness of meeting you again.

I do not know how to thank you for the warm interest you still take in me! I shall
communicate with ou friend Bruce Walker as soon as possible.

Our best wishes go with you in your new travels!

Yours ever sincerely

Frank Wilson

Captn R. F. Burton F.R.G.S.

&c. &c. &c.
Athenaeum Club

173. 1875/12/11. Richard Burton to The Athenaeum.578

THE LAKES OF CENTRAL AFRICA.

Athenaeum Club, Dec. 2, 1875.

As I am upon the point of leaving England and may not have an opportunity of
addressing you for some time, perhaps you will allow me room for a few remarks

577
Huntington Library. Richard Burton Papers. RFB 1316.
578
Athenaeum No. 2511 (1875/12/11) p. 793.

269.
 1875/12/11. Richard Burton to The Athenaeum.

upon Col. Grant's valuable paper, read at the last meeting of the Royal
Geographical Society (Nov. 29).579

1. The lakes of Central Africa were known to geographers, not "as far back as the
year 833," but before the days of Ptolemy and Marinus of Tyre. The Nile was
made to rise first from two lakes, then from three, then from one, and, lastly,
from fanciful variations of these numbers. Many suspected, but I was the first
to prove, that "the centre of Africa is studded with lakes"—is a lake region to the
fullest extent of the term.

2. The Arabs did not "inform" Capt. Speke, who was unable to converse with
them. They told about a great water to the north, but, as the expedition had
already been grossly misinformed on the matter of a "Ziwa" (lake) which turned
out to be a pool, I had my suspicions. Wanting privacy, however, and time to
write out my notes, I despatched my late companion northwards—the result
was the discovery of the Ukerewe portion of the Victoria Nyanza.

3. Col. Grant had better have been silent upon Sir R. Murchison's "Speke, we
must send you back again!" Capt. Speke had voluntarily bound himself by a
verbal promise, renewed in writing from Cairo, not to appear before the Royal
Geographical Society until my arrival in England.

4. The reason why Sésé, Sesse, Sasse, Sessi, or Sesseh Island did not appear in
either of Capt. Speke's two maps (1, Journal of the Discovery &c., and 2, Journal
of the Royal Geographical Society, vol. xxxiii., of 1863, the latter authorized by
his family) can only have been that my late companion suspected he was
exploring another water.

3. Dr. Livingstone's Journals show that Mr. Stanley was suffering from sickness
at the time of the "pleasant picnic" north of the Tanganyika lake; thus, perhaps,
we may explain why more care was not given to the exploration of this ancient
point.

579
J. A. Grant “On Mr. H. M. Stanley’s Exploration of the Victoria Nyanza” Proceedings
of the Royal Geographical Society Vol. 20 (1876), pp. 34-50. Reprinted as “Stanley’s
Verification of Speke’s Discoveries” Bulletin of the American Geographical Society Vol.
7 (1878) pp.311-323.

270.
 1875/12/11. Richard Burton to The Athenaeum.

6. We are told that Capt. Speke gave the circumference of that monstrous bird-
like shape, the Victoria Nyanza, as 645 miles, or 910 including the Baringo Lake,
the head and beak of the dodo. Col. Grant's compass makes Stanley's lake
measure 890 miles round, but he forgot to tell the meeting that in so doing he
included the whole northern shore line, which the latest explorer has apparently
placed some thirty miles too far north. Mr. E. G. Ravenstein, F.R.G.S., who has
carefully measured the two areas, reduces to 20,000 square geographical miles
what Capt. Speke made nearly double that space. Yet Col. Grant says, "The area
of Victoria Nyanza, as made known to us by Mr. Stanley, proves that Speke far
underrated its extent." Evidently geographers, like doctors, disagree.

7. Col. Grant tells us, "Capt. Burton did not seem to have any reason for his
argument" against the unity of Capt. Speke's lake. My reason was simply the
impossibility of a single water having four distinct outlets, and an inverted delta
of inconceivable form. The "geographical world" did at first accept it, and caused
me to wonder not a little at its credulity. At length, thanks to Mr. Stanley, the
delta has undergone the fate of that marvellous horseshoe, "The Mountains of
the Moon," which, built upon paper (see the fac-simile maps in my 'Zanzibar'),
has disfigured for a decade the surface of Central Africa.

8. Dr. Livingstone was, I think, right in stating that "Speke had turned his back
upon the real sources of the Nile." The old hero-martyr held, apparently to the
day of his death, that the ultimate sources of the Nile are to be found in the
highlands which shed the Lofu River to the north and the Chambeze south-
westwards. Within a few months, or even weeks, we may hear that the
energetic Col. Gordon or Mr. Stanley has abolished the Rusizi Lake, and
substantiated the native reports, repeated so pleasantly to the meeting by Sir
Samuel W. Baker, namely, that there is a canoe passage between the Tanganyika
and the Luta (Mwutan) Ngize. If that be true, we shall return to the days of
Ptolemy, and we shall find that the Nile gathers in two lakes, and we shall
recognize in the Lofu the Caput Nili.

9. Col. Grant declares that I "said there must be several lakes, lagoons, anything,
in fact, except the lake." This is hardly fair when I was, in fact, the "theoretical
discoverer" (excuse the expression) of his Victoria Nyanza. What I really said
was that a lake with four distinct outlets deserves to be split into four; and so
far, I believe, the "geographical world" ought to be, as it at last was, with me.

271.
 1875/12/11. Richard Burton to The Athenaeum.

The lake laid down by me from Arab report may be found in Capt. Speke's map,
inserted in his volume, 'What Led to the Discovery of the Sources of the Nile.'
But I would not have this hearsay feature inserted either in my two volumes (the
'Lake Regions'), nor in the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, nor in the
little book called the 'Nile Basin.' So far from being "unjust," I wished only to be
accurate; to show what had been seen, not what had been heard.

10. The Speke and Grant expedition alone must bear the blame for the errors of
Messrs. A. Keith Johnston, E. Stanford, and E. Weller. These scientific mappers
could hardly believe in the superficiality of observation and the geographical
ignorance which gave four outlets to one lake. Consequently they divided the
area into four, and they were fully justified in so doing. Mappers, like other men,
cannot explain how two European travellers could traverse three streams, and
yet mistake the direction of two of them.

11. Having seen the hippopotamus in the small "creeks" or rivulets of the East
African coast, I fail to appreciate this sentence: "The river Ugoweh, at the north-
east corner of the lake, must be a considerable stream also, for hippopotami
were seen in it."

In conclusion, I need not repeat to readers of the Athenaeum my reasons for

believing that the area occupied by Capt. Speke's two maps will be found to
contain a lake region besides a lake. Mr. Stanley himself suggests that
independent waters may be found to the north-east of the Victoria Nyanza, and
I venture to express a hope that the Italian expedition, now setting out under
the energetic Antinori,580 will add fresh lustre to the name of my distinguished
friend, Cristoforo Negri,581 by finding and by mapping the lake region.

Richard F. BURTON.

580
Orazio Antinori (1811–1882), an Italian explorer who headed an East African
expedition with Gustavo Chiarini and Antonio Cecchi in 1876, reaching Shewa (Shoa) in
Ethiopia, where they founded a station.
581
Cristoforo Negri (1809-1896), a founder member of the Italian Geographical Society,
established in 1867.

272.
 1875. Dr. Hermann Robert Ricci.

174. 1875. Dr. Hermann Robert Ricci.582

After breakfast I went to pay my respects to our excellent consul, Captain

Burton, and then hearing that the Austrian ironclad “Lissa” was outside the
harbour, I took a boat and went to have a look at her. …

Trieste is anything but an interesting place; though a couple of days may be

spent pleasantly enough visiting the neighbourhood, especially if one has the
advantage of the acquaintance and company of our consul, Captain R. Burton;
the Burton of Harar, of Mecca, and of Medina; the facile princeps583 of modern
travellers and pleasant companions.

Why is Captain Burton kept at Trieste? It is not a difficult post, nor one requiring
a man with exceptional qualifications; and it does seem a misapplication if not a
waste of force to keep a man like Burton at Trieste, when he could be of so much
greater use elsewhere. The thorough and intimate knowledge that he possesses
of Oriental character, his perfect mastery of Arabic, together with the
knowledge he has of Persian and scores of other languages, not to mention the
experience he has acquired of Oriental affairs, customs and idiosyncrasies, all go
to point him out emphatically as the right man in the wrong place at Trieste. I
spent some very pleasant hours in his company during my short stay in that city,
and shall never forget the kindness I experienced both from him and la bella
Contessa, his most charming and accomplished lady.

Thus far, my observations have been of a strictly selfish nature. I know Captain
Burton's capabilities, I feel that he is utterly thrown away where he is, and I want
a quid pro quo for my money—consequently I want to see him in some post
where his talents and exceptional qualifications may be of some profit to me.
The reader will perceive that I am strictly selfish and utilitarian, and that in
writing as above I have not been led away by sentimentality in any shape. Had
I been in the opposite vein, I could have said, I met at Trieste Captain R. F.
Burton, who undoubtedly is the greatest of living travellers, and also second to
none in that great phalanx of explorers, who from time to time have devoted
their lives to carrying civilization to the most remote corners of the earth. He

582
R.H.R. Rambles in Istria, Dalmatia and Montenegro (London: Hurst and Blackett,
1875).
583
obviously foremost.

273.
 1875. Dr. Hermann Robert Ricci.

opened up Eastern Africa, and most probably discovered in Lake Tanganyika the
mysterious sources of the Nile. He directly opened up the path and led the way
which was subsequently trodden by Speke, Grant, Stanley, Cameron, and others;
indirectly he pointed out the way to Baker, Schweinfurth584 and Gordon. To
Richard Burton then is due the discovery of this New Africa, this great Lake
Region, so fertile and so rich in the centre of a continent which fifty years ago
was believed to be one vast uninhabitable desert. What has been his reward ?
He has been made consul at Trieste. Here is an inducement to our ardent British
youth! I hear there is some talk of making him a K.C.B.; for myself, I wouldn't
give a roll of ginger-bread for the distinction; however, let him have it by all
means, but let us see him also removed to some more useful sphere of action
where his exceptional talents and his great knowledge of Oriental languages
may be of service to us. Let him be sent to Africa again—to Morocco for
instance—at the first vacancy.

Figure 24. A caricature from Burton's Sketchbook.

584
Georg August Schweinfurth (1836–1925).

274.
 1876/05/20. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.

175. 1876/05/20. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.585

Private.

Consulate Trieste June 20. ‘76.

My dear Grattan Geary

Many thanks for the Overlands which have come safely. Did you receive
the two letters which I addressed to you from Aden? Kemp will send you a bottle
of my Tonic Bitters and you will do me a kindness by noticing it. The taste is not
over savoury, but the effect upon the liver is grand, enabling it to digest any
amount of liquor.

I am told that Maclean586 does not return—health broken down. If so, good for
T. of I.587 What news of L. Blanchard?588 Do you know Gibby Elliot?589 If so I
wish you would set him upon the diamond track. My papers about it, professing
an extensive prospecting are going into Foreign Office but of course nothing will
be done.

This is an exciting moment. The move of the English fleet to the

Bosphorus may very probably bring the Russians South of the Danube, in which
case Turkey in Europe bursts up. We should be ashamed to support a power
whose only politic is sheer rank murder. However, I can’t complain of the death
of my arch enemy Rashid Pasha.590 At last the rascal has got his deserts. It would
be a bold brain that ventured to predict what will happen to Egypt before the
end of July. All the elements of discord are at work and they are so very
discordant that possibly things may remain in status quo. We spent a fortnight
there and greatly enjoyed it. Trieste also is delightful after the horrors of the
Red Sea—the air is positively cold and the Alps are still covered with snow.

585
Huntington Library. ALS.
586
James Mackenzie Maclean (1835-1906) owner and editor of the newspaper Bombay
Gazette, a rival to Geary’s Times of India. See Life Vol. 2, p. 79.
587
Times of India.
588
Sidney Laman Blanchard, another newspaperman in India who had quarreled with
Geary.
589
Gilbert John Elliot-Murray-Kynynmound, 4th Earl of Minto (1845-1914), then a
newspaper correspondent but later the Governor-General of India (1905-1910).
590
See Register.

275.
 1876/05/25. William Blackwood and sons.

Don’t forget us if you come this way. My wife joins in kindest regards
and best wishes—her 2d Edit. is doing well and there may be a third. My “Ultima
Thule” is also to reappear in shorter shape.591 They have it at R. Asiatic Soc. Bo.
ev yrs
R. F. Burton.

176. 1876/05/25. William Blackwood and sons.592

The mention of Captain (afterwards Colonel) J. A. Grant recalls many pleasant

days when the distinguished traveller was my father's guest. He never spoke of
Colonel Grant's achievements without alluding to the modesty and absence of
all boastfulness which were so noticeable in one whose love of sport and
adventure had often placed him in positions of great peril. The next letter
describes a visit to the Zoo with Colonel Grant many years after his return from
Africa.

John Blackwood to his Wife.

14 Ablington St., May 25, 1876.

Jack [his son] and I then went to Grant. “Old Jem,” as Speke used to call
him, and his wife were most hearty. He gave us tickets for the Zoological
Gardens, and when we went we most fortunately fell in with him, the
best guide in the world in such a place. The affectionate way he looks
at a wild beast is very comical, and the placid smile with which he
pointed out the weak point behind the forearm at which to fire into a
rhinoceros made me shout with laughter. He was doubtless the only
man in the Gardens who had dined on rhinoceros.

The sight of the denizens of the African forest brought animation and life to his
eye, and it was on occasions of this kind he would perhaps be induced to relate
scenes in which he and a rhinoceros or a buffalo had been the chief actors, with
a quiet ignoring of all the dangers of the chase that might have led one to
suppose he was relating nothing more formidable than an encounter with a
rabbit! The gentleness of his voice and manner, generally accompanied with the

591
This did not happen, and only one edition of Ultima Thule was ever published.
592
Mary Blackwood Porter Annals of a publishing house: William Blackwood and his
sons, Volume 3 (Edinburgh: Blackwood, 1898) pp. 55-63, 92-7, 126-7, 130-2.

276.
 1876/06/04. General Charles Gordon to Richard Burton.

most amiable eulogiums on the merits of the ferocious beasts, made his
narrative all the more fascinating to his hearers. This delightful admixture of
simplicity of manner with highest personal courage and perseverance was alike
a distinguishing trait in him and his confrere Speke, and gave an added charm to
the interest attaching to them and their memorable discovery.

177. 1876/06/04. General Charles Gordon to Richard

Burton.593

Kerri. 4 May. 1876.

My dear Captain Burton.

I have to thank you for your kind note, which I delayed answering, in
consequence of having little to say. I am glad to say that Gessi,594 one of my
people, has come back from Lake Albert, which he went round, with two life
boats, in 9 days, finding it much of the size 140 miles by 50 miles & position that
Speke supposed it would be in his map in Sources of the Nile. A remarkable
feature in the Nile, after it leaves the lake, is that it splits into two branches, one
of which comes down to this, & Gondokoro, the other flows N.W. and I expect,
joins the Nile in E.L. Paris 28o N.L. 7o. We know a strong stream enters the Nile,
at that point, & that, for some distance, it is navigable: if so we are on an isle at
this place.

The 38 ton steamer is nearly ready, & I hope to go up in her to Magungo.

No river which is not dry in dry season enters Lake Albert. The south
end is very very shoal, and there is a forest of Ambatch595 wood which only grows
in 1 ½’ to 2’ of water. I am very glad personally (though it is a selfish gladness)
that the lake has no navigable influent, for it saves me a great deal of trouble.
There may, certainly be a chain of lakes & marshes, leading from Tanganyika to
Lake Albert, for Gessi distinctly says, the ridge of mountains of West Coast do
not join those of the East Coast of Lake, then there is a gap.

593
Huntington Library. ALS.
594
Romolo Gessi, see Register.
595
Aeschynomene elaphroxylon, native to the Nile valley.

277.
 1876/06/21. Richard Burton to William Henry Wylde.

These lakes & rivers are very trying to a man, you never can get to the
end of the tangle, however I trust this Nile is finished, with exception of the N.W.
branch above spoken of, & the Saubat596 source. It would be fearful for me,
though good for civilization, if this N.W. branch joined the Welle597 River of
Schweinfurth,598 which joins Kubanda of Barth,599 & which its direction, & level
would allow it to do so.

Yours very truly

C. G. Gordon

P.S. Do you know Baker’s Engineer man William is or was at Trieste.

178. 1876/06/21. Richard Burton to William Henry

Wylde.600

Private

Consulate Trieste June 21 ’76.

My dear Wylde

We were both much disappointed in not seeing you at Suez, where

yours of May 20 came safely to hand. So I send this to England through your
father.601 We passed ten days at Cairo and Alexandria where the Guano was my
first and principal care. Mr. Charles Grace of Alexandria602 will join us in pushing
the concession along, and if we don’t admit him one of us must stay at Cairo till
the Khedive’s government grants it—which will not be at all convenient. The
first thing that Grace wants is of course a sample of the stuff. You talk of a man
at Suez who supplied you with some. Could you not write to him and ask him to
forward say 20 lbs. to care of Charles Grace Esq. Alexandria? This would be the
speediest way, otherwise we must wait till you return. Grace then works Cairo

596
The Saubat, or Sobat, River.
597
The Uelle River, which flows through the Congo from the region of Lake Albert.
598
Georg August Schweinfurth, see Register.
599
Heinrich Barth, see Register.
600
Durham University, ALS.
601
General Sir William Wylde (1788-1877) ‘Master Gunner’.
602
Grace represented various companies in Alexandria as an agent, see English Reports
Annotated, Pages 1505-2672 by Maxwell Alexander Robertson (1866), p. 1703. See
also Francis Hitchman Richard F. Burton Vol. 2 (1887), p. 390.

278.
 1876/07/02. Richard Burton to Henry Walter Bates.

and I undertake to put up the Company in England whilst you look after the
shipping.

I read on your envelope “I hope to send you your sample news by next letter.”
It will be very useful to me, as I am about to publish a 4th Edit. of my Pilgrimage
with additions and revisions.603

When at home you will be able to show up Egypt and Abyssinia in their true
colours. Send me a line to say that you have received this. My wife joins me in
kindest regards and best wishes. When are you likely to return to Jiddah?604
Salams to your father.

Ev yrs sincy
R. F. Burton

179. 1876/07/02. Richard Burton to Henry Walter

Bates.605

Private

Trieste July 2 76
My dear Bates

We returned here on June 18th and are not sorry of a rest. My work in
India has been to go over old ground. I also inspected the diamond fields which
are enormous and return with the convictions: 1. that the mines have only been
scratched. 2. that the old-woman-ruler of India has not even the energy to
scratch an inch more.

Will you kindly post the enclosed and let Mssrs O'Brien receive my Proceedings
for '75. I have only Jan 16, Mar 11 & 24, April 30, May 27 & August 10; for 1876,
none.

603
This appeared in 1879 as the “third edition, revised” (London, William Mullan and
son).
604
Wylde’s brother Augustus Blandy was the Vice Consul at Jeddah.
605
RGS Correspondence CB6 Burton / 350.

279.
 1876/07/02. Richard Burton to Henry Walter Bates.

I marvel to see the political ignorance of the English Press. They are hugging the
idea of peace when we already hear the first guns in the Danube.606 Russia has
localised the war although that spasmodic move of ours with the fleet very
nearly spoiled everything. But if Serbia loses, then there will be a row. However
I don't anticipate any loss. Bosnia & Herzegovina will soon be freed and my
rascally friends the Turks who have found new Janissaries in the Sanjaks607 will
come to extreme grief.

Dr. Compiègne608 of the Geog. Soc. Cairo has returned to Paris. Schweinfurth609
and Gussfeldt610 all right at Cairo.

C. Negri going to England for the British Assoc. Heard from Walker611 going to
Paris. Lucas612 not doing much, the U.S. officers are monopolising Africa. I have
heard of a new Gold Mine in Arabia and know where plenty of guano is to be
had.

So that cunning [du’per] Frere613 didn't get a peerage! United kind regards—not
to Frere.

606
The Serbo-Turkish war of 1876-8, initiated by Serbia’s unilateral declaration of
independence.
607
An administrative region of the Ottoman Empire was called a Sankak.
608
Louis-Alphonse-Henri-Victor du Pont marquis de Compiègne (1846-1877). A French
explorer of West Africa. RFB reviewed his book L-Afrique Equitoriale (1875) in The
Academy Vol. IX (1876-06-03), pp. 529-31. De Compiègne was killed in a duel in Cairo
in 1877.
609
Georg August Schweinfurth, see Register. In 1876 he was starting for the Nile Valley
region, having been based in Cairo since 1874.
610
Paul Gussfeldt (1840-1920), the German explorer and geologist who accompanied
Schweinfurth in 1876 on his trip to the Nile Valley.
611
Possibly Robert Bruce Napoleon Walker FRGS (1832-1901) from West Africa .
612
Louis Arthur Lucas (1851-1876), an English traveller from Manchester who was
educated at University College London and had explored North American West in
1872. In 1876 he went down the Nile as far as Khartoum and then Lardo, intending to
find a route to the source of the Congo. The RGS had refused to back his expedition, so
he funded it privately. His disorganized expedition was denied permission to proceed
further than Lake Albert by General Gordon and died on the voyage back to Cairo.
613
Sir Henry Bartle Frere (1815-1884) an old adversary from Burton’s Sindh days,
where Frere was Commissioner 1851-9. Frere was made a Baronet and a GCB in 1876,
and therefore was not a peer, as Burton stated.

280.
 1876/07/03. Richard Burton to Frederick Leighton.

ev yrs
R. F. Burton

180. 1876/07/03. Richard Burton to Frederick

Leighton.614

Trieste, July 13, 1876

My dear Leighton,—One word to say that the tiles are packed, and will be sent
by the first London steamer—opportunities are rare here. Some are perfect,
many are broken; but they will make a bit of mosaic after a little trimming, and
illustrate the difference between Syriac and Sindi. They are taken from the tomb
(Moslem) of Sakhar on the Indus. I can give you analysis of glaze if you want it;
but I fancy you don’t care for analyses. The yellow colour is by far the rarest and
least durable apparently. The blues are the favourites and the best.

Here we are living in a typhoon of lies. I am losing patience, and shall probably
bolt to Belgrade in search of truth. Austria is behaving in her usual currish
manner, allowing her policy to be managed by a minority of light headed Paddy-
whack Magyars and pudding-headed, beer-brained Austro Germans. How all
Europe funks the Slavs, and how well the latter are beginning to know it.

Very grand of la grande Bretagne to propose occupying Egypt without any army
to speak of. Sorry that you don’t understand the force of the expression, the
“world generally,” but will try some time or other to make it clear. United best
regards and wishes. Why don’t you take a holiday to Turkey?—Ever yours,

R. F. Burton.

P.S.—I hear that W. Wright has subsided into an Irish conventicle, and that
Green doesn’t like prospect of returning to Dan!

614
Mrs. Russell Barrington The life, letters and work of Frederic Leighton Volume 2
(New York, Macmillan, 1906), p. 219.

281.
 1876/07/11. George Percy Badger to Richard Burton.

181. 1876/07/11. George Percy Badger to Richard

Burton.615

211 Leamington Road Villas

Westbourne Park, W.
11th July/76

My dear Burton,

Your note came to hand last evening. Anent the copal: My suggestion is
that you should draw up a scheme for the object which you have in view, setting
forth, as clearly as possible, what is wished, and what arrangements it would be
desirable to make with the Sultan. I will undertake to forward it and to append
thereto my views, which I will gladly lay before you. If I mistake not, H.H. enjoys
some special privileges, within certain limits of the coast, as regards duty—I
mean that he is not hampered with the 5% ad valorem duty within those limits.
Then, again, I am not sure whether he claims—or, if he claims, whether he
exercises or can exercise full authority over the diggings. However, these points
would be brought out in his reply. What I wish to say, summarising, is, that I will
back any effort which promises advantage to both parties, namely, H.H. and the
Company.

I am fully alive to the defects in the vowel-points of my lexicon, & have

decided to add to them; but to "move" all the words would increase the expense
enormously.

With best regards,

Ev yrs faithfully
George Percy Badger

182. 1876/07/23. Verney Lovett Cameron to Richard

Burton.616

1876 July 23d

615
Quentin Keynes Collection, British Library.
616
Quentin Keynes Collection, British Library.

282.
 1876/07/23. Verney Lovett Cameron to Richard Burton.

My dear Burton

Many thanks for your letter, anything I may have said about your “Lake
Regions” cannot half express how much I was indebted to it whilst in Africa.

I must also thank you most heartily for the kind way you fought my
battles whilst I was away. My plans at present are very vague and indeterminate
as I am devoting my energies to writing. I hope to get the book out in November
in time for the Xmas publishing season when I will send you a copy.617

I have been trying to get a charter for a company but Government is adverse to
granting one. Several capitalists have been nibbling and I am still in
communication with some. Money will be forthcoming I fancy soon as there is
a glut of unemployed capital in the country but people are timid. The idea is to
attack Africa from East West and South.

A Mr. Bradshaw618 of Manchester wrote me a letter about a Livingstone

Company with Native agents &c &c. for which he had payed etc. and quite
disgusted with cant. The letter I wrote you before I sent to Zanzibar to the care
of Kirk as I heard you were going there.

The King of the Belgians is going to have a grand African conference at Brussels
in September. I wish you could be there as Grant619 is going to be one of the
representatives of the R.G.S. and he is nearly as big a fool as Galton620 which is
saying a good deal. Neither of the two of them are more than barely civil to me
when I meet them.

I made out a section of my route and Galton wanted to zig-zag it all about
ascending to the different courses. The section shows the basin like form of the
continent wonderfully well the lowest part being the valley of the Lualaba. The
highest point I passed was within a hundred miles of Benguella.

617
Verney Lovett Cameron Across Africa (London: Daldy, Isbister & Co., 1877).
618
Possibly John Bradshaw, employer of Albert Tootal—see Register.
619
James Augustus Grant, see Register.
620
Francis Galton, see Register. There was bitterness between the RGS and Cameron
because of the enormous bills that Cameron had run up on his expedition, running to
12,000 pounds.

283.
 1876/07/27. Richard Burton to Henry Walter Bates.

I hope I will be believed when I say that I value your and Kirk's621 appreciation of
my journey more than that of any other men in the world as you both know, you
especially what it is to have to get along with a crowd of unwilling devils when
one is ill and lame and all the rest of it.

Please give kind regards to your wife as although I have not the pleasure of
knowing her, [her] brother, who died out on the West Coast, was a great pal of
mine in the "Terrible" in 65.622 I hope and trust you are soon going to get
something better than Trieste. I suppose there is no truth in the rumour about
your going to Afghanistan.

Yours very truly

V. Lovett Cameron

183. 1876/07/27. Richard Burton to Henry Walter

Bates.623

Trieste July 27 ‘76

My dear Bates

Thanks for yours of July 17th. I had just sent off a line to Athenaeum
about the deductions to be drawn from Sig. Romolo Gessi’s A. Nyanza and am
glad to see that you agree.624 Gordon has been good enough to write to me and
he also is far from sure that no water enters the Lake from the South. Africa you
see must always be treated as an exception—in geography and other matters.625

The papers say that the Alexandrian obelisk is coming to England. They
represent it as buried in the sand. Nothing of the kind. It is the common cess

621
Sir John Kirk, see Register.
622
Henry Alphonsus Arundell (1841-1872) who died off Africa in the Bittern.
623
RGS Correspondence CB6 Burton / 350.
624
Romolo Gessi see Register. Burton’s letter was published as 1876 `The Albert
Nyanza’ Athenaeum 1876-07-22, p. 118.
625
Burton still clung to the theory that Lake Tanganyika fed the Nile through Lake
Albert.

284.
 1876/—/—. Verney Lovett Cameron to Richard Burton.

for all the gamins of the neighbourhood and it stinks almighty. One does not
like to see one’s country’s property bewrayed626 with Sir-reverence.627

I like the Belgian idea and should wish to be there. Perhaps it is on the cards
quien sabe?628 Remember me to Palgrave. Isn’t St Tom. a trifle too hot to hold
him?629

Don’t believe a word you read about the war. Europe is divided with two camps
Slav and anti-Slav. The old ’un has apparently just discovered what the Slavs can
do. When Serbia is beaten then the difficulties begin. We seem determined to
“rile up” Russia into a fight.

My wife reciprocates. She is going to bring out something about India.

Will you ask my dear old George to fill in the enclosed paper. Your account of
the heat causes me to smile grimly. And I "horribly sick of constant travelling"!!!
Good Allah! When old I intend to take a permanent passage in some steamer &
go round & round the world till I die. Meanwhile yours

Abdullah630

184. 1876/—/—. Verney Lovett Cameron to Richard

Burton.631

Grant632 made a fool of himself. He first proposed that African exploration

should be under the "Red Cross" and then told them that he was afraid the
Scotch would think it too Popish.633

626
Disrobed.
627
Archaic for faeces.
628
‘who knows’.
629
William Gifford Palgrave (1826–1888) was the British Consul in St Thomas from
1873-6.
630
Signature in Arabic.
631
Quentin Keynes Collection, British Library. Undated fragment. ALS.
632
James Augustus Grant, see Register.
633
Cameron is referring to the Brussels Geographic Conference of September 1876.

285.
 1876/09/01. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.

Some of the Scotch very earnest about establishing stations from Kilwa to the N.
End of Nyassa and then on to Tanganyika but 10 of them are talking of raising
£100,000 for the purpose.

Please remember me to Mrs. Burton.

Yours very truly

V. Lovett Cameron

People divided into two camps about Turkey & Russia. Gladstone has done
himself much harm with thinking people by his wild denunciations of the
Ministry. I can’t see much to choose between the two parties at present.

185. 1876/09/01. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.634

Private.

Trieste Sept. 1 ‘76

My dear Grattan Geary

Both your notes duly received. Please get your “pick me up” from Kemp,
and see that he sends it to the list of names forwarded to him (all Editors and
Secs. of Clubs). We both laughed heartily over Arbuthnot’s little business—I
should much like to know the truth of it—seal of secrecy of course.635 I never
yet heard of a “Journalist’s Conscience” rewarding him—don’t be offended, I
consider myself one of the cloth. But of course A. should have thanked you for
your conscientious(?) support.

Don’t think the Turks are the “better men”. Both are equally bad for the
offensive & good for defence. It is now the Serbs turn to win. I would willingly
write you an occasional letter, but we must lay down terms (not money—N.B.)

Imprimis is it to be under my own name? If so I can tell you little having fear of
the F. O. before my eyes! Entendez vous?

634
Huntington Library. ALS.
635
F. F. Arbuthnot (see Register) who apparently had become entangled with a married
woman, Mrs. Lacy, and was mentioned by her husband in court proceedings. See
Times of India 1876/07/22, p. 2, col. 2.

286.
 1876/09/07. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.

Secundo, can it be an alias, in which case I can tell you much. But what kind of
alias? Perpend! And send me a line per return. Do you ever read Daily News,
especially letters of “Conscience?” I'm “Conscience” but don’t publish the fact.
Dizzy636 has bolted from the doomed ship and we are going to turn out Lord
Derby. We have already done Elliott of Const.637

My wife is quite well & joins me in kind regards & best wishes.
ev yrs
R. F. B.

186. 1876/09/07. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.638

Private

Trieste Sept 7 ‘76

My dear Grattan Geary

Thanks for yours of August 11 and the information it supplies. I think “Dwarka”
(S.S.)639 was either wrecked in the Tapti or elsewhere—Beyts & Co. could tell
you. Don’t be hasty about Serbs “not being up to the work”. They are now that
Russian officers lead them, and whether they win or lose they have made a
glorious stand for 2 months and more against the whole weight of Turkey, at
least during the last month. I have been making prehistoric researches and have
been amply rewarded.640 Dare not go to Belgrade or F. O. would pay me out for
letters in the Daily News (August 15 & 24).641 Still I strongly sympathise with
Serbia and hope firmly to see Turkey fall to pieces next Spring. My partition plan
(which, if I remember right) you chaffed, has been boldly adopted by the “Post”
(newspaper) of Berlin—so you see the Prussians do not complain of it. The

636
Disraeli.
637
Sir Henry Elliot, Ambassador at Constantinople—see Register.
638
Huntington Library. ALS.
639
The ship on which Burton travelled returning from Mecca to Suez.
640
Presumably a reference to the Castellieri around Trieste, see “The Castelliere of
Jurkovac” Athenaeum 1876-11-04, p. 598.
641
“The Turks in Europe” London Daily News, Tuesday 15 August 1876 ,p. 3, which
contains a letter from Burton to E. A Freeman extensively, without naming Burton.
Similarly “The Turks in Europe” Thursday 24 August 1876 London Daily News p. 2
contains another letter to Freeman from Burton, anonymously.

287.
 1876/10/12. Richard Burton to John Kirk.

Liberals in England are against Turkey to a man, and the Govt. will never dare to
propose another Crimean War. I find myself herding with a strange lot,
Shaftesbury,642 Bright643 & A. Herbert,644 but men who prefer patria to party
must expect strange company. So the “Drunkard’s Dream” has been
disappointed. What becomes of Statesman?645 Don’t go in too hard for Angora
goats. They ruin everything. Syria has been made desert by them, and Iceland
as well as Istria has been forced to kill them out. If you could only confine them
to the jungles, but you can’t.

My wife is quite well and joins with me in best wishes. Write a line when you
have time.
ev yrs
R. F. BURTON.

187. 1876/10/12. Richard Burton to John Kirk.646

Oct 12 1876
My dear Kirk
Many thanks for your packet of August 19 and the trouble you have
taken about the names of the African tribes. Please bear in mind the following
and in case any information turns up drop me a line.647

Dondere
Myasenda (you are right about Mya=Wagai)
Nizizimiza
Temaluye

642
Anthony Ashley Cooper, 7th Earl of Shaftesbury (1801-1885).
643
John Bright (1811-1889) Whig MP for Birmingham.
644
Auberon Edward William Molyneux Herbert (1838-1906), Whig MP for Nottingham.
645
The Statesman, a newspaper published in Calcutta.
646
NLS MSS 9942:18. Typescript copy. The original was sold by Sothebys in 1965.
Without access to the original MS, the obvious transcription errors in the typescript
have been corrected based on definite disambiguation of references, where that is
possible. This means that errors made by Burton himself will not appear.
647
These are names in Sindh for African blacks, see Sindh and the Races that Inhabit
the Valley of the Indus, p. 254. For many of these names Burton seems to be the only
authority.

288.
 1876/10/12. Richard Burton to John Kirk.

What do you mean by making the Zinzigari the tribe to which the Mairs
of Sind belong? They were simply part of the Talpur tribe.

Have you affected your trip to Comoro and Natal? I mentioned it to a

learned friend Professor G. G. Bianconi648 of the University of Bologna […], and
he begged me to secure your assistance in a matter which he has very much at
heart. He is studying the […], the gigantic bird "Ruck" mentioned by Marco Polo
and for his memoir he wants the tradition about it which may still be lingering
on at Zanzibar, Island or Coast, and even further south. He is doubtful whether
it was a large terrestrial bird like an Ostrich, or a gigantic flyer like the Condor.

M. Polo made the "Ruck" visit Zanzibar from the south of Sigala and the
Cape. Grandidier649 discovered immeasurable fragments of egg shells at
Madagascar. The bird is mentioned by many travellers of the XVI century.
Bolivar says it was seen by many Portuguese and was larger than the Condor.
Fr. João dos Santos Ethiopia Oriental650 (p 46651) 1609 declares that the chicks
were found in the Rio da Luabo. Yule652 quotes the Japanese Cyclopaedia which
states that the "Phling" is found at Tsing-Shu (Zanzibar?). The French Orientalist,
Devic,653 quotes an Arab author of the Xth century who asserts that the Anka or
Sprit lives in the Gold Country (Sigala or Mozambique) and devours the elephant.

Professor Bianconi is a great friend of mine and you would immensely

oblige me by jotting down any conversations which you may have had with
Arabs or Sawahilis.

Cameron's book654 will be out before this reaches you. The Brussels
affair will end in a failure.655 In Africa there is no medium between private

648
Giovanni Giuseppe Bianconi (1809-1878), author of Degli scritti di Marco Polo e dell'
uccelo ruc da lui menzionato (Bologna: 1862)
649
Alfred Grandidier (1836–1921).
650
See Fr. João dos Santos Ethiopia Oriental e varia historia de cousas no taueis do
Oriente (Convento de Sao Domingos, Évora, Portugal: 1609)
651
Conjectured from the book, ‘y’ in typescript.
652
Henry Yule (1820-1889).
653
L. Marcel Devic (1832-1888). See Nights, Vol. 4, p. 32.
654
Verney Lovett Cameron Across Africa (London: Daldy, Isbister & Co., 1877).
655
The Brussels Geographic Conference called by King Leopold of Belgium, held in
September 1876, attended by many of the leading explorers and geographers of the
day. One result was the International African Association.

289.
 1876/10/29? Richard Burton to Francis Galton.

enterprise and a great charter company like that of the late Hon'bl East Indian,
but the latter style is out of date. Of course you have seen Stanley,656 who still
shoots Negros as if they were Monkeys—that young man will be getting into a
row and serve him right. I have somehow or other serious doubts how far his
assertions are to be believed.

My wife joins me in regards to both of you and in hopes that all the
family is doing well. I don't write about the war but if it interests you only say
the word and you shall have all manner of news.

Ever yrs
R. F. Burton

188. 1876/10/29? Richard Burton to Francis Galton.657

Trieste Oct 29

My dear Galton

I have read with pleasure your notes on "visualisation". But why don't
you connect it with a familiar "local memory". You need not be ashamed of a
physiological term after Broca so successfully localised certain details of the
[mind] in the brain.

A [native] example of [definitive] local memory is in St James (Ch. 1, v 23-4). He

"forgets his features" when seen in a plan. A man with more power demands
every detail and can easily sketch his own from recollection.

In my case whenever I have a mental sum to do I close my eyes and see the
figures. They are Arabic (1, 2, 3) never Roman (I, II, III) and in dark upon dull
yellow ground. As a boy I could play chess blindfolded, and saw the board as
clearly as if it were before my eyes.

All this I simply connect with local memory which when strong is capable of
being strengthened. On the other hand I can remember dates only by referring
them to some familiar event. A pure date is an impossibility to me.

656
Henry Morton Stanley, see Register.
657
Galton Papers, UCL. 152/6a.

290.
 1876/11/02. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.

I send you these jottings because the more details you have the more you can
work out your subject.

Ev yrs truly
R. F. Burton

189. 1876/11/02. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.658

Private.

Trieste Nov. 2.
My dear Grattan Geary

Yours of Oct. 9 came all right. Thanks for notice of the Bitter. There is no
liver in a ton of them—au contraire. Love to Doolittle.659 [G…t] came here
awfully sick and cut up, but the air of Trieste set him up at once (he was with us at
theatre last night) and the day after tomorrow he sets off for Prague.
Arbuthnot 660 I suppose by this time is back with you.

By this mail you get my first letter. Publish it in 2 parts or dock it or do anything
you like except add to it. Next one will be about Italy. I understand that you
promise me absolutely that the secret shall not be told to a soul. Lord D.661 is
not the only one I want to be in the dark. Is the post per Austrian Lloyds
quite safe?

W. W's. letter is a capital one and tells the whole truth. I shall presently give you
something more exciting, but first the Italians, Austrians, Russians, and Turks must
be disposed of. Don't believe in the Armistice (if it takes place). It means only
war next Spring. Note the Turkish dodge of pushing in 22 battalions whilst the
terms of peace were being debated. You can't believe one word of the English
papers. All are writing party, none truth. Please send the enclosed round.

658
Huntington Library. ALS.
659
Dr. F. W. Doolittle (?-1880) from New York. See John Marie Keating With General
Grant in the East (Philadelphia: Lippincot, 1879) p. 49.
660
F. F. Arbuthnot, see Register.
661
Lord Derby.

291.
 1876/11/10. Edward A. Freeman to Richard Burton.

In Da Cunha's case I see the Odium Theologicum coming out pretty strong.662
My wife will answer you for herself. Meanwhile

ev yrs sincerely
R. F. Burton.

P.S. Please date my letters as if they came from Malta. I hear that Maclean663 returns
to Bombay. Keep my secret from him especially. Please send me two copies
when you print anything of mine. “Calipso” brought no Overland Times. Did
you send me one by her? I want to know so as to complain of the non-delivery.

190. 1876/11/10. Edward A. Freeman to Richard

Burton.664

Somerleaze, November 10, 1876.

These are all the MS letters of yours that I can find; you will remember that some
of them are printed in Daily News. I am very glad of those hints about the Italian
movements. I made some little use of them; but I want to see all that you say
on the matter in print somewhere.

I have two puzzles ahead, which I don't think the diplomatists have yet got to.

First, when New Rome is clear from the Turk, and not taken by the Russian, is it
to be Greek or Bulgarian? I have started this point in Saturday Review. Secondly,
the Hadriatic coast and its background have been, ever since the Slaves came in,
a body without mouths, and a set of mouths without a body. From Augustus to
Justinian 'twas a flourishing land, mother of emperors, and Salona was one of
the great cities of the earth. The thing is to unite the body and the mouths: but
how?

Thirdly, Montenegro must have a port, and the distinction between it and
Herzegovina is simply the difference between freedom and bondage. But might
not an enlarged Montenegro cease to be Montenegro? The tribe civilizing itself,

662
Joseph Gerson Da Cunha (1842-1900) author of Notes on the history and antiquities
of Chaul and Bassein (Bombay: Thacker, 1876).
663
James Mackenzie Maclean (1835-1906).
664
William Richard Wood Stephens The Life and Letters of Edward A. Freeman, D.C.L.,
LL. D. (London: Macmillan, 1895) pp. 141-2.

292.
 1876/11/12. General Charles Gordon to Richard Burton.

and the prince, the true [Shepherd of the people] would be lost, if you made the
territory much larger.

Your last short letter came after this was begun. Thanks for the hint about the
Moslems keeping quiet. You will most likely have seen my letter in the Times of
last Wednesday, where I use a kindred argument.

Could you not bring some of the important points of the case privately before
Lord Salisbury, now he is to be plenipotentiary? He is not like the two men of
Belial, and your knowledge of the East would get you a hearing from him. I am
sure you might do good in this way.

191. 1876/11/12. General Charles Gordon to Richard

Burton.665

Lardo
October 12, 1876

My dear Captain Burton,

Thank you for your letter July 13, which I received proceeding from the
Lake Albert to this place. I came down from Magungo here in eight days, and
could have done it in six days. This is a great comfort to me, and I am proud of
my road and of the herds of cattle the natives pasture along either side of it
without fear. I have been up the Victoria Nile from Mrooli to near Urmdogani,
and seen Long’s lake–viz. Lake Masanga. It is a vast lake, but of still shallow
water. The river seems to lose itself entirely in it. A narrow passage, scarcely
nine feet wide, joins the north end of the Victoria Nile near Mrooli; and judging
from the Murchison Falls–which are rapids, not falls–I should say Victoria Lake
and Victoria Nile contribute very little to the true Nile. The branch Piaggia666 saw
is very doubtful. I could not find it, and the boatmen seem very hazy as to its
existence. As for Gessi’s branch north of Albert Lake, I could not find that either.
And, entre nous, I believe in neither of the two branches. The R.G.S. will have
my maps of the whole Nile from Berber to Urmdogani on a large scale, and they

665
W. H. Wilkins The Romance of Isabel, Lady Burton (London: Hutchinson, 1897) pp.
650-2. The original MS cannot be traced.
666
Carlo Piaggia (1827-1882).

293.
 1876/11/24. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.

will show the nature of the river. I go home on leave (D.V.) in January for six
months, and then come out again to finish off. You would learn my address from
Cox & Co., Craig’s Court. I would be glad to meet you; for I believe you are not
one of those men who bother people, and who pump you in order that they, by
writing, might keep themselves before the world. If it was not such a deadly
climate, you would find much to interest you in these parts; but it is very deadly.
An Arab at Mtesa’s knows you very well. He gave the Doctor a letter for you.
His name is either Ahmed bin Hishim or Ahmed bin Habíb. I have had, entre
nous, a deal of trouble, not yet over, with Mtesa, who, as they will find out, is a
regular native. I cannot write this, but will tell you. Stanley knows it, I expect,
by this time. The Mission will stay there (Mtesa’s) about three months: that will
settle them, I think.

Believe me, with kinds regards,

Yours sincerely,
C.G. Gordon

192. 1876/11/24. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.667

Private.

Trieste Nov 24 ‘76

My dear Grattan Geary

Please put i n deceptive date and see that the signature is the same as my last
one. Again cut out what you please, but if you do cut out, return me the MS,
as I have kept no copy. My next if you want it, will be upon the stand-point of
Austria. Then Russia-cum-Turkey and lastly the Jews. Are you prepared for
strong truths about the latter? In your issue of Nov. 23 (p. 314) you talk of
the “Satisfactory relations of the latter to religious toleration and secular
science”. If you really believe this I can astonish you with facts. By the bye in
the same page you speak of Aristarchi Bey668 as if he were a Turk instead of
Greek to the core. In p. 15 you make the Viennese Neue Freie Presse “a good
exponent” etc. It is managed by a rascally Frenchman in the pay of Turkey

667
Huntington Library. ALS.
668
Gregory Aristarchis (?-1915), an Ottoman diplomat.

294.
 1876/11/30. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.

and working into the hands of the Jews. And who gave you the information
about Kirkham (p. 18)?669 I heard from the best authority that he refused to
fight against Egypt, was degraded by the Negush Johannes and died of drink
at large in Abyssinia. I knew the man and am curious to know what his end
really was.

Lord Salisbury and his family will be here on the 27th. The Conference will do
nothing.670 Turks at last quite ready to fight and will be a tough nut, unless the
Pashas are properly bribed. Russia will also invade via Asia Minor and at last we
see the need of a Euphrates Valley R. R.671

Please pass on the accompanying letter and let me have a line from you. Where
is Arbuthnot?672 Mind that Maclean673 does not guess my secret. “Sind or the
Unhappy Valley” will be out soon.674 My wife joins in kindest regards.

yrs
R. F. Burton

193. 1876/11/30. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.675

Trieste Nov. 30. (St. Andrews676 when the

Scotch liquor up)

My dear Grattan Geary

When Cameron's book677 comes out I will review it for you—in my own
name. Lord Salisbury did not embark at Trieste, nor did I go to see him at the

669
John Charles Kirkham (1835?-1876), a British soldier who joined the service of the
Emperor of Abyssinia. He died after extensive maltreatment by the Egyptians, who
captured him in December 1875.
670
The Peace Conference held at Constantinople in December 1876.
671
Railroad.
672
F. F. Arbuthnot, see Register.
673
James Mackenzie Maclean (1835-1906).
674
Sind Revisited (London: Richard Bentley, 1877).
675
Huntington Library. ALS.
676
St Andrew’s Day, November 30th.
677
Verney Lovett Cameron Across Africa (London: Daldy, Isbister & Co., 1877). See
Register for Cameron.

295.
 1876/12/03. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

neighbouring station Nabresina678 (Tuesday Nov. 28) where he breakfasted en

route to Italy. The reason is probably that I am a “suspect” especially after the
letter of March 7 in Daily Tel., reprinted by Maclean,679 & commented on by you.
Yet it is going to prove true. Men fear Lord Salisbury's “fiery temper”. I
don't. He will be mild enough at Stambul. He has wisely avoided the Embassy,
one mass of corruption, known to all except the Head and his Aides. The Turks
will probably drift into war. The idea all over the Continent, as I told you in my
last, is that we shall not fight Turkey, but in case of the worst occupy
Constantinople & Suez. The French are waxing more furious with us every week.
You should see their papers! Italy is playing the dark game, secretly allied with
Russia, wanting Austria to fight the latter and bent upon “mine Provinces”.
Austria quite prepared to occupy Bosnia & the Herzeg. if Russia intervenes in
Bulgaria. Tory papers stark mad, and injuring their own cause as hard as they
can. I believe in the rumours of a Cabinet split. Dizzy680 would fight. Derby681
won’t. They have been playing at cross purposes since June last and the game
must end in one being checkmated. Mark the Sage of Chelsea's 682 last (Old
Carlyle always teaches abc). All the great minds of England are one upon the
question of supporting the “Empire of Sodom”. In a fortnight or so I’ll give you
a lecture on Austria. Our best wishes
ev yrs
R. F. B.

194. 1876/12/03. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.683

British Consulate
Trieste, Austria

Dec 3. 76.

My dear Lord Houghton,

678
Nabrežina.
679
James Mackenzie Maclean (1835-1906).
680
Benjamin Disraeli (1804-1881) then in his second term as Prime Minister (1874-
1880).
681
Edward Stanley (1826-1893), the Foreign Secretary.
682
Thomas Carlyle (1795-1881).
683
Houghton 4/207.

296.
 1876/12/03. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

We are not summer friends only, & we have felt deeply at your misfortune about
Fryston,684 which we read in the papers. We know how you will have felt the
spoiling of your old ancestral home, yet thank God you saved so many noble
treasures. Our hearts always clung to Fryston as the scene of many a happy day,
& with memories of our earliest friend, & we always thought of our various
returnings to Engd in connection with one house where we were sure of a warm
welcome, but however that is not irreparable as a death, although rebuilding is
never like the ancient thing one loved. You have quite forsaken us as I told you
you would after my book; however you promised to love me privately you know,
even if you cut me publicly. However you ought not, for my book had a success
which I never anticipated in my wildest dreams, & you ought to be very proud
of me. I shall produce another in spring, but no dream unfortunately this time.
Do you see how my dream is coming about? The Queen Empress talks of the
Pope going to Jerusalem, & many other things. Do you see how the Queen
would open Parliament with the Koh-i-nor on her forehead, & what a mess the
end of the session has left us in with Russia? I did all I could to prevent her but
she would not do it!

Well, we left Engd on Dec 4, & went to Arabia, India & Egypt, & after a delightful
trip of 6 months returned here, & settled down. I am very happy here, & wish
Richard liked it as much as I do. He, dear boy, reads & writes, studies, & makes
homeopathic trips. He is writing such a lovely poem on a future life. I get up
before daylight & work all day. I have the best Italian & German professors, &
am reading the classics with them, also an Italian singing master, & and we go
to the fencing school for an hour, where we have a first-rate broadswordsman
& fencing master, a retired soldier, & we have a “set-to” for an hour. This
prevents me getting too fat & sofa bound, & keeps me in good condition. As
long as the warm weather lasted, I had a swimming master & can now swim like
a fish.

Sundays are devoted to Church, visits, letters, newspapers, Charities & working
for my 2 societies. One is Prevention of Cruelty to Animals. They elected me as
a great compliment, but I work them so hard, & worry them so, these poor lazy
Southerners, that I am afraid they will turn me out. The other is for the poor,
which I began in a very small way when I first came, but we are now 10,000

684
The house in Yorkshire was burnt down.

297.
 1876/12/08. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary

people & they have elected me President, & I hold Councils, & distribute them
in bands about the different quarters of Trieste, to pick up the old, & crippled, &
sick, orphans, stray girls &c. &c., & we make a feed, & distribute bread, meat,
rice, wine, medicines, & warm flannel & blankets where most needful, doing the
works of mercy of the Sisters of Charity of St Vincent de Paul, & the Doctors say
it is the most useful thing that has ever been done here. Then we exclude
national, religious, & political distinctions, very necessary here as we have 4 or
5 of each sort all hating one another.

Now I have given you a correct report of Dick & myself, & beg of you to reward
us with a sight of the old familiar hand. With our united love to you, & all yours
ever affectly
Isabel Burton

PS: Is it true [Port] has [converted] [Swinburne]

195. 1876/12/08. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary685

Private.

Trieste 8. 12. ’76.

(Please forward enclosed)

My dear Grattan Geary

Yours of Nov. 13 accompanied the very jolly account of the Ceylon trip. I envied
you when reading it. Sorry to hear that the famine is a big thing—in a few years
at this rate of no-progress India will financially speaking not be worth its keep.
In your last Overland (Nov. 13. p. 16) the “prickly pear”, used as forage, appears
to be considered a novelty. Read the end of my 2d Vol. Highlands of the Brazil
and you will find that all kinds of cactus are commonly eaten by horses and that
the latter learn to strip off the thorns for themselves.

What did you say about the “secrecy to be observed in respect to letters from
Vienna?” If I write from Vienna they will twig me in a moment. Pantillaria has

685
Huntington Library. ALS.

298.
 1876/12/15. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.

great advantages. You see Frere is Botany Bay’d to the Cape—lucky for Bombay.
Sorry now that my squib did not appear.

The Conference will have met long before you get this. What can he
mean by preparing a Corps d’Armeé for Egypt? Who threatens us there? It is a
palpable Dizzy-body dodge for doing something shiny that’s not wanted. We are
fools to try & keep the peace between Russ & Turk. Let ‘em fight it out till both
have a belly full. A patched up peace will only bring on war a few years hence
and meanwhile give a new lease of life to that wretched Eastern question.

I did not see Lord Sal.686 who sensibly avoided me. Hope Lord Lyt.687 will marry
Sind to the Punjab. My wife unites in best regards. Ev yrs.
R. F. B.

P.S. Write the text “utilisation of Indian stores”: it is a great move. If we don’t
make India a manufacturing country we lose half its value.

196. 1876/12/15. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.688

Private.
Trieste 15. 12. 76.
My dear Grattan Geary

Tell me if you want to continue these lucubrations, send me duplicate

copies if you print and return MS if you don't. Cameron not yet out, I am looking
forward to his book as it will be the first that ever thought of doing me justice.689
By the bye Bentleys are printing my “Sind Revisited” and I am anxious to give it
a good chance in India. As a rule people like to read local books but do not like
to take the trouble of ordering them or of waiting a couple of months till the
order is executed. What should you advise me to do for Bombay and Calcutta?
Madras may be omitted as utterly benighted. Shall I tell Bentleys to forward

686
Lord Salisbury.
687
Robert Bulwer-Lytton, 1st Earl of Lytton (1831-1891), Viceroy of India (1876-1880).
688
Huntington Library. ALS.
689
Verney Lovett Cameron Across Africa (London: Daldy, Isbister & Co., 1877). See
Register for Cameron.

299.
 1876/12/17. General Charles Gordon to Richard Burton.

copies for sale to Thacker? Or would the Times of India take charge of them?
And about what number would you allow for Bombay?

There is nothing to tell you but what I have told. Has Arbuthnot690 returned? Or
when is he expected? Where is Maclean?691 What has become of Blanchard?692
I wish the Cape joy of Frere693 who will build the usual Frere Town, Frere Hall
and Frere Roads. By this time you have I presume finished your Delhi trip and
have done its literature. Please post the enclosed—as usual I am afraid of
sending so many loose notes. My wife unites in all manner of good wishes in
season & out of season, Merry Xmas, Happy N. Y. etc. etc. Let us have a line
from you when there is nothing better to do. Ever yours sincerely
R. F. B.

197. 1876/12/17. General Charles Gordon to Richard

Burton.694

On board ‘Sumatra’
December 17, 1876

My Dear Captain Burton,

I received your kind note as I was leaving for Brindisi. I am sorry I cannot
manage the Trieste route. I am not sure what will be my fate. Personally, the
whole of the future exploration, or rather opening, of the Victoria Lake to Egypt
has not a promising future to me, and I do not a bit like the idea of returning. I
have been humbugged into saying I would do so, and I suppose I must keep my
word. I, however, have an instinctive feeling that something may turn up ere I
go back, and so feel pretty comfortable about it. I gave Gessi a letter to you. He

690
F. F. Arbuthnot, see Register.
691
James Mackenzie Maclean (1835-1906).
692
Sidney Laman Blanchard.
693
Sir Henry Bartle Frere (1815-1884) who was made High Commissioner for Southern
Africa in 1877. Several places in South Africa were indeed named after him, e.g. Mount
Frere.
694
W. H. Wilkins The Romance of Isabel, Lady Burton (London: Hutchinson, 1897) pp.
652-3. The original MS cannot be traced. Huntington Library. ALS.

300.
 1877/01/12. General Charles Gordon to Richard Burton.

is a zealous and energetic, sharp fellow. I shall not, however, take him back with
me, even if I go. I do not like having a man with a family hanging on one.

Believe me,
Yours sincerely
C.G. Gordon

198. 1877/01/12. General Charles Gordon to Richard

Burton.695

7, Cecil Street, Strand

January 12, 1877

My Dear Captain Burton,

Thank you for your kind note. Gessi wrote to me from Trieste, dating
his letter only 'Trieste,’ and I replied to that address, so I suppose the post-office
know him. Yes; I am back, but I have escaped persecution. Wilson I have heard
nothing of. I have not the least intention of publishing anything. My life and
work there was a very humdrum one; and, unlike you, I have no store of
knowledge to draw on. (I may tell you your book was thought by us all out in
Africa as by far the best ever written.) I am not going back to H.H. It is a great
pang to me, I assure you; but it is hopeless, hopeless work. Why do you not take
up the work? You may not be so sensitive as I am.

Good-bye, and believe me,

Yours very truly,
C.G. Gordon

199. 1877/02. Richard Burton to Sir Samuel Ferguson.696

To Captain (afterwards Sir) Richard F. Burton, Ferguson wrote on the subject of

Scandinavian Runes, treated of by Burton in his book on Iceland. These had
many points of resemblance to Ogham writing. Instead of selecting, as the

695
W. H. Wilkins The Romance of Isabel, Lady Burton (London: Hutchinson, 1897) pp.
653-4. The original MS cannot be traced.
696
Lady Mary Catharine Guinness Ferguson Sir Samuel Ferguson in the Ireland of his
day Volume 2 (Edinburgh: Blackwood, 1896) pp. 59-60.

301.
 1877/02. Richard Burton to Sir Samuel Ferguson.

Ogham writers did, the sharp edge of a stone, the runic scribes made a stem-
line, from which, on either side, the marks and notches which constituted their
occult alphabet branched off. Captain Burton subsequently visited the Land of
Midian, and thought that he had there discovered true Oghams, of which he
gave a description in Ferguson's house. The markings, though curious, could not
be considered Oghamic.

The following letter, addressed to Captain Burton, then in Trieste, was written
in February 1877:—

You have contributed a very interesting addition to our scanty

knowledge of Runes and Oghams. I was quite unaware that your work
on Iceland contained information so exceptionally rare and valuable.
Having read the book, I have also to thank you for clearer views both of
the land and of the people of Iceland than I previously possessed. What
most strikes me is the deterioration in both respects as compared with
the fairly fertile country and heroic men of the Sagas.

I cannot credit the theory of British extermination, and would imagine

that concurrent streams of Norman and Celtic blood mingle largely in
the noble product—the Englishmen of our own day. . . . You will ask
why do I travel into these side-paths instead of coming straight to the
fact of runes at Emesa? Well, I will tell you. If time had allowed, I would
have desired to look up the history of the kingdom of Jerusalem to see
how far Norman influences may have extended themselves in North
Syria. . . . Neither Rune nor Ogham, so far as I could discover, exists in
Normandy or Brittany. Oghams there are of neo-post-Roman date in
South England and Wales; and I travelled lately into Cumberland in
search of one which formerly existed there in one of the quarries
worked for the purposes of the wall, and most probably legionary and
Roman, but it had disappeared: so that while I must leave the third and
fourth century Runes of Mr. Stephens and their Greek origin in
questionable suspense, I would expect a Latin origin for the Ogham
forms, and hope, in some of them, to find memorials of the pre-Patrician
Scotic Christians. It is, however, too soon to generalise. I remember
having been much struck with Donaldson's idea of Etruscan influences
extending into Scandinavia; and on a clay sepulchral urn found with

302.
 1877/02/08. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.

objects of decidedly Etruscan origin in the Tyrol I have seen the Palm-
rune either genuine or imitated. There are many repetitions of
character, but not enough of difference to ground any certainty of their
being used alphabetically. You may be sure, in anything I may have to
write on the subject, I shall not omit to refer to your Syrian examples,
and would beg you in the meantime to inquire how far eastward you
can trace their use.

200. 1877/02/08. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.697

Private.
Trieste 8/2/77

(This mail takes you letter No. VI698)

My dear Grattan Geary

I have not heard from or of you for ages. Have you printed any of the
five letters sent to you? If so you have sent me only one (Nov. 29. '76).

Perhaps, however, they are too strong for you or they do not suit the line of the
T. of I. In that case please let me have the MSS back.

My wife has just lost her brother Rodolph Arundell699 of the Admiralty, and we
have been in great distress. She is going to make a “retreat” at Gorizia for a
fortnight, and I am off to Agram700 and elsewhere (mum!) March I shall pass in
Egypt. The big row won't come on before April unless the Turks attack which is
hardly probable. Still the Old Party is the ascendant and the Shaytan701 know
what they will be at. In Constantinople all the English are ready packed for a
bolt. From Damascus nearly all the Christians have fled.

697
Huntington Library. ALS.
698
That is the sixth letter, for disguised publication, that Burton had sent him about
current affairs.
699
Rodolph Alexis Arundell (1837-1877).
700
Zagreb, in Croatia.
701
Rebels, or perhaps devils.

303.
 1877/02/28. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.

My new “Sind Revisited” is very nearly corrected. Cameron has not yet sent me
his book which I wanted to review for you.702 Stillman promises me his, giving
experiences of Bosnia & Montenegro—I know him and judge him to be an
honest man.703

United kindest regards & best wishes. Many salaams to Codrington704 &
Da Cunha.705 Have you any objection to reprint in T. of I. my review (Athenaeum)
of the latter' s book.706
Sincerely yrs.
R. F. Burton.

201. 1877/02/28. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.707

Private.
Trieste 28/2/77
My dear Grattan Geary

I was glad once more to see your fist, and to hear that you enjoyed
yourself at Delhi. You are right about the Viceroy708—he is a thoroughly civilised
man, too much so for the Junglees of Brit. India. I have read the Miracle Play,
but where is the rush thro' Rajpootana? Of Pantillarias I have received only
two—Nov. 4 (No. 1) and Dec. 26 (No. 3). Consequently No. 2 of Nov. 24 wanted
the “Standpoint of Italy”. Please send me duplicates or return MSS.709

I have much to tell you, too much for a note. You are all wrong about the Grand
Turks. (But you don't care to be right. Wrong pays.) They have got rid of that

702
Verney Lovett Cameron Across Africa (London: Daldy, Isbister & Co., 1877). See
Register for Cameron.
703
William James Stillman (1828-1901) American-born correspondent for The Times.
704
Dr. Oliver Codrington, Honorary Secretary of the Bombay Asiatic Society.
705
Joseph Gerson Da Cunha (1842-1900).
706
This is the review by Burton of Joseph Gerson Da Cunha Notes on the history and
antiquities of Chaul and Bassein (Bombay: Thacker, 1876) in The Athenaeum No. 2573
(Feb. 17, 1877) p. 222-3.
707
Huntington Library. ALS.
708
Robert Bulwer-Lytton, 1st Earl of Lytton (1831-1891), Viceroy of India (1876-1880).
709
Burton is referring to his letters published by Grattan Geary under the name
“Pantillaria”.

304.
 1877/03/08. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.

wretched Midhat710 who is drunk every night with Raki, whose money
transactions are disgraceful and who wanted to make himself Maire du Palais.
But (despite the paid press) they are not ready for war; their forts are in holes
and they can hardly bring 200,000 regulars into the field. We (England) are
between the horns of a Dilemma (not a statesman amongst us). Either we fail
to keep Turkey alive and incur the penalty of failure, or we succeed and keep the
whole of Europe in a state of turmoil for a year or two (what ought to be done
is Russia to Bulgaria, Austria to Bosnia, & English fleet to Const. Lord. Sal. talks
rot about danger to Xtians if we send fleet.) But Russia, despite the Jews and
the Tories is in splendid fighting condition—see Colonel Vincent’s711 lecture and
all the men who know anything of the subject: she is playing the waiting game
and allows Turkey, as Bismarck did Paris, to simmer in her own juice. The extent
of Ld. Sal's failure is this: Ignatieff712 who knows the Turks by heart stopped the
pressure & allowed his colleague to yield an inch—we know the result.

My wife extends her kindest regards. Write when you can to discuss
Trieste. I go to Egypt for a month & return in April. Kindly send enclosed to Mr.
du Cunha.713 Remember me to friends–I shall probably see you next winter &
believe me
sincerely
R. F. Burton.

I have Cameron & will review him for you on the voyage to Egypt.

202. 1877/03/08. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.714

Private.
March 8 ‘77. Alexandria Egypt (direct Trieste)
My dear Grattan Geary

710
Ahmed Şefik Midhat Pasha (1822-1883) who was dismissed from the position of
Grand Vizier in February 1877 (but reinstated the following year).
711
Colonel Sir Charles Edward Howard Vincent (1849–1908), who was sent by the Daily
Telegraph to observe the Russian army in 1877.
712
Count Nicholas Pavlovitch Ignatieff (1832-1908).
713
Joseph Gerson Da Cunha (1842-1900).
714
Huntington Library. ALS.

305.
 1877/04/20. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

Whilst on board I have polished off for you Cameron's Africa,715 but I
have not time to copy it out clear. So please look over it yourself or the printer's
devil will make a nice affair of it.

I shall be in Egypt only till the end of March, so if you want me to do anything
for you, you will have to telegram. Do you know Ali Akbar, old Sir Chas. Napier's
Munshi, of whom I spoke to you? I wish you could get at him & tell him that I
am waiting for the biography which he promised me. Probably the fear of Sir
Barter716 before his eyes kept him silent but now he may speak out.

My wife would join me in best regards if she were here on board but she is not.
Please remember me kindly to all friends, Codrington717 and others—what is
Maclean718 doing?
Ev yrs.
R. F. Burton

P.S. Please note that Cameron makes my Expedition discover the sources of the
Nile and the Congo. Perhaps you might offer a few remarks upon the subject—
at present I have the honour to be the only “neglected Englishman” amongst all
the African Explorers. Mind you send me triplicates of the Review etc., and if
they are in slips they will serve my purposes best. I want to send them abroad.

203. 1877/04/20. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.719

My dear Friend,

I got your letter dated 15 December but in the midst of trouble or I shd have
answered it. I had 2 dear old uncles who lived with my father, his unmarried
brothers, & who were like fathers to us & one brother left out of 4, all fine young
fellows in the army & Navy and each carried off by accident not by any family
complaint. Well on the 6th Dec, one uncle died, then my brother caught black
small pox in a cab, & died 23rd Jany, & on 21st of Feby my other uncle died. I
was so grieved I shut myself up all December January February & March. I went

715
Verney Lovett Cameron Across Africa (London: Daldy, Isbister & Co., 1877).
716
A play on Sir Bartle Frere.
717
Dr. Oliver Codrington.
718
James Mackenzie Maclean (1835-1906).
719
Houghton 4/208.

306.
 1877/04/20. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

into a convent for a fortnight and had a spiritual retreat under Father Bankiel a
Dalmatian Jesuit in Italian & I made a pilgrimage to Monte Santo for I find that
in grief there is no cure, Religion is the only soother. Whilst at [Gorizia] I took
the opportunity of paying my respects to Henri 5 who has known me for 18
years, & my mother before me. He received me most graciously, as also did the
Queen, & he asked me to dinner. I told him about my affliction & also that I had
brought no evening toilette, & with that kindness and condescension which is so
Royal, he said that it shd be en famille720 & I shd come in my morning dress, which
of course I did, & he put me on his right, & talked to me all the evening, & was
exceedingly gay, & in excellent health. The Queen was also there, & the
entourage. He asked me about “my Dream”, & laughed. I was exceedingly
pleased, & more so as you know to us Catholics he is only 2d to the Pope. On
leaving he gave me his & the Queen's photograph, & they wrote their names. In
March Richard had a month's leave to Egypt, where the Khedive has taken an
immense fancy to him, & Richard happening to mention something rare, but too
heavy to carry away,721 he had seen wandering as an Arab 23 yrs ago, he (the K)
dispatched him in a war vessel with officers, books, & secretaries, to look for it.
I expect him back today or by next boat on Friday, but feel anxious for news.

Meantime I came up to a Slav village722 after Lent for rest & solitude, with my
maid. It is perched on a mountain, & overlooks Trieste & the sea. We had
summer when I came up, but winter has returned, & I am blocked up with snow.
Whilst it was yet warm, I gave a picnic to 60 of “mes intimes” & it was very pretty,
& I enjoyed giving it. First we had a rural dinner at 4. The Colonel lent me the
Hungarian Military Band, which played out of sight at dinner, & afterwards they
set to & danced as merrily as children till midnight, with intervals of
refreshments. They took their departure by the road, in a series of omnibuses,
& the band played the National Hymn & there was a great display of fireworks
& Bengal lights! They were all good natured enough to say it was the prettiest
fete ever given here, & very hungry enough to forget the absence of champagne
& pate de foie gras. There were all the Austrian authorities & chief people of
our small town, some of whom I expect you know; HRH Prince Wm of

720
in family.
721
Gold ore.
722
Opicina.

307.
 1877/04/20. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

Wurtemburghe’s723 Commander in Chief, Prince & Princess Wrede, the Admiral

of our station & his wife (Baron Pretis724) and the Governor (Baron Pino725) & his
wife &c &c. I always have to profit of Dick's little journeys as I do the large ones
& he hates receiving ladies & I like it & understand it.

Since July I have been leading the same life; helping Richard, household & social
duties, studying for my 5 professors; & lots of public work for the town among
the poor & for the Church, & for Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, for which the
town has presented me with a Life Membership & a Gold Medal, which in one
sense I regret as I do not wish to have any reward here below. I am quite
changed—I have no ambition, I want only for Richard to become a good Catholic,
I want no honour & reward of any kind, only that we should both serve hand in
hand, & do all the good we can till we die and go to God in heaven. We are no
longer young. Then—what do we want of a few empty baubles for our
remaining years? Better without them & have our reward up above.

You have your trials too God knows & both Richard and I deeply felt this affair
about Fryston,726 for & with you. I think I shall be home about September for
my sister's marriage (the youngest & only unmarried one), & you will, I am sure,
let me come down & spend a few days with you if you are at Fryston. I am glad
Richard has nothing to do with the Eastern question, it is too great a
responsibility & he is of the old Stratford de Redcliffe school & disciple, but you
may be sure that whatever he has to do, I would try to do him credit, & never
allow my Catholic principles to interfere with his official work. You know that in
Damascus I was more popular with the Druses, Moslems, Afghans & Kurds, than
I was with the Christians whom I disliked & secretly despised—but the fact of a
race being petty or degenerate, does not destroy my faith in the great religious
facts, & the history of our redemption, because my theology is too sound to be
affected by clouds in the sky, & Richard will never be a thoroughly happy man
till he believes in a future! Yates727 has written to me & I am beginning an
account of Fryston, & yourself &c. &c., but I wish you wd give me a short
skeleton, & leave me to fill it in—date of Fryston building, architecture, a few of

723
Later King William of Württemberg (1848-1921).
724
Baron de Pretis.
725
Baron Pino von Friedenthal (1825-1906).
726
The fire which destroyed Fryston.
727
Edmund Hodgson Yates (1831-1894), editor of the World.

308.
 1877/05/12. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.

the celebrated names that have assembled there since your time & your
father's.728 Give me something more than my own visits there, & write what I
know, & you tell me. I can make it very interesting, but Yates seems hurried, so
send it without delay. I have asked him how long—but if I make it too long he
can make 2 or 3 of it.

Best love to your dear girls, & not forgetting Robin, who is now probably going
into Parliament or something, & believe me yours always affectly
Isabel Burton
British Consulate
Trieste
Austria

April 20th
1877

204. 1877/05/12. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.729

Private.

Trieste May 12/77

My dear Grattan Geary

The papers have probably told you about my doings during the last six
weeks—It is a big thing and will read like a bit of the Arabian Nights. The slips of
“Passionate Pleading” reached me safely. You see my foretaste has been right
in two main points. 1. War has broken out and 2. The main attack has been from
the Caucasus. I am ready to give you a long Pantillaria about the Jews which will
cut up into two, but you must tell me that you want it, or rather that you are not
afraid of it.

I am glad for many reasons that you and Maclean are on good terms: it is so easy
to differ in opinion without bad blood. The worst of the old state of things was
and is that if an outsider printed himself in one paper it was sure to raise the

728
This is Isabel’s article on Fryston and Monckton Milnes for the ‘Celebrities at Home’
series in the weekly newspaper The World of 20 June 1877.
729
Huntington Library. ALS.

309.
 1877/05/25. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.

other’s bile. Blanchard730 is a poor devil who should be allowed to go to hell his
own way—decidedly not a pleasant outlook for Walton.

The Turks will get a most confounded licking although Europe may
interfere to prevent their crumpling up. What you can see in those Tartars the
Devil only knows. I want my Kingdom of Byzantium–the only true defence
against Russia. The latter I regard much as you do, but I would make her spread
herself Eastwards as far as possible instead of stopping her as you would, and
when she meets China I should be safe.

What did you think of the Cameron review?—too technical I'm afraid to suit dull
Bombay. Best regards from both and injunctions to write.
Ev yrs
R. F. BURTON.

Don't forget to let me have copies of all the Pantillarias. Just left ship and found
“Acroy Aquila”. Glad you like it.

205. 1877/05/25. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.731

Trieste May 25

My dear Grattan Geary

Lloyds takes three copies of Sind to your address 1. for yourself. 2. for
A. W. Hughes F. S. S. of Karachi and 3. for Da Cunha, Fort Bombay. Please
distribute them—I should not have given you the trouble, but a large parcel is
much less easily lost than a little ‘un. Don't forget Rajputana. Damn the famine.
It's small potatoes compared with what you are going to have, if, at least, our
Govt. drift into war. The 1st step Russia takes is to march a force of a few men
with a large cadre of officers, and collect all the scoundrels and bad-mashes of
Persia, Afghanistan, Beluchistan & in fact Central Asia generally. This will create
a terrible stir in India, and blood and gold may be expected to flow freely. Our
only hope is in avoiding war.

730
Sidney Laman Blanchard.
731
Huntington Library. ALS.

310.
 1877/06/21. General Charles Gordon to Richard Burton.

Who shall review Sind? Please let me have say 1/2 doz. copies of the Review. I
would have done it myself for you, but every moment is being given to my vol.
on The Gold Mines of Midian.

I enclose a long notice of them (evidently inspired, from the Trieste Zeitung)—
you will easily get it translated. Also a Trip to Indus-land in case you have a hole
in your paper.

My wife is quite well and salutes you. She will probably go to Adelsberg732 for
the summer. I shall pass August at Carlsbad washing my liver clean for a winter
campaign amongst the nuggets. Keep Ali Akbar733 well in view et portez vous
bien.734
Ev yrs sincy
R. F. Burton.

P. S. Your damned Turks are murdering everybody in Bosnia.

206. 1877/06/21. General Charles Gordon to Richard

Burton.735

Oomchanga, Darfur
June 21, 1877

My Dear Captain Burton,

You now, I see, have £600 a year, a good climate, quiet life, good food,
etc., and are engaged in literary enquiries, etc., etc. I have no doubt that you
are very comfortable, but I cannot think entirely satisfied with your present
small sphere. I have therefore written to the Khedive to ask him to give you
Darfur as Governor-General, with £1,600 a year, and a couple of secretaries at
£300 a year each. Darfur is l'enfer.736 The country is a vast sand plain, with but
little water; the heat is very great; there is little shooting. The people consist of

732
A resort near Trieste, famous for its caves.
733
See 1877/03/08.
734
It will bring you good.
735
W. H. Wilkins The Romance of Isabel, Lady Burton (London: Hutchinson, 1897) pp.
654-6. Lovell (1998) states that the original MS is in the WRO.
736
Hell.

311.
 1877/06/27. General Charles Gordon to Richard Burton.

huge Bedawin tribes, and of a settled population in the larger villages. Their
previous history under the Sultans would show them as fanatical. I have not
found them in the least so; in fact I think them even less so than the Arabs of
Cairo. If you got two years’ leave from H.M.’s Government, you would lose
nothing. You know the position of Darfur; its frontier through Wadi is only
fifteen days from Lake Tchad. On the other side of Lake Tchad you come on
another sultanate, that of Bowmon,737 and you then near the Gulf of Guinea.
Darfur is healthy. You will (D.V.) soon have the telegraph to your capital, El
Tascher. If the Khedive asks you, accept the post, and you will do a mint of good,
and benefit these poor people. You will also see working out curious problems;
you will see these huge tribes of Bedawins, to whom the Bedawin tribes of
Arabia are as naught; you will trace their history, etc.; and you will open relations
with Wadai, Baginni,738 etc. I know that you have much important work at the
Consulate, with the ship captains, etc., and of course it would not be easy to
replace you; but it is not every day you use your knowledge of Asiatics or of
Arabia. Now is the time for you to make your indelible mark in the world and in
these countries. You will be remembered in the literary world, but I would
sooner be remembered in Egypt as having made Darfur. I hope, if His Highness
write to you, you will ask for two years’ leave and take the post as Governor-
General. You are Commandant of Civil and Military and Finance, and have but
very little to do with me beyond demanding what you may want.

Believe me,
Yours sincerely,
C.G. Gordon

207. 1877/06/27. General Charles Gordon to Richard

Burton.739

Oomchanga, Darfur
June 27, 1877

737
This seems to be a transcription error for Bornu.
738
Transcription error for Bagirmi.
739
W. H. Wilkins The Romance of Isabel, Lady Burton (London: Hutchinson, 1897) pp.
656-7. The original MS cannot be traced.

312.
 1877/—/—. Richard Burton to General Charles Gordon.

My Dear Burton,

Thanks for your letter May 9, received today. I have answered…. Would
you be bothered with him? I feel certain you would not. What is the use of such
men in these countries; they are, as Speke was to you, infinitely more bother
than use. Then why do you put him on me? I have had enough trouble with
them already.

You will have my letter about Darfur. I must say your task will not be pleasant;
but you talk Arabic, which I do not; and you will have much to interest you, for
most of the old Darfur families are of Mohammed’s family.

I dare say you wonder how I can get on without an interpreter and not knowing
Arabic. I do not believe in man’s free-will, and therefore believe all things are
from God and preordained. Such being the case, the judgements and decisions
I give are fixed to be thus or thus, whether I have exactly hit off all the
circumstances or not. This is my raft, and on it I manage to float along, thanks
to God, more or less successfully. I do not pretend my belief could commend
itself to any wisdom or science, or in fact anything, but as I have said elsewhere,
a bag of rice jolting along these roads could, if it had the gift of speech, and if it
were God’s will, do as well as I do. You may not agree with me. Keep your own
belief. I get my elixir from mine–viz. that with these views I am comfortable,
whether I am a failure or not, and can disregard the world’s summary of what I
do, or of what I do not do.
Yours sincerely,
C.G. Gordon

208. 1877/—/—. Richard Burton to General Charles

Gordon.740

My dear Gordon,

You and I are too much alike. I could not serve under you, nor you under me. I
do not look upon the Soudan as a lasting thing. I have nothing to depend upon
but my salary; and I have a wife, and you have not.

740
Undated fragment reproduced in W. H. Wilkins The Romance of Isabel, Lady Burton
(London: Hutchinson, 1897) p. 656. The original MS is reportedly held in WSO.

313.
 1877/07/07. George Percy Badger to Richard Burton.

209. 1877/07/07. George Percy Badger to Richard

Burton.741

7th July.

My dear Burton

Recd yours of the 2nd. Thanks for your kind advice. The great difficulty
is how I am to follow it, for somehow or other my hours are always full.

[Sabunjy] was here last evg. and I told him to send you a copy of his
[three issues] of “Nahlah”.742 He is certainly a very energetic and working fellow.
I help him to the best of my ability; but he seems to make an entrance every
way. You will see his full address in his magazine. Yes, as you say, he did [al-
illakrijy]743 very negligently. I had all the other books with me and looked into
them and copied the extracts myself. I also copied what he had taken from [al-
illakrijy] because he had written it very badly.

Mr. Turner came here some days ago and showed me the papers which
you have sent to him. I gave him the best directions I could and promised to
notify to him if I lighted on any thing further anent Mádyan.

“[Dîn-i-Muhammed]” may be allowable in Persian, but certainly not in

Arabic. It is quite allowable to call the traditions &c. “Muhammedan”, but the
religion is not of Muhammed, so say the [Fukahâ], but of God.

The [transcendentalism] of the [Sûfiyyah] is not spirituality in the sense

in which I applied the term. But, I shall not discuss such points with you.
I find that one who wishes to steer a middle course always gets kicks from the
two extreme parties.

741
Huntington Library. ALS.
742
Rev. John Louis Sabúnji (1838-1931) edited a magazine called An Nullah (The Queen
Bee). See L. Zolondek ‘Sabunji in England 1876-91: His Role in Arabic Journalism’
Middle Eastern Studies Vol. 14, No. 1 (Jan., 1978), pp. 102-115.

743
Possibly the mathematician Abu Bakr Al-Karaji, whose name has
been given in various forms.

314.
 1877/07/13. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.

Mr. Bowes called on me last evening. He has evidently done nothing

about the Zanzibar scheme. His apology seems to me a good one. He says that
he had no data to place before others to induce them to invest their money. I
think I told you that yr first move was to lay something like a definite plan before
the Sayyid. Two other parties have since then come to me, and I have given
them the same advice. One, in connection I fancy with the [Chemistry] Socy,
talked about making roads, harbours, &c. &c. and wanted to know what
concessions the Sayyid would make them. Another party wanted to buy the
island of Moufia, off the Rufijy.744 I sent on both to the Sayyid & his reply was
the same:—set forth categorically what you want me to do, what yr. objects are,
and what benefits are likely to accrue to both parties from the desired
arrangement. Altho’ the first of these parties stated in a speech at the Society
of Arts that as much as £100,000 was [furthering] for the enterprise, no further
steps, that I know of, have been taken. In the mean time a third party has
stepped in, quite independent of me, for [I only] heard of them thro’ the Sayyid
in a letter recd. the mail before last. These appear to have [met] in a definite
scheme, and the Sayyid requests me, should it be proceeded with, to go out on
his behalf. I have heard nothing more since then, and whether the scheme will
die a natural death or be prosecuted I know not. I have no desire whatever to
go out to Zanzibar, but if there is a good chance of something satisfactory being
effected I shall find it difficult to resist the Sayyid’s pressing request that I should
join him.

My wife [emotes745] with me in best regards to Mrs. Burton & yourself.

Most sincerely,
George Percy Badger.

210. 1877/07/13. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.746

Private

Trieste July 13/77

744
The Rufiji River in East Africa, present-day Tanzania.
745
746
Huntington Library. ALS MS.

315.
 1877/07/13. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.

My dear Grattan Geary

Yours of June 4 came all right. I have been awfully busy in finishing “The
Gold Mines of Midian”, and in working the Ogham Character as you will see from
Athenaeum. Hence Pantillaria silent.747 Glad to hear that Ooty748 has done you
good—my remembrance of it is that it was a very rotten hole full of middle-class,
respectably-pious and water-swilling Mules—a race which disagrees with me. I
don’t despair of a Byzantium without the Turk, and observe, already they are
talking of identically the same project for Bulgaria. The newspapers are doing
their best in India to excite the Mussulmans. Elsewhere it is a failure. The
Egyptians openly say they hope England will take the Country. A set seems to
be made against Dizzy and the least blunder will send him trotting. I fancy that
pudding-headed Ward Hunt is off the stocks.749 What an ass he has made of his
Department! Torpedoes are now smashing up ironclads and the next build will
be honeycombed band boxes that steam 20 knots an hour. Old Whitehead of
Fiume gone to England; he has just invented a torpedo shot from a gun—such
an article!750 Don’t be a sailor.

I am glad that you like Temple. Remember me to Maclean751 when you see him.
I suppose it is an armed peace. What news of Nassau Lees?752 I see
Codrington753 & Bühler754 have left Bombay and keep up a kind of
correspondence with Da Cunha.755

My wife joins in kindest regards and best wishes: if you are thinking of a
home trip come & see us at Trieste.

747
The pseudonymous letters on current affairs that Burton sent Geary for publication.
748
A station in the Nilgiri Hills of India.
749
George Ward Hunt (1825–1877), who was in charge of the Admiralty from 1874-
1877.
750
Robert Whitehead (1823–1905) invented the first self-propelled depth-stabilized
torpedo, which was driven by compressed air and launched from a tube.
751
James Mackenzie Maclean (1835-1906).
752
William Nassau Lees (1825-1889) a journalist, linguist and author of several books
on India, where he was in the service of the East India Company.
753
Dr. Oliver Codrington.
754
George Bühler (1837-1898) a noted linguist active in the Bombay branch of the
Royal Asiatic Society.
755
Joseph Gerson Da Cunha (1842-1900).

316.
 1877/07/18. General Charles Gordon to Richard Burton.

Yrs sincly
R. F. Burton

211. 1877/07/18. General Charles Gordon to Richard

Burton.756

Capt. Burton
H.M. Consul
Trieste.

Dara
18. July. 1877

My Dear Burton

I have got round to Dara vià Toasha,757 and hope in four or five days to
get to Tascher,758 the soi disant Sultan Haroun is said to have left Tanné, the
people are very good they have been driven into this revolt, most of the tribes
have given in their submission. The Fors or, original natives of the land are the
only people partially in revolt. Dar For is the land of Fors, as Dar Fertit is the land
of the Fertits. You would find much to interest you here, for the Ulemas are
well-read people, & know the old history. I found a lot of chain
armour here, just like the armour of Saladeen’s people
time of the Crusades with old helmets thus some embossed with
gold. They were taken from the Sultan
Ibrahim’s body guard when he was killed. The sheep are
wonderful; some with a regular mane. The people would delight

756
Huntington Library. An incomplete version with several errors appears in W. H.
Wilkins The Romance of Isabel Lady Burton (London: Hutchinson, 1897) pp. 657-8.
757
Or ‘Toashia’ in other sources.
758
Or ‘Fascher’ in other sources.

317.
 1877/—/—? Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

in the interest you would take in them. When the Egyptians took the country
here, they seized an ancient mosque for a P. Mag.759 I have given it back &
endowed it, there was a great ceremony, & the people are delighted. It is
curious how these Arab tribes came up here: it appears those of Burnum760 and
Bagirmi came from Tripoli, the others came up the Nile. The Dar Fertit lies
between these semi-Mussulman lands & the Negro lands proper, on the border
are the Niam-Niam, who circumcise. I suppose they took it from these Arab
tribes. I only hope you will come up, you will DV find no great trouble here, by
that time, & none of the misery I have had. Believe me

Yours sincerely
C.G. Gordon

P.S. When I have done with Tascher I go to the Railway at Wadi Halfa, then to
Berber, then to Senhit, or Bogos,761 then to Massawah,762 & Berbera. I date
that I shall be at Wadi Halfa in August, & at Massawah in October, but l’homme
purpose Dieu dispose.

212. 1877/—/—? Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.763

My dear Lord Houghton

I despatched yesterday my MSS with a few words scrawled to you, &

today wrote to Yates764 saying "my diary is v. stained with travel. I sent the MSS
via Lord Houghton asking him to refer to his diary, to put in a few words & names
for some I can no longer read.” It is not as long as it looks. There is an enormous
margin for corrections & my hand is sprawling. It won’t be more than the
regulation 3 columns. I shd have said I put that about the Fryston election party,
less to bring myself forward, than to illustrate a most amusing day.

759
Powder magazine, see Birkbeck Hill ed. Colonel Gordon in Central Africa, 1874-1879
(London: De la Rue, 1881), p. 249. “I had it cleared out and restored for worship, and
endowed the priests and the crier, and had a great ceremony”.
760
Unclear. Gordon may be referring to Bornu or Bar-noa, which is near Bagmiri.
761
Senhit was an alternate name for Bogos, now in Eritrea.
762
Massawa, in modern-day Eritrea.
763
Houghton 4/201.
764
Editor of the World.

318.
 1877/09/17. Isabel Burton to Luke Ionides.

Richard returned yesterday, in excellent health, & spirits after 10 weeks

absence. I will now explain why I said he was a [Dr. Joseph] to Egypt. 25 years
ago, wandering as a Moslem Mecca wards, he came upon a whole land as rich
as a "placer"765 but being young & romantic he only thought of his “spurs”, &
glory, & so putting a mark, passed on & kept his secret all these years, & now
that Egypt is Bankrupt the people & animals starving, the troops unpaid, & the
Khedive a pauper, he thought it was time to go to their succour. The Khedive
sent him with men of war, troops, engineers, & secretaries & plenty of money,
& he led them to a part of the Coast, where they disembarked, & went inland &
then he showed them the land which he found to be l’California; 600 miles long,
by 300 broad of solid gold & silver. The Khedive was delighted, & on his return
sent a special train, & received him with honour & enthusiasm at the Palace. So
stick to your Egyptians if you have any, & don't talk about it to the Turks, for in
the course of another year this will very much change the state of things, & I
shall be glad to hear that English troops are occupying Egypt.

Dick's & my very best love, believe me ever,

Affec. yrs
Isabel Burton

213. 1877/09/17. Isabel Burton to Luke Ionides.766

My dear Luke

It seems so long since we heard from any of you. How is Elfie? Is she again on
her dignity? I grieved to see poor Mary’s bereavement. It is long since Lallah767
wrote. Please God I hope we shall all meet again next May. Richard wrote you
a letter which you have never answered. You must please be a better boy &
answer quickly, as Richard goes on 19 October. I am to follow in January.
Meantime you & I are to transact all the business together, & if you don’t answer
“by express train & telegraph” you know what a fiend I shall become.

Give them all our best & dearest love & believe me my dear Luke yours affectly

765
That is, an alluvial deposit that can be mined by panning.
766
Quentin Keynes Collection, British Library.
767
Alice Lallah Bird, daughter of Dr. George Bird.

319.
 1877/10/19. General Charles Gordon to Richard Burton.

Isabel Burton

P.S. My husband says there is nothing new to say only that in Feby he means to
raise the funds in the manner proposed. If he is in Egypt he will communicate
with you direct. If in Arabia through me and you must tell me what words to use
in telegraphing. Also tell me this, we see quite well what immense advantage
will accrue to you but we don’t see exactly what will accrue to us and I want to
know.

17 Sept 1877
British Consulate Trieste

214. 1877/10/19. General Charles Gordon to Richard

Burton.768

En route to Berber
October 19, 1877

My Dear Captain Burton,

£1,600, or indeed £16,000, would never compensate a man for a year

spent actively in Darfur. But I considered you, from your independence, one of
Nature’s nobility, who did not serve it for money. Excuse the mistake–if such it
is.

I am now going to Dongola and Assouan, and thence to Massowah769 to see

Johannis,770 and then to Berberah vis-à-vis Aden, near your old friends the
Somalis. (Now there is a government which might suit you, and which you might
develop, paying off old scores by the way for having thwarted you; it is too far
off for me to hope to do anything). I then return to Kartoum, and then go to
Darfur and return to Kartoum, and then go to the Lakes. Why do people die in
these countries? Do not you, who are a philosopher, think it is due to the moral
prostration more than to the climate? I think so, and have done so for a long

768
W. H. Wilkins The Romance of Isabel Lady Burton (London: Hutchinson, 1897) pp.
659-61. The original MS cannot be traced.
769
Massawah.
770
The Emperor of Ethiopia.

320.
 1877/10/19. General Charles Gordon to Richard Burton.

time. My assistant, Prout,771 has been lingering on the grave’s brink for a long,
and I doubt if he will go up again. I have no fear of dying in any climate. 'Men
now seek honours, not honour.’ You put that in one of your books. Do you
remember it? How true it is! I have often pirated it, and not acknowledged the
author, though I believe you stole it.772 I see Wilson is now Sir Andrew.773 Is it
on account of his father’s decease? How is he? He wanted to come out, but he
could not bear the fatigue. All these experiments of the King of the Belgians will
come to grief, in spite of the money they have; the different nationalities doom
them. Kaba Rega, now that we have two steamers on Lake Albert (which, by the
way, is, according to Mason,774 one hundred and twenty miles longer than
Gessi775 made it), asks for peace, which I am delighted at; he never was to blame,
and you will see that, if you read how Baker treated him and his ambassadors.776
Baker certainly gave me a nice job in raising him against the Government so
unnecessarily, even on his own showing (vidé his book Ismaïlia). Judge justly.
Little by little we creep on to our goal–viz. the two lakes; and nothing can stop
us, I think. Mtesa777 is very good friends, and agrees much more with us than
with your missionaries. You know the hopelessness of such a task, till you find
a St. Paul or a St. John. Their representatives nowadays want so much a year
and a contract. It is all nonsense; no one will stay four years out there. I would
like to hear you hold forth on the idol 'Livingstone,’ etc., and on the slave-trade.
Setting aside the end to be gained, I think that Slave Convention is a very just
one in many ways towards the people; but we are not an over-just nation
towards the weak. I suppose you know that old creature Grant,778 who for
seventeen or eighteen years has traded on his wonderful walk. I am grateful to
say he does not trouble me now. I would also like to discuss with you the

771
Henry J. Prout, an American who succeeded Gordon as Governor of Equatoria.
772
Burton attributed this motto to Camoens, see Os Lusiadas (the Lusiads) Vol. 1, p. xi.
773
Andrew Wilson (1831-1881) the former journalist turned travel writer, who
contributed to A Sketch of the Career of Richard F. Burton (1880) and wrote an account
of Gordon’s campaign in China, based on Gordon’s then-unpublished private journals,
The Ever-Victorious Army (Edinburgh: Blackwood, 1878). Gordon appears to have been
mistaken about his title.
774
Alexander McComb Mason (1841-1897), an American (who had seen action in the
Confederate Army) in the service of the Khedive.
775
Romolo Gessi, see Register.
776
Kaba Rega was King of the Unyoro.
777
Mtesa the first (1827-1884) King of the Baganda in Uganda (1856-1884).
778
James Augustus Grant, see Register.

321.
 1877/11/12. Isabel Burton to Luke Ionides.

wonderful journey of Cameron,779 but we are too far apart; though when you
are at Akata780 or For, I shall be at Berenice or Suakin. It was very kind of you
offering me Faulkner.781 Do you remember his uncle in R.N.? Stanley will give
them some bother; they cannot bear him, and in my belief rather wished he had
not come through safe. He will give them a dose for their hard speeches. He is
to blame for writing what he did (as Baker was).782 These things may be done,
but not advertised. I shall now conclude with kind regards,
Yours sincerely,
C.G. Gordon

215. 1877/11/12. Isabel Burton to Luke Ionides.783

My dear Luke

Richard left 19th of No October & reports well of the expedition for which he sails
on 15th November the day aft Thursday next. He will not be back likely till 15
March. I go out when sent for perhaps February. You will of course be the first
to know & before the Khedive knows. Richard thinks that let us say Egyptians
are at 33 or 34—the discovery will raise them to 40 even 50. Now if it is really
what he expects it must be done on a large scale. We don’t care about making
a few paltry hundred & as you might not be willing to risk say 150,000 £ or
200,000 £ in the matter do you know any just capitalist to take into confidence
who would—only you must understand that all Richard undertakes to do is to
let you know before any other person even the K knows of it. Richard does not
mean to risk a single shilling. Your business is to keep the secret of the funds, to
watch for & catch the moment we will give you notice of, & the instant there is
a rise to make use of it, & to give him a share of what you and [Fitz] make by his
means—that is what he thinks. There would be lots ready to do it, but whilst
making ourselves, we wd like to put the profit into the hands of relatives &
friends, instead of strangers. I’d rather you wd compose the code of signals, but

779
Verney Lovett Cameron, see Register.
780
Possibly Akuta.
781
Presumably Willoughby Faulkner, acting consul at Suez, who is mentioned by
Burton in Land of Midian, vol. 2, p. 24.
782
Henry Morton Stanley, see Register. Gordon is referring to Stanley’s frank
descriptions of violent altercations with native on his journey through Africa, which led
to fierce criticism.
783
Huntington Library, B334.

322.
 1877/11/12. Isabel Burton to Luke Ionides.

we must talk about what there is in the country not corn &c. Shall we say amber,
coral, fancy works, ivory, skins.

Write soon & say what your ideas are . Yours with best love to all most sincerely
Isabel Burton

Trieste 12 Nov.

323.
 1877/11/12. Isabel Burton to Luke Ionides.

Figure 25. Letter from General Charles Gordon to Richard Burton 1877/12/26.

324.
 1877/12/26. General Charles Gordon to Richard Burton.

216. 1877/12/26. General Charles Gordon to Richard

Burton.784

Massawah.
26 Decr 1877.

My dear Burton

I arrived here yesterday, and today Morice785 gave me your letter. I am glad you
are with the Khedive, he is most kind, and there is786 few men for whom I would
do for, as I would for him, for he has not been at all well treated. I am here for
some time, for affairs are much complicated, and I want to finish off once for all
with the two great questions here, when these are finished then I hope never to
come to these parts alone. My idea is, as long as H.H. wishes, me to stay, I will
stay, even if it is, for my whole life. I have never had the least idea of leaving, it
may however be on the cards that H.H. may wish his son Hassan, to come here,
then it will not break my heart to go. With kind regards
Believe me
Yours sincerely
C. G. Gordon

217. 1877 Edwin de Leon.787

It was my good fortune last winter, at Cairo, to encounter and enjoy much
intimate communion with two of the most celebrated of the Anglo-African
explorers, still in the full vigour of mature manhood, and with ardour
unquenched by the sufferings and perils, through which one of them at least has
not passed unscathed. Captain Richard Burton and Gordon Pacha were both at
Shepheard's Hotel during the winter; although unfortunately they did not meet
there, Burton arriving only a few days too late to meet his younger colleague in
adventure and fame. It would have been both instructive and amusing to have
listened to a colloquy between these two men, who with the sole tie of love of

784
Spink (1976). Published facsimile of ALS MS.
785
Major James Anderson Morice.
786
sic
787
Edwin de Leon The Khedive's Egypt: Or, The Old House of Bondage Under New
Masters (London: S. Low, 1877) pp. 282-90.

325.
 1877 Edwin de Leon.

adventure, are in all other respects as different as any two men possibly can be.
Burton is a very old friend of mine; with Gordon Pacha my acquaintance is of
recent date. …788

Hence, when the familiar face of Richard Burton, sadder and sterner, and
bearing its souvenir of past perils in the shape of a deep cicatrice on the cheek,
again greeted me at the old place, and his strong hand grasped mine again, it
was like a resurrection of the olden time; and we took up the thread of our long-
interrupted intercourse, where we had dropped it more than twenty years
before. In that interval what countries had this, our greatest modern traveller,
not seen and described, from Iceland to Sind, from Central Africa to Salt Lake?
and with what strange and diversified memories must not that busy brain be
filled, never given to the world even in the library of volumes, in which he has
recorded his experiences in longer and more varied wanderings than those of
Ulysses, over lands undreamed of by that ancient mariner?

I found Burton more changed in his outward than in his inner man. Perhaps he
was more addicted to the utterance of very startling paradoxes in his random
talk, than formerly: and even more fond of shocking people's stereotyped
prejudices than he used to be; but his manner was less abrupt, and his tolerance
of opinions opposite his own much greater than in his earlier days, when he was
apt to be somewhat dictatorial. The old charm of his conversation was still
there, increased by the stores of varied information carefully gathered up and
retained by a most retentive memory. I have encountered many clever talkers,
in different languages, but I really have never met Burton's superior anywhere,
in this respect. Physically he still retains the vigour and strength which he
formerly enjoyed. His arm is like a bar of iron; and he keeps his biceps and other
muscles in constant training, by habitually carrying in his hand an iron cane,
which most men would find fatiguing in an hour. He does this to keep in training
for carrying a heavy gun on his explorations. For a long time he was mysterious
with his intimates, as to the real object of his visit to Egypt: not knowing how the
Khedive might receive or assist in his search for the long-forgotten gold mines
of the land of Midian. Three days after I left Cairo for Europe, he started for the
land of Midian, furnished by the Khedive with the means of conveyance and
necessary escort; and has again startled the world by new revelations of new

788
Here de Leon inserts his recollections of Burton from 1854, which appear above.

326.
 1877 Edwin de Leon.

discoveries, more fully to be explored and utilized, it is to be hoped, during the

ensuing winter.

Where Burton went, and what he saw, has been briefly described in a letter from
Alexandria to a London daily journal, the substance of which briefly is, that he
went on a friendly errand for the Khedive to survey the “land of Midian,” having
informed the monarch of his belief that valuable gold mines were to be found
there. On the eastern coast of the Gulf of Akaba, on the Red Sea, lies the ancient
and almost forgotten land of Midian, famed of old for its mineral wealth. Thither
went Captain Burton, a Government frigate and sufficient military escort having
been furnished him; an able French mining engineer in the Egyptian service, M.
Marie, accompanying the expedition. The party left Suez on the 21st March last,
and on the 2nd April arrived at Moilah, a port of the Gulf of Akaba, where an
Egyptian garrison is stationed. The account goes on to state:—

“Thence they took boat to Eynounah Bay, at the entrance of the Wady,
or Valley of Eynounah, a little to the north of Moilah, on the eastern side
of the gulf. These wadys are curious. They are barren rocky places, with
no possibility of much culture, and yet they all bear signs of abundant
population in times gone by. Large towns, built not of mud, as Arab
towns so often are, but of solid masonry such as the Romans always
used, roads cut in the rock, aqueducts five miles long, remains of
massive fortresses, artificial lakes—all these signs of wealth and
numbers are reported by Captain Burton. According to him the reason
of it all is not far to seek. The rock is full of mineral wealth. Gold and
silver they found, and the former seems to exist in quantity sufficient to
repay the labour of acquisition. Quartz and chlorites occur with gold in
them just as they are found in the gold districts of South America. The
party tested both the rock by crushing and the sands of the streams by
sifting, and in each case with good result. Tin and antimony they also
discovered, and they had evidence of the existence of turquoise mines.
Each ruined town had its mining works; dams for the washing of sand
and crushed rock were frequently seen; scoriae lies about near ancient
furnaces; in short, the traces are numerous of a busy mining population
in a country which seems to be full of mineral wealth. From Makna
(Mugna of the maps), the capital of the land of Midian, up to Akaba at
the head of the gulf, Captain Burton reports the country as auriferous,

327.
 1877 Edwin de Leon.

and he believes the district southwards as far as Gebel Hassani—a

mountain well known to geographers—to possess the same character.
He even goes so far as to say he has brought back to life an ancient
California.

M. Marie, a skillful mining engineer, also speaks with confidence. Of

course Captain Burton has kept elaborate notes, and he maintains that
they will bear out his golden views of the land of Midian. In any case
they will be interesting, as the country is utterly unknown. No modern
traveller has set foot there; even the map has yet to be made. It will be
remembered that Moses fled from the face of Pharaoh and dwelt in the
land of Midian, and Jethro, the priest of Midian, gave him for wife his
daughter Zipporah. The Khedive, of course, is much interested in the
complete success of this expedition, and is now very desirous to give
practical effect to it. He has asked the Foreign Office to allow Captain
Burton to return next winter to assist him in the development of his new
gold fields, and no man could be better chosen for the task. At the same
time the Egyptian ruler is fully convinced that all schemes of
development in his dominions must now be subjected to commercial
tests. The success of the new mines will therefore depend on the
opinion of European capitalists, and whether they find that the
reports—which will be made in detail—of the results of the expedition
offer a new field for the investment of capital. The Khedive himself will
be satisfied with the payment of a royalty.”

Physically and mentally, in appearance and manner, as well as in character and

speech, Gordon Pacha is the direct opposite to Captain Burton. As habitually
sparing of speech as Burton is the reverse, and of a shy reserved manner, and
seeming absence of mind in common intercourse out of doors, when interested
or excited, or in the vein with congenial companions, he can talk fast and
fluently, and with great felicity of expression. He appears to most advantage
when, breaking through his usual reticence, he frankly pours out his thoughts
and feelings to the few whom he honours with his confidence. The real mettle
of the man is then discernible, and the strong undercurrent of a singularly
suppressed nature sweeps both speaker and listener along, on a tide of most
animated and earnest talk in which he seems to unburden his whole mind.

328.
 1877-1878. C. Rivers Wilson.

218. 1877-1878. C. Rivers Wilson.789

I dined last night at the Vivians’; Richard Burton and his wife were there. He is
less a ruffian than I expected, but it is true, as Vivian says, that he has a hard and
cruel face, and Mrs. Vivian says he frightens her. Mrs. Burton is what you might
expect from her book, rather a gusher ... . Burton pretends to have succeeded
in his enterprise,* and to have found quantities of silver ore. I am in doubt,
however; he is not a veracious person, and there are good reasons for thinking
that the mines are worked out. I told Mrs. Burton how we read her book two
years ago, given to me by poor dear Virginia Gabriel, and how Virginia had
marked passages of the book which she thought highly of. Mrs. Burton said it
was long since she had heard anything which had given her such real pleasure,
and asked if I could let her see the volumes with Virginia's marks.

* He had just returned from a mission to the peninsula of Akabar.

219. 1877-1878. Anna Allnutt Brassey.790

We called on the Consul, the Vice-Consul, and our old friend, Consul Burton of
Trieste, Haj Abdullah. He has just returned from a journey through the ancient
land of Midian, undertaken at the special request of the Viceroy. He describes
the expedition as having been most successful; the climate is almost perfect
from September to May; the land is well watered by little streams flowing
through fertile valleys, and full of fragrant flowers and luscious fruits. The corn
reaches above the camel-men's heads, which means a height of fourteen or
fifteen feet. But the mineral wealth of the country is its most extraordinary
feature. He found traces of gold in the sand of the riverbeds, in spots pointed
out to him by his fellow-pilgrims on the way to Mecca twenty years ago, to say
nothing of tin, iron, &c. Perhaps the most interesting part of his discovery was
the remains of eight mined cities with traces in the dry river-beds of stone-
crushing and gold-seeking apparatus, which must have been used centuries ago.

789
C. Rivers Wilson Chapters from my Official Life (London: Edward Arnold, 1916) p.
119-20.
790
Anna Allnutt Brassey A voyage in the 'Sunbeam': our home on the ocean for eleven
months (London: Longmans, 1879) p. 461.

329.
 1878/05/24. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.

He is writing a book on the subject, which you may perhaps see before you read
this.

220. 1878/05/24. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.791

Always address Consulate Trieste (May 24 '78)

My dear Grattan Geary

Yours of Dec. 10 & Jan 7 have remained unanswered—one can't write

notes from the Land of Midian. I entered Arabia on Dec. 19th and returned to
Suez On April 20. Times of May 10 will have told you all that is to be told till I
reach England. Expect to start about end of June and get the specimens from
the mines properly analysed. Then for a Provisional Company (Universal) and
if possible back to Midian in Oct. Nov. All I want is to have plenty of rest and
roast beef. Times of India comes regularly & I always read “Sind”.

I can't find that you have left any of my letters unanswered. The reason why
you have not been kept posted as regards my movements is that before given.
One can't explore & shoot and write. The Journal is quite hard work enough.
However that is all over for 6 months or so and I return to my muttons.

In Jan. 7 you don't give me any English or Constantinople direction; you only say
that you start across country in March.792 Perhaps you won't, and this may find
you in old Bombay. Use a Tarbush & bit of turban to veil eyes and arteries of
neck & face (white in heat and black in cold); wear an 'Aba793 over your
English clothes and don't make any more change.

I'm sorry to see you falling into the English blunder of supposing the fighting
Turks to be Turks. All or almost all Sulayman Pasha's794 force was Bosnian,
Moslem Slavs without a drop of Turkish blood in their veins.

791
Huntington Library. ALS MS.
792
Geary was on the journey that he would write up in his book Through Asiatic
Turkey: Narrative of a Journey from Bombay to the Bosphorus (London: Sampson Low,
1878).
793
Abaya, an over-garment.
794
Husnu Suleiman Pasha (1839?-1892), an Ottoman military commander during the
Russo-Turkish War of 1877-8, in charge of forces in the Balkans.

330.
 1878/06/23? George Percy Badger to Richard Burton.

My wife joins in kindest regards and hopes that you will not go a-ballooning
again. Sheer suicide with gas if not with Montgolfiers. Send us a line and you
shall get an answer within a shorter time than 5 months,
Ev yrs.
R. F. Burton

221. 1878/06/23? George Percy Badger to Richard

Burton.795

23rd June

My dear Burton,

On our return from Paris last evening I found your note of the 14th awaiting me,
and I reply to it at once. You will find in the accompanying leaf the two dates
that you asked for. I sent you a post card on the 14th giving you the name of the
author of the al-Ibar.796

Sâbunjy797 called here last evening and I gave him your thanks. You will
understand, however, that all he did was to get the short extract for me from al-
Makrizy798 from the British Museum. I made all the other extracts & copied them
myself. Sâbunjy is quite innocent of Arabian authors especially Geographers.

I have not seen […]’s799 work, and I don’t read German.

I shall be glad to see your work & hope there will be no delay in its publication.

I send you a copy of the paper which I read at Oxford last month. Perchance you
will not mind reading it.

I am happy to say that altho’ the heat in Paris was excessive I have derived great
benefit from the change.

795
Richard Francis Burton Papers, Huntington Library, RFB 1338.
796
Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406) Kitāb al-ʿibar (circa 1370).
797
J. L. Sabúnji.
798
The Egyptian historian, 1364-1442.
799
Illegible.

331.
 1878/07/04. Richard Burton to Sir Henry Gordon.

I write in haste for letters have accumulated greatly during my week’s absence.

My wife unites with me in best regards to Mrs. Burton & sincerely

yours faithfully
George Percy Badger.

222. 1878/07/04. Richard Burton to Sir Henry Gordon.800

Dear Sir, I am truly grateful to you for your kind note of June 30th and for the
obliging expressions which it contains. Your highly distinguished brother, who
met my wife at Suez, has also written me a long and interesting account of Harar.
As you may imagine, the subject concerns me very nearly, and the more so as I
have yet hopes of revisiting that part of Africa. It is not a little curious that
although I have been in communication with Colonel Gordon for years, we have
never yet managed to meet. Last spring the event seemed inevitable, and yet
when I reached Suez, he had steamed south. However, he writes to me
regularly, scolding me a little at times, but that is no matter. I hope to be luckier
next winter. I expect to leave Trieste in a few days and to make Liverpool via
long sea. Both Mrs. Burton and I want a medicine of rest and roast beef as
opposed to rosbif. Nothing would please me more than to meet you and talk
over your brother’s plans. My direction is Athenaeum Club, and Woolwich is not
so difficult to explore as Harar was. Are we likely to meet at the British
Association?

223. 1878/08/08. General Charles Gordon to Richard

Burton.801

Kartoum
August 8, 1878

My Dear Burton,

800
Thomas Wright Life of Sir Richard Burton Vol 1 (London: Everett, 1906) p. 282. Sir
Henry Gordon was General Gordon’s brother.
801
W. H. Wilkins The Romance of Isabel Lady Burton (London: Hutchinson, 1897) pp.
663-4. The original MS cannot be traced.

332.
 1878/08/13. Bram Stoker.

Please date, or rather put address on your letters. Thanks for yours of July 4,
received today. I am very sorry Mrs. Burton is not well, but hope England has
enabled her to regain her health. My arrangement is letter for letter. If you
write, I will answer. I wish you could undertake the Government of Zeyla, Harar,
and Berberah, and free me of the bother. Why cannot you get two years’ leave
from F. O., then write (saying it is my suggestion) to H.H., and offer it? I could
give, say, £5,000 a year from London to your Government. Do do something to
help me, and do it without further reference to me; you would lift a burthen off
my shoulders. I have now to stay at Kartoum for the finances. I am in a
deplorable state. I have a nasty revolt of [Slandralus802] at Bahr Gazelle, which
will cost me some trouble; I mean not to fight them, but to blockade them into
submission. I am now hard at work against the slave caravans; we have caught
fifteen in two months, and I hope by a few judicious hangings to stop their work.
I hanged a man the other day for making a eunuch without asking H.H.’s leave.
Emin Effendi, now Governor of Equator Province, is Dr. Sneitzer;803 but he is
furious if you mention it, and denies that is his name to me; he declares he is a
Turk. There is something queer about him which I do not understand; he is a
queer fellow, very cringing in general, but sometimes bursts out into his natural
form. He came up here in a friendless state. He is perhaps the only riddle I have
met with in life. He is the man [Amspldt804] spoke to you about. [Amspldt] was
a useless fellow, and he has no reason to complain of the Emin Effendi. I have
sent Gessi805 up to see after the slave-dealers’ outbreak. He was humble
enough. Good-bye! Kind regards to Mrs. Burton.
Yours sincerely,
C.G. Gordon

224. 1878/08/13. Bram Stoker. 806

When in the early morning of August 13, 1878, Irving807 arrived at Dublin, on his
way to Belfast to give a Reading for the Samaritan Hospital, I met him at

802
Most likely a transcription error for “slave dealers”.
803
Dr. Edward Schnitzer (1840-1892), better known as Emin Pasha.
804
A transcription error, reference not traced—possibly L. Spada (Lorenzo Spada).
805
Romolo Gessi, see Register.
806
Bram Stoker Personal Reminiscences of Henry Irving (London: Heinemann, 1907) pp.
224-31.
807
The actor Henry Irving (1838-1905).

333.
 1878/08/29? Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.

Westland Row Station. He had arranged to stay for a couple of days with my
brother before going north. When the train drew up, hastening to greet him I
entered the carriage. There were two other people in the compartment, a lady
and a gentleman. When we had shaken hands, Irving said to his compagnons de
voyage:

“Oh, let me introduce my friend Bram Stoker!” They both shook hands with me
very cordially. I could not but be struck by the strangers. The lady was a big,
handsome blonde woman, clever-looking and capable. But the man riveted my
attention. He was dark, and forceful, and masterful, and ruthless. I have never
seen so iron a countenance. I did not have much time to analyse the face; the
bustle of arrival prevented that. But an instant was enough to make up my mind
about him. We separated in the carriage after cordial wishes that we might
meet again. When we were on the platform, I asked Irving:

“Who is that man?”

“Why,” he said, “I thought I introduced you!”

“So you did, but you did not mention the names of the others!” He looked at me
for an instant and said inquiringly as though something had struck him:

“Tell me, why do you want to know?”

“Because,” I answered, “I never saw any one like him. He is steel! He would go
through you like a sword!”

“You are right!” he said. “But I thought you knew him. That is Burton—Captain
Burton who went to Mecca!”

The Burtons were then paying a short visit to Lord Talbot de Malahide. After
Irving went back to London, I was very busy and did not ever come across either
of them. That autumn I joined Irving and went to live in London.

225. 1878/08/29? Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.808

14 Montague Place
Montague Sqr

808
Huntington Library. ALS MS. The year has been inferred from the contents.

334.
 1878/09/15. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

London
August 29

My dear Grattan Geary

Yours of Aug. 23rd stravagued, as all things do in Ireland, and at last

reached me here. Why the deuce did you not stay at the meeting of the Brit.
Ass.?809 However, you do right to attend mainly to your “Scamper”. Look sharp,
this is the moment; it will make a noise in the world. Already your ride has been
very well received.

You must enter largely into our future Protectorate policy with Turkey in Asia;
and mind what you write.810 A Continental Statesman would either go the whole
hog and appoint a Resident (à la Indienne) to each province or do nothing at all.
But we are a people of compromise; of half & half measures; of rule o' thumb.
The rascal Turks are as bad as ever, they will have a damned thrashing from the
Austrians; but that will do them no earthly good. After consenting to the
Congress they will intrigue & lie about any measure; and they would succeed,
but thank the Pigs we have Bismarck.

I did not see your letter in Times. What is the date? When can we expect
you over here? Tip us a postcard before you come! Our united kindest regards.
Ev yrs
R. F. Burton

226. 1878/09/15. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.811

My dear friend,

I got your kind offer letter at Malahide—I did not write because we have both
been seedy & are working very hard. Flying gout with Dick. We have (since
Ireland, which we did not enjoy much through bad weather but stayed a
fortnight) lived entirely here at my fathers, refusing all invitations, & working

809
Held in Dublin in 1878.
810
A reference to Geary’s book Through Asiatic Turkey: Narrative of a Journey from
Bombay to the Bosphorus (London: Sampson Low, 1878).
811
Houghton 4/209.

335.
 1878/09/15. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

hard. Dick’s book is gone into Paul812 & mine I hope tomorrow or next day to
Macmillan or Paul. An analysis is going on. We dare not leave town for fear of
not having accomplished our necessary work before our leave expires which is
at present at end of November but dare say we shall get it extended. We have
not only to correct our proofs, but to have the official report sent to the Khedive
after analysis, to form a Company, & return to either Trieste or Arabia. We
enjoyed being with Lord Talbot. They are a charming family & [it is a] charming
place. Dick gave 4 lectures & we went in to the Viceregal parties &c. I hope you
will now be coming home, & in good health, & that we may see something of
you. I must go & get your address at Athenaeum. We have so much to tell you.
What is the matter with Swinburne. I have written to him twice. I asked 6 men
to lunch today & he was one but he never turned up nor took any notice. Since
our arrival it has been the dead season, no one in town, but this has been
favourable to our work, & nursing our health, so as to be a little free when they
do come back. Why don’t you try pine oil for your bronchitis. If you don’t know
it I must teach it to you. My cousin Tiny Gerard is to be married on the 19 th
November.813 What a funny girl. I always prophesied a love match for Kitty814
but never for her & now she is more desperately in love than you can imagine.
I daresay it will be the making of her.

I fear she was drifting into living too much for the world. I don’t think, when we
are millionaires, as we are going to be you know in 2 years, that I shall ever court
the fashionable world. We shall lead the same life with a steam yacht, & a pied
à tere in London. I mean to do heaps of good, (our needs are simple), but we
shall collect around us an entourage which will be perfection—old friends, &
everybody will be somebody worth knowing. I mean to have a divan salon which
will be a reunion of all that is most charming, & where you will be one of our
most cherished “intimes”. I’m not afraid of people not wanting to come—nor
am I afraid of wanting to struggle about anything, it shall come of itself if I will.
It is a pleasant dream to look forward to. Dick has worked 36 years & I have
helped him now nearly 18 years. It is time we should have something for it & I
think these Midian mines are going to prove our reward.

812
C. Kegan Paul.
813
Mary Monica Gerard married Sir Laurence James Oliphant on 19th Nov. 1878. ‘Tiny’
is possibly a family nickname.
814
Katherine Frances Gerard.

336.
 1878/10/10. Alice Bird.

Best love from both & to Amicia815 Florrie816 & Robert817 & believe me yrs always
affectly
Isabel Burton.

14 Montagu Place
Montagu Sq. W.
London.

15 Sept. 78

227. 1878/10/10. Alice Bird.818

Oct. 10th, 1878. 49, Welbeck Street, Cavendish Square. An evening with
Swinburne, Captain Richard Burton, his wife Isabel, four other friends, my
brother Dr. George Bird, and myself.

The evening was so wonderful and the talk so brilliant that when I went to bed,
about one in the morning, I sat down and wrote what I could remember of the
conversation. So what is here recorded is red hot. I wish I had taken notes of
other equally wonderful evenings with Swinburne and Burton.

Swinburne came at six-thirty, half an hour before the appointed time. He had
written to say he feared he could not come, that he would not be "viable," that
he was ill from fogs. He looked ill and worn, and older. He had a haggard
expression as if his nerves were out of tune. He and Captain Burton were the
chief talkers. Swinburne told a story that Landor told him of a dog in a church
swallowing the Host. The Priest was horribly scandalized and got out of the
difficulty by giving the dog an emetic.

815
Amicia Henrietta Milnes (1852-1902). Married Sir Gerald Fitzgerald in 1881,
becoming Lady Fitzgerald.
816
Florence Milnes (1856-1923), named for Florence Nightingale, courted
unsuccessfully by Milnes before his marriage. She became a novelist under her
married name Florence Henniker.
817
Robert Offley Ashburton Crewe-Milnes (1858-1945).
818
In Alice Bird and Ernest Rhys “Two Evenings with Swinburne” The Bookman 1909,
pp. 238-41. Alice Bird, also known as “Lallah” was a “close friend” of William Crookes.
Although these reminiscences are chiefly about Swinburne rather than Burton himself,
they have been included because they have apparently never been collected before.

337.
 1878/10/10. Alice Bird.

Captain Burton told a story of his preaching to some savages at Dahomey. He

told them of God, of His being Invisible, Eternal, when an old nigger called out
"Stop that and tell me what colour He is."

At dinner Swinburne sat silent, at least he did not join in the general talk and
laughter, because of his deafness. He can hear nothing now, unless it is tête-à-
tête, slowly and deliberately. He said that deafness was in his family on both
sides, and that his brother, eleven years his junior, showed signs of the infirmity.
He told me in a delighted way of the glories of a visit to Sark, a little island “five
miles by two,” and that there wasn't an inch of this space but was lovely. Later
in the evening he read the Dedication (to Richard Burton) of his “Second Series,”
and later still “Only the Song of a Secret Bird.” He said, going to bed early one
night, he sat down to write the song, but to his amazement and disgust the
words wouldn't come. He was savage, and got into bed uttering imprecations;
in the morning when he awoke with rested brain he wrote the song off without
a halt.

He then told me the circumstances under which he composed “A Vision of Spring

in Winter,” beginning:

O tender Time that Love thinks long to see.

He produced the first three verses in sleep. He was not dreaming, nor in the
borderland of sleep, but asleep when the ideas were born. He waked, jumped
out of bed, and scribbled them down, and in the morning he expected to find
nonsense. But he left the verses as he wrote them, and afterwards added the
remaining four.

He became more animated as the evening went on, and talked of Tennyson. It
is curious to hear one poet on another poet. Swinburne is supposed to detest
Tennyson. He said his Idylls were below the mark, that “In Memoriam” is perfect
in its way. He specially singled out

By night we lingered on the lawn.

and he spoke with warmth of the fine lines

The white kine glimmr'd and the trees

Laid their dark arms about the field.

338.
 1878/10/10. Alice Bird.

He said there were some beautiful things in Maud, and he said any poet,
Shakespeare himself, might have been proud of the fragment beginning:

I have led her home, my love, my only friend.

He spoke with deep disgust of Tennyson's “Moralities,” and called them low. He
said that his unhappy lovers had no nobility; that if for instance a man was
rejected by a girl, instead of desiring the happiness of the girl and thinking chiefly
of her lot, the rejected suitor more than half hoped she would be wretched and
“paid out.” Locksley Hall, he said, was a “blot,” and the lover whined and
prophesied the girl's misery.

He spoke of three illustrious poets of three different nationalities, who

represented three different states of life—Dante the aristocracy; Chaucer the
middle classes; and Villon the democracy.

He said Villon in some parts was quite untranslatable—or at any rate

unpublishable—no publisher would run the risk. As for himself he had run all
risks and nothing could hurt him.

He spoke of the Caesars—that if he had a boy to educate and wanted to teach

him Roman History, he would take him to the capitol at Rome and show him the
busts of the Caesars, and that the boy would necessarily want to know more,
and that then he would understand Tacitus. He said that Nero in youth was not
a bad fellow—that he was promising.

He said the two most execrable men in all history were Augustus Caesar and
Louis Bonaparte. I have often heard him denounce Louis Bonaparte, vociferate
epithets of hatred, get inarticulate with disgust, and I have heard him read with
savage joy his own sonnets on Louis Bonaparte. Vide Dirae.

He spoke of absolute power, of “omnipotence,” whether on earth or in Heaven

as a fatal quality!

He said he had registered a solemn oath in Heaven never again to go to a

Shakesperian819 Representation at the Theatre. He thought also that Victor
Hugo's tragedies could not be adequately treated. He said the last time he was

819
sic.

339.
 1878/10/10. Alice Bird.

at the Theatre was to see Fechter as Othello. He thought Fechter handsome,

and admired him, but his treatment of the smothering scene was abominable.
When he came to the part

It is the cause, it is the cause my soul

Yet she must die or she'll betray more men

“perhaps the most perfect bit” in Shakespeare. Fechter took up a mirror and
looked into it, saying as his own face was reflected,

It is the cause, it is the cause.

Swinburne said “I wanted to leap out of the box I was in and break his neck, and
then to rush out of the Theatre, fly as if lightning were at my heels. When I was
a child—before I could understand things—I read Othello, and although I did not
know what was the guilt of Desdemona, could not guess at the adulteress, yet I
distinctly knew that whatever ‘the cause’ was it applied to something she had
done.”

Before going away he told the story of Sheridan820 drunk outside the House of
Commons, of the policeman finding him, and asking his name, and of his giving
it as “William Wilberforce.”

“I would rather,” said Swinburne, “have returned that answer than have written
Hamlet; if a man could be so witty when drunk what must he be when sober.”

He also told a story of S., dead drunk, and of his being called upon to write a
leader for the “Daily———.”

“Put me on the floor,” said S., “put paper and pen by me, put my head in a
spittoon”—and straightway he began to write in the most lovely of copper-plate
calligraphy an eloquent exposure of the “vices of the Aristocracy.”

Swinburne in his youth had a passion for three great men—Victor Hugo, Landor,
and Mazzini, and a passion for Liberty.

820
Richard Brinsley Sheridan, MP. See Register.

340.
 1878/10/19. Isabel Burton to Albert Tootal.

He said, speaking of Lord ——— and his capricious patronage of illustrious

people, “I wouldn't trust him with anything, I wouldn't trust him with a rotten
egg.”

He said of Tom Moore that he couldn't write three consecutive lines without
falling into nonsense.

I wish I could have remembered more, but this record will give some idea of the
joy it was to spend an evening with Swinburne.

ALICE L. BIRD.

228. 1878/10/19. Isabel Burton to Albert Tootal.821

Knowsley,
Prescot822

My dear Albert

I was much pleased to receive yr long letter of Aug 12. My last to you was
on return from India 1876. We have been three times to Egypt & Arabia about
Dick's gold mines. The Khedive sent him over to analyse 25 tons he brought back
with him, make an official report, form a company, & go back. We came to
Trieste in May, and were detained till July on account of the supposed coming
war—then we had leave, & came to England, & are living with my father, till (say
Feb.) when we shall go back via Trieste to Egypt & Arabia. I have the little share
of work, & here is my programme—

1. Learning assaying to be practically useful to Dick.

2dly. Attending to a small law suit.
3dly. Correcting my proofs for new book to come out in Nov.
4ly. By writing 4 large, & 15 small articles for magazines & papers, & trying
to see my relatives and friends.
5th. The commissions & preparations for expedition.

821
Huntington Library, Richard Francis Burton Papers, Box 23. RFB 264. No year is
given.
822
Letterhead.

341.
 1878/10/19. Isabel Burton to Albert Tootal.

6th. Usual correspondence and reading—I brought 68 unanswered letters

with me, for country visits, & have done them all save 3 (yours was one).

We have got a free fortnight, & are dividing it between Lord Derby, Uncle
Gerard, Lord Beaumont, & Lord Houghton, where we now are, & are going back
to town to father tomorrow. Christmas all together at Wardour, with father's
side of the house. I have a big bazaar at Brighton on hand for the animals in
November, a big wedding , my cousin Tiny Gerard's with Col. Oliphant (a very
bad match), then a 10 days retreat at my convent New Hall. In short I do not
know how to get finished by February.

That is all my news—now for your letter. I was not the least offended at yr
silence, because I know what letter writing is, & many of the people I love best I
only write to once a year, that is quite enough to keep up a simmer. Don’t be
such a silly boy as to be huffed with Joe or his wife. She always speaks of you
with the greatest kindness. I was not in town or I should certainly have gone to
make acquaintance with your wife & ask you to dinner directly, so let me know
or you will be coming up some day and fancying I or know you are in town when
I don’t.

Poor Mrs. Gallop! I'm not surprised if she drank Hamburg water. I nearly died
of Marienbad. Where do your mother and the Duffields live?

All your news was very interesting to me. All my people have died the last few
years, of my immediate family I have only my father & sisters left. We are 4 all
married.

I am most grieved at what you tell me about the failure of your house of
business. I do hope in these 22 years you have saved & not re-embarked those
profits in the business, for it is hard when anyone has been so good & steady &
hardworking as you have been all your life to be obliged at the age of 40 with a
young wife and children to have to begin the world again, but even were it so
keep up your pluck and rely upon it that Providence will raise you up friends &
means to reinstate yourself in a new career & if ever I, though of small
importance amongst all the people you know, can be of use please let me
know823 how & in what way.

823
The letter continues on a fresh sheet with letterhead “Fryston Hall, Ferrybridge.”

342.
 1878/10/19. Isabel Burton to Albert Tootal.

I began this at Lord Derby's, & end it at Ld Houghton's. I was much amused to
hear of San Paulo. We dined alone with Aubertin824 in his lodgings about 3 weeks
ago, & Hunt825 lunches with us often. Our health was wretched when we arrived.
Dick had poor man's gout—I inflammation of one kidney & the womb, but we
found London empty, put ourselves under the doctor, refused all invitations,
nursed ourselves quite well, & got on with our work. We are both well now,
thank God. (You don't know what one has to go through in some of those
places—privation & bad water & fatigue & anxieties under burning sun). I have
not fenced or swum since last Feby, & have got very stout but I think it will go
down when I get back to out of door life.

Tell your wife with my love I have “no just wrath to subside”. You must do a
great deal to huff me, & I answer as soon as time will let me.

I kept up my singing till last Feby., when I lost my Master, but shall take it up
again whenever I settle for a few months. Do you remember our duets? Dick is
getting on with his Camoens, but I don’t want him to run poor "JJ"826 down, who
has not a particle of imagination.

Yes: I have 12 nephews & nieces=5 boys & 7 girls, 6 & 6 Arundells & Pigotts—
quite enough. Thank God we have none.

Write & let me know yr plans, & with kindest love to yr wife, who I hope keeps
up her courage, I am yr sincerely affect. friend

Isabel Burton.
Oct. 28th.

Permanent address
14 Montagu Place
Montagu Square W.
London.

824
J. J. Aubertin, see Register.
825
George Lennon Hunt, see Register.
826
J. J. Aubertin, who also produced a Camoens translation.

343.
 1878/11/19. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

229. 1878/11/19. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.827

My dear Lord Houghton

I have been running about till now & that is why I did not answer sooner. First I
have sent the photos to Florry at Fryston. I don’t know anything about our Dizzy
except he says he is 1st cousin but I dare say he isn’t.

Lord Rosebery828 is my 2d cousin by the mishap of Old Sir Harry Mildmay.829 The
two Bouveries were my father’s Aunts830 & the Lady Rosebery831 & Lady Mildmay
were my great Aunts.832

Richards affair is another833 he wants to prove himself a legitimate descendant

of Louis 14th & possibly rightful heir to the throne of France, & an old Lady
Primrose is buried with a secret box which contains the mystery & we want to
grub her up.

Swinburne’s address is 26 Guildford St Russell Square but I never find it any use
to write to him.

I’m so sorry for the fate of the millionaire. Men are mad & those women have
luck. I wonder if she put the hair of a pig in his coffee as they do in the East. I
don’t think our friendship is one of those things that will come to grief, unless
you change very much! I have friends now I had when I was four years old. True
friendship does not pour upon blackberry bushes, & I hug all that falls to my lot
& Dick does too I think. I hope we shall manage to see each other before
February again. Do you remember the owls clustering round, & I told you there
wd be some Arundell heirs. The same night one flew into Wardour & sat on the
table & Arundell said “bless our Arundell dead I’m afraid it’s Henry” (my father).

827
Houghton 4/210.
828
Archibald Philip Primrose, 5th Earl of Rosebery (1847-1929)
829
Presumably Sir Henry St. John Carew St. John-Mildmay, 4th Bt. (1787-1848).
830
Henry Raymond Arundell had three Bouverie cousins: Harriet, Charlotte and Anna
Bouverie, via his Aunt Mary Wyndham Bouverie nee Arundell.
831
That is, Primrose.
832
They would be ‘first cousins once removed’, as their grandparent was Isabel’s great-
grandparent. Isabel’s ‘great Aunt’ in this case is Mary Wyndham Bouvier nee Arundell.
833
Possibly ‘another Primrose’ i.e. not Isabel’s relative.

344.
 1878/11/20. General Charles Gordon to Richard Burton.

Half an hour after came the telegram to say Teresa Lady Arundell had been
found dead in her bed & I am now in black again.

We went to the Salisbury’s just after you & then to Ashridge.834 Then I went to
Brighton for my antivivisecting began & then back here. The wedding was today
& was very gay and nice but you will see all that in the M. Post.835 Lucile G836
gave me a blue velvet gown & [mantle] to wear on the occasion & we had a very
big family gathering about 150. The D. of Teck837 was the only royalty.

Best love from both

yrs Affect
Isabel Burton

19 Nov 1878.
14 Montagu Place Montagu Square

230. 1878/11/20. General Charles Gordon to Richard

Burton.838

Kartoum
November 20, 1878

My Dear Burton,

Thanks for your letter of October 6, received to-day. I have not

forgotten the manuscript from Harar, nor the coins.

I wish much I could get a European to go to Berberah, Zeyla, and Harar, at £1,200
or £1,500, a really good man. They keep howling for troops, and give me a deal
of trouble. Our finances take up all my time; I find it best to look after them

834
Lady Marian Alford. See Life, Vol. 2, p. 135.
835
Morning Post.
836
Gerard?
837
Francis Paul Charles Louis Alexander (1837–1900). Married to Princess Mary
Adelaide of Cambridge.
838
W. H. Wilkins The Romance of Isabel Lady Burton (London: Hutchinson, 1897) pp.
664-5. The original MS cannot be traced.

345.
 1878. Samuel Selig de Kusel.

myself, and so I am kept close at work. We owe £300,000 floating debt, but not
to Europeans, and our present expenditure exceeds revenue by £97,000.

Rossit,839 who took your place in Darfur, died the other day there, after three
and a half months’ residence; he is a serious loss to me, for the son of Zebahr840
with his slave-dealers is still in revolt. Cairo and Nubia841 never take any notice
of me, nor do they answer my questions.

I have scotched the slave-trade, and Wylde of Jeddah842 says that scarcely any
slaves pass over, and that the people of Jeddah are disgusted. It is, however,
only scotched. I am blockading all roads to the slave districts, and I expect to
make the slave-dealers now in revolt give in, for they must be nearly out of
stores. I have indeed a very heavy task, for I have to do everything myself. Kind
regards to Mrs. Burton and yourself.

Believe me,
Yours sincerely,
C.G. Gordon

P.S.–Personally I am very weary and tired of the inaction at Kartoum, with its
semi-state, a thing which bores me greatly.

231. 1878. Samuel Selig de Kusel.843

I met Sir Richard Burton for the second time in April, my first meeting with him
having been the previous year when he came to Egypt to try and induce the
Khedive Ismail Pasha to interest himself in a scheme in connection with the Gold
Mines of Midian, which unfortunately, after a certain amount of money had
been expended, ended in smoke. Sir Richard was now returning from the
expedition, and Lady Burton had arrived from Trieste to meet him. I had the

839
Charles Frederic Rosset, at one time the German consul in Khartoum.
840
Al-Zubayr Rahma Mansur.
841
Transcription error for Nubar (Nubar Pasha (1825-1899) was the Egyptian Prime
Minister).
842
Augustus Wylde, the Vice-Consul at Jeddah. He was a son of William Henry Wylde
of the F.O., who Burton had reported to when stationed at Fernando Po. See Life Vol.
2, p. 55.
843
Samuel Selig de Kusel An Englishman's Recollections of Egypt, 1863 to 1887 (New
York: John Lane, 1915) pp. 107-8.

346.
 1878? Harry Furniss.

pleasure of making her acquaintance at Cairo. Sir Richard struck me as a

wonderful man, with an enormous personality, he reminded me of Gordon
Pasha in his frank outspokenness; his knowledge was amazing, and strangely
enough he was very superstitious, which is a common failing among people who
have lived and been intimately connected with the nations of the East. We
conversed for some time in Arabic, and I regret extremely that I did not see more
of him. He had, I remember, a favourite saying, viz. “Shawir Hunna—wa Khalif
Hunna,” which means—“Ask their advice, ye men of wit, And always do the
opposite.”

232. 1878? Harry Furniss.844

… my brother-in-law ... was also an inveterate and clever raconteur, and of

course occasionally made a slip, as for instance, on a railway journey to Brighton
once, when he found himself alone with a stranger. The stranger in conversation
happened to ask my relative casually if he were fond of travelling. “Travelling?
I should rather think so,” he replied airily, and imagining he was impressing
someone who was “something in the City,” he continued, “Yes, sir, I'm a pretty
experienced traveller. Been mostly round the world and all that kind of thing,
you know, and had my share of adventures, I can tell you!” After a bit he gained
more confidence, and launched into details, giving the stranger the benefit of
his experience. “Why, sir, you read in books that hunters of big game, such as
tigers, watch their eyes. Not a bit of it. What you have got to do is to watch the
tail, and that's the thing. It mesmerises the animal, so to speak, and you have
him at your mercy,” and so forth, and so forth.

On arriving at the hotel he found his travelling companion had just signed his
name in the visitors' book. It was Richard Burton! My brother-in-law hastened
to apologise to Sir Richard for his absurd tales. He had no idea, of course, to
whom he was retailing his stiff yarns. Burton laughed. “My dear sir, not a word,
please. I was more entertained than I can tell you. You really might have
travelled—you lie so well!”

844
Harry Furniss The confessions of a caricaturist, Volume 1 (London: Harper, 1902) pp.
37-8.

347.
 1878. Arthur Symons.

233. 1878. Arthur Symons.845

It is a curious fact that John Varley, who cast Blake's horoscope in 1820, also cast
Burton's; who, as he says, had finished his Zodiacal Physiognomy so as to prove
that every man resembled after a fashion the sign under which he was born. His
figures are either human or bestial; some remind me of those where men are
represented in the form of animals in Giovanni della Porta's Fisonomia dell'
Huomo (Venice, 1668), which is before me as I write; Swinburne himself once
showed to me his copy of the same book. Nor have I ever forgotten his saying
to me—in regard to Burton's nervous fears: “The look of unspeakable horror in
those eyes of his gave him, at times, an almost unearthly appearance.” He
added: “This reminds me of what Kiomi says in Meredith's novel: ‘I'll dance if
you talk of dead people,’ and so begins to dance and to whoop at the pitch of
her voice. I suppose both had the same reason for this force of fear: to make
the dead people hear.” Then he flashed at me this unforgettably phrase:
“Burton had the jaw of a Devil and the brow of a God.”

In one of his letters he says, I suppose by way of persiflage in regard to himself

and Burton “En moi vous voyez Les Malheurs de la Vertu, en lui les Prosperités
du Vice.”846 …

Richard Burton dedicated his literal version of the epic of Camoens “To the
Prince of the Lyric Poets of his Day, Algernon Charles Swinburne.” He begins

845
Arthur Symons Dramatis Personae (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merril, 1923), pp. 241-62.
846
“In me you see the misfortunes of virtue, in him the prosperity of vice.” Swinburne,
writing to Monckton Milnes about Burton, was referring to the Marquis de Sade: “As to
anything you have fished (how I say not) out of Mrs. Burton to the discredit of my
innocence, how can she who believes in the excellence of “Richard” fail to disbelieve in
the virtues of any other man? En moi vous voyez Les Malheurs de la Vertu; en lui Les
Prospérités du Vice. In effect it is not given to all his juniors to tenir téte a [hold head
with] Burton—but I deny that his hospitality ever succeeded in upsetting me—as he
himself on the morrow of a latish séance admitted with approbation, allowing that he
had thought to get me off my legs, but my native virtue and circumspection were too -
much for him. See now the consequences. J’étais vertueux—je devais souffrir.
Accomplis tes décrets, Etre Supreme! [I was virtuous—I had to suffer. Obey your
orders, Supreme Being]” Edmund Gosse and Thomas James Wise eds. The letters of
Algernon Charles Swinburne, Volume 1 (London: John Lane, 1919) p. 287

348.
 1878/11/27. London World.

My dear Swinburne, accept the unequal exchange my brass for your

gold. Your Poems and Ballads began to teach the Philistine what might
there is in the music of language, and what marvel of lyric inspiration,
far subtler and more ethereal than poetry, means to the mind of man.

In return for this Swinburne dedicated to him Poems and Ballads, Second Series.

Inscribed to Richard F. Burton in redemption of an old pledge and in

recognition of a friendship which I must always count among the highest
honors of my life.

234. 1878/11/27. London World.847

It is not given to every man to go to Trieste. The fact need not cause universal
regret, inasmuch as the chief Austrian port on the Adriatic shares with Oriental
towns the disagreeable character of presenting a fair appearance from a
distance, and afflicting the traveler who has become for the time a denizen, with
a painful sense of disenchantment. Perhaps the first glimpse of Trieste owes
something to contrast, as it is obtained after passing through a desolate stony
wilderness called the Karso. As the train glides from these inhospitable heights
towards Trieste, the head of the Adriatic presents a scene of unrivalled beauty.
On the one side rise high, rugged, wooded mountains, on a ledge of which the
rails are laid; on the other is a deep precipice, at whose base rolls the blue sea,
dotted with lateen sails, painted in every shade of colour, and adorned with
figures of saints and other popular devices. The white town staring out of the
corner covers a considerable space, and places its villa-outposts high up the
neighbouring hills, covered with verdure to the water's edge.

847
London World, Nov. 27 1878. Also reprinted in part in the New York Times, Dec 9,
1878. Isabel incorrectly dates this as 1877, and others have copied the mistake. Oddly
this piece was not reprinted in the three volume collection Celebrities at Home, 1877-
1879, edited by Edmund Yates. It was reprinted in A Sketch of the Career of Richard F.
Burton (London: Waterlow, 1880; second edition 1886). The author is unknown.
Alfred Bate Richards is often supposed to have written it, but this seems to be due to a
confusion introduced by Isabel Burton in her Life Vol. 2, p. 4, where she refers to
comments made on the piece by “Alfred Bates(sic) Richards” in his Sketch of Burton.
However, Richards had died in 1876, and the World piece was only published in 1878,
so Richards clearly did not himself include it or comment on it in his Sketch, which must
have been edited by Andrew Wilson, who is credited in the 1886 edition.

349.
 1878/11/27. London World.

Trieste is a polyglot settlement of Austrians, Italians, Slavs, Jews, and Greeks, of

whom the two latter monopolize the commerce. It is a City dear and unhealthy
to live in, over-ventilated and ill drained. It might advantageously be called the
City of Three Winds. One of these, the Bora, blows the people almost into the
sea with its fury, rising suddenly, like a cyclone, and sweeping all before it; the
second is named the Scirocco, which blows the drainage back into the town; and
the third is the Contraste, formed by the two first-named winds blowing at once
against each other. Alternating atmospherically between extremes of heat and
cold, Trieste is, from a political point of view, perpetually pushing the principles
of independence to the verge of disorder.

Arrived at the railway station, there is no need to call a cab and ask to be driven
to the British Consul's, since just opposite the station and close to the sea rises
the tall block of building in which the Consulate is situated. Somewhat puzzled
to choose between three entrances, the stranger proceeds to mount the long
series of steps lying beyond the particular portal to which he is directed. There
is a superstition prevalent in the building and in the neighborhood that there are
but four stories, including but 120 steps. Whoso, after a protracted climb, finally
succeeds in reaching Capt. Burton's landing, will entertain considerable doubts
as to the correctness of the estimate. A German damsel opens the door, and
inquires whether the visitor wants to see the Graffin or the Herr Consul. Capt.
and Mrs. Burton are well, if airily, lodged on a flat composed of 10 rooms,
separated by a corridor adorned with a picture of our Saviour, a statuette of St.
Joseph with a lamp, and a Madonna with another lamp burning before it. Thus
far, the belongings are all of the cross; but no sooner are we Ianded in the little
drawing-room than signs of the crescent appear. Small but artistically arranged.
the rooms, opening into one another, are bright with Oriental hangings, with
trays and dishes or gold and silver, brass trays anti goblets, chibouques—with
great amber mouthpieces, and all kinds of Eastern treasures mingled with family
souvenirs. There is no carpet, but a Bedouin rug occupies the middle of the floor,
and vies in brilliancy of color with Persian enamels and bits of good old china.
There are no sofas, but plenty of divans covered with Damascus stuffs. Thus far
the interior is as Mussulman as the exterior is Christian; but a curious effect is
produced among the Oriental mis en scene by the presence of a piano-forte, and
a compact little library of well-chosen books. There is, too, another library here,
greatly treasured by Mrs. Burton, to wit, a collection of her husband's works in
about 40 volumes. On the walls are many interesting miles, models, and

350.
 1878/11/27. London World.

diplomas of honor, one of which is especially prized by Capt. Burton. It is the

brevet de pointe, earned in France for swordsmanship. Near this hangs a picture
of the Damascus home of the Burtons by Frederick Leighton.

As the guest is inspecting this bright bit of color he will be roused by the full
strident tomes of a voice skilled in many languages, but never so full and hearty
as when bidding a friend welcome. The speaker, Richard Burton, is a living proof
that intense work, mental and physical, sojourn in torrid and frozen climes,
danger from dagger and from pestilence, 'age' a person of good, sound
constitution far less than may be supposed. A Hertfordshire man, a soldier, and
the son of a soldier, of mingled Scotch, Irish, and French descent, his iron frame
shows in its twelfth lustre no sign of decay. Arme blanche and more insidious
fever have neither dimmed his eye nor wasted his sinews. Standing about 5 foot
11, his broad, deep chest and square shoulders reduce his apparent height very
considerably, and the illusion is intensified by hands and feet of Oriental
smallness. The Eastern, and, indeed, distinctly Arab, look of the man it made
more pronounced by prominent cheek-bones, (across one of which is the sear
of a sabre-cut,) by closely-cropped black hair, just tinged with gray, and a pair of
piercing black gypsy-looking eyes. A short straight nose, a determined mouth,
partly hidden by a black mustache, and a deeply-bronzed complexion lit by livid
pallor, complete the remarkable physiognomy so wonderfully rendered on
canvas by Leighton only a couple of seasons ago. It is not to be wondered at
that this stern Arab face, and a tongue marvelously rich in Oriental idiom and
Mohammedan lore, should have deceived the Doctors learned in the Koran,
among whom Richard Burton risked his lift during that memorable pilgrimage to
Mecca and Medinah, on which the slightest gesture or accent betraying the
Frank would have unsheathed a hundred kandjars. This celebrated journey, the
result of an adventurous spirit worthy of a descendant of Rob Roy Macgregor,
has never been surpassed in audacity or in perfect execution, and would suffice
to immortalize its hero if he had not in addition explored Harar and Somali Land,
organized a body of irregular cavalry in the Crimea, pushed (accompanied by
Speke) into Eastern Africa from Zanzibar, visited the Mormons, explored the
Cameroon Mountains, visited the King of Dahomey, traversed the interior of
Brazil, made a voyage to Iceland, and last, but not least, discovered and
described the Land of Midian.

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Leading the way from the drawing rooms or divans, he takes us through
bedrooms and dressing-rooms furnished in Spartan simplicity with little iron
bedsteads covered with bear-skin and supplied with reading-tables and lamps,
beside which repose the Bible, the Shakespeare, the Euclid, and the Breviary
which go with Captain and Mrs. Burton on all their wanderings. His gifted wife,
one of the Arundells of Wardour, is, as becomes a scion of an ancient Anglo-
Saxon Catholic house, strongly attached to the Church of Rome; but religious
opinion is never allowed to disturb the peace of the Burton household, the head
of which is laughingly accused of Mohammedanism by his friends. The little
rooms are completely lined with rough deal shelves, containing perhaps 1,000
or more volumes in every Western language, as well as in Arabic, Persian, and
Hindostani. Every odd corner is piled with weapons, guns, pistols, boar-spears,
swords of every shape and make, foils and masks, chronometers, barometers
and all kinds of scientific instruments. One cupboard is full of medicines
necessary for Oriental expeditions or for Mrs. Burton's Trieste poor, and on it is
written, “The Pharmacy.” Idols are not wanting, for elephant-nosed Gumpati is
there cheek by jowl with Vishnu.

The most remarkable objects in the three rooms just alluded to are the rough
deal tables, which occupy most of the floor-space. They are almost like kitchen
or ironing tables. There may be 11 of them, each covered with writing-materials.
At one of them sits Mrs. Burton in morning négligé, a gray choga—the long
loose, Indian dressing-gown of soft camel's hair—topped by a smoking-cap of
the same material. She rises and greets her husband's old friend with the
cheeriest voice in the world. I see you are looking at our tables. Every one does.
Dick likes a separate table for every book, and when he is tired of one he goes
to another. There are no tables of any size in Trieste, so I had these made as
soon as I came. They are so nice. We may upset the ink-bottle its often as we
like without anybody being put out of the way. These three little rooms are our
"den," where we live, work, and receive our intimes, and we leave the doors
open so that we may consult over our work. Look at our view! From the
windows, looking landward, one may see an expanse of country extending for
30 or so miles, the hills covered with foliage, through which peep trim villas, and
beyond the hills higher mountains dotted with villages, a bit of the wild Karso
peering from above. On the other side lies spread the Adriatic, with Miramar,
poor Maximilian's home and hobby, lying on a rock projecting into the blue
water, and on the opposite coast are the Carnian Alps capped with snow.

352.
 1878/11/27. London World.

"Why, we live so high up," explains Capt. Burton, "is easily explained. To begin
with, we are in good condition, and run up and down the stairs like squirrels.
We live on the fourth story because there is no fifth. If I had a campagna and
gardens and servants, horses and carriages, I should feel tied, weighted down,
in fact. With a flat and two or three maid-servants, one has only to lock the door
and go. It feels like 'light marching order,' as if we were always ready for an
expedition: and it is a comfortable place to come back to. Look at the land and
sea scape: we have air, light, and tranquility; no dust, no noise, no street smells.
Here my wife receives something like 70 very intimate friends every Friday, an
exercise of hospitality to which I have no objection, save one, and that is met by
the height we live at. There is in every town a lot of old women of both sexes,
who sit for hours talking about the weather and the cancans of the place, and
this contingent cannot face the stairs."

In spite of all this, and perhaps because of it—for the famous Oriental traveller,
whose quarter of a hundred languages are hardly needed for the entry of
cargoes at a third-rate seaport, seems to protest too much—one is impelled to
ask what anybody can find to do at Trieste, an inquiry simply answered by a 'Stay
and see,' with a slap on the shoulder to enforce the invitation. The ménage
Burton is conducted on the early-rising principle. About four or five o'clock our
hosts are astir, and already in their 'den,' drinking tea made over a spirit-lamp,
and eating bread and fruit, reading and studying languages. By noon the
morning's work is got over, including the consumption of a cup of soup, the
ablution without which no true believer is happy, and the obligations of Frankish
toilette. Then comes a stroll to the fencing-school, kept by an excellent
broadswordsman, an old German trooper. For an hour Captain and Mrs. Burton
fence in the school, if the weather be cold; if it is warm, they make for the water,
and often swim for a couple of hours.

Then comes a spell of work at the Consulate. 'I have my Consulate,' the Chief
explains, 'in the heart of the town. I don't want my Jack-tar in my sanctum; and
when he wants me, he has usually been on the spree and got into trouble.'
While the husband is engaged in his official duties, the wife is abroad promoting
a Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals, a necessary institution in
Southern countries, where—on the purely gratuitous hypothesis that the so-
called lower animals have no souls—the uttermost brutality is shown in the
treatment of them. 'You see,' remarks our host, 'that my wife and I are like an

353.
 1878/12/20. Frank Wilson to Richard Burton.

elder and younger brother living en garcon. We divide the work. I take all the
hard and scientific part, and make her do all the rest. When we have worked all
day, and said all we have to say to each other, we want relaxation. To that end
we have formed a little "Mess," with fifteen friends at the table d'hote of the
Hotel de la Ville, where we get a good dinner and a pint of the country wine
made on the hillside for a florin and a half. By this plan we escape the bore of
housekeeping, and are relieved from the curse of domesticity, which we both
hate. At dinner we hear the news, if any, take our coffee, cigarettes, and kirsch
outside the hotel, then go homewards to read ourselves to sleep; and to-
morrow da capo'.

To the remark that this existence, unless varied by journeys to Midian and
elsewhere, would be apt to kindle desires for fresher woods and newer pastures,
Captain Burton replies, ‘The existence you deprecate is varied by excursions. We
know every stick and stone for a hundred miles round, and all the pre-historic
remains of the country-side. Our Austrian Governor-General, Baron Pino de
Friedenthal, is a first-rate man, and often gives us a cruise in the Government
yacht. It is, as you say, an odd place for me to be in; but recollect, it is not every
place that would suit me.’

235. 1878/12/20. Frank Wilson to Richard Burton.848

Education Department,
Whitehall S.W.
th
20 December 1878

My Dear Consul Burton

I thank you very warmly for your kind little note, written when I know
you have so many things to occupy all your moments.

This should have prevented my troubling you at all just now, but I could
not help trying to have the pleasure of seeing you and saluting you again when
I knew you were so near.

848
Huntington Library. Richard Burton Papers. RFB 1317.

354.
 1879/01. Bram Stoker.

I will avail myself of your permission to call at your Club on Friday

afternoon, and will take any chance of finding you.

On Tuesday Wednesday and Thursday the office here is closed.

I have had no news of Bruce Walker for a long time (and have been
feeling somewhat anxious about him). I will bring his last letter with me when I
come to see you.

I am, My Dear Consul Burton

Yours ever most sincerely
Frank Wilson

Captn Burton F.R.G.S.

&c. &c. &c.
Athenaeum Club

236. 1879/01. Bram Stoker.849

In January of next year, 1879, I met the Burtons again. They had come to London
for a holiday.

The first meeting I had then with Burton was at supper with Irving in the Green
Room Club—these were occasional suppers where a sort of smoking-concert
followed the removal of the dishes. I sat between Burton and James Knowles,
who was also Irving's guest. It was a great pleasure to me to meet Burton
familiarly, for I had been hearing about him and his wonderful exploits as long
as I could remember. He talked very freely and very frankly about all sorts of
things, but that night there was nothing on the tapis of an exceptionally
interesting nature. That night, by the way, I heard Irving recite The Captive for
the first time. He also did Gemini and Virgo; but that I had heard him do in Trinity
College, Dublin.

849
Bram Stoker Personal Reminiscences of Henry Irving (London: Heinemann, 1907) pp.
224-31.

355.
 1879/02. Bram Stoker.

237. 1879/02. Bram Stoker.850

The Burtons remained in London till the end of February, in which month we
met at supper several times. The first supper was at Irving's rooms in Grafton
Street, on the night of Saturday, February 8, the other member of the party
being Mr. Aubertin. The subdued light and the quietude gave me a better
opportunity of studying Burton's face; in addition to the fact that this time I sat
opposite to him and not beside him. The predominant characteristics were the
darkness of the face—the desert burning; the strong mouth and nose, and jaw
and forehead—the latter somewhat bold—and the strong, deep, resonant
voice. My first impression of the man as of steel was consolidated and
enhanced. He told us, amongst other things, of the work he had in hand. Three
great books were partially done. The translation of the Arabian Nights, the
metrical translation of Camoens, and the Book of the Sword. These were all
works of vast magnitude and requiring endless research. But he lived to
complete them all.

Our next meeting was just a week later, Saturday, February 15. This time Mr.
Aubertin was host and there was a new member of the party, Lord Houghton,
whom I then met for the first time. I remembered that amongst other good
things which we had that night was some exceedingly fine old white port, to
which I think we all did justice—in a decorous way. The talk that evening kept
on three subjects: fencing, the life of Lord Byron, and Shakespeare. Burton was
an expert and an authority on all connected with the sword; Lord Houghton was
then the only man living—I think that Trelawney, who had been the only other
within years, had just died—who knew Byron in his youth, so that the subject
was at once an interesting one. They all knew and had ideas of Shakespeare and
there was no lack of variety of opinion. Amongst other things, Burton told us
that night of his life on the West Coast of Africa—“the Gold Coast”—where he
was Consul and where he kept himself alive and in good health for a whole year
by never going out in the midday sun if he could help it, and by drinking a whole
flask of brandy every day! He also spoke of his life in South America and of the
endurance based on self-control which it required.

850
Bram Stoker Personal Reminiscences of Henry Irving (London: Heinemann, 1907) pp.
224-31.

356.
 1879/02. Bram Stoker.

The third supper was one given on February 21, at Bailey's Hotel, South
Kensington, by Mr. Mullen the publisher. Arthur Sketchley851 was this time
added to the party. The occasion was to celebrate the birthday of Mrs. Burton's
book of travel, A. E. I. (Arabia, Egypt, India), a big book of some five hundred
pages. We were each presented with a copy laid before us on the table. I sat
between Lord Houghton and Burton. They were old friends—had been since
boyhood. Each called the other Richard.852

Houghton, be it remembered, was Richard Monckton Milnes before he got his

peerage in 1863. The conversation was very interesting especially when Burton
was mentioning experiences, or expounding some matters of his knowledge, or
giving grounds for some theory which he held. The following fragment of
conversation will explain something of his intellectual attitude: Burton had been
mentioning some of his explorations amongst old tombs and Houghton asked
him if he knew the tomb of Moses. He replied that he did not know it though of
course he knew its whereabouts.

“It must be found if sought for within a few years!” he added. “We know that
he was buried at Shekem.” (I do not vouch for names or details—such do not
matter here. I take it that Burton knew his subject and was correct in what he
did say.)

“The valley is narrow, and only at one side and in one place would a tomb be
possible. It wouldn't take long to explore that entire place if one went at it
earnestly.” Again Houghton asked him:

“Do you know exactly where any of the Patriarchs are buried?”

“Not exactly! But I could come near some of them.”

“Do you think you could undertake to find any one of them?”

Burton answered slowly and thoughtfully—to this day I can seem to hear the
deep vibration of his voice:

851
Pseudonym of George Rose (1817-1882).
852
Burton and Lord Houghton, Monckton Milnes, were adults when they met.

357.
 1879/02. Bram Stoker.

“Well, of course I am not quite certain; and I should not like to promise anything
in a matter which is, and must be, purely problematical. But I think—yes! I think
I could put my hand on Joseph!” As he stopped there and did not seem as though
he was going to enlarge on the subject, I said quietly as though to myself:

“There's nothing new or odd in that!” Burton turned to me quickly:

“Do you know of any one attempting it? Has it been tried before? Do you know
the explorer?”

“Yes!” I said, feeling that I was in for it, “but only by name. I cannot claim a
personal acquaintance.”

“Who was it?”—this spoken eagerly.

“Mrs. Potiphar!”

The two cynics laughed heartily. The laughter of each was very characteristic.
Lord Houghton's face broadened as though he had suddenly grown fatter. On
the other hand Burton's face seemed to lengthen when he laughed; the upper
lip rising instinctively and showing the right canine tooth. This was always a
characteristic of his enjoyment. As he loved fighting, I can fancy that in the midst
of such stress it would be even more marked than under more peaceful
conditions.

The last time we met Captain Burton during that visit was on the next night,
February 22, 1879, at supper with Mrs. Burton's sister, Mrs. Van Tellen.853

He was going back almost immediately to Trieste, of which he held the

consulship. In those days this consulship was a pleasant sinecure—an easy berth
with a fairly good salary. It was looked on as a resting-place for men of letters.
Charles Lever held it before Burton. In the old days of Austrian domination
Trieste was an important place and the consulship a valuable one. But its
commercial prosperity began to wane after the cry Italia irredenta had been
efficacious. The only thing of importance regarding the office that remained was
the salary.

853
Emmeline Arundell (1848-1913), who had married Richard van Zeller in 1877.

358.
 1879/05/05. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.

238. 1879/05/05. Richard Burton to Grattan Geary.854

Trieste May 5 ‘79

My dear Grattan Geary

Here I am at last and expect my wife from Paris tomorrow. We were

unlucky. I sent you a telegram naming hour for cutting mutton, but without
result—so you had probably fled. Nassau Lees855 who is a regular Athenaeumist
gave me all the news about you. How do you get on with the Civic Dignitaries of
Fort Bombay? My wife shall send you at once (if she has not done so) a copy of
her book. I find a pile of I. Times (many thanks!) awaiting me and must run
through them to see what you Antipodeans are about.

From time to time I can write you a line from Pantillaria.856 You never
told me if the dodge was guessed (of course it was); or what people said of them.
I suppose none understood half—save yourself. What news of the book? My
wife brings it and here I shall find ample time to enjoy it thoroughly.

I hear that Andrew Wilson857 is in Bombay. Would you kindly send him
the enclosed? Write a line when you incline. And I a fit reply will sign. Adieu or
rather au revoir
Ev yrs try
R. F. Burton

P. S. Bartle Frere well in for it.858 Alhamdulillah.859 Had you put in my Gharra860
letter perhaps H. M. would not have sent him Capewards. Where's Da Cunha?

I often saw Collingwood861 at the R.A.S.

854
Huntington Library. ALS.
855
William Nassau Lees (1825-1889).
856
A disguise adopted by Burton in a series of topical letters sent to Geary, some of
which were published by him.
857
Andrew Wilson (1831-1881). See 1879/05/05.
858
Sir Henry Bartle Frere (1815-1884), then administering Southern Africa.
859
Praise be to Allah.
860
Gharra Creek in Scinde.
861
J. Frederick Collingwood, the Secretary of the Royal Anthropological Society.

359.
 1879/05/20. Richard Burton to Colonel Chaillé-Long.

239. 1879/05/20. Richard Burton to Colonel Chaillé-

Long.862

Private. Trieste, May 20th, 1879.

My dear Chaillé-Long

I returned to my blessed Consulate in April last, and read the address

you kindly sent me.... No use to talk about the changes in Egypt. You must know
them as well as I do, and better.... My business hangs fire. I send you a pamphlet
which will tell you the whole state of things. I have got men and funds already
in England, but I want some security that the affaire (should it turn out
profitable) will be left in my hands, not transferred to those of […].

If you have an idle moment, let me hear what you are doing. I propose
at the first opportunity attacking the Juba River, where I shall have to quote you
pretty often.

Why does not some American, returning to America, strike out a new
line by praising England? ... You are all wrong about Deloncle863 and Lopez,864
they only copied, and often miscopied Ptolemy, see p. 30 read cranes for swans.

You Republicans want a little more dignity, complaint shows weakness.

If I were one of you, I should take the line of patronizing England, patting her on
the back, treating her as a good old lady who had carried a good family in her
day, and must be carefully laid up in lavender. However, chacun a son gout.865
Write me, my dear Long.

Am v. sincerely,
R. F. Burton.

862
Colonel Chaillé Long My Life in Four Continents Volume 2 (London: Hutchinson,
1912) pp. 414-31.
863
M. Francois Deloncle (1856-1922), a French journalist politician, member of the
Chamber of Deputies. On April 7th 1878 he delivered a paper to the Lyons
Geographical Society on French exploration of Africa.
864
Fernam Lopez (?-1449), the Portuguese historian.
865
each to his own.

360.
 1879/06/14. Richard Burton to Colonel Chaillé-Long.

Tell me where Deloncle got his information about the eight Dominicans. The
idea of a city! Deloncle (page 18) reads painfully like an invention. Thanks for
your kind notice of my work. Vive valeque!866 (B.)

240. 1879/06/14. Richard Burton to Colonel Chaillé-

Long.867

Trieste Consulate,
June 14th, 1879.

My dear Chaillé,

I want your express permission to quote from your book all you say
about Ticki-Ticki, and to republish the portrait of that lady, should my publishers
desire it.868 In my next book, the Gold Mines of Midian, I shall have a long
appendix upon the subject of ‘Akkas’-by the way, ought not the word to be Ake?
A certain Abby Settram869 has just published (Ital. Geog. Soc.) a grammar and
vocabulary of the language, which I find to be South African, and I am translating
it. We have here a Ticki-Ticki girl brought by Gessi,870 and I hope soon to see
Miani's Akkas at Verona. Don't you think it possible that there are many
different tribes of these dwarfs speaking as many different languages? Can you
tell me anything about Sefer Pacha's Akka.871

I don't hear much about Cairo, except that Middleton872 has left and that
the weather has been very hot. Here we have had a furious burst of summer,
but to-day there is wind and rain. My plans are to go to England in early August

866
live and be well.
867
Colonel Chaillé Long My Life in Four Continents Volume 2 (London: Hutchinson,
1912) pp. 414-31.
868
See Chaillé-Long Central Africa (London: Sampson Low, 1876) p. 263
869
Likely a transcription error for Prof. Abate Beltrame.
870
[Note by Chaillé-Long] The girl alluded to “as brought by Gessi” was brought to Bor
Chambe by an Arab party, and mentioned by the author in his volume Central Africa,
Naked Truths.
871
[Note by Chaillé-Long] Sefer Pasha's Akka was the author's specimen, confided to
Sefer and Brugsch Pushes, by the Khedive, and sent on a trip to Vienna by the Khedive
whom he brought to Austria for the purpose of showing her to the Empress.
872
Colonel Middleton, apparently an American in the service of the Khedive. See Gold
Mines of Midian, pp. 100, 149, 219.

361.
 1879/06/11. Colonel Chaillé-Long to Richard Burton.

and to watch any turn closely, so as to be ready for all contingencies. Book is
ready, but will probably not appear till next autumn. The war has quite ruined
the trade, and publishers have been losing hand over hand. Remember me most
kindly to the General873 and to L. and Colston.874 Take care of yourself.

Believe me ever,
Yours most sincerely,
R. F. BURTON.

241. 1879/06/11. Colonel Chaillé-Long to Richard

Burton.875

N. Y. Rooms of the Geog. Soc'y

No. 11 West 29th Street
June 11 79

Private

Ye. Hadritak.876

Your letter of the 20th ulto. is a pleasant reminder of yourself and as well the
days to which I am greatly attached.

You ask as to myself—I am deep in the law books at Columbia College seeking in
that way perhaps a new route to Africa? or obeying blindly the first of that God
of old Abou Nil, which decrees that he "[…]”—quien sabe?

I have been greatly amused at your too evident facetiousness in advising some
one to strike out on a new line by praising England. And have laughed again at
the semi-serious manner in which you have scouted the idea of an Englishman
appearing before your R.G.S. and 'pitching into' political matters and quoting the
doggerel of Sir B. J. M. B. K.C.B. Mem. R.G.S. winding up with a well-merited "dig"

873
Presumably General Charles George Gordon.
874
Colonel Raleigh Edward Colston (1825-1896), an American soldier of fortune, an ex-
Confederate and associate of Stonewall Jackson, in the service of the Khedive of Egypt
1873-8.
875
Huntington Library. ALS.
876
Egyptian Arabic greeting.

362.
 1879/06/11. Colonel Chaillé-Long to Richard Burton.

at republicans who want a little dignity. The Chief of Staff of the […]877? Le
Général Typographe—par exemple! Here is dignity with a vengeance! The
American Mission and the "American Consulate"—quel gachis!878 Il y a de quoi
en faire une vaudeville 879

The insignificance of the former and the bouffonnerie of the latter however
caused my withdrawal from the service of the Khedive. Yes my dear Burton you
are right—ces republicains880 want a little more dignity.

I have no need to tell you who know so well as indeed you have said & as you
will perceive in the "address" where I have cited you as proof—the particular
policy of H. B. M. Government in Egypt & Africa. As a good and loyal Englishman
(and an exceptionally good one in my estimation) you will not agree with me &
I do not ask it—do not expect it. Were I an Englishman I doubt whether I should
now belong to the party of Mr. Gladstone or Bright, but very likely would be for
my country “right or wrong.” But you will not be astonished I hope to
understand how I have interpreted the action of the R.G.S. toward me as a
political affair & in acceding to the invitation given me by Judge Daly of the Am.
G. S. I expressly stipulated that I might "pitch into" a certain Mr. Lawrence
Oliphant whom I had reason to believe in the "North Am. Review" was inspired
by your friend Capt. Grant. The article was a vulgar denunciation of Stanley and
my humble self and was grossly erroneous and more—malicious. I deemed it
much more dignified to take these gentlemen to task in the public stance of the
G. Society, where it was peculiarly fitting that error should be rebuked. During
all the years of my absence I had been the cible881 of envious critics in England
& in America. I made the modest claim of having added with Speke & Baker a
basin to the Nile Sources.882 In England the G. S. members thereof booked it as
an overflow marsh but confirmed the maps of the R.G.S. have cut out my name

877
Indecipherable.
878
What a waste!
879
It should be on stage.
880
These republicans.
881
Target.
882
Chaillé-Long named this Lake Hussein, but the Khedive Ismail changed it to Lake
Ibrahim.

363.
 1879/06/11. Colonel Chaillé-Long to Richard Burton.

and inserted that of Cioga Lake.883 Gordon strange to say has permitted Lake
Ibrahim to be exchanged for Lake Cioga. What is this if not political?

Capt. Grant wrote a long and abusive letter to the "Times", pitched into the K
and indirectly myself for having dared to "annex" these basins to Egypt, proving
that as z+z=0 that Africa was the rightful property of England. This letter it will
be minuted was signed by Capt. Grant as a member of R.G.S.—was this not
political? Again the R.G.S. methodically erased my name from the Khedivial
Circular in which my name appeared in the "initiative intelligente" in that
expedition which annexed those equatorial countries to Egypt. I have reason to
believe that a power higher than the R.G.S. dictated this demarche and I refer
you to Gordon himself who told me once frankly that H. B. M. Govt regarded
with jealousy my appointment to his expedition. The reappointment of Gordon
in direct opposition to the K‘s intentions—and no-one better than Ismail Pasha
[…]884 & myself know the extent of the K's intentions in that respect. You do not
know of this—I tell it you in order to make clear how I have understood the
action of the R.G.S. as political & have been led to speak of it as a "co-ordinate
branch of the Government". Frankly, I think that I have employed a very great
amount of dignity in having le courage de mes propres sentiments885—logical—
as is amply proved by the message of Cetewayo to Sir Bartle Frere the other
day.886 The other night before the N. Y. Press Club I had occasion to speak of the
Question d'Orient, the appt. of two European agents there & interests of
Europeans in Egypt. I said that if this was Europe's ultimatum to Egypt, it was
sterile—that Turkish & Egyptian gold had always been sufficient to serve the
purposes of these governments with the class of men selected with some
exceptions to represent European interests to say nothing of European dignity
& honor at the Court of Ismail. What more true than to say that this was
especially true of the American for he was generally the lowest in price. If this
is to a certain extent flattering to the Khedive it is not so much so to the average
Consul-General.

883
Lake Kyoga in present-day Uganda, downstream from Lake Victoria.
884
Illegible.
885
The courage of my convictions.
886
The Battle of Isandlwana 22nd of January 1879, in which the Zulus defeated the
British, with the loss of 1,300 men.

364.
 1879/06/11. Colonel Chaillé-Long to Richard Burton.

In all this I have forgotten the most important subject of your letter, Deloncle887
against whom I am surprised to see you take ground. He must answer for his
assertions. I have quoted him strengthened in the belief of accuracy by the
confirmations first of the Soc. de Geog. Lyon, Paris et al and such men as
Cortambert, St Martin Renaud Meunier & Mannoir.888 It has gone the rounds of
all Geog. Soc. unrefuted. He claims that he has found this in the manner
described in my address. It is a matter of geographical renown. Will you take
issue with him? I wish you would. Motto should be sit lux.889

I have read your Land of the Midian & also Madam B.'s book890 with very great
pleasure. I hope you will succeed as you so well merit. You know the Egyptians.
Keep your eyes on them. Il à le mensonge au front de marbre891—trust him not.
Old Hakyim Bey told me this in 1870. Young man he said not so enthusiastic
remember the story of the Persian Commander & take the lesson. I heeded it
not, until one day in the presence of the Mensonge au front de marbre,892 I
remembered the good old Bey’s admonition. Unless something shall happen to
change the current of my life here far from the crowd's ignoble strife I shall keep
the even hand of my way. Certainly for another year. Keeping you always my
dear Burton in kind remembrance, assured that you agree with me in the fact
that whilst il y a des Anglais et des Anglais il ya également des Américains et des
Américains que nous aimons bien 893

With many kind wishes believe

me very truly dear Burton
your friend
C. Chaillé-Long

887
Francois Deloncle (1856-1922), French politician.
888
Eugene Cortambert, Vivien de St Martin, Georges Renaud, Stanislas Meunier,
Charles Mannoir.
889
‘Let there be light’.
890
Isabel Burton AEI (1879).
891
‘He with the marble countenance (brow) lies’.
892
‘The Marble-browed one’.
893
There are Englishmen and Englishmen, but there are equally Americans and
Americans, of whom we are very fond.

365.
 1879/08/26. Richard Burton to Colonel Chaillé-Long.

242. 1879/08/26. Richard Burton to Colonel Chaillé-

Long.894

Trieste, August 26th, 1879.

Ya 'l kasha!

I have been wanting to write to you and answer your June 11th for many
weeks, and the hour has now come. Let us begin by business.

1st. What have you done with your MS ‘Notes on the Juba River’? I am likely
to be that way before long; is it quite impossible for you to make a run? You
know May is the best time. Then the April storm is passed. The Seyyid has
offered me a steamer, etc.

2nd. Won't you tell me where you took your quotation from? Deloncle, Paris
Geographical, Society or Lyons? His supporters' names are good, but all are
Frenchmen. A few years ago they claimed the discovery of the Guinea coast long
before the Portuguese, but we have compelled them to give that up. And now
to answering yours. You know that my three pet abominations are that Royal
Trinity: Cobden (a woman), Bright (a fighting Quaker), and Gladstone (an
evangelist). These laissez alley, laissez passer. The said Oliphant [Lawrence
Oliphant had pitched into the author in an article in the N. A. Review, because he had
dared criticize the methods employed by the British East Africa Association in Africa.
Oliphant was ridiculed for his geographical conclusions, which were ridiculously absurd.]
you know, has pitched often and often into me, and perhaps worse than into
you, that I never deigned to notice him (in print). I like him in private; he is now
gone to Syria about a concession, a colony, a new jury. As for Colonel Grant ... .
As regards Stanley, he was probably pitched into by ——. The R.G.S. (Royal
Geog. Society) is mostly managed by an intriguing set, and Grant and Sieur.
G.(?)895 being on the Council, would print what they liked with the apparent
authority of the society, which knows nothing about it.

But what you tell me of Gordon (private) is new and decidedly

important. It suggests that your friends have been working the ‘offices’ in

894
Colonel Chaillé Long My Life in Four Continents Volume 2 (London: Hutchinson,
1912) pp. 414-31.
895
Probably Francis Galton.

366.
 1879/08/31. General Charles Gordon to Richard Burton.

England, and that thus they were able to be nasty. Another time pitch as hard
as you can into the other clique of Philistines, which is the curse of England, and
let me say, of America, ‘Parlons d'autres choses.’896

No man who knows the East is astonished at anything. So what has

happened in Egypt will not have surprised you. I am only sorry for poor dear
McKillop's death.

When friends ask me what is doing in Egypt, I merely tell them that no
human power can divine what will occur there next week. Once upset Oriental
stability, and you have a ton of Scottish quick-silver to manage instead of lead.
I have not seen Sefer Pasha897 this summer.... I shall hope to do much with the
mines of Midian. My start will be about end of November. I want something in
the concession line before advising my friends to risk their coin. Of course, there
will be a tremendous amount of intrigue, but that can't be prevented. Many
thanks for your good opinion of my wife's book and my own. Have they been
republished in the States? Where is Middleton? Stone, Mitchell, and Purdy are
the only relics in Egypt, and they won't stay long. I saw Mr. de Leon at Dublin.
Do send me a line.

Ev. y—,
R. F. Burton.

P.S.—A year or so ago I wrote a long letter about inscriptions in U.S. to Judge
Daly, who never answered me, and probably never received it.

243. 1879/08/31. General Charles Gordon to Richard

Burton.898

Capt. Burton
H.M. Consul
Trieste

896
“Talk about other things”.
897
Ladislaus von Koscielski.(1818-1895) a Pole in the service of the Khedive of Egypt.
898
Huntington Library. Also reproduced in slightly abbreviated form in W. H. Wilkins
The Romance of Isabel, Lady Burton Vol. 2 (London: Hutchinson, 1879) pp. 666-7.

367.
 1879/10/15. Richard Burton to Clements Markham.

En route to Massawa
Red Sea
31 Augt 1879

My dear Burton

Thanks for several little notes from you, and one from Mrs. Burton, and also for
the papers you sent me. I have been on my travels, and had not time to write.
An Italian has egged on Johannes,899 to be hostile, and as I have to go Massawa,
to settle the affair, if I can. I, then, hope to go home, for good. For the slave
hunters (thanks to Gessi900) have collapsed, and it will take a long time to rebuild
again, even if fostered, by any successor . I like the new Khedive immensely, but
I warn you that all Midian guiles will be wasted on him, and Mrs. Burton ought
to have taken the 3000£ I offered her, at Suez, & which she scoffed at, saying
“you would want that for gloves,” do you wear those skin coverings to your
paws? I do not! No, the days of Arabian Nights are over, and stern economy
now rules. Tewfik901 seek honour, not honours. I do not know what he will do,
with the Soudan, he is glad, I think, indeed feel sure, I am going. I was becoming
a too powerful satrap. The general report at Cairo, was that I meditated
rebellion even under Ismail the “incurable” and now they cannot imagine why I
am so well received by the new Khedive. Mr. and Mrs. Adams are quite well at
Suez. Even if I had wanted a “donkey with a sore back” I could not have got it.
Kind regards to Mrs. Faulkner. Believe me
Yours sincerely
C. G. Gordon

244. 1879/10/15. Richard Burton to Clements

Markham.902

Trieste Oct 15 1879

My dear Markham

899
Yohannes IV (1837-1889) Emperor of Abyssinia (1871-1889).
900
Romolo Gessi, see Register.
901
Muhammed Tewfik Pasha (1852-1892), the Khedive of Egypt 1879-1892.
902
RGS Correspondence CB6 Burton / 350.

368.
 1879/10/15. Richard Burton to Colonel Chaillé-Long.

It is a very long time since I have seen a line from you . In England both
of us (wife and I) were so full of troubles and work that we had no time even to
meet our friends. Add to this 'small health'. Now however, long walks, daily
fencing and that kind of thing have quite set me up again; and I lament our
wasted time.

Without further prologue.

I have translated (from German) the Travels of Ladislas Magyar903 who lived and
died in Bihé!904 They are the works of a resident not a traveller, an explorer not
an excursionist. At the present moment when Pinto905 is to the fore the book (1
vol. 8vo) ought to be very interesting to geographers if not to the general public.

Now; do you think that the RGS would publish it? And (most important) would
you have time to add a few notes? I should like to join names in this matter.
You would take the line of comparing Magyar with the latest information. I
should simply translate him as he stands. Find copy quite finished. Wants only
copying fair.

My wife is recovering from a fall downstairs in Paris. How are you all at home?
Our united kindest regards to both
Ev yrs sincy
R. F. Burton

245. 1879/10/15. Richard Burton to Colonel Chaillé-

Long.906

Trieste, October 15th, 1879.

Effendum!

903
László Magyar (1818—1864) Hungarian explorer of Africa. Burton translated
Magyar’s journal at one remove, from a German translation by János Hunfalvy Reisen
in Sud-Afrika in den Jahren 1849 bis 1857 (Pest: Von Laufer & Stolp, 1859).
904
Angola.
905
Alexandre de Serpa Pinto (1846-1900) the Portuguese soldier and administrator
cum explorer of Angola.
906
Colonel Chaillé Long My Life in Four Continents Volume 2 (London: Hutchinson,
1912) pp. 414-31.

369.
 1879/10/26. Richard Burton to Clements Markham.

Yours of September 14th has just reached. I lose no time to answer.

Gordon has just written to me, and is apparently going home. Thanks for your
action in re Deloncle. Let me do Midian this winter and then I am ready for
anything you please, from a Sultanate to a shipwreck. At Comoros we should
have the French down upon us, but n’ importe. Do you know Junley or
Johannah? But what about your office? $4000 are not to be had in a day! We
must think of that.

I want this winter for the mines, and then I shall have done with them in
favour of Zanzibar. A man showed me some good quartz at Zanzibar, which he
said came from the Juba.907 I did not publish anything about it; and the secret is
between us foi de gentilhomme.908 The Sultan would assist us, and we might
make that the base of future proceedings.

Remember me most warmly to de Leon and his wife. I met the latter at
Dublin, but was too sick and seedy to call. Now my health is first-rate, thanks to
long walks, fencing, and exercise generally. How are you in that line? Are your
notes on the Juba very extensive?

Push Alcock909 about changing the name of your lake, which is an

indecency. There are ceremonies (?) amongst explorers, or there ought to be.
Write again, my dear L., and with united best regards, believe me,

Your friend,
R. F. Burton

Read about Madagascar in Proceedings R. Geog. Soc. Oct. '79.

246. 1879/10/26. Richard Burton to Clements

Markham.910

Private

Trieste Oct 26

907
The Capital of Central Equatoria, in the Southern Sudan.
908
faith, gentlemen.
909
Sir Rutherford Alcock, active in the RGS.
910
RGS Correspondence CB6 Burton / 350.

370.
 1879/12/31. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.

My dear Markham

Much pleased to get yours of 21. Where have you been abroad? I have
applied for leave to FO and expect to start for Egypt at noon on Thursday Nov
14. Could you not send me a word of telegram about result of Council on Nov
10, in case your note does not reach me. If the book is wanted I will take it on
board steamer correct Ms. during the passage and send it to you from
Alexandria. My wife, who will not follow me for a few weeks will correct proofs
here at Trieste—if you think corrections are required.

I hope that you are all well in Ecclestone Square. United kindest regards to both.
Fencing and long walks have done me a power of good. Perhaps also my last
few years (1874-8) have got over what the feminines call “Change of Life.” At
any rate now I can walk a whole day long.

yrs
R. F. Burton

247. 1879/12/31. Isabel Burton to Monckton Milnes.911

My dear friend

Swinburne writes me quite alarmed at your report of Dick's health. Telegraph

to me, tell me what you know, & I shall start by next steamer. He sailed on 5 th
for Egypt in glorious health. I had a letter on 12th one on 16th a telegram on 24th
all jolly & so your letter has given me a shock. I have telegraphed to Cairo at
once—preparing to start by steamer the day after tomorrow according to
answer. I was to have joined in February. Best love & happy New Years in plenty
to you & yours. God bless you.
Yrs affect
Isabel Burton

31 Dec 1879

911
Houghton 4/211.

371.
 1879? Anonymous.

248. 1879? Anonymous.912

As I have mentioned Burton, I will tell you an anecdote of that extraordinary

man. One night at a house in London, going upstairs at a very late party, I saw
Burton sitting on the landing steps at the angle, with a book in his hand and a
small writing-pad on his knees. It was a smoking party, very crowded, rather
noisy (for London),—men were passing and re-passing, and it was one o'clock in
the morning. But there sat Burton, absorbed in his work, evidently all
unconscious of what was going on about him, his pencil travelling fast over the
paper.

Presently I said, “How are you, Burton?”

He answered, “How are you?” without looking up; and the pencil went steadily
on.

“You've chosen a nice quiet place to work,” I said.

“One place is as good as another,” he growled out.

“It makes no difference to you?”

“None”

“May I see your book?”

He handed up the little volume in its dark queer cover, much the worse for wear:
a volume of Camoens in the Portuguese, which he was translating into English,
Portuguese being one or the twenty seven languages which he knew and spoke.

“Well,” I said, “I suppose you want to be let alone; but are you never tired?” He
replied, “I never knew what it was to be tired.”

There is a ray of light on Burton's career, with its enormous amount of

accomplished work.

912
“As Others See Us” The Pall Mall Magazine 28 (113) (September 1902) pp. 247-257.
By an anonymous American writer, described as “well-known” by the editor.

372.
Index to Authors and Correspondents.

Adye, John, 252 Chaillé Long, Colonel, 360, 361, 362,

Anonymous, 186, 372 366, 369
Back, George, 261 Clarendon, Earl of, 90, 92
Badger, George Percy, 201, 203, 282, De Kusel, Samuel Selig, 346
314, 331 De Leon, Edwin, 325
Bates, Henry Walter, 57, 197, 200, 212, Dixon, William Hepworth, 59
279, 284 Eldridge, G. Jackson, 145
Bird, Alice, 337 Eliot, Henry, 90, 92, 110, 112, 118, 119,
Blackwood, 276 126, 128, 130, 133, 134, 135, 137,
Blunt, Wilfrid Scawen, 65 138, 140, 141, 144, 145, 146, 151,
Brassey, Anna Allnutt, 329 154, 158
Burton, Isabel, 1, 5, 15, 20, 21, 48, 51, Ferguson, Samuel, 301
53, 59, 62, 75, 78, 79, 80, 81, 86, Freeman, Edward A., 292
116, 122, 131, 178, 196, 198, 207, Friswell, James Hain, 253
208, 209, 218, 232, 233, 239, 241, Furniss, Harry, 347
248, 253, 255, 256, 296, 306, 318, Galton, Francis, 290
319, 322, 335, 341, 344 Geary, Grattan, 275, 286, 287, 291,
Burton, Richard Francis, 1, 6, 7, 15, 20, 294, 295, 298, 299, 303, 304, 305,
22, 42, 43, 45, 47, 49, 54, 57, 59, 62, 309, 310, 315, 330, 334, 359
72, 73, 74, 79, 83, 86, 90, 91, 92, 94, Gordon, Charles George, 263, 277,
95, 103, 107, 110, 112, 113, 119, 293, 300, 301, 311, 312, 313, 317,
124, 129, 130, 137, 138, 140, 141, 320, 325, 332, 345, 367
144, 146, 154, 177, 194, 195, 197, Gordon, Henry, 332
198, 200, 201, 203, 206, 212, 214, Gosse, Edmund, 38, 40, 97
228, 230, 234, 236, 241, 243, 247, Granville, Earl, 118, 126, 129, 133, 135,
249, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 263, 146, 151, 154, 158
265, 266, 267, 268, 269, 275, 277, Graves-Sawle, Rose Paynter, 242
278, 279, 281, 282, 284, 285, 286, Hare, Augustus John Cuthbert, 99
287, 288, 290, 291, 292, 293, 294, Hunt, James, 7
295, 298, 299, 300, 301, 303, 304, Hutchinson, Thomas Joseph, 84
305, 309, 310, 311, 312, 313, 314, Ionides, Luke, 319, 322
315, 317, 320, 325, 330, 331, 332, Kirk, John, 200, 288
334, 345, 354, 359, 360, 361, 362, Knightley, Louisa Mary, 262
366, 367, 368, 369, 370, 371 Leighton, Frederick, 124, 281
Bushe, Charles Percy, 84 Mackenzie, Kenneth Robert
Cameron, Verney Lovett, 213, 282, 285 Henderson, 30

373.
Markham, Clements, 368, 370 Russell, Odo, 145, 146
McCarthy, Justin, 34, 36 Schroeder, Seaton, 242
Milnes, Monckton, 1, 5, 15, 20, 62, 75, Seymour, Walter, 70
78, 79, 80, 81, 86, 94, 122, 131, 177, Shepheard, Samuel, 1
178, 195, 196, 206, 207, 208, 209, Soldene, Emily, 243
212, 218, 228, 232, 236, 239, 241, Stanley, Lord, 83
248, 255, 256, 257, 260, 261, 265, Sterry, Joseph Ashby, 41
266, 296, 306, 318, 335, 344, 371 Stevenson, Frederick James, 60
Mitford, Bertrand, 162 Stisted, Georgiana, 102, 194, 205
Moore, N. T., 134 Stoker Bram, 355
Mott, Mrs. Mentor, 122 Stoker, Bram, 333, 356
Murray, James, 90, 91 Swinburne, Algernon, 38, 40, 49, 54,
Orton, Arthur, 42, 45, 87 96, 97, 100, 348
Owen, William, 219 Symons, Arthur, 96, 348
Pasha, Rashid, 127 Tootal, Albert, 20, 21, 42, 43, 47, 48,
Pashi, Ali, 127 51, 53, 59, 62, 72, 73, 74, 79, 92, 95,
Pisani, E., 128 107, 230, 233, 234, 243, 249, 258,
Rathborne, Anthony Blake, 194 259, 341
Reade, Winwood, 22 Vizetelly, Henry Richard, 30
Ricci, Hermann Robert, 273 Wilson, C. Rivers, 329
Rigby, C. P., 227 Wilson, Frank, 6, 267, 268, 269, 354
Rossetti, Dante Gabriel, 247 World, The, 349
Russell, Katherine Louisa, 2, 5 Wright, William, 122, 180
Russell, Lord John, 3, 4, 5 Wylde, William Henry, 230, 236, 278

374.
Plates.

375.
 Figure 26. Burton in his tent in West Africa circa 1862.

376.
Figure 27. Burton’s Photographs from the Battlefields of Paraguay.

377.
 Figure 28. Mustering the slaves in Brazil, from the Burtons' Photo Album.

378.
Figure 29. Burton in the early 1870s.

379.
 Figure 30. Richard Burton in 1865.

380.
Figure 31. Burton as Brevet de Pointe, by Albert Letchford.

381.
 Figure 32. Isabel Burton circa 1875.

382.
Figure 33. The Temple at Baalbek, from Isabel’s Photo Album.

383.
 Figure 34. Damascus, from Isabel’s Photo Album.

384.
Credits

Burton as Brevet de Pointe, by Albert Letchford: Orleans House.

385.