SPREAD OF ENGL ISH AS

v IN WORLD ENGLISH?S AN INFERNAilONAL LING UA F RANCA 39

Then, in a reversal of traditional roles, he advised the British to raise the standard of their it performs no oßcial internal functions (see Al and A3 for nurnbers of speakers).
own Engiish to that 'still held in other parts of the world', Crystal (2003b) accounts for the present-day international status of English as
the result of two factors, the first being its colonial past, which we have already
historicstandardisation processes are currently underway and it will be some time before noted. The second reason, and the one which has ensured the continuing
local standards can be codified in home-grown grammars and dictionaries. Even when this has influence of English throughout the twentieth century and beyond* is the
been achieved, however, these standard Englishes are unlikely to attract the same prestige as economic power of the US:
their counterparts in Britain, North America and even, nowadays, Australia. "lhis is because of
attitudes held towards these varieties bv many members of the Inner Circle, both the general F
ihe present-day world status of English is primarily the result of two factors: the
population and even some linguists. Implicit in these attitudes is the belief that the New
expansion of British colonial power, which peaked towards the end of the 19th century,
Englishes are the result of a process known as fossilisation. other words, the [earning of English
and the emergence of the United Stat.es as the leading economic power of the 20th
is said to have ceased (or 'fossilised') some way short of target-like competence, with the target
century. It is the latter factor which continues to explain the position of the English
being assumed to be either Standard British or Standard American English, Of cotxrse, from a
language today.
sociolinguistic perspective) however, the idea that the New Englishes should have as their target
(Crystal 2003b: 106)
the standard Englishes of the Inner Circle is of dubious validity

Before we go on to consider the reasons why English remains the world*s first
international language into the nventy-first century however7 it is important to
acknow„
THE SPREAD OF ENGLESH AS AN INTERNATIONAL ledge that this is not universally considered to be a beneficial state of affairs. Since the
LINGUA FRANCA pubiication of his 1992 hook, Linguistic .[nur.rialis'li, Robert Phillipsoll has continued to
argue ac*ainst: the desirability of the spread of English, especially *' There this spread has
Not only has English' become international in the last half century, but scholarship the potential to jeopardise the learning of other languages and the very existence of smaller
about English has also become international: the ownership of an interest in English languages (see unit 8 on the latter subject). Others have argued along similar lines; for
has become international We are no longer a language community which is associated example, following the even.ts of September 200 L Hilary Footitt> Chair of the University
with a national community or even with a family of nations such as the Council of Modern Languages, vv•rote as fol}ows:
Commonwealth. •aspired to be. We are an international community,
(Brumfit 1995: One of the cultural shocks of September U is, overwhelmingly that English is simply
not enough. We cannot understand the world in English, much less search out
'This quotation from Brumfit neatly encapsulates 'the changes that tool( place in the second intelligence, build ever larger coalitions of and heal some of the longstanding wounds
half of the turentieth century, and that are beginning to impact on the way English is taught of the past, We need to be aware as never before of foreign languages and of the ways
and spoken around the world in the eariy years of the twenty-first century. In we consider in which languages identify and represent their cultures.
firstly, why it is that English has assumed the role of the world's major international (Guardian Education> 23 October 2001, p. 15)
language and secondly, the most serious issue which has to be addressed in the light of this
role: the need to ensure mutual intelligibility across international varieties of English. This is in direct contrast to the optimistic views regularly expressed by those whor like
'Velma Gimenez, regard the spread of an international language as wholly positive:

Why is Engiish the international lingua franca? [H! avino a common ianguage helps us to see ourselves as human beings live on the
same planet, and to that extent can be said to form one community. The value of
Despite the fact thall most of England's former colonies had become independent states by knowing English lies not only in the ability to access materia\ things, but also in the
the mid-twentieth century, !hev retained the English language to serve various internal possibility it offers for creating acceptance of, and respect for* the World's diversity.
functions (see Al). so} by virtue of its colonial pasts English was already well placed to English allows us to advance toward global exchange and solidarity among the
become one of the worlds main languages of international business and trade. But in the institutions of civil society, extending bonds between citizens far and "'ide across the
postcolonial period* English has sprad well beyond its use as a second or additional globe. For this reason, considering English as an international language can also bring
language in the countries of the Outer Circle> to be adapted as an international lingua franca a sense or possibility terms of strengthening what might be called 'planetary
by many countries in the Expanding Circle for whom citizenship'.
 KEY TOP I CS WO RLD SPR EAD OF ENGLFSF AS
(ELF Journal, vol. 5, no. 3, 2001, p. 297)

Beneficial or not, for the time being Engiish as a Lingua Franca (ELF), or English as an For the moment., though, let us consider the possible reasons why those for whom
International Language (EIL) as it is still sometimes known, is a fact of life, And English is not their mother tongue should wish to learn it, not only in countries
40 IN I SH ES such as India, where it is a nativised language that performs institutional
functions, but increasingly in Expanding Circle countries such as Brazil, China
and Italv Crystal (2003b: 107) provides the following reasons. As you read
the implications of this situation for L2 English are at last beginning to he addressed, with even through them: consider these two questions:
the British press finally acknowledging that the English of its non-native speakers rnay be gainmg
acceptance in its ow•n right, instead of being considered 'erro neous' wherever it differs from Which, in your viewi are most relevant to those who need or want to be able
native varieties of English. The Observer newspaper; for example, in an article entitled Foreign to communicate internationally in the English language?
tongues spread the English word', made the following point: ' Gle accented English of fluent Are the scenarios that Crystal outlines still the same as they were in
foreigners such as Latino singer Ricky Martin or actress Juliette Binoche is usurping British and 2003 when his list was published, or are vou aware of any
American English as the dominant form of the (29 October 2000, p. l). The rather spoils his case changinq:y circumstances in relation to your own and/or other
by going on to report that the Education and Employment Secretary 'will tell a meeting of countries?
business leaders on Tuesday to capitalise on their advantage as native speakers', and even that
'the drive to make English the "ioba] lingua franca comes directly from Tony Blair [the British Historical reasons
Prime Minist.er)' and is known as the initiative'. To the extent that English is the {global lingua Because af the legacy of British or American imperialism, the country's main
franc.d it is neither to the advantage of its native speakers nor controlled by them. These are both institufions may carry out their proceedings in English, These include the
issues to which we will return later in strand 6, where we will also look in detail at what, governing body (e.g. government agencies, the civil senåce (at least at senior the
precisely, the pheEomenon of ELF is* and at the controversy its research is causing. law courts, national religious bodies, the schools, and higher educational
institutions, along with their related publications (textbooks, proceedings,
records, etc.).

internal political reasons

Mlhethec a country has imperial antecedents or not, English may have a role in
providing a neutral means of communication betweæ---: its different ethnic
groups as it does, for examn!e, in India. A distinctive variety of English may also
become a symbol of national unity or emerging nationhood The use of English in
newspapers} on radio or on television adds a further dimension.
AN L INGUA 41

External economic reasons

The USA's dominant economic position acts as a maÜnet for international business and
trade, and organisations wishing to develop international markets are thus under
considerable pressure to work with English. ihe tourist and advertising industries are
particularly English- dependent, but any multinational business will Mish to establish
offices in the major English-speaking countries.

Practical reasons
English is the }anguage of international air control and is currently
developing its role in international maritime, policing, and emergency
services. It is the chief language of international business and academic
conferences, and the leading language of international tourism.
 KEY TOP I CS WO RLD SPR EAD OF ENGLFSF AS
ånte"ectual reasons To the above points made by Crystai
Most of the scientific, technological, and academic information in the world we could add personal advantage/ prestige since in many cultures, the ability
is expressed in English} and over 80 per cent Of all the information stored in to speak English is perceived as conferring higher status on the speaker.
electronic retrieval systems is in Engiish (but see A8 for more recent Crystal also adds a final section 'Some wrong reasons'. These concern beliefs that
statstics). Closely related to this is the concern to have access to the English is 'inherently a more logical or beautiful language than others easier to
philosophica!, religious and literary history of Western Europe either directly pronounce, simpler in grammatical structure, or larger in vocabulary.' As Crystal
or through the medium of an English translation. Ln most parts of the world, points out., 'this kind of reasoning is the consequence of unthinking chauvinism or
naive linguistic thin king; and it is impossible to compare languages objectively in
the only way most. people have access to such authors as Goethe or Dante is
such ways. English> for example, may have few inflectiona} endings, but also has
through English. Latin performed a similar role in Western Europe for over
very complex syntax, and this has not prevented it from being learned and used around
a thousand years
the world. So a third question for you to consider is:

Entertainment reasons YVhv do you think beliefs about the intrinsic linguistic superiority of English
English is the main language of popular music (particularly hip hop), and persist?
permeates popular culture and its associated advertising, It is also the main
language of satellite broadcasting, home computers, and video games, as
well as of such international il]egal activities as pornography and drugs.
42 ENG L IS H ES T 19 - ANFRANCA 43

The confiict between mutuak intelligibiiity and group Activity

identity Consider the roles of intelligibility and identity in your own language learn-
 KEY TOP I CS WO RLD SPR EAD OF ENGLFSF AS

and writers from al first language backgrounds who v•ish to communicate in English. The If you speak English as a second or subsequent language;
main obstacle to such mutual intelligibüity identity For, as Crystal (2003a: 127) points out,
'the need for intelligibility and the need for identity often pull people - and countries —
in opposing directions, Have you ever given thought to retaining youi' Ll identity in
In essence the problem is this. With the increase in the number of first English? it important to you to retain your Ll identity in
language (Ll) groups who speak Eng}ish as an international language> the range English?
Are you more concerned to be intelligible to native speakers of English or
of differences among their Englishes has also inevitably increased. These
to non-native speakers of English* or do you not distinguish between the
differences are particularly evident in the spoken language, and more so in two groups of listener?
terms of pronunciation than at the Other linguistic kevels, since it is on Do you believe it is appropriate to retain your Ll accent in your English or
pronunciation that first language transfer has its greatest influence. that you should attempt to sound 'native-like'?
The demands of mutual intelligibility point to a need to decrease accent differences Do you believe if is possible to retain your Ll accent in English and still be
intelligible to native-speakers?/to non-native speakers?
among speakers from different Ll backgrounds. 'Ihis, however, does not necessarily
involve encouraging L2 learners to imitate a native speaker accent. indeed, such attempts
If you speak English as a first language and another language/other languages
have invariably failed. Accents may be closely bound up Kev-ith feelings Of persona} and
as second/ subsequent ianguacyes:
group identity, which means that people tend to resist such attempts, whether
consciously or subconsciously, Ihey may wish to preserve their mothertongue accent in
their L2 English or they may simply wish not to identify through mimicking an Ll English Have ever given thought to retaining vour Ll identity in the other
accent, with native speakers of the language. And in the case of ELF (as contrasted with language(s) you speak?
there is stron& justification for not conforming to the accent. (or even the lexicogrammar)
of a native speaker group: the fact that the ELF community is by definition. international
Is it important to you to retain your Ll identity in the other
rather than associated with any one national speech community. As Dörnyei et ale (2006:
language(s) vou speak?
110) point out in this respect, 'for a growing number of learners English now represents Do you believe it. is appropriate to retaiF) vour Ll. English accent in your
other language(s) or that you should attempt to sound like native speak ers
the language of the "world at large" rather than the language of a well-specified target
of the language(s)?
language community observe that [ft]his broadenin a view of ovmership has had
Do you believe it is possible to retain your Ll accent in your other
major consequ.ences on LZ motivation research because the lack of a well-specified target
language(s) and still be intelligible to native speakers of that language?
language community undermines the attitudina]. base of Gardner's (1985) traditional
Have you had any personal experiences that support your viel\t?
concept of integrative motivation' (2006: 9).
integrative motivatiaon involves the desire to come close to the target: language
For both groups:
and even compiæ identification Mdth it. One of the current debates going on among
EIF researchers is the extent to which English used in lingua franca contexts can be a
What is yoer reaction to the fohovqing distinction which Prodromou makes
language of identification and not simply one of communication. in othey words, if ELF
between the learn ing/speaking of English and that of other modern foreign
users no longer identify with an inner Circle community of English speakers, is there a
languages such as Spanish? Do you agree or not? Why/why not? if you do
sense in which they identifr instead with their own Ll group and/or a wider ELF
agree, what do you see as the most important implications for the speaking
community? Later in strand 6 we consider this issue as wen as exploring possible ways of
of English?
preservino intelligibility in ELF communication that do not. entail deferring to native
English varieties, but enable ELF speakers to project their own identities in their English if
Most people quite simply do not learn English to speak to nativespeakers.
they so wish.
On the other hand, people learn Spanish, as am doing at present, because
they are interested in Hispanic culture for some reason (work or pjeagure)
and wild therefore want a spoken and %'Titten model which will further
this aim. There is a world of difference between English and, in fact, a-Il
other living languages at present.
 KEY TOP I CS WO RLD SPR EAD OF ENGLFSF AS

If English is to fulfü its role as the worlds international lingua franca, it goes with-ing experience, as fallows: out saving that it must be
capable of achieving mutual intelligibility among speakers
(Prodromou 1997: 19)
 KEY TOPICS WO RLD THE R OLES ASIA AND
48 ENGL?SHE S Functionally, Asian Enolishes are divided into turo categories, depending on whether
they are in stitutionalised varieties of the Outer Circle or non-institutionalised varieties of
the Expanding Circle (see Table A7.2),

O F ENG LISH IN
45

THE ROLES OF ENGLISH IN ASIA AND EUROPE Table AZ. 7 Asian Englishes by region,

Asia and Europe: similarities and differences

South Asian varieties South-East Asian end East Asian varieties Pacific varieties
In A% attention is focused on tMI'0 large non-Inner Circle regions in which Eng}ish is spoken:
Asia. and Europe, In Expanding Circle Europe, while change is taking place fasti
developments are several paces behind those of the Asian Outer Circle. In the early years Bangladesh Brunei Chma
of the twenty-first century European English, or Euro-English as it is increasingly caled, is Bhutan Cambodia Hong Kong
only just emeroina as a distinctive variety more accurately, group of varieties with its own Japan
identity which, like the Outer Circle Asian Engiishes> rejects the concept of having to defer Mae,dives Indonesia Korea
to British English or American English norms (see D7), What has already become clear is Nepal Laos Taiwan
that English is evolving as a European lingua franca not only in restricted fields such as Pakistan Malaysia
busi_ness and commerce, hul also in a wide range of other contexts of communication
including its increasing use as a language Of socialisation* The progress of the codified Sri Lanka Myanmar
Asian Englishes thus indicates the likely future development of Euro-English. Philippines
A second similarity between Asian and Euro-Englishes is that both, by definition, are Singapore
evolving %lithin contexts of bi- or multilingualism. This has implic.ations not only for the Thai)and
ways in which English is used by its majority (bilingua}) speakers, but aiso for the ways in Vietnam
which it is taught and tested (see C3).
A third similarity is one that Asian and European Englishes share all noninner Circle
Englishes whether j.nstitutionalised Of not. That is, they are linguistic orphans in search of
their parents' (Kachru 1992: 66). Kachru is referring here to the still widespread if slowly Table A 7.2 Asian Englishes by use.
diminishing belief that non-native and nativised Engiish varieties are deficient and
unacceptable by virtue of the }ocal characteristics thev have acquired in the process of
being transplanted. Such attitudes in turn deter speakers Of non-native and even nativised Institutionaiised varieties Non-institutionaiised varietes
English varieties from identifying and promotin o their own local model. 'Ihis issue will be (Outer Circle) (Expanding Circle)
taken up in the readings in D7.

Bang*adesh Cambodia
Bhutan China
Eng\ish as an Asian language Brunei Indonesia
Asian Englishes can be categorised both regionally and functionally. Regionally, they are Jaoan
typically divided into three groupings, although the South-East and East Asian varieties are Hong Kong Korea
sometimes grouped together (see Table A 7. t). Laos
Malaysia Maidives
Nepal Myanmar
 KEY IN WORLD ROLES ASIA AND
Pakistan Taiwan the use of their local language, Urdu> in favour of English (Najma Husein, personal
PhiEippines Thaiiand communication).
Singapore Vietnam By contrast* English in India operates well beyond the confines of the uses far
Sri Lanka which it is learnt in Bangladesh and hitherto in Pakistan. This is to a great extent a function
of the unifying role if plays as a neutral language of communication across a people of
diverse mother tongues and, as a result, the wav in which it has become bound up with
Indian national consciousness and identity, Today Indian English performs a wide range of
Of the above territories, numbers of _L2 English speakers with reasonable public and personal functions in a variety which has evolved its own phonological syntactic,
competence range from India (200 million), the Philippines (40 million) and Pakistan. (17 lexical and discoursal features rather than continuing to defer to those of its British past
mil}ion), to Hong Kong, Singapore and Sri Lanka each with around two million* Brunei (see C7)e
"ith only 134000 and Bhutan only 75,000 (figures from Crystal 2003a•, see Al above). Like Indian English, Lankan English, too, has acquired a wide range of local functions
However, the figures disguise the fact that in some of these areas the L2 variety of English both public and personal, though for political reasons it has so far not played the same
is spoken by a very large percentage of the total population. For example, almost half of neutral role in communication across speakers of different mother tongues in Sri Lanka as
Singaporeans speak L2 English, but this amounts to only two million of a population of it has in India. In recent years the government has been promoting English as a link
4,300,000. Again, just over two million Hong Kongese speak an L2 variety of English, but language between warring Sinhalese and Tamils, though this policy may not succeed
thev constitute almost a third of the total Hong Kang because of differences in orientation towards the learning and use of English across the
46 mop;cs ENG L}SHES two ethnic groups (Canagarajah 1999: 82), as well as the fact that English is seen as 'a class
marker (i.e. as the language of the educated and rich)' (Canagarajah 1999: 72),
Brunei, in comrnon with most of the other Outer Circle territories, i.s
lingui_sticaliy
population. On the other hand, less than a fifth of Indians speak L2 English Mith OF 47
reasonable competence, but because the total population is over one billion, the
number of L2 Indian English speakers is vast
Tne South Asian Englishes (with the exception of the Maldives) belong to the Outer diverse. Malay is the main language with Bahasa *Melayu being the offcia] language and
Circle. Indian, Lankan3 Pakistani and Bangladeshi Englishes are often grouped together and Brunei Malay the most widely used. English is the most important non e native language
known collectively as Soqth Asian English (es) (see Crystal 2003a: 144). Within this group, as a result of colonial links %'ith Britain, and plays an important role in education (where
Indian and Lankan Englishes are the most developed and •well documented. At the other a bilingual system is in place), law and the media. Attitudes to English in the region are
extreme, little information is available about the Englishes of Bhutan, the Maldives and positive, with a study carried out in 1993 ()ones 1997) reporting that Bruneia_ns want to
Nepal Even the weighty tome The Handbook of World Engii$hes (Kachru et al 2006) is not study and be proficient in both Malay and English. Code-switching bet-s.veen Malay and
able to enlighten us much. Bhutan ig mentioned in a single sentence and the Ivialdives not English has become common among educated Bruneians, Saxena (2008) points out that
at all. Only Nepal is given an entire (short) paragraph of its own, in which we learn that Brunei increasingly perceives itself as part of the global economic and politic-a} system,
from 2005 to 2007 an Action Plan in pri mary education involved the teaching of three and considers learning and using English essential for this purpose, It thus appears likely
languages.- Nepah, a local language, and English (Gargesh 2006: 100—1). that in future there will be a further shift towards English. Bruneian Nialays, like Malays in
Tnese Asian countries have much in common in terms of their history and culture: and Singapore, using English in their homes and accompanied by the emergence of a more
in the way the English language is sustained within each one by similar groups of elites to clearly identifiable vari u ety of Brunei English,
perform similar roles (Kandiah 1991). On the other there are differences. In postcolonial Of Fiji's population of 850,000, just under 20 per cent', or 170,000, speak English as
Bangladesh, far example, there has been relatively little interest in English beyond the an L2. English is the national language of the territory and is used in education,
utilitarian: that of wideninrr access by bringing nonEnglish speakers to a level of competence government and business. As in several other Outer Circle countries, it also serves as the
that will enable them to participate in those Lmodern' spheres of activity traditionally language of communication among Fiji's different ethnic g?oups. From the lime med data
dominated by the English language and its users. The same was true of Pakistan untü so far availablea it nevertheless seems that Fiji English has already become a distinctive
recently, when the nation became interested in developing its own distinct variety of local variety characterised by a numbeE of features which differ from Ll Englishes (see
English. At present, though, the Lndications are that Pakistani English is developing still Siegel 1991).
exonormativeiy (i.e. according to external norms), Mith British Engiish as its reference point Moving on to Malaysia* as Pennycook (1994: 217) tells us, 'The fortunes of English in
(Kandiah 1991). However} this may. not remain the case for much longer in view of the Malaysia have waxed and waned and waxed again, and it never seems far from the centre
(disconcerting) evidence that young educated Pakistani. people are increasingly giving up of debate: There are in fact eighty languages spoken in N•falaysia, with Nfalay (Bahasa
 KEY WORLD THE ROLFS ASIA AND
Ä4a}aysia) the national language and primary lingua franca across ethnic aroups} English a single multihngua} area, Eather like India, where languages are hierarchically
the second most important language and Chinese, rl'amil and other Indian languages used related in status. As in India, there may be many who are monolingual in a reoional
amona ethnic communitj.es — the latter two largely in family, social and religious domains. language, but those who speak one of the 'big' languages have better access to material
It is as a result of the success of nationalism and confidence in the stability of Bahasa success.
Malaysia as the country's nationa_l language that Enolish can once again be promoted in
the Maiaysian education systemr However, because of the previous decline in English use, By the end of the twentieth century, however, a single one of the three (big' languages,
there is a wide range of proficiency among speakers, The mast competent are the English- English, had become the 'biggest', the de facto European lingua franca. And for the time
being at least, it seems, those who speak English will have the best access to such material
mediumædacated Malaysian elite, and it is this group who will establish norms for
success, hence, in part, the current popularity of learning English among Europe's young
Malaysian English and determine the target mode} for acquisition. Because these English
that Cheshire (2002) documents.
speakers use English qithin a complex linguistic repertoire in which they engage in
Many schoiars, most vocjferously Phillipson (2003a). and including Cheshire herself,
frequent codeswitching between English and hw•ialay; there is considerable scope for believe it is critical for all Europeans to learn eacb other.'s languages rather than for
borrowing from Malav into Malaysian English as the variety evolves. The current concern, everyone to learn English. On the other hand, House (2001), whose position is for the most
as in a number of these regions, is to document the deveioped or developing 'standard part diametrically opposed to Philhpson's, finds the EU>s language policy hypocritical and
variety that reflects their national identity as well as ensures international intelligibility, ineffective. Rather than having several working languages and making heavy use of a
and that in Malaysia is described as 'Standard Nialaysian English' (Gill 2002-29). translation machinery, she argues, the EU should opt offciallv for English as its lingua
The English of the Philippines is possibly the most comprehensively researched of al] franca as she puts ita the 'language for communication', On the other hand, House does not
Southe East Asian varieties of English including Singaporean (see Tay 1991, and Bautista appear to consider the possibility that Engiish ca_n express the 'social identities' of its
et al. 2004, a special issue on Philippine English of the journal World Engu !ishes). English continental European English speakers, Instead, she believes that individual speakers'
is the second language the Philippines, where a bilingual education policy English and mother tongues -will remain 'language for identification" (House 2001: 2—3, and see D6).
Filipino (based on Tagalog) — was adopted in 1972 and is now in place at ali school levels, Cheshire (2002), by contrast, notes that European English appears to be developing the
scope to express "emotiona, aspects of young people's social identities' by means of
although Filipino remains the national lingüa franca while Encrlish serves as the language
phenomena such as code.witching and code-mixing (e.g. the use of half-German half-
of wider cross-cultural communication* A distinctive
English hybrid compounds such O F ENG QSH EUROPE
mop [C S ! N

as Tele./on junkie, Drogenfrcak and Metalifan, in German youth magazi.nes). And

Philippine variety of English has been documented since the late 1960s, when subsequently, Seidlhofer et al. (2006) have d.ocumented a number of emerging features of
idiosyncratic pronunciation and. grarnmatical features began to be considered legitimate Euro*English that could be seen as identity markers (see C6 below for further discus w sion
varietal characteristics rather than errors. There are considerable differences between the of the ELF identity issue among Expanding Circle English speakers).
Philippine English of older and younger generations, along with variation in use among The positioning of English as Europe's primary lingua franca is so recent that it. is too
proficient English users ranging from informat (with patterned codemixing known as 'Mix- soon to be able to say with any certainty whether it will remain so, how it will devei0Fb and
mR) to estab\ish familiarity- and rapport, to standard Philippine English for careful speech
whether it will expand to become fully capable of expressinø social identigr as well as
and vriting (see Tay 1991 performing a more transactional role in politics, business and the like The Inguist.ic ou
Thus. English is already well-ensconced in Asia, if more deeply in some of its re gions than tcome of European political and economic developments is predicted by some scholars to
others. The greatest need now is for more research into the less well- documented Asian be a nativised hybrid variety of English, in effect, a European Eng]ish containing a number
Englishes. of grammatical, lexical, phonological and discoursal features found in individual continental
European languages along with some items common to many of these languages-but not to
standard British (or American) English.
The changing role of English in Europe Berns (1995: 6—7), for example characterises the nativisation process that English in
Europe is undergoing as follows: 'In the course of using English to carry out its three roles
The European IJnion (EU) is linguislically rich. When the first edition of this book went
{native, foreign and international languagel Europeans make adaptations and introduce
to press, eleven EU languages had official status. This number has since grown to
innovations that effectively de-Americanize and de-Anghcize Englisht She talks
twentythree: Bulgarian7 Czech, Danish, Dutch. English, Estonian, Finnish, French,
speci.fical}y of a 'European English -using speech communi_ty' who use Eng iish for intra-
German, Greek, Hungarian, Italian, Irish, Latvian, Lithuaniar% Maltes% Polish, Por
European communication, and for whom 'the label European English identifies those uses
tuguese, Romanian, Slovak, Slovene, Spanish and Swedish. Nevertheless, of these just
of English that are not Bri.tish (and not American or Canadian or Australian or a_ny other
three languages dominate English, French and Gevma_ü, Europe has become, in Graddors
native variety) but are distinctly European and distinguish European English speakers from
(1997: 14) words,
speakers of other [English] varieties: in her view, it is possible that British English wil
eventually be considered merely as one of a number of European varieties of Enolish
 KEY IN WORLD ROLES ASIA AND
alongside nativised varieties such as French English.. Dutch English, Danish English and
the like.
European English speakers are, nevertheless, as Berns (1995: 10) concludes, 4 in the
midst of an exciting, challenging, and creative social and linguistic phase of their history' in
which (thev have the potential to have significant influence on the spread. of Englisht fre
situation is, as she puts one of 'sociolinguistic history-in x the-making and one which
therefore need to be reviewed regularly as empirical evidence becomes increasingly
available,

THE FUTURE OF WORLD ENGLISHES

In A8, we consider the implications of English having become the language of dothers'å
along %ith the possibility that within the twenty-first century it may lose its posi w tion as
principal world language to one or more of the languages af these 'others: In the first of
these two themes is developed in a debate as to whether English, if it does remain the major
world language, will ultimateb•• fragment into a large number of mutually unintelligible
varieties (in effect, languages), or converge so that differences across groups of speakers
are large]y C8, the first theme is explored in terms of the extent to which English may either
become a killer of other
 KEY TOPICS I N TH E

50 E NGLISHES rnore likely, accord themselves at least the same English language rights as those claimed
bv mother-tongue speakers. And this includes the right to innovate without every
difference from a standard native variety of English automaticaliv being labelled -wrong:
languages or evolve as a common language within a framework of world bilingualism. The This is by definition what it means for a language to be international — that it spreads and
strand ends in D8 with an extract from Grad.dol's meticulous study of English in its world becomes a global lingua franca for the benefit of all> rather than being distributed to
context, The Future ofFnwlish? which takes up many ofthesc issues and leads us into the facilitate communication with the natives. It remains to be seen whether such a paradigm
question-mark of the unknown. This is followed Crystal's 2008 commentary on an article he shift does in fact take place.
had written in 1985, and points from Graddolrs 2006 study English Next. Taken together, these F UTURE
51
three publications demonstrate both how rapidly events are movino English -wise (even
between the first and second editions of this book), and how little we can still predict.

The language(s) of 'others' as workd language(s)

English as the 'anguage of 'others'
The other potential shift in the Linguistic centre of gravity is that English could lose its
place cothers' in quotation marks to indicate that the term is, of course, culturally loaded
international role altogether ora at best, come to share it with a number of equals.
and that my usage is ironic here. If English is already numerically the language of these
Although this would not happen purely or even mainly as a result of native speaker
'others' and, as the century proceeds, is to become more overtiy so, then the centre of
resistance to the spread of non-native speaker Englishes and the consequent abandoning
gravity of the language is almost certain to shift in the direction of the 6thers'. In the years
Of English by large rmmbers of non-native speakers, the latter could undoubtediy play a
to come we are very likelv to witness Increasing claims from English speakers outside the
part. Because the alternatives to English as a world language are coveæd in detail in
inner Circle, especially in growing economies such as Brazil Russiap india and China, for
the first reading in Db we will consider che issue only briefly here by looking at two main
English language rights of the sort that were discussed particularly in A6 and A7 (see
factors: firstly the diffculties inhereni in the English language, and seconcfly the
Graddol 2006: 32-3 on 'the rise of the BRICs'). In the words of Widdowson, there is hke}y
arguments in favour of Spanish as the principal world language.
to be a paradigm shift from one of languaøe distribution to one of language spread:
A piece in the EL Gazette in October 2001 (p. 3) under the heading 'It's now offciak
English harcT announced: 'you can now motivate your students by telling them that
I would argue chat English as an international language is not distributed, as a set of
English is the hardest European language ta learn'. It went on to report a study carried out
established encoded forms, unchanged into different domains of use, but it is spread
at the University of Dundee, Scaoand, which compared the literacy levels of British primary
as a virtual language . . . When we talk about the spread of English, then. it is not that
school children with those from fourteen Europea_n countries (Fin n lanu Greece, Italy,
the conventionaliy coded forms and meanings are transmitted into different
Spain> Portugal, France, Belgium, Germany, Austria* Norway iceland, Sweden> rlhe
environments and different surroundings, and taken up and used by dif.ferent groups
Netherlands and Denmark). Children Mith one yea?s schooling had been presented qrith
of people. it is not a matter of the actual janguage being distributed but of the virtual
lists of common words in the mother tongue. It was found that all but the native English
language being spread and in the process being variously actualizedr The distribution
speakers were able to read 90 per cent of the. words correctly, while the British children
of the actual language implies adoption and conformity The spread of virtual
could only manage 30 per cent. The researchers con„ cluded that the gap between the
language implies adaptation and nonconformity. The two processes are quitc
English-speaking children and those from the other fourteen countries was the result of
different
difficulties intrinsic to the English Ian51-age, And at a conference of the Speåing Society,
(M/iddowson 1997; 139-40)
held at Coventry University in the Uk in June 2008, in which new research by the literacy
researcher Marsha Bell was reported, the same point was made again, with English being
In this new paradigm in which English spreads and adapts according to the linguistic and
described as the wor.st of al] the alpha beticaj languages for children to learn.
cultural preferences of its users in the outer and expanding circles, many traditional
Rather than 'motivate learners, such difficulties if widely publicised, dis u courage
assumptions about the language no longer hold. The point is that if English is genuinely to
them from attempting to learn the language at all. The diffcu}ties divide into three main
become the language of (others', then these 'others' have to be accorded — or perhaps
categories: orthographic, phonological and grammatical. Speliing ficulties are of
 KEY TOPICS I N

various kinds although all relate to the fact that English orthography can often not. be 'occasionali and {he spelling of unstressed vowels (e.g. the underlined vowels in 'woman'*
predicted from the way in which a word. is pFonounced. There are, for example, several 'persuade', Zenditiorf, 'infinjtv, al] of which are pronounced as schwa in RP and many
ways of pronouncing the sequences {ea' (e.g. as in 'bead', 'headi bear', 'fear', pearl), and Other, but not native accents).
'ough' (e.g. as in 'cough', 'bough', '{ought 'doughi 'through', 'thorough'). A large number of As regards pronunciation, difficulties relate particularly to English vowels. Not only
words contain silent letters, such as those which begin "'ith a silent p' or 'k' ('psychology', does native Engiish have more vowel phonemes than many other languages (twenty in
'pneumonia: 'pseud', 'knife', 'know; etc.), another group which end with silent ('comb'. RP as compared qith, for instance, five in Spanish and Italian), but it has a particular}y
'thumb', 'limb' 'climb', and a third with a silent medial letter (e.g. Cwhistle', fasten', large number of diphthongs (eight in RP) and makes extensive use of the central vowel,
'muscle'). Other problems are doubled consonants (eg. 'committee', 'accommodations, schwa, in unstressed syllables regardless of the spelling as was
52 WORLD E NG L! SH ES FUTURE O F

demonstrated in the previous paragraph. In addition, many accent varieties of English Meanwhile, in the US it is predicted that there will be 51 million native speakers includina RP and Generai American
(GA) make copious use of weak forms in con- of Spanish bv the year 2010, making this the second largest group in the US atter nected speech. That is, schwa replaces the vowel quality in words such
as prepositions English, and comprising almost a fifth of the total popuiation. Already non- Hispanic ('tot 'of', 'from; pronouns ('her; 'them', etc.), auxiliaries ('wast 'are; 'has; etc.), arti- whites are in
a minority in California and there are also particularly large numbers of cles ('at (the') and the like. There are also several other features of connected speech Hispanics in Arizona and Texas, However, it
is not only a case of numerical increase: such as elision (loss of sounds), assimilation (modifications to sounds) and liaison the US Hispanic community appears also to be experiencinc -a resurgence of
cultural (linking of sounds across words). All these aspects of English pronunciation conspire pride and confidence' (lhe Guardiai% g March 2001 p. 12), while politicians are beginto make it more diffcult
both to produce and to understand than the pronuncia\ion of ning to pay far greater attention to the Hispanic community's needs than they have many other languages, done hitherto. Meanwhile, Latinos
such as the Puerto Rican Ricky Martin. and JenGrammatically; difficulties relate very particularly to verb forms and functions. nifer Lopez have, respectively, topped world pop music charts and won
important Firstly, English has a large number of tenses al] of Tuvhich have both simple and con- film awards, and stifl more recently the Latin music of artists such as Daddy Yankee, tinuous aspect (present,
past, perfect} past perfecL future, future perfect) and none o: Don Omar and Molotov has been achievina• worldwide popularity (see Mar- Molinero which have a straightforward link with time reference.
Second, there are many modal 2008; 39-40).
verbs ('may', 'will', (cad, 'should, 'ought tot etc.) each with its own problems of form Further evidence that English may eventually give way to another language (or and function, Thirds one of the most
problematic areas for learners of English is that languages - Nfandarin Chinese is another strong contender) as the world's lingua of multi-word (or phrasal) verbs such as {get' ( get up; 'get 'get on', 'get
offt 4get franca is provided by the internet. As Crystal (2006:229—31) points out, over', 'get through, etc.) and take: ('take up', 'take on; 'take in'* 'take ofl take ou€, etc),
Each has several meanings both literal and metaphorical along with complicated rules [The Web) was originally a totally English medium - as was the Internet as a as to whether the verb and particle can
or must be separated for an abject depending whole, given its US origins. But with the Internet's globalization the presence of on whether the verb is classed as adverbial or prepositional Other languages
has steadily risen. In the mid-1990s, a widely quoted figure was Because of these difficulties it would not be surprising if there was eventually a that just over 80 per cent of the Net was in English. move
to abandon English in favour of an international language •with fewer complicating linguistic factors along hith a slightly less obvious colonialist discourse attached However, as he goes on to say, to it,
Spanish appears to be a major contender, with its simpler pronunciations spelling and verb systems, and its increasing influence in both the EU and America, As ihe estimates far languages other than
English have Steadily risen since then, Morenc»Fernåndez and Otero (2008: 81) point out'. with some commentators predicting that before long the Web (and the Internet as a whole) will be predominantly
non m English, as communications infrastruc„
The. sum of native Spanish speakers and non-native Spanish speakers plus those ture develops in Europe, Asia, Africa, and South America. learning the langaage gives a total figure of 438.9 million
Spanish speakers according to the estimations based on the latest consolidated census information Crystal aisa cites a 2004 Global Reach survey which found that 64.8 per cent of a total and on other
sources such as the Cervantes institute. online population of 801.4 million was in countries where English is not the mother tongue, and he notes that Chinese is expected by most sources to become
the majority And according to an article in the Times Higher Education Supplement (14 December language of internet users.
2001 p. 23), Spanish is the second international language of business as its impor Graddol: likewise, considers the role of English on the internet. to be 'only a very tance in the United States grows: In
Europe, there is a massive increase in dernand for passing phase', In his view although the internet has been an important factor in the Spanish, with the number 0k people traveliing to and sitting
Spanish language spread of English around the world, 'the biggest story is not the use of English on the examinations rising by 15 per cent a year, according to the Instituto Cervantes (Spain's internet
 KEY TOPICS I N TH E
but the use of languages other than English' because it is 'a technology that is equivaient of the British Council). in addition, the Dominican Republic, Cuba and very supportive of multilingualisnf (in Elmes
2001: 114-15). in an address to the Brit„ Mexico are becominv increasingly popular tourist destinations while tbe teaching ish Association of Applied Linguistics in 2000, Graddol discussed how the
predomiof Spanish as a foreign language is spreading to many parts of the v•rrorld, In this it is nance of English on the internet was being lose In particular, he pointed to the fact being promoted bv the
Spanish government as part of its aim to strengthen that on the one hand many multilingual sites were emerging v, 7ithin Europe, while on and enhance a pan-Hispanic community across the world* as
weli as 'a desire to con- the other hand, sites which were not to American web users were developing solidate a power bloc with some claim to compete with the overwhelmin€' march of outside Europe.
In Japan, far example, only 15 per cent of users apparently wished ta global Englishi (Mar-Molinet•0 2006: 82). As Mar-Molinero continues, '[t]he Span surf the internet in English.
ish ianguage learning/ teaching industr.y is thus a flourishing and expanding and A little over ten years ago (1997: 51), Graddol predicted that as computer use 'whilst smaller in scale, in many senses it
resembles the enormous EFL/ELT industry( spreads around the world, its English medium content mav fall to as little as 40 per
WORID ENGL I SH E S

cent. Howeve% as he implies more recently (2006: 44), we need to distinguish between users
and material For while the proportion of English Ll internet users dropoed
from 51.3 per cent in 2000 to 32 per cent in 2005, and the proportion of English material has
also been declininb he points out that 'there remains more Eng}ish than is proportionate to
the first \anguages of users'. "Lhis, Graddol observes, couid be the result of a time-lag:
'internet sites in local languages appear only when there exist users who can understand them:
This is plausible given the fact that 'surveys 01 bilingual internet users in the USA suggest
that their use of English sites decljnes as alternatives in their first language become available'.
On the other hand* we carmat completely discount the possibility that a sizeable proportion
of non-native English speakers may prefer to use English on the internet, even if this is more
likely to be 'English in its new global form' rather than in its more traditional (native speaker)
form (see Graddol 2006: Il and C6 below

It is probable, if not certain, that English-medium internet use has passed its peak.
Meanwhile the implications for both the spread and tyoe of English used in other forms
of communication are as yet far from clean
Section B
DEVELOPMENT
IMPLICATIONS AND
ISSUES